The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-05 00:00:00

THE SITIC LONDON, MONPAY EVE2-11-1444, FEI3R trAll 11, 1844.

America with respect to the Oregon Territory. He
wished to ask if those negotiations were- still pending,
or whether their had been a cessation of them. _

dered to the public. Honourable Gentlemen would
.:collee-4- that - with- respect to all private Cerra-r
"m
ereial Bills, excepting Railway Bills, were
subject to the jurisdiction of the Board of Trade,
. and he thought it would be advisable that some similar
jurisdiction should be allowed, which would give the
same right of supervision to the Board of Trade. He wished
that this matter should be brought under the consideration
of a Committee of the House, and his proposal would
refer not only to new companies, which might come be-
fore the House, but alsa that existing companies might
be subjected to such arrangements as the Committee
might suggest. It was true that it might be difficult
to make any rule which might be generally applicable.
to such different circumstances, but he had no doubt of
the right to interfere in the matter. But there was
an unusual disposition to restrain the exercise of
that right within the limit of moderation.
The exercise of that right, however, at the
present moment, on the ground of any general malver-
sation, or general exaction, by Railway Companies,
would not, in his opinion, be justified. He excluded such
consideration from the notice of motion. At the same
time it included the consideration of such arrangements
with regard to railroads, as Parliament would recommend.
The time was now come when capital abounded to an
unprecedented degree, and parties were seeking for
some mode of investing it. Under these circumstances
it was natural to expect that it would take a direction
towards the extension of railways. It was natural to
expect under those circumstances, that there
would be a disposition to make propositions
to Parliament for the establishment of com-
pleting lines.—(Hear, hear.) This suggested grounds
for serious • and delicate consideration. But his
experience of railway systems informed them that they
must not rely too much on the statements which were
put forward. The consequence of allowing competing
lines would be in many instances an increase of ex-
, action ; it would be a mere multiplication of monopoly
for such were the facilities of combination that such a
competition only would be a course very far from that
which wisdom would dictate. Parliament need, there-
fore, well consider what course they would
adopt with regard to lines recommended as com-
peting lines. Those observations were not " in-
tended to apply to local lines which were re-
commeded by the national construction of the country,
and the local traffic they were likely to have. But
while Parliament had many strong grounds to avoid the
practice of unlimited competing lines, existing Railway
Companies had many motives to look themselves
to the disposition on . the part of the people,
and it was far better for their own interest
if they made terms with Parliament satisfactory to the
general feeling of the public, and to expose themselves
to the opposition of competing lines. There was one
subject upon which it was desirable that some
arrangement should be made. He alluded to the
neglect of third class carriages ; he did not mean to en-
force upon railway companies such an increase of ac-
commodation in the' third class of carriages as would
break down the general arrangement which they
adopted—those who were willing to pay from
first and second-rate carriages ought to have
additional comfort, but he thought it matter of im-
portant concern, whether those whc had not the means
of paying for the higher class carriages ought not to
covered from the inclemency of the weather.—(Hear,
and cheers.) There was a great deal of feel-
ing on the subject out of doors, and the
feeling was one which was likely to increase. He was ;
exceedingly desirous that no inconvenience should be
occasioned by the proceeding now recommended to
parties engaged in promoting Mills. He should propose
the nomination of this Committee, with an interval
as short as possible, he would then proceed to business,
and lay before the Committee, on the part of the Go-
vernment, such propositions as they were prepared to
make. The examination of those, whose evidence
it was desirable to obtain, they would then
report; the general conclusions of the Committee at
a period as early as possible, in order that, on all points
in which steps were taken with regard to Bills before
the Honse, no inconvenience or delay should arise. He
was not aware that there was any other particular which
he need state to the House, and would now place the
motion in the hands of the Speaker.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said he did not rise for the
purpose of objecting to the proposition of the
Right Honourable Gentleman. He was glad to hear
that the Government had brought it forward, because
great good would Ibe likely to result 'from their having ,
done so ; but if he understood the Right Honour-
able Gentleman, the Committee was to examine ,
the whole subject of the present position of the ,
Legislatu;e with regard to railways ; if he under ,
stood the Right Hon. Gentleman ; he said that
whenever Railway Companies came before the House, ,
asking for privileges or extension of powers, the
House had a right to impose on them what ,
conditions they thought proper to insist on.
If he understood the Right Hon. Gentleman rightly, it
intentiontormeferthe. T
the whohlee
Rightquest Hoyt.iono Gfraelilitlwaey:
man ili
n
legislation
s to' this coniitte
had expressed a hope, in which he was sure
every one would join, that these questions might
all be amicably settled with the different Railway
Companies, and that he did not despair of the
Committee being enabled to make recommendations to
which all the-Railway Companies of England would equally
be willing to agree. He was afraid, however, that the
terms of the motion would preclude the Committee from
considering the case of any railway company which did
not come before the House for a new Bill; and he sug-
gested to the ißight Hon. Gentleman the propriety of
making the terms of his motion more comprehensive, so
as not to preclude the Committee from taking into
their consideration the subject of railway legisla-
tion generally.—(Hear, hear.) He agreed in the
greater part of what had fallen from the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman. On one subject, however, he differed from him.
He disagreed from that part of the Right Honourable
Gentleman's speech, in which he states that he consi-
dered it may be adviseable for the Government and the
Right Honourable Gentleman to enter into some sort.of
compact with the existing Railway companies, to pre-
Aent the construction of competing lines of railssay.—
(Hear)—He thought that in some cases competing lines
of railway might be necessary, in order to secure to the
public the benefiss of competition.— (Cheer.) At
all events, they could do no harm. They
would secure the public against the monopo y
of carriage possessed by some of the railway companies.
For instance, the Great Western and Southampton were,
to a certain extent, competing lines, and the consequence
had been a reduction in the r rices of carriage. lie had
recently, at one of the stations on the Southampton line,
seen parcels directed to Bath. He had inquired, and
had been informed, that they were competing with, the
Great Western line, and that when they had
a branch to Salisbury, there would exist a still greater
degree
benefit
o the f
public.—(Hear, competition,be.ear w, ha rhi which )
would
The undoubtedly
R Gentleman had stated too positively that no advan age
could be derived from competing lines.—(Cheers.) He
was sure the public would" feel much obliged to the
Right Hon. Gentleman for having directed his attention
to the high rate of fines charged for third-class pas-
sengers.—(Cheers.) Any one who bad travelled on
the continent could not but be struck with the beneficial
effects ilproduced by low third-class fines. There
_ _

Sir R. PEEL said, if he recollected rightly, that the
British Government had originated communications with
the Government of the United States as to the extreme
advantage of proceeding amicably to some arrangement
for settling the matter in dispute ; certainly the answer
received to that communication justified them in hoping
that by this time some progress towards an arrangement
would have been made. All he could state now was, that
the British Minister who had gone out, had very full
instructions on that subject,
Mr. HUME asked if the Right Hon. Baronet had any
objections to lay on the table of the House the papers
relative to that subject ?
Sir R. PEEL said, that as these papers related to a
matter of so much importance, he thought the Hon.
Gentleman would take the wisest course in not pressing
for their production.
After a few words from Mr. HUME,
Lord STANLEY said that if the lion. Gentleman
waited, it was possible more precise informationcould be
given.

labourers went to their work of a morning
by railway, while here the exorbitant fines
demanded for third-class passengers pressed
most heavily upon the humbler classes.—(Loud
cheers.) The county generally was indebted to the
Right Hon. Gentleman for the attention he had paid to
the subject of railways.—(Cheers.)
Mr. GLADSTONE was anxious that the attention of
the Committee should be directed in the first instance to
those Railway Companies which were about to apply
to that House for additional powers. He hoped that he
should shortly be enabled, with the consent of all the
existing Railway Companies, to submit the general sub-
ject of railway legislation to the Committee, and nothing
could be easier than to enlarge the powers from time to
time by instructions.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. ROEBUCK was glad that the subject had been
brought under the consideration of the House. He
thought they ought to have no half-and-half measures
in relation to this subject. A great revolution had
been made in our several relations by the introduction
of the railway system. Parliament had in fact created
certain monopolies, and he asked the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman to go into the whole subject and not con-
tent himself with legislating in those cases merely
in which railway companies might apply for
fresh powers. A monopoly had been created of the
extraordinary advances we had made in physical science
which could not have been dreamed of twenty years ago.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

the French people. It was not for him (Lord A.) to say co-operate with the Noble Duke in has efforts
'i *hat would be the residt- ofsiich Pi•opositions;huthls Hof r trfrolillite the happiness, the morals, and the indepen-
; and Lbarned. Friend, and the House might rest' assured dente of the people. _ He_ agreed with the Noble Duke
' that nothing should be done that in any degree might respecting the expediency, the policy—and he would
impair the means of suppression of the abominable tratfio say, the duty—of promoting the manly recreations of the
in slaves. He could assure the House that the French poor, whenever they were placed und, r restraiut,nothing
the detestable traffic. There certainly was a feeling bu : paramount necessity could justify the restriction,
abroad in France that the mode of putting it down was Lord CAMPBELL said that he hoped their Lord-
not consistent with their feelings of nntional honour and ships would not sanction the Bill of the Noble Duke,
dignity. His Noble Friend hai given an unanswerable re- which would have the effect of encouraging gambling
ply to this by reminding their French neighbours that we and Making all kinds of bets reeeverable in Courts of Law.
equally conceded the same right on our parts, and as Lord DE NMAN thought the Noble Duke had a right
we gave the right of search our five or six ships for one to complain that when lie had agreed to postpone his
we gave up more than they did ; yet we did till Noble Lords thought proper to enter into a dis-
not in the slightest degree consider ourselves dishoL cussion of it. He (Lord Denman) thought that, the'
houred by it. He entirely agreed with the Noble Earl whole Bill ought to tie referred to a Select Committee.
in thinking that instead of its being a desirable arrange- The Duke of RICHMOND said that the gamblers
ment or a good per se, he wished that some mode could against which he meant to legislate had no 'characters to
be devised for repressing the Slave-trade without it as he lose, and cared not what risk they incurred. He entirely
looked on it rather as an inconvenience than a burden. agreed with his Noble Friend the Lord. Chief Justice,
They must always keep in mind one of his propositions and therefore suggested that the Order of the day for
in dealing with this question. One of these was, that the second reading of. the Bill be referred to a Select
when England had entirely. abolished her own slave Committee. A hundred thousand pounds might be bet
trade, she had done nine parts out of ten of what was upon a horse in London, if the better could learn
her own duty, and that; strictly speaking, it was that intelligence of the winning horse by a carrier
alone which she could be called on to do, anything beyond pigeon or by any other means, and what was
that being in the nature of a work of supererogation. more that bet could be legally recovered as was
God forbid that they should in the slightest degree re- lately decided. That debt was recoverable at common
lax from their efforts to repress the slave trade, and law, but if the money was bet fairly at the race it could
that having washed their own hands of the stain, they not be recovered ; if they bet at a race at which no
should not for the sake of humanity and of Africa, money had been contended for, then the bet was reco-
seek other nations to do so also. One thing verable. In fact, the present law was full of
they must also always bear in mind that though bsurdities, and was xery well worthy of the attention
they were philanthropists ' and statesmen legislating of their Lordships. The Noble Duke concluded by
for Africa, they were also European and English states- moving the discharge of the order of the day.—Agreed to.
men, and that their primary, object must now be the The Duke of RICHMOND said he would, to-morrow,
preservation of peace among the nations of Europe. in all probability, bring in a Bill on the subject himself.
They must not risk that first and greatest blessing for It was then ordered that the laws relating to gaming
'the sake of any work of supererogatiou or humanity. be referred to a Select Committee of their Lordships.
To do so would be the most preposterous attempt any (LEFT SITTING.)
great nation could engage in.
STATE OF IRELAND.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—Seeing the Noble
Earl (Fitzwilliam) in his place—rose to inform him that
it-was not his intention to oiler any opposition to the
motion of the Noble. Earl relative to certain accounts
and returns ralative to the military and police in Ireland.
He stated this' in the hope that the Noble Earl might
continue to forbear all reference to recent events in
Ireland.
Earl FITZWILLIAM said he had no inclination
whatever to break the understanding which prevailed
as to the expediency of abstaining from all allusion
to Ireland at present. He was glad to hear that the
Noble Duke and her Majesty's Ministers did not intend
to offer any opposition to the motion he was about to
make. .his Lordship then moved for the production of
accounts, according to notice.—Agreed to.
Lord Null MANBY, from the same wish not to in-
dulge in any remarks On events now pending in Ireland,
deferred his motion on the state of Ireland till Tuesday,
13th inst. between the present time and that day, he
would announce to the -House the precise shape in which
he meant to make his motion. If it was probable that
the trials would not terminate by that day, he would
give due notice of further postponement.
OPERATIONS IN CHINA.
The LORD CHANCELLOR communicated to the
House that he had received a letter from Admiral
Parker, acknowledging the vote of thanks of this House
for the gallant conduct of her Majesty's naval force en-
gaged in the operations in China. His Lordship then
read the letter, which was dated from her Majesty's
ship Cornwallis, Hong-Kong, June 15, 1843.
Earl MINTO expressed some degree of disappointment
that some further mark of her Majesty's approbation
had not been conferred upon Admiral Parker. He
stated that some feeling of dissatisfaction existed in the
navy that a baronetage had not been bestowed upon the
naval commander, as had been done the case of the
army.
The EARL of HADDINGTON believed that it was
stated to their Lordships at the time, the noble Duke
(Wellington) made the speech which never could be
forgotten by the navy, when the thanks of that house
were given to the naval and military commanders who
had served in China, that the reason why the two re-
wards were not bestowed on Sir William Parker
at the same time: that they were on Sir Hugh
Gough was, that it would have appeared to
be giving more to one than the other. The Govern-
ment had no anxiety, but to deal fairly by both parties,
and the Noble Lord could well say that her Majesty's
Government duly appreciated the services of the navy
upon that occasion. They were certainly most extra-
ordinary. He did not advert merely to the gallantry
displayed, that was a matter of course, for the navy
had frequently gone against more formidable
enemies . than the Chinese. But he knew
that taking the large ships to the walls of Nankin was
considered by the navy as a very extraordinary per-
formance indeed. It would be in the recollection of the
House that Sir Hugh Gough had earned the Grand
Cross of the Bath before Sir William Parker arrived in
China. At the conclusion of their joint services for
their gallant, distinguished, and meritorious services:a
baronetcy was awarded to Sir Hugh Gough and the
Grand Cross of the Bath was given to Sir William
Parker. Sir William Parker had since been informed the
reason why both rewards were not conferred upon him,
Ministry was as desirous of the total abolition of the
slave trade as he (Lord Aberdeen) was, and this would
be kept in view by them in any propositions they might
submit to us. With respect to the right of search itself,
he had witne3sed with some regret that it had been
sometimes referred to in a way tending to con-
-firm the unwarranted and calumnious representa-
tions which had been made respecting it on the
other side of the water. It had at times been repre-
sented in this country, as it had been constantly over the
water, that the real object of England in the
right of search -was to degrade and insult the
French marine, and to obtain certain informa-
tion respecting French ships, in order to turn it
to;pur own advantage. Incredible as this might appear,
yet was it certain that such a notion extensively pre-
vailed. Now it was not very likely we should attempt
to inflict a degradation upon another nation that might,
with five-fold weight, be retaliated upon ourselves ;
for certainly the right of search being mutual,
where one French cruiser might be subjected,
five English ones would be subjected also. In
the ports of France, so near to us, surely we could
get, did we desire to do so, far better and fuller infor-
mation as to the French marine than on the distant
' shores where the right of search existed. He (Lord
Aberdeen) had sometimes seen the right of search
spoken of as a great good in itself. It no doubt
might be made an available means of narrowing the
' detestable slave trade, but of, and in itself,
he looked upon the right of search as a great
evil, and only to be justified by the great
object they had in view. There was nothing else that
could justify so great a sacrifice on the part of his coun-
try. He of course was not prepared. to say what might
be the result of the negotiations for the modification of
these treaties, but he hoped the few words he had now
uttered would allay any anxiety that might have been
felt by his Noble and Learned Friend or other old and
stanch friends of the abolition of slavery.—(Hear, hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM said he should be very unreason-
able indeed if he were not satisfied with what had fallen
from the Noble Earl, and he could add that he agreed with
him in giving the fullest credit to the Govern-
ment of France for its hearty wishes to put down
at the same time. He (the Earl of Haddington) trusted
that Sir Willigm Parker was satisfied. Sir William
Martin had also been informed of the intention of her
Majesty's Government to bestow upon him the other
honour. It would be in the recollection of their Lord-
ships that at the time of the former discussion on this
subject, it was said that it was the intention of her
Majesty's Government to confer upon Sir William Par-
ker the further honour ; " Aye," said the Noble Earl
on that occasion, " when he hauls down his flag."
Lord MINTO said that he did not recollect ever hav-
ing used the language attributed to him ; but he would
not his recollection against that of the Noble Earl
opposite.

THE WILL or EARL FERRERS.—The will and
three codicils of the Right Hon. Washington Earl Ferrers
and Viscount Tamworth has recently been proved. In his
will, he appoints W. Matthews, Esq., sole executor; but, in
a codicil, revokes that appointment, and names his Royal
Highness the Duke of Sussex (since dead) and P. S. Shir-
ley, Esq., executors, to whom he bequeaths 1001. each to,
purchase a ring; to his grandson he gives 5001.; to another
a full length portrait of himself; and directs his executors
to offer his library to his grandsons, at a fair valuation, and,
in case they should not become purchasers, to sell the same
by auction. His conservatory is to be pulled down and dis-
posed of in the same manner. To his late wife's sister 100/. ;
to his adopted child, Eliza Davey, 1,000/. ; to two of his
servants legacies of 2001., free of legacy duty. The property
is sworn under 30,0001. From the effects of a paralytic
woke, the deceased was unable to sign his will, and made
his mark instead ; but he appears to have recovered from
its effects, for the codicils are sigued "Ferrers" in a firm
bold hand.

THE WEATHER.—Winter 7 now that February has
arrived, has set in in right good earnest. The weather was
comparatively mild up to Tuesday night, accompanied by
high wind,' but early on Wednesday morning we were sur-
prised by a sudden storm of thunder and lightning, which
was succeeded by snow. This was followed by fine- clear
frosty weather, but in the night of Thursday the wind
shifted towards the east, and at the time we write (Friday
morning), snow has been falling fast for several hours.—
Leicester Mercury.

RETURN OF LORD MORPETH TO
PARLIAMENT.

MORPETH, FEB. have now to communicate to you
the very interesting intelligence that ,the restoration of Lord
Morpeth to a seat m the Legislature—an event so long and
earnestly desiderated by his Lordship'S political friends—is
in a high degree likely to be very speedily realised. I learnt
yesterday evening that an arrangement is in progress by
which a vacancy in the Parliamentary representation of this
town will take place almost immediately by the acceptance,
probably by Captain Howard, the present Member, of the
stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds, and that Lord Mor-
peth will forthwith become a candidate for the representa-
tion. I have my information from a quarter which admits
of no doubt of its veracity, though the subject has not yet
become matter of public rumour here. I am also informed
that his Lordship is expected in this town in the course of a
very few days, to enter upon his canvass of the electors. I
do not apprehend, assuming that what I have stated
shall turn out to be true, that any opposition
will be offered to his mrdship's return, unless
it come from the Anti-Corn-law League; and when we re-
member that that body recently pledged themselves, in the
event of any borough being unable to procure a free-trade
candidate, to bring forward such a candidate themselves
whenever a vacancy occurs in the representation, it is not
improbable that we shall have the representation contested
by the League. Considering, however, the decidedly liberal
character of the great majority of the constituency (and I
speak from my own knowledge of it), and as attested, more-
over, by the small success of Major Cadogan, who contested
the representation a few years ago on the Conservative in-
terest, I feel no hesitation in stating it as my conviction that
any opposition, if it were attempted, to any member of Lord
Carlisle's family in a quarter where their influence is all-pa-
ramount and all-pervading, would, at the present moment,
most certainly eventuate in defeat, come from what quarter
it may, but especially if attempted against one of no less
" mark and likelihood" than my Lord Morpeth ; for here,
as elsewhere throughout the. lotngdom, his Lordship per-
sonally is 'very highly 'auenitiversally respected and es•
teemed, and this quite arespebtive of political considerations,
none of which ever move the great body of the electors of
Morpeth in their exercise of political privileges.—Times Cor-
respondent.

.Lord HADDINGTON said that it had always been the
intention of the Government to mark, in every way they
could, their very high sense of the great deeds which
had been performed. Sir William Parker, however, had
no: so great a share in the achievments of the China
campaign, as Sir Hugh Gough, who had conducted not
only the naval operation, but those of the army, into
the very heart of China,.
Lord BROUGHAM begged to interpose. He thought
that it was most unconstitutional for Noble Lords to
interfere with the prerogative of her Majesty as the
fountain of honour.—(Cheers.)
After a few words from Lord MINTO and the Earl of
HADDINGTON, in explanation,

The Duke of RICHMOND said that in order to put
an end to the discussion, and for the satisfaction
of both sides of the House, he would take the oppor-
tunity of presenting a petition from Morpeth against
the bastardy clauses in the Poor-law Amendment Act.
BETTING ON PUBLIC SPORTS.

Lord BROUGHAM wished to put it to his Noble
Friend who had just sat down, whether, instead of
the Bill of which he had given notice, to legalise
betting upon certain sorts of public sports, to which
there was a great objection in certain quarters, it would
not be better to postpone for a time his prospective
measure, and in the meanwhile to bring forward a short
Bill to the qui tam actions which were pending.
The Bishop of LONDON said that he could not allow
the occasion to pass without expressing his disapproba-
tion of any measure which would go to leagalise gamb-
ling.
The Duke of RICHMOND said, he had a right to
complain of the Right Rev. Prelate assuming that his
Bill was intended to promote gambling ; on the con-
trary, he firmly believed that if the Bill
was carried into • a law it would diminish
betting. He was not a better himself, but he
was cunvinced that if something was not done the pre-
sent system would ruin the " Turf" altogether. His
only object was to compel the fa'r loser to pay the fair
winner. He wished to encourage the manly amuse-
ments of the people, which had been of late
too much discouraged. He had rather see
the people enjoy the manly sport of cricket, than sit in
sullen sotlishness in a beer-shop. He would not place
himself in oposition to the Noble and Learned Lord
opposite (Lord Brougham) on a subject of law,
and he would therefore postpone the general Bill,
and bring in one for stopping the qui tam
actions and defeating the objectsts of those "scoundrels,"
who, because last year their own practices were dis-
covered, had raked up Acts of Parliament, of which
oddish constructions had been made.—(Hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM thought it would be well to refer
the whole of the laws relating to betting to a Select
Committee.
The Bishop of LONDON had not• attributed to the
Noble Duke any wish to increase the evil of gambling.
He thought, however, that the tendency of
the Noble Duke's measure would be to in-
rcease that evil. He had always wished to