The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-06 00:00:00

room a quarter the size of this, and when the largest sub-
scriptions amounted to ss. That is seven years ago. I have
been hopeful and sanguine from the first ; but if ever there
was a time when 1 felt a cold shudder of apprehension, it was
when I read that startling article of the Times at Stroud yes-
terday. Ino sooner read it than I wrote a hasty letter to my
friends at Manchester, and said, " Now, don't let us have any
throwing up of caps. This is just the time when cool heads
will be most wanted.—(Hear.) Don't let anybody become
so intoxicated (I don't mean with drink), but so elated in
spirit as to believe that somebody else is going to repeal the
corn-laws for them." I recalled to their recollection what
took place on the Reform Bill. The people became delirious.
They handed over the charge of watchiag that Bill to others.
They shouted something about the Bill, the whole Bill, and
they left the Bill itself to be frittered away in piecemeal.
You had the 501. clause added to the Bill, and the whole mea-
sure fearfully marred and injured. I remember the friends
of anti-slavery were tricked in the :same way. They had
the seven years' apprenticeship—which they had afterwards
to get rid of—and twenty millions to pay, which some did
not bargain for when they began the agitation for abolition.
Now, as I said to my Manchester friends, let us profit by
the experience of past agitation. Let us take care now that
when the hour of triumph comes that triumph is not turned
into a fearful defeat. When we fancy that we are going to
pluck the fruits of our long toil, let us take care those
fruits are not turned into dust and ashes when in our
grasp.—( Cheers. ) Peel and his colleagues have had a month's
consultation. They have had ten Cabinet meetings.
Nobody doubts that there has been great disunion,
and a long controversy, and nobody doubts either that
what Sir Robert Peel has been aiming at is to bring over a
majority of his Cabinet, in order to save him from the dis-
agreeable issue of a rupture of the Government. We are
now told, and I believe the report to be true, that he has
gained over a majority of his colleagues, who have given him
a carte blanche to act as he likes. Now, what sort of argu-
ments think you has he been using to bring over his col-
leagues ? Has he been offering them some compensation ?
Has he been offering any nice conditions ? If he has been
offering any compensation or condition; if he has made a
bargain, recollect it is you who must pay the price. Now,
there is the malt-tax (and though I have not the privilege
of our friend Punch to be under the council-table) I venture
to surmise that tax has been talked of. I know the farmers
have an infatuated opinion as to the injury the malt-tax in-
flicts on them. I never met a farmer, however rational and
intelligent, who was not bitten with this notion, and quite
irrational on this subject. Every farmer I ever knew
labours under the delusion that the farmer pays the
malt-tax. They do not seem to understand that
the farmer, when he pays the tax, charges it to
his customers, and that these are found in far
greater number in the towns than in the country.—(Hear,
hear.) I don't deny that getting rid of the exciseman for
the malt-house would be a great boon to the maltster. Sir
R. Peel, knowing the feelings of the farmers on the subject,
may propose to get rid of the malt-tax. But how does he in-
tend to make up the five or six millions of taxation thus sa-
crificed? Does he intend to tax any particular class more
heavily, in order to get rid of that tax ?—(Hear, hear.) Not
the malt-tax only, but other questions have no doubt been
discussed. Will he attempt to conciliate his colleagues by
a re-adjustment of taxation? We have heard a great deal
of exclusive burdens, though we could never get a word of
evidence on the subject, and though the monopolists refused
to attend any tribunal for the examination of the subject.
But, no doubt, a great deal has been said about exclusive
burdens in the Cabinet ; and, it may be, that Sir Robert made
an offer of this kind : if you will give up the corn-laws we
can make the towns pay the poor-rates for the country, and
the highway rates, in addition to their own paving-rates, and,
it may be, that he proposed thechurch-rates in the rural dis-
tricts should be somehow paid by the towns; and that, in
addition to the expenses of prosecuting and maintaining pri-
soners, you should be liable to a similar charge for the relief
of Mr. Miles and his supporters in the agricultural districts.
—(Hear, and a laugh.) I merely suggest these as probable
topics of discussion in the Cabinet; and at all events as
they have been so pressed by the protectionists, it is right to
assume that Peel, who is the protectionist's Minister, is still
ready to do the dirty work of his masters on these ques-
tions, as he has been on others.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Now, I am ready to agree with the Noble Lord who spoke
here, and to say I am as ready to take this measure of re-
lief from Sir Robert Peel as from any one else. We should
not be true to our principles if we did not make that candid
avowal. But our principle is the total, immediate, and un-
conditional repeal of the corn and provision laws.—(Loud
and continued cheering.) We do not intend to buy their
repeal. I say we could not, in the face of this country, or of
the civilised world, come before them with any decency and
say we were willing to purchase our freedom. We demand
it as a right, and we have no right to it unless we can so de-
mand.it.—(Loud cheers.) We say the moment we acknow-
ledge any conditions, the moment we begin to huckster
about a principle, that moment we become contemptible in
the eyes of our countrymen. The Premier may be desirous
of winning the honour and fame in history of being handed
down as the instrument by which the corn-laws were re-
pealed. But if he do repeal them, it is the League and the
League only that is entitled to the credit of the good
work.—(Loud cries of " Yes," and cheers for some time.)
We are stronger than Prime Ministers, and the way in
which we have become so is by working honestly and con-
sistently in the face of our countrymen for seven years, and
our countrymen trust us, but do not trust the present Prime
Minister.—(Loud cheers.)_ Now, do you think that Sir R.
is disposed, at the meeting of Parliament, in the same manly,
frank, and honourable way that Lord John Russell has done,
to declare his reasons for a change in his opinions, and to
submit a proposition for the total and immediate repeal of the
corn-laws? No, I don't believe he is so prepared, because I
never saw him do anything of that kind yet.—(Hear, and
laughter.) But if he will propose it, and do it fairly,, and do
it honestly, he shall have our support to enable him to carry
it.—(Cheers.) But don't take it for granted that Sir Robert
Peel intends to do anything of the kind. I have been assum-
ing that he was about to propose this change, and if ho do
we shall take it at his hands; but if he does come to our ser-
vice, he must bear in mind that he will come without a good
character from his last employers.—(Much laughter.) When
be comes into our service he will have to act very differently
from the manner in which he has hitherto conducted his
administration. We will have no more of that double-faced
dealing which I have witnessed with disgust in the House of
Commons for the last four years, of openly playing into the
hands of opposite parties, in a way which one can hardly
say is more discreditable to the intelligence or morality of
his countrymen.—(Hear, hear.) You have heard allusion
made to one specimen of this dealing, when he told one set
of Members, " 'Tis true you have to bear an income-tax, but
you will be compensated for this by the cheapness of provi-
sions, guaranteed by my tariff;" and then, before our faces
turning round, he told his supporters, " Don't be alarmed, no
cattle can come to lower your prices from Spain or any other
country."—(Hear, hear.) During the progress of our career
we would fain have a strong hand or two from the political
parties to rock the cradle of that infant freedom over which
we watched; but now that it has reached a giant's strength,
don't suppose that Peel, or any other Minister, is to conduct
it in its maturity. There is more neceasity than ever for re-
solution, not as displayed in mere talk, but in active working.
We intend to work still, and we have come here to talk about
the mode of working with most effect. You have heard of the
progress of the 40s. franchise. The agitation of the ques-
tion of free trade compelled us to ponder over the instru-
ments by which we could hope to eflect this great end, and
I think we have some merit in having induced our country.
men to think more on this subject. We saw ourselves con-
fronted in the House by Members from every county. With
one venerable exception, Mr. Villiers's motion had not a
county supporter. We asked how it was that the counties
were in the hands of the monopolists? We took up the
Reform Bill, and we found, to counteract the Chandos clause,
the 40s. franchise. Having so far succeeded in our county
operations in the north, we have made a selection of twenty-
five counties more. Our agents are visiting them, and we
are visiting them to stir them up, as we hope to do you to-
night.—(Cheers and laughter.) Don't relax because you
hear tidings of the decisions of Government, or of the break-
ing up of cabinets. .Do not relax for any consideration.
We are influencing Government. The most potent argu-
ment Sir Robert Peel has to influence the aristocracy is,
" Look to the League.—( Loud cheers.) What is it doing?
It has won the large boroughs, it has won the largest
counties. It now possesses four counties, which in wealth,
population, and influence are more than equal to all the other
counties in England. They are now extending their ex-
ertions to twenty-five counties more. They have money at
hand, and can in fact have it to any extent. How can you
stand against such an organisation as that? You must put
it down, and dissolve it by abolishing the bread-tax, or very
possibly it will not content itself with the downfal of that
odious impost, and the end will be that that formidable body
willput you down "—(Cheers,) Such is the argument held
by Sir Robert Peel to the aristocracy, and the only one by
which they are likely to be moved. The forty-shilling free-
hold movement is one which is at this moment striking ter-
ror into the hearts of the aristocracy. Therefore, I say,
persevere in it.—(Cheers.) Form your committee. Work
it. You will want funds. Well, we shall supply them. Yoa
have contributed here to our stock, very many of you hand-
somely, some munificently. All that has been so given has
flowed into a common reservoir. We want no money in
South Lancashire, but we can't be idle either with purse or
tongue, and are interested in the great work wherever it be
carried on. We shall come and help you to achieve it here.
—(Loud cheers.) I have done. I attempt to wind up my
speech with no ambitious peroration. I simply, in conclu-
sion, repeat my request, my entreaty to form committees, to
commence in good earnest the battle in the registration
courts, and from this to the 20th of next January let your
watchwords be—Qualfy, qualify, qualify t--(The Hon. Gen-
tleman resnmed his seat amid cheering, which lasted for
many minutes.)
Mr. MILNER Gummi then came forward, and was receittd
in the most enthusiastic manner. He said—After the very
impressive and powerful speech which has been delivered by
my friend Mr. Cobden, it would be presumptuous in me to
endeavour to amplify the subject of his address, or to trespass
long upon your indulgence. I must, however, thank you
cordially for the kind reception which you gave me when the
'Chairman introduced my name to this meeting, and I beg to
express to you all the gratitude in my power for the enthu-
siasm which you have displayed in my regard.—(Cheers.) I
feel proud to witness such an assemblage, and I shall go
back from this meeting with the strongest impression that
the citizens of Bristol are, as the citizens of this commercial
and important city ought to be, animated with a firm deter-
mination to put down the odious and detestable system of
corn-laws, and they are resolved not to be diverted
from their purpose by deceptive promises or sur-
mises from newspapers, however influential.—(Loud cheers.)
I shall go away. from this meeting with a feeling that
the people of Bristol are a type of those whom I have met in
other parts of the district—that they are resolved to assert
their rights to commercial freedom, and that they will be con-
tent with nothing but a total and unconditional repeal of the
corn-laws.—(Leud cheers.) I wish that our opponents were
present at this meeting, for they can have no idea of the in-
telligence, and unanimity, and enthusiasm, which prevail
here: they think that our meetings are like the niettlnest
which they witness of the protection socleties—(tatighter)—
and they cannot imagine the logical arottietita whiel, are
brought forward—the application of the !smelts,-
economy to those ordinary details whiel. of
political
piness ; bat they think that our- --
most affect our hap-
protection societies, at set-• are like the meetings of the
stitution—(Laup+'
iland ; but " ,er)..nch they talk of the glorious con-
-and the woodtn walls of Old Eng-
heed. . suer might Mae correctly say, " the wooden
of Old bnitlatid"—(Renewed laughter and cheerit)—
.or it is to the wooden heads df Old England, We nwit that
unfortunate policy which impeder, tradii *tali restricts in-
dustry, and *hick, 14 i-a 4, It the cause of most of those
evils in titkt ebnitherclal system which this country •
loit.—(Hear, hear.) I have not beer
dep
LO
expecting a
eed over isanguine in
judice and error consciousd of the great barriers which pre-
us ; I therefore nbeevener.klimlcaasgoifneself-interestthat
success
raisedss w ou
ladgbaiensos t
question which was only t.tieems to me that no great public
speedy,as it has
corne.usame time before the public
that this question of the
has been, had ever sack
rapid and _decided success.—ja
opinion that truth must eventuallyern.u)mpih was
ser aelrwroar3,sanodf
that freedom would succeed at lengthamagoaiunst tyranny and
strugglnetarfoliinnst, I must
andßeur
error,
r, rememberingwhicwhich
we ha
dtl
t).
oe
prejudice,
tinimjusidtiitcye:
confess that I am astonished at the comma
which we have so rapidly attained..—(Cheers.)
the final triumph of your principles, in the total repeal of the.
corn-laws, is within your reach if you only put out yob