The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-27 00:00:00

scene :

" With regard to the first question, I am Rot aware
of haling said anything of the sort." (Non mi ricordo.)
" With regard to the next question, I have repeatedly
said, • I would rather cut off my arm than do what it was
my duty not to do.' (This is no answer to the ques-
tion, which referred entirely to the use of the surplice.)
"As to pulling down the notice, I constantly pull off
notices from the church-gates. It was hanging in strips
when I pulled it down."
" A Parishioner—l saw it, and it was not in strips.
" Mr. Courtenay—l don't say it was in strips ; but
when I pulled it, it came in strips."

The last question was not answered. A loud
burst of groaning and yelling followed, in the midst
of which Mr. COURTENAT retired. Now it is a sin-
gular fact that these answers and the statement
about his authority for discontinuing the surplice are
all characteristic of this new Jesuitical school. No
direct reply is given ; there is nothing but evasion
throughout, if we except his allusion to the authority
of the bishop, which is something worse. The bishop
gave him no authority for discontinuing the surplice.
Ile 14-ft the affair to his own conscience, the pious
prelate no doubt believing that his pupil was a man
of his word, and would rather have hi 4 arm cut off
than yield on the only point at issue. These are the
bishop's " plain instructions," and they confirm the
old proverb, "Like master, like man."

" As Ido not fed myself competent to decide what
course is fittest, I inclose this letter open to the mayor,
who will either deliver it to you, or not, as he in his dis-
cretion shall deem proper. If you receive this letter,
you will understand from it that I advise you to give way
at the request of the civil authorities of Exeter, and not
to persist in wearing the surplice in the pulpit, unless,
conscientiously and on full inquiry, you have satisfied
yourself that your engagements to the Church require
you to wear the surplice when you preach. Ido not
myself think that the matter is so free from doubt that
you may not act on your bishop's advice as now given
to you. Still Ido not pretend to any right to order
you to wear the gown."

So this is the new morality which these enemies
of the Protestant faith are preparing for the Esta-
blished Church. Our readers can draw their own
conclusions and contrast the truth, the candour,
and the open, manly conduct of Protestants, with
the reservations, falsehoods, and plots of a sect, that
most Catholic churches have expelled from their
community.

The leader of the French Opposition is an aspiring
politician, a smart orator, and probably a profound
philosopher, but he is no statesman. Ile is carried
away by a rage for talking, starts from one point to
another with inconceivable rapidity, hurries on with
a volubility which almost distances the most attentive
hearer, and out of the fulness of his heart his mouth
speaketh. Such old-fashioned statesmen as TALLEY.'
RAND, and METTERNICH, and NESSELRODE would
not have allowed M. THIERS to occupy the lowest
office in their Cabinet, or see the title of a State
paper, much less copy it, or even approach any public
office where he had the slightest chance of obtaining
political information, for the best reason in the world,
because he is utterly destitute of a quality which is
indispensable in a man trusted with secrets. The
wonder now ceases that Lord PALMERSTON so clearly
divined his course of politics when he happened to
to be at the head of the French Cabinet, for if he lets
out such important secrets from the tribune, as he did
in the discussion on the Syrian expedition, and as he
has now disclosed in his speech on the Address, what
an ample insight into his foreign policy might be ob-
tained at his evening parties. By his own words was
he condemned when he attempted to justify himself
for siding with MEHEMET ALI against England,
Austria, and Prussia. His object was to obtain ad-
ditional power for France in the East to compensate
for his failure in the West. This he fully admitted,
and he has admitted with equal precision and fulness
the causes of the utter isolation of France from all
the great Powers of the Continent. lie makes no
secret of his intentions. France will not rest satisfied
till the victories and glories of the Empire
are again realised, till the Rhine is the boun-
dary, and her influence is paramount in Italy,
Egypt, and Turkey. The present, of course,
is not the proper season. The party to which
he belongs is too well watched, and the feelings ar-
rayed against any extension of the French frontier
are too strong ; but he waits his timm•. "I am con-
vinced," says he, " that if at a later period war should
break out, we have a chance of finding different com-
binations in Europe ;" and then he draws a very sig-
nificant contrast :—" In time of peace, we must ob-
serve treaties; in time of war there is no limit to
ambition but the means of success" (En temps de
guerre, it n'y a de limite d'ansbition que le susses).
To war, therefore, he looks, and he tells the three
great Powers of the Continent what they may ex-
pect when treaties are no longer to be observed.
The Rhine, Italy, and the East the three
darling objects of NAroLEoN still dazzle
the eyes of M. TRIERS, and prevent France
from forming an alliance either with Rus-
sia, Austria, or Prussia. These are his words :
" The first condition of an alliance with Russia would
be the sacrifice of our interests in the East. An
alliance with Austria would sanction for ever her rule
over Italy ; and that with Prussia would be to confine
us for ever in the limits fixed by the treaties of 1815.
Are not these sacrifices?" This candid announce-
ment of his foreign policy is important news to the
powers interested, and will make them more resolved
than ever to shun the very semblance of an alliance
with a nation that, under such guklance, would only