The Sun.
London, England, 1828-08-30 00:00:00

That this mediation bee been unsuccessful is
universally admitted ; and that it has produced
e'reeh commotions, and led to new disputes, is
equally incontestable. The disturbances in Greece
are now entirely merged in the quarrel of Russia
with the Porte ; and what was a mere effort of
revolution—an isolated struggle between the Felt
and his fief lord—has changed into a war of ter-
ritory, a question of aggrandizement, a dispute
involving the balance of power among the 'eette
Wished Governments of Europe. That these
difficulties have resulted from tire Treaty of the
6th July, and the " untoward" manner in which
is unquestionable, That
that treaty was inforced,
the conflict at Navarin e rnost unjustaird entleaee
donable outrage that ever was eateenitted by
friends upon an unoffenditeg ,allyee.tas the signal
gun of commotions, resentineeees, and suspicions
among all the nations of Europe, is equally in-
disputable. It gave a pretext for the invasion,
of the Russians ; and as it promoted the views
of the French nation, countenanced the efforts
of the revolutionists, identified Great Britain
with the designs of the Provisional Government
of Greece, and its•illustrious Protector, Capo
d'lstria, it aroused the fears of Austria, anel all
tre inferior States of Germany bordering upon
Italy, or situate on the confines of Turkey.
That these fears were more than imaginary will
be proved by the result. Russia took the ad-
vantage of the retaliatory acts which naturally
followed the battle of Nayarit', In the list of
her grievances the closing of the Bosphorus was
a conspicuous one. The embargo upon her
trade—the restraint upon her navigation—the
treatment of her subjects resident in Constanti-
nople, although the natural and necessary conse-
quences of her own acts, were represented as the
just grounds of war. Had this outrage not taken
place she would not have had even a pretext for
her subsequent belligerent measures. She
took advantage of an unfortunate and unforee
seen occurrence, and rushed to the charge, not-
withstanding the remonstrances of Austria and
England. The latter Power was, nevertheless,
bound to carry into efflict the treaty to which we
have alluded. An unfortunate collision had
taken place—his Majesty expressed his regret
that it had occurred—still the British Govern-
ment, faithful to its engagements, determined to
fulfil the pacigc conditions of the treaty. The
Duke of Wellington stands pledged to fulfil the
engagements of the treaty. He is still disposed
to exert his power to arrange the differences of
Greece, and to restore to that country the peace
which Europe desires, and the independence
which the Greeks have sisen up in arms to en-
orce. But the question of emancipation sinks
before the momentous occurrences which have
sprung out of this national desire of freedom
and independence. We lose sight of the struggle
in the Morea in contemplating the movements
and the designs of Russian ambition. It is now
plain, that if the balance of power in the East
of Europe is to be preserved, we must inter,
fere to retard the movements of Nicholas. We
have a deep stake in the quarrel. We must
have a neutral Power between us sled the libe-
rality of the Russians. During the hottest wars
in Europe we had the free navigation of the Dar-
danelles. We must provide against the risk of
this commercial franchise being; distinguished,
and we must take care that our trade in the Black
Sea is not put under the controul of a Power
whose interest it is to exclude us from it. Russia
never had any station in the Mediterranean, and
we ought to be careful that she shall net pos-
sess this station to our injury. It is a question
of ancient lights. It involves the existence of
Turkey, as an independent Power, and it also
involves our right of commerce. If we should
ever sacrifice these rights, it would be an evi-
dence of our imbecility. So long as we have a
ship of war, or a farthing to expend in our de-
fence, we must maintain the free navigation
of the straits leading to the Black Sea,
independent of any commercial concessions
on the part of the Emperor Nicholas. And
on this point, we understand, the' Duke of
Wellington has demanded explanations. He
questions not the honour of the Emperor of.
Russia. He expresses no opinion as to his
motives ; he questions not the policy, the expe-
diency, nor the necessity of. the present hostili-
ties. He is only anxious to know the nature of
the guarantees which are intended to secure to
us our prescriptive rights, and preserve us against
the consequences of the success of his arms.
These explanations we have formally demanded.
Our Ambassador has been sent to demaed these
explanations, and has instructions to follow his
Imperial Majesty to Odessa, in order to receive
them. Whether the Russians pass the Balkan
this summer, or the next, does not at all alter
the question. Whether the Russians are de-
feated in their object or not, does not alter the
question. We wish to know what they will
do, under certain circumstances, and our Envoy
is instructed to require satisfactory explanations
on this head. What will be the result we can-
not conjecture, but this we know, England will
never pennit Russia to acquire or possess the
command of the Dardanelles.--Nero Times.
A Provincial Meeting was held on Monday
last, at Clonmel, most numerously attended.
Mr. O'Connell, Mr. Sbiel, and other distin-
guished individuals addressed the meeting. Mr.
O'Connell said, he expected to be in the British
House of Commons in February next, and his
first question to them shall be, what have they
done for Ireland, for these 656 years during
which they have had possession of the country ?
It is much more easy to put such a question
than to answer it. The best defence that can
be made for the conduct of the English with re-
spect to Ireland in former times is, that they
were cruel because they were ignorant. So in-
defensible was the conduct of England to Ireland,
in former times, that Fletcher, of Salton, made
use of the circumstance as an argument to per-
suade his countrymen not to connect themselves
by an incorporating union with a people who
could so far abuse their power. Giving an ac-
count of his conversation with an English states-
man, he says, " I desired to know his opinion
of the usage their own colony in Ireland had re-
ceived from them, and that he would excuse me
if I should let fall any expression about that
matter which might seem hard—because, in case
he should give me satisfaction in this particular, I
should very much incline to an incorporating
union of the two nations. As to my question
concerning Ireland, he said he was of opinion
that a good measure of strictness and severity
is absolutely necessary, to keep them from the
thoughts of setting up for themselves, and pre-
tending to depend no longer upon England.
said that some ' late writers had undertaken to
prove, by authentic records, that the relation of
that country to England was foundedrather upon
a very strict union than a conquest. But cer-
tainly, though the native Irish were conquered,
your own colony was not ; which yet you favour-
ed only till you saw them begin to flourish and
get rich. And to show what we are to expect,

if ever we begin to thrive, though never so lond
after our union, I shall give some instance of
your conduct towards Ireland in relation to
trade. A law yin, made, that n"o tobacco should
be planted either in England or Ireland; and
another that no person, 'except "6.1 England or
Ireland, might trade to the tnglish plantations.
Yet, in the time of King Charles 11., great
I,yl-43'.Vips and impediments were laid upon, all
those who should trade from Ireland_ to the
English plantations, thoth thy were still obliged
to observe the law against planting tobacco in
Ireland, And till the time of the late King, no
law 'was made in England for encouraging the
woollen manufacture, but the like enconrage-
ments were given to tt'le people of Ireland. Yet,
during that teign, a law was made, which prohi-
bits ne exportation 'of all wOcilen manufactures
fom Irelatid to 11*!ign parts, and lays so high
a duty upon all that shall be importpd
thence into England as amounts f.'s', a prohibition.
I forbear to mention iiu'iy, other hardships put
upon that ca'-miry." Down to our own days
the cor.luct of England towards Ireland has
bten narrow and illiberal in titie. extreme. At
one time it was coornsed for the benefit of Eng-
lish agricidinie, and at another for the benefit
01 the English woollen manufacture. DriVg-
ing statesmen, whose speeches remain as a mo-
nument of the wisdom. of our ancestors, ima-
gined, no doubt, the keeping Ireland miserable
and degraded was a master-piece of policy. iiut
what does England mean to coonow ? Mr.
Shiel put this question fairly. Taking it for
granted that the Duke of Wellington cared
nothing for honour, principle, the public good,
es.- his own fame, but viewed the question as one
of mere convenience, he observed it was impos-
sible for him not to see that his best course was
to favour the Catholics :

" I shall begin with the Protestants 01eirded,
while we are at peace. The Protestants of Ireland
are offended I Well, what Mighty evil will come
(Cheers.)—But it will be said that they are the
proprietors of the fee-simple of Ireland, and that
the Government should accommodate itself to the
wishes of the aristocracy, by Whiek the House of
Commons is elected afrd .controulled. Sir, the Irish
aristocracy do not elect the Irish. Members.—(Loud
Cheers.)—They are returned by the Catholic body;
and, at this day, the Catholic ASsociation commands
far more votes in Parliament than the whole of the
Irish proprietors.—(Cheers.) We are masters of
the representation.—(Vehensent.cheers.)—We have
wrenched their influence from the gentry, and the
Protestant who draws rent from thousands of acres
is almost as destitute of power at an election as the
peasant without a rood. I have put the matter most
strongly against myself When I have conceded that
the Protestant esntry bold the entire property of the
country; bit in truth, the Protestant opulente is
gradually melting away, and our merthants and gra-
tiers are treading fast upon the heels of the Williamite
colonists. I have thtes disposed of the first branch of
Protestant ittdlgnation.—(Laughter.)—l now come
to the second division of Protestant indignation, and
will suppose that England was at svai.—a French
army of 20,000 men land en the coast—the loyal
Irish Catholics, with the Duke of Wellington at
their head, rall,since to meet the invaders, will the
Protestants join him ? Will they make a bouquet
of the orange lily and the fleur-de-lys ? Will
Master Ellis, with his four hundred thousand men
in buckram, overthrew the British empire ? Will
Messrs. Schoales and Lefroy go forth like Hudibras
and Sidrophol, " a Coloneling ?" and will Mr.
Saurin merge the prejadices of the Hugonot in
the predilections of the rrenchman, to such an ex-
tent as to make uh oblation of his religious hatred
to a sentiment of retrospective nationality, and
assert his Gallic origin in dediettitig himself to
the service of that ceuntv from which his an-
cestors were vomited amongst ?—(Cheers.) I
have done with the Protestant indignation both
at peace and in war, and I come to the counter
consideration, what have the Government to ap-
prehend from our resentment in peace ?—an an-
swer to that question is s'applied by what we ac-
tually behold, Is not the country agitated by the
most dreadful passions—does Hot a tremendous er-
ganication extend over the island ? Ar not all the
natural bonds by which men are: tied together broken
and burst asunder ? Are not all the relations of so-
ciety which exist elsewhere gone ? , Has not pro-
perty lost its influence ? has not rank been stripped
of the respect which should belong to it and has
not an internal government -zrown tip, which, gra-
dually superseding the legitimate authorities, has
armed itself with a complete domination ? Do
Waterford, and Louth, and Clare, supply no remi-
niscences, and afford no warnings?—(Loud titters.)
Is it nothing that the whole body of the clergy are
in a state of alienation from the State, and that the
Catholic gentry. and peasantry, and priesthood, are
all combined in one vast confederacy ?—(Loud
Cheers,)—So much for Catholic indignation while
we are at peace. And when Enghtnd shall be in-
volved in war . . • lpause—it is not
necessary that. I should discuss that branch of the
division, or point to the cloud which, charged with
thunder, is hanging over our heads."
We build our hopes on the circumstance that
property has lost its influence, and that the
Irish Aristocracy do not elect the Irish Members.
This will facilitate the operations of his Grace
exceedingly. It would be expecting too much from
him to suppose, that with the English and Irish
Aristocracy hostile, that is, without means of
acting, he would attempt the settlement of the
question. But it would be supposing him a
downright fool to imagine that when two courses
arc open to him, one easy and expedient and
the other desperate, that he would rush upon
the latter. We have a better opinion of his
head. Let, then, the Catholics continue to
agitate, and the Duke will be forced to take the
hmt.--Morning Chronicle.

It is the fashion to talk of the Turks not only
as infidels, but barbarians. If there be any
truth in Buonaparte's celebrated remark, that
from, the sublime to the ridiculous is but a
step," not less true is it that the distance be-
tween what the world calls civilization and bar-
barism is no farther. If the accounts which
we received of some of the proceedings of
these barbarians be correct, they furnish exam-
ples, however, from which the much-boasted
civilization of some more polished and Christian
States might with much advantage tear a leaf.
We instance, as a proof of this, one feature, in
particular, of their conduct towards the Russians
in their present contest--.a contest, whatever may
be its result, the aggravation of which, it must
be admitted, lies all on one side. Notwith-
standing the provocation which the infidels and
barbarians have received—_notwithstanding the
fact of their capital being threatened with assault,
and that vows of extermination salute them on
every side—we learn, from credible authority,
that the commercial flag of Russia has free ac-
cess to the Turkish ports, and that 'has,. an
subjects are not in any way molested in the Ot-
toman dominions. New any one who will Com_
pare this with the conduct of some civilized
States towards the subjects of each other must
acknowledge, we suspect, not only that our
boasted preponderance over these barbarians, as
we call them, is only in name ; but that, in fact,
civilization sinks to nothing in the scale.• It has
been justly remarked that this conduct entitles
the lurks to an increased sympathy from all
nations, and is calculated to pave the way to an
accommodation of their present difficulties.--