The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-16 00:00:00

time, which has been manifested not only in the House of
Commons, but in the public prints, upon the subject of the
long hours of labour in this country. It is quite evident—it
is no use denying it, that there is a demand, by public opi-
nion, in favour of less intense labour on the part of the
people of this country.—(Hear, hear.) I join in that appeal.
—( Applause.) I will not say a word about legislatinon
this matter—that is not our business ; but If I see that there
are laws and monopolies, which, by the admission bath
of the Ministers of the day, and of their pre-
decessors, which compel the working classes to work two
hours a day for the support of these monopolies—l say, as an
employer, should not be doing my duty, when a vote is
thrown into my hands as it is now, unless I voted for the re-
moval of those burdens which thus grind down and overwork
the people.—(Loud applause.) And let not the employers of
this district suppose, whatever was the decision of the House
of Commons last night, that this question will be allowed to
rest; for Lord Ashley has declared that he will pursue it to
the death. Does it not, then, become the master manufac-
turers and millowners of this district to see if there be not a
way of meeting the requirements of public opinion, by re-
moving these monopolies, which I firmly believe, as I stated
in the House of Commons, prevent the working people of
this country from having as good remuneration, and the
masters from having as good profits, as they would have
without the intervention of us law makers (and I would ad-
vise you to have as little to do with us as possible.)—(Ap-
plause.) I believe that by voluntary arrangements we might
all be doing as well upon ten hours a day as we are nowdoing
upon twelve ; for I am firmly convinced that if the people of
this country had the full benefit of their natural advan-
tages they would be able to do as much, nay, more, in
ten hours as any people on the continent of Europe can do
in twelve.—(Loud applause.) Gentlemen, Ido hope that on
this occasion we who have the franchise will endeavour to
use it for the benefit of a class—not for the benefit of the
richest class—but for the benefit of those who are imme-
diately dependent upon us. The employers of labour in
this country are charged in the London prints—and the
charge is widely disseminated through the country—with not
having give due consideration to the interests of those em-
ployed by them. I do not stand here either to make the
charge or to vindicate the employers ; but with these facts
before us, and with this admission from the highest autho-
rity patent to all the world, I say the employers who lend
themselves to a system which grinds the people down to the
dust, and compels them to labour for others without any re-
turn for their toil, will be justly amenable to this charge.—
(Applause.) I hope that on this occasion we shall not merely
manifest a desire to benefit those around us, but to promote
the best interests of the country at large. It is not merely
your operatives here who will 'be benefited by free trade—
you form but a comparativelysinall section of the commu-
nity—but if you go to the agricultural districts, where, if
they do not work so bard as you do here, their work is as
disagreeable and as painful, and not so well requited ; and if
free trade in sugar, coffee, and cocoa will bring plenty to the
houses of the workpeople in Lancashire, it will also carry
comfort into the thatched cottages of Dorsetshire and
Devonshire—(Applause)---and give to the peasants a com-
fortable meal of wholesome bread, who are now often stary •

big upon meal and potatoes—(Loud applause.) Gentlemen,
these are the objects we have in view in supporting the free
trade candidate upon this occasion. One word upon the sub-
ject of the duty which devolves upon us during the next fort-
night.—(Hear, hear.) Vain is all the talking we hare had
in this Free-trade Hall—vain is all our lecturing—vain the
million of tracts we have been distributing, unless we now
buckle on our armour, and work, work, and work until the
day of election.—(Loud cheers) The basis of all chance of
success at a contest: is a due attention to the registration lists.
The registration lists of this county have been diligently at-
tended to during the last three years, to my knowledge ; and
there is upon the cards the fairest prospect of success, if the
friends of free trade only exert themselves during the next
fortnight.—(Applause.) It is true we have in this, as in every
county, a large number—three' or four] thousand—tenants-
at-will, occupying 50/. tenanteies, but fur whom we should
have a large majority of the real bona fide freeholders of the
county. Of that we are quite sure,:without going to a poll.
But as many of these 50/. tenants are not allowed to choose
for themselves, it devolves on the freeholders in the towns
and the country districts to counterbalance the undue influ-
ence of the landlords by increased efforts amongst those who
are independent and can vote as they please.—(Applause.)
If due diligence be used, I have no doubt this battle will be
won.—(Great applause.) It depends on the labours of the
free traders and leaguers of Lancashire, upon their individual
and personal exertions in their several districts, whether we
are to triumph at the coming poll.—(Hear, hear.) It is im-
possible to overrate the importance of this contest. Do not
say, as some of our enemies, and our false friends, too, have
said, that if we lose the League may shut up shop. No, the
League will never shut up shop till the corn-laws are
abolished.—(Great cheering, which lasted several minutes.)
But this I do know, if we carry this election for South Lan-
cashire, it will be taken as a sign of the times to those who
live in high quarters, and it will save us a great deal of labour
andexpense in carrying our questionlhereatter. But do not let
them deceive themselves by supposing that if they over-
whelm us now with their 50/. tenants-at-will we are going to
give up this contest.—(Applause.) No • I have no hesita-
tion in telling them that if they were to beat us now it would
only be the signal for a larger gathering in this Free-trade
Hall than was ever held before, to devise the means of beat-
ing them at another contest.—(Loud cheers.) But when we
talk of beating them we seek no triumph over any one ; we
seek to benefit every one. We seek not to injure or triumph
over those manufacturers or: millowners who are canvassing
for another arty;p our triumph is one of principle, a prin-
ciple in which our opponents, whom we believe to be mis-
taken, are as much interested as any one in this hall.—(Ap-
plause.) A large number of our neighbours are bringing
themselves to this conviction; and on that belief alone I en-
tertain strong hopes that this contest may be won by a large
majority.—(Applause.) After the last four or five years of
ntense suffering and disaster I cannot believe that the
men of Bolton, Stockport, Rochdale, and Bury, who have
found their property wasting away on their hands, their
houses empty, and not even paying chief rent, will have
passed through this season of tuition without its leaving
the fruits of conviction behind it. I believe there is a vast
amount of conviction on the side of free trade amongst
those who have opposed us formerly on the mere ground of
Whig and Tory, and that there is a still larger amount on
the side of their opponents of doubt.—(Hear, hear.) I
ask those who have now come to the conviction that free
trade is good for all, to do that which several of the
most eminent of their party have already done, both here
and in Liverpool—to throw aside party and come out
manfully to maintain their opinions ; and I ask those
who have been brought to doubt not to record their
opinions while they have doubts on their minds, but
to abstain from a contest in which they do not see their
way clearly, and to leave it till another contest to decide
whether they will take the ground of free trade, or resume
their own party colours.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, it is be-
cause I have sufficient confidence in the common (sense and
sense of justice of my neighbours here and in other towns,
that I cannot doubt, if we work as we ought during the next
fortnight, that this contest will be won.—(Loud applause.)
And when it is won we will meet here again, not to triumph
over any one, for we seek no victory, but to congratulate '
ourselves upon the victory when free trade comes, as come
it will, spite of what may be the issue of the election.—
(Loud applause.) It may be retarded, but truth is invin-
cible, it cannot be put down ; but come when it will, I shall
hail as gladly the benefits free trade will confer upon my po-
litical opponents, as any it can confer upon myself and those
most nearly connected with me in politics.—(Cheers.)
The cheers which followed Mr. Cobden's address having
subsided,
Mr. Alderman KERSHAW moved a resolution pledging the
meeting to support Mr. Brown, the free-trade candidate, in
the coming contest ; and the resolution having been seconded
by Mr. John Potter, was supported by Mr. Alderman Brooks
and Mr. R. R. Moore,
The resolution was carried with three times three cheers,
and the meeting separated at twenty-five minutes past nine
o'clock.

PROMISSORY NOTES.
TO THE EDI7'OR OF THE SUN.
Siii,—The hostility that is manifested in various quarters
to the promissory notes of country bankers is really unac-
countable; one might suppose that they formed the only
peccant part of our monetary system, and that to get rid Of
them would be to create universal order and harmony ; this
opinion is certainly not entertained by persons who.make use
of them, and who observe their operation in the districts
where they circulate.
Let it be observed that Bank of England notes are the
circulation in all the great mercantile and manufacturing
towns in the empire, so that bankers' notes are at least guilt-
less of the speculations and adventures that are carried on in
these places; in many of the agricultural districts, where the
largest amount of promissory notes is kept in circulation, a
bill of exchange is rarely seen. It would be worth while for .
Sir R. Peel to inquire what amount of bills is discounted an-
nually by ten of the banks returning the largest circulation;
if I were to form a conjecture, I should say that a larger
amount is discounted in one week in Liverpool, than in one
year by an agricultural note issuing bank. How, then, are
these notes put into circulation? They have been called into
action long ago, and they pass to and fro in the ordinary
transactions of business, circulating the various commodities
which the population require; the amount is adjusted to the
wants of the people, and in every such district a much larger
sum is deposited with the banker than is issued by him in
the form of promissory notes; he has received from his
neighbours their savings, and he has returned to them a part
of the sum in his own notes, with which to carry on their
operations. Now such a circulation, whatever theorists may
say to the contrary, is based upon sound principles—princi-
ples as sound as any deduced from the state of the foreign
exchanges. If the customer of such a bank, having 1,000/.
deposited, chooses to draw it out and build himself a, house,
does it make any difference whether the bricks are paid for
in Bank of England notes or in the banker's own notes; in
either case the circulation is increased without any regard to
the foreign exchanges; but Sir R. Peel complains that the
notes of country bankers fluctuate with prices. No doubt if
1,000 quarters of wheat are sold at £3os. it will take one-third
more money to transfer them than if they had been sold at
60s. ; but is any body to blame for this? Sir R. Peel is
moving on towards one bank of issue; and the sort of objec-
tions that are urged against the present system may teach
us what we are to expect under the new one.. Of
on
muff
we may be certain, that the practice of allowing
deposits will undergo. some alteration, and as 11
biCanhankzeallnodr
of the Exchequer is circumscribing the . savings'
fraermduceirnsgmtuhsetir
find
dte
uouftinantemreest,uttrerwfonrykesintgmchelnastss,esasanbad
bankers
cannot afford to allow two-andfiae-lhaarglfeaanmdutunrteeufpcaershoceuwnrtho.,:ihti
they are not to issue notes.
they must keep by them to meet the daily demands will se-
riously curtail their profits, more especially where they are
at some distance front the place of supply.—l am,
dient servant, -BATQuo.
Newcastle, May 8, 1844.

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world.

THE MEDITERRANEAN AND INDIA. MAILS.—TIie
following notice is put up at the General Post-office:—
" The next mails for Malta, Greece, and the lonian
Islands, via Southampton, will be dispatched hence on
the morning of the 16th instant (this day) ; and the
mails for Egypt, India, &e., via Southampton, on the
morning of the Ist of June ; the mails for India via
Marseilles (if not detained) will be dispatched on the 4th
of June. The Dee will take out the mails for the British
and foreign possessions in the West Indies, on the arrival
of the morning mail of the 17th instant, atSouthampton.
The Caledonia, for the American mails of the 18th in-
stant, on their arrival at Liverpool. The Garland Grove
will take out the Sydney wails of the 31st ipstant."