The Sun.
London, England, 1821-10-25 00:00:00

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[MORNING CHRONICLE.]
We have to. call the attention of our readers to
a correspondence in another part of this Paper,
between Sir Robert Wilson and Lord Sidmouth,
and a memorandum of a conversation between
Sir Robert Wilson and Sir R. Birnie.—The anx-
iety which Sir Robert Wilson has from the first
shewn to learn whether there existed any charge
against him, in order that he might fairly meet it,
is well known to every one. His former corre-
spondence with the heads of the army, calling
for the exhibition of charges and for inquiry, led
to no result. Learning, however, from a state-
ment authenticated by the signature of Mr.
Thomas Julion, Clerk to the Magistrates of the
Kensington Division of the County of Middlesex,
iu answer to a previous statement which appeared
in this Paper, that Sir Richared Birnie declared
at a General Meeting of Justices that informa-
tion had been given to him at Bow-street, upon
oath, that Sir Robert had attended a meeting held
in the house of Mr. Youde, at which the plan of 1
interruption to her late Majesty's funeral was con-
certed, he applied to Lord Sidmouth for this in-
formation, with a view to bring the question to
issue by instituting a prosecution for perjury
against the person so swearing. It' was not how-
ever the object of Lord Sidmouth to communicate
any information to him, and the application re-
ceived an evasive and disingenuous answer. On ap-
plying to Sir 11. Birnie, Sir Robert learned from
him that no information in writing had been taken,
that the information which had been received was
verbal, and that all the Magistrates were satis-
fied, from the examination of the tavern-keeper,
that he had never been in the house. Sir Ro-
bert having received information that a deposi-
tion upon oath existed in the Home Department,
of his having been seen on Tuesday, the 14th of
August, on horseback, with a porter pot in his
hand, encouraging the populace to pull up the
pavement, and oppose impediments to the fune-
ral of her late- Majesty, applied again to Lord
Sidmouth to direct a Copy of this Deposition to
be delivered to him, for the purpose of com-
mencing a prosecution for perjury. Lord Sid-
mouth does not state that there was no such
Deposition in the Home Office, and he there-
fore virtually acknowledges its existence; but
he acquaints. Sir Robert in reply, that he
should not think himself justified in giving
the directions for which he had applied.—
Then circumstances speak fur themselves. We
see an anxiety on the one part to meet accusa-
tion, and a determination on the other to furnish
no grounds of charge, and consequently no op-
portunity for defence. We see, however, at the
same time, from the involuntary confession of
Lord Sidmouth, that the reason why no charges
are brought forward, is because Ministers are
themselves perfectly satisfied the information on
which they acted, and constituting the only
ground of charge which- they could possibly
bring forward, has been proved to be false, even
to their own satisfaction. This comes of con
demising a man without bearing him, and on ex.
pante evidence.

[rnE TIMES.]
A correspondence between 'Sir.Robert Wilson
and Lord Sidtnouth is inserted in another co-
lumn ; as likewise a note of a conversation be-
tween the Gallant Knight and Sir R. Birnie.

The publicity given to this correspondence and

intercourse is a satisfactory proof of Sir Robert
Wilson's anxiety to drag into open day every
part of a question, from the strictest investi-
gation of which he is confident of emerging
with unsullied honour. Never did man evince
greater eagerness to trace every rumour which
reached him to its unknown source, through every
accessible channel. His first demand for inquiry
was to the Duke of York, who baffled it by
pleading the King's high will and pleasure. He
now seeks from Lord Sidrnouth a copy of alleged
or suspected informations on oath, which de-
scribed him in one, case' as being • at a house
in Ilammerstnith, plotting obstructions to the
Queen's funeral ; and in the second, as having
been seen " with a porter pot," encouraging
the populace to impede the road. The praise-
worthy object of Sir R. Wilson was to prosecute
the authors of both false oaths for perjury ; but
in each instance he was refused, and thus his
-endeavour to obtain any investigation of his
case is again defeated. Sir Richard Birnie's ad-
mission is of great importance, because it throws a
consistent character upon the whole transactions.
This Magistrate declared that he had no informa-
tion against Sir R. Wilson, " but a verbal one
" founded upon a report (!!), at the Freemasons%
" tavern, of .a meeting having been held at Ham-
" mersmith, at which an officer had been present ;
" but that on the examination of Mr. Youde, all
" the Magistrates were satisfied Sir R. Wilson
" had never been in the house !"—Will the Mi-
nisters stand up in Parliament, and sincerely
attempt to justify this act of oppression ? For
those of the King's servants who are alive to the
honour of the army—who have themselves arrived,
by glorious deeds, at the head of their profession,
we could almost venture to pronounce that they
cannot and will not come forward to justify this
insulting, treatment of a_ brave brother officer,
whatever •variance, personal or political, may
have existed between them. • No distinguish-
ed British officer can wish to see the army
trampled on. It weakens his own instruments,
it dims .his future prospects, it depreciates his
past services, it degrades his own person.
.Is it

possible that,the.Duke of Wellington should not
see and feel all this ?—But we are ready to take
up higher ground. The barbarous plea of pre-
rogative is, it seems, .resorted to in defence of
actions destructive of every t;,ing; for which the
prerogative was bestowed. The political bearing
of this deed of oppression is to deter every officer
from discharging his civil duties,.except in such a
manner and to such ends as shp.ll be prescribed to
him
,by his Commander-in-Chief. One or two
things, then, as we have once before hinted, must
follow ; either thiS attempt must be at once and
successfully resisted by the voice of a British se-
nate, or every officer in the British army becomes
a direct
,political agent of the Minister pro tem-
pore; and of the two, his bayonet is a less per-
nicious weapon than his vote. Custom-house
Officers, and Excisemen, and Placemen of sundry
denominations, have been carefully excluded
from all share in framing those laws which ought
to be the"work of men exercising an independent
judgment. They can neither sit in Parliament, nor
enjoy the elective franchise. Why then should they
be more objects of alarm, than military officers re-
movable at the Caprice of the Crown ? Nay, in.:
deed, why so mach so ; for many civil function-
aries appointed' by patent are( shut out from the
legislature, although safe from disturbance by the
Minister. In our judgment it would be better
to have ,no officers in Parliament, than to see
them incapable, by the tyranny practised over
them, of freely discharging their Parliamentary
duties. This odious and dangerous branch of
the prerogative requires the most solemn delibe-
ration of Parliament; unless, indeed, the boasted
constitution of England shall be thought to be
no longer fit for any other purpose than to
c' point a moral or adorn a tale."

PROVINCIAL JOURNALS.

(From the CIIESTER COTJRANT, Oct. 23.)

STATE OF THE COUNTRY.—In contrasting the present
state of the country with that of the same period in late years,
in reference to trade, there is good cause for exultation. 'We
are not disposed to go the length of saying, that the trade of
the kingdom is in a flourishing condition, but we have the best
ground for asserting, there is great improvement. The Lon-
don Ministerial and anti-Ministerial Papers have lately been very
active in maintaining and controverting this point, with a zeal
and prepossessions correspondent with their party views ; and
although we cannot adopt to the ftill extent the assertions of
those who maintain the affirmative part of the question, yet we
think ourselves fully justified in stating the opinion we have
given. In some of our chief staples, particularly the iron
trade of Staffordshire, and the woollens of Yorkshire, increas-

ing activity has lately prevailed ; and if the cotton branch in
Lancashire cannot be called brisk, yet few hands are out of
employment, though wages are comparatively low. Indeed
there is less complaint of the paucity of work throughout all
the manufacturing districts at present, than we have heard for
some years. These assertions do not rest upon vague report,
or doubtful rumours, but are evidenced by incontestable facts:
In all our manufacturing towns the popr-rates have been great-
lEreduced, and in some places more than one half—one of the
best criterions' by which to judge of the point in hand: To
this also may be added, the increased revenue for the last quar-
ter, amounting to more than £700,000. Much ingenuity has
been employed to shew that this latter circumstance has been
occasioned by temporary circumstances, and ought not to be
considered as indicative of financial improvement ; but to in-
dividualslunbiassed by-party prejudices, it will be difficult AD
exclude its opeiStion on the manufactures of the country. An=
other subject, connected with national advantage, is

_ .
THE IMPROVED POLITICAL FEELINGS OF THE -PEO-
PLE.—In a free country, like that of our own? it would be a
fatal sign of departing frmlom, if the people stood in a state
of listless quiescence, while the prince or the government were
making rapid advances towards absolute authority, by tramp,
sing upon the established laws of the state. Such, however,
is riot the character of the people of England. So far are
they removed from the supineness which this kind of conduct
supposes, that they have generally maintained such a tenacious-
ness of ieir political and civil rights, as not only. to preserve
them entire, but to endanger the prerogatives of the Crown. It
is this extreme susceptibility which, at different periods of our
history, hits rendered liberty itself dangerous to. the State ; po-
litical demagogues have arisen, created false alarms of danger,
and beguiled the multitude, seldom able to distinguish between
their real interests and their passions, into a. persuasion, that
the enforcement of law was tyranny, and all the acts of Govern-
ment oppression. - Such were the effects of their mischievous
efforts in!the years 1817, 1819, and 1320. But, thank Heaven,
the delusion is passing away, and submission to lawful autho-
rity, and union, and mutual confidence, are establishing their
empire in the country. It has been asserted, with more confi-
dence than truth, " that the great principles of the Constitu-
Sion, as established by the Revolution of 1688, had been con-
tinually infringed.upon with success." What is meant by-tills
assertion ? ' Is it intended to imply, that any statute has been
enacted by which the political liberties of, the country then re-
cognized have been abridged ; or any one repealed, curtailing
our political rights? We give a point blank denial to both the
Propositions." We go further,' and maintain, that-several most
important laws have passed since the Revolution, whose direct
object has been to enlarge and consolidate the liberties of the
country,—and which have been. enacted with the declared pur-
pose of abridging the influence of the Executive. If this be a
fair statement of the case, and we defy any than to controvert4t,
what becomes of the senseless yell, 0 give us the Constitution
as it stood at the time of the Revolution ?

There is yet one more, topic of national concern, to omit
which would bemnpardonable, we mean the measures now adopt-
ing by the King's Government, for
RETRENCIIMENT.—The extreme pressure of national
distress has long induced an anxious solicitude on the part of
the people, that Government should adopt every possible plan
of retrenchment and reduction in the national expenditure, con-
sistent with the safety of the country ; and many, from the in-
sufficient means they pOssesed of measuring the wants and ne-
cessitieso the national service, were ready to pronounce a cen-
sure on Ministers for the apparent tardiness of their measures
on this important point. .it is gratifying to know, however,
that every possible exertion is now pursuing to effect that end.
Ic will be recollected that during the last Session of Paths-
meat the Ministryacquiesecid in an Address to the Ciowa,
moved by a Member of the Opposition, pledging themselves to
make rigorous inquiry into the public expenditure; with a view
to retrenchment. To allow credit to the King's servants ('or
any act of patriotism forms on part of the tactics of their oppo-
nents ; the latter therefore insist that the concession was made,
not from their own sense of its propriety, but from the menac-
ing point presented by the Opposition. Very Well ; but in in-
sisting on this view of the subjedt, they allow a consequence,
they are always unwilling to admit, namely, that the House of
Commons, which they vilify as the sink of corruption, has
public virtue and weight enough to divert the Executive from
its own purposes, when opposed to the national feeling. But,
be this. as it may, the work of •reductimand retrenchment is
proceedinc, with a rapid march; the Military, Naval, Ord-
nance, and Civil Departments are all salictixl to rigorous
curtailments ' • in the former alone, the reductionof two compa-
nies from each Regiment will make a difference of more tha9
15,000 men, independent of the Cavalry Regiments. These
savings will be immense ; and so far are we from thinking eco-
nomy m our national expenditure unnecessary, that we hope
and believe the system will be carried to its utmost possible
extent.

* We do not know whether the restrictive acts, known by
the name of " the Six Acts," and passed in 1819, will be ob_
jected against our assertion. But The objection can, have little
weight, let, Because they contain merely-reggiations, not in-
fringing the general principles of liberty ; Inc `'oily, arc merely
temporary in their existence, andppssea under pressing circum-
stances. It may also be successfully maintaine!i, that their
practical operation has in no instance tended to injure our pri-
vileges, or compromise our political. liberties.