The Sun.
London, England, 1821-09-15 00:00:00

TO DRANIATICUS.

Mn. EDlTOR—Permit me to inquire why DRAMATICUS
is silent ? Where also is your correspondent H. H.'a Letter. A
manly forbearance, certainly, and perhaps correct feeling, have
induced you to withhold-my late reply to DRAMATICUS from
publication, because, I imagine, it alluded very pointedly to
the late QUEEN CAROLINE. I do not now wish to enter so
fully as in my last letter I had'done upon the Object•bri which
Dnalfa'retre had previously addressed you, namely, the
'Drama. I must, however, observe once more that Ditama.;rl-
- has not_Pointed cattle roNs ET onfoo aiai.r" which
he desires to have cured, nor has he submitted any remedy for the
disease that he has pointed out. To be brief, which time and.
other occupations than letter writing oblige me to be, I own
that the -Drania hag been polluted by the modern productions
of the stage ; but it is not, therefore, a reason why Esott_tmATl-
cu's should.consider " the rag and bob-tail" of London, South-
wark,- and Westminster, ai" the Public." Does AftisrATl-
uns recollect that there is a iliffernce between the taste of the
public, and bad taste publiclydisplayed ? Does DRAMATICUS
think " the country would go to town" to support the regular
Drama, either because the performance of it is restricted to
particular. stages, and forbidden on Others? for in. the adoption
of such a system, DnamaTiuusappears to think the titre may
be effected; but he forgets the,iuinStice that would be perpe-
trated by the enactment of any-such LAW (for he mentions that
awful word) to bind down the, Patent Stages to oneinecies of
performance t -by such a method the Patent Stages,.ihich are
opened nightly at the greatest expence both- to the Public and
the proprietors, would be obliged to pursue a system, t‘ miens
vel volens," which might be, when the public became tired, the
" high road to their ruin." But let us for a moment consider
where the fault really exists ; because-it is absurd to suppose that
the Patent Stages would exhibit any performanCe which
they did not believe "suitable to the taste of the public.—
Such, " indeed, has been the taste of some people; and will
be now to cherish the recollection of these innocent and so.
cial scenes : but let such -people indulge such recollections,
they may correspond to their hearts feelings,—England, fear
noi, thou art safe, even if the wise and learned have such
thoughts, as long as " thy ignorant and rude, but honest
ploughboys, spurn the disgusting lies that vice would long to
put upon them." These hastily written allusions will point
out, perhaps, the genuine source from whence the • evil has
arisen, that bas disturbed the patriotic bosom of DaamAzr-
cus. Rut, has no antidote been applied to the contagion of
imthotality triat had gone abroad ? Certainly there has, or the
moral character of this kingdom had suffered. I allude to a
publication entitled JOHN- BULL; its motto, For. God, the
King, and the People. I would say, considering the task it
undertook, the time it appeared, and the literary poison it had
,to counteract, a poison which had been propagated with dis-
gusting impudence and effrontery by a daily press, it stands
unrivalled, and deserves that which it has met with in the de-
cided suppor indeed, t, and hearty thanks of the majority of the coun-
try. Such, ndeed, is the general feeling here, and regularly,
on the-seventh day, we hail and present our gratitude to .1 01114-
'111m1... I shall now conclude with one other observation,
namely, that the termination of the QUEDN'S unfortunate
career has prevented my 'replying more explicitly to DRAMA..
Trcus. "De mortuis nil rust bonum." I have to thank, you,
31r. Editor., for the attention you paid me.
Wcathoven.

H. H.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

N 0 R ‘v A Y.

OFFICIAL DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO THE
CLOSING 01 THE STORMING, AND THE PRO-
POSED REVISION OF' Lui; CONSTITUTIONAL

PACT.
CiIRI3TIANA, AUG. 21, 1821.—The closing of
the Storthing of the kingdom of Norway having
been fixed for to-day, the KING proceeded at
three o'clock to the Legislative Hall, in grand '.
state procession, composed of the Members of
the Council of State, of the. Supreme Tribunal, of
the Court, nu:nerous General and Superior Offi-.
cars, and the principal Municipal Authorities. :
ving seated himself on the Throne, his MA-
JEsTY delivered the. following speech :
" The political events which we have witnessed in the course
of the last year, must, Gentlemen, have convinced you of the
cnisoless solicitude of Governments towards the maintenance of
the artier and tranquillity of Europe. To this Norway could
not remain indifferent. As far as the rights-she enjoys offered
points of comparison, - the use which h:r Legislators made of
tnose rights would, necessarily, furnish the subject of general
observation.
"'lf it be the nature of a constitutional regime to favour .the
cle-;elopement of ideas, it is also the duty of enlightened men to
avert the dangers of an inilituated exaltation. .The past is far
; let us profit bY it, to direkl oUrthoizglits towards a fu-
tar:, which -.=:eratantlit-all our solicitude.
" It is only after a profound examination of my duties, and
of the -trams cf the nation, that I caused to be.: laid before you
e scv_r.ll propositions to make changes in the Constitutional
Act. I have been solely influenced hytha desire tonmaintain
anO consolidate the liberty which I acquired for the Norwegian
natana, this claim to her g,ratioule being the dearest and most
..:.ivarale I can aspire to. T. htter:.-nYself that the public
wall diroeted, Will know how•to appreciate my intentions;
and in this view I ought to rely: upon the frank and loyal co.
opetation of the National Reurtsentation.. Impress upon the
-u-ntids of your fallow-cinzens that liberty is only stable in pro-
portion as the Government is strong ; that where the Rowers
are imperfectly balanced, there exists no:guarantee t- and that a
Constitutional State which would' avoid- conatnotions, the effects
of which are incalculable, ought to reject all exclusive prepon-
nerar.:,e• over a-protesting Goverhment.
" The resolution-which you have passed for the acquittance
of you.: ancient debt .to Denmark, will have a favourable in-
fluence upon public credit. - I do not conceal from myself the
difficulties which yet remain fur us to surmount. They arise
partly from the stagnation of trade, the activity of which. would
be or such advantage. to the industry and finances of Norway ;
but my constant anxioty for your welfare shall be commensu-
rate with the weight el circumstances, and I hope that Provi-
tie:AT will bless my efforts.
" Proud to rule over a nation which enjoys the noble right
of publishing her. thoughts, and'foicibly proclaiming her opi-
nions, I shall know how to respect courageous truths, and at
the same time to repress licentiousness. True literature, a
most-essential part of national glory, scorns the exercise oein-
molt and calumny ; the author, who is truly a citizen, should be
time first to acknowledge that when duties are disregarded,
rights cease to exist.
" I contemplate with pleasure the approach of the term in i
which the zeal and wisdom of those to whom has been confided
the important task of drawing up a new Code for the Kingdom.
will abolish all contradiction between your ancient laws and
rights which you have acquired. This incongruity especially
presents itself in the question of the responsibility of my Coun-
cillors of State. These functionaries are exposed, in all con-
constitutional countries, to freedom of remark ; and they ought,
at least, to have a guarantee that they shall only be judged by
fixed.principles, and not by arbitrary or illusory analogies. I
have in view to.regulate the constitutional attributions of each
Councillor of State ; and I will cause to be presented to the
next Storthing a project of law respecting their responsibility,_
which will point cut to the national representation the catent of
ita prerogatives.
" The .political situation of the Scandinavian Peninsula, with
r' .:ad to the other s,nates Europe, leaves nothing to desire
f- the continuance of our amicable relations. It is for,us to
maintain these elements, which are so important to the existence.
of every well-organized society. • -
cc In now declaring, conformably to law, that die Session of
the ordinary Storthing of, 1821 is terminatad, I renew to you,
Gentlemen, the assurance of my regard and my entire Royal
good-will."
The President of the Storthing, M. LIBBERN
AMTMAND, of the province of Sinaalehnen, in
t±le name of the Assembly, replied in the follow-

apeech
" Situ: !—We hail with enthusiasm the day on which, for
the fast time, the Storthing of Norway sees, in the midst of
them, a well-beloved King. Welcome, Sire, amongst us ;
deign to listen to us with the Venetian ,of a father, and be
convinced that our words are. only the expression of our real
sentiments. • .
" This orJinary Storthing has just been closed. It is the
third in order; but,' perhaps, the first in importance; for the
prosperity or the misfortune of the country appeared to us to
depend essentially Upon the decision of the affairs which have
teen submitted to us.—Amongst these important objects, it
pleased your Majesty, yourself to designate the liquidation with
Trienmaik. Yes, Sire, It was-important, and doubly important,
at a period like the present, when the effect-of events pr:sses
heaviiy upon our dear country; and, for this reason also, it re.
qui:ed the most mature deliberation on the -part of the national
representation. This affair is now arranged to the satisfanetion
or your Majesty a and the Stcrthing, in gratefully aeknowledg-
ing that the considerable reduction of the sum
.priniariiv claimed
)4 Denmark, is the result of the active soli etude of your Ma-
jesty, ventures, at the same tithe, to express the hope, founded
upon our unlimited confidence in the success of your Majesty's
paternal efforts, that the arrani,,ement entered into may fall, as
little as possible, a charge to toe nation.'
" The present Storthing has also been occupied with two
other objects, equally important, perhaps, though under a till-
Parent point of view—` the future rights of the Norwegian
Nobility,' and the Liberty of the Press.' With regard to the
former, it is impossible we have deceived ourselves in our man-
ner of viewing the question, and, consequently, are 'wrong
in cur decisions : error is the inseparable lot of frail btimanity ;
but we boldly avow that in this affair, as in all others
aubmitted to its decision, i.rie national representation flatters
itself that it has not deviated one step out of its line of
duty, and on this point it 'recognises with your Majesty,-
that when the balance of
.the powers in a Constitutional
Scat: is once d::stroycd, the commotions which follow arc in-
cu/ aulable. _ _

" In-what concerns the Liberty of the Press, the Storthing
aohlitrwlAlgcl that with us this precious right of a free people
1i been greatly abused ; and it is with profound grief that the
Startling ling-understood that the other European Powers should
have considered the scandalous abuses of the Press which have
exited in this country, as the expression of national feeling :
but we console ourselves with the certainty that your Majesty
will do more justice to the people of this nation, which, be it
said without ostentation, have inherited from their ancestors an
invincible loyalty and fidelity towards their King, and whose
glory it leas been. from time immemorial, to display proofs of
such a dispoSition. Yes, Sire; we behold with pride and with
the most heartfeßgratitude, in the august person of your Ma-
jesty, the preßectorof public liberty ; and ire that of your noble
son, his Royal Highnes.s the Prince Royal, who, we regret it
deeply, is not present on this occasion by the side of his Pius-,
trious father, we behold with the same pride; a protector not•
less zealous, and our intercessor with the Throne. At die mo-
ment when your Majesty is about to return amidst a brother
people,, we invoke; for the King and the Prince Royal of the two
united Kingdoms, the protection of the Almighty.
The Storthing, in recommending itself, in the name of the
nation, to the high regard of your Majesty, separates with
praying—' God preserve the King-and .hir& two kingdoms ' "
The KING then returned to his Palace, and
the Storthing immediately afterwards proceeded
thither, in a body, to present to his MAJESTY
their respectful homages.
This day being the anniversary of the election
of the KING, as successor to the Swedish Crown,
all the personages composing the suite of his M A.
J ESTY ; also his Excellency M. the Rigekal-hol-
der of Norway, and the Generals of the Camp
of Etterstad, assembled in the morning to offer
to the KING the homage of their dutiful senti,
ments, as well as the expression of their heartfelt
gratitude, through the organ of his Excellency
M. the Chancellor -of the Court', Count de \V ET-
ERSTED E.
Ills Majesty deigned to reply in the most affectionate terms,
by assuring all present of his "high good will, and repealing the
sentiments of regard he has so. often expressed towards the
Swedish nation. • . •
In the afternoon his Majesty reviewed the troops which were
Assembled in the vicinity of the town. Ile was saluted on his

arrival, and also on his rctarh, with the Inest enthusiastic ac-
clamations, from the soldiers' and the vast multitude of inha-
bitants of all classes, who had repaired to the camp to witness
the imposing scene.

Message from the KING to the &birthing of
Norway, on the 2d 'of August, 1821, relative to
the changes to be made in the Constitution:—

" The :12th section of the Constitution having indicided the
means of a change in the stipulations of the fundamental Pact,
the King is bound to discharge a constitutional duty, by calling
the attention of the Storthing to questions of .the:highest inte-
rest, as well to promote the peaceable progress of general af-
fairs,-as for the maintenance of the liberties of the nation—li-
berties, which experience has proved, cannot exist without a
change, or distinct and precise interpretation, of several articles
of the Constitution.

" The King will point out the evil, and in proposing the re,
medy, which the several cases require, his Majesty will much
More discharge his obligations to the future, than seek for him-
self a guarantee for the present. But, founder himself of the
liberty of the Norwegian nation,-- the King will never limit
either his views or his solicitude, merely to the time in which he
can contribute to her happiness. Experience has proved, that
a State which wishes to maintain its tranquillity and dignity,
and to live under the guarantee of laws which protect indivi-
duals and the rights of property, can preserve neither, when its
King. is not invested with power sufficiently extensive, legally to
guarantee them, and without his being necessitated to have re-
course to force or arbitrary control. • - _ _

" The absolute Veto of the King ranks first in the series of
important questions. It is indisputable, that wherever there
exist a King and a Legislature, their powers must be so ba-
lanced, that one of these two authorities do not encroach upon
the other. Where this principle is nit preserved, and it is the
more disregarded when the contrary is aOznowhdged in the fun-
damental pact, the struggle between these two powers, which,
for the interest of all, ought to march hand in hand, is, it may
be said, established by right, and the result can never be fore-
seen. When the 'originating of laWs belongs equally to the
King and the Legislature; when their reciprocal assent is ne-
cessary to. the.enactments of. a law, then the parties are equal,
the chances are the same, and the equ;librium of rights becomes
toe guarantee of liberty. • If a blind mistrust, or a false theory
involve Legislative Assemblies iii opposition,- and if, with a
view to establish, against the precut encroachments of the
executive power, obstacles which give a preponderance to the
Legislature, *tided_ upon arbitrary will, fr in a well .consti-
tuted §t ate. all that has not- a -counrpoise, is arbitrary ; then
there exists nolonger a guarantee; the latter requires a solid
and-not a fluctuating basis. • Now, all is vacillating when the
Legislature can rn ake la-Ws independently of the concurrence and
consent of . the King. In this ease the repetitions of the law
adopted by a .I.egailature,'repetitions which take place because
sanction has been refused, do not in the least destroy .what there
is pernicibus in • the principle ; for it is not presumable, that
when a Kin& 'rejects what, three.diftnrent Legislatures have
-ct -
plY:ppsed to hmi, that- rewction should not he founded-"upon
considerations of such Iroporttince that, for the interest of
the State, of which the King, alWays judges more impartially
than the Legislature, -since he .is above all personal interests,
this law was-of such a nature that it never ought to have been
acloptl.- • • •
" No Constitutional Sovereign willingly exercise! the right
of veto in tip..face of.the national representation ; but the right
ought to exist; because it is its preservingemence : and it affbrds
legal means of checking a dangerous ebullition, without having
recourse to force, before which law. is silent. This ebullition
often orit.,inates in some local pretensions, wounded self-love,
or disappointed ambition. A Representation which dreads its
King, or questions his Counsel, and which, in consequence of
this. dread or this mistrust, would become an exclusive Legis-

lature; itself provoks tile dangers which, by a false colcula-.
tion, it had in view to provide against. If the• conflict le once
begun, and, if the Legislature prevail, there exists no more
Monarchy ; it would reign, suported by anarchy. lf, on the
contrary, the Legieature should be overcome, Liberty wituld
fall with it ; for,- where is the Prince who does }rot profit of
success in-policy ?
" This dilemma, which cannot be disputed by the lessons of
history and recent experience, is too dangerous for a rational
and ealightmed nation finally to risk such chances. The King
has too
.much confidence in the wisdom of his Norwegian sub-
jects, not to suppose that they also will perceive the disastrous
consequences, and that they will -be aniiiotis to give all the
necessaty rectification to this part of their fundamental law.—
In all difficult crisis, the King will always look to them with
confidence.,

" In England and France, the right of dissolving the national
representation belongs to the executive power, and this is espe-
cially necessary in these countries, where extraordinary con.:
vocations do not nullify the elections, which are always made
for a certain term of years, either prescribed or established by
custom. The objections advanced against this eminently con=
stitutional right; arisefrom an absurd alarm at words, and not
from a mature reflection of the thing itself; for this posver,
which is purely defenSive, may, if it be abused, be as easily
turned against the party it is destined to protect. It alway*
corrects the precipitation of measures ; not only on the part of
the Legislature, but also on that of the 'Government ; and it
is the nation, to which appeal is made, that promis:s the
final judgment, either by renewing, or annulling, the preceding
elections.

The right of disirdseing all public functionaries, with the
exception of the Judges, belongs in England, and France to the
Executive Power ; and it ought to be there vested, in all Coun-
tries in which general affairs have a proMpt and uniform impul
sion. The agents of authority are bound to support the views
of the Government, for the sole reason that the Government is
bound to second them, and that the responsibility of principal
functionaries is, in fact, void, whenever the execution of their
measures, by subordinate agents, is obstructed ..by a voluntary
resistance, or even by inertness.
" The power.of a legal prosecution does not remedy this
convenience. There exist so many points of view in the dis-
charge of a public duty, which cannot be developed to judicial
cognizance, wh;!st they may be entirely satisfactory to the con-
scienee of an einightened Sovereign, and which become truly
so, and not in an illusory or unjust manner, when the Govern-
ment is actually invested with the said authority,.
" In tracing in these general principles a return to the Nor-
wegian Constitution, the King discovers other specialities, which
it is very requiSite should be reconciled with the principle of
excluding all pretext for intrigue or loss of time, and with the
exigencies of the nation and motives of economy..
Such is the King's right of nominating the President of
the Storthing, and the Presidents of its two divisions.
" The nomination of individuals, who are not Members of
the Storthing, to the office of Secretaries.
" To prescribe more precise regulations for the dispatch of
business, which, by classifying the affitirs to be brought before
the Storthing, will prevent loss of time, and the delay, to the
end of the Session, of affairsoften of the utmost importance.
" All the above enumerated. motives induced the -King to
propose to the Storthing the following revision of the articles of
the Constitution, thotenor of which would then be conformable
to the modifications which his Majesty has here pointed out..-
His Majesty hopes, that if these propositions are adopted, the
national liberties.will find in nem a guarantee which they have
not at this moment, though they may appear to have a better.
The King has, not overlooked ail that still exists contrary to the
true principles of a mixed Government, the Legislature of Nor-
way being composed of two homogeneous parts in its formation,
and what is worse in the tinaLresult of its legislative authority. ;
but his Majesty limits his views, •for the present, to what, in
his conviction, is more particularly_ dangerous to the. peaceable
enjoynient of the rights woneli the King has granted to the Nor-
wegian nation, and with regard to which no person can be so
interested as himself, in maintaining their purity, and prolong,
big their existence,