The Sun.
London, England, 1845-09-11 00:00:00

of Parliament to take care of that poor.—(Cbt•eri.) If
the rich protected the poor, he was certain the poor
would take care of the rich.—(Cheers and groans.)
All the conveniences and luxuries of life emanated
from the labouring classes, and consequf-ntly they were
en,itied to the care and protection of the Legislature.
Ha e,.melucled by proposing Jeremiah Pileher, EN., as
a tit and proper person to represent the borough of South-
wark in the Commons House of Parliament.

Mr. DARE seconded the nomination, but was totally
inaudible amidst the unremitting din of cheers, groans,
and ad sorts of noises, amongst which a somewhat
musical but very loud bird-call was tolerably distinct.
Mr. APaLEY PELLAT then came forward to propose
Mr. Miali, whom (as well as we could guess) he described
as a man whom he had known for many years
as a frien !of civil and religious liberty. He would not
supp,rt the interest of a class or of a Church supported
by the State aud compulsory rates, but he would defend
the common rights of humanity, and the truths of the
Gasp-1, propagated without any corrupt or hired me-
dium. A gentleman beside him had admitted that Mr.
Pitcher's committee had issued the placards which had
been alludrd to by the proposer of Sir William Moles-
worth.—(Hisses and cheers.) Mr. Miall and his sup-
porters asked for no sympathy. They had been unjustly
accused of follow ing out a common object with that gen-
tleman.—(Cheers and hisses.) They denied that aceu-
sation.—(Cheers.) They asked only for civil and reli-
gious liberty ; they asked nothing pecuniary or personal
to themselves.—(Cheers and hisses.) With those senti-
ments he cordially supported the nomination of Mr.
Miall.

Mr. .1. M. WEBB came forward to second the nomina-
tion of that gentleman, and he did so with great pleasure.
—(Cheers and hisses.) He respected Mr. Miall tor his
consistent advocacy of all liberal principles— (Cheers)—
for his advocacy of universal suffrage. He was also the
friend of the poor man, for he was the advocate of free
trade—(Cheers)—and for the full and fair representa-
tion of the people.—(Cheers.) If elected by the borough
Mr. Thall would, in Parliament, fulfil the promises be
had made out of it.---(Cheers.)
Sir WiLLIAM MoLeswoaTH, who in coming forward to
address the assembly was received with the loudest de-
monstrations of respect from his supporters, and hisses
and terms of opprobrium from the friends of Mr. Miall
and Mr. I'ilcher, spoke to the following effect :—Of the
three candidates who aspire to the honour of represent-
ing you in Parliament, the lot has fallen upon me first to
address you. I entreat a patient hearing, whilst I en-
deavour as briefly as I can to explain my political prin-
ciples.—(Cheers.) If you approve of my principles, it
will be your duty to elect me ; if you disapprove of
them, it will be your duty to reject me.—(Cries of " We
will have you," and much uproar.) For nine years I
sat and voted in the House of Commons as a Radical.
—(Cries of " Its not true —you're no Radical.") Tu
those principles I still adhere, and intend to adhere.
Are you for or are you against Radical principles ?
(" Yes, yes," and " No," from Mr. Pilcher s supporters.)
I will put the question more distinctly. Are you in
favour of free-trede ?—(" Yes, we are," from the great
body of the meeting.) Are you opposed to all protect-
ing duties ? Would you extend your commerce—ex-
change your manufactures for the productions of every
climate,so that your manufacturers may flourish, and
the labea,in,g classes be prosperous and happy ? Do
you desire a repeal of the Corn-laws ? Do you wish for
cheap food-1 .r abundant food for our daily in-
creasing pepul-:tine ?—(Cheers.) According as you
answer these questions—yes or no—so should you vote for or
against me; or I have always been a free-trader.—(Loud
cheers.) I have supported every measure calculated to extend
the commerce and unshackle the industry of this country. As
a staunch free-trader I should take my seat as your representa-
tive in the Hone of Commons. Again, are you in favour of
religious liberty and equality? Do you agree with me, in
thinking that neither the State nor society ought to interfere
with the religious belief of any man—that all creeds, sects,
and religions, that Protestants, Catholics, and Dissenters,
Jews, and Christians, should be treated in every respect alike?
—( Great tyrear and applause from Mr. Molesworth's friends.)
If you fiord these opinions, then it is your duty to vote for me
__(" Yes, we as ill," and cries of " No, no")—for throughout
the whale ef ray public and private career, in every thought,
deed, and wart, I have been true to the principles of religious
liberty and equality. Again, would you do justice to Ireland ?
I have proved that I would by every vote that
I have given on Irish affairs. I have proved it
since I came iroo this b :rough. I might have avoided
all the danger of the contest, if I would have shrunk from
the side ot justice to Ireland. I was asked how I should
have voted with regard to the late grant to Maynooth.--
( Hear, hear.) I might have evaded that question. I might
have said that I was not in Parliament when that measure was
passe,l, that it was settled and gone by. I felt, however, that
it eae sty duty to you honestly to state my opinion with re-
gard to that grant, arid I felt that, in justice to Ireland, I must
have voted for it.—( Tremendous uproar, which lasted for some
time. On order being partially restored, the Hon. Baronet
proceeded. ) Fur this declaration l.have been violently assailed
by one section of the Liberal party.—( Expressions of dissent.)
My opinions remain unshaken, and for reasons which I will
shortly state. The great majority of the Irish nation have ad-
breed to the religion of their forefathers, and are still Catholics.
'I he piety of those ancestors bequeathed vast property for the
maintenance of the Catholic religion, and for the instruction of
the Catholic priests. That property has been alienated, not to
the uses of the State, nor fur the benefit of the whole Irish nation,
but to the support of a religion in which seven-eighths of the
people utterly disbelieve.—( Hear, hear.) As some slight com-
pensation, perhaps, for this great wrong, the Irish Parliament
granted a small sum of money, not to maintain the Irish
price's,
but to educate them, to render them fit for the per-
formance of their duties. After the union of Great Britain
and Ireland. this grant was considered as a sort of contract ;
at was continued from year to year ; it had become inadequate
fer its purpose ; and last year it was proposed to make it suffi-
ent.—( Hear, hear.) Now, I ask, could the House of Com-
mons, with propriety, have rejected such a proposal? Would
not the refuse.), of this grant have been considered as tanta-
mount to a declaration of hostility towards Ireland ?—( Loud
cries of " Yes" and " No, no," and "No Popery.") Would
it not have confirmed the assertion of the agitator, that there
was no justice to be obtained from England?—(Cries of
t• That's not justice.") Would it not have lent force to the
cry of repeal of the union ? I answer, it would. lam op-
posed to the repeal of the tmion—( Applause and disappro-
bation )—no one more so; but then I say, do justice to Ire-
land--destroy her monster Church—( Loud cheers)—the re-
proach of England—and when you have done this, then
and not till then, refuse the small grant to Maynooth. These
are, briefly, my opinions as a Radical; upon them rests my only
claim fur your support. If you approve of them—if you are
in favour of free trade—if you desire a repeal of the corn-laws
—if you are friends to religious liberty and equality—if you are
for the progressive reform of the institutions of your country—
end lastly, if you would do justice to Ireland—then give me
your votes.—(Cheers and uproar among Mr. Pitcher's friends. )
But, if on the contrary, you are opposed to free trade—it you
love the corn laws—if you would resist extension of suffrage,
triennial Pariiaments, and vote by ballot—if you are in words
only, but trot in deeds, the friends of religious liberty and
equality—ar.d lastly, if you would offer a deadly insult to Ire-
land by proposing the rescinding of the grant to Maynooth—
then lam not the man fit to represent you : 1 recom-
mend you to select one or other of my antagonists.
Now, a tew words with regard to these antagonists.
First, with regard to Mr. Pilcher : Mr. Pilcher is a Tory.—
( Great uproar.) 1 say it with every respect, for he has as
uch right to his concientious opinions as I have to mine. Our
opinions are cbamerically opposed. There is a fair, up-standing
fight between us, which the pod of to-morrow will decide in
soy favour.—(" No, no," and " Yes, it will—you're sure to be
elected.") But it is not merely on political grounds that Mr.
Filcher claims your support. He lays claim to it on account
of the local good that he will do to the borough. In this respect
l'alr. Filcher far outbids me. I can only promise to attend to
your Pardamentary business. Indeed, it would be contrary to
my principles— it would seem to me to be a species of cor-
ruptien to attempt to bias your votes by any promises of pecu-
niary benefit to yourselves either individually or collectively.
—( Lout exoressions of disapprobation from Mr. Pitcher's sup-
porters. ) Magnificent are the promises which Mr. Filcher is
reported to have made. He is reported to have said that he
would maintain all the hospitals, support all the dispensaries,
and contribute to all the charities with which this borough
abounds —( " No, no, you are misrepresenting him")—that he
would cleanse your borough of everything filthy—that he would
build docks for all the steam-vessels—that he would accomplish
wonders with regard to the river Thames.—(Cheers and much
uproar.) Thus Mr. Pitcher would buy you. Take care (to
use a oopular expression) that you are not sold.—( Loud cheers
from Sir W. Itlii!esworth's supporters, and great uproar among
Mr. Pitcher's friends.) Now a few words to the friends of
Mr. lliall, and to that gentleman himself. Many amongst
you, I know, are honest and sincere men, for whose characters
I entertain unfeigned respect. Between your opinions ar.d
mine the practical difference has always seemed to tee to be of
small amount ; I have, therefore, frem the beginning of this
contest, deeply regretted the division that exists between us.—
( Hear, hear.) I wished that our
offered united forces should do
battle to the common enemy. to agree to any fair
compromise.— (No, no.) I promised to retire from the field
if I were the weaker, and to give all the assistance in my
power to your candidate. These offers your candidate
rejected, and the contest went on. Still I hoped that no
angry feelings would ari=e between us. I trusted we should
abstain from personalities towards eash other, and that this
would be a calm contest of reason. In. these my hopes I
have been disappointed, and for that disappointment I am not
to blame. Not one word of disrespect—not one single syllable
of reproach did I utter against your candidate—(Loud cries of
" The Reverend Mr. Mull, who first sneered at that ?")
until I was assailed. When struck, however, lam ever ready
to strike in return. Who struck the first blow? You, Mr.
ilisll !—(" No, no, you did it.") Yon quitted the high
ground of argument. You descended into the arena of
abuse. You aceased me of dishonesty on account of my opinions
with regard to Maynooth.—( Loud cries of " It's false.") you
taxed me with insincerity because I possessed property in the
Church of England ; you called upon the Dissenters of South.
wark to shrink with horror from my opinions ; you attempted
to excite religious animosity and rancour against me ; like an
inquisitor of old, you presumed to question me on my religious
belief, and to summon me before the tribunal of your private
judgment.—( Tremendous uproar, yelling, hissing, and every
conceivable token of disapprobation.) lam glad to meet you
here to-day, face to face, to answer you, to scoff at your pre-
teilsioes—( Continued uproar)—and to bid you defiance. I tell
you, in the name of religious liberty and equality, that no man
has a right to interfere with the religious opinions of another
man ; that no man has a right to question or blame the belief
of Iris neighbour. I tell you that in your conduct and lan-
guage towards me you have been untrue to the great principle
of religious liberty—(" 'Tis false, you are the traitor ')—you
have been without that charity which is the essence of re-
ligions liberty. You have denounced me as the editor
of the works of Hobbes of Malmesbury. Electors, lam
proud of tl,e fact.—(Great confusion.) 1 will rest
upon it a claim to your support, in opposition to the claim of
Mr. lie is the editor of the Nonconformist. lam
the e !icor of Hobbes. To compare the two works together
would be like comparing the vastest mountain on the earth's
surface with the smallest mole-hill.--(Loud tokens of dissent
from Mr, friends, and cheers from Sir William Moles-
worth's supporters.) The works of Hobbes will last more
eenturias than the Nonconformist will days. The writings of
Hubbee w ill live as long as the Anglo-Saxon race and language.
Thee will he read age after age by the studious amongst the
milli...us of our race, who will people the two Americas and the
islands of the Southern Ocean, and who will wonder at the
ignorant and the bigotted herd who dared to assail so great a
was!, r of thought and language.—( Loud cheers and disappro-
batior.) As one of that herd, it is your only chance, Mr.
Mall, of escaping oblivion.—(Tremendous uproar.) When I
enmo7enced this contest I was told by one of Mr. Miall's ad-
mirers that he was a retired and accomplished student, skilled
in literature, a lover of learning an wisdom, an acute rea-
soner, an able writer, and in every way well fitted to in-
struct the nation *hrough the public press. I did
believe all this, and I felt almost ashamed of
entering into a contest with such a person. Now,
I ask you, electors, has Mr. Miall's roncluet with regard
to Hobbes been in conformity with the character I have Just
given.—(Cties of " Yes, yes, ' and " No, no.") If you, Mr.