The Sun.
London, England, 1828-09-08 00:00:00

of Peace to meet too often in Quarter Sessions;
but, fortunately for us, a regular provision for Justice
would enable us to free them from the necessity of
making such a heavy sacrifice of their time on our
Recount. As to the machinery of Grand Juries,
it Gray, indeed, be very well dispensed with. a
man receives a fair trial soon after he is accused,
he can have no cause of complaint ; and we
do not see why an unnecessary. burden- should
be thrown on society, in serving incessantly
on grand juries. Nothing shows so much the utter
indifference of the higher classes of England to
'clie situation of the lower classes, than the circum-
stance of the evil of holding to bail in paltry cases of
assault should have been suffered to exist so long,
with the evidence allbrded, that in one prison up-
wards of 2,000 individuals every year were cooped•
up on that account alone. No doubt the difficulty •
must be much greater in the metropolis than in the
country of finding bail; and hence the proportion
for the country w►ll not be nearly so heavy, But
still there must be a large mass of persons in the
kingdom suffering the rigours of a long imprison-
ment, from inability to procure -bail. The impri-
sonment is most nnnecessary, because the failure to
appear might be taken as a confession of guilt, and
subject the defendant to punishment: If a man
chooses to abscond, be in reality inflicts a heavier
punishment on Inimself than the law would inflict on
him.

(FROM TUE 111ORNING HERALD.)

A Noble Earl in Wiltshire is said to have dis-
charged all his gamekeepers, and given permission
to his numerous tenantry to sport over their respec-
tive farms. We suspect that the Noble Earl will
have no reason to-regret this ; but that he and his
friends will have just as much sport, and that he will
see his table quite as well supplied, as when he had
a tribe of licensed poachers ,(for the majority of
gamekeepers are no better) quartered upon him.
We are glad too that this example has been set by
greattt landed proprietor in that very county where
the Game Laws have been strained to the most
cruel and impolitic extent; and certain we are _that
the Noble Lord, and those who, we trust, will be
rowel to follow. his example, will sleep none the
worse for the consciousness that the county prj,son
is not thronged, and the morals of the agricultural
population defiled, by their unreasonable " pursuit of
A vain and worthless object. We rejoice, too, that
thii example has been set by one cf the old aristo- '
(lacy, who on this subject, we believe, have borne a
great deal of the odium which ought to alight upon
the Ravi homilies, those mushroom excrescences of
the Squirearchy, who, having been unexpectedly set
on horseback, seem, in the terms of an old pro-
verb, scarcely to know where they would ride
tn. There can be little doubt but that great
part of the evil of the Game Laws has arisen from
the over-preservation of game, by means of which
the Cockney shooter has contrived to indulge him-
self in a battu or two in the year, instead of enjoy-
ing a whole season of fair legitimate sport. This has
suited the gamekeeper still better than his employer,
as the evidence before the Lords' Committee incon-
testibly proves; where it is placed beyond a doubt,
that some of the principal sellers of game are those
who are paid by their masters as its preservers.—
This being the case, we are glad that an instance
has occurred of the master's eyes being open to this
abuse ; and that one great landowner has been found
to tut the Gordian knot by which a false interest
was kept up, which was advantageous only to the
party for whose advantage it was not intended.—
The farmers, besides, are the legitimate game-
keepers. rite way in which the tenants in question
are said to be treated, is that in which they should
all be used. They feed . the game, and they will
preserve it, to as great art extent, at least, as it need
be preserved for any fair sportsman, or any rea-
sonable purpose; and we trust, therefore, that the
success with which this experiment of Lord Rad-
nor's will be crowned, may be such as to induce
others to do the same thing, and thus bring about
that practical amelioration of the Game Laws which
Puliament, much to its discredit, has not had the
sense QK the patriotism to effect.

(FROM THE NI.W TIMES.)

Our observations on the Small Bill Currency of
Lancashire, and the admissions of the Duke of Wel-
liogton, in a correspondence to which we referred,
with certain eminent country bankers, have called
down upon us the rebuke of a certain Morning Jour-
nal, which we certainly did not expect would offer
any opinion on such a subject. We give our con-
temporary credit for the best intentions; but, with-
out designing any offence, we think it would evince
more judgment if it abstained from discussing a
question which it is plain it does not understand. If
the Morning Post had locomotive powers, and the
gift of speech, and were to walk some morning into
some fashionable milliner's shop, or into that of
some respectable tailor, located either in Bond-street,
or within the lines of Temple-bar, and were to in-
quire whether the artist therein could render a rea-
son why York and Carlisle could not as easily resort
to a metallic currency as the city of London, un-
doubtedly the said- artist would reply he saw no
earthly obstacle whatever : " We have done
it," would the respectable tradesman observe,
" and what is to hinder the stupid and
ignorant people of the country from doing
the same ?" This sort of reply from a London
milliner or tailor would be natural and insulting
enough ; but it is just each an answer as would be
given; and is precisely that which the Post, and a
few of its Metropolitan friends, invariably give.
We have done it," say these ultra-wise people,
" and therefore we insist, that the people out-y:
doors, the pi;ople who live in the country,ought to
do the same l" Far be
it from us to make any at-
tempt to convince these persons by argument that
they are in error. We cannot afford time for a task
thankless and unprofitable. All that Wu desire to
do is, to submit such suggestions, in a diffident and
temperate manner, as may induce them to study the
subject better, . and make some effort to comprehend
it. We have asserted that a large portion of the
circulating medium of Lancashire consists of trades-
men's bills, payable, not to the bearer at sight or on
demand, but so many months after date ; and which
bills pass current as if they were notes of the Bank
of England. Our contemporary says, that these
notes are not created by any acts of the Government
—that they do not owe their existence to the Ines-
allre of Mr. Peel, which, it is expected, will come
into operation in April next. We affirm that they
do.. Here,. aherefore, is issue joined—here is a case
to go to the Jury upon the facts. That these notes
abound is admitted by every man conversant with
business in Lancashire—that they never were so
abundant as at this moment is equally incontestiblc
—that they are used by bankers in a way never known
before is inclisputable, and if these circumstances have
not been produced by the last edition of the Currency
Bill, how are they to lie accounted for ? The pro-
fits of country bankers are principally derived from
lending their credit to others, which credit -costs
them nothing Gut the price of starnprs, paper, risk,
the rent of their premises, and the salaries of their
clerks. For this credit the bankers charge an ad
valorem custom of five pounds per centum per
annum. if they are compelled to have gold in their
possession equal to the amount, or nearly so, of.
these transactions, it is plain that they Cannot hazard
them at so low a rate of interest. If they have any
unemployed cipital it is better to invest it in laud,
or in the Funds, than lend it out to tradesmen, ma-
nufacturers, farmers, or others. The Government
has interfered with their most profitable circulation,
and it has passed a law to restrain them from issuing
it after the sth day of the next month of April. Bat
the banker has a right to avail himself 4.c'et't'filir
means to defeat the effect of this law, raid be there-
fore, in Lancashire, and especiallt in Liverpool, has
resorted to the small bill e4pedient. Werf;, he toAis-
count with his own notes, tbesomight be returned to
him in an hour aft erwards,and gold demanded for them.
He cannot afford to dISCOUrre liberally, and at the '
same time run the risk of being called on for gold.
He, consequently, discounts bills with bills. Instead
of giving notes payable on 'demand at a moment's
notice, he gives these small bills, none of which,

though endorsed by him, and which, contingent
upon the credit of others, he is liable to pay, yet are
lone fide the debts of others, and in nineteen cases
out of twenty must be paid by other persons. He
has by this means a safe mode of transacting busi-
ness, and deriving a profit, not from one-pound notes
payable on demand, but from bills payable at cer-
tain dates, and endorsed by numberless persons.—
That this mode of meeting the wants of the public
owes its origin to Mr. Peel's measure, is as clear as
that the sun shines. It never was heard of till
lately. It is a desperate and a most undesirable ex-
pedient; but it has been caused by the measures of
the Government, and they will be called upon at no
distant day to answer for the -effects of it. It is a
deplorable state of things—it is a prelude to a panic,
which will eventually. crush those who have for
several years battened upon its profits in London.
Our contemporary accuses us of endeavouring to ex-
cite alarm in the armory. Paltry imputation ! It is
that of a parish beadlo, when any allusion is made to
his authority or his tyranny. Our -contemporary
might to know that this " alarm" requires no stir-
ring on stir part. It rages from one end of the king-
, dom to the other. It pervades every class of men,
from the landowner to-the farmer, from the lord of
a thousand sheep-walks to the industrious wool-
grower, from the banker to the humblest trader.
All look forward with intense anxiety to next year.
As to the "prosperity" which the Post speaks of,
we should like to know where it is to be found.—
The Mau who asserts Great Britain is in a prosper-
ous or contented state at this moment ought either
to be confined in the nursery orplaced under a keeper.
Let tl.e Poston this point, poll its London ;7upporters,
the men and women who sell silks or tape, ribands,
stoneware, periwigs, or pickles, and what will they
say ? Why that such a summer as this, puffin°. St.
Swithin aside, they never experienced in London.
Few bills have been paid, few purchases have been
made, no old debts have been liquidated, and the
town has fled to the country, leaving almost all its
obligations behind it. On this point the Post, we
should think, has the Means of satisfying itself by
inquiries in the proper quarter. The attempt to
refute our statement as to the admissions of the
Duke of Wellington, by an appeal -to certain speeches
of his Grace, is more ingenious than convincing.
It is not our province to inquire what the Noble
Diike is reported to have' said on this or that occa-
sion : we deal only with facts. We only assert that
his Grace has admitted, in a letter written by him-
self, that Mr. Goulburn's calculations were under,
rated, and that many of his statements on the
Budget were false. We are restraimed from allud-
ing to the correspondence in w hich these admissions
arc made, but what we state we state on authority,
which, as we said befOre, is above suspicion. But
we shall be more explicit soon.

(FRONI THE NEWS.)
TORYISM AT ITS LAST SHIFT.
" To tills condition it is come at last."

The thorough-bred and thorough-paced back-bone
Tory—or English Ultra in religion as well as po-
litics—now, like a hard-run fox, begins to lower his
brush, and to show his teeth During the last few
days, Lord Kenyon, a Protestant of the first water,
has put forth a public letter-1,1)m which we may
pretty well guess how it fares with the party, who
have now, it seems, got wind of the pack of many-
coloured Liberals which are close at their heels.—
The Orangemen are a little inclined to jhow fight,
in Ireland; and certainly of all the mad tricks of
their mad party, there never was a folly so bare-
faced. What chance would they liar,: with the
great mass of the population in Ireland as raised by
any overt and bloody act ;—by the massacre of a
few Catholics, placed accidentally in their power
They could not protect themselves against an ex-
termination in detail, if such a desolating contest
were commenced; and, what is worse, the Go-
vernment could not protect them. Slaughter, and
death would march, armed with fire and sword,
through the island; committing a carnage that
were perhaps without precedent from the date
of the Christian Dispensation. There is no fury so
horrible, so unmerciful, and so vindictive, as that
Which is excited in the form of religious persecution;
and the pent-up antipathy and animosity of seven
centuries, if permitted suddenly to burst forth in the
sister country—one of the blackest and bloodiest
pages in the annals of Christendom would be added
to the lengthened records of the mistaken zeal of
enfuriated sects; but to my Lord Kenyon. Taking
the Protestant Ascendancy-men to be what
their actions proclaim them, and Catholicism to be
what the Ultra Tories describe it to be, one thing
were very evident, viz. that without any interference
front others, Catholicism would beat its intolerant
opponents to the ground in twenty-four hours. It
is the elite of British Society; it is the nation—that
stands between the excited Orangemen, with their
daggers only half concealed in their party-coloured
costume, and the lynx-eyed crowds of Catholics
resting on their swords. But for the superior sense,
and the honest intentions of that very portion of
society which the Ultras are constantly abusing—
and for the hopes which the Catholics justly enter-
tain that their claims will be ultimately conceded by
just men—the Protestant Ascendancy question
would have been settled by the sword long ago, and
'the bigots would have been embalmed in their
martyrdom. A crisis is, however, at hand ;
its near approach is indicated by a thou-
sand circumstances ; and all parties seen) to
be preparing for the worst. Taking the letter
of Lord Kenyon, in connection with what has crept
out, from the Tory Papers; and combining these
lights with others—there can be no doubt that the
question is to be settled in the next Session of Par-
liament ; and against that period, the Protestants
are to fall in ; and every man " put his house in
order." Lord Kenyon contends, in a candid way,—
and in terms, which he admits he could not use in
the House of Lords.,—that the King is with the PlN-
tcstants. He takes the interpretation of the late
King, and of the late Duke of York, of the Corona-
tion Oath—viz. as a matter of conscience, that is
binding on the Royal mind. " Whatever. might be
the opinion of other persons," yet this deviation
from the Constitutional maxim would place the sta-
tion of the King at variance with the existence of a
responsible Administratimi.. We take the following
words of the late King, as quoted by Lord Kenyon;
and we ask whether it contains the language of a
limited Monarchial power, as it is recognised both in
the theory and the practice of the Constitution :
" Will any one tell inc that my people will not sup-
port me, in governing according to my Coronation
Oath ? I will walk to Charing-cross; and appoint
•the first respectable nine ?ten I can find, for my Ca-
bin 4 Mini.gers, to support such principles, and I
• am sure my people will support me. We will sup-
'lose the late King weak enough to have made use o
he was prepared to act upon it; what
W°
thi-danguage (for his Conduct is now matter of history)
the natural inference ? Why that lie WilS
eh
or prepared to throw off the
aintd":ll(. 11'1' 101;):t e
unsound mind,
although a caricature in itself, is
restraints of a. Constitutional Ministry. This di-
lemmaprobable,—siiasituaotifmti
pposing
the Bing,
highly lign;
the Royal Mind to be inconvertible to a common
sense understanding of common sense terms. When
a British Soyereign finds that he has no men within
the range of his Court, or of his Aristocracy and
Commons, that would venture to advise him on
the pursuit of a policy. which vas opposed. to the
judgment of parFamelit and to public opinion; and
he chose to go out on the highways to pick a Cabi-
net that was as obstinate and bigotted as himself,—
to what end were it if that Cabinet could not com-
mand the majorities (2f the •House? he present
King has Ablit and Ministers about him now, 1%110
were the most likely persons on earth to join him
in continuing the system of exclusion ;- if they
thought it were in the power of the Crown to
command a Parliament that would support them
and stand by them to the end. But a respell-.
sible Minister has something else to look to,
beside
,the personal prejudices of his Sove-
reign, When the Parliament shall concur • in
the expediency of granting the Catholics their

rights,—the King will not stand out, because
he has no ground to stand upon. He may dis-
solve the Parliament; but what would that do for
him ? The country would return another Parlia-
ment.more opposed probably-to his views; and if he
refused to acknowledge them, they would proceed
to exercise their functions ; and the country would
be in a state of • civil war. Our Noble Protestant
!And says, in speaking of " the present crisis of the
question,"—" It seems about to be terminated by
the Legislature, in the next Session, whether Ire-
land is or is not henceforth to be given rip to
Popery :" " I cannot refrain," he says, " from
imploring the real Protestants of the Empire to step
forward, and by their declarations and exertions
call down the
,mercies of Heaven, -to rescue our Pro-
testant brethren in Ireland, and the glorious Con-
stitution of the British Islands, from such a curse as
the restoration of power to Popery." Now, in the
first place, Ireland is given up to Popery, because
it is essentially Catholic; and therefore they (the
Catholics) have the more power, and the better
reason to pray and to demand that they shall not be
given to Ultra Protestantism. How the "Decla-
rations" are to be franied, so as to "call down the
mercies of Heaven," as Belligerents in a war upon
mankind, for abiding by a conscientious faith in their
God, we know not, and should never venture to
guess; but thei-e is something most shockingly wicked
and blasphemous in the very idea of such a thing
The next Session may decide the question; and
we hope it will. As Protestants, we do not fear the
result ;but we should have fears for the continuance
of a system of exclusion ; and if a terrible day of
reaction arose, in a pertinacious adherence to such a
policy, we should know how to censure•the men,
who chose to place their lives on the struggle for
redemption from such a galling wrong. " The lime
is come," says Lord Kenyon, " when the Protes-
tants must defend or abandon their religion as apart
of the British Constitution." If the religious bigotry
that will not grant a man his rights, for presuming to
think differently from others, on particulai subjects
in religion—be a part of the Constitution of the
land—it is the worser part; and the sooner we get
rid of it, as a " part and parcel of the law," the
better. " Let every parish declare its sentiments,"
says the Noble Lord. What then ? We should
have probably the Parson and the Clerk; with the
Blacksmith, Tailor, Shoemaker, &c., on one side;
and should have counter declarations on the other ;
urging the justice and the expediency of conceding
equal and fair privileges to all men, and the bond of
national harmony. The country would be divided—
on parchment—and the cry of Justice, from the ma-
jority, would resound far above the howling wail of
" No Popery!" which amounts to no more than
crying" No difference of opinion !" " No daylight !"
" The Immortal Memory," and " The liberty of
reading the Scriptures all .!n one way!" We shall
conclude our notice of the active steps now taking
by the back-bone Protestants, by alluding to some
hints thrown out to the English and Irish who op-
pose the Catholics. They are called.upon to attend to
the writer, who will " avert a reproach, to which
the Duke of Wellington might seem justly liable"—
of being too favourable to the Catholics. The Duke
is supposed to be thus addressed—" When Ireland
shall be deluged in blood ; when civil Ivar shall riot
in her provinces; when her towns shall be beleagured
awl her houses burnt, will not every finger point to
your Grace's Government as the author of these
calamities ?" "No !" says the writer. " The
Duke, like Death,' will come when he will come.'
You are to ' give the Catholic dog rope, and he will
hang himself.' If you stop them now,' you will
only scotch the snake, not kill it." There is advised
to be some snug and sly waiting and watching till
the days are shorter and the nights longer and
dallier; the Duke sees all this like a good- General,
and is stopping for the battle to begin; and then he
will have an excuse forgoing to work. " Then"—!
(we take the words of a Tory writer, known to he
somewhat in the confidence of the Duke) :---" Then
will the Duke pop down upon them, with all the
• strength, the vigour, the energy, the prudence ! the
means and the might of his Majesty's Most Gra-
cious Government ! ! !" This transforming of Go-
vernment into a sort of wary animal of prey, is so
monstrous, that it could have been only dreamt of
in the hell of some ripe and revolutionary mind,. that
thirsted for blood: If the Duke do not connive at
such bloodhounds in his train, let him denounce and
prosecute them; or his " system of Government'
will soon like to " fright the isle from its propriety ;"
" cry havbe I- and let slip the dogs of war!"

(FROM THE EXAMINER.)

LIBERALITY OF THE WELLINGTON HEART, AND STRENGTH

OF TILE WELLINGTON MEMORY.

For the last week it has been our daily joy to
read of the Duke of Wellington's water-drinking at
Cheltenham, and, in common with the rest of the
world, we have stored our minds, we hope not Ml-
prof tably, with the number and capacity of his
beakers. Nothing has indeed been wanting to the
fullness of historical knowledge, but the detail of
their consequences, which the squeamishness of the
age forbids to be recited. Were it riot for this re-
straint, with what news we should be regaled
The Duke has, however, flown front Cheltenham,
and we have no longer the satisfaction of reading
that on such a day he drank such a glass of water,
at such a Spa. But, as might be supposed, his
Grace has not gone from Cheltenham without leav•
ins something behind him. Ile has left a huge mea-
sure of the liberality of his heart, a sovereign in
magnitude, and a token of the strength of his me-
mory of an old-soldier-recollecting power. The case
may be resolved into this arithmetical form :—As a
sovereign tip is to the recollection of an old soldier,
so is the Duke of Wellington's action to the libe-
rality required. Or in algebraic terms : an old sol-
dier, plus one sovereign, is equal to the liberality of
the Wellington heart, equal to twenty shillings.
" We have two anecdotes which the Duke has left
behind him here, which at once shew the liberality
of his heart and the strength of his memory. • lie
was struck a few mornings since by the face of an
old soldier, in the Well and for a few mo-
ments gazed at him. The man observing that he
was noticed, instantly pulled off his hat, and was
asked by the Duke, whether he had ever seen him
(the Duke) before ? Yes, your honour, I saw you
at Salamanca.' The Duke, to try the accuracy of
the tale, asked him how he recollected the fact ?
your honour rememberS; replied the Veteran, you
drew our regiment out into line yourself, and the
French would not give us battle that day, but we
got at them next morning, your honour, by six, and
here is a wound which I received when we turned
their left flank,' sheaving the musket-shot wound in
the arm, the sleeve of which he removed. The sol-
dier mentioned his regiment, the precise name of
which we do not hmacdtatelv recollect, but the
Duke instantly presented his old companion in arms
with a sovereign. Next morning the Duke was
attacked by an impudent fellow, who claimed ac-
quaintance with his Grace on the score of having
given him a glass of water during the battle of Wa-
terloo. Bc off, you scoundrel !'said the Duke; ' I
never took a glass of water during an engagement
in my life.' As the impostor skulked off, the Duke
watching his paces, exclaimed to the party who
ac-
com;:anted him, I am sure that fellow was never a
soldier in his " /give thee sixpence ; I will
see thee damned first." The " glass of water"
smacked too strongly of Cheltenham, lacking indeed
the salt, and purse-aperient quality. Had the knave
said that he had shaken the bullets out of the Duke's
boots after the battle, the liberality of the Wellin,c,r-
tort heart, formed into close column, AVOIII,I doubt-
less have deployed into shillings. The Great Cap-
tain, though he escaped wounds through the divine
goodness, was in the habit, according to authentic
newspaperoreporo, of having his clothes perforated
like a s:eve with balls; and, when he stripped after
action, round shot, grape, &c. would tumble from
him by dozens. - We have thought it odd, that hea-
ven which has so just a care of the great man's per-
son, had not more regard to his clothes. When a
guardian angel is about the matter, it is surely easy to
turn a shot another inch wide of the mark, but
guardian angels never think of the tailor's bill, be-

cause they themselves wear no breeches. If these
things were a little better considered, we are certain
heaven would have spared the Duke's coats as well
as his body. They should pray for this economy in
churches.

(FROM Tint SPECTATOR.
LONDON UNIVERSITY-PROFESSOR FARISII9S LECTURES AT

CAMBRIDGE.

In looking over the list of Professorships esta-
blished by the London University, it has occurred
to us as extraordinary, that in an institution which
has aimed especially at catching the spirit of the age,
there has been founded no lectureship to teach and
explain the " arts of life," as they may be called ;
the more p trticularly as at Cambridge there is. a
foundation which has been worked upon with such
singular ability and ingenuity as to attract universal
attention.
.In a course of lectures which occupies a
part of two seasons at Cambridge, ProfesSor Parish
expounds the principles and practice of the arts,
from the cutting of a canal td the manufacture of a
penknife or ahat, in a manner to render all his
hearers conversant with the most essential- and ne-
cessary occupations of life. The canal is surveyed
before the audience ; its soils are dug out and exa-
mined; it is supplied with locks and quays, until the
whole swims before the eye. • With a like precision
is a coal-mine sunk or a tea-cup spun. Every thing
is to be seen at work in miniature. Professor Parish
was not the first lecturer on the foundation, but he
was the first who turned it chiefly to the arts. Per-
ceiving that there were no means of becoming ac-
quainted with those arts and manufactures which
have enriched this country and made it celebrated to
the uttermost limits of the earth, he set about mas-•
tering their details, that he might be the organ of
instructing the wealthier and more enlightened
classes in the nature of their. processes. He set
himself to work : ingenious and mechanical himself,
he cultivated the society of practical 'mechanists, and
at length made a complete tour of all the works, ma-
nufactures, and establishments in the kingdom—
mastered their practice, and afterwards himself went
through the whole of their devices on an exceedingly
Minute scale. There is this difference between Pro-
fessor Parish's lectures and all others—that he does
not simply teach theory or teach any thing else by
word of mouth : the subject of the lecture is pro-
duced, if it is a work or a =Chine, and is seen to
work ; if it is a manufacture, the article is made.
Professor Parish digs-mines, dyes calico, and makes
hats in the face of his audience. We should be glad
to draw the attention of the founders of the two New
Colleges of London to this point ; and that we may
do so the more effectually, we will transcribe the de-
scription of Professor Parish's lectttres from the
University. Calendar, which will give a general
though a very imperfect notion of the usefulness of a
course of this kind.

" In the course of his lectures he explains the natural
history of minerals, the theory and practice of mining, and
of smelting metallic ores—of bringing them to nature—of
converting, purifying, compounding, and separating the
metals, and the numerous and various manufactures which
depend upon them, as well as the arts which are more re-
motely connected with them, such as etching and engrav-
ing. He exhibits the method of obtaining coal and other
minerals—the processes by which sulphur, alum, common
salt, acids, alkalies, nitre, and other chemical substances,
are obtained, and in which they are used—the mechanical
process in the formation of gunpowder, as well as its theory
and effects. Ile treats on the agriculture of the country,
and shows the art of procuring and working animal and
vegetable substances; the great staple manufactures of the
country, in wool, cotton, linen, silk, together with the-
various chemical arts of bleaching, of preparing cloth, of
printing it, of using adjective and substantive colours, and
mordants and intermediates in dying, and the processes by
which various products are obtained from vegetable and
animal substances. He explains in general the nature of
machinery— the moving powers, such as water-wheels,
wind-mills, and particularly the agency of steam, which is
the great cause of the modern improvement and extension
of manufactures. Ile treats likewise on subjects which
relate to the cariying on, or facilitating the commerce of
the country, such as inland navigation, the construction of
bridges, aqueducts, Inas, inclined planes, and other con-
trivances, by which vessels are raised or lowered from one
level to anotker—of ships, flocks, harbours, and naval
architecture. On the whide, it is the great design of
theseslectures to excite the attention of persons already ac-
quainted with the principles of mathematics, philosophy,
natural history, and chemistry, to the advancement of use-
ful arts, and by drawing their minds to the consideration
of the most important discoveries of ingenious men, in all
parts of the kingdom, to enlarge their sphere of amusement'
and instruction, and to promote the improvetzent and pro-
gress of the arts."