The Sun.
London, England, 1826-12-13 00:00:00

HOUSE OF COMMONS--TuzsnAv.

At ten minutes to four the Speaker counted the number. awl
took the Chair.'

Three new Members were sworn in the customary oaths, mu'
took their Rate.

The SIiEAKER informed the HOuse that J.
Macormick and R. Hare, who, on the 27th November last, had
petitioned the House against the return made for the county of
"Westmeath, had tailed to enter into the pecuniary recognizances
required by the Act of Parliament. A similar failure was an-
nounced on the part of H. Southel, who, on the 27th November
Net, had petitioned the flouwe against the return fur the county of
Cavan.

Sir T. LETHIMIDGE presented a Petition front,
Mr. Alex. Frampton, praying that the House would be plea's('
to grant him an extension of the regular tune for his making a
return of the names of istmuns who were to be entered as sureties
to the recoguizences of the petitioners against the late return of
Members to tilt for the Borough of Heden.
The SPEAKER, after conversing with several
Members who stood round his chair, said, the statements of the
petitioner ought to be verified at the Bar of the House.
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE moved, that the party be
called to the Bar'

The Petitioner was called to the Bar, and verified the contents
of his Petition: The extension of one day was' then granted to
the Petitioner. •

Mr.-C: CALVERT presented two Petitiptis'from.
Publicans,' complaining that they had been deprived of their li-
censes merely for. Selling beer to stage-coach pasiengers on a Sunday.
Mr. C. PALLMER presented a petition from G. C.
Ridge, stating that himself and his late father had been eecurities
to the amount' of 6000/. for his late brother, - Ridge, an
Army Agent, in 1802. That his said brother had considerable
demands upon the Marquess of Hastings, which he had refused to
pay, and that the Government had removed the Marquess out of
the reach of the compulsory process of the law, by appointing him
to the Government of Malta. The War Office had, moreover,
delayed settling the accounts of tho deceased in 1816, when the
Petitioner'a father was living, and now called upon the Petitioner
for the amount of the sureties, after a lapse of ten ears.
Mr. CANNING had heard of this Petition only
since became to the House; it ought to have been shown to Mi-
nisters before it was brought forward.
Mr. PALLMER had communicated the nature of
the Petition to the friends of the Marquess.
Mr. C. W. WYNN wished the prayer of the Pe-
tition to be read. . .

The Petition was then read and ordered to lie on the table.
Mr. HUME presented a petition from the Dean
and Guild of Aberdeen against the Corn Laws.

Mr. J. WILLIAMS gave notice, that after the re-
cess be intended to move for a Return of all Motions, Causes, and
Pleas, and other business entered before the Lord Chant*nor, and
now pending for Judgment : with the times of entering, the days
set down for hearing, And the day. on which they had been heard.
Mr. H. DAVIS presented a petition from Bristol
against the Corn Laws.
Mr. BARING put a question to Mr: Canning across
the table, relative to the day to which it wet the intention of Mi-
nisters to adjourn the House.

The Right Hon. Gentleman named Thursday, the Bth Feiwusiy.

WAR WITH SPAIN.

Mr. CANNING moved, that the Order of.the
Day, for the House taking into consideration the Message of his
Majesty to the Commons be now re►d.
The Order of the Day being accordingly read,

Mr. CANNING rose, and in the most clear tone
and emphatic manner, spoke as follows:..-Mr. Speaker, in pro_
posing to the House to acknowledge his Majesty's most gracious
Message, sad to reply to it in terms which will be an echo of the
sentiments, and. a fulfilment of the anticipations of hie Majesty,
I feel, that however confident I may be in the justice, and how-
ever clear as to the policy, of the measure which the Alessage em.
bracts, it becomes a British Minister, in recommending to the
House any step which approximates even to the hazards of war, to
use the language of regret. I assure the House, that there is not
within these wet!s any set of men more convinced than Ministers,
nor any individual more intimately persuaded than he who has
now the hiniour of ttddressiug you, of the vital importanee of the
meequenees of this policy to this country, snd to the world.--
(Hear, bear.)—So strongly do ,I feel impressed with this opinion
(and even, before I sit down I may have occasion to explain the
that there is no question of denial—there is no ques-
tion of present advantage—there is no question of an anticipation
of remote good, which I would not pass over, compromise, or ad-
journ, rather than call upon the Home, at this moment, to enter
into a war.•:-(Hear.)--Sir, I feel, and it has been felt, in the b"1
times of English history, by the hest Statesmen of this country, sad
by the Parliaments by which these Statesmen 'have been snl}-
ported, that theta are only two causes which cannot, nailer any
ctrcumetances; be compromised or adjounied. I mean. Sir, the
causes of national faith and national honour.—(Hear, hear, hear.)
.—botShiet,hinfelcad
causes,
d o
ens
,o considershou ld
nott/ t
d the present
boa,esentri as
as falling within
do to-day, with a

co/Alines that the communication. made to Puha/twat, in his
Majesty's liteartage, Will he met by' the House with such a mind,
as his Majesty confidently anticipates. In order to bring the ease
under the cognizance of Parllama in the ahorteit.and clearest
form, I must permit tnyself to inquirt into some of the collateral
considerations with Which it is necessatile eccomPan34 I beg
leave to state shortly, that it is 4 case, as it eezu:e.of law and of
fact.-'-a case of national Ittiv, and of notorious bca 11. the other
hand: and which, when brought under the xamelderii:°o,,ol a
British Ministry and Parliament, it is impossible to vonitiderin :!PY
light but one—and quite as impossible for Parliament es far OP-•
vernment to come to any other than that O'Ae' decisien.. "
amongst the alliances by which, at different periods of history,
this country has been connected with the other nations of -Europe,
there is none either so old in faith or so constant in dura-
tion, or so precise in obligations, or so intimately interwoven
with the whole history and with the most brilliant periods
of the history of this country, as the alliance between Great
Britain and the Crown of Portugal. It dates back to
distant centuries; it has survived every great conflict.
It is much older than the epoch to which I am about to'
'advert, but it received its greatest vigour when the present
Royal Family of Portugal was seated on its throne. The House
of Braganca was placed at the, head of an independent Monarchy
at the instance, and by the friendship of Great Britain. The
connection between the two kingderra hat • been continued, re-
'Jewell, and maintained, tinder every diftiOtiti ; it has been ad-
hered to in periods when the faith ol othif alliances has been
shaken ; it has been vindicated in those 604 tar ±tiond and glory
which remain among the most brilliant pages of thvitiatory of
England. Sir, in that alliance we have always been surtipulously
faithful. It may sometimes have been htirthenaemc to England,
and there may even now he those who wish to shake it off; but
a feeling growing out of national faith, a feeling of eotnnaen inte-
rest, a sympathy between the two countries, must, upon canisiderit-
tint), convince every body of, the comparative advantages and oh-
ligations of this alliance. It is not wholly, however, at dietant
periods, it is not altogether:amongst ages long gene by, that tracer
of this union ate to lie-teitud. 14 the lOW compact of modern
Europe, that which now forms the patent law of the nation of
• the world—l' mean the Convention of Vienna—tbis country,
with-its eyes open to all the inconveniences of the connexion, but
with its memory full of all its benefits, and with all the feelings
belonging to them, renewed solemnly the Previously existing ob-
ligations. This it did in terms so strong, that there is no possi-
bility of violating them, without the most disgraceful breach of
national honour. The question being one of public faith, I take
the liberty of referringlo this Treaty before I call upon the .110nes
for its vote. [Here the Right Hon. Gentleman referred to tk.
Treaty of Vienna.] By the third article of the Treaty iffeil,Lnnu,
dated 22dofJanuary, 1815, the Treaty of Alliance between °roe
Britain and Portugal, negociated at Rio de Janeiro, on the lftth
of February, 1812, is thus alluded to :

" The treaty of alliance concluded at Rio rie Janeiro on loth
February, 1810, being founded on circumstances of a temporary
nature, which have happily ceased to exist, the said treaty is hare-
by declared to be void in all its parts, and of no effect; ' without
prejudice, however, to the
.ancient treaties of alliance, friendship
and guarantee, which have so long and so happily subsisted be-
tween the two crowns, and which are hereby renewed by tl►e
high, contracting parties, and acknowledged to be of fall force and
effect.'"

In order that the House may appreciate, accurately the Atte
of this obligation, they will permit me, perhaps, to explain the
full force of the circumstances under which this% treaty was eon-
tracted. In the year 1807, when, upon the deularition of Bona-
parte, that the House of Braganca " ceased to reign," the /loyal
Family of Portugal was induced, by the advice and upon the ad-
valets of this country, to sail for the Brazils; in the act of em-
barking, 4.Secret Convention was signed by Portugal and (heat
Britain, stipulating, that in case of the King and Royal Family
removing its residence to the Brazils, this country would never
suffer Portugal to remain under any other dynasty than that-of
the House of Braganza. It was this Secret Convention that
brought about the emigration, and greatly contributed to decide
that step by which the Royal Family of Portugal was removed
from the power of France. The King of Portugal having become
established upon his throne, the Article ceased to be a secret, and
was wade a part of the law of nations by the Treaty of IMO, and
from that time up to the Treaty. of. Vienna. It was clearly under-
stood throughout Europe, that we had determined not to eeknow.
ledge any Sovereign in Portugal. except a member of the House
of &agents,. But that determination mote solely from the sup.
position that that Sovereign would be compelled to a forced rem-
deuce iu Brazil. Beyond this it was not binding upon us, as it
wittsfelt that the moment the groutul of the obligation ceased,
italifress an end to the treaty.. I shell next advert to the Treaty
10, which I have already read to the Hattie, cod in which
ePerenewed those pledges of confidence, allientre, friendship, and
guarantee, which had so lung anal so happily existed between the
two Crowns. Thin Treaty seas retitled and recognised by the
High Contracting Parties, and was acknowledged to be •in full
force and effect between,this country and Portugal. But area if
those Treaties did not exist ; if by any sudden convulsion of na-
ture they had been consigned to eternal oblivion, still 1 say that
(runt. Britain would be, in a moral paint of view, es much
bound as shat now is to extend her protection and support to
Portugal.--.(Cries of " Hear, hear.")—The ease, however.
is not ie—tlie Treaties do • exist; nay more, their existence
has been known to Spain, te Europe, to all the civilized world.
—(Flear.)—So notorious, indeed; was and is the existence
of theft Treaties, that I shall only feel it necessary to advert
to one or two of them. I shall first take the Treaty of 1681,
upon the conolusion of• the marriage between Charles the Se-
cond and the Infanta of Portugal. in that Treaty, after making
over Bombay and Tanjier, and some other places, some of which
are given up, and others of which remain to us, it was declared.
" that the King of. Great Britain, with the advice and consent of
his Privy Council,- took the interest and welfare of Portugal and
her dominions greatly to heart, and that he pledged himself to
protect and defend her and her possessions with ell his power,
both by sea and laud, even as though she were part of England
itself."—(Hear, heae!)—And it was by that Treaty further pro-
mised, that his Majesty should send over two regisnenta of hcitse
of 500 each, and two regiments of loot, of 1,000 each, at-the
proper cost and charge of this country. Now, Sir, this is en-
tering into the details, but I consider it so conclusive, that I
scarcely consider it oeeesesery to. go any further. There is, how-
ever, one other Treaty, to which I beg leave to call the attention
of the House-e-1 mean the Treaty of 1708. By the Treaty of
1703, which a contemporaneous writer described as the famous
Methuen Treaty, and which was still held binding, it was stipu-
hued between this country, Portugal, and the States General of
Holland (in a defensive article), that if ism- it should happen that
the King of Spain- or the King of France, or hotb, should go to
war with Portugal, or give nelson that they, or either of thorn,
,usteint to disturb her or her possessions beyond the rear, iu such
case his Majesty and the States-General should exert their good
offices to prevent hortilities—(Hear !)-,aand these good offices fail-
ing, then England and Rolland should go to war with Frames or
Spain, or both ; and in such case Holland was to supply 12,000
men, and to support them at her own charge. I eon rrady to
admit, Sir, that either of these Treaties might be, by time and
circumstances, supposed. to have relaxed in their force; or, it
might be asked, why one party having withdrawn itself from the
responsibility, say Holland, for instance, the other should be still
considered as bound to adhere to it? But, without going into
any thing like pleading upon the subject, .1 shall say,
that the ob-
jections, if any existed, to this Treaty, ought to have been raised
at the Treaty of Vienna. There we, with oar eyes open, end in
the face .of all the world, acknowledged that we felt bound by
these Treaties, and stated that we acknowledged them to he
felt fermi and effect. It is not, therefore, so much eo those
Treaties as to what took place at Vienna, that we now And
ourselves bound to Portugal, and that else has a right to look up
to us as her ancient ally and friend. This is the great moral
and political obligation which I do not feel ashamed to say we
are hound by, and which gives, Portugal, in her apprehension
of the coining storm, a right to call upon us.—(.Hear,
I feel it right to state, that no hesitation on the past hie Mae
jesty's Government has been manifested in answering the call of
Portugal. We only waited, as we were bound to do, in order
to ascertain whether a east.) laderis had .ariien, before we took
any decided hear.)—ln entering into this oxide-
an objection which I some-
rinal;relitraordina
nation I have. ineitleutuaryi
where heard urged. ry delay had taken
place on the part of his Majesty's Government. It was only
on the eel of December that I received from the Portuguese
Ambassador an application for assistance. To this applica-
tion my answer was, that although ruinous& bed mailed Gs_
vernmeut, through France and other pasts of the Continent,
loom see were not in pesmsion of that precise informetion'wen
Which we could rely, or found any communication to P:1164.
two, It was only on Farley that that information teethed us
in an authentic form ; on Satniday Ministers came to 441seisien
upon it; on Sunday the consent of his Majesty was, obtained ;
on Monday the communication was made to both Homan of Par-
lienent ; and at the very moment that I have the honour of ad-
dressing this House, the troops are on omit, way to Portugal......
(Loud cries of hear, hear! from both sides -of the Hansa. )..,.-1
1 trust, then, Sir, that no charge of unnecessary delay can be
made out agensthis Majecty's Government e..hut,on the conttaty
in a case of this kind, spreading, asits dash Mr sucks Vatietra
circumstances, and attended by suds important consegueuees, it
was our duty not to lend ourselves to hearsay or rumours, but

abstain from acting until we pnsieseed a full. knowledge of the
facts. The statements reached us at first through Madrid, where
the facto were distorted in order to answer political purposes ;
they reached us also theoUgh the Press .of France, where facts
Avcreltio disfigured, and represented in such curious forms, that
any Gentleman would think the object was to conceal the rear
State of affairs. In a word, it was impossible that any Ministers
could found a grave and important proceeding upon such state-
sinusitis as those contained in the Newspaper Press of France.—
: Mioiaters were therefore ohliged to wait until they could come
before Parliament with a confidence that their statements were
true; and that they had proper authority' for their communica-
';tions. Theie was, however, another ground for deferring the
!‘lintritututication in question to the present period. When Poi,
sidaral on a former occasion claimed our aid, it was sufficient
' 'that she did an in resistance to a Foreign POwer, and on the faith
and existing treaties: But the &time of Portugal at pre-
' sent rquired a different consideration; we had to enquire, hefore
a British soldier put his foot on Portuguese soil, nay, Were a
Aritish soldier wan put in motion to embark fie- that country,
whether they would meet with that general reception to which
they were entitled, and whether the consent of all the tainatittitcd
Anthorities Was ill favour of their landing ? t assure the House
that every precaution was taken to prevent involving this country
in proceedings which might be found Stnneceuary ; or if not so, at
least unpleasant in consequence of disagreements in that country.
was only this morning that I received intelligence an-
' nounting that the whole of the Constituted Authorities in •Porto-
gal were most an:thins for the presence of the Britieli troops, and
that both the Charahers had been unanimous upon the subject.
(Hear, hear, hear)—Sir W. A'Court, from whom time Mformae
tion caipe, stated in his dispatch, dated the 29th ,of November,
"that "The day after the news arrived of the entry of the rebels
into Ville, Seca, as we understood), application was made by the
• Minieters for British aid, upon the faith of Ancient Treaties.—
The Deputies, in'a hotly, gave their assent ; and the Peers,
ri-
eing from their seats, were to a man unanimous titan% the subject;
and the Detre of Carhaval described them as all ready to offer
• eVety assistance, either personal or otherwise, in their power.-
- Sir V. A'Court'a informant stated, that the feeling displayettepon
the Occasion was worthy of the good days of Portugal. The guess'
Sion of the reception of our troop's being- arranged, it came
next to be considered whether the castle far/errs had
ar-
rived. Now it is ',dear, that bands of armed Portuguese, armed
• Sod equipped by Spain, had crossed the Portugucae frontiers, not
in one place, but at several Pi.,::nts. One incursion had been
made at Tills e's Montes, 14 Others at different other points. It
certainly is Poasiblt i'aat some slight aggression might have been
committed by *few a
it con tetOd persous or stragglers at a single
point, without '...reatitig much alarm • but when an attack was
made in ft'''. way upon a Whole line :if frontier, no doubt could be
enter►-Mined
of the nature and object of the aggreasion. It is true
. would be tnore undoubted if a single Spaniard bad crossed the
frontier with a hostile feeling. But the question with the Bri-
tish Government was this—la there less hostility in a Portuguese
army crosaingthe frontier when avowedly in the pay and service
Of Spain ? lithe incursion, thin,: by persons nurtured on the roil,
Was at the instigation and by the support of foreigners. It is,
• therefore, He to say, that it is not in truth and in fact a foreign
invasion. It is true that Spain has not availed herself oilier own
or'other mercenaries, hut she has matte use of the mercenaries of
• Portugel itself. —( Hear, hear, hear. )—I have already stated, that
' lr was not his Majesty's intention to interfere with the internal re-
gidations of Portugal ; that is a question which they insist settle
amongst themselves. But there is a wide distinction between her
internal' regulations, 'and foreign aggressions upon • her. And
When Nutria of armed refugees, confessedly supported by a foreign
power, break in upon her peace and quiet, it would he a laxity in
coda solecisM in morality, for which we should be justly
Aaatidetitned by this House, if we denied to interfere.(Hear:).
'he: question, as it appears to me, is this—there is a treaty,Mit
- in a cornetsbut openly :stowed to the world--a treaty, known
and acknewledgetltra other bruits, and I am sure that neither can
his. Majesty 141%1,4 to act in accordance with it, nor can time
tiOuile;of COMMons consistently refuse to support his Majesty in
ntaintaltiog the national honour and character—(Hear, hear),
aiid giving effect to there 'Treaties. This is the case upon which
I stand, and I put it without reference to any collateral points,
becalm, I wish to be clearly understood by those to wham this
, statement will find iii way. But I have something to add, to
! -Width I beg the attention of the House... When I call for the
aid, of this House and the country in favour of Portugal, it is not
to be understood that I call upon it to go to war with Spain. I
beg-Honourable Gentlemen to bear this in mind, and further
• to understand, that though Ithink the conduct of Spain un-
neighbour-like, nay even -contrary to the laws of (kid -and man,
still I do not mean to insinuate, that there is no compunction,
no locus psultentite, possibility of rtalrese,•no hope of -retracing
their step% on the part of that Nation. Sir, I say no such thing;
but I do say that it is our duty to fly to the defeece of Portugal,
he the assailant who he may--(Hear, bear.)-1 How come to the
question .1 who is the assailant ? Sir, the present state of Portu-
gal is St/ unusual in the:History of Nations, its history is crowded
With events so extraordinary, that I hope I shall not be considered
sae mittecessarily wasting the time of the House, if I enter shortly,
and as succinctly as possible, into a detail'of a few of its lead,
ing facts, and their effects upon the present position of
Eu-
rope. It is generally known, that the King of Portugal was
anxious :to raise Brazil from a Colony to Metropolitan con.
dition, and that upon his Majesty's return to Portugal, thut Colo-
: ny-became anxious to achieve her independence, and it was appre-
hended that the two Crowns would be separated. The King of
'Portugal therefore determined to settle the sovereignty upon his
*Meat arm. This wes hardly done, the ink with which the deed
was made out was hardly dried, when time premature death of the
, King of Portugal again united both Crowns upon- one bead.—
The advice of this country, and another nation connected with
eit:a, was tendered upon the occasion, but not before the King
of Portugal had determined to abdicate the Crown of Portugal in
favour of his eldest Daughter. This abdication' was accompanied
With the offer of a free Constitutional Charter. It was stated that
this hail beitu done by the advice of Great Britain. It was no
• such thing—England gave no such advice ; not because Nfitiisters
approved or disapproved of ouch a measure; but because they felt
that it formed no part of the duty of an English Ministry to
interfere with the internal regulations of that or any other country.
- (Hear, hear, hear.)—lt is rrtainly true, that the Charter was
brought lions Brasil by a Gentleman who has filled, and continua
to fill, an office of high trust from this country. Sir Charles
Stuart happened to be at Brazil et the time, and he was request-
ed by the King of Portugal to take that Charter to Lisbon as be
Was returning home. Sir Charles Stuart did bring it to Porten.
gal, but no blame whitever attached to that Gentlemen, in eiMV-
quence of having done so. lint he was ordered to return to Eng-
land-in order to prevent the suspicion that that Charter wan ad-
vised by British Consuls or supported by British Agency. With
respect to that Charter, I do not fol called upon to give an opi-
nion—l certainly entertain att opinion upon it; but as an English
Minister, all I OA say, is, " May God prosper that attempt at,
the extension of Constitutional liberty, and may the Nation to:
which it is extended prove as fit to receive and cherish it as she
is to distbarge her other duties amongst the other Nations of En.'
ropc ....-(Cheers from both sides of the House. ) "—lt is impossible
that we can desert our ancient Allies—but at the Sallie time, it is
impouible that we could support the Portuguese if there existed a
schism amongst the constituted authorities. We do, however, go
to Portugal in faith of our Treaty ; when there, we shall do no-'
thing foreiblf I but we shall, at time same time, take care that no-
thing is done by other Nations, to prevent the freest action of the
Constitution there estaidished.—(Hear, hear. much I have
felt it neeessery tweity,, relative to the case of Portugal ; internally
it is not our intention to interfere with that country; but external
violence shall not be used against her while Great Britain hal the
power to wield an arm in her defence.--- Cheers.)--External
force, strictly speaking, has not yet been used, but other channele
have been tried, nod pronto* who belonged to the internal have
now become external assailants, through the instrumentality
another Power in their endeavour to attain their Nide. Whether the.
aggression complained ofwas a defect in the Government, or arises
from the machinations of faction and fanatitiam, I shall toot now
stop to inquire—which defies power in the capital or ditioheys it
on the frontier, I will not now atop to inquire; but thiS I shall
state—that any country which has time honour and happiness of
being the idly of Great Britain is entitled to her preeetatio:eni::
shall not be assailed either by renegaricia or external enemies of
whatever description.--( Hear, hear.)—The question, t
has arty such conduct been pursued by Spain? Has au), force
been usual by that country, no matter whether directed by fedi°,
or fanaticism, tending to interfere with time freedom and indepeml-
"" of Portugal? It would, perhape, be unjust in me to iiay
that there exists in Spain an unconquerable hatred of the exist-
°nee of free institutions. However incredible the phenomenon
may appear in this country, I our peretiathel that there exists in a
vast majority of the Spanish Nation a decided love of arbitrary
power, - and a preference for absolute government. The more li-
beral Institutions of countries in their neighbourhood have not yet
extended their infitienee into Spain; and whether the Public Au-
thorities there do or: do not partake of the *ante sentiment, no
exertion is required to excite and to call it into action among time
people, Without blame, therefore,: to- the Government of
Spain, out of the natural antipathy between the two nations..—
tee one prizing its freedom, and the other hugging its servi-
took—may have arisen the mutual inroads, mutual provocations,
and mutual aggressions which, perhaps, even the most active
and aloud ministry could not altogether restrain. lam in-
clined to believe that such was, in fact, the origin of these dif-

'•;.-',,..:_.:',N!,:.•-,::.='...H•:',.',.i:..=,.,:.::,1,..,:,..i•-::,;.;..:'
.t,:!..._4:74:.i.,.,,,:,;i,...3,4.;,-.i:;-;;,:,,....
.-.;',.-.1-,:t4ti.,,,t4:--i,?;,-..:!f..;,;.,i-i;,..,...,..,-.:i,-,,,:i.i.,.,1

Pureness bet Ween Spain and Portugal ; that in their pro,
gresa - they have been .adopted, matured, metbodized, combined, 1
and brought into more perfect action, by some authority more i
united and more powerful than the mere feeling disseminated 1
through the mass of the community, is, certain ; but Ido believe i
their origin to have been as much in the real sentiment of the
Spanish population, as in the opinion or foyer- of -the Government
RAC, That ittprecieely the question between its and Spain, with
respect. to this Message from his 'Majesty regarding our relations
with Spain. .14 though partaking in the feelings of the Spanish'
Nation,. the Spanish Government has neeet ittlended to embody
and give them effect—if its vigilance has been surprised, its con-
fidence betrayed, and its orders neglectedif the repeated and
shameless violation of its engagements have been occasioned not
by its own good-will, but against its eectittitneridation and desire—
let us see some symptoms of disapprobation, some signs of
repentance; let us witness' some measures to establish his
sorrow and his eineerity.-:---(Hear, hear.)--4n that case the
Message, to which I propose this night to • Marti a reply, will
remain only..a measere a-dote:we to Portugal, 'and not neves.
eerily a ntetsitte of War against Spain. With these explanations
and qualifications, let us now proceed to the facts. . Great de-
sertions took place from the Portuguese Army into Spain, and
some desertions took place from the Sluttish Army into Porte.
gal. At our earnest advice and exhortation, Portugal reffised all
countenance to the latter. In the first instance, however, with
regard to a few of them, the Portuguese Authorities were taken
by surprise; but, as soon as they had an opportunity of exercising
a discretion, it is lint justice to say, that they have uniforinly and
manfully discouraged the desertions of the Spanish soldiery ; where
they could do so without giving up . the -individuals themselves,
and. without . betraying . misplaced confidence, they have given
cautions against carrying such au intention into effect. There
exist between Spain .and Portugal specific treaties,
,stipulating the
mutual surrender of deserters; Portugal had, therefore, a right
ti, claim of Spain that every such deserter should be forthwith re-
turned.
_1 hardly know whether by its own impulse, or by our
advice,
.for they were nearly concurrent in point of time, the Por-
tuguese Government waived its right under those treaties ; it very
wisely considered that it would be inconvenient to have those de-
serters ristored,, and to .be placed in the difficult alternative of
either granting h dangerous amitesty, or of ordering numerous
and exemplary executions. It therefore took a middle course,
and signified to Spain that it would be entirely satisfied if, instead
of returning the deserters, it would send back their MOH, horses,
and equipments ;-' and, separating the men from their officers, re.
move both' from the frontiers into the interior. A solemn en-
gaeemeut was entered into by the Spanish Government to this
eect—first with Portugal, next with France, and afterwards with
England. That undertaking having been concluded one day, was;
abandoned on the next; and this. not only once, but the vine
lation was repeated ,at least in six or seven different :instances.
—The deserters, instead of being disarmed and dispersed, were
allowed .to remain together in their depots—they were enrolled,
trained, disciplined, and prepared for action : in fact, they were
fitted for the expedition they have since undertaken. I say, that
with respect to this proceeding, there was perfidy somewhere ;
and it reete with the, Spanish Authorities to show that it was not
with thein.—(Year, bear !)—lt rests with them to prove, that if
their engagements have not been fulfilled—if their intentions have
been diverted and unexecuted, the fault has not been with them,
and that they are ready to make every reparation for the breach
of' treaty which the cafe admits. 1 have mentioned, that these
promiees were made to Portugal and to France as well as to Great
Britain ; and I should do an act of injustice to Fraoee if I were
' not to add, that the representations of that Government upon this
point have been as urgent, -and alas ! as. fruitless, as those of the
British Ministry.--4Hear,,hear !)--Upon the first irruption into
the Portuguese territory, the French Government, to testify its
displeasure, recalled its Ambassador, and directed its Charge
d'Affaires to signify to its Catholic Majesty that Spain was to look
fur no sapport from Fiance against the consequences of this aggres-
sion, and again to recommend thatiw. should retrace the steps
already taken. lam bound, in justice to the French Government,
to state, that with this object it exerted itself to the utmost. -I have
up right whatever to impute any want of sincerity or good faith to
the exertions made. by France to force Spain to the execution of her
engagements. It will he'for Spain, upon a communication of the
step now taken by his Majesty, to consider in what way, she will
meet the call. .11:Iy earnest hope and wish is, that else may meet it
in such a Manner as to avert the consequences of the Message
before us. To those consequences I only allude, and beyond that
point I will not pursue them, in the hope that they may not be
necessary.—(Hear, hear, hear.)--7.1 set out with saying, there
were many reasons which'induced me to thir( that nothing short
of a point of national faith or r.titional honour,--I, will not say,
would justifw hut would make desiraliW, any approximation.
to the possibility. of a dangerous war. Let toe be -understood,
however, distinctly, as not `meaning that I dread a war in a
' good cause (and in no other may it ho the lot of this country to
' engage !). from a distrust of .the strength of the country to cone;
'ewe it, or of her resources to maintain it. I dread it, in-
deed, but upon far other grounds : I dread it from a conscious-
ness of the tremendous power Great • Britain posseeees of pushing
hostilities in which she may he engaged to consequences which'
I shudder to contimplate..4llear, hear, hear.)—Some years
ago, in the discussion of the negociations with Spain, I took
the liberty of adverting to a topic of this nature—that the posi-
tion of this country was one of neutrality; not only between
contending natious, but between contending principles ; and that
it was in the position of neutrality ' alone we could maintain that
belance, the preservation of which I believed to be essential to the
peace and safety of the world. Four years' experience (it is now
more than -three years and a half front that date) has confirmed
rather than altered my opinion. I fear that the next war to be
kindled in Europe, if it spread beyond the narrow limits of Spain
and Portugal, will he a war of a most tremendous character—a
War not merely of conflicting armies, hut of conflicting opinions
--(much cheering.) I know that if into that war this country
enters (stud if she do engage, I trust it will be with a meet sin-
cere desire to mitigate rather than exasperate, and to contend with
arms rather than with the more fatal artillery of popular excitation),
she will see under her banners, arrayed for the contest, all the dis-
contented and restless Virile of the age—all those who, whether
justly or unjustly, are dissatisfied with the present state of their
own countries. The consciousness of such a situation excites all
my fears ;. for it shows that there exists a power, to be wielded by
Great Britain, more , tremendous' than was, perhaps, ever yet
bronght into action in -the history of mankind—(Hear, hear.)-•--
But theugh it may he " excellent to have a giant's power," it
may he " tyraenous to use it like a giant." The knowledge that,
we possess this strength, is our security ; and our business is not
to seek opportunities of displaying it, but by a partial and half
shelve exhibition of it, to snake it felt that it is - the interest of
exeggeraters, 'on both aides, to - shrink from converting- their mu--
pire into their competitor.—(Hear, hear.)—The situation of this
country may be compared to that of the Ruler of the Winds, as de-•
s:ribed by the poet :--.

" eclsa sellet arce.
Sceptra tenet's ; mollitque animos et temperat iras
Ni faciat, nutria ac terraa crehunque profundum
Quippe ferant rapidi recum, verrantque per auras."
The consequence of letting loose the passions •at present chained'
curl confined, would be the production of a.seene of desolation
which no man can contemplate without horror, and I should
not ,sleep easy on my couch if I thought by a single moment I
had precipitated it._( Hear, hear.)—This, then, is the reason—a
reason the ,reverse -of fear—a reason the contrary of disability,
why I dread the recurrence of a war. That this reason may he •
felt by those who are ectiog on opposite principles, before the
time for using our power Shall arrive, I would bear much, and I
would forbear long ; I would almost put up with any thing that
did not touch our national faith and national honour, rather than
let slip the furies of war, the leash of which is in our hands, while
we know not whom they may reach, and doubt where the devasta-
tion may end.—(Continued cheering.) Sod] is the love of peace
which the British Government acknowledges, and such the duty
of peace which the circumstances of the world inculcate.—(Cheers
from all sides.)—ln obedience to this conviction, and with the
hope of avoiding extretnities, I will push no farther the topics of
this part of the Address. Let us defend Portugal, whoever may
he the assailants, because it is a work of duty; and let us end
where that duty ends. We go to Portugal nut. to rule, not to
govern, not to dictate, not to pfescribe-bitt to plantour standard,
and to secure het' independence. Where the standard of England
is planted, there foreign dominion shall •not come.—(The cheers
lasted ton some minutes after the Right Hon. Gentleman had re-
'mimed his seat. He rose again merely to inform the House; that
the Address was merely an echo of the Mesaage, pledging the
House to support his :Majesty in the maintenance of public faith,
and to protect Portugal against foreign aggression.)

•
The SPEAKER read the Address, which was re-
ceived with much applause, and put the rinestion that it be adopted.
Sir ROBERT WILSON said that his Majesty,
in that Message, exprem.ed his sentiments with the pride end dig-
nity of a King td Great Britain, and withla ConacionsiteaS that
he WAS ruling over a people fond of, and ready to maintain the
national honour ; but, as his Majesty could act only With the
concurrence of his Government, he confessed that he felt great
anxiety, Oil account of the open and multiplied treacheries of
Spain, to obtain rune efuentist support for Portugal. Knowing
of these aggressions, he (lair R. Wiloon) was, when he gave no-
tice of his motion, actuated by an impatience which he could not
any longer contrOul. His object was to do that which was right
towards Portugal, and not with any view to accuse his Majesty's

Ministeys of neglect. The Right. Hon. Gentleman stated the
treaties by which this country was bound to defend Portugal.
for his part, he did net pursue this line of conduct from any per-
sonal feeling against the Government, but to state that the defence
of Portugal was an obligation imposed on this country by those
treaties. The Right Hon. Gentleman did not state the Treaties
fully, fur part of the Treaty of 166 imposed this obligation on
us. And although this country ceased to derive any benefit from
those articles, yet our trade continued with the Colonies of Por-
tugal in the East and West Indies. The Right Hon. Gentleman
also stated loosely all the offences committed by Spain against Por-
tugal. Remonstrances were made by the Governors of the diffe-
rent cities of Portugal, and the offences pointed out, and where the
deserters were received and armed and paid. What was theanswer ?
It was that General O'llonnel threatened to punish with death
as traitors, such as should attempt to revolutionize the nation.—
All the circumstances showed that this aggression watt as regular
and well-concerted, as if done by regular armies. The object was
to instigate the Portuguese, and to assist them in an insurrection
against their Government. The King of Spain was called on to
deny this object, and declared that he did not sanction it: But
the eomtnisnications along the line from Castile to Estrerna-
dere, were so regular, that they must have been concerted by
authority. The danger of enforcing the principles on which this
country should act, was no more than a mere shadow, and the
Hon. Gentletnan's.own conduct was proof of it. The anecdote
which he was about to relate would show that the influence of
this country was irresistible, when conducted, not on the views
of ambition, but on the principles of honour. At the time that
there was a rumour of. this country acknowledging the independ-
ence of the South American Colonies, Sir Wm. A'Court, in a
conversation with M. Ouvrard, observed that we Would recognise
that independence in less than three months. The. Ambassador of
Russia having overheard the conversation, approached, and sign&
candy said, " nous verrons," which was meant to imply more
than doubt. But what was the consequence of our recognition ?
Was there any opposition on the part of Russia, or any other.
Power? We should now pursue the sane course, disregarding
the threats of any Power. lie had thus openly declared his senti
molts in favour of this war. lie bad Urged on these proceedings,
and he was ready to share the responsibility. In human, affairs,
and particularly in the affairs of war, it was impossible to forejudge
the results, whether they would be disaster or success; but never
was a nation whFch went to battle with greater assurances of suc-
cess, bearing as it did upon its banners the motto of -" God and
justice."—(Hear.)—The Hon. Member concluded by saying,that
whatever be the result, be would never shrink from the reeponsi-
bility of having approved of and recommended this war.

Mr. ITUNIE begged to be allowed to state briefly

the grounds upon which he claimed their attention. The first
observation which he should make upon the statement which the
House had just heard was, that the Right Hon. Gentleman seemed
to have taken only one view of the questioniaamely, the felit
tion in which this country was placed with respect to Portugal
by treaty. Now to the actual fact of this, relation he could not
object, because assured that treaties were in existence by which it
was established, but he thought that such treaties were to be de-
precated, and it would not be amiss to discuss the' question of
whether or not in 'sound political expediency and discretion, we
were to he bound by them. What was the situation in which
this country was now placed ? Was it not that, by the Right
Hon. Gentleman's interpretation, we were always, and upon
every occasion of possible emergency in which Portugal could
he placed, to give her our aid and protection, although it was mo-
rally certain that from our relative conditions with respect to each
other, we could never expect to receive any return? He (Mr.
Hume) felt that it was too late in the day now to inquire into why
or wherefore these treaties were made, because that they were
made was certain ; and it was certaiu also that they'had been
proclaimed in the face of Europe in 1815, and that they were (so
fur as those treaties were binding) called upon to assist our un-
doubtedly oldest ally, Portugal, in her difficulties. ' But the
question now was, whether or not these treaties ought to be con 7
sidered as binding, andwhether we were called upon, in sount
policy, to rashly plunge into hostilities, of which no man could se
the end ? . That a state of tranquillity and neutrality was th/
most wholesoMe fur this•country, bleeding as it still was from its
former extraordinary 'struggles, no man could deny. It had been
not only admitted by every man who considered the' subject, sod
not only had not been denim:lying' even strongly recommended by
the Right Hon. Gentleman himself, in former debates in this
House. The sante:glowing colours which that Right Hon. Gent.
had clothed this question ,in to-night, seemed to have dazzled hii
own sight as fo the minor but necessary views of the subject. He
had wholly overlooked the Most important point of all—namely,
whether this country, under present circumstances, %yes in a
cowlition to go, to Ivan., or able to bear the new burdens which
that most .expensive state of .thiOgs'svould impose upon it? lle
well recollected the able and eloquent manner ip which the
Right Hon. Gentleman
_three :years ago demonstrated *to this
House the incalculable advantages of a continuance of peace and
_ .

neutrality to this country. The same powerful means by which
be would now urge us headlong into the commission of hostilities,
he then made use of to reconcile us to the blessings and advantages
of peace, and the approbation with which his opinions were re
ceived, was as unequivocal as was► this night developed.- He put
it to the Right lion. Gentleman, whether there was any thing
in the state of the eoun;ry at this day which could warrant
so decided a change of tone with respect to peace or var.—
He contended that the f►rst blow struck .would lead to a war with,

France. Ministers seemed now to have placed reliance upon
France; but what was there in the conduct of that Government
which could entitle it to confidence? Ought not the bail faith and
wily policy which the Duke of Wellington encountered at Vero-
na teach us not again to be deceived by the false promises of . the
French Ministers ? Let not the House then he deceived by the
specious argument, of the Right Hon. Gentleman. The latter
part of his speech was an answer to the first. Ile hid said he
would not let slip the dogs of war. But had he not already let
them loose, and they were on their march.—(Loud laughter.).
Mr. CANNING—I did not say dogs of war.
Mr. HUME—But either they are, or are not dogs.
—(Laughter.)—His Hon. Friends thought he had mistaken the
expressions of the Right Hon, Gentleman ; but he assured them
he had not. No war could be carried on without additional
taxes; and it was his (bie. Hume's) conscientious opinion, that
no other circumstances but those of self-defence could justify a
war under the present circumstances of the country Every
man who knew any thing of the materials of which Spain and
Portugal were composed, must be convinced, that the conflict
once begun will soon become general: Surely a week's consi-
deration was not too much for the question of peace or war.;
Instead, therefore, of agreeing to the. Address, he should move,
as an amendment, " that the House be called over for this day
week ;" but he did not wish by any means to interfere with
whatever steps the Executive might think proper to take.
Mr. 'WOOD (of Preston) seconded the Amend-
ment.

Mr. BARING had laboured to find, in the state-
ment of facts submitted to the House by the Right Hon. Gentle-
man, some evasion, or loop-hole, for creeping through with safety
to the honour and character of this country, but without success.
The outrage developed was so gross, the aggression so utterly with-:
out excuse, that the meanest indiiidual or more contemptible na-
tion, could not overlook it.—(Hear, hear.)—He had looked on the
condition of the Peninsula for the last four years with considerable
jealousy, and he was quite persuaded that had the King's Govern-
ment evinced the same resolution at.the period of the invasion of
Spain that they do now, all Europe would have been spared the
calamity which, sooner or later, he feared must crnne.—(Hear,
hear.)--In his judgment the friendly dispositions of Governments
were but securities for nations, and when they talked of the assur-
ances of. France, he could only answer that the highest reach of,
diplomatic cunning was to give to political affairs a natitral appear-'
puce, so as to exclude the supposition of artificial agency. And,
to this country nothing could be more dangerous than tbe.state of
the Peninsula.—(Hear, hear.)—He believed it might be true than
there was a party in Spain more powerful than the Government,
and a similar state of things might be said to exist in France; but
With all the respect he entertained for the. Prime. Minister of
France, he could not help remarking that there were in that coun-
try political parties and political acts beyond his controul. At all
events the Right Honourable Gentleman had taken the proper:
course. Whether France he sincere or.not, the course decided on
is the wise one.—(Hear, hear.)--And if we were to hesitate about
resources, we should be placing ourselves iu a condition which
Would render us as a Power or a country not worth thinking of.-
(Cheers.).-'-The country was in a condition to go to war, for
people were willing, and would go along with the Government.—;
He believed that no Government, or Parliament, or King, could
again make this country embark in an unjust war.Thadaterilluayatwe
to
gone by, but he'was convineed that if war be essential to the na-
tional honour, the means. of the country were perfectly
the purpose.---(Cheers.)
Mr. BANKLS might be wrong—but that was his
opinion, and although he could not support the amendment of the
i he could not concur ill what appeared
to be tTleempberitr,a fur
Angberden
sentimente in the House. .
Mr. BROUGHAM and Mr. HOBHOUSE next
rose, but there being a general cry for Mr. Brougham, the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman proceeded. He could have been well
content to have rested his vote on the facts and arguments of the,
Right Hon. Secretary for Foreign Affairs; but after the part
which be had taken in Spanish affairs, when the question of the

invasion was,entertained in that House, and which part he new
regarded with redoubled satisfaction, he could not give a silent
vote. He entreated his Hon. Friend (Mr. Hume) and his Hon:
and Learned Friend (Mr. Wood), that in what he bad to say, they
would consider his remarks in any other light than that of Mere.
sped to them, although he did not mean to include their proposi-
tion in the observation against which he now rose to enter his most
decided protest.—(Hear.)—lf he could believe that this war
Might be avoided—that there was any •escape from the alterna4
tive which flow presented itself—any way to avoid a war (not,
he hoped, a protracted one), but active and determined preparation
to aveige a breach of faith, and support our national honour—
if ho could see any way to avoid these things, then he should be
in a more equable frame of mind to enter into the calculations
of his Honourable Friends, for then it would be in his power to
adjust his vote. according to the result of the calculation. But
there are situations in which nations and individuals might be

placed, in which to compute their cost would be frivolous, impos-
sible, and disgraceful to the nation or the individual.—(Cheers. )
And here he was at iscie as to the fact with his Hon. Friends, and
with the Hon. Member for Dorset (Mr. Bankes), who, admitting
the principle of the Right Hon. Secretary, had tendered an issue,
in fact, to which he would briefly direct the attention of the
House ; and in so doing, he would be only recalling their atten-
tion to the real circumstances of the case before them. First,

then, he would ask, *as it an admitted proposition that nations
might be hound by treaties, and were capable of entering into obli-
gations, and of being firmly bound by such obligations, and that the
inhabitants of a country remaining from year to year the same—aye
for centuries—having contracted obligations, in times,so►ne distant,
sonic recent, are bound to fulfil their contracts? He presumed that
was a proposition which would not be, (Icnied.—(Year, hear.)—
Well, then, England was bound by a treaty—not an old one either,
although the antiquity of A treaty would be no argument against
it ; but this could not be culled antiquated. If in the reign of
Charles 11. a pecuniary consideration had been given, which that
abandoned profligate tyrant had squandered on his pleasures as
soon as the money Came into his coffers, let it be remembered
that there was another consideration which hiS friends could
not omit, although they might find their computations should
• then be on the wrong side of the account. His friends must re-
member that Bombay was obtained by that stipulation.—(Hear,
hear.)—We might give up the 300,0001. which Charles had
spent ; but were they prepared to give up that settlement—(hear,
hear)—which they must do if they now refused to perform the
stipulationii on which it was conceded by Portugal ?—(cheers.
But this was not all. We renewed this obligation in the 18th cen-

tury. We renewed it in the 19th century: We renewed it not
more than ten years back, a period since his Honourable Friend
and the Hon. Member (Mr. Bankes), had taken a conspicuous
part in the management of public affairs.—(Hear,
Would it therefore be denied that this treaty, after all these re•
cognitions, was binding upon England ? No Nation with a
sentiment of honour, and no statesman with common
sense, could recommend such a flagrant act of perfidy.—
His Honourable Friend (Mr. Hume) and the Honourable Mem-
ber for Dorset, had asserted that what was going forward in Por-
tugal was matter of internal management and not of external hos-
tility. Surely they could not have heard the facts stated by the
Right lion. Secretary. If the universal concurrence of the re-
ports of all those who corresponded, with persons residing in that
country; if the statements in all the foreign prints (some of them
no doubt exaggerated), but all of them telling the same history in
substance ; if all this were to he given to the winds, still we had
the authority of the Right Hon. Secretary, upon which alone
Parliatnent' could act—and for which lie would hold the Right
Hon. Gentleman responsible, and from which the Right Hon.
Gentleman would not shrink, and front which, if he did attempt
it, Parliament would not allow hint to escape—m• his responsibi-
lity, he contended, the House had ,a right to assume, and they
could assume nothing less, than that a hostile aggression had taken
place..--(Cheers.)—The fact was this—four,or five thousand men
at different times escaped front' Portugal, and assembled on thi
frontiers of Spain—they are marshalled, if not officered, and ac •
colored, and thus accoutred and equipped they are sent from that
country—not into one part of Portugal, nor from one part of the
'SPanislarontier, but all at the same time, and for the same ob-
i%iouittUrpoie. These bodies of men, thus equipped, are sent forth
to accomplish their object. Now could credulity go so far as to
suppose all this was accidental—the fortuitous concurrence of
the atoms of all these regiments?—(Cheers.)—What! that an
indefinite number of individuals should, by accident, have
withdrawn from their own country into Spain, and should, by
another accident, have congregated. together, not in knots of
two or three, living in a hapless state of exile and
:rniiery, but. as-
suming, by accident, all the pride, pomp, and circumstance of war-
like station, furnished with the means and implements of war by
1 the Spanish Government, and placed in the most advantageoul
position for carrying war into their own country ! Most un-
luckily, the Portuguese refugees were distributed through all

parts of the Spanish territory which peculiarly combined the fa-
cilities necessary for a hostile incursion into Portugal: And yet
the good men who regulate the affairs of the Spanish Govern-
ment, and the good men, to whose vigilance the care of the
frontiers of Spain were• intrusted, had no more notion of what
was going forward, than if they were situated in the most remote
and inaccessible part of the globe! If there , were any man
who could doubt that the passing events were known to the
Spanish pOvernruent—if any man had sufficient ingenuity to
discover a point on which to hang a suspicion that the move-
ments of the factious Portuguese were unknown to, anti un-
authorised by the Spanish authorities—the man whose mind
was endowed with such a happy faculty of scepticism might
consistently deny that a casus ficdecis had arisen. It was
a mere mockery to argue upon the supposed ignorance of the
Spanish Government as to the hostile movements against Por-
tugal. If she did not know of them, She ought to have known of
them, and she was bound either to have prevented them, or, if
she could not prevent them, she must abide the consequence,
which was, that England should, by the interposition of her autho-
rity, put a atop to their further progress.—(Hear, hear.)—lt
was said that the invaders of Portugal were Portuguese, not
Spaniards. What difference did' that make in the case? If one
class of, Portuguese subject, arrayed themselves on one side of
the question, while the rest of the country embraced the
other, and if en armed force marched from Lisbon against Oporto,
or from Tras-os-Montes against Lisbon, to subvert the Con-
stitution, he admitted that in such an instance this country
would not be called upon to interfere. But these parties
were not Portuguese Refugees marching • front Lisbon .to
Oporto, or from Oporto to Tras-os-Montes. This was the

elite of an army of four or five thousand men—he wished
he could recollect the words of the Bight Honourable
Gentleman, for he could not describe them in more accu-
rate terms—this was a body of rebels who, by one act of
treason, had made themselves exiles from their country, and as-
sumed the character of foreigners+who, by a second act of trea-
son, committed an invasion upon their country; and, by a third
set of treason, resumed the name of Portuguese in order to escape
the punishment which their revolt deserved. These men, expa-
triating themselves, and obtaining comfort and shelter, and aid
and supplies, in the country to which they bad fled, were found
to make war upon their own country, marshalled and accoutred,
and armed at the expense and with the resources of Spain. It
was said, and not more painfully than truly, " than when war
comes no man can foresee where it will terminate." He acknow-
ledged this lamentable truth ; but he also knew that, when
submission once began, it was more difficult to see where it
would end than even the devastation of war.— (Hear, hear,
hear.)—lf was an act of degradation which not only crippled
the future exertions of a nation, but compromised the cha-
racter of mankind, on whom those exertions must depend.—
.
The question was not now whether, even in order to retain our
possessions, we should be content to forfeit our station in the eyes
of Europe and of the world, and by so doing avoid war. He (Mr...
Brougham) would say No," even if that were the alternative
which was presented to our choice. But the question now actually
was, whether for a limited -season we should submit to au inse-
cocuureld,
not
tperaelciairti oeuisi,eaace,d
forish ointohuarda
nng uonf btehaerahholneo
the
comfort, or the security, which render peace sweet—whether we
should for' the sake of a temporary, disgraceful, disgusting, and
intoleMble postponement of hostilities, expose ourselves hereafter,
when war shall inevitably come on, to be held up to the eyes of
the World a beaten down and degraded uation.,
not ruinednd easyin
the eyes of mankind, and,
judg
whatis thousand timer
find
ruined in our owls eyes by
the
this worse,
Lind in
of
did e
te
the self-esteem—and,
of
what might perhaps be still
those to whose minds topics of
access under any'other form—namely, that a small sum, if ex-
pended in time, might' have been the means of saving a disburse-
ment of ten times the amount, with compound anti accumulated
interest, at a future time—(Hear, hear, and laughter);..-and
when the risking the loss of a thousand men now, although the
necessity
of such a precaution was sufficient in itself to excite
hereafter, and and dregret might avert the sacrifice of ten thOusand lives
might have the effect of preventing a war when.
Our resources should be Crippled war of boundless extent, in
which it should be observed, that other Powers besides Spain
might take part, and of which it might be truly said, that no
man could foresee where it would end.—(Hear, hear.)—For his
(Mr. Broughain't) part, he totally dissented from the represents.-
time that were made of the risks and difficulties of hostilities.
If the disasters which were announced should happen (which
-(sod forbid, and the best means 'of averting which were the

measures whiob bad been already adopted), while the Govern-
ment acted upon its present principles,. and while the country re-
mined true to itself, hOwever oppressive might be our burdens,
and however distressing our difficulties, he (Mr. Brougham) ha 4
no fear for the result.—(Cheers.)
Mr. BRIGHT felt himself called upon upon at the
eve of a momentous train of events, to declare his sentiment that
no cases fatleris had arisen, and that no event was shown to haw
yet occurred in Portugal which,called for the iuterposition of this
country in 'the was, proposed by Ministers.
Mr. CANNING rose to reply to the objection's
raised against the course recommended by his Majesty's Govent-
!neut. The Right Hon. Gentleman said-4s I freely admit, Sir,
that I have understated the case. I have done so purposely---1
have dune so designedly, I have done so, warning the House that I
did it, wishing the House to take no more of the conduct of Spa
than would be sufficient to establiih a casus
.ficrleris, but not sn
much as would render it impossible to avoid war, which would he the
Cue if a full statement had been laid before the House.—(Hear.)—'
The Hon. Gentleman says, that we have not made Out a ruffs-
dent case. If, encouraged by the Hon. Gentleman, Spain should
myself that I shall be ready to lay before the House
be led to persevere in acts of unmistakable hostility, then/ pledge
if now presented, would shut out the locus prnitentire whit:l,We
are anxious to afford. Ido not wish to prevent a retractationen
the part of Spain, or to drive her into a corner from which 0:W
could not escape without a struggle, which it is so expedient ' if
possible, to avoids,....(Hear, hear.)—l have not shown the Hew
that I under-stated the case. Acting upon the infotetatisa ei
which I was officially possessed, I !fleeted out so much as / toe,f
sidered sufficient for one purpose without creating the n"ss'ifY,f-'
another. It is. for the House to approte or to condemn the 11
discretion which I have exercised. But I cast assore the
...11°"'
Gentleman that, 'if the time shall ever unfortanotelY "r
he will find that it was not for want of evidence the fs'ist
disclosures have been avoided.—(Hear, hThe soneetP
merit Which has been"
proposed has been justified by s re'
papers,
ference to debates which took place in this House a few ye6l*
back, and in the course of which it is said I declared it was that
our for this country to engage unnecessarily in war,and
The turre
now come forward anti inconsistently propose a war. T
and single differenoe of my conduct is, that then we had a eludes
whether we should resort to war or not, while in the present visa
we have on alternative.—(Hear, hear.)—I still maintain my Ts"-
Mon, that war utight to be avoided where it can, but that wh!n
an absolute obligation binds us, it is impossible to elude t.
Another point insisted upon by the lion. Gentleman, with whtor
speech I have no other fault to find (for it was esPre",ed under e
most handsome terms, and most ably seasoned)--anotoßerill,,ne
was, that instead of repealing the Foreign Enlistment
0;
nee
ought to call on France to withdraw her Army.
I do
° Ivan-
how the withdrawing of her Army would be'
°I
any
a'other-
tage. I believe that that Army protects!, rather than
wise, the very party which it first interfered to ptit down:::
situationtotally
raised
d i
thatffue fr
My firm belief is, that the first effect of , withdrawing that:
Army would he to let loose party rage; but when it is st
he
that the presence of the French Army has eutirely altered to
that the entry of the French Army into Spain wall:"°
worth war for various reasons ; amongst others, for lb,
41,
that whatever effect a war commenced on the mere ground sfw;
entry of the French Army into Spain might have had, the effsc
it certainly would not have had, syould have been— not to got the
French Army out of Spain. The war night have enliebelLut•
with new provinces —we might or might not hive bon Os ";t-
-ter for it; but as to a war begun fur the express puritnss D': 6„k,- -
ting the French Army out of Spain, succeeding in that Perbri, r
object, I will venture to say, that at the end of the sow, tii"" I
object would not have been accomplished. I admit, for Argun"'
sake, that the entry of the French Army into Spain orS' ~"
disparagement. I admit it ; I don't wish to disguises t; 1:::,
it was a blow to the feelings of this country ; at:„tthst
were two ways of redressing it—one was a direct attack "'
"slue,
point ; the other was, to makethe possession harmle", °lmo.
4 upontl, France, te:;:iiii,ut., must nidb,ehgel ol'Hevaeovtueedieh
uknetibot our
knows
op otp
eo, i isti3aly,t,tittytah,aisf.tolifit
less, injurious to the possessor. Who suppoSes Ic'r ait to
ment that this possession of Spain was a disprageniel not
England ? If it were, do you imagine that disparage jo
has not been amply compensated ? Was hat is
order to compensate it, that we should blockade refits :_i
I thought of Spain and • the Indies—It looked anotleiebrimuYl
uf
called the New World into existence, o redress
site
I . ,
uestion o.
power !—(lmmense cheering. )_Thus I eurn'f!' iq say, that.
the continuance of the French army in 81"1" mil would
way to rivet them in it,
it is a vain and unredeemed pess'ess,!":l„rsYto hell, them
be glad to get rid of it.--sl say that, if' u'i;ut"-7 say o'o' the
out of it, they- would . bee' sinuad`; point of honour to
is to make it a
t, advert to, is the
get them out. The other subject I have
so honourable to
support this Address! has remived. 1.t.. ", ungrateful if 1
those who have given it, that I shoun! new.
_silistry.
upon
the
rot wer.--k,---- ' I
House.: The object of this measure is t
..
ice for
pew. i_
were to obtrude a moment.louger than Is cr (Cheers •)
The object of this measure is to take the last
will
you do not go to The aid of Portugal,
u 3, and you will be disgraced, and then Will
wait
till Spa .s
train of degradation.--(Hear, bear.)--11 )'°'s . pen bOSHlitY'
ilt
courage to ripen her secret machination!! in. Oct._, whose
you have then the warfare of the pacificators, a
lednial no, dose
n '
‘
that war will end.--O'he Right Hon. Gent
amidst loud cheers.?
COLONEL BRADLEY.
ill Letters
Lord PALMERSTON moved for certhAweirodi,,,
of` Col. Arthur, relative to the transactions whic t
.as
tween that gentleman and Colonel Bradley.
the insfion "
After a few observations from Mr. Hume,
of
agreed to. , portogLial
f tile Number.
Mr. HUME moved. for a List 0
e.vio with-
Officeis of the Army wbo had beeu dismissed ti,ttel 5,,,' 2f, are.-
trial by Court Martial since the last return i 0 :7,44 yeas.-
fYing the number in each rank, and the number i 6
sevnitlalebievartra.tnniptlsede
• il re'
Mr. HUME moved for a similar r
Ordered.
spect to Officers in the Aitillery.—Ordered.
Adjourned at half-past Nine o'clock.
in
--- —c.
- eturn wit

PORTUGAL.--LISBON P

.0
no
salutbe

received from Vienna of the celebration of
LISBON, Nov. 27.—. The Giszette contains tn.
Infant Don Miguel with Queen Marie 11. . let"'
et. itt or'
a 9
.--Her Nov.• Royal Highness the. Princees. I'4' ,i abet`
that, on occasion of the marriage of the Infant Doe 111'gr 'i„ 0,,
-shall be public rejoiciugs at Lisbon for three dePt. .-""
the Ist December. ,
WAR-OFFICE, Nov gl' A ' this Offie,
Extract of the Official jyru In
. y
ei►e Mai
b the Express that arrived yesterday, and by "'-
press arrived to-r 1 •ay .-- of the
A rtril
" In
squadron of the 7th regiment of cavalry stetiPtifd
the-morning of the 26th, the Portuguete uoe .00001
disbanded 2tl regiment of cavalry and 17th of infantry, t• ,
..,3 the
same squadron ;
,and retiring,
ed by the traitor itlayessi, entered Villa Vieosa, ourprisz
and
the marriage oi •-
theird,er: of
trade e them prisoners; wounded the captain acid sontelt° I well
as the senior
Alderman. of tl 41out commit -% the
, tat town, avt or
further hostilities. In Tras-os.3loutes, ten or twelve . ~,,,
nireebenitos, of whom about 100 were at La filots, entered .ro;4
at one o'clock in the 1 inff f e iNth, and OLIO_ to
no other excesses the . n°lll-- "at e . d deaeourase
sai,::°,danb..4o so"
Notwithstandingnt ii
sonic
/oo: the
hfother
i
n releasing a prisoner, an en _ A.,.A
steal some homes.
body of e• At *men in the morning of the esnis:l7'oo
prisoners, pursued the Mayor and the Captain Mot, telt' el Les
~t.Commander of the post stationed there, who was ttor7-
mentioned con
regtrnent of cavalry; and retired, tsking away tibe,
__
.tes
corral, who found means to eseape froa tioPLAii
res"" • -
these events, tranquillity
in the whole district." . . ,
, ,e
LISBON, Dec. I.—Was-Oretee, Nov. 29., • ..0,
Extract of the Official Dispatch received to-day ahis Utuct 'pet
" General Claudine, cotrunander of the flying styision_ir liryith
from Vinhaes on the 2Stl, that the division P..litritill„„ 'test
the greatest rapidity, sheaving the best spirit. Ise •"1- ail-
the people of Rehr arose in insurrection, and .that the gu,,,e.
las of the rebels were numerous, eonsmitting nuMbalett ',„4
beries and exceoses ; they entered by the town of Mirergitior,
iumiiivniedureal:l;st°:°::konjeletblooinnVivinithil'isoelehitrillel'Ei °cet-ieo:11:010,
called the people and the militia of_ these parts to arms. lhr to-
quess de Chaves appeared to Ire marching towards Dreglin°,i;ove
tending to wait* with those from Toro. For this reason. tits'
General resolved to march, on the .24th, to Bragansa. to.
In a dispatch of the 246, from Santa Valha, the Ismer res.
neral writes that the rebels of the Ilth, 27th, and 7th CePt°°„o.
commanded by the Marquess de Chaves and Viscount lat'llo,
liagne, entered, on the morning of the preceding dee, ;Pt° ..0,0
genre. His numbers, according to the information of perits,l_,
who saw the deserters, being 800 or more infantry, 00 cori' I,l_?'
and much more than 1000 Forth hate
among whom were some lancers. Colonel Valdes wsited f°,..1.,
out of the city, with the diminished force of the Sd and 2113tiorrif
giments of Infantry and 12th
irk avalry, but ludieg i, f.,
• 11 aud tler
outflanked, he retreated by the cto tins .mail real 11°
'ntained hirmalf
Bible fort ; but it appears that he mat tat'
ery and musketry era b
4wenillir as the fire of the atilt and: Spanish gue 01,tee;