The Sun.
London, England, 1828-01-30 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 30, 1828.

country, not to provoke them by unnecessarily drawing the
sword upon our ancient Ally. It appears the objects which
this country had in view in sending troops to Lisbon has
been obtained, and that they are about to return to this
country. I trust, therefore, that Portugal, for which
this country has expended so much blood and so insich
treasure, may now in security reap the benefits
of that system which Great Britain has so liberally foster-
ed. With respect to that part of the Speech which states
an increase of our manufactures, I trust that his Majesty
will not be disappointed in his hopes that Parliament will
lo its utmost to promote and extend the improvement of i ;
all classes of his Majesty's subjects. My Lords, I shall
not trespass further upon your time, but move that an
humble Address be presented to his Majesty.—(Cheers.)
The Clerk at the table was about to read the Address,
when
Lord HOLLAND said it was usual in that House for
tke Noble Lord who moved it, to read the Address.
Lord Chichester then read the Address, which was an
echo of the Speech.
Lord STRANGFORD said that in rising to second the
motion that an humble Address be presented to his Majesty
thanking him for his most gracious speech, he felt peculiar
satisfaction ; he believed that the main points urged, and
the principal topics alluded to in it, must bring hope and
consolation to all, because all must be convinced, from the
speech which had been just read that his Majesty would
persevere in his gracious declaration, which conveyed his
resolution to use all his exertions to maintain the repose of
Europe on the proud basis which English glory had placed
it after the battle of Waterloo. He rejoiced at the
announcement of such an intention, and well was
it calculated to allay the anxiety which the present aspect
of affairs in Europe might otherwise excite. To carry
into effect such a resolution would confer more splendour on
the national character, whilst it was more easily at-
tained than would the most signal victories achieved by
war. The Noble Lord felt strongly on this subject ;
perhaps the more so, because he well knew the
warmth of feeling which prevailed in Turkey towards
England. He knew and admired the undeviating fidelity
with which she maintained her relations of amity towards
England—a fidelity not less strong than if it had been
guaranteed by documents of 300 years standing. He
trusted that the event which recently occurred, and which
all regarded as unexpected, would not render difficult a re-.
currence to our former friendly intercourse. He also
trusted that an end would be put to that unauthoriz-
ed and anomalous hostility, which originated in the
romance of individual adventurers, and which was
calculated to embarass our national Councils. He trust-
ed that the speediest measures, consistent with our
recent Treaties might be resorted to, to bring back a state
of things which every one, acquainted with the state of
Turkey, inust wish to see established ; arid that that
Treaty would be carried into effect with the least possible
disturbance to the feelings of a Government which had,
in the most trying times, been enlisted in our favor, and
which had always been anxious to maintain friendly relations
with us. Looking at these considerations, and confid-
ing in his knowledge of the unsullied honour of one of the
chief parties to that treaty, he felt convinced that no at-
tempt at political advantage would be suffered to pollute a
treaty founded on such honourable and humane motives.
—He hail the honour of being Ambassador at Saint
Petersburgh, and he could aver that the views
and the sentiments of his Imperial Majesty were
pacific, and aimed at no-thing beyond the fulfilment of the
spirit of the treaty which
,had been entered into between
the great Powers.—(Hear, hear.)—The Noble Lord ad-
verted, with uniningled pleasure, to another topic in the
speech. He rejoiced that the friendly band of England
had been extended to Portugal ; a country to which we
were bound by every feeling of friendship and of interest ; and
the more he considered that subject,the more convinced was he
that to England, and to England alone, was the safety of that
country to be attributed.—(Hear, bear.) In con-
cluding, he expressed his earnest hope that no feeling
of difference on other matters, or any personal or
private motives, would be suffered to disturb the
unanimity with which their Lordships would vote
an humble address to his Majesty, thanking him for
the paternal goodness which proclaimed that the pros-
perity and happiness of his people were his chief and only
concern. The Noble Lord then seconded the Address ;
but we regret to say that from the low tone of voice in
which he addressed the House we are able to give but a
very imperfect report of his speech.
Lord HOLLAND immediately rose, and addressed the
House to the following effect :—I assure your Lordships,
that I would willingly have remained silent on the pre-
sent occasion, and that it was not my intention to have
troubled you for one moment, or to have said one word
that might interrupt the unanimity of your Lordships, or have
done any thing that might in the least delay your voting the
Address in answer to the Speech from the Throne. Indeed
there are marry reasons that render it unnecessary for me
to trouble you, and there are some of a private and per-
sonal, as well as of a general and public nature, that induce
me to abstain from going through the various topics of
the Speech. I did consider that the Address moved in
answer to it would not, more than the Speech itself, have
produced any difference of opinion : and I could, there-
fore, be well prepared to overlook any fault" of omission,
and pass by any faults of mere expression with which I
might not happen to agree. Indeed I have the satisfaction
of saying, that considering the Speech altogether, with re-
gard to the general substance of it, I, for one, am pretty
well satisfied with it. I agree with the Noble Lord who
has just sat down, on the great point expressed by his Ma-
jesty from the Throne, and which is stated to be that
which influences the Government, that it is their desire to
do every thing that may tend to the preservation of peace ;
and that desire I feel as strongly as it is expressed in tire
Speech, and I have no doubt that that desire is the great
object in view, both with his Majesty, and with those who
have put those words into his mouth. To the substance
of the Speech, therefore, I have but little objection, nor to
the substantives in it ; but, my Lards, there are epithets in
it—there are adjectives added to those substantives—con-
veying meanings utterly unfounded in fact, and certainly im-
proper for your Lordships, in your address, to give your con-
sent to. There is one word in the Speech—one of the adjec-
tives to which I have alluded—by which Turkey is
called our " ancient ally." I know not, my Lords, how
it is that his Majesty's advisers can have put into his
mouth the words antiquity and alliance with regard
to Turkey. It is possible, that they may have very dif-
ferent notions from mine upon the meaning of those
words, and that they may employ them in a very different
manner. I hope they do. I find it stated, that Turkey
is the ancient ally of this country. My Lords, I say no.
Instead of her having been our ancient ally, I say that
the only alliance between the two countries has been
recent, temporary, aye, and extremely short-lived. Surely
there is not any Noble Lord who will tell me that the
mere existence of peace is an alliance—that the mere
existence of commercial treaties deserves to be called by
such a name. The Speech from the Throne, indeed, proves
just the contrary ; fur in another part it speaks of treaties
of amity and commerce between this country and Mexico ;
but does it mean that these treaties are treaties of alliance ?
What! are we in alliance with countries at this moment
engaged in war with Spain, who is one of oue allies? I know
not the precise meaning of the word "alliance," in diplo-
matic language ; but I suppose it is generally understood
to indicate that there is some common object, to attain
which the alliance has been entered into, or that the con-
tracting parties have united to defend their mutual exist-
ence, or promote their mutual prosperity. If this be its
meaning, my Lords, then with respect to Turkey it is
not true that she is our ally. There certainly has ex-
isted a Treaty of Peace between her and this country
for the space of seven years. But, to talk of her alliance
with this country as being an ancient alliance. Why, my
Lords, what is meant by the word " ancient ?" With respect
to individuals and tee nations, it has a very different
signification. Unfortunately for me. my Lords, I am ar-
rived at that age that I may say that I am an old Member
of this House ; yet I am by no means a piece of antiquity
as compared with the nation.—(A laugh.) Still, how-
ever, even I recollect the first Treaty of Alliance with
Turkey. I remember, toe, that although that Treaty Was
stipulated to continue foe seven years, even that short pe-
Clod had tr9.t eeepired before every article in it was broken
by this our " ancient and faithful ally." Good God, my
Lords ! what do we mean by conferring on Turkey this
honourable distinction ? Though the Noble Lord oppo-
site, who has just sat down, has told us that our alliance
with Turkey has been so ancient as to be handed down to
us by tradition, still I arms inclined to doubt the truth and
propriety of calling
Turkey our ancient ally ; since even he
has at the came time admitted, that these alliances have
only existed in tradition, and have never been formed into

written treaties. I have heard, indeed, that some papers.
and very ignorant papers too, have vaunted the antiquity
of our alliance with Turkey. Now, I believe, the relations
of this country with Turkey were first reduced into the
shape of a treaty by Mr. Adair, but that was not a treaty
of alliance. To go into proof upon this subject would be
too tedious at the present moment ; but I will state one 01
two facts concerning them. The treaties concluded between -
this country and Turkey have always been different from those
entered into with other countries. You do not treat with
her on the same ground of equality as with others. You find
among the principles of that unsocial race, that they are ac-
tually at war with every nation, except those with which
they have entered into formal treaties of peace. A treaty
of peace with them is not an alliance, but such treaties in
the times of the real power of the Turks, were acts ce
concession and grace, accorded by them as boons to these
dogs of Christians, the Nazarene nations. One of these
was granted in the year 1699, and was negociated by the
Lord Winchelsea and Sir H. Finch. But how was that
treaty framed? The names of these honourable persons
are not to he found attached to that treaty, which, as I
have before said, was granted only as a boon or act of
grace to the Christian dogs. It was a kindness conceded
to us for special reasons—partly, perhaps, because the
messengers sent to the Turk were agreeable to him, and
partly because he considered Charles 11. to he a great
Prince among the Nazarene nations, and to be in some
measure, the arbiter of their differences. But these trea-
ties were not considered by him as treaties are generally
considered by other Powers—they were regarded rather
as voluntary capitulations, of power on the part of the
Turk, conceded as boons to the Christian States. I know not
whether I am correct in my supposition, but I do suppose
that that term is one of an offensive nature in the Turkish
language, and that it was intended to express the favour
conferred by the Turk on those to whom he granted such
capitulations. However, certain it is, that on whatever
terms these concessions were supposed to have been granted
no political relations subsisted between this country and
Turkey till the year 1699, in the reign of William 111. In
1692 we mediated between the Emperor of Germany and
the Turkish Power, and the object of our mediation was,
to leave the House of Austria at liberty to pursue its own
plans elsewhere. That mediation was in consequence of
our ancient relations with Austria—for with Austria and
Russia we are connected by ancient alliance—and our me-
diation was then intended to leave Austria at liberty to
pursue the war in which she was then engaged with
France. I that, in that mediation, we have been
accused by French writers of having acted in a partial
manner, and of having, in fact, taken part against the
Porte ; and their accusations seemed to have at least the
appearance of truth. For what were the articles of tile
treaty then procured ? Why, that Turkey should give up
the Morea and Greece to Venice ; and that portions of
their territory was thus placed in the hands of the Vene-
tians. In 1718 another political relation took place be-
tween th/S country and Turkey. The fate of war having
enabled them to recover that part of their territory, we
conceded it to them by a treaty on the uti possedetis basis,
and the circumstances of it are so remarkable, that if I were
not afraid of wearying your Lordships' patience, I would
refer you to some of the documents connected with the
transaction. In 1718, a curious event took place. France
and England, by some fortuitous chance, were closely
allied, they were not parties in any way to the disputes that
then existed between Germany and Spain—and they con-
cocted together a treaty, the object of which was to obtain a
general pacification, by proposing terms of accommodation
to which they trusted Germany and Spain would agree.—
They agreed, therefore, to propose terms for the cessa-
tion of hostilities, till the general points of the treaty
for the settlement of the disputes between these two
Powers should be arranged ; and they went one step
further, and determined that they would use force to com-
pel the obedience of the party who should refuse to ac-
cede to the stipulations contained in the treaty so con-
cocted. After this treaty was concluded, it was forwarded
to the two Governments. Germany acquiesced in the pro-
posed accommodation, but Spain was dissatisfied. She
went on equipping fleets and armies, and persisted in her
intentions of carrying on the war Both the allied coun-
tries did all that lay in their power to dissuade Spain from
pursuing this course. The Secretary of State of that day
stated to her what would be the consequences of pursuing
her schemes, which he showed to be absolutely impracti-
cable—which were dangerous to the peace of Europe, and
which it was the determination of the High Contracting
Powers to prevent. This country despatched a great
squadron to the Mediterranean, to hinder the Spanish fleet
from effecting a descent on Italy or Sicily. That squadron
was sent out under the command of Sir George Dyne,
afterwards Lord Torrington—a man, my Lords, whose
services in the Navy produced the greatest honour to
this country ; and among whose great actions it was not
the least that he did just what Sir Edward Codrington
has recently done. He considered what were his or-
ders, and what the object of those orders; and he car-
ried that object into effect by the force and valour
of the British Navy. When he came to Gibraltar, what
did he do ? He sent an Officer to Madrid to communi-
cate to the King of Spain, and to the Minister, the
Cardinal Alberoni, first, the amount of the force under his
command ; and secondly, the nature of his instructions as
to the employment of that force. lie communicated my
Lords, the very instructions themselves, and he insisted on
receiving an answer within forty-eight hours. Cardinal
Alberoni, who was at that time engaged in attempting to
infuse into a dispirited nation something like vigour, at first
spoke in a high tone about the Treaty and the Message ;
but finding that course unavailing, be adopted another;
and, by successive delays, he protracted the time required
for an answer, from two to nine days. In the meantime,
the Spanish Fleet, with a body of troops on board, sailed
for Sicily. Admiral Byng heard of their departure, and
proceeded thither immediately, but found that the troops
had been landed before his arrival. What course did he
pursue ? Just the same as that which Sir E. Codrington
recently pursued under similar circumstances. He sent to
General 1)e Lede, as Sir E. Codrington sent to Ibrahim
Pacha, a statement of the nature of his instructions, de-
claring that the two Powers had united to prevent the dis-
turbance of the tranquillity of Europe ; and he proposed
to the General to carry back the Spanish troops to Spain,
or, at the least, required him to agree to au armistice, until
the Message he had despatched to the Court should be defi-
nitively answered. The answer of the Spanish General
was, that he bad no authority to conclude a truce: that he
was merely a General invested with the command of troops,
and must obey the instructions he had received as to
the mode of their employment; that he was well
aware of the force of the British Admiral ; but that
it was his duty to attempt the subjugation of Sicily ;
osi
and that he should proceed in his attempt to do so.—
The Spanish fleet immediately afterwards sailed from Mes-
sina. What, my Lords, was the conduct of. Admiral
Byng? Did he stay to look at the exact words of his
instructions? No, he leeked, my Lords, as I hope and
trust every British sailor will do, to their spirit and ob-
ject.—(Hear, hear.)—He saw the Spanish fleet, pursued,
overtook, attacked, and annihilated it. On that occasion,
my Lords. i know it was said that the Spaniards had fined
first. They denied the statement; but they said at the
same time, with some degree of shrewdness aad plausabi-
lity, " You came up prepared for action, and in a threaten-
ing manner, and we had a right to defend ourselves ; so
that even if we had fired first, we should have been justi-
fied ; but we deny the fact." All these circumstances,
my Lords, are curious; but there are some others not less
se. It happened at that moment, that there was at home a
powerful, exasperated, and vehement faction of Tories.—
(a laugh)—a faction that had possessed power,and had abused
it, and who were much exasperated by the loss of it. There
were, my Lords, at the same time, some great names, the
names of Whigs, who ornamented those times, and
strengthened by their talents and character, the existing
Administration. 'I heir were also some Ex-Ministers, who
had originally framed the treaty between France and I✓ng-
land, to compel the two Powers of Germany atO Spain to
a pacification, but who, afterwards, shut out from the sun-
hine fst at iefapyrlueri,aidiaady) deservedly fallen into disgrace; and
there was also (I hope,amby.,dLyoordfs,
jtuhr.actdnlo.vsinuochnipz,sozxts-
who looked upon nothing so well established
as the right of one man to command over others, and who
were the secret favourers of superstition, tyranny, and tics-
Potism, wherever it was to be found. These, men, my
Lords, deprecated the measures. which had been pursued—
they cried out 'spot: it as a breach and violation of the
laws of nations. Many inflammatory and declamatory
topics were employed by these men, and family and
traditional history relates that the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, afraid of the possible consequences of the
wise, just, and spirited measures which hail been pur-

sued, attempted to throw the responsibility from him.
self upon the Gallant Admiral who had commanded the
squadron. If it was the object of that Secretary to throw
blame on the Gallant Admiral (which, my Lords, I hope
it was not), the Administration were rescued from that
ignominy, by the generous and proper feelings of two Royal
Personages ; for George I. wrote a complimentary letter
to the Admiral, who received another of the same sort
from the Emperor of Germany, and for the honour of the
of the Gallant Admiral, I believe, my Lords, those
letters are still preserved. Those letters, my Lords, stated
that the Admiral had truly conceived the true spirit of his
instructions, and had acted upon them as a British sea-
man always would act, namely, to the destruction of those
who should endeavour by their continued hostilities to
disturb that tranquillity which he had been authorised
to use his exertions to preserve. These Royal Per-
sonage-3 were satisfied, because he had insured, by his
vigorous and spirited conducts the tranquillity of Eu-
rope ; and the people of England were satisfied, as the
British Navy, as usual, had covered itself with glory. As to
the objections made by the persons I have described, they
were met by the two Secretaries, Mr. Craggs and Lord
Stanhope, who answered them by exposing the designs of
Spain ; strewing the consequences of those designs, if they
could have been executed; and charging Spain with being
the aggressor, by'attacking Germany when the latter was
it war with the great enemy of the Christian world—the
Turk.—(Hear, hear.)—My Lords, that brings me back to
what I have before said, that the Ottoman Porte is not our
ancient ally ; for the two Secretaries stated, in 1718, that
the attack made by Spain upon Germany, when Germany
was at war with the Turk, was a species of delinquency
which rendered all that had been done justifiable. My
Lords, this was strange language for our " ancient Ally."
Perhaps Mr. Secretary Craggs stated these things, as the
Noble Earl will possibly aver, because he had nothing
else to say.—(A laugh.)—But how, my Lords, was this
matter treated by one man—the greatest ornament of
that age—by Mr. Addison, who was not only a philoso-
pher, but one of the best and wisest men who had ever
lived? That great man alleged (a proposition with which
the Noble Earl will probably agree) the bad effects of the
numerous journals leading the political opinions of the day.
He observed, my Lords, that there was no absurdity which,
from the means of circulating opinions, had not got abroad
in the world. So I believe in the present day—there are
persons living, who think it the interest of this country to
preserve the Ottoman Porte, in opposition to the opinions
of the two Secretaries of that day, and of the Greek phi-
losopher to whom I have particularly referred. Perhaps,
my Lords, I shall be told that " ancient," in this Speech,
merely means yesterday, and that nothing is to be said
about it. From the period to which I have referred, until
1770, the Turks continued with us in the same relations as
before; and I am justified, my Lords, in citing the opinion
of Lord Chatham upon this subject, as that Noble Lord had
declared that we ought never to have any sort of connection
with the Ottoman Porte. In 1770 we were in alliance with
Russia, and that Power sent a fleet into the Mediterranean
to oppose the Turks. What, my Lords, was the policy to
this country ? As far as she could she assisted Russia. She
permitted the Russian fleet to refit here; and that fleet,
proceeding to the Mediterranaan, burnt the Turkish fleet,
and remained there without any injury—at least so far as
I can find, my Lords, to the interests of this country—for
six or seven years. My Lords, did Mr. Pitt, in that part
of —which I do not consider the most honour-
able—propose his careeri
le—lro os atralliance with Turkey? No, my Lords,
he knew too well the interests of the country to propose
such a measure. Did be call her our ancient Ally ? On
the contraay, my Lords, he said that we had established
easy system—indeed be piqued himself upon its novelty ;
he alleged that we hail assisted in establishing Prussia as
Power in Europe, and that we must prevent any aggres
s:ons on her on the part of tke Porte. I will now, m \
Lords, quote the opinion of another great man upon the
same subject. I will refer you to Mr. Burke. He is often
mentioned in this House as a person of great authority, on
many subjects; and I will cite his judgment on this, with
the full assurance of the approbation of those Noble Lords
who are so much his admirers. Mr. Burke, my Lords,
in a speech delivered after the French Revolution—and
consequently after he hail become fully alive to the
horror of any attempt to change a long-established Go-
vernment—though he felt like a man who feared inno-
vation, yet spoke like a man of genius and know-
ledge, and said, that he never had considered the
Turkish empire as forming any part of the balance of
Europe ; that it had nothing to do with the European
Powers which it always aimed to destroy ; that it despised
all the Christian Powers as its inferiors, and wished to ex-
terminate them and their people. What, he asked, had
such savages to do with the Princes of Europe? Nothing
lint to war upon and attempt to destroy them. And he
declared that the Ministers and politicians who would give
them weight and power in the scale of nations, deserved to
WI under the ban and cllrsi, of the people of Europe. My
Lords, this is rather strong language to he used raapecting
an " Ancient Ally," and yet it was used and suffered to pass
uncontradicted. But he went On further to say, that every
feeling of religion and humanity demanded that we should
view them with abhorrence, and that among Christian
Power.; that was to be preferred which should destroy
such savages. My Lords, I do not bring forward these
opinions for your guidance, neither do I recommend you
to entertain the same feelings which Mr. Burke ex-
pressed ; but I adduced them, as a lawyer would say,
as evidence of the fact, that Turkey has never be-
fore been considered as our ancient ally. From the
time of George I. (who, I should remind your Lord-
ships, brought as one of his greatest recommendations to
this country, that he had early fleshed his sword against the
Turks in the Morea), up to the present moment, there has
been no acknowledgment of the Turksas an ancient ally.—
We had relations of commerce with them, but never were
they Allies until 1798 or 1799, when on ()cession of the
invasion of Egypt by the French (whom we had often re-
presented, but who certainly never acknowledged them-
selves as the Ancient Allies of Turkey), we entered into a
Treaty of Alliance with that power. Aly Lords, I was
much surprised at reading the expression " Ancient Ally,"
even when I recollected that Treaty ; for, my Lords, that
Treaty—so far from being one of Alliance, entered into for
the mutual benefit of England and Turkey, against the
rest of the world, or for the preservation of the Turkish
Empire against any of its neighbours, was an accession
to a Treaty at the desire of Russia, at whose entreaty we,
for the first time, entered into an alliance with Turkey.—
chat Treaty, my Lords, commenced with a statement that
a good understanding had always subsisted between Eng-
land and Russia, and that that understanding, together with
the fact of the existence of a war with France, had indu-
ced this country to enter into a Treaty, to which Great
Britain had been invited by Russia, in virtue of artidva ex-
isting between Russia and the Porte, wad, to which
Great Britain had consented to accede:, The perfor-
mance of the stipulations wee, guaranteed, at the end
of the Treaty (a hope laaal been previously expressed
that its object would last for ever), it was thought
prudent to limit the continuance of the Treaty foe seven
years. Unfortunately, however, my Lords, before those
seven years had elapsed, every article of the Treaty, as
have before observed, was broken by Turkey, and we con-
sidered ourselves entitled to remonstrate with her upon her
conduct. She notoriously violated the treaty with us.
One of the articles was, that she should have no relations
with France, at that time our great enemy ; but before
the seven years were at an end, we were compelled to re-
monstrate with Turkey on the great influence which Ge-
neral Sebastiani had obtained in the Divaaa e and three
months had not elapsed before we desicatcheef a fleet to
Constantinople to enforce the performance. of the article.
contained the Treaty with Russia, I say, soy Lords, that
by these circumstances If have proved that Turkey is nut
our "anent," nor our faithful Ails'. We have had ne
alliance since with Turkey, nor shall we have, if we wish
to preserve our religion, our peace, or our amity with
go into_ the
other nations. We have, indeed, had Er• continuation of
those commercial relations which were first gratl'el a
ayd. 7hich
boon in the time of Charles the Second,
ea a.% el as more respectful
have recently been allowed to be et,tAhlished right-'•
I do nut wish at present, rg, Lords, to
general political procecatings of this country. I h. ()ye.]
have satisfied your Lordships that I 113,v; beenl rtht
I
0,4 to add a few words more. I
amyl .g the antiquity of our alliance,, save
•'24Ye the
othe'r questions until the papers, Wii:,ll
tillldie been pro-
mised by his Majesty, are laid before us;which time it
will be more convenient to %P.,
to his Majesty, to defer the discussion of them.—(Hear.)
1 have now, my Lords,
have already somewhat at length expressed My opithon
on
tile description of Turkey as our ancient Ally. I shall now
merely express my regret at the use of another word in his
Majesty's spe„a, I cannot hut lament the use of the

I agree with it that such an occurrence was most unto-
ward ; but if it is intended to throw any blame on Admi-
ral Codrington, then I say that such an attempt is the ex-
treme of baseness and ignominy on the part of those who
have advised it, and that it can never he expected to meet
with the concurrence of the people —(Hear, hear.)—
The Noble Lord went on to say that he had looked to the
definition of the word " untoward" in Dr. Johnson's Die-
tionary, acid he found it to he " froward, perverse, and
vexatious." If the word untoward were to have any of
these es:vod meanings
hngsaivne
beenhis M
useda because jesty's speec
the event to which it, he must suppose
the
was epplied had frustrated the object which the Govern-
ment had in view. Now, if such were the meaning which
it was wished to attach to the expresslon, he must
wise protest against it in that sense. However much he
might lament the effusion of blood which had taken plea,.
at Navarin,—however much he might lament that we had
not yet acconrplished so great an object as the pacification
of two contending countries, and the liberation of Greece,
—that country frcm which we derived no small portion of
all those virtues which exalt and dignify our nature, and to
which we owe all that gives life and animation to our de-
hates,—however much he might mourn over the deferred
hopes of a brave and gallant people,—still if the phrase
meant to say that the battle of Navarin was an obstacle to
their independence, he could not agree to its justice. He
thought that even now it had furthered and promoted the
emancipation of Greece—he looked upon it as a step, and
it great step, to the pacification of Europe ; and censidered
it of more use than a contrary policy could hfve been, in
promoting that great and laudable object. He would derer
the discussion on other parts of this subject to a future
opportunity. All he hoped at present was, that those whet
had framed the treaties to which the speech refer: eel,
and that the great officers who had been intrusted pith tfie
execution of them, would not be considered in so doing to
have deserted either theancient ally or the ancient policy of
Great Britain ; and that if in the course of their career
/they had pursued an object great and glorious to the (.011tt,
try, and had not completely succeeded in attaining it, they
would receive the praise of their cotemporaries for what
they had effected, and not their censure for what they had
found it impossible to execute.
Non magna relinquo
Magna sequor, titulum meritum serrate Quirites.
Lord KING then rose; lie thought a subject of great
importance had been overlooked ; namely, the Corn Lews,
that would be found to be a very grave question : but since
part of the present Administration had been in the last, and
perhaps might be in the next, he was in hopes some gad
would be derived from it on that question. It was said,
that the country bad the same President of the Board of
Trade that it bad before. He thought that the country
would have a much better security in case the illusti ken,
person who was at the head of the Government, and who
concentrated in himself all the military and civil pourers
of the state, would declare that be entertained views favour-
able to a free trade in corn. For when he recollected the
conduct of that illustrious individual last year, he felt that
it was but an inadequate security to have the same Right
Hon. President of the Board of Trade as before. the
country had been told that it had obtained security that
the foreign policy of the former Miniuistration would not
be de;larted from, because it bad the same foreign `'ecre-
tary still in office. Now, he believed that both these pea-
sonages were mere satellites of the personage at the heed ci
the Government,—that they would be drawn into his vor-
tex, and that the old saying that there was something
Tiind the throne greater than the Throne itself would be
reversed, and it would he found that there was someth;rl,:.
before the Throne which was even still more formidalL
The Noble Baron concluded by giving his support to the
address.

The Duke of WELLINGTON then lose and sei.i, 1
believe there is one subject upon which the country ev,ualiy
agrees—l therefore have great pleasure in stating that it
is the intention of his Majesty's Government in the Ses-
sion to propose a measure in Parliament with rt;ga-(d t,, t 1:,.:
Corn Trade. My Lords, having thus beta ender the ne-
cessity of addressing your Lordships in answer to the ques-
tion put by the Noble Lord, permit me to say a few 14Arki9
:n answer to the Noble Lord who addressed the 1-10/,,
ust now. First with regard to the term "ancient ellv."
l must state that the Ottoman Porte lies been an ally
of this country,—thit the Ottoman Porte is an er:-
=eutial part of the balance of power.—(llear, hear.;
that protection of the Ottoman Porte has been an ajten
not only to this country, but to the whole of Europe. ant:
that the changes of the state of position which had cc..
curred in that part of the world, had rendered it neces-
sary to have the protection of the Ottoman Porte untied
to this country. The Noble Baron had likewise com-
mented on the-application of the epithet untiovard to the
battle of Navarin. The sense in which the word wed
used was this :--Its the treaties, which were rot yO. laid on
the table of the House, and which could not regularly coma
under discussion at present, but which ail of their Lord-
ships had read, it was stated as one stipulation, that tiy
execution of them should not be permitted to lead to hoe..
tilities ; and therefore he said, that when the execution of
'.
hem did lea:I to hostilities, it was an untoward event.—
'lt was hoped by the former Government that the
treaties could be carried into execution without hoeti-
. &ice, as was dear, not only from the treaties tilemeelvten
but from the force sent to superintend their execution,—
When the after-Immures began to assume the appearance
.)f hostility instead of peace, he said that it was an ueLo-
ward event which had produced such a state of circum-
stances. Ile understood that difficulties arose atc)nnstatt,
tincple, after intelligence arrived there of the event that
:a‘l occurred. There was some chance, s,:ree prospect,
that the event might have ended in a Ave.-- He therefore.
+aid that it was an untoward event.-.--.(Hear, hear.) as
Afajesty now informed their Lorclo:lips, that the chances t.i
hopes that
hash disappeared.
edvieslai.tppe4irueirol.
no Us therefore
;le: teirrntapiende:
'ilea to the final amicable settlement of the question ; but
gill that did not depri-ce the event of its character o>;antowartitiess.
(11i Qrace the Duke of Weilington, went.
in to say)—A Noble Lord has said do you mean to
make any charge aoainst the Admiral ? I answer certainly
not. 1 mean t,,, make none. I have no right to make a
charge ageeinst the Admiral. The Sovereign and the
‘,vorld are him, and lassoing as his Majesty's Govern-
ment does to carry this Treaty into exeeution, I should
lie unworthy of the place which I bold, if I wen•
to censure the very men who was charged with the
performance of that duty.—(Cheers, au cries of heer.)---
Tlie late Government have by their conduct acquitted the
Admiral of all blame, and I have no right to say esat the
Admiral did otherwise than hie duty towards his gnve,ra-
meta and his country. The Nolele Duke concluded
amidst laud applause.
those (loci:-
The Earl of ELDON—He should blame himme if vely•
-ouch if he were to throw any impediment in the way of
the preservation of the peace of Europe, the merorTe-
eially when he considered that this country had not for
several years enjoyed the sweets of perfect peace; and hr•
therefore thought it high time to take measures
i'or insuring the peace of Europe. He did not enter
i!aireetittsheriirg
the battle. of Navarin,
. into the Treaty of Loudon, nor into the Prommjs whicie
oreceded that Treaty, because neither were at ?resent be...
rightly, they
s;tathedut
,i,fyohue
aurendneorst understood
ii,,,ti.,
flies ;" and notwithstanding this,
which had been called an untoward event, hart t4ken place,
all the circumstances.
God forbid that he should throw blame, upon the Adnairaf
,rho commanded upon that oceasiem' because no man mveht
hieh no ~,,y opinion. upon the conduct of
o presume to pronounce
proceed to I ios-
There was I.
untoward eyent. ; but when he looked.
ought to be taken to bring about an ilume-
-o this country, to the interests e.. 1
be „List say that there was no one object, more
lie mass,
h
k.sirabie than that each steps as belonged to the e:tgliity of
I,,ii,ilezt:titict‘gh‘ss,a.oolrl(ad.co:Ttlai)neffia(tic,etairoina,,idt,ute!•re,,i t.tihirsio,:ta,illisti
tik:ctlio.luinwita,e:
it(lini.geihsyitNi::
in
no
one
Sense
ct
his country
Lanniagteir
e.inytithii:e furl eruption
Lavin
. .
~,ace of Europe, and that interruption, if not checked,
-evolve this country • .aught 1 in a war, the consequences and
ieiranat
,side all other consideration;{, he (Lord E.) gave his hearty
cite in support of the. Address, protevting Lt the same
liabtepe,acef w
,ie,e, that by giviton such vote, lie did wit thief; hienstlf
,and to any •
-- interpretation put upon any het,. pi, &cis-
ements refez'red to in the course of that night'. deb..to-
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY addressed the
`louse in a tone which was indistinctly audible. We Ira-.
.!erstood him to commence by alluding to a prophecy :whit:ll
i'' had delivered on a former occasion (that the last Z‘li-
,try would not Continue long in exigence), and to ask
,i.beitier it had not been completely fulfilled. He ...,e trusted
'`eat under the new Admin.stration the country eceuirt be
aced nn a high and commanding situation. The name
.e. the individual at the head of the Government carried
.••eett weight with it in Europe. in no tralie,„tm, of his.
I'e had he ever failed Indeed, he seemed to have been
le,rn under a stir which insured Lim success. The ,Nulde
I .:Irl opposite (Grey), than whom no man stood higher in
Cie public opinion on account of his rare consistency sacs
1i.,1)10 diminte,tednes,3, particularly as displeyeil doroie the
e..ents of time last year, had said, that a wint of coo•fithe ,:
i, the person at the head of Governmew wae a fair grou;
I. oppOsitiOU to his administration. He would telte ti;:.