The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-28 00:00:00

inornin

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1844.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition
from the Magistrates of Glasgow, against the impo-
6ition of religious tests upon professors in the Univer-
sits, of that city, and prayed that those tests might be
abolished. They excepted, however, professors of
theology.

Lord CAMPBELL hoped the Noble Marquis would
bring in a Bill on the subject. The law, in fact, was
obsolete, and some of the most eminent professors of
language and science would not subscribe the Con-
fassion of Faith.

Lord BROUGHAM mentioned a number of eminent
men in the University of Edinburgh and Glasgow
who were Episcopalians, and among others, his dis-
tinguished and reverend relative, Professor DALZIEL.
Lord HADDINGTON was favourable to the prayer
of the petition, and there is every probability
therefore, that a Bill will be brought in to make the
law consirztent with a practice established by universal

consent.

The Hous(i adjourned at Half-past Five o'clock.
In the,House of Commons, after the presentation
of petitions, Mr. COBDEN postponed his motion for a
Select-Committee to inquire into the effects of the
corn-laws on farmers and farm labourers, for a fort-
night.

Mr. WYSE gave notice that on Tuesday, the 12th
of March, he would bring forward a motion for the
universal education of the Catholics of Ireland, and
especially of those persons intended for the priest-
hood.

Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE gave notice that
on the first supply day he would move for
a return of all the moneys paid to FREDERICK BOND
IkonEs, CHARLES Ross, and JOHN JACKSON, mho
had been employed by the Government to take notes
relative to the repeal agitation in Ireland. The men-
tion of the names of these short-hand writers, and the
papers with which some of them were connected,
excited much laughter.

Mr. LEADER moved for numerous returns respect-
ing the expenses incurred in repressing the rebellion
in Canada, the Canada Tenures Act, and a variety of
other matters connected with that colony, which were
agreed to.

In answer to a question from Mr. HumE, Lord
STANLEY said he.could not state the exact number of

Canadian exiles now in Van Diemen's Land who
ISPAIREigten pardoned, but he could state generally
-111:)r..•v case not marked by peculiar aggravation
ercifully considered by the Crown.
- NORREYS put several questions to the
*f4t. Pt* etary relative to the poor-laws in Ireland;

L a S

always sustained against the advocates of monopoly
protection. But the power of capital is, in itself, the
most grievous and grinding of monopolies, when it is
brought to bear, on the largest scale, and with the
most unfair advantages, or the depreciation of the
wages of domestic industry. It may he a legitimite
object of the capitalist so to deal with the market of
labour as to keep down wages at the very lowest
point to which the unthrifty competition of starving
artisans may reduce it. But we are sure that this is-
a course neither politic in the social economy of the
nation, nor advantageous in the long run even to the
individuals who extract from it a temporary and exor-
bitant profit on the capital they expend in
wages. Let the capitalist realise, by all the
honourable means which his wealth, his
ingenuity, his sagacity and his application & busi-
ness can suggest to him, the best return he can get
on his money investments—large as these necessarily
are. But we are not at all disposed to allow him to
take advantage of the necessities of artisans, who are
desperate from intense poverty, to an extent which is
revolting to humanity, a scandal upon the country
and an outrage on the civilization of our times. It
is therefore that, when we see a Society endeavour-
ing, in a legal and constitutional manner, to rectify
that enormous crime in legislation which has led to
these disastrous consequences, by re-establishing the
system of our currency on a more healthful footing,
and one on which it may be again capable of impart-
ing that diffusive energy to British industry, by
which British industry was animated from 1797
down to the first year of the operation of PEEL'S Bill
of 1819—we, without hesitation, give to such views
and such principles our hearty support.
Now the two strongest claims upon public confi-
dence and aid which the Society advances, are, the
propositions it enunciates with regard to the recipro-
cal action of an extended paper circulation and high
prices, and the indispensable necessity and justice of
transferring the ultimate discharge of our onerous
taxation from the shoulders of the industrial com-
munity of the country, upon whom the Bill of 1819
most iniquitously fixed it,. to those of the wealthy
consumers. The Society has clearly demonstrated
that, with the " depreciated paper currency," of which
so much has been said, the manufacturer charged,
and was paid, the additional taxation cost of pro-
ducing his commodity ; and he was thus enabled to
pay wages to the operative, which also included the
amount of taxation payable on their various neces-
saries of subsistence and clothing. When a gold
standard was established by law, prices of course
fell, and fell even in a far greater ratio than econo-
mists could define between the exchangeable value of
the gold and the paper pound. In 1821 the war
taxation may be said to have received its maximum
of permanent reduction, and the scheme of our
present taxation to have been established. Now
what was the -difference of operation arising out of
this change of currency as between the case of
operatives and of masters, manufacturers or others
This, that after allowing for all further re-
ductions and modifications of taxes in the interval
subsequent to 1821, the taxes upon industry, to the
amount of 30,000,0001. per annum—which,at all times,
ought to be, and heretofore had been, paid by the
rich and unproductive consumers of goods—were and
still are, levied from our industrial poor. An enor-
mity of injustice this, more flagrant than the des-
potism of empires, wherein the sovereign authority is
maintained by brute force alone, would be prepared
to perpetrate. In truth, this sum of 30,000,0001.
does not adequately represent the total aggregate of
diminution in the wages paid under an established
standard of gold currency from the wages paid under
that previods currency, which was " repudiated," so
to speak, by the Bill of 1819. Now, because the
amount of labour supplied by the working classes has
since been not merely not less, but (owing to the
greatly increased amount of manufacturing production
in the same interval) prodigiously more; it is clear
that this working community has been wronged, not
only in the amount of the depreciation of wages in the

the Hon. Member not considering the answers of Sir
JAMES GRAHAM satisfactory, gave notice that he
would move for a Select Committee on the state of
the law unless the Government took up the subject.
In answer to a question from Mr. W. 0. STAN-
LEY relative to pauper lunatics in Wales, Sir JAMES
GRAHAM said no subject could be more important,
but he was not prepared to say at present that he
would introduce a measure to compel townships to
erect lunatic asylums.
Sir HENRY HARDINGE said, in reference to a
question put to him formerly, and also last evening,
with regard to the collision which had taken place

between some of the inhabitants of Brighton and the
soldiers in garrison, that he wished to impute no
blame to the inhabitants, that the soldiers had re-
ceived no provocation for the outrage they had com-
mitted, and that the offenders had been justly sen-
tenced to ten months' imprisonment. The Com-
mander-in-Chief had since issued an order that no
soldier should enter the town, unless accompanied
by a non-commissioned officer.
In answer to a question from Mr. lIINDLEY, Sir
ROBERT PEEL said he had no reason to doubt that

the announcement published by the Illoniteur relative
to Otaheite, which had appeared in the Times, was
authentic, and that the King of the FRENCH and his
Council had acted on the impulse of their own feel-
ings. He believed the act of Admiral DUFETIT
THOUARS was disowned by the French Government.
Mr. TURNER gave notice that, on a future day,
hie would move that duelling was immoral in its ten-
dency, and contrary to Divine command. The Hon.
Member tried to elicit from Sir ROBERT PEEL what
was his opinion on the subject, but the Right Hon.
Baronet reserved himself till the question should
be regularly before the House.
Sir ROBERT PEEL, in answer to a question from
Mr. V. STUART, said he was not prepared to give any
information relative to the expulsion of certain Poles
from the Duchy of Posen, by order of the King of
PRUSSIA.

Mr. WALLACE then brought forward his motion re-
lative to judicial establishments in Scotland, and after
pointing out their defects, moved an address to the
Crown, praying that her Majesty would be pleased to
command that the sittings of the Court of Session
shall be extended by two months in each year. No
Member seconded the motion, which of course was'
lost.

Lord JOHN MANNERS moved an address to her
MAJESTY, representing that the detention of Don
CARLOS in France is contrary to justice and the ho-
nour of this country, and praying the QUEEN to in-

- -
:ercede with Louts PHILIPPE for his deliverance,

Sir R. PEEL opposed the motion, and was sup
ported by Lord PALMERSTON. Both believed tha

Don CARLOS was treated with every kindness and
respect to which he was entitled.

Several Hon. Members followed; eventually the
motion was negatived without a division.
Capt. BERNAL'S motion for a copy of the address
of the Dublin Protestant Operative Association to
the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, was rejected by a
majority of 51.

The third reading of the Horse-racing Penalties
Bill was carried by a majority of 66.

The other Orders of the Day were then dispn,ed
of, and the House adjourned till Thursday.

The Anti-Corn-law League has justgained another
signal triumph over agricultural prejudices. At
Gloucester, on Saturday last, a deputation consisting
of Mr. COBDEN, Colonel THOMPSON, and some other
members of this influential confederacy, addressed an
assembly of upwards of four thousand persons, a large
number of whom were farmers, at the Shire-hall ;
and, notwithstanding that the monopolists offered
every opposition in their power, the deputation were
received and listened to with marked respect, and a
resolution in favour of free-trade was proposed and
carried by an overwhelming majority, only about a
dozen, hands being held,up against it. Earl DUCIE,
who presided, and who is well known to be one of the
most scientific agriculturists in the kingdom, expressed
himself warmly in favour of the League, whose object,
he justly said, was not to injure the farmer, but to
benefit every class of the community, from the peer to
the peasant. The opinions of an intelligent dispas-
sionate observer, like the Noble Lord, who is one of
the largest land-owners in Gloucestershire, and as he
himself told the meeting, has been " upwards of three-
and-twenty years engaged in agricultural pursuits,"
is calculated to have great weight with all thinking
people, and will make a deeper impression on their
minds than a hundred such monopoly-manifestos as
that issued the other day by the Duke of NORTRUM-

BERLAND, who, though a great man by the accident of
birth, is, by the ordination of nature, a very small
logician. Mr. COBDEN, who followed Earl DUCIE,
expressed himself with his usual clearness, manliness,
and simplicity. His speech abounded in practical
arguments ; and long before he sat down he had dis-
armed opposition of its force, and made proselytes of
all who had heads to understand and hearts to feel

the acuteness, the cogency, and the healthy, unaf-
fected feeling that characterised his observations.
" Does the price of land rise or fall with the price of
corn ?" inquired the Hon. Member for Stockport, the
unbeloved of Col. SIIITHORP, and the bugbear of Mr.
FERRAND. " lie would ask, would land let at the same
price when corn was twenty shillings a quarter as
when it was eighty shillings ?—(Cries of ' No, no.')
Well, then, if it would not, the object in keeping up the
price of corn must be to keep up the price of land, or
in plainer terms, to keep up the rents of the land-

latter, as compared with the former period, but in the
further ratio of increased and excessive devotion of
their physical existence, as well as powers—of their
time as well as their manual labour, which has be-
come the sacrifice demanded in return for the mo-

dicum of wages which the manufacturer can pay.
The substitution of a dear for a cheap currency, the
legalisation of an exclusively gold standard, compels
the latter to dispose of his goods at prices minus the
taxation cost, which would otherwise enter into those
prices ; and this ccst, it is evident, is borne

by the unhappy artisan, not, as the Legisla-
ture itself intended, by the competent consumer.

The advantage is self-evident of their position who
are the recipients of fixed incomes—who are Govern-
ment or other official servants, at salaries either still
paid on the scale to which they were raised pending
the days of paper currency, with a view to meet the

higher prices of those times, or on a scale since but
little modified:; and of mortgagees and other creditors
who are now, by law, receiving payment under an
enhanced standard, for advances made by them in a
depreciated currency. Prices are already enormously
lowered to their hands. They get in their debts in
gold, they receive their incomes in gold ; and they
command all the greater quantities of goods for the
same denominations of money value, which coin of a
natural scarcity artificially enhanced, will always
produce.

A little tract has been put into our hands, pur-
porting to be the copy of a letter addressed to the
editor of a very influential journal, on the 9th ultimo,
on this important question of protection to British
industry. We are not at all astonished that 'our
Contemporary, who has all along given so decided a
support—interested or otherwise—to the Bill of
1819, and endeavoured to vindicate its operation, in
the face of all its disastrous results, during
the last four-and-twenty years, should have
refused admission to such a document. It

lords. Admitting the proposition to be correct, sup-
posing corn was raised to a hundred shillings a
quarter, the farmers could not possibly, by the re-
motest chance, be one bit better off." Alluding to
the fluctuations in the price of corn, Mr. COBDEN
went on to remark, " This was the injustice to the
tenant-farmer--he rented his land at Act of Par-

liament prices, and sold his corn at market prices;
and so when he went to pay his rent, he found he had
been compelled to sell his corn at ten shillings or
twelve shillings under the price which the landlord
gave for his land." Strong, perspicuous reasoning
like this reminds us of the sledge-hammer logic of
COBBETT in his earlier and better days, against
which there was no making head. Obtuse indeed
must be the capacity, cased in sevenfold ignorance
and prejudice, that cannot feel the full force
of Mr. COBDEN'S arguments. Well may the
monopolists take fright at his exertions, and strive
their utmost to bear him down by clamour,
for he is indeed a powerful opponent ; and one strong,
transparent, convincing " fact" of his tells more with
the community at large than all the sophistries, how-
ever ingenious, that issue from time to time from the
Council chambers of monopoly. The adversaries of
the League are just now in full feather, like geese at
Michaelmas ; loud is their cackle, for they fancy that
they are standing on vantage-ground, and that the
Premier is their determined, albeit reluctant, ally ;
but they are mistaken—cruelly mistaken ; their po-
sition is just as precarious as ever it was ; the ground
on which they tread, however apparently solid, is
undermined; and one fine morning, when they least

is a plain and able exponent of the principles we
have thus endeavoured to uphold. If the object of
those from whom it emanates were that ominous
"protection" which has been so recklessly conceded
to what are falsely called the interests of British

" agriculture," we should be the last to countenance

or assist it. But the claims of our working classes—
of those to whom the accumulating capital and in-
creasing commercial returns of the empire, never seem
to find their way in anything like a fair propor-
tionate distribution, under our existing monetary
•system—their claims shall always command our

earnest and sympathising assistance, to the utmos

extent of our ability.

The petition from Durham against the return of
Mr. BRIGHT, which in the rage of defeat the Tory
party concocted and presented to the House of Com-
mons, has fallen to the ground. A petition more
groundless—containing allegations more false, and
charges m ore devoid of all foundation, was never
brought before the tribunal of Parliament. After
months of labour, and the expenditure oflarge sums of
money, in the attempt to procure the shadow ofsubstance
for the petition (in which attempt the stews and sink-
holes of Durham have been raked), the petitioners
have been obliged to confess that they had no real
charge against Mr. BRIGHT or his election, and have
withdrawn their petition. If any case could have
been made, neither money nor inclination was want-
ing to sully the fair fame of the first great triumph of
free trade in the city of Durham. Mr. BRIGHT
stands the Member for Durham, and the petitioners
against his return confess that he was fairly, honour-
ably, and honestly returned.

expect it, the train will be laid—the torch applied—
the mine sprung—and monopoly, like the Egyptians
at Acre, will be blown to atoms.

. in the commendation with which we have felt our-
selves called upon to notice the manifesto,
or exposi-
t tion of objects, which has been put forth by the Society
for the Emancipation of Industry, we are under no
apprehension of having uttered opinions the expres-
sion of which can be misunderstood. We have borne
testimony to the usefulness and the really national
design of an Association, which proposes to secure for
the industrial community, whose labour produces the
manufactured commodities which are the staple
wealth of our foreign commerce, something like
positive wages for their incessant toil. Instead
of these, ..,kt is notorious that, year after
year, they, \sve paid but a miserable week-
ly pittance;,, wjlich either experiences no in-
revenge, corresponding with the admitted extension
and improvement of our trade ; or, when nominally
raised, is still equalised to its former scale of insuffi-
ciency-by the increased and destructive demands on
his time, his health and his energies, in the shape of
" overwork hours" and " omitted meal-times." Had
we any party feelings to consult, in the protest we
have so repeatedly made against that vicious system
of monetary legislation which fosters excessive PRO-
DUCTION, without, making any provision for the pro-
portionate DISTRIBUTION, of the profits thus realised
by capital, those feelings would rather prompt us to
carry to their extreme extent the free-trade princi-
ples of non-intervention with capital which we have

Madrid Papers of the 19th have been received, but
they are without interest. Alicant still held out on
the lgth. •
The Three per Cents. were done on the Madrid
Bourse on the 19th inst. at 30 for cash and 301 at 60
days, and the Five per Cents. at 201 at 60 days.

SMUGGLING.—On Saturday morning James Field
the master and owner of the smack, Lord Howe, 25 tons
burden, which was captured by a boat's crew belonging to
the coast-guard station, at Garrison-point, Sheerness, on the
night of the 18th instant, with a large quantity of contraband
spirits on board, and John Gooding and Phineas Friday
Webb, the crew of the vessel, were brought before the Mayor
and Aldermen of Rochester, charged, on the information of
Mr. William Sawyer, the collector of the customs there, with
being found in a certain vessel on the high seas, such vessel
having on board 252 gallons of brandy and 128 gallons_ 9f
CG.eln3e.valrhsuebir•erictsotnoefrosrfaeliltuprele, 4thacdoendtragilttoyt.heileas
ofm Wtraer.
saidiv
he was driven to it by distress. Sentenced to seven months'
hard imprisonmentlahour
.in the House of Correction at Maidstone, with

On Sunday last the Rev. Mr. Sibthorp received
the Holy Communion from the hands of the venerable Pre-
sident in the chapel of Magdalen College, Oxford, where he
is now staying on a visit.

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDN_ESDA,Y, MOANING, FEBRUARY 28, 1844.

IMPORTANT NEWS FROM
PARIS.

RESTORATION OF OTAHEITE TO
QUEEN PONIARE.
(From the Times.)
'We have received by extraordinary express the
Paris papers of yesterday.
The Moniteur contains the following -
" Government have received dispatches . from the
Island of Tahiti, dated the Ist and 9th of Novem-
ber, 1842.
" Vice-Admiral DUPETIT THOUARS, who arrived
in the Bay of Papeiti on the Ist of November to
carry into execution the treaty of the 9th of Sep-
tember, 1842, which the KING had ratified, had
deemed it his duty not to adhere to the stipulations
of that treaty, but to take possession of the island.
Queen POMARE has written to the KING to demand
the fulfilment of the stipulations of the treaty which
assured to her the internal sovereignty of her country,
and to pray that she be maintained in her rights.
The KING, by the advice of his Council, not finding
in the circumstances reported, sufficient grounds for
abandoning the treaty of the 9th of September, 1842,
has ordered the execution, pure and simple, of that
treaty, and the establishment of the French Pro-
tectorate in that island."
The Paris papers of Sunday, which were delayed
by the boisterous weather, have been received. The
underhand attack made by M. TRIERS on the Court,
in reference to the resignation of M. DE SALVANDY,
still forms a subject of discussion in several of the
papers. The Journal des Debats has written two
long articles against the line of policy pursued by
the ex-Minister, to which the Constitutionnel has re-
plied with much warmth, but their arguments possess
no interest to the English reader. All the papers
give reports of the questions put by Lord BROUGHAM
and Sir GEORGE GREY, relative to the occupation of
Otaheite, with the replies of the Earl of ABERDEEN
and Sir ROBERT PEEL. The National, which
loses no opportunity of exciting the bad passions of
the two nations, has a violent article on the subject,
attacks Lord BROUGHAM, M. GUIZoT, and every
party in fact that is opposed to the unwarrantable
step taken by the brave French Admiral. That
journal in these attacks shows not only great anti-
pathy to England, but states deliberate falsehoods ;
and among others, after alluding to British conquests
in China, it asserts what every one knows is contrary
to the fact, that England has opened the Chinese ports,
but insolently repels from them European commerce.
After the important intelligence, however, given
above, the affair now has little interest. The Cabinet
of Louis PHILIPPE has acted wisely and justly in
disowning the rash act of D UPETIT-THOUA RS.
The Constitutionnel gives, on the authority of a
correspondent, very unfavourable news from the
Papal States. The discontent of the people, it says,
is no longer confined to complaints ; they have
commenced to act in a manner which shows their de-
termination to resist the absolutist party: .At Ra-
venna, M. CuaTaar, the head of the police of that
legation, was fired upon, and though he himself es-
caped, some of his escort were wounded. The fol-
lowing day a placard was found posted in the streets
of Ravenna, that if M. CLAVARI did not take his de-
parture forthwith, he would not escape the next shot.
At Saint Albert and Jaffignano, small towns in the
same legation, several Carabineers have been shot, and
the Swiss guard disarmed. At Bologna a peasant, who is
said to have been one of the insurgents in August
last, wished to enter the town, but was discovered by
the patrol, whom he immediately shot with a pistol.
The following day, at the funeral of the unfortunate
patrol, shots were fired on the escort, and neither
the murderer nor the others have been discovered.
And it is also stated that M. ALEXANDRIN I, one of
the members of the special commission to try the in-
surgents at Ancona, had been shot in open day.
The French Funds fell on Sunday, in consequence
of a report that the KING had had another bilious
attack. At TORTONI'S the Three per Cents. closed at
82f. 32ic.

FACTORIES.

" Bill for Regulating the Employment of Children,
Young Persons, and Women, in Factories."
Brought into the House of Commons by Sir
• James Graham and Mr. Manners Sutton. Or-
dered to be printed 6th February, 1844. •
This Bill, in its present shape, consists of seventy-
seven clauses, with four schedules of certificates,
forms, &c., connected with its various enactments.
The first clause repeals the 42d Geo. 111. c. 73, the
3d and 4th Will. IV. , c. 109, and the 4th and sth
Will. IV., c. 1, entitled respectively, "An Act for
the Preervation of the Health and Morals of
a
Apprentices and others employed
Ae
yedin Cott
Act
to Ronegnnldate otherthe
Young Persons in the Mills
aindte determining
anladi
bl
osu andr of
Factories F
Childrencot
of
r ti
he se and ; '
United 1c ti'rpretation,
--ingdom ;" and " An
Act to explain and amend " the last recited Act.
tenleaulseegal2
extent to he attached
to these words whenever they occur in the
Bill, namely, any word denoting a
signification nificle atio onf
n
"male person,"
shall be taken to mean a ." female" as well as a
male ; and " one person," or thing, any number of
persons or things ; " child," to be construed a " child
under the age of thirteen;" young person," a person
of thirteen and under eighteen, &c. &C. " Month,"
is to mean a " calendar month ;" " night," to imply
from eight o'clock in the evening till six o'clock on
the following morning. The application of the word
" factory " is also carefully defined, together with the
exceptions thereto which are to be noted ; as to such
parts thereof, for instance, as are used solely for the
purposes of a dwelling-house, or during the packing
of finished goods; and from this and other parts of
the Act are to be exempted Young persons, being me-
chanics, artisans, or labourers working only in making
and repairing the machinery, or any parts of the
factory. Clauses 3to d enact that no child
under eight years of age be employed in any factory;
no young person under sixteen to be employed
without a surgeon's certificate ; but children and
young persons may be employed seven or thirteen
days without such certificate. Clauses 7 and
Children not to work more than six hours and
thirty minutes daily, and young persons and women
not more than twelve hours daily. Clauses 9 and 10
enact, that children and young persons shall not be
employed in more than one factory, and are not to
work in the night (i.e. after half-past seven in the
evening). Clause 11 directs in what manner it shall
be lawful for employers to make up and recover, by
the additional labour of children, young persons, and
women, time lost from drought or floods. Clauses
12 and 13—Work to cease on every Saturday after-
noon at half-past four; one hour and a half to be
allowed for meal- times.
Subsequent clauses provide precautions to ensure
,regularity in the observance of time ; eight half-
holidays to be allowed in every .year; children to
attend school, and occupiers of factory to obtain
school certificates, and to pay school fees. Factories
to be lime-washed, yearly; protection to be provided
for workers in net-spinning flax mills ; mill-gearing
not to be cleaned while in motion ; machinery to be
inclosed or guarded-; inspector or sub-inspector to
give notice of dangerous machinery; notice to be
given of any accident ; certifying surgeon to examine
into cause and extent of accident, and report thereon.
All these clauses (from 14 to 24 inclusive) are ad-
mirable,both for the spirit which has dictated and the
details which develope their application. Then next
follow various clauses requiring a registry to be kept,
after a form in the schedule, in every factory; and
providing for the appointment of inspectors and sub-in-
spectors, their meetings and reports, legal exemptions
(as, from serving on juries) attaching to them, and
arrangement of their offices. Notices to be given to
them by persons beginning to occupy factories ;
certifying surgeons to be appointed by them—duties,
&c., of surgeons in their connexions with factors and
mill owners, and inspectors ; proofs of age as to
youths and adults;. inspectors authorised to annul
vrtificates ; certificates of real age may be claimed,
and to serve for one factory only ; prosecutions for
compensation by inspectors; and application of such
compensations when recovered.—(Clauses 25 to 49.)
Clauses 50 to 54 enact that occupiers of factories
shall be liable in the first instance ; but all com-
plaints for infractions of the Act must be preferred
within two months of the date of the offence. Sub-
sequent clauses regulate the proceedings under this
Act; power to be exercised for recovery of penalties
under it ; authority to judges to compel the
attendance of witnesses, &c. Clauses 58 to
7,1 set out several offences as infractions of
the Factories Act, assign the penalties respec-
tively attaching thereto, and direct the mode of
their application; 72 and 73 direct that convictions
be filed among the records of the county, and that
there be no appeal from such convictions allowed ;
74, burgh magistrates in Scotland to exercise same
Powers, as justices of peace in England; 75, exception
ai to silk mills; 76 to 78, exemption of all deeds,
Proceedings, &c., under this Act from stamp duties.
Act to commence October 1, 1844, but may be pre-
viously repealed by any Act for that purpose to be
Passed in the present session of Parliament. -