The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-02 00:00:00

troops with hostile views against the country from which
he had been exiled.—(Hear, hear.) Now, I contend for
it that this was the case of Mr. Joseph Mazzini, and that
the case of Mr. Joseph Mazzini was therefore entirely
apart from that of he Hon. Member for Finsbury.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, what is the case of Mr. Mazzinir
He is an exile in this country, having been compelled to
quit his own, for reasons already well known. But now
let me call attention to a peculiar period of the history
of Italy. In the year 1814, England called upon Italy
to rise and defend herself. The Geneveve, the Vene•
tian, the Tuscan, the Roman, the Calabrian, were all
called upon by England to arise and combine for the
defence of the liberty of Italy. A proclamation was
then issued, calling upon these people to do what? That
proclamation contains sentiments similar to those for
which Mazzini had been exiled, and the Bandieri died.
—(Hear, hear.)—And even Bota himself then unfurled
a banner on which language calling for men to rise in
defence of Italy was plainly inscribed—(Hear, hear.)—
and that banner was raised in the very cause in which
England then encouraged the people of Italy ; and for
espousing which, at a later period, England had
caused occurrences which now involved her very
seriously.—(Hear, hear.) Yes, the Italians were called
upon, encouraged by England to raise the cry of justice
and of patriotism, to defend their country, and to
snatch from the brow of Napoleon the Crown of Rome,
in order that it should be transferred to Austria.—
(Hear, hear.) That cause was long dormant, but it was
not dead; and after the revolution in France of. 1830,
and the reformation in England of 1831 ; that spirit
again arose—ltaly demanded the restoration of that
freedom from England, that England in 1814
called on her to defend, and it was refused, and the
consequence was, that Mazzini was obliged to quit his
country, carrying with him that load of misery the cause
of his exile had forced upon his heart.—(Rear, hear.)
A very vivid and succinct account of this may be found
in Louis Blanc's "History of the Ten Years." The
Right Hon. Gentleman then read at some length the
documents to which he referred ; and also the cor-
respondence of Sir Hamilton Seymour, for the purpose
of showing that the course pursued by the Government
was inconsistent with true policy. Now, I.e thought
that document reflected the highest credit on the sa-
gacity of his Noble Friend ; and it showed to the
Mouse, in the clearest point of view, the causes of
discontent of the Roman population, and it suggested
the true and real remedy to be applied. The antici-
pations of Sir Hamilton Seymour were fulfilled, from
that time to the present. The Committee which had
been appointed by that House had made its
report containing much information.—(Hear, hear.)
The Committee does not state whence that information
came ; the Committee states that it came from a high
quarter. Why is everything connected with this tran-
saction thus enveloped in mystery ? Why are we not
informed from what high quarter that intelligence came?
Did it come from the Papal Government ? For every-
body knows that we have a kind of a body at Rome—
everybody knows that Mr. Peter acts in a capacity
under this Government. Was it from the Austrian Go-
vernment ? Why are all these things hidden from the
public ? This information conveyed to the English Go-
vernment is thus made a most remarkable circumstance.
If I thought that the Right Hon. Secretary for the
Home Department had issued the warrant on this occa-
sion merely as a matter of form, I would not have no-
ticed it, or thought it remarkable ; but I rind that such
is not the case, and this is a circumstance in the issuing
of the warrants which requires peculiar notice, it having
been declared in the most emphatic manner by Lord
Aberdeen, that he had not issued the warrant ; and
he was not content with that information, but
he also says that he never wished the war-
rant to be issued. (Here the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman quoted part of Lord Aberdeen's speech to
that effect.) It is a most remarkable fact, that the war-
rant related ostensibly at least to the foreign depart-
ment, and to nothing else—mark, to nothing else—the
matter fell within the exclusive cognizance of Lord Aber-
deen, and why is it that he did not issue the warrant ?
Ho is a Secretary of State, the power is vested in him
by Act of Parliament. But perhaps the document had
not come before him, and that by accident he did not put
his name to it, but Lord Aberdeen takes care to inform
the public on the subject, a subject in which the public
were intensely interested, and where he felt that his
character was involved—on that occasion he makes the
most solemn adjuration that it was not issued at his de-
sire. The House is not to understand that I am cen-
suring the issuing of the warrant. lam quite prepared
to divide the responsibility with the other Members of
the Government. Let each of us have his share. But
Lord Aberdeen took care not to appropriate to himself
the responsibility of a matter relating to kis own
particular department.—(Hear, hear.) He says—
" I nm quite prepared as well as other
members of the Government to share the responsibility
of the proceeding ;" but he went on to say " I only wish
this fact to be accurately stated "—and that is the car-
dinal and essential fact—" that it was not issued by me;"
and still more, "it was not issued at my desire."—
(Hear, hear.) Might I venture to suggest that though
the temporal dominions of the Pope are within the ex •
elusive cognisance of Lord Aberdeen, there is an exceed-
ingly interesting portioe of his power—his spiritual
dominion—with which the Home-office is not entirely
unconnected.—(Hear, hear.) I cannot help indulging
in a conjecture of that kind, especially as the Committee
left so much to the imagination. I have a curiosity—
the Noble Lord opposite, the Chairman of the Committee,
may call it a " prurient " one—(Laughter)—there is a
cunosa felicitas about the expression of the Noble Lord
hear)—but I certainly have a " prurient curi-
osity " to know at whose desire the warrant was issued.
We know by whom it was issued—we know it
was issued by the Minister of the interior—
by the domestic Minister of the country, but we
do not know at whose desire it was issued. Sir,
the Committee was composed of men of great worth,
high honour, and great intelligence; but there were no
cross examiners amongst them.—(Laughter.) It was
not a Committee of Inquisitors—there was not a single
gentleman upon that Committee who was fit to be a
Commissioner under the income-tax—(Laughter)—and
it was strange that all lawyers were excluded from a
Committee who were appointed to inquire into the law
upon the subject.—(Hear, hear.) But so much has been
already said on that point that I will content myself
with briefly alluding to it. The Committee being com-
posed of men of high worth and honour, but not of
lawyers, they did not institute a very severe scrutiny,
and their report was to a certain extent favourable to
the Government upon a matter which is deserving of
their consideration and the reflection of the House. The
Committee having stated that information from high
quarters had been given to them, proceeded to state
that the letters of Mr. Mazzini had been opened, and that
the information deduced from them was communicated to
a foreign Power, not specifying what Power, and they
added that the information so communicated was not of a
nature calculated to implicate any individual within the
reach of that foreign Power. It had been stated that
information was communicated to no foreign Power which
referred to any individual within its reach. Bet the
information might be conveyed to a foreign Power within
whose grasp the individual was not ; yet that Power
might transmit it to another, and so the individual might
suffer. He might ask, why was the information com-
municated at all ?—(Hear, hear.) It might have been
to a certain extent of a very explicit kind, though the
names were net given. Austria and Rome were aware
of the existence of a plot. They wanted details. Was
nothing said on the subject ? The Committee said in-
formation had not been given which would implicate in-
dividuals. How could the Committee say so ?—(Hear,
hear.) Were not the place and time mentioned ; no
name was given, but there was a local habitation. The
inference was obvious. If the slightest hint was given
to a Bow-street officer he would follow up the vestiges
to the malefactors; if they put the blood-hound upon the
right track, did they not think but, with sanguinary sa-
gacity, he would scent out his victim to the death.—
(Hear.) The Committee, for the purpose of shielding
the Government, had told them what bad not been
communicated. They said the Government bad com-
promised no man, but what they really did communicate
nobody knew. Of two extraordinary facts he was, how-
' ever, aware. It was most remarkable that in the Milan
Gazette of the 20th of April these words appeared:—
" The English Cabinet has addressed a letter to the
Austrian Government, not only protesting against all
suspicion of sympathy with seditious movements, but
going still further, expressing its anxiety to put an end
to the agitation and excitement." Contrast this with
the proclamation of Sir 11. Seymour. But the Gazette
goes on to say, after some other observer ions :—" Mazzini
is a person not unknown to the London police."—
(Hear, hear.) This appeared on the 20th of April—
the warrant was issued on the first of the same month.
—(Hear, hear.) There was a statement made by the
organ of the Austrian Government, with a specification
of the very individual.—(Hear, hear.) If a member of
the Government stood up in his place in Parliament and
declared that the name of Mazzini had never been com-
municated, he was bound to believe him, and ha would
believe him; but when he said that. he must likewise
protest that he was at a loss to account f the ap-
pearance of that article. Though British Ministers
might have given the information they had done
from different motives from those
assigned,
iad
with a view of such results taking place
as occurred;
still the effects, as regarded the unfortunate sufferers,
was the same. The Secretary of State for Foreign
Af-
fairs declared gilt as he hoped for mercy himself.
short, in language as solemn as ever fell from the lips
of
man, that he was innocent of their blood. But their
blood has been shed. On the 6th of May, six personse
were put to death for political offences ; and on the 15th
of June further executions took place.—(hear, hear.)
They were innocent of the blood shed in Calabria, bat
were they innocent of the blood spilled at Bologna ?
(The latter part of this sentence was inaudible). In the
course of this discussion it had been said that the present
Government had only done what their predecessors had
done ; and the First Lord of the Treasury said, " We
have only done what has been done before us." He (Mr.
Sheil) denied that. It was a mistake. He denied that such
information was ever communicated by the late Govern-
ment to foreign Powers.—(lronical cries of " Hear,"
from the Tory benches.) He repeated the denial. He
positively denied that information had ever been commu-
nicated to foreign Powers obtained from the opening of
letters. If he were wrong let them show him his error.
—(Hear, hear.) His Noble Friend did interfere with
respect to Rome, and with respect to other foreign
States. He did interfere against Don Miguel and against
Don Carlos ; but the letters of Den Miguel and of Don
Carlos were never opened by him ; at all events their
contents were never forwarded to Madrid and Lisbon.
—(Hear, hear.) The present Government had at least
the merit oforiginality. The Act of Parliament conferring
the power of opening letters was, it was said, passed in
the reign of Anne, but its principle was founded at the
time of the Commonwealth. Could they find nothing
in the history of the Commonwealth more worthy of
imitation?—(Hear,
hear.) At the time of the Common-
wealth, alth, their Republican predecessors did interpose in
the affairs of the Italian States, and at the hazard of pro-
yoking a European war, They found Sardinia in a state