The Sun.
London, England, 1826-11-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

We hinted some time ago the suspicions which were
circulated, that Miniaters,. • worried and • terrified by the
country Gentlemen, had resolved on skulking out of the
question, whether the existing corn laws Shall or shall not
be repealed. But it seems to us, on reconsidering the
subject, that the course of action anticipated for his Mit-
jesty's Ministers was one which, from shame as well as
'humanity, they would be little disposed to adopt, and,
moreover, one which they durst not attempt, however
much they might be inclined to it. Lord Liverpool, and
Mr. Hushisson stand equally pledged to bring forward the
question of the corn laws. The general policy of a free
trade in every other species of transportable merchandise,
is one which has been too powerfully reasoned upon by
both these commercial Statesmen, too deliberately em-
braced by them, too recently as well as too solemnly esta-
blished, and above all, too clearly. proved to be inevitable,
for any Chimerical notion to be entertained of its speedy
read or extensive modification, by its authors. England,
Were she to play fast and loose with such high interests as
those which are involved in the general system of her
trade with foreign nations, would become, not merely the
laughing-stock of the world, she would be considered as af-
llieted by a flutes of diseases which her legislators and coun-
cillors felt to be incurable. Her transit from prohibitions and
monopoly to free trade, then again, within 12 months,
from free trade to a resumption of the old prohibitory system,
would never pass with mankind for spontaneous and bold ex-
periments of calculating wisdom, suggesting themselves to
a people who had many resources within their choice; but
rather fur the restless tossings of a sufferer stretched upon
his dying bed, to whom any and every change of position
brought a momentary suspension of torture. It is, We re-
peat, a moral impossibility now to discard the boasted im-
provements made within these two years upon the com-
mercial policy of England. The country must abide by
them, or be disgraced" and no restoration of the old,
exclusive, and prohibitory statutes wbuid henceforth in-
demnify her for national dishontntr by a relief from the
ruin of her manufacturers. ror what has occasioned the
decline of nur manufacturing industry—the less Of the
home market? No; we still have that entire. A revival
of the prohibitions would not give. bur manufacturing
eople a more complete corn •of the home. mar-
ket
(speaking generally) than they have at present, for
they can have but the whole. What then have they lost?
foreign market. It was the supply of foreign
• markets with-British goods which produced the amazing
prosperity of the British Manuflacturer, which caused such
ustornshing flow of capital into the cotton, the woollen,
and the hardware departments of trade such regiments
of adventurers into activity—the cotton adventurer to force
the markets with goods,. end the paper adventurer to sup-
ply him with fictitious resources. This has now disap-
peared—the storm came, and every crank and crazy and
ill-found vessel perished. The foreign Market got, as was •
in the long-run natural, into foreign hands--or into En-
glish hands, paralyzed by Mint at home, and naturalized in
foreign countries. This is the true cause of our decay as
a manufacturing people. There is no question upon that
point; mei it is a cause which must be permanent, or
the .4'onlequences of it mint extend, if measures prompt
Wed energetic be not instantly taken to circumscribe
them. be consequences, now exhibited in the foreign
market, must extend to the home market, because fo-
reign manufacturers, who have begun by beating us out
of the supply of their respective • countries, • will improve
their skill with every bale of cloths that they finish, so as
to produce better cloths with each successive trial, and at
the same expense : they will also, by the sale of each new
'web of cloth, increase their capital, as to enlarge their
tales, and to be eattilied with less profit on each separate
article. Hemel the present occupiers of the foreign market
twill become by and by invaders of • the English market;
thireshall we be beaten: at •home as well as abroad, and
instead of enjoy iug a monopoly every where, we (that is,
the British manufacturers) shall be every where oppressed
by nil exclusion. Why is this ? Because the hands or
an English weaver are tied up. lie cannot live on his
wages, and he cannot work and `starve. r And what is the
remedy ? One says, let there be a monopoly in every-
article in favour of the British manufacturer, and against
the British consumer; let there be, say others--and roe
ere among them—free trade in every thing, for the sake of,
end to the certain benefit of both. For what will monopoly
do on behalf of. the manufaCturer ? Nothing; but every
thing for the smuggler, whom it enriches at the eipenee
both of the weaver and the consumer in this country.—
Ala what will. •be the 'effect of a free trade comprehend,
ings,,mind that—a free trade in • corn ? It enables the
British manufacturer, first, to defend the home market
against the foreigeer who threatens it; and next, to
carry, as he was want to . do, , his arms abroad, and
attack the foreigner upon the very ground from, Which the
corn laws, conjoined with excessive taxes, (although they
stand but in the second rank,) have enabled within these
feW years .the foreign manufacturer to
.displace his old
English rival. Our plain opinion, on the whole, is this--
Ist. That the British cotton, woollen, mid silk .manufac-
tures are worse off, tinder a partial free trade, than under
the former systeth of monopoly. 2d. That 'it is impos-
sible now to re-establish the monopoly. so recently
abolished. 3d. That the evil of a free trade in manufac-
tures, combined with a monopoly in bread, can be. cured
by no other human !TIMIS' but an extension of the liberty'
to import corn. • A letter, in the faint of a pamphlet, 'hits
been addressed to Lord Liverpool by a Mr. Blain, upon
" the revision of the corn laws :" • but the :.gentleman, we
think, goes quite astray in his adherence to, the wretched
system of averages, as well as his under estimate of the
price of 'cern in,the Baltic, He is further well satisfied
with wheat •at per quarter. We. are not; ftir the
obvious reason, that our manufactures desert its, because,
with wheat at 575. per quarter, they cannot be sold at a

A letterwe suppose we may say a second latter—has
appeared from Mr. Ellice on the subject of the Greek
Loan, and his connection with that unfortunate trans-
action. Had Mr. Ellice been content in this second let-
ter, as in the first, with saying nothing whatever excul-
patory of himself, we do not know that we should have
given his production so severe a handling as we now think
it our duty to do. But when, in addition to leaving his
own cause in the lurch, he, for the sake of misdirecting the
public attention, endeavours to cast imputations upon
others, for which imputations.he has not, afid he does not
even pretend that he halt, the slightest authority, it is high
vine to show some zeal in the cause of truth anti justice
t is upon Mr. LuriottiS that he Would cast the imputa-
tion
of falsehood, and as the public must come to a con-
clusion upon► some of the,coiNitiroverted paints, as they
t)
attach the greater credit Luriottis or to Mr.
Ellice, it is of importance
to show what may; be the
character of the former
that has met Luriottieda
gentleman.hr The only person.
charges like` a man, with-
out shuffling or equivocation Mr. Hume. We do
not certainly approve of Ni i
Mr.
the pre‘eteits conduct ; butoe
Does
that has nothing to do with
he deny any one of the charges brought by t j t
at • t 's Aga'
him ? Does he impute falsehood to his accitlie)er?
st
unequivocally, No. On the contrary, he openly and almost
miraculously confirms every fact that Luriottis had pre-
viously alleged. Now, if there were ever a eircumstfillee
which, however attested, would have excited doubt in an
inquirer,—if there ever were ;tit allegation so improbable,
that the most solemn evidence could , not have procured
credit for it, it was that allegation of the 541. interest; and
yet upon this most improbable, nay almost incredible point
was Mr. Luriottis pronounced, by Mr. Hume, to be reii,
giously correct. Whether, therefore, Luriottis be deserving
of implicit credit after this, we may leave to the world to
decider. Mr. Ellice says, " he is accused of having received
14,090/, aliticardo's commission." Who accused him, we
esk Not Luriottis. He neither knew, nor could know,
anything on.that subject. We certainly stated that Such
was the rumour upon 'Change. But if Mr. Ellice
had none of the commission, it is very easy for the Ri-
cardos to say so, or to state what part he had. Mr. El-

Lee says that "it is to give plausibility to this idle false-
hood (of the I. 1,0001.) that Luriottis alleges my extreme
anxiety to induce himself and his -colleagues to _conclude
the contract with the Ricardos." Luriottis having no-
thing to do with the falsehood, had no interest to give it
plausibility ;—but we Will venture to ask Mr. Ellice if he
means to deny having been in Lin iottis's house, before
daylight one morning in February—the very morning of
Luriottis's return from Paris—urging him to set aside the
French contract ? However, in the dark or the sun's
[warns, Mr. Ellice does now acknowledge, and is forced to
acknowledge, that he did induce Mr. Luriottis to reject
the French engagement. The only matter of importance,
therefore, upon this point, is, which was the more advanta-
geous—the French or the English ? And here, we confess,
we view at this moment with such astonishment what Mr.El-
lice has written, that we can hardly believe our own eyes.
The English loan was 55} ; "but in the meantime," says he,
" Mr. Luriottis bad engaged in a provisional one at Paris,
at the ostensible price of 59; but if I remember rightly the
details, on much worse terms, when the commission and
other deductions were considered, than with Messrs. Ri7
cardo." Remember rightly! if you remember rightly !
Why, this is the whole question upon which you have to
acquit yourself !---whether the French terms were better
or worse than the English; and now you say they were
" much worse," if you remember rightly! Why did you
urge the Deputies to accept a contract of in preference
to one of 59, if the motive were so trifling that you cannot
now remember it ? But there is another part of Mr. El-
lice's letter, of which we cannot speak in terms of repre-
hension sufficiently strong. Mr. Luriottis had stated (and
the committee had punished the statement.), that' he had
reused to accept any part of the 7,1i001. set aside for the
Greek Deputies. On this .Mr. Ellice says, that he does
not know what credit is due to. Mr. Luriottis for this claim
to disinterestedness, and therefore (because he does not
know) advises the public to suspend their judgment upon
ittill they have some information respecting it from his
colleagues. We do not believe that there ever took place
in human affairs,- or that there exists now in public writ-1
ing, ail), case like this, in which a man having no accusa-
tion to bring against another, not daring to charge him
with a falsehood, but simply disbelieving, or pretend-
ing 'to disbelieve, -what he says, Shall-upon his own in-
credulity have requested the public to suspend their
judgment, • or, in other words, to hold an unaccused per-
son as a suspicious character. Mr. Ellice, what right
have you to eall upon the public to suspend their
judgment respecting Mr. Luriottis, because you do
not know what credit is. due to him ? Ask the public
to suspend their judgment upon yourself, if you please,
till you shall have published a more eatisfactory explanation
of your, conduct. Such a request on your part would be
precedented and ordinary. But let the public deal as they.
please with others. We know not, really, whether it is
from incapacity or intention on the part of the writer, but
the rest of the letter is written in so confused a manner,
that we really cannot extract out of it what Mr. Ellice
would wish to state, or to have believed, respecting the
10,0004 Which was said'to have been placed in the hands
of his bankers, as soon as the contract was signed for build-
ing a boat, for which these 10,0001. were to pay. "He
has now received from town," he says, " the particulars
of the moneyreceived for the steam-boat." Very well.'
How did he receive them ? By the three penny post.—
" And although the money was certainly placed at his int..'
mediate disposal, there never was a balance of 2,0001. in
the hands of the persons to whom the management of this
part of the business was confided." Who said there was
What is meant by this irrelevant matter? It is probable
that- Mr. Ellice, as well as others dipped in the same
transaction, may talk of the discovery now making with
regard to the Greek loan, "as a nine-days' wonder." We
shall therefore explain what occurrences do, and what do
not, come under that proverbial description of a nine-days'
wonder. They are nine-days' wonders which have refe-
rence to people that are never heard of afterwards, that
sink into obscurity for ever, when the bustle of the affair
which brought there into peculiar notice has subsided. But
no man who means in future to appear upon the stage of
public life, can ever antler a transaction in which his cre-
dit or honour are concerned to %Aside, without afford-
ing the fullest explanation of his conduct: Such a
transaction will revive again and again in the general
remembrance, so long us he lives and attracts notice.—
Ibid.

We this day publish' a letter transmitted to us by Lord
Cochran°. It of course abstains from speaking of his Lord-
ship's views and naval projects, and with the latest pro-
ceedings in London he is unacquainted.—lbid.

The cause of Greece is, at this moment, in a much
more deplorable state, perhaps; than it has been at any pe-
riod since the commencement of the struggle. The' no-
velty of the scene—the oppression of the Turks, and the
flattering prospects of independence and liberty, at first
animated every ono to stand forth in behalf of his country.
The manner in which they conducted themselves for some
time, both by sea and land, did great credit to their bra-
very and national feeling, and threw into' the shade and
even rendered ridiculous the partial and vain attempts at
revolution made by the Italians and Spaniards. The result,
however, it is to be feared, will be nearly the same.—
Searcely ayy thing short of a miracle, or the interference of
the other European Powers, can save them. Their Chiefs
by quarrelling with one another commenced the work of
destruction ; and their friends in this country, by similar
quarrels, and mismanagement, and peculation, have com-
pleted it. It is hardly possible, indeed, from all appear-
ance, for may cause to be more hopeless. We may be mis-
taken, and hope we are so, for the sake of a people who,
with all their faults, have made a noble stand against op-
pression; but it is quite impossible to shut our eyes to the
scenes which are passing. By the failure of the expedition
intended for Lord Cochrane, the most favourable opportu-
nity has been lost; and even supposing that it had not, and
that two frigates, the most that can be counted on, and a
similar number:of steankmats were at his command, what
could be done without Money, and where could money to
any amount be now raised for the Greeks ? Their friends
on the Continent may continue their subscriptions, and
peihaps in this country a new feeling may be excited in
their flavour, but it is well known that subscriptions will
go but a short way in currying on a war. A third loan is
out of the question ; and the Greeks probably in a short
time will be left to their own resources, and to fight their
battles alone. We inclined to think that little relief
can be expected from the European Powers. The Go-
vernment of this country, if. it be not quite impartial, is
more likely to be in favour of the Turks than the Greeks.
If the Greeks were successful in establishing an independ-
ent republic, the lonian Islands would most probably make
an attempt to imitate their brethren, and throw off the pro-
tection of England. They perhaps too, from their loge of
money, might find it convenient to sell some of their
islands to the American Government, and thereby afford a
footing in the Mediterranean to our rivals. In case of a
war too, they might be more inclined to side with the
Americans—republicans, like 'themselves—than with a
Government that for a king time has been on the most
friendly terms with their oppressors. They might form
settlements in Egypt, mid in time open a way for our ene-
. rnies in the East. In short, there are a number of reasons
for our Government favouring the Turks; and we suspect
that the-Russians and Austrians, if they should side with
the other party, would do so only with the hopes of ob
taining a share in the booty, or of ruling over them. To
suppose that Austria and Russia would unite with Eng-
hind and France 'to protect rebels—men who have openly
violated the most sacred principles of the, Holy
and that too without obtaining some increases of territory,
or 601110 reward for their interference--i$ quite out of the
question. We see no hopes. for the Greeks, indeed, but
ni
to themselves,
their own energy, and their dread of retaliation from the
advice that Lord Byron e them—to:trust
„ was perhaps the best that could be given;
aanntdi itletitiotrferlaiuodidy.gs he had of danger from "Turkish force
in modern tim •
es, may b_
ttheapirit of prophecy, even
joined with that of poetry. It is
prophecy should have so
distressing to thinxin'tohvaete

soon fulfilled, and that the latter part of it should apply
almost solely to England and America--countries that
boast of their liberty and justice, and that ought to have
been the last to defraud a nation struggling for such bless-
ings.,—Morning Herald.
We have extracted from The County Herald, a brief,
but very able historical account of the law respecting the
closing up of foot-paths, down to the last grand improve-
ment, under which the manifold acts of oppression com-
mitted by interested Magistrates have roused the most in-
dignant feeling throughout every part of the countrye—;
This is one of the many usurpations on the rights of the
people, in which the Great Unpaid have been incessantly
engaged during the last century. .We have here a preg-
nant illustration of the truth of the maxim of Harrington,
that "Accumulation of Magistracy is neither just nor
equal; nor the confounding of executive and legislative
Magistracy safe." The same men, who either compose
or make the Parliament, assume to themselves the execu-
tion of the laws, in the separate character of Justices of
Peace. They are thus armed at all points against the peo-
ple. If the execution of the laws were in other bands,
some difficulty might occur, in giving even to the worst lalivs
an effect uniformly in favour of the interested law-makers :
but they watch with the most sacred care over that
which gives them a power to oppress, possessed by no
class of men in any civilized country. Whether in a
country like England, of which the Government is
Oligarchical and the Aristocracy All-powerful, it would
be possible to possess a system .„ of local Magis-
tracy . sufficiently independent to afford protection
to the people against their superiors, is a question to
which different answers will be returned by different
people. We think the thing possible. But of this there
can be no question—that under no Magisterial system
could so many notorious abuses take place, so much de
testable jobbing in all its modifications, under none could
the poor be left so completely at the mercy of the rich, as
" under that .of the Great Unpaid. The end and object of
that system is, to give the most unlimited scope to plun-
der and oppress the people in every possible way.
,There
is hardly a single trust reposed in the Great Unpaid, which
they have not abused to the purpose of gratifying a low
and sordid selfishness. Were there no other instances,
the jobbing in public-houses, by which an immense tax
is levied on the people of England—not to mention the
deleterious compounds which they are forced to swallow
by the monopolists—would alone be sufficient to settle
the character of the Unpaid Magistracy. The oppres-
sion in the way of closing up foot-paths has been car-
ried to such an extremity, as .to rouse the people in the
North to form Societies for the vindication of their
rights against the usurpations of the Magistracy. But
though the people of the North have been first in the
field, the Magistrates of the South are not, less ao-
tive than their brethren elsewhere. We are constantly
receiving letters, detailing the struggles between Magi-
strates and the people with respect to foot-paths. A late
case communicated to us will show the barefaced length
to which Justices will go in keeping each other in counte-
nance in their unrighteous doings. There was lately an
appeal to the Quarter Sessions of the County of Sur-
rey, against an order of Justices, for stopping up a foot-
path about a mile from Guildford, and by the good for-
tune alone of the Clerk to the Justices having made a
technical mistake in the wording of the notice, the Ses-
sions were obliged to allow the appeal. Though the
signature of only two Magistrates is necessary to an order
of this description, five actually signed it, and as there
would thus have been so many parents bound to foster
their bantling, in case it should be carried to the Quarter
Sessions, without this technical error, the prospect of
the appellants would have been gloomy in the extreme.—
The grounds over which the path passed belonged to
one Magistrate living in the parish, and the mansion-
house of another Magistrate stands at one end of the
path ; and, horrible to relate ! the public, to go this
way, walked close to the pallisades of the shrubbery
belonging to the latter. These two gentlemen were
of cnurse the projectors of the order ; and though there
was suarelly eau hitihiithisi out of the ' 'Magistracy,
within ten miles of the place, who did- not regret the
probable loss of the path, it being used by all classes for
recreation, business, and convenience, it is understood the
Sessions would, under the influence of their interested
brethren, have confirmed the order, and finally shut up the
path, had the " merits" (to use the legal misapplied term)
been gone into. But though this job was frustrated, a
large bill for surveyors' charges, for plans, tavern charges
for witnesses at Kingston, &c., was necessarily incurred,
which was defrayed by a subscription purse, raised by per-
sonspatggwriileivperdobcaobmlymipuriietvye.nt Tthbee oscilgiuniinngincurred by the
no otherwise interested in the Path, than as members
ofa teat 73
a fresh
though, if the Magistrates choose, they may harass
order,rass
th
people every year with the same expence, till they succeed
in their attempt. The misfortune is, that there are no
men in Parliament, possessed of leisure and good will
sufficient to enable them to check our Magisterial Legis-
lators in their career of usurpation. The Lawyers in, the
House, if they were disposed to render themselves unpo-
pular with the Squires, have not the time. It is as much
as they can do to afford time for a speech occasionally on
soma popular topic of discussion. Mr. Hume is already
overwhelmed with the labour of watching the expenditure
of the country. Every interest is thus protected in Par-
liament, but the interests of the people.—Morning
Chronicle. .

We shall not be suspected of any partiality towards Mr.
Wilks, jun., nor of any vehement desire to see him in Par-
liament; but we abhor persecution; and there does seem
to exist a disposition in some quarters to hunt down this
individual, because the hue and cry has been once raised.
The recent proceedings at the Mansion-House are a proof,
that a man, with ninety-nine admitted offences, will not
be-long before some alienated friend, or eager enemy, will
try to fix upon him the hundredth. But malice of this
kind commonly overshoots its mark. Mr. Wilks's situa-
tion is sufficiently unenviable, sufficiently humiliating, to
disarm the most bitter hostility; and to rake up every for-
gotten transaction of his past life, only for the ignoble pur-
pose of indulging in long suppressed rancour, may finally
end in elevating him to the honours of martyrdom. " The
quarrel is a very pretty ono, as it is," observes Sir Lucius
0' Trigger, and Mr. Wilkes- case is in the same predica-
ment. We would net have the honest impulses of truth
vitiated by the maudlin sensibility, which the display of
real, or learning, oppression, is sure to excite. Leave him
alone. Enough is recorded to make him a distinguished
Member of the House of Commons, whenever he may
take his seat there.—New Timer.