The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-15 00:00:00

4. The reform of abuses in Ireland, especially the
monstrous abuses in the registration system (upon which
the Conservative Opposition had had no less than nine
victories in the House of Commons over the Whig Go-
vernment), and the strengthening of the law in that
country so as to check outrages and tumultuary mos ting:s.
These, we say, were the four principal points th at
were looked forward to by Sir Robert Peel's party as tine
probable consequences of giving him as Minister a ate exly
and strenuous support. As to the first point, that of the
restoration of the revenue, it was accomplished by the
ready consent of the wealthy classes to yield up seven
pence in the pound of their incomes to the exigences of
the State. The Minister had no merit in this. The
plan of restoration was perfectly obvious. The only
thing wanting was the consent of the income-owMng
class, and that was readily given. Sir R. Peel's friettds
performed their part faithfully enough, but how did he
perform his ? Upon the remaining three points he
completely threw them over. He did not maintain the
protection of British industry. Every step he took
after he became Minister was in precisely the opposite
direction. He induced his friends to give up a eonside r-
able part of the protection which British agricultural
produce enjoyed. They assented, though they di d
not like what he was doing. Still, out of deference
to him, they first gave up part of their incomes as tax,
and then in deference to his representations surren-
dered a part of that protection which was understood to
be of importance to the value of landed property. And
as to Ireland, what can be more disgraceful than the Mi-
nisterial acts whether of omission or commission. The
fraudulent registration which Sir Robert himself had de-
nounced as fraudulent—against which he had voted in
nine divisions, that monstrous abuse still continues, and
eot the slightest step has been taken for remedy of it,
though Sir Robert Peel has been upwards of four years
a Minister. When he was leader of the Opposition he
denounced the fraud which gave to the Whigs their ma-
jority ; when he was Minister he did nothing to abolish
the fraud, and there it is still, to be again taken advan-
tage of by the Whigs. The leader who has acted in this
way ought no longer to be regarded as leader by the
Conservative body.
TIMES.—The resignation of Sir Robert Peel's Cabi-
net presents some points of moral interest, which more'
than make up for its want of decided bearing on the do-
mestic policy of the country. So little is now the actual
and immediate change from a Conservative to a Whig
Administration, that the greater part of the nation will
recognise no more than a substitution of names, and the
official elevation of some score noblemen and gentlemen
in the places of some score others. As for principles,
we are probably not far wrong when we expect fewer and
less serious novelties from a thwarted Whig Ministry,
than from a Conservative Premier, who could any mo-
ment command the assistance of his foes to the discom-
fiture and disgrace of his friends. The transition, there-
fore, is very easy. Never was the nation more gently
let down into what we were once taught to believe was
an unfathomable gulf of misery and error—the abyss
of Whig misrule. Yet, if we mistake not, the pre-
sent will ever be noted as one of the most remarkable
and instructive passages in the history of British poli-
tics. It is not yet four years since Sir Robert Peel
found himself at the head of a Government and of a
party to all outward appearance the most powerful and
the most united that British Minister ever had to work
with. Never were so many elements of power brought
into so strong a combination. Aristocracy and people,
in
to
his and commerce, offered themselves freely
his hands. Nor were the peculiar auspices of his advent
into office less favourable to the most unswerving confi-
dence and the most exalted purposes. All was unity,
expectation, and zeal ; for the splendours of the new-
born Government were contrasted with the dark foil of
a calamitous and worn-out Whig Administration. Under
that ill-fated rule all had latterly gone wrong. The
fortunes of war, the elements of the sky, and the subtle
springs of domestic prosperity had all turned against
them, and given even an aspect of failure to such benefits
as they had really conferred on the country. Commerce
had declined, the harvests were deficient, manufacture
was idle, the artisans were starving, the Treasury
was in arrears, Canada had rebelled, the West Indies
were impoverished and disaffected, Caubul was thrusting
us out, China was unpunished and unpacified, the
United States were sympathising with oar enemies and
trespassing across our borders, France was offended and
menacing. In a word, there was not one sound and
healthy spot, not one redeeming feature, either at home
or abroad ; nor was there any hope of better times, ex-
cept that hope which always remains at the bottom of
the human breast, that when things are at the worst
then a better day is at hand. Out of the depth of such
a darkness dawned Sir Robert Peel. From that gloomy
crisis the reaction has been great indeed. Hence a suc-
cession of fortunate occurrences, and, as respects a con-
siderable portion of the Ministerial policy, successful
measures. Not to look below the surface, and viewing
Sir Robert Peel's Administration as it will strike the
eyes of the world, we must ascribe to it more than
the average of human success. His good fortune has
appeared especially in those points in which his
predecessors had been most signally unfortunate,
so that an admirer would probably describe his
career by simply reversing the features of the pre-
vious era. What, then, is it, all the world will ask,
and posterity never cease to inquire, which, after so
brief and bright a career, compels Sir Robert Peel to
yield his post to his baffled, ruined, disgraced, aid dis-
heartened predecessors? Why does he himself spon-
taneously return to them an ascendancy which they
have been utterly unable themselves to regain? Why
set up a prostrate rival, and inscribe once more on the
tables of the State names which no one section of the
public dares or remembers to uphold? There must be
some great and extraordinary reason, going far deeper
to the heart of things than any of those which the histo-
rian has usually to assign in his tale of Ministerial
vicissitudes. The answer must be, that the Ministry of
Sir Robert Peel involved from the beginning an abuse
of social confidence, and a violation of political
truth. It was founded on suppositions which Sir
Robert Peel has found, and happily also felt, it im-
possible to maintain. The chief of those suppositions
was the duty, and, as implied in that, the possibility and
the expediency, of agricultural protection. That
which was then the most powerful and united party in
the nation brought him into power as their patron, ser-
vant, and friend, pledged to prosecute their interests and
obey their behests. Such, on the whole, in the leaning
of their hopes, the conclusion of their judgments, and
the inclination of their belief, was what they expected
and trusted to receive foom Sir R. Peel. For that un-
derstanding they had not indeed perfect and conclusive
grounds. They had no more amount of real grounds
than what ninety-nine men out of every hundred usually
act upon in the common affairs of life. They bad not
grounds which would stand a cool, dispassionate, and
disinterested inquiry. But they had grounds which, in
conjunction with the circumstances of the time, were suf-
ficient to sway the judgments, to secure the attachment
and confidence of ordinary men. There existed, and
was allowed to exist, an universal impression that the
Conservative leader could and would procure for the
agriculturist a higher degree of protection than was to be
expected from his competitor. The result shows that im-
pression was unfounded. Hence the ruin of the Conservative
Ministry. It is true Sir Robert guarded his position. He
reserved his opinions and his independence. While
parading with all the pomp of rhetoric the gaudy
structure of Conservatism, he was quietly laying the
foundations, in all his speeches and addresses, of a
more liberal policy. Nor was this done unobservedly.
While he pleaded for confidence he excited suspicion.
While asking all the affections of his snpporters, it was
evident his own were divided. The Premier tried to satisfy
himself and the country, and repudiate his supporters
and friends. • His scheme failed; and much as we may
regret that any one should fail who proposed what we
really consider a blessing to the country, we are re-
signed to an event by which that blessing is dissociated
from political deception and personal ingratitude. We

see in it one lesson more to do good acts by good, fair,
and open means. But it would be useless and unjust to
deny that the agriculturists themselves have been parties
to the commission of a dishonesty, as they now most
assuredly will be to its punishment. They are net the
mere dupes that their advocates wish us to suppose.
They well knew the urgency of the popular demand, the
growing necessities of the case, and, above all, the half-
smothered, half-whispered convictions of the Conserva-
tive
leader. Notwithstanding these notorious facts, they
still thought to bind to their own hard service a man I
whom they knew enough to insult with continual sus-
picion. They resolved to make Sir Robert Peel their
slave, at the cvident risk of tempting him to be untrue
to his country, and the still more evident certainty of
rendering him untrue to himself. They chose one whom
they denounced, and proscribed the known leanings of
one whom they thought wise and good enough to be the
head of their party. If they have been deceived, it is
they who have compelled the deception, and helped to
make the deceiver.

Viscount Melbourne has been surrounded by a
select party at Brockett Hall, Herts. The Earl of Auckland
and the Hon. Miss Eden, Viscount and Viscountess Pal-
merston, Earl Cowper, Lard and Lady Beauvale, &c., have
assembled there. An express reached Brockett on Thurs-
day evening, from town, from Lord J. Russell, urging the
early presence of Viscount Palmerston in town.

The Marquis and Marchioness of Londonderry
have arrived at Holdsrness House from Wynyard Park.
The Earl of Cardigan will receive a succession of
visitors at Deane Park, his seat, near Kettering, during the
next four weeks. The Noble Earl was to arrive there on
Friday. from Ireland.
PROLIFIC CROP OF TURNIPS. —Eighty-six red
globe turnips, from a crop grown by T. Dyson, Esq., of
Braithwell Manor-house, filled one of Croskili's carts, which
was 6 feet 2 inches long, 3 feet 9 inches broad, and 1 foot
7 inches deep. The average girth of the turnips was 324
inches, and they were grown with dissolved bones, dibbled
in ridges, alternately with Swedes, on the 22d of May.—
Doncaster Chronicle.

The Emperor Napoleon's favourite Mameluke,
Roustan, died on Sunday last at Dourdan (Seine-et-Oise),
where he had been living upon a small income of 5,000 f. to
6,000 f., derived chiefly from the sale of the presents from
Napoleon and his family.
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WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET, DEC. 12.—There
are fair supplies of all grain this week. The resignation of
Ministers, and the continued uncertainty about the corn-
laws, caused a really dull trade in Wheat, and what few
sales were effected were at a reduction of fully 2s. per quarter.
Good Barley maintained former prices, other qualities in slow
request. In old Beans no alteration, but soft new were is.
to 2s. per qnarter lower. Oats and Shelling each sold at a
slight decline. Malt as before.

The Genealogical Almanack for 1846, published at
Leipsic, states that the members of the Sovereign houses in
Europe are 683 in number, viz.: 356 males and 327 females.
Amongst the Sovereigns of Europe there are 20 (including
the Pope) who have no male children, 5 who have married
wives of a different religion from their own, 3 who profess a
religion different from that of the majority of their subjects,
4 who are alone in their race, and 4 who are foreigners, viz. ;
the Kings of Hanover, Sweden and Norway, Belgium, and
Greece. The reigning families who have most male members
are the Princes and Counts of Lippe, who have 38; those of
Austria, who have 27; Lichstenstein, 25; Wurtemberg, 19;
Prussia, 14; and Bavaria, 11.