The Sun.
London, England, 1845-11-15 00:00:00

that precious device—(Hear)—that contrivance which was to
make food abundant and the country independent of foreigners.
They had attempted to establish sliding scales in Holland
and Belgium ;"but the moment there arose a deficiency of
food, how did these scales operate? Not one moment had
been lost in sending those scales to where the people hoped
they never would return from. He knew of no better instance
than that of Holland by which to illustrate what he was
urging. Holland, upwards of two centuries ago, did not grow
a grain of wheat ; but Holland, by the description of every
person who wrote about that time, was the granary of Europe.
What was their condition now? They had instituted this
miserable device of a sliding-scale, and what had been the
consequence? They were compelled to resort to compara-
tive free trade when a deficiency of supply arose. What,
then, did people read in the journals ? What did they
hear ? The Ministers had been meeting for four
hours a day all last week for the purpose of seeing
how decently they could get rid of their scheme. That
was the real state of the case, and the only scruple that they
seemed to have was that, as they were the authors of the
scheme, it was necessary to consider what would be the opi-
nion of them thrbughout the country if they destroyed their
own work? As to that, the opinion of the country, he was
persuaded, was that if there could be one act more foolish
than the establishment of this sliding scale, it would
be, in present circumstances, not to get rid of it alto.
gether. It was promised at the establishment -of this
scale, that it would make us independent of foreigners, and
it was asked was not that a great advantage? But what
was the case now ? That was its greatest misfortune that it
makes us not entirely dependent on foreigners, and that in
consequence foreigners had not enough to send us; for when
the Legislature devised this notable scheme, to, render us in-
dependent of foreigners, they also brought it about that
foreigners should not be dependent on us, and having taught
them not to be dependent on us, they cannct wonder that
foreigners are not likely to have provided for us ; but the
organs of monopoly said that they were ready to meet the
emergency, and that Sir Robert Peel was ready to meet
everything that can happen ; because he was ready to give a
bounty—(Hear, hear )—on the importation of food. l'Cow,
that was very good o air R. Peel—(A laugh)—and it was
very reasonable in the organs of his Government to recom-
mend that he should do so; but he (Mr. Villiers) would
like to know who was to pay that bounty ?—(Hear, hear.)
He thought Sir R. Peel would not pay that bounty, but
that the people would pay it, and that, therefore, the
people were not only to pay too much for their food per-
manently, but to pay a special tax in order to defray the
bounty. He did not think that there were ten people in this
country who believed one statement that the friends and
authors of the sliding scale made in its defence. What was
the meaning of the anxiety which existed previous to the
harvest time? This country was dependent for its supply of
food upon the seasons. Whether they should have abundance
or scarcity, dearness or cheapness, turned upon the weather
in the month of August. They had had so much experience
lately of the consequences of food being dear or cheap, that
no person in the country was unprepared for what might be
the result in one case or the other. People had an idea that
if food was abundant And cheap, money would let plentiful,
credit would be good, manufactures would flourish, revenue
would be ample, wages would be high, and the country
generally would be prosperous; and they entertained just as
confident an impression that if food was dear money would
be scarce, manufactures would be depressed, wages would be
low, local burdens would be increased, and all the capital
otherwise available for public works—such as railroads and
other similar undertakings—would be immediately with-
drawn to pay the increased price of food. It was perfectly
natural that people should be anxious to know whether the
harvest was likely to be good or not ; but then the question
arose, whether this anxiety was necessary—whether they
ought to depend only upon the harvest—whether, being
satisfied it was desirable that food should be cheap and
plentiful, they ought not to adopt every means to effect that
object? There was one fact which ought to be impressed
on the mind of every person who was a supporter of the
principles of free trade, and who wished to meet the argu-
ments of the monopolists—namely, that there was not one
single article of consumption for which there was a great de-
mand in this country, and which was subject to the regular
principles of commerce, of which there was ever a deficient
supply, or of which the supply was ever limited —(Hear.)
They fancied they knew a man's character when he arrived
at the age of twenty-one; they ought to know something
about this law, which had attained the age of thirty-one.—
(A laugh.) He wished to know if any man could say a
single thing in defence of that law?—(Hear, hear.) It
excited the greatest anxiety throughout the country regu-
larly every two months; it threw the people into a state
of confusion regularly every four years; it had occasioned
great loss to the country, and constant privation to the
poorest class of the population.—(" Hear," and cheers.)
When he (Mr. Villiers) first went into Parliament he used
to hear it argued that dear bread was advantageous to
the country; that it secured the people high wages; and
that it wa. necessary to enable them to pay the national debt.
But now he heard nothing of this kind from the supporters
of the corn monopoly. They were adiged to admit that an
abundance of food was a great blessing; and they said,
" Only give us time ; let us adopt all the improvements we
can, and then we shall have as abundant a supply of food as
we can gain by importation." Now, he had a great objection
to wait, or to trust these men. If a gentleman said, " Leave
me a monopoly, in order that I may benefit the public," he
greatly mistrusted such an individual. He mistrusted the
agricultural protection societies, because he never found
them endeavouring to carry their professed objects into effect.
If some twenty-five of the nobility and gentry of a county
were to assemble and inquire whether they could not improve
the condition of the tenant-farmer, and is lead him to profit by
the lectures he was urged to attend, he (Mr. Villiers) would
confess that they gave some proof they were in earnest. Suppose
the gentlemen of whom he was speaking were to draw up and
agree to some declaration to this effect :—" That whereas we
have been in the habit of making the farmers political tools
—(Hear)--of placing them wider every possible disadvan-
tage, extorting from them the highest rent we could get,
giving them the smallest possible advantages for making
their produce profitable, and making them religiously pre-
serve a species of vermin it is our pride to destroy—C" II ear,
hear," and great cheering)—and that the result of this has
been that their farms were badly cultivated, and the people
of this country were under-supdlied with food, we agree to
recommend all landlords to give leases to their tenants—
(Hear, hear)—to secure them in their tenures—to afford
them every inducement to invest capital in the soil, and
to allow the vermin before-mentioned to be de troyed ;"
he had no doubt that the lectures of Liebig, and the in-
ventions of Mr. Smith, of Deanston, would receive the
careful attention of farmers, and that they would soon
see a great improvement in agriculture. But so long
as they confined themselves to giving lectures, and did
nothing beyond, he did not think the persons of whom
he had been speaking had any claim To their confidence.
But there was another reason which made him pause before
he trusted the advocates of a corn-law. Those persons had
recently said, with great plausibility, to the opponents of
monopoly—" If you will only leave us protection a little
time we shall soon be able to do all you want." Now,
whenever bread was abundant and cheap, no persons were so
angry and discontented as the very people who thus appealed
to them for their confidence. If those whom he (Mr. Villiers)
was then addressing had happened to be in the House of
Commons one evening about the middle of last session they
would have witnessed a singular scene, which confirmed the
views he had just expressed. They might have seen a rustic-
looking gentleman with a number of papers in his hands, ad-
dressing the the house with great vehemence and indignation,
and assuming a threatening attitude towards the gentlemen
on the Treasury bench. Had a stranger entered the house
at that moment he might have supposed the speaker to be a
humane and honest man, complaining in indignant strains
of some injustice committed against the poor. But in such
a supposition he would have been grievously mistaken, for
he would have learned that this gentleman was a member
of the protection party, and that the papers he held in his
hand were the prices current of all the animals and vege-
tables produced by the members of the agricultural protection
societies upon their property.—(Laughter.) That Honour-
' able Gentleman went through every item in those returns
with the greatest minuteness, and he indignantly assailed the
measures of the Prime Minister, contending that, from their
operation, the price of pork, bacon, and flour, had fallen so
much a stone below the price which existed at the these when
he and his friends formed the Administration. The
gentleman to whomm.he referred and his friends made
charges of breach of faith, and held out threats of with-
drawal of confidence; and they seemed to have a strong
case against the Minister of the Crown. That was what
was termed in the House of Commons a practical debate,
(Laughter)—and there was a gentleman representing the
protection party and the landed interest of the country, occu-
pying the British House of Commons for two hours and a
half in complaining of a great fall in the price of the neces
saries of life.—(Laughter and "Hear, hear.") He was
delighted to see the other day that that speech had attracte.l
the attention of a gentleman whose observation on the
subject had been much commented upon in the papers
lately. He alluded to Mr. Escott, who stated that when he
heard that speech he saw that the game of protection was
up.—(Great cheering and laughter.) That was a true
remark. The game of protection was up. (Renewed
cheering.) This matter seemed to have struck a great
many other persons in the same light. The attention of a
nobleman, distinguished for his philanthropy, and for
whom he entertained great respect seemed also to
have been attracted by Mr. Escott's oration ; and
the Noble Lord to whom he referred said, speaking
of his experience during the last session, that he saw
the corn-laws were doomed.—(Hear, and cheers.) The
Noble Lord meant "detected."—(A laugh.) He trusted the
Noble Lord would turn out a good prophet, and that these
laws, having been detected, would speedily be doomed.—
(Loud cheers.) There was also another gentleman, a captain
in the navy, who had, after some years' deliberation, come
to a conclusion on the subject. That gentlemar. said,
" There were two things I heard during the last session, I heard
that the population is increasing by 1,000 a-day, and I heard
that the object of protection is to make the necessaries of life
as dear and as scarce as possible." "Why." he continued,
"this is worse than the Chinese. The Chinese do everything
to feed their people. They encourage the introduction
of food into the country, while we are doing pre
cisely the contrary." The Honourable Gentleman to whom
he was referring told the people in his own counts,
that " this won't do ;" and he had, it appeared,
become a convert to Anti-Moncpolist principles. These
circumstances had had a very beneficial effect in the
House of Commons. Lord J. Russell, shortly afterwards,
thought it high time to bring before the country the condi-
tion of the working classes, and he came to the conclusion
that that which bore most heavily upon them, and pre-
vented them from rising to their proper position was this
law, which rendered the necessaries of life scarce and dear—
(Hear, hear)—and he called upon the House to take the sub-
ject into their consideration. He (Mr. Villiers) was curious
to notice how the Government received that proposition; for
while they wanted to glorify themselves for the 'prosperity
of the country, they also wished to stand well with their own
friends. Sir J. Graham did not oppose Lord J. Russell's
motion. He acted as a man usually did when he agreed with
the mover of a resolution, but found it inconvenient to say
so. He moved the previous question, bat Sir James thought,
like Mr. Escott, that the game of protection was up; and he
made in his speech a clean sweep of all the rubbish that had
ever been uttered in favour of protection.—( Hear, hear.)
He ventured to say that there never was a speech delivered
by any one of those who advocated free-trade of so much
power as that speech of Sir James Graham by way of answer
to these who opposed the repeal of the corn-laws. There
was not one of them who had ever supported the repeal of
the corn-laws by a better speech. That their opponents
had never ventured to meet it. The simple minded gentle-
man to whom he alluded never apprehended this result; he
complained that things were so cheap; he did not go into
the consequences of the corn-laws. His friend had told him
after that speech of Sir James Graham, why, you will
weaken your case if you
go on to reply to him. He was
told that the Secretary of State had done still better than
he could do, and that coming from him the argument would
have more authority. He, therefore, had nothing more to
do but ten days afterwards to move for the repeal of the law.
He moved accordingly, but he gJt no answer to his argu-
ments, except this—that the corn-laws having failed, it was
a pity to disturb that which was, nevertheless, the exist-
ing law.—(Hear, hear.) For his part, he thought
it required nothing but an earnest, decided, vigor-
ous, and determined attack to secure the destruction of the
law. He had been in a minority on the last occasion; but
there were several names in that minority that had never
appeared in a corn-law minority with him before—the names

THE SUN, LONDON, SATITR-DAY

he believed, of persons who no longer were content to think
it sufficient that by their absence from the House they
should abstain from opposing the repeal of the law, which
had been admitted to be a fraud upon those for whom it was
devised, and an enormous wrong to those on whom it ope-
rated. He was therefore glad that the Howards, and the
Cavendishes, and the Fortescues, and the Russells all added
to the numbers of that minority, because they could not
endure to see that which was a fraud on those for whom it
was devised, and an enormous injury to the people, going
on any longer. He did not see how those persons who, lohe-
ther really or pretendedly, were the friends of humanity
could any longer complain if they overlooked the existence
of a law which produced so great and grave evils as its conse-
quences. On the ground of humanity, therefore, he asked that
these laws should be abolished, of which the operation was
most calamitous on that class which was least able to resist

them from physical causes. This law they now had prac-
tical means of appreciating. There was a deficiency in the
harvest. Prices had now reached the height at which Sir
J. Graham had said that destitution and crime were rife
throughout the country. Was there, then, ever an opportu-
nity at which matters were more ripe for action? IVere
they ever in a better position to call upon the Government
to do something to ameliorate the prospects of the country?
—(Hear, heat.) The Government had decided nothing.
They waited for the men of Birmingham to sugget t to them
what ought to be decided. Let them gladden, then, the
hearts of millions, by calling on the Government to strike to
the ground and abolish at once and for ever the ridiculous
system which denied their food to millions, and urging them
to call Parliament together, either to do the deed, or to
sanction it; and if Parliament refused, to call upon the elec-
tors to test whether the present Parliament were the real re-
presentatives of those enfranchised millions who earned
their bread by the sweat of their brows. He called upon
them to act, and he was quite satisfied they would not do so
without success.—(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then gave the health of Earl Ducie, who
returned thanks.

The CHAIRMAN begged leave to propose " the health of
Richard Cobden, Esq., the distinguished opponent of all mo-
nopolies.—(Vehement cheering.)
Mr. COBDEN, on rising, was greeted with loud cheers. He
said, that he felt deeply indebted to the assembly for the
kind manner in which they had received the announcement
of his name. He also congratulated them on the aspect of
the meeting; and observed, that this demonstration put into
the hands of Mr. Villiers a most powerful weapon against the
common enemy, which that gentleman would wield for their
common benefit in the House of Commons. He did not ap-
pear before them, after the full exposition which had been
given of their principles and views, to make an argumentative
speech. Facts were before them which demonstrated to the
conviction of all what were the consequences of those prin-
ciples which they had met to oppose. They found them-
selves, under the operation of those principles, verging as
nearly as possible upon a state of famine. This, as Mr.
Villiers had well explained, was the consequence predicted
from these restrictive laws by every writer or speaker on the
subject, from the time of the celebrated protest of Lord
Grenville, in the House of Lords, in 1815, down to the most
recently•published pamphlet in opposition to the corn-laws.
The matter fir their consideration was, what was to be done
in the present state of this question? It seemed that they
bad been deluding themselves when they entertained the
idea that the Government was going to do something. It
seemed that they had not even such a Government as some
of the Continental States possessed. Were they not gratified
to think that they were unworthy of as good treatment as
the Russians, and Turks, and Dutch received? When the
Dutch, and Germans, and Turks, and Russians, and Belgians,
found there was likely to be a scarcity, they took that course
which common prudence dictated, and which any community
out of Bedlam would at once pursue, if left to the exercise of
their unbiassed judgment. Finding there was a probability
of an insufficient supply of food at home they opened wide
their ports, and admitted importations from any part of the
world. This was what the people had expected our rational
Government to do. What was the question which thirteen noble-
men and gentlemen had been sitting in the Cabinet day after
day to discuss? Whether they, from their own rents and
revenues, should make large purchases of grain from abroad
to supply the wants of the people of this country? No.
Whether they should vote a subsidy from the taxes of the
country, and levy new taxes to cover the amount to purchase
food?- Nothing of the kind. The mighty difficulty they
bad to decide was this—whether they would allow the people
of this country to feed themselves? and it appeared the Cabi-
net had decided that they should not.—(" Hear," and cheers )
Rumours were afloat, he could not tell how well-founded they
might be, that there was a division in the Cabinet on this
great question. They were told that Sir R. Peel and
Sir J. Graham on the one side, and the Duke of Welling-
ton and Lord Stanley on the other, were at variance
on this subject ; and they were told that the.
Duke had decided that the people of Enand should
not be allowed to feed themselves.—(dear, hear.)
Now, they were at issue with the great Duke on this great
question.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Cobden) believed that
the people of Birmingham had before tried the mettle of
that noble warrior.—("Hear, hear," and cheers.) The Duke
of Wellington was a nobleman whom they regarded with
honour, as possessing those qualities which were held by men
in the highest estimation. He possessed high courage, great
firmness of resolve, and indomitable perseverance. They
admired such qualities in any man, and the Duke had bad a
great field of enterprise on which to manifest his endow-
ments.—(Hear, hear.) He would not like to see the Noble
Duke, who had now grown old, and who had conquered so
often in the field—he would not like to see that Noble Duke
sustain another defeat, before he descended into an honoured
grave.—(Hear, hear.) He would, therefore, remind that
noble individual that he had never yet entered into a contest
with Englishmen in which he had been successful. As
the great battle to which he (Mr. Cobden) had been alluding
must be and would be fought, he could only express a hope
that the Noble Duke might live long enough to test the qua-
lity of his countrymen again.—(Cheers and laughter.) But,
after all, it was not the Duke of Welling. on against whom
they were arrayed. Who was at the head of the Govern-
ment of this country? Sir IL Peel. He (Mr. Cobden) had
sat in the House of Commons in the palmy days of Sir R.
Peel's prosperity, and when Sir Robert brought forward his
measures, acid dictated to his servile colleagues what his
policy should be, the little monosyllable " I, I, 11 was con-
stantly on his lips.—(A laugh.) "I do this," "I call upon
you to support me in doing that." "I act upon my own honest
convictions." " I look for a posthumous fame." " I will
do nothing as the Prime Minister of this country which I do
not think is for the benefit of the community." He (Mr.
Cobden) would take the Right Hon. Baronet at his word. Al-
though he was the Prime Minister of this country, he was, as
Prime Minister, responsible for his act.ons. Many attempts
had been made to shirk thatresponsibility ; and an endeavour
had been made to show that those who talked of such respon-
sibility intended to do personal violence to Sir R. Peel. He
(Mr. Cobden) knew that Sir R. Peel was ashamed of that
plea ; but some of the newspapers had now fallen back upon
it. He (Mr. Cobden) could only say that he would not touch
a hair of Sir R. Peel's head.—(Hear.) But what was the
meaning of the responsibility of a Minister? The Minister
of this country was responsible by the Constitution for every
act of the Sovereign. The Queen alone could issue an order
for the opening or the ports; and her gracious Majesty
would have taken that step long ago, but that the Con-
stitution prevented her from doing so till Sir Robert
Peel presented her with the decision of the CounciL—
(Cheers. ) They were, therefore, only pursuing a legiti-
mate constitutional course when they brought Sir R. Peel to
the bar of public opinion, and declared him to be respon-
sible for the acts of the Government.—("Hear,"and cheers.) It
had been proposed that, for the relief of the poor in Ireland,
great public works should be undertaken, that railways
should be made, lands drained, fisheries started, and boats
and nets supplied to the people. He (Mr. Cobden) would
recommend, in the place of these suggestions, a repeal of the
existing corn-laws.—(Cheers.) The ports f Belgium had
been opened for the importation of foreign corn, they did not
there expect to feed the people merely by pickaxes and
shovels, by giving them work without furnishing them at the
same time with food which they may purchase with the pro-
duce of their labour. The Irish people would undoubt-
edly suffer much from famine, owing to the failure of
the potato crops in all parts of that country. That affected
not only men who were able to labour on railroads and
public works, but women, children, the aged, and the dis-
abled. Those were not persons into whose hands they
could put pickaxes and shovels. He would venture to pro-
phecy a recurrence in Ireland, in the ensuing spring, of those
events which occurred in that country in the spring of 1822,
when the famishing flocked by crowds into the towns and were
fed by the charity of the inhabitants. But the question was,
where was subsistence to be obtained for them, now that
their own crops, upon which they had depended, had failed?
It must be bought elsewhere; and not a moment ought now
to be lost in accumulating stocks of grain, for if they
deferred doing so till the time of pressure—spring—arrived,
that commodity would probably be double its present
value.— (Hear, hear.) The monopolists were tampering
with the present state of things. The organs of the
Government, day after day, represented the state of affairs
to be much more cheering than it actually was. Why, what
was the state of things in Ireland ? Could a wide-spread
conspiracy have beeu organised to deceive them by false
representations ? Had they not seen that masses were
offered up in the Catholic chapels throughout that country
praying the Deity to avert the impending calamity? and
that the Protestant Primate and Bishops of Ireland had
ordered similar prayers to be offered up in the churches of the
Establishment? The boards of guardians also had memo-
rialised the Government on the subject. He (Mr. Cobden)

was convinced there were not a dozen men in this country
who did not feel it a solemn and melancholy truth that the
country was placed, by the deficiency of the crops, in a most
unfortunate and perilous position; and yet the Government
were tampering with this critical moment of their welfare, and
were apparently unprepared with any measure to avert the
calamity.—(Hear, hear.) Now, then, was the time for the
people of this country to speak out. It had been said
there had been scarcely any demonstration in the country in
favour of opening the ports ; and why ? Because there were
hardly two rational men in any town who did not expect
that every post would bring down from London the decision
of the Cabinet that the pats were already open.—(" Hear,"
and cheers.) But that expectation was now past ;
and he thought it behoved the people in every town in the
kingdom to meet together, as they were going to do at Man-
chester, and call upon the Government to open the ports.—
(Hear.) When the ports
.were once open he was sure they
would never be shut again, and that was the reason they had
not been opened. Where was the necessity to hold four or
five Cabinet meetings in order to tell them that corn could
not come in ? Some men said, look to your native produce:
but that was not thought reasonable in anything but corn.
He had heard Mr. Gladstone eloquently advocate the free
admission of lard, hides, and flax, because (he said) they
were the raw material of manufactures, and that, there-
fore, it was necessary that a cheap and abundant supply of
those articles should be had. The argument which applied
to corn, was forgotten when they had to deal with lard, hides,
and flax. He would whisper in the ear of the advocates of
the corn-law, that corn was the article on which rents were
fixed and tithes regulated.—(Cheers.) Let them riot deceive
themselves, and fancy they would get all at once a free ad-
mission of corn—that was to say, wheat. There was no
of to admit Indian corn free of duty. Lord Sandon
wrote to his Liverpool constitutents that they did not mean
to oppose the admission of Indian corn. Why? Because
they did not fix their rents or regulate their tithes on the
price of Indian corn. The truth was, the opposite party bad
not a man of average intellect that dared to support their

cause ; they. could not appeal to a statesman of any eminence
who had delivered a dictum in favour of the system; they
had not a writer on their side; they stood alone in this age,
and yet these people governed as absolutely and more tyran-
nically than the Grand Turk himself—(Shame)—and they
would find tools for themselves who would work against
their own convictions. No doubt Sir R. Peel was at least as
good a free trader as he (Mr. Cobden) was, and he had no
doubt that Sir R. Peel bad a wish in his inmost heart that lie
should be the man to carry out these principles, but he had
been tampering with his policy, that he might adapt it to
the ignorance of his party. Now, there was one consolation
—they had run the fox to earth at last.—(Cheers.) He could
not double on them any more. The Hon. Gentleman, after
remarking on the pleasure it would have given him to have
seen the Right Hon. Baronet as a Lancashire man carry-
ing the abolition of the corn-law, went on to urge on
the meeting to make themselves county voters by buying
40s. freeholds, and also to examine and purify the re-
gistries by means of local organisation. The people
must be prepared to act for themselves. They must
come out m their multitudinous strength, in Yorkshire,

Lancashire, and every part of the country; now that they
saw the mighty edifice of monopoly tottering, and that its
walls becmn to crumble, they should concentrate their ener-
gies, and level it to the ground in all its crimes and blood;
and the peaceful ploughshare should pass over its ruins, and
full and enduring prosperity should bless our land.—(Loud
cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN then proposed "the Health of Mr. Bright,
M.P.," which was drunk with loud cheering; and the Hon.
member returned thanks.
Several toasts were drank, and the company did not break
up until an advanced hour.

THE ARMY.
GENERAL ORDER.
_ _ HORSE GUARDS, Nov. 8.
. .

At a General Court-Martial, held at Leeds on the Ist of
September, 1845, and continued by adjournment to the 18th
of the same month, Lieutenant William Augustine Hyder,
of the 10th Hussars, was arraigned upon the undermentioned
charge, viz. :
" }or conduct unbecoming the character of an officer and a
gentleman ; for that he, the said Lieutenant 'William Augu. -
tine Hyder, being quartered with his regiment at Bailin-
collig, did, on or about the 17th day of October, in the year
1842, at Inchera, near Cork, and with' intent to deceive his
commanding officer, Colonel Vandeleur, endeavour to-pre-
vail on Silvester Oliver, Esq., to lend him a horse to remain
for two months at Ballincollig aforesaid as his second
charger, he, the said Lieutenant Hyder, proposing at the
same time to the said Silvester Oliver, Esq., that no one
should, during such two months, get upon the said horse."
Upon which charge the Court came to the following
decision
" The Court having maturely weighed and considered
the evidence in support of the prosecution, together with
what the prisoner has urged in his defence (and laying out
of their consideration the letter addressed by Major-General
Henry Wyndham to Colonel Vandeleur), is of opinion that
he, the prisoner, Hyder,_Lieutenant William Augustine of
the 10th Royal Hussars, is Not Guilty of the charge pre-
ferred against him, and does, therefore, acquit him of the
same.
" The Court having acquitted the prisoner, Lieutenant
William Augustine Ryder, of the 10th Royal Hussars, of
the charge preferred against him, cannot refrain from ani-
madverting in the strongest terms of disapprobation on the
violent, coarse, and uncalled-for language which he, the
prisoner, has had recourse to in his defence, in allusion to
the character of Silvester Oliver, Esq."
Her Majesty has been pleased to approve and confirm the
finding of the Court.
Her Majesty has been pleased to observe, that it appeared
that after the assembly, and during a short adjournment of
the Court, a civilian, the principal witness for the prosecution.
did, in the presence, and with the acquiescence of Colonel
Vandeleur, the prosecutor, destroy certain documents, which,
at the instance of the prisoner, such witness had been duly
required to bring with him for production before the Court
—one of such documents being a letter having reference to
the subject-matter of the charge against Lieutenant Hyder
addressed on the 9th of May, 1845, by Colonel Vandeleur to
the said witness; and her Majesty has been pleased to ex-
press her displeasure that Colonel Vandeleur, hastily acting,
as he declares, under an impression that these documents
were not in a state fit to be produced in Court, and that
the fair copies in his possession would be much better,
should have acquiesced in a proceeding the impropriety of
which must, on reflection, be obvious to him, notwithstand-
ing that Lieutenant Hyder, having been acquitted, has not
suffered prejudice; and notwithstanding that Colonel Van-
deleur had in Court, and was ready to produce a paper which
he alleged to be a true copy of such letter; and as to the
authenticity and truth of which Colonel Vandeleur, who
wrote the 'letter, the clerk who copied it, and the witness
who received it, might have been examined, if Lieutenant
Ryder had thought fit so to do.
Her Majesty, however, has been pleased to remark, that
much irrelevant matter appears to have been gone into, and
more particularly that the character of a witness for the
prosecution was irregularly and unjustly sought to be im-
peached by examining witnesses to particular facts supposed
to have Liken place many years since, and unconnected with
the matter before the Court; whereas according to esta.
blished law and practice, evidence to the general character of
the witness for veracity was alone admissible; and further-
more, that witnesses were irregularly examined to contradict
the evidence of that witness on matters totally irrk levant to
the issue.
The Commander-in-Chief directs that the foregoing charge
preferred against Lieutenant William Augustine Hyder, of
the 10th Royal Hussars, together with the finding of the
Court, and her Majesty's confirmation thereof, be entered in
the general order-book, and read at the head of every regi-
ment in her Majesty's service.
By command of Field-Marshal the Duke of Wellington,
Commander-in-Chief.
JOHN MACDONALD, Adjutant-General.

IRELAND.
ORDER OF ST. PATRICK—LORD FARNHAM.
DUBLIN. Nov. 12.—A chapter of this most ancient illus-
trious order was held in Dublin Castle this day, for the pur-
pose of investing Baron Farnham with the badge of the order.
The following knights were present :—Earl Roden, Earl
Donoughmore, Eall Wicklow, Earl Howell, Earl Rosse, and
the Marquis of Ormonde.
His Grace the Archbishop of Dublin, the Very Rev. the
Dean of St., Patrick's. the Very Rev. the Dean of the Chapel
Royal, the Ulster King of Arms, Sir William Leeson, Sir B.
Morris, &c., officers of the order, were present.
At two o'clock his Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, Grand
Master of the order, entered the Presence Chamber, accom-
panied by his Aides-de-Camp and officers of his household,
Sir Thomas Fremantle bearing the sword of state.
The knights soon afterwards entered and took their seats
at the board. _ _ _

_.Baron Farnham was then introduced, and; kneeling, re-
ceived the honour of knighthood. His Lordship then was
invested with the badge of the order, having taken the oaths
prescribed.
The names of the several knights were then called over by
Ulster, and all retired.
The Presence Chamber had a brilliant array of beauty and
fashion to witness the ceremonial.
THE POTATO CROP.

The Right Hon. Edward Lucas, late Under-Secretary for
Ireland, is to be chairman of the commission for carrying out
the plans contemplated by Government, in consequence of the
disease in the potatoes.—Evening Mail.
The Premier's reply to the letter of the Mansion-house
Committee was received this day, and is couched in the
coldest terms of official politeness, merely promising to lay
the statements of the Committee before the Queen.—Thid.

The panic is obviously abating. The provincial journals
say little about it; and our numerous correspondents are
silent.—lbid.

MEETING AT ARMAGH.
A meeting of the Armagh Provident Committee was held
on Friday last. There were present—Wm. Paton, Esq., Cap-
tain Algen, Rev. Dr. Robinson, Thomas Dobbin, Esq., Dr.
Colvan, Lee M‘Kinstry, W. C. Gage, John M'Kinstry, A.
Lyle, Esqrs., Dr. Robinson. Wm. Gardner, Esq., Dr. Curving,
R. M'Endow, James Bennett, Esqrs., Rev. Mr. Flavel.
Mr. Paton informed the meeting that the guarantee fund
now amounted to 1,3001., and that the Provincial Rink had
agreed to make the necessary advance to the extent of 6001.,
on the security of the subscription list. Mr. P. further
stated, that the works in progress for the manufacture of
farina would be completed and in operation about the end of
the week, and that about seventy tons of potatoes had already
been laid down for the purpose of being manufactured
into starch. He then read a letter from Colonel Rawdon,
M.P. for the borough, inclosing 50/.
The letter was ordered to be entered on the minutes, and
the thanks of the meeting were unanimously given to Colone-
Rawdon.