The Sun.
London, England, 1844-10-19 00:00:00

rbtrbf Mbition

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TILE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES.)
BRITISH FUNDS.
Sauk 5t0ck............ex div 205 Indian 5t0ck...............-
3 per Cent. Red 99N Ditto Bonds ............. 94 pm.
3 per Cent. Cons. .. .......
3)4 per Cent. Red /Ditto New Annuities ...
New 3U per Cent...-. 102% Ex. Bills, 1,0001. 13.4 d ... 74 Po.
New 5 per Cent. — Ditto 5001. ... ..... ...... 74 pin.
Long Annuities to expire Ditto Small 7s prr.
Jan, 11560.....„........ 12!.i 1.16 Bank Stock for Acct —
Oct. 1859. .... ........ Console for Act.......... 100
Jan. 1EC0......... ..... India Stock for Acct --
FOREIGN FUNDS.
Austrian, 5 per Cent ... ..... Portuguese, 5 per Cent ..... 83%
Belgian, 5 per Cent.......„.. 104 Ditto, New Ditto... ......... ...
Brazilian Bonds ......... ...... Prussian, 5 per Cent .....
Buenos Ayres, 6 per Cent... 363( Russian, 5 per Cent............ 118}6
Chllian, 6 per Cent Ditto, Metallic ....-...........
Colombian, 6 per Cent
Ditto, 1824..„....... — Ditto, 3 per Cent 34 X
Cuba Bonds, 6 per Cent — Ditto, Deferred........... .....
Danish,3 per Cent — French, 5 per Cent....... —t. -c.
Greek, 18',5, 5 per Cent — Exchange —f --e.
Mexican, 5 per Cent ..„ ..... 34% French, 3 per Cent. —f. —c
Ditto, 6 per Cert., *tat.... —4 Dutch, 234 per Cent 6'l
Peruvian, 11t1.5, 6 per Cent... Ditto, 5 per Cent ........ 96)6

SHARES.
Birmingham and Gloucester (100 paid) 105%
Bristol and Exeter (70 paid)
Bristol and Gloucester, 30 paid
Caledonian (5 paid)
Chester and Holyhead ( 5 paid) ...... ............
Dublin and Belfast Junction, 2% paid
11
IFasistern Counties (25 paid) ......
Edinburgh and Glasgow, 50 paid • e2
Great Western (75 paid)
Ditto Half Shares, 50 paid 86%
Ditto Fifths, 12 paid
London and Birmingham (Stock)
London and Blackwall (IN. 13s. 4d.) 6%
47
London and Brighton (50 paid)
Losidos and South Western (411. 6s. 10d. paid)
London and Croydon (Trunk) 16%
London and York, 2% paid 4
2
Lynn and Ely, 1 paid
Midland Counties (100 paid) 107%
Newcastle and Darlingron Junction, 21 paid 47
Norwich and Brandon, 6 paid ...............
Ditto New Shares
South Eastern and Dover (33 213 4d paid) 4l
Ditto New Shares, 4 paid l4
108
York and North Midland (50 paid)
Ditto Half Shares (25 paid)
Ditto Scarboro' Branch, 10 pa,./3 •• 35
Central of France, 2 paid 3%
Boulogne and Amiens, 2 psi d ..... .........
Orleans, Tours, and Bourdeaux, 1 paid
Paris and Lyons, 2 paid .......... . ....... .....,„...„
/aria and Orleans (20 paid) ........
Park and Rouen. 20 paid ....... ......... .................. B,c

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OT THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—The Government organs evince con-
siderable uneasiness on the subject of Irish politics.
The state of the Tories is one of conscious danger—
with this additional source of alarm, that they are
ignorant of the quarter whence the shock will come.
Bewilderment is thus superadded to fear. It is
plainly seen that the ensuing session will prove
pregnant with embarrassment to Ministers. Their
criminal neglect of means for improving the
condition of the Irish people since they en-
tered upon office, has deepened and widened the dis-
affection with which the people of that country be-
held their assumption:of rule. Protestants, in whom
the love of country is not wholly extinct, now
openly avow their conviction that some organic
change in the existing order of things is neces-
sary ; and manifest a disposition to merge
their former differences with their Catholic fellow-
countrymen in a confederation, by which a
radical change in the Constitution may be effected;
hoping that thus something may be effected
for their common interests. This state of feeling in
those who were wont to deprecate agitation, and to
eschew all desire to meddle with established institu-
tions, is among the most significant indications of
danger to the Government. All confidence in
the ability all hope from the wisdom of her
Majesty's present advisers have passsed away,
even trom those who were most disposed to
regard Sir Robert Peel's accession to power
as fraught with promise of peace and security to Ire-
land. To a certain extent the vocation of O'Connell
has ceased. Agitation for repeal—as a definite pro-
position for procuring for the suffering masses of Ire-
land a redress for public grievances, and a relief
from the physical and social evils which per-
vade the great mass of the community —is
no longer in that state of fervid activity
which lately seemed to defy opposition, and
spurned all milder schemes as futile and treacherous.
This stilling of the waves is accounted for on prin-
ciples which bode anything but peace or stability to
' the Government. 'The great Agitator has retired
from the stage to the repose of the domestic scene.
But it is to avail himself of the quietude of seclusion
to observe events as they arise, and to prepare, with
more perfect adaptation to their objects, his own
schemes of action. The party which has hitherto
agreed to denounce and oppose the power of O'Con-
'nell, and which has been actuated by one common
effort to neutralise his influence and to extirpate his
projects, is now divided. A manifest inclination
to fraternize with him, in order to obtain from the
Legislature a modification of his own scheme, is now
evinced. The policy of O'Connell, under such cir-
cumstances, is obvious. Federalism is but repeal
under another name—a duodecimo edition of the
larger work. It will, therefore, gratify the ever
varying taste of the Irish people; and flatter the
personal vanity of those who have broached the
new delusion. To keep up the agitation for re-
peal while the new project is yet before the multi-
tude, with all the attractions of novelty fresh upon it,
would be only to bring federalists and repeaters into
angry collision, and thus weaken and eventually
destroy both. Coalition is O'Connell's obvious desire.
He will pare down repeal to the dimensions of
federalism ; if, by so doing, he can effect a junction
of the disaffected Protestants with his followers.
The sagacity for which Mr. O'Connell has been
ever distinguivhed will not desert him now, when he
most needs it. He sees, with intuitive perception,
the bearings of his new position, and is per-
fectly content to shape his course in accord-
' ance with the views of the federalists, if by so
doing he can advance his own. The greater the num-
bers which can be brought to act upon the Govern-
ment, will press out of it the greatest amount of con-
cession to their claims. Repeal and federalism are
alike impracticable as ultimate objects. Either may,
however, be employed as means to an end. Agitation,
under whatever name, is merely symptomatic of de-
rangement in the body-politic. Remove the cause
of the disease, and the symptoms which indicate
the presence of the varied maladies will disappear.
The coalition which Sir Robert Peel will have to
meet in the next session, and from which he and his
adherents may well shrink with dread, will be a union
of all who are are anxious to bring back the estranged
affection of the Irish people to a reasonable and firm
attachment to England—and English connexion,
as the source of their own security and prosperity.
To effect this, every nerve must be strained, both
in and out of Parliament, to force remedial mea-
sures from or upon the Government; or, in the
event of refusal or resistance, to drive Ministers
from their posts. The necessity is urgent, for the
dangers of delay are great. The people of England
are determined to maintain the union intact and in-
violate. They know, also, that this can only be done
by making it manifest that the benefits of the union
shall be felt by the people of Ireland, as
well as talked of by their rulers. We have
reason to believe that the Liberals will com-
mence the coming session with demanding from
the Government an announcement of the mea-
sures they intend to submit with reference to Ireland.
If Ministers have no specific measures in readiness,
the Opposition will be ready to propose their plans;
and thereon issue will be joined. What the result
will be to the Government we cannot predict. That
a very considerable amount of substantial benefits,
tending to conciliate the affections of the Irish nation,
and consolidate the scattered elements of Ireland's
strength, will be the consequence, we feel assured.
STANDARD.—If we were not well aware of the
indisposition, not to say inability, of our order gene-
rally
.to deal with any subject upon comprehensive
principles, we should be at a loss to understand the
purpose of the leading article which we have copied
from the Times of this day. On the 19th of October
our Contemporary goes back to a discussion and
decision at the end of June, the results of which dis-
cussion and decision are now unalterable, with no
purpose that we can conceive but to raise a sneer
at the reasoning of the Prime Minister. This
purpose will, however, fail ; for the reasoning of
Sir Robert Peel, whether the Times can understand
it or not, will be perfectly satisfactory to all intelli-
gent men. The British empire is composed of many
parts variously circumstanced, but all equally en-
titled to the protection and favour of the Government.
The Queen s Government would not, however, act
impartially towards all the Queen's subjects, were
it to give to any one portion of them advantages
at the expense of the rest. These are propositions,
we suppose, open to no objection ; and the
simple, clear, and satisfactory application of them
in Sir Robert Peel's argument upon the sugar
question is perfectly obvious. The population of our
sugar colonies, whatever their colour or rank
are entitled to the same care and protection
with the population of the British islands, or of
:any other part of the empire, but no more. Now,
protecting the population of the British colonies
from the competition with the slave population of
the Brazils and Cuba, gives to our own colonies.
that protection which
_ maintaining
have a right to claim, at
the same time
the honour of the
British empire—mhaaprilyinbno
gund up with the sup-
-and vindicating of slavery
the liberty
of the human race. To Britishprwoitthectllthenegslav sugar
colonies from competition
popula-
tion of the Brazils and Cuba
was,e bid
being a consistent, philanthropic, and religious act,
the discharge
of a just debt to the colonists, from
whom we had taken the power to compete with
slaveholders; but to protect the British sugar
colonists from competition with other free sugar
colonies by more than a moderate duty would
be an act of gross injustice to the consumers of
sugar in Great Britain, Ireland, and elsewhere
through the Queen'3 dominions, without ultimately