The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-31 00:00:00

tLi I tan int

LONDON, FRIDAY, JANUARY al, 1845.

acting the part of traitors and conspirators. But for
some measure of this description Mr. GLADSTONE,
we should imagine, had no reason to differ with his
colleagues, unless, indeed, on their commercial policy,
respecting the admission or exclusion of slave-grown
sugar, &c. It has been said that the scheme of " cer-
tificated growth," finally incorporated into the Act of
last session, was not one that had previously received
the unanimous support of the Cabinet. Mr. GLAD-
STONE is an excellent man of business, a good speaker,
well acquainted with trade, both practically and
theoretically, and perhaps as fit for the office which
he filled as any Member of the House. Sir R. PEEL,
however, cannot fail to see that the mischief's caused
by Puseyism are every day increasing—that the
Church has become the laughing•stock of Catholics
and Dissenters—that the Bishops are powerful only
for evil—and that the law alone, by which the
Establishment was constituted, can prevent its
crumbling to pieces. We attribute to him higher
motives, but even the political existence of his party
would urge him to adopt some strong step for
maintaining one of its great bulwarks. No class
of the community are so useful for what are
called " Church and State" purposes; at elections they
are unrivalled in throwing abuse upon their oppo-
nents, in obtaining votes per fas et nefas. The influence
of the hierarchy from it enormous patro rage is almost
unbounded and in ordinary times can easily decide the
fate of rivarpolitical parties at a general election. It
would, therefore, be imprudent in a Tory leader to
allow such a valuable machine to go to wreck. But
putting these considerations out of the question, he
cannot fail to see the many blessings which the ra.
formed religion has bestowed upon his country, the
noble contrast between its principles and those prac-
tised by the Jesuits, of whom the Puaeyites are
faithful followers, and ti-e rapid progress which Eng •
land and Holland and Prussia, and other countries
not shackled by ecclesiastical despotism, have made
since the days of the Reformation. With the excep-
tion of France, what Catholic country can show
such marked and beneficial changes ? but it is MA
just to make France an exception. Though she has.
not adopted the reformed faith, she has adopted many
of the principles which flow from it. She has cast
off the yoke of the priests, she has confined them more
than any'other state in Christendom to their peculiar
functions, and has prevented them from interfering,
as in Spain and Italy, with the progress of truth and
the spirit of free inquiry. There is another point of
view, however, which cannot escape the most careless
observer. The Protestant laity of England are to a
man hostile to Puseyism. They are rebelling against
the young clergy in all directions, after having ap-
pealed to the Bishops in vain. The entire diocese of
Exeter is in an uproar, and the churches of other dio-
ceses are justly alarmed at the approach of an epide-
mic for which the professed guardians of Protestantism
will provide no remedy. They look now only to
the Legislature. Never was there an opportunity for
a Minister to do so much good, or obtain so just
popularity in a righteous cause. He would be sup-
ported by every political party in the State. Tories,
Whigs, Radicals, and Chartists, would join with him
in putting down a sect which has broken its vows,
polluted the very sources of learning, truth, and liberty,
and is madly bent on bringing back the darkness of the
middle ages, and the thraldom which a grasping and
worldly religion imposed on mankind. There ought
to be no scruples about touching the canons or the
rubrics, or any of the ecclesiastical laws formal
for the regulation of the Church. The Protestant
religion is the established religion of the country, and
must be maintained at all hazards. The rubrics are
admitted by several of the Bishops to be contradictory
—possibly, so are-the canons—and the safeguards of
Protestantism, therefore, are not fitted for their
original purpose. If they and the Bishops together
cannot exclude Catholic tenets and Catholic rites,
and traitors in the bosom of the Church set all au-
thority at defiance, nothing short of a reversion—in
other words, ecclesiastical reform—will satisfy the
English people.

dividual, would recoil with horror. We would en-
treat her MAJESTY'S Ministers well to reconsider to
what extent they are guilty of something Nery like
fraudulent conspiracy in peniiting to refuse—after
so emphatic a division as the very last taken in the
House of Commons, on the third and only remaining
class of unsatisfied Danish claimants—to liquidate
such righteous demands ? We would respectfully
invite them to reflect whether this pertinacious con-
test with the Baron DE BODE to prevent his taking
any benefit even under this limited finding by a
court of law in his favour, does not savour more of a
feeling of personal animosity and official persecution,
than of a conscientious conviction, on their own parts,
that his claims are unfounded, and a dignified expres-
sion of that conviction ? The man has been cruelly
ill-used : he has rallied, bravely, after every defeat,
and sternly renewed his applications, unmodified, un-
disguised. The Parliamentary friends who have
gone into his case and disinterestedly supported it are
confirmed in their good opinion of it, surely, to the
extent of the issue which has been found for. It is
to be lamented that Secretaries of the Treasury and
Chancellors of the Exchequer are apt to be governed
by one maxim only—when there is money to repay,
the inconvenience and burden to be imposed on the
public by each repayment. This inconvenience and
burden are never once thought of by them when the
question is—to take money into the Government
coffers from the public. We remember that Mr.
SPRING Rica was quite pathetic in denouncing the
" mischief" of entertaining these claims. He en-
tend no protest against the enormity of denying
them, if they were just. Mr. GOULDURN, with
equal levity, appears to assume that they have no
foundation, because predecessors of Mr. SPRING RICE,
who were members of a Tory or Conservative Go-
vernment, had not confirmed them. He conveniently
forgets that they had already misapplied the funds ;
so that, justly or unjustly, the Baron's demands must
have been "dishonoured," on account of " no effects"
in the French Claims Commission. Upon these facts,
which we have rapidly sketched from memory, but
apprehend to be stated with substantial correctness,
we do trust that the Government may speedily be
brought to look upon the Baron's case more in the
feeling of investigators and referees—less in that of
interested opponents. It is a sorry contrast which
the tricky, "sharp practice" defence that successive
E glish Governments have made to these claims,
offers to the liberality and good faith of a former
French Government in paying over the moneys out
of which they should have been defrayed, if they
come (as we presume they do, and as our own Minis-
ters do not seem to dispute) within the spirit and
meaning of the terms of the Commission, even
though, in a technical point of view, they should
happen to be just short of the threshold of its letter
and its legal scope.

It would be presumption in us to offer any opinion
on the technical merits of the case on which, as we
perceive, the unfortunate Baron Ds BODE is still
made to undergo the experinwnturn eructs of the law's
machinery for releasing the Government from the
payment of its just debts. No candid mind which
has possessed itself of the general facts of this case
can doubt of the soundness of the Baron's claims in
reason and in equity. But all men of plain common
sense, and a practical knowledge of affairs, may he
allowed to doubt of the poor Baron's further powers
of endurance. No man, among the many and dis-
tinguished advocates which his " claims" have found
in the House of Commons—(and of them there was
none more eloquent than Lord STANLEY himself)—
no man but has been fully satisfied of their moral
validity before he pleaded in their behalf to the Go-
vernment present in the Legislature. But the
affirmative opinion of the Legislature has been para-
lysed by the Government. We have seen, as in the
last two or three discussions of the Danish claims,
that the House nsay actually concur in an address to
the Crown, recommending compensation for losses
sustained by private individuals through acts of the
Crown or its servants, which the Government will
flatly refuse to support or counsel. It can be little
satisfaction to the Baron to point to the various stages
of his own protracted appeal for justice, with the view
of showing how, step by step, the pleas which he has
recorded have been consolidated and affirmed; and
the proofs, once vainly tendered, have been made out
and admitted ;—if this sort of forensic " question"
is still to be administered to him, so often as he per-
sists in re-affirming his rights. It seems that of three
issues upon which his appeal was rested, the Court of
Queen's Bench found for one (in spite of a vigorous
resistance of the law officers of the Crown), and
rejected two. On a subsequent occasion the appli-
cation by his counsel, to have effect given to this find-
ing—so far at least as related to the issue affirmed—is
opposed by the Solicitor-General, praying that, since,
if the two others could not be legally substantiated, so
neither ought this to have been found, judgment
may be pronounced for the Crown, upon the whole.
This sort of defence to the claims seems to be the
crowning mockery of that farce of remedial justice
which is played, in this country, with disgraceful
success whenever its subjects are the unrequited
wrongs of such individuals as the Baron DE BODE, or
that class of the Danish claimants who still remain
without redress. The Baron's, it will be recollected,
was a claim upon the enormous funds covenanted,
on the part of France, at the end of the last war to be
paid over to Commissioners, appointed by the British
Government for making good to British subjects,
whose property had been seized and confiscated by
the French arms and authorities under certain cir-
cumstances, and within certain defined territories on
the continent of Europe. The French Government
most honourably discharged its undertaking, and
paid the money in full. After a lapse of time, within
the extreme limits of which it has been unsuccessfully
attempted to show some of the Baron's claims or
papers were not given in, the reception of claims,
in the usual course of such commissions, ceased.
It is enough to prove that his claims were registered.
and that further proofs, documents, &c., were de-
manded of, and supplied by him—to dispose of the
attempted objection last noticed. What followed?
The bulk, if not the whole, of the other creditors'
claims were disposed of—adjusted or refused; and
there then remained a vast surplus—some hundreds
of thousands, if we remember rightly—undisposed
of. What became of that surplus ? Have we not the
evidence of the enormous transfers made, in our own
opinion illegally made, by the French Commissioners
to the Board of Woods and Forests; and by the
Woods and Forests Board appropriated, to gratify the
unscrupulous wishes of GEORGE the FOURTH, in de-
fraying the expenses of his architectural perpetra-
tions in the absurd monstrosity at Brighton, or the
WYATYILLE "improvements" at Windsor Castle?
But the money went to the Woods and Forests, and
the Baron's claims to the wall. Is he not amply
justified in assuming from this fact, in connexion
with the often-exposed weakness and captiousness of
the objections to his claims announced by the Trea-
sury, that he is the victim of an official misappro-
priation which, for some reason or other, the succes-
sors of the wrong-doers will neither fairly submit to
the examination of Parliament and the opinion of the
public, nor manfully address themselves to provide
compensation for.

Madrid journals of the 23d inst. have been received
but they possess no interest. The Bourse was closed
on the 23.1, which was the feast of San Isidro.

Whatever may have been the intentions of Louis
PHILIPPE ten days ago with regard to the GUIZOT
Cabinet, no doubt remains row that it has his full
support, and that all the wavering Ccnservatives who
were watching signals from the " chateau" have re-
turned to their posts in the rear of M. GUIZJT.
SALVANDY, who has been one of the waiters on the
Court, has at last math• up his mind, and accepted the
important office of Minister of Public Instruction, in
place of M. VILLEMAJN. On Wednesday a very
large meeting of the Conservatives was held at a
public room in the Rue Richelieu. The number
present exceeded 200, and among the leading men
were Marshals SEBASTIAN' and BUGEAUD, M. DB
SALVANDY, M. D'ARBLAT, M. EMILII DE GIRARDIN,
and M. HAwrscvsst ; the senior member present was
called to the chair, and after suitable speeches in
reference to the late divisions, the power
of the Conservatives and the necessity
for standing by the Minister, the Presi•
dent put the question whether they were pre-
pared to act as a compact body, and maintain their
principles against the motley coalition formed in the
Chamber, when the meeting by acclamation replied
in the affirmative. M. DE SALVANDY spoke out like
a Minister of the Crown, cast off all his doubts and
difficulties, and conjured the Members to act with
energy and decision on an occasion of such interest to
their KING and country. Several Conservatives, who
hung hack on the Otaheite affair, and especially the
PRITCUARD indemnity, were present, and said, as that
difficulty had been surmounted, they were now pre-
pared to take up their usual positions in the Chamber.
A deputation was appointed to wait upon the Presi-
dent of the Council and the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, consisting, among others, of SEBASTIAN I,
SALVANDY, and BUGEAUD—aII men dependent
on the Court, and said to be much in the
KING'S confidence. The old Marshal, upon whom
they waited first, seemed a good deal annoyed
at the small majority for Ministers, and doubtful as
to the result of a :lilt further trial :of strength. He,
however, yielded to the suggestions of the deputation
and engaged to lend his influence in furthering their
views. M. GUIZOT received them more frankly, though
he admitted the majority was too small for practical
purposes, but as it had reference to only one point of
diffet ence, he would join heart in hand with the de-
putation, and stand to his post. The Count, too, has
thrown off all reserve. The KING, it is said, speaks
in the strongest terms of his determination to support
the Ministry, recommends another trial of strength,
and should that be unfavourable, hints, as a last re-
source, at a dissolution of the Chamber.
Indeed this is the most probable upshot of
this awkward business. The Chamber is so
equally divided, that no business can be done without
a struggle at every step, which only retards the pro-
gress of affairs, and keeps the country in a state of
constant excitement. According to some accounts
measures for this purpose are in active preparation.
Circulars have been sent to all the Prefects, with in-
structions to lose not a moment in adopting steps for
returning, as far as in their power, Ministerial candi-
dates. The Duke of BROGLIE gives the Cabinet his
full support. This was the state of affairs on Wed-
nesday, but on the preceding day, judging from one
of the Ministerial organs, the Cabinet bad all but
made up their minds to retire from office, waiting only
to see whether the Conservative party were prepared
to make any movement which might encourage the
Government to maintain their ground. • This is
evidently the drift of the article in the Journal des
Debats, and as it evidently contains information that
may be relied on, we give it at length :

" The Opposition journals triumphed yesterday; they
declared the Ministry conquered, overturned; this was to
be expected. For our parts, we have not dissembled the
gravity of the situation which Monday's vote established
for the Cabinet. If any one wishes to know what is our
personal opinion on the important point, what advice in
our friendship for M. Guizot we would recommend him
to adopt, we declare with the same frankness that, in our
mind, the Ministry would do best to retire; abandon the
game to the intrigue ; and leave it the burden of power!
Ir:q it be seen by a trial what these men, so arrogant in
the tribune, are worth! Power is the chastisement of ar-
dent ambitions and of inferiorminds. Let them feel in their
turn the pressure of responsibility—their acts will be com-
pared with their superb words! They are so clever in get-
ting, up a Parliamentary stroke! They find it so amusing;
and so convenient to recompense by stupid abuse the
devotedness of those who sustain the weight of affairs !
Place them a little in face of real difficulties, that we may
admire their genius ! Either we are much mistaken, or
the retreat of the present Cabinet at this moment would
do it honour, and would not be long. It would retire
voluntarily, not having lost the majority, but not ac-
cepting the charge of governing with too feeble a one.
It would retire without having been beaten on a single
point of its policy, yielding to an intrigue, and to
wretched personal rivalities ! It would retire after hav-
ing restored order everywhere, re-established peace on a
solid basis, and forced its adversaries them elves to pro-
test, whether truly or falsely, hypocritically or sincerely,
in favour of the English alliance I It would retire with
the cannon of Isly and Mogadore still echoing; and this
Ministry of four years has raised those who made part
of it high enough not to fear that France should forget
them. After so many fatigues courageously supported
and services rendered, it is certainly allowable for
honourable men to select the moment of their re-
treat from official duties. The moment is very
propitious. At present they could retire freely and
with glory. M. Thiers has always quitted power smaller
than he entered it ; who dares assert that M. Guizot
does not go out greater ? Can a Ministry like that of
October 29 be contented with a majority of eight votes?
Such is the counsel which we would not hesitate to give
to the men whom we love. They entered on power like
men of honour ; we should like to see them leave it
without constraint, and the head high ; to do honour to
their principles, and not to yield ti necessity. Patriotism
demands sometimes that one should sacrifice one's self
to the end ; it demands sometimes:also that one should
reserve one's self. It is for the interest of France that
M. Guizot and his colleagues should not exhaust their
future. These considerations are grave, yet they Ire
not the only ones that the Ministry is obliged to weigh

The retirement of Mr. GLADSTONE from the
Cabinet may be regarded as an event fortunate for
the couptry, sad a proof that Sir it. PEEL is not in.-
g
different to the anomalous, graceful
tlis , and dan-
gerous condition of the Protestant
From all accounts this gentleman came Establishment.f
from college
arnplyimbued with the Puseyite doctrines.
In a quarterly publication, imputed to him
im An article
,denied, shows that he had lost ncne of his enthusiasmand not
lor the new tenets by his political labours, and his
mingling with the world ; and his determination to
leave office rather than aid in checking this dangerous
sect, justifies the Prime Minister in accepting the re-
crlgnation of a colleague, who, with all his abilities.
must be a blind bigot, and a dangerous accomplice of
the avowed enemies of the reformed religion. This
event also leads the public to anticipate some Legisla-
live measures, by which men, who entered
the Church as Protestants, shall be corn-
Veiled to adhere to their :ordination vows,
Jr be cast out of a community in which they are

It has been well remarked that, in England, men
in high office will commit themselves, as a Govern-
ment, to acts of gross oppression and injustice from
the bare imputation of which each of them, as an in-

THE SCN, LONDON, PIEtIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 1845.

spairing of success in the Chambers in obtaining a
vote ft-Jr the PRITCHARD indemnity, have resolved to
make it up by subicription, and states that the fol-
lov.ing milnbers have sulyr-cribed 1,0001. each :
Messrs. Ilattinann, Francis Deless'rt, Bassiere,
Mur,t (de Bord), Doguercau, 11a:16, D'Angeville,
Latournelle, Lavielle, Montoz:)n, liarliet, Alphonse,

befores_determining on their course. They are rot the
only judges of the question. There is some one who
ought to decide on it with them, or perhaps before them
—the majority. Four years of struggles, ceuragoously
and:glcsaceisly sustained, under the flag of order and peace,
have generated between. the Conservative party and
the Cabinet close ties which cannot b. brelsen
without the most imperious and the most clew ly shown
necessity. It is not sufficient that this necessity should
be recognised by the Ministry, it must also be so by the
majority. The separation cannot take place, let us be '
allowed to say, without the consent of the two parties.
The noble and firm attitude of the majority in the last
struggle gives it an additional right to be definitively
' judged. Notwithstanding some individual treasons, the
Conservative party has remained coma aeL and iinmev,-
able to the last moment—to the end it has been faithful
to the common cause. The Cabinet therefore owes it to
itself, before determining on a definite course, to take the
advice, and clearly ascertain the wish, of the majority.
In that M. Guizot and his colleagues will only follow
an illustrious example. It may be remembered
that Casimir Perisr resigned, because he had ob-
tained a majority of only ene vote. Some days
after he resumed power, to comply with the de-
sire of the majority. It is thus that tie compre-
hend the common responsibility, which four years' unio
and struggles have established between the Conservative
party and the Cabinet. But after having established the
duties of the Cabinet towards the majority, the obligee
tions of the majority towards the Cabinet ought to be
clearly understood. In order that the Ministry should
decide on preserving power, and till defending the po-
licy of the majority, it ought to reckon on its energeti-
and unanimous assistance. It is not sufficient to be sup-
ported by a more or less considerable fraction of this
majoritya-it ought to reckon on the whole of it—that is,
on the 213 votes which were given for the paragraph
of the Address. Let the majority then declare itself
clearly, Ist it decide whether the Ministry ought to
remain or retire ; let it declare whether it prefers
the illustrious chiefs whom it has followed for the last
four ears to those whom the coalition wants to '
give it, in recruiting them by chance from all the
benches of the Chamber; let it say frankly if it prefers
the men of March 1 to those of October c 9 ; M. 'rhiers
to M. Guizot ; M. Billault to M. Duchatel ; for there
must not be any mistake at the point to which things
have come—the question is there. Then the conduct of
the Cabinet will be clearly traced ; then it will know if
it ought to yield the power to ambitious scatterbrains,
and to inconsiderable intrigar.ts, or whether it ought to
attempt new trials, and continue to'defend the policy to
which it has given so many pledges. Let the majority
declare itself, and the Ministry will obey. But for that,
we repeat, a manifestation is required in no way equi-
vocal or incomplete, and without hesitation or frittering
into parts. On this condition all may be again saved ;
without this condition all is in peril. That is what a e
demand from the majority ; all other conduct would be
worthy neither of it nor of the Cabinet."
The Globe, the only other Ministerial journal, re-
commends a bolder and more spirited course, and
adduces arguments, too, which cannot be refuted.
" We said yesterday, and we repeat it now," are its.
words, "that there would be treason in abandoning a
firm, courageous, and devoted majority, having just
given one of those public testimonies of adhesion,
such as, perhaps, no other had ever offered an ex-
ample of. To abandon it, when it has just fought its
warmest and most perilous action for the Cabinet—to
deliver it defenceless to the mercy of a mob, wild with
passion and irritation, which it has just conquered—
to despair when it trusts—to fly when it remains—to
abandon the flag when it keeps it—would be ungrate-
ful and cowardly, and, allow us to say, even stupid ; for
such a devotedness, so disloyally betrayed, would never
pe met with again. And ought not the Cabinet
to take the interest of the country into grand conside-
ration ? There exists at present a majority, which is
not very considerable, but which is very resolute and
well united. This majority is a powerful instrument
of order, of peace, and of government. To deliver it
up to a coalition would be to dissolve it, and, conse-
quently, would be to abandon the country to two or
three successive or transitory administrations, without
force, without credit, without stability ; it would be
to recommence the grave fault committed by Count
MOLE in 1839, and expiated by three or four years'
violent struggles, destined to repair the evil which it
had produced in disorgan'sing the Chambers. The
Cabinet will therefore remain ; it must remain, it can,
and it ought."
We subjoin extracts from the leaders in some of the
Opposition journals, and begin with the insidious
Presse. After stating that the true friends of M.
Guizor (meaning, of course, among the rest the
Presse, which honours his courage and admires his
eloquence), are afflicted at his determination not to
resign, adds :
" ills adversaries rejoice at the resolution. There is as
much difference between obstinacy and firmness as there
is between firmness and discouragement. Had M.
Guizot been left to himself, we have no doubt but he
would have adopted a different resolution. If it be true
that he does not intend to reign, it is because he has
suffered himself to be overruled by the interested ex-
hortations of a troop of subalterns and parasites who
ever surround eminent men. But whatever may be the
determination of Ministers—whether they resign or
whether they continue in office—the political question,
the question of dignity, of equity, and of reciprocity, has
been decided. If Mr. Pritchard receives the promised
indemnity, he certainly shall not receive it from the
State budget. The I)uke de Broglie and Dr. Lushing-
ton may endeavour to find another solution besides that
of the abolition of slavery in our colonies to replace the
conventions of 1831 and 1833. In fine, no British
Cabinet can hereafter seriously think of requiring from
any French Cabinet concessions which are not equal and
mutual. That was all we wished, and we have fully ob-
tained it by the vote of Monday last. As to ourselves,
we are completely disinterested, and if the Ministers be-
lieve that they can still conduct the affairs of the country
usefully, worthily, and firmly, we shall not endeavour to
oppose them. Our feeble support shall not be withheld
from them, on condition that they shkll not deviate from
the line traced by the vote of Monday."
The Constitutionnel of Wednesday, which receives
information from the leader of the Opposition, gives
the following version of the embarrassments in which
the proceedings of Monday have involved the Ministry.
It precedes the announcement with the words,
"Bulletin of the health, or rather the agony, of the
Cabinet."

Perier, De Peyramont, Ragmet-..opine, Dejean,
Sebastiani, Gravier, Wrier (de l'Ain), Couture, and
Prevost. It i 3 hoped (this journal adds) that by the
care of the two Commissioners appointed to fix the
indemnity, viz., Lord :"EYMOUR and Admiral llAms-
LIN, the sum of 20,000 f. will be more than sufficient
to compensate the injury caused to the different trades
and undertakings of Mr. PRITCHARD.
The Funds remained steady. The Three per Cents.
on Wednesday closed at 85f. 25c., and the New Loan
at 861. 40c.
BOURSE--WEDNEBDAY, JAN. 29.
First Highest Lowest Last
Price. Price. Prick:. Price.
French Five per Cents.. •.. 122 .. 122 30 122 •• 122 30
Three per Cents.•. t 5 20 .• e 5 25 .. 85 15 .. 85 20
New Loan .. •• • • B6 35 .. 86 40 . 86 35 •. 86 40
Gouln Rank. I,ooof. Shares lO 0 ..1000 .. 1085 .. 1085
Belgian Bank_ ...... 630 • . £3O .. 630 .. 630
Belgian Fives, 1840 .. 104% • • 104% .. 104% 104%
1842 .• •••• 166% .. 106% .. 106% 106%
Spanish Passive 03% .. 6% .. G'!4, ••
Portuguese Five per Cents• • $.9. • • 89% .. 59N • • r•JN
Neapolitan • ......... •. . •• 99 .. 99 .. 99 .. 99

Raeiatt . . . . 104 95

104 95 .. 104 95 .. 1-4 95

THIS' DAY'S NEWS.

QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY.)
IN THE MATTER OF CHAS. CARETS WILSON.-JUDGMENT.

Lord PENMAN, in delivering the judgment of the
Court in this case, said that it was now admitted on all
sides that a writ of habeas corpus would run into the
island of Jersey, and whatever inconvenience might
arise from it, the Court would not decline to exercise its
right in behalf cf any person who might require it. The
principal question, therefore, in this case, depended on
the peculiar circumstances attending it The first ques-
tion was, had the Learned Baron (Baron Rolfe) pow r
to issue the writ, and that he had such power they were
convinced by the arguments in this case. Another ques-
tion was whether, as the affidavits appeared to be entitled in
the Exchequer, a Baron of that Court had the power of
issuing the writ and making it returnable into the Court
of Queen's Bench. It appeared that at the time the
ap-
plication was made to the Learned Baron it was desired
that the writ should be made returnable into the Court of
Exchequer, but the Learned Baron thought it better to
make it returnable into the Court of Queen's Bench, and
this Court were of opinion that the Learned Baron had
a discretion as to the Court where the writ would be made
returnable. But then it was said that a deception had
been practised on the Learned Baron when the applica-
tion was made, inasmuch as it was not stated to him that
the person on whose behalf the application was made was
imprisoned for a contempt of the ►toyal Court of Jersey ;
which fact, if it had come to his knowledge, would have
prevented him from granting the writ, or at all events
that he would have only granted a rule nisi. If the
Court were satisfied that a fraud had been practised it
might induce them to quash the writ, but there was not
sufficient before them to induce them to come to the con-
clusion that a fraud was intended. Mr. Wilson was an
English lawyer, and he might have thought that a war-
rant for his committal was necessary and that the warrant,
if there was any, was refused to be shown to him. They
had then to consider whether the writ was to be set
aside, bt cause the circumstances of the case were not
laid before the Learned Baron, which might have prevented
him from granting the writ. The Court did
not intimate any opinion that a pievious inquiry
would be wrong where there was reasonable
ground for supposing that the party had been impri-
soned under the sentence of the Court. On the con-
trary, if they thought: such a course would be desirable,
because the Judge would then see whether there ought
only to be a rule nisi, but this was an application to
quash a writ which had actually gone forth, and they knew
from the Mavaers of the Court that the practice was to
have a return made to the writ, and that was the most
convenient course—the most just to the party applying,
and most in conformity with the great object which the
Constitution had in view, in allowing this writ. They
did not think, therefore, that they would be justified in
setting aside the writ, and the consequent'e was, that the
rule ent,t be made absolute, and a return made to the
writ.—The return was then ordered to be made within
ten days.

" Yesterday, after the sitting, Ministers were sadly
dispirited. The result of the vote on the whole Address
appeared to them more frightful still than that on the
Prichard indemnity.' It proved that the Deputies who
abstained from voting had perfectly weighed the im-
portance of their resolution, and that their intention was
not to save their responsibility by a species of subter-
fuge, but to disavow in a signal manner the conduct of
the Cabinet; the 216 votes likewise convinced the Ministry
that the enormous minority of the opponents was not to be
broken up. The Chamber being now divided into two equal
campe nu longer permitted the Cabinet to hope that
the indulgence they . had hitherto experienced would be
continued to them in future. The first movement of
the majority of Ministers, after the reflections that
immediately followed the defeat, was to resign and re
tire. M. Guizot consulted the Duko de Broglie. The
reply of the Hon. Peer of France could not be doubtful.
He had only to remind M. Guizot of his own anterior acts,
and the proof he had himself given of his respect for the
conditions of the representative Government. M. de
Broglie advised M. Guizot to resign office without the
least hesitation. Other friends of the 'Minister were of
the same opinion ; lied the Journal des Deba is bad pre
pared a dignified article, announcing the retreat of all the
Ministers, defying their successors to do better, and con-
cluding with the funeral oration of the Cabinet. In those
circumstances M. Guizot would have proved himself con-
sistent, and realised the declaration he had made before the
Chamber. If the co-operation of the great powers of
the state fail us, I do not say completely, but if it be not
sufficiently firm to support our policy with success, we
should not continue any longer in the direction of affairs.'
After leading during four years a humble and precarious
existeace, obliged at times to solicit the charity of votes
reluctantly given, and expoaed at other periods to have
their numberless contradictions insultingly thrown into
their faces, Ministers should have died a little more
proudly than they had lived. But several Ministers,
and M. Duchatel in particnlar, were, however, of opi-
nion that the most honourable retreat was not equal to
the retention of power for a few days longer. M. Guizot
vainly reminded him of his solemn words—' We will not
suffer our policy to be disfigured, enervated, and debased
by an insufficient majority.' M. Duchatel, who is not
to be put off with wores, could reply, to him, My
dear colleague, do you seriously imagine that your
policy with respect to the right of search, of Otaheite,
and the Pritchard indemnity, has made a very conspi-
cuous figure in the world ? that it was considered be-
coming and energetic, and bespoke any grandeur ? Let
us be consistent. To govern as we have hitherto done,
a majority of three or four votes is as good as forty.'
The Ministry, wavering between these conflicting opi-
nions, thought proper to advise with its Parliamentary
friends. Fifteen Deputies were called in consultation
that very night. We have not heard whether those po-
litical doctors were drawn by lot from among the Minis-
terial party, or if they were chosen with common accord
from among the most faithful. We suppose that they
were so chosen, and thet M. Fulchiron, their chief, was
of the number. A regular deliberation took place, and,
strange to say, fire out of the fifteen vo;ed for the re-
treat of the Cabinet. The entire 3linistry, nevertheless,
sided with those who expressed a contrary opinion.
Their ultimate resolution was adopted about midnight ;
the publication of the funeral oration of the Journal des
Debat: was adjourned ; it may be useful, and we expect
to read it one of these mornings.
The Courrier Francais contains the following ill-
natured article 'respecting Lord Buono SIAM'S inter-
ference in the business :
" Lord Brougham is in Paris, and will leave in a few
days for London, to be present at the opening of Parlia-
ment. It is well known that his Lordship fills between
the two. Cabinets, with an officious periodicity, the func-
tions of 'commercial traveller of the entazie cordiale. By
him, and through him, are the words exchanged by the
two Cabinets, from the tribune of both Parliaments con-
certed and arranged. All this is settled in the discreet
conventicler of the Hotel Talleyrand."
The constitution/14 says the Conservatives, de-