The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-19 00:00:00

ebtrb Ebttion

SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

TATTERSALL'S.-THIS EVENING.
QUARTER TO SIX O'CLOCK.
CHESTER CUP.

15 to 1 agst The Pzior
15 to 1 agst Cattonite
16 to 1 agst Sir Robert
16 to 1 agst Merry Andrew
18 to 1 agst Freedom
20 to 1 agst Pagan
27 to 1 agst Martyr
30 to 1 agst Tacita

DERBY.

6 to 1 agst Ugly Buck
7 to 1 agst Rattan
15 to 1 agst Orlando
20 to 1 agst Cockamaroo
25 to 1 agst T'Auld 'Squire
30 to 1 agst Voltri
40 to 1 agst Loadstone
40 to 1 agst Vat colt
45 to 1 agst Campanero
45 to 1 agst Foig-a-ballagh
50 to 1 agst Bebington
50 to 1 agst Mount Charles

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
"FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—The Pro-Corn-law League has met with a
repulse in one of its strong-holds. Somersetshire, agri-
cultural though it be, has pronounced against the Corn-
laws, adopted a free trade resolution, and a petition to
the legislature found upon it. The meeting at which
these results were obtained was a legitimate county
meeting, convened by the High Sheriff, in pursuance of a
requisition presented to him, numerously signed by the
principal landowners of the county, and several of their
tenants. Most of the representatives of the leading
families and a large number of clergymen were present.
The meeting, which was held at Bridgewater on Friday
last, consisted of at least 4,6130 persons. Notwithstanding
the manifest advantages to the landowners from a
meeting so convened in such a county, the defeat of the
monopolist resolutions was decisive. The effect of such
a defeat upon other county meetings will be most dis-
couraging. The Premier's declaration in favour of the
sliding-scale, and his determination to stand or fall by
it—wrung from him, as that declaration was, by
the demonstrations got up by the landlords to fright
him into a pledge in favour of protection—has fallen
powerless upon the confederation formed against mono-
poly. The Premier may pledge himself, and the land-
lords may take counsel together how best to counteract
its influence on the country ; but their united efforts
will be vain. " The question has taken too firm
a hold upon the sympathies of the nation to
be settled by such means as they propose. The
mischief's of the sliding-scale will be made the more
manifest by their efforts to bolster it up against the
assailants • whom they have provoked by their perti-
nacity, and encouraged to persevere by their senseless
refusal to be instructed by what is taking place before
their eyes. There is sot now a practical man in the
country who does not see that it is utterly impossible to
maintain the existing system. The question has re-
solved itself into a moderate fixed duty upon corn im-
ported from foreign countries, or a total abolition of all
duty. Every week, almost every day, furnishes some
fresh proof of the danger of delay. Within the House
of Commons, and outside its walls, one influential indi-
vidual after another declares that, as between the pre-
sent system and total abolition, the preponderance
of advantage to the public interests is vastly in
favour of the latter. The thinking portion of the
tenant-farmers, were they polled to-morrow, would
affirm the same truth. The conduct of Sir Robert
Peel on this subject has infused a spirit of mutation into
agricultural pursuits, and given rise to well-founded sus-
picions of his sincerity, and more of his ability,' to sus-
tain the position he has assumed by his recent decla-
ration. And yet, amid all these portentous indications
of impending destruction to their cherished system, the
monopolist body, incapable of estimating their position,
vainly hope that the fast-sinking vessel, in which they
have embarked, will weather the storm, right itself, and
aga n get into smooth water! Sir Alexander Hood was
the champion to whom the monopolist party committed
their cause. The worthy Baronet duly appreciated the
honour thus conferred on him, and certainly exposed
himself most gallantly in its behalf. He felt as-
sured of tr;umph, and congratulated the gentlemen on
the hustings, by whose means the meeting had been
called, that " they found themselves supported by the
yeomanry, the tenantry, the gentry, and he would say
the labourer too —(' No, no,' and great uproar)—in de-
nouncing what could be called by no other name than
the revolutionary proceedings of the League.—(Cheers
and groans.) He rejoiced : it was one of the happiest
days of his life to see the yeomanry of the county of So-
merset coming forward and, like men, prepared to take
their stand, if needs be, foot to foot and breast to breast,
against the enemies of their property, their peace, and their
Frosperity." Sir A. Hood evidently feels that the hope of
the landowners rests upon their purse, rather than upon
any principles they can put forth, or any arguments they
can employ against free trade. Hence he invoked large
pecuniary contributions—contributions which must be
much larger than those the Anti-Corn-law League can
obtain." how these contributions are to be employed
he said not. It is evident, however, that the worthy
Baronet has an eye to the old Tory practices at elections,
by which the monopolist-upholding majority in the
House of Commons may be kept up.
STANDARD.—Men of all parties are asking how it
was that the Noble Mover of the Irish resolutions in the
House of Lords was left " alone in his glory" by every
member of the ex-Cabinet ! Lord Ripon's speech cer-
tainly reduced them to a piiable condition. According
to Lord Campbell, the Marquis of Lansdowne
was taken ill, and as he intended to speak,
the debate. was courteously adjourned from Tuesday
to Thursday. Thursday came, but not a word
came from Lord Lansdowne ! This was passing
strange, after the adjournment and the rea-
son assigned for asking it. Not a word from any
one 'of the ex-Cabinet, though the debate originated
with a member of that Cabinet. Of course Lord
Lansdowne must have intended to speak, as the
adjournment took place chiefly to give him au op-
poi tunity of doing so. What a tribute, then,
was it to Lord Ripon's excellence, that after
a day and night's consideration, by far the most elo-
quent of the Whin. Cabinet relinquished his intention of
replying to it. But there was some law involved in the
discussion, at least it was so enunciated by the Whig
organs. This was clearly a mistake, or the ex-Chancel-
lor of Ireland would assuredly not have been silent. His
whole professional life was spent in the courts of common
law—he was 12 years Attorney-General for England. In
matters of law there is not to be found a more com-
petent authority. Surely, then, the doctrines of the
Irish Chief Justice could not possibly have received a
stronger or more flattering assent than that acorded by
his silence. After all, the division might just as well
have taken place on Tuesday. Of course, the absence
of the Noble Lord who left the House ill was the "sole"
cause why it did not. Others assign a different reason.
Was Lord Duneannon unluckily absent from town, with
the Whig proxies in his pocket, or locked up ?

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT
(THIS EVENING.)

• H OUSE OF LORDS.
Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock.
LIBEL AND DEFAMATION BILL.
Lord CAMPBELL gave notice that he should to-
morrow move the second reading of this Bill pro forma,
with a view to its being referred to a Select Committee.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said he thought the
Committee had better be the same as the one appointed
last year.
GAMING TRANSACTIONS (WITNESES' IN-
DEMNITY) BILL.
The Duke of RICHMOND moved the second reading
of the Bill to indemnify witnesses giving evidence before
a Committee of their Lordships' House on the subject of
gaming. It had been found impossible to make a search-
ing inquiry into the subject of gaming without having
the evidence of persons who had been implicated in
gaming transactions. It could not be expected that
men would willingly give evidence on the subject
while their testimony might render them liable to qui
tam actions. He felt that the result of - this inquiry
would at once dissipate the erroneous views taken in
some parts of the country, that the object of this Bill
was to save rich persons only from the effect of qui tam
actions. Unfortunately, there was a great deal. more
gambling amongst the poorer classes than there was
even amongst the rich. His object in bringing this Bill
before their Lordships was to obtain such evidence as
would enable their Lordships to legislate on the subject.
The Bill was then read a second time.
IRISH REGISTRATION.
The Marquis of NORMANBY presented a petition
from Drogheda, praying that the same municipal fran-
chise as in England should be established in. Ireland.
PRIVY COU.NCIL.—PATENTS.
Lord BROUGHAM brought in a Bill, and moved that
it be read a first time, for continuing the patent of Lord
Dundonald for a further term of seven years. The Bill,
as we understood the Noble Lord (who, from illness, was
imperfectly heard), was to give to the Judicial Committee
of the Privy Council the power to recommend an exten-
sion of the time for patents. He proposed to empower
a Committee of that House to inquire into the subject
matter of a petition--that the Committee should report '
to the House, and that then the House should address
the Crown upon the subject, and pray the
Crowrito take it into consideration, and, the subject mat-
ter being referred to the Judicial Committee of the
Privy Council, the Crown should be empoweredtogrant
a (longer term. His only, doubt had been whether
should not be by a joint address of both Houses—rather
t
than an address from either one—that his proposal
should be carried into effect.
Lord CAMPBELL said he entirely approved of the
principle of. the Bill. But he wished to submit
for their Lordships' consideration whether the time
had not arrived at which it was desirable to extend the
privileges of' patents to a longer term, say fourteen or
twenty-one years. The powers of the Judicial Com-
mittee could, in his opinion, be now wisely extended
and he, therefore, suggested that to it should be given
the power of divorce a vinculo et matrimonii. He thought
that the time and duties of Parliament should be confined
to objects having reference solely to the interests of the
empire, and that they should not be called upon to
Telieve the. adultress or the scoundrel husband. These
. ) I?3'Wers ought to be left to Courts, and he knew
• reste tribunal than this Judicial Committee of the
(mei!. By giving this power to the Committee
1114, y Cotnicil, they would provide a remedy for
:_the iiroor-ilv, hich could now only be had by the rich.
The 13,41tD CHANCELLOR thought it would not
be adv*ble to mix up matters of divorce 'in the

;16-4

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Bill now presented to . their. Lordships. .. If his I
Noble and Learned Friend (Campbell) would bring
in a Bill on the subject of divorce, and its adjudication
by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council :hould
have his best consideration.
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE would take that op-
portunity of stating, that in opposing large powers to the
Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, when the Bill
giving those powers .was before their Lordships, he was
actuated solely by a prudential motive in going step by
step where a new tribunal was being constituted.
He should say thit the Judicial Committee of the
Privy Council would be an infinitely better
tribunal for this sort of business than that which now
existed: It would have also another great recommen-
dation—that of cheapness, and the law would then be
protective not, as now, to one class alone but to tne
whole country.
Lord BROUGHAM wished only to observe that the
suggestion now thrown out had not escaped the atten-
tion of the framers of the Bill, constituting the Judicial
Committee of the Privy Council. There was in that
Bill a clause not exactly giving the absolute power
to Lthe Privy Council, but giving to it power to in-
quire and report:—making it, in fact, auxiliary
to that House. His plan would be, never to part
with the jurisdiction now possessed by that
House, but that the Judicial Committee might
report to the House, and under sanction of the ?louse
give its judgment in these cases; because he was then, as
now, very jealous. of transferring the jurisdiction which
belonged to them. He said at that time it was better
to go step by step.. He thought they had be go on so
now. The subject was one of infinite importance, re-
quiring great considoration but, in his opinion, the
course hinted at by his Noble and Learned
Friend (Lord Lyndhurst), was by far the
most judicious. He (Lord Brougham) would frame a
speciall Bill for this object which, with the help of the
Consistorial Court, the Right Rev. Prelates, the Law
and Equity Judges would, he hoped, attain the point
aimed at, and make the law as available to
the poor as it now was to the rich. Certainly, as the
law at present stood it was a law for the rich, and not
for the poor, not - only to the wrong of the party,
but to the great injury of the morals of the poor.
Lord CAMPBELL said he should be the last person

to transfer the powers of that House or of Parliament I
to the Privy-Council or any other body. The question,
however, of a divorce a vinculo matrimoni he thought
ought to be referred to a judicial tribunal.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE said that after the divorce
was obtained, then came the question of whether the
parties should be allowed to marry again. That he ap-
prehended to be a question for Parliament alone. Under
these circumstances the expenses of such proceedings
would not be diminished, intorno& as, in the first place,
a trial must be had; and then a Bill in Parliament.
Lord REDESDALE did not think much expense
would be saved by 'taking questtons of this kind before
the Privy Council, except, perhaps, as to the length of
the inquiry. Before the Privy Council such case would
be probably disposed of in one day, whereas before their
Lordships' House the enquiry would occupy a longer
time. Under the present system great expense was in-
curred in the shape of fees to agents, solicitors, and
various other persons. Not only were these charges
on one stage of the bill, but they were repeated in every
stage, although no word perhaps, had been said during
the progress of the bill through these stages.
Lord BROUGHAM said he was one of the trustees
to an estate, respecting which a Bill had lately been
obtained from Parliament. The trustees had just re-
ceived a bill of 3671., that being the Parliamentary
agent's bill alone. Upon this Bill not a single witness
had been examined. The whole expenses of this Bill,
which was unopposed, and merely obtained for the pur-
pose of granting leases, was 1,2001.
After a few words from the LORD CHANCELLOR.
the Bill was laid on the table.
METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS.

On the motion of the Duke of BUCCLEUCH the
Metropolitan Improvements Bill was read a third time
and passed.
OFFENCES AT SEA BILL.

On the motion of Lord WHARNCLIFFE the Offences
at Sea Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be
committed to-morrow.
PRESBYTERIAN MARRIAGES IN IRELAND.
The Earl of RODEN rose to put a question to the.
Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack respecting a
deeply-interesting subject to a large portion of the
people of Ireland. It was with respect to a Bill at present
before their Lordships with regard to Presby-
terian marriages. in Ireland. At a meeting of the
Presbyterian Society of Ireland would be held in Belfast
on Thursday next, they would naturally be anxious to
know as to the probable time when a definite jugdment
would be given upon the subject of mixed marriages in
Ireland. lie wished therefore to know when it was
probable that that judgment would be given.
The LORD C FIANCELLOR said he had had a com-
munication with the late Lord Chancellor, and it had
been arranged that the judgment should be given on
Friday next. What the result of that judgment would
be it wou:d be difficult for him to say. Four Noble and
Learned Lords had already given in their opinion, but,
of course, he was not at liberty at present to state it.
It would be sufficient for him at present to say that on
Friday next the udgment would be en.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that this was a
question of such deep and general interest to all parties
in Ireland, that it required the greatest pOssible atten-
tion from their Lordships.
COMMUNICATION WITH IRELAND.

Lord MONTEAGLE said, that upon the subject of a
railway to Holyhead, although he did not wish to press
the Government for a decisive answer, inasmuch as it was
under the consideration of the other House just now,
but he should urge upon the consideration of the Go-
vernment the great importance of having the utmost
facility in the communication between this country and
Ireland.—(Hear, hear, from the Duke of Wellington.)
To give effect to this it was essential that the harbour
of Ilollyhead should be as safe as possible. He was induced
to allude to this subject, because he felt the great inti.
r-
est which it excited in the public mind in Ireland.
The Duke of WELLINGTON fully agreed with the
Noble Lord upon the importance of the subject of a
speedy communication with Ireland and the Government
were fully impressed with the necessity of doing all in
their power to forward this object.
The Duke of BUCCLEUCH laid upon the table cer-
tain returns relating to the Post-office.
FEES IN THE COURT OF CHANCERY.

The LORD CHANCELLOR in laying upon the
table, the return of the fees received in the Court of
Chancery ; and that in consequance of the late altera-
tion made in that Court, the amount of fees fell short
of the income of last year, and this was partly owing
to the compensation tees, which would have the same
effect upon a future occasion.
Their Lordships then adjourned.