The Sun.
London, England, 1844-10-24 00:00:00

protestation in favour of peace, which would give to his
oath an entirely political character. This, truly, was
wanting to crown the visit, and we hope the Debats
will to-morrow recommence its lyrical strophes on
this forgotten circumstance. Is it not a wondrous
spectacle to see the King of the Ftench interrupting a
ceremony of the middle ages by declaring that he takes
as serious the engagemtzt not to make war against
the Queen of England ? Never ! no, never ! It is
the Sovereign of the Order of the Garter who re-
mains naturally the judge who is to decide whether
a war is unjust or impious. The new Knight is
not to acknoiraedge any rule but his oath, and it
is stated that, fit order that he may conform to it to the
letter, Louis Philippe demanded an authentic copy.
It seems to us, however, that, in replying to the munici-
palities of Portsmouth and London, M. Guizot had
sufficiently testified his zealous desire for peace, in
all times and in all parts—it seems to us that the demon-
strations of the entente cordiale had been already quite
ample enough, and that it was quite useless to renew
them by taking an oath. We will not attach to these
impressions more importance than they deserve. Events
are stronger than the wills of men, and the Garter is
not a talisman that can arrest the current of facts, of
interests, and ideas. But what a pitiable part has the
Ministry imposed upon the Monarch Not to hear
peace mentioned without raising his eyes to heaven,
laying his hand upon his heart, and bursting into trans-
ports of love and enthusiasm 1 We shall say no more.
Is this prudent policy, when we may have to-morrow to
defend the rights and honour of our country—is it even
dignified? Last year, the King of Prussia was admitted
into the order of the Garter, anti certainly he took good
care, true friend as he is to peace, not to interrupt the
Chancalor by giving any meaning whatever, to that which
was a mere form. Is it then being too exigent to regnit
the Ministry to impose upon the King of the French
that good taste, that feeling of consistency, which was
was not wanting in the King of Prussia?"

The following just remarks appear in the Paris
Globe

" The value of the welcome given to the King of the
French by the English nation must not be exaggerated
any more than dented. To suppose that this reception,
sincere as it was, signifies that the English will not de-
fend Choir interests when competing with ours would be
absurd to suppose that in return for this reception
France will not defend her interests against those of
England would be equally absurd. It is not necessary to
be a superior man like M. Guizot—not even a man of
common sense—to fancy that a great people are long go-
verned by systematically sacrificing its interests. It is
only for the Opposition journals to believe that. These
journals are like worn-out horses turning the wheel
of a well—they are fit for their functions only when
blind. But, if the question is not to sacrifice the inte-
rests of either of the two nations, what is the question ?
What does the sympathy of the English people signify ?
What is it good for ? We will tell. The English people
does not feel for the King of the French and France a ro-
mantic sympathy. It did not flame up for King Louis
Philippe simply because it saw him, and because the
King replied in good English to the addresses pre-
sented to him. The person and language of the King
have fortified the sentiments of the English people for
the French King and people, but they did not give it
birth. That dates further back than the visit to Windsor.
It is the fashion of the present day, when speaking of
the English people, to represent it as exclusively given
up to the furtherance of its interests, and as caring but
little fur ideas. That is one of those errors which
French heedlessness alone could have established. The
English are fond of positive matters ; but there is 119
people which makes so many material sacrifices for a
political, or philosophical, or religious idea, when it is
thought just. For instance, whatever may be tie
opinion entertained in an economical point of view of the
emancipation of the blacks, it cannot be denied that in
England the idea of emancipation has been really a re-
ligious and philosophical one, and is still so for the ma-
jority of the English nation. The English Govern-
ment, which long rejected the emancipation, seized on
it when it saw that it was in the heart of the nation ;
it used this idea to forward the interests of its
policy, and did in that only what all clever Govern-
ments are in the habit of doing. National ideas and
sentiments are forces which the statesman employs to
move the political machine. But there are in the Eng-
lish people two ideas taking root and developing them-
selves strongly—the idea of liberal propagandism and
pacific propagandism. ,England at present reckons almost
as many liberal and pactfie philosophers as Christian
emancipators. The Revolution of July is in their opi-
nion a great manifestation of modern liberty ; the King
of the French is the venerable personification of Euro-
pean peace ; they saluted in him the liberal Sovereign
and peaceful King. This is so true, that, although the
municipality of London contains a good number of Ra-
dicals, the address to the King of the French was not-
withstanding adopted unanimously, because it was in-
tended for the liberal Sovereign. It is this which ex-
plains the sympathetic movement of the English people
towards the King of the French—this sentiment of verse
ration which is perceptible in the addresses of the cor-
porations—a sentiment which the French journals turned
into ridicule, because they did not comprehend it."

TUE BOURSE-TUESDAY, OCT. 22.

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