The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-31 00:00:00

would be their most dangerous rival, for she would have
the will and the power, and the opportunity of meeting.
them in other parts of the globe They should gain the
good will of the people of Canada, and not exasperate
them. Let them not turn any ill-feelings that might
exist at present into-bitterness and gall. He begged of
the Noble Lord to look to this. Let him be their good
governor, and he would make the people of Canada
attaChed to this Government. "
Lord STANLEY said he certainly anticipated that
the. statement of the lion. and Learned Gentleman would
be followed by some specific motion, on which the sense
of the House would be expressed. The importance of
the question and of the principle.involved in it, and of
its bearings on the future possible relations between this
country and Canada, could not be over estimated. He
had no reason to complain of the tone and manner of the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman, or of any want of frank-
ness or candour in the mode in which he stated his own
view.' His objeCtion was to the principle as laid down
broadly by the Hon. and Learned Gentlernan, in which
he stated, that if they wished to avoid American demo-
cracy they must introduce the principle of self-govern-
ment. His objection, to that, which would draw a dis-
tinction between what the lion. and Learned Gentleman
called the Government at home and the Government
abroad, was simply this, that however true the principle
might be with regard to an independent republic, it was
inconsistent with the existence of monarchical govern-
ment, and with the relations between a colony and ,the
mother country. Admitting 'to the fullest extent
the importance of that upon which the Ho-
nourable and Learned Member laid so much stress,
of treating the people of Canada with' kindness, of,using
no exasperating language towards them, and of confiding
the administration of local affairs to the friends of the
people, he was yet prepared, on the part of her Majesty's
government, to express their unhesitating and cordial
approval of the course pursued by Sir Charles Metcalfe,
on the two matters made the ground of accusation
against him: What were those two points ? They; were
not left to conjecture on the subject, for the Governor-
General stated publicly, and he was uncontradicted by
he mouth of one of those who adhered to the Govern-
ment, in opposition to the Executive Council, that the
ground of resignation was this, that persons came, on
the part of the Council, with those demands—that he
(the Governor) should' consent to make no agreement
without the advice of the Council—that the list of can-
didates should be laid before them—that they should
have.the power of recommending others—and that the
Governor-General should. make no appointments preju-
dicial to their interests. This was one ground ; the other
was that the patronage of the Crown should be given to
the Council for Parliamentary support. They wanted,
that the Governor-General should bind himself to this
by an instrument, under his hand and seal. Sir C.
Metcalfe rejected those prepositions, and he was right.
—(Hear.) The Hon. and Learned Gentleman made no
distinction between the Governor of a province and the
Sovereign. Admitting, that there was an analogy, he
would say that theie demands were such as no constitu-
tional Minister ever made.. But he denied the analogy.
The constitution of Canada might be formed upon the
model of the British Constitution ; but it was impossible
to give it the life and energy of the British Constitution.'
Now what was the British Constitution ? What 'were
the functions of the Sovereign ? It was this that the
Sovereign was irresponsible for his acts, and that the
responsibility centred in the confidential advisers of the
Sovereign. They were responsible to Parliament and
the people for they advice they gave the Sovereign.' But
though they existed by the will of the Sovereign, he
admitted that no Minister could long'hold the reins of
power who did not possess the confidence of the popular
branch of the Legislature. But the Crown not being
responsible personally, exercised no political powers,
and the exercise of political powers without responsibility
would not be more dangerous to the liberties of
a country than the exercise of a responsibility
without power would be absurd and ridiculous.
This theory was well understood, and practically fol-
lowed. Every Minister, in making recommendations to
the Crown, except where urgent necessity demanded
otherwise, always considered it his duty to pay defer-
ence to the personal wishes of the Sovereign ; and, on the
other hand, the Sovereign, in sanctioning such recom-
mendations, often sacrificed personal considerations to
public advantage. In this country the Crown was here.
ditary, and the people were attached to the Crown and
to its functions from a principle of loyalty. The here-
ditary peerage exercised no unimportant influence
directly through the House of Lords as a branch of the
Parliament, but they also exercised an influence over pub-
lic opinion through their rank and station, their wealth,
their territorial possessions, and hereditary titles, which
gave to the peerage of the country an influence, each in
a separate locality. Now, compare this with Canada.
There was there a House of Representatives, fairly
chosen by the people ; but where was there anything
corresponding to, the House of Lords ? They found a
Council there possessed of some functions, but they, had
no rank nor station. Theyebad no territorial or here-
ditary claim to influence, and they held their offices
from the Crown only during life. There the Governor-
General only exercised a delegated authority, having
an income which was only moderate for a country gen-
tleman in this country. He was personally a stranger to
a country the Government of' which he administered.
He bad no means of personal 'influence, and on his `first
arrival he had no personal connexions. Such a state of
things, where, a Governor was compelled to act, in every
respect stripped of all real power and authority—subject
to act under the control of whoever were the riding
party—would constitute in Canada that which, but' for
the influence of the Crown, and but for the influence of
the Peerage, would be the result in this country, if a:ne-
cessity was imposed on the Prime Minister of this coun-
try to possess alone the confidence of the House of Com-
mons, a republican and not a monarchical government.
Such a state of things was inconsistent with monarchical
government, and it was inconsistent with colonial depen-
dence also. It was overlooking the distinction which
must exist between an independent country and a co-
lony subject to the mother country. The Hon. 'and
Learned Gentleman might wish that Canada should
shake off her dependence, but let him say so. Theargu-
ments which he used, if pushed to their legiiimate
extent, would lead to the independence of the colony.
The system proposed by the Hon. Gentleman was incon-
sistent with the opinions which had been propounded
by every British Colonial authority who had ever len
tered upon the question of responsible government in
the colonies. The Hon. Gentleman had traced the his-
tory of the Constitution of Canada from the period when
Lord Durham had made his report down to the preient
time. He had looked carefully through Lord Durham's
report respecting the principles of responsible govern-
ments ; but although he found there many princiPles
propounded, of which he did not approve, he did not And
that Lord Durham had anywhere recommended that
species of responsible government which had been tiro-
pounded by the Hon. Gentleman. Undoubtedly Li)rd
Durham recommended that all officers except the Gotier-
nor,should beresponsible to the Legislature, and that 'the
responsibility to the Legislature should be secured by all'
the means known to the British Constitution; that ;the
Governor should carry on the Government by
means of the heads of parties in which the
Legislature reposed confidence.—(Hear.) Lord Durham
laid it down that the administration of the internal affairs
of Canada could not be carried on properly While the Per-
(siounrisegadministering
etflitohsee
ca ffreawires held o,
but wffiecree
rneoamli3i,nriflolyr
life, and were not changed with every change in the Go-
vernment.. The internal Government of Canada„ac-
cording to Lord Durham, ought to be conducted by
heads of departments, each answerable to the Legis-
lature for the conduct of his own department, end
that if such head of a department was no longer stip-
ported by the Legislature, that then he ought to re-
sign. To that principle, so limited, he had not heard
that, from the days of Lord Sydenham to those of Sir C.
Metcalfe, the, slightest objection had ever been made-
In order that there might he no doubt as to the under-
standing of the Government of this country on the sub-
ject, at a later period than that of Lord Durham's mis-
sion to Canada—at the time when Lord Sydenham was
sent out, to carry out Lord Durham's views—he would
quote from the dispatch which had been written by the
Noble Lord the Member for London to Lord Sydenham,
in which lie stated what were the views which
the then Government entertained as to the sys-
tem under which the affairs of Canada were

and character among the leading persons in the colony
the same advantages as in this; country. IsTo political
Conatitutiori could exist_ except by forbearance among
those who eiercised the supreme power. If, in this
country, the Sovereign were to exert the prerogative of
the Crown to the; utmost extent, and the House of Coin-
-Mons were to exert its powers of the purse, in order
immediately to - force through any of its measures,
the utmost confusion would., he produced in -less
than twelve -months. The Government of. the
colony could only be carried on -by each party exercising
a wise moderation.—(Cheers.) Such were the senti-
ments of the Noble Lord, and in those: sentiments he
entirely, concurred.. He- deeply regretted that, in -the
exercise of his discretion,' Lord Sydenham, then 'Mr.
Poulett Thompson, had not thought it necessary to lay
before the Legislature-of Canada that dispatch. He
laid in extenso before them another dispatch of the Noble
Lord regarding the tenure of political office, which was
to be contingent on the party retaining the confidence of
the Assembly; and it was unfortunate that he had not
also laid before them the dispatch on the subject of re-
sponsible government, for, had that been communicated
to them, it must have prevented much misapprehension.
Mr. Poulett Thompson
_entertained the same views, as
appeared from his dispatch relative to the tenure of
office in Canada; in which ha stated that the principles
of responsibility, if carried' to their utmost extent,
were incompatible with colonial dependency. ' The
Hon. Gentleman had asked if he concurred in ,the
view taken by Sir Charles Bagot of responsible govern-
ment. He would state explicitly to ,the House his view.,
on the subject. Ile understood by a responsible govern-
ment in Canada, that the administration of Canada
should be conducted by the heads of departments en-
joying the confidence of the people and of the Legisla-
ture of Canada. With regard to the Executive Coun-
cil, he thought it was necessary to the due exercise Of
their functions, that they should have the power of ad-
vising the Governor, of propounding their legislative
measures to the Parliament of Canada, and that the Go-
vernor should be guided by the advice of those whombe
had called to his councils, they being' responsible for
the advice offead. But. if he were asked whether the
Governor-General should be in an things the mere ma-
chine—the mere passive instrument of the Executive
Council, his reply would be that he did not So under
stand the term " responsible government ;" and
if' such were, to be the case, the Governor•
-
General would cease to be the Governor of a
British colony. He apprehended that Sir Charles Met-
calfe understood the term " responsible government" in
the same manner,; and in terms the most explicit„Sir
Charles Metcalfe had expressed his adherence to the
resolution of the 3d of September, -1841. He had stated
that he considered every other government but one
which recognised the responsibility of the heads of de-
partments to the people as represented in the Assembly,
was impracticable in Canada. He would not stop to
inquire whether that species of government—necessarily
a party one—would 'be the most likely to conduce to the
happiness of Canada. The principle had been frankly
conceded by the Government at home, and to that prin-
ciple Sir C. Metcalfe had expressed his adhesion; but the
Governor-General was responsible tonheimperial autho-
rity alone.—(Cheers.) If he was made a mere instrument
in the hands of the Executive Council, what became of
his responsibility to the Imperial Government. It was
a practical absurdity to leave the Governor without
any authority, and yet to make him responsible. With-
out power there could be no responsibility. If they took
from the Governor all power it was a mockery to
talk of his responsibility. For what was he responsi-
ble ? He was responsible for the proper distribution of
rewards and honours, and for the exercise of the prero-
gative of the Crown in refusing or giving the Royal
consent to the Bills presented to him by the Colonial
Legislature—of these powers the Executive Council
wished to deprive the Governor. The Hon. Gentleman
would not deny that demands had been made upon the
Governor-General by the Executive Council to give up
both of these.

Mr. ROEBUCK—I do not see any proof of that.
Lord STANLEY—The Governor-General had made
that statement to the Assembly, in the presence of the
Executive Council ; and that statement had been uncon-
tradicted. It was a remarkable circumstance, that the
Executive Council had made a statement in writing of
the grounds on which they had resigned, and the Go-
vernor-General had protested against that document as
not containing a true statement of those grounds, and
that protest had not been answered. When that dis-
missal had taken place, the Governor-General had written
stating what had occurred,
lich he had had with the Coun-
cilto and him
tthe
e(nLn ov re a Stanley)tnn
w
previously; he had written back approving of the
course adopted in the acceptance of their resignation,
but-expressing his regret that he had not required them
at the time to put their demands in writing as the mem-
bersponolifimth, eaEndxecstuatteive .oCthoeurncgrilounds as the reason for
their resignation. Within two days after, he received
a dispatch from the Governor-General, which proved
that his anticipations had been correct. So long ago as
the month of May last the Governor-General wrote to
him (Lord Stanley), and said "I am required to give
myself up entirely to the Council, and to submit to their
absolute dictation and judgment as to the manner in
which I shall bestow the patronage of. the Government,
appointing some persons and proscribing others, and
they require me to make some public and unequivocal
declaration of my adherence to these conditions, involv-
ing a complete nullification of her Majesty's Govern-
ment." As early as the month of May that principle
was contended for, and pressed upun the Governor-
General, not only that he should so exercise the patron.
age of the Crown, but that he should make a public
declaration of his intention so to act. The Governor-
General in December last wrote to him, and he
then stated that he had done all he could

in his appointments to consult the wishes of
the Council, but he did not feel -that he was
absolutely bound to do so. Now, with regard to the
patronage, the House must not run away with the notion
either that the Colonial-office at home, or the Govern-
ment at home, was in the slightest degree connected.
Long since, the whole patronage of the Crown in the
North American colonies had been placed in the hands of
the Governor of the colony. He (Lord Stanley) as Se-
cretary of Stater had not the disposal of the value of 50/.
worth of patronage in all the North American colonies
put together. Every appointment was made on the re-
commendation of the Governor, and no appointment was
made of any person who was not resident in the colony;
and he (Lord Stanley) declared that since he had held
the seals of office, he had neither, by recommendation,
hint, or suggestion, been interested, either directly or
indirectly,
in any one appointment which had been made,
or any appointment which had not been made, in Canada.
The patronage of the Crown was vested in the Governor,
in the exercise of those functions, for which he was re-
sponsible to the Crown of this country. And do not let
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman say that the distribu-
tion of patronage in a country like Canada was of such
merely local importance that it might be safely=that it
could be wisely—intrusted to the absolute control of a
political party there. He (Lord Stanley) was sure that
it would not be to the advantage of any colony that pa-
tronage should be so dispensed. He would shortly illus-
trate this. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman was well
aware that in all small communities, and in all colonies,
the leading men, or a large portion of the leading men
of all parties were gentlemen of the legal profes-
sion. They were men about the seat of Government.
they were generally men of superior education, men of
some leisure, and men whose attendance at the seat of
Government, and the places; of legislature, did not
interfere with their ordinary pursuits They formed
therefore a very large
proportion of every colonial llature. Did the Bar and Learned Gentlemen think that
was a class from which judicial officers ought to be se-
e,gis-
lected,upon the recommendation of the Executive Coun-
cil, which was composed of those very persons ? Did
the Honourable and Learned Gentleman think that the
judicial offices—the best paid offices, as they ought to be
—did the lion. and Learned Gentleman think it was de-
sirable such offices should be given as prizes for politi-
cal leadership, or as rewards for political partizanship ?
He (Lord Stanley) could not conceive any principle more
likely to tarnish the source .of justice.—(Cheers.) He
said the appointments to the judicial office were safely
vested in the Governor-General exercising. the preroga-
tive of the Crown, and that it was not wise or safe to
vest them in any leader of a political faction. Suppose
that rivalry of race should again begin. Suppose that
rivalry of race should be rekindled in Canada, and sup-
pose it should happen that the British party should be
aiming at the exclusion of the French party, together
with their political power in that colony. Did the Hon.
and Learned Gentlemp think it desirable or safe that
a political party, in such a state of things, should have
the power of excluding from all office—not only
all political office, but all office whatever—the
population ? But he would go
a Suppose an administration to
French
farther.
be formed mainly of those persons who, at least,
whole
little
had been lukewarm when the colony had been threatened
to be torn from the mother country. Suppose a Legis-
lature, or Administration, so constituted, having the ab-
solute disposal of the patronage of the country, did the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman think it consistent with
the dignity—consistent with the honour—consistent with
the metropolitan interests of the Crown, that the patro-
nage of the Crown should be placed in the hands of an
Administration so composed ? He (Lord Stanley) did
not know what the House would think of such a pro-
position—yes, he did think, and be did believe that the
House would see that it was inconsistent with the ho-
nour of the Crown to place that power in an assembly
so formed. He felt confident that, sooner than submit

to be administered.—(The Noble Lord
.here road

various extracts, from the dispatch alluded to, 'in
which Lord Sydenham was. recommended to refwe

any explanations which might be construed to imply any
acquiescence in the prayers ,of the petitions on the sub-
ject of responsible government ; for, although it did not
appear that the petitioners attached any definite meaning
to the term, yet its very vagueness might occasion much
future embarrassment, should anything like an acquies-
cence in their demands be hinted at. , The dispatch then
went on to dilate on the difference in position of the
Executive Council in a colony, and that of the Minister
of the. Crown inEngland. -The- power, for the _exercise
of which the Minister was responsible, was not his oivn
power ; it was the power of the. Crown ; and, to show
the inconvenience of the Governor of Canada acting
always solely by the advice of the Executive Council,
the dispatch went on to stippoSe a case in which the
Executive Council had recommended the Governor to

pursue one course of conduct, which was at direct va-
riance with the instructions which he had received from
the Queen. If he obeyed the instructions from England
he would be acting contrary to the principle that he was
to be guided in all things by the advice of the Executive
Council, and if he followed the advice of the Council,
he would cease to be a responsible officer of the
Crown, and would be in fact an independent sovereign.)
He (Lord Stanley) concurred entirely in the principles
laid down by the Noble Lord in that dispatch. But,
said the Hon. Gentleman, the theory of responsible co-
lonial government is not to interfere with the responsi-
bility to the local Legislature, where the internal rela-
tions of the colony alone were concerned ,• but to inter-
fere only in those questions which affected metropolitan
as well at local interests. But who was to draw the line

to such demands, there was no privation and no sacri-
fice to which Sir Charles Metcalfe would net submit, and
he was sure that nothing could induce him to be subser-
vient to such a demand. But the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman said that Sir Charles Metcalfe had been most
unfortunately educated for the service of a free coun-
try. Now, who and what was Sir Charles Metcalfe ?
Was he a man of extreme opinions with respect to a des.
potic Government? Was he a man of repulsive manners,
hostile to all public institutions, and willing to be the
instrument of any Government for crushing free insti-
.tations? Those who knew anything of him, knew that he
was precisely the opposite of all these. They knew that
he was not a supporter of the present Government—
(Hear, hear)—and that he was a man extremely liberal
in political matters.—(hear, hear.) They also knew that
he was the man who first introduced into India the
liberty of the press. He was also selected by the late
Government to the government of the colony of Jamaica,
at a moment when the legislative Government of that
colony was in such a state of hostility to her Majesty's
Government, that it was considered almost as being ab-
solutely incapable of being made a fit instrument of
government. Sir Charles Metcalfe was sent out, and
in two years he brought the island of Jamaica into
a state of order and subordination. Yet this was the
man whom the Hon. and Learned Gentleman said had
been unfortunately brought up for the management of
the affairs of a free country. The Hon. and Learned
Gentleman-had alleged that Sir •C. Metcalfe liad'never
. .

of distinction between these. two subjects ? The Noble
Lord, in the dispatch from which he had been quoting,
answered, .as if by anticipation, the question of the Hon.
Gentleinan. 'He put a case in illustration, which Was
this—at the time that M. Papineau ruled the Assembly
of Lower Canada, it was his aim to discourage all
who did their duty to the Crown, and all those
who wished to introduce British population, British
habits, or British customs into Lower Canada. It would

have been impossible for a -Ministry in the Parliament
of the United Kingdom to justify the measures
of a Papineau Ministry in the colony. British
officers punished
,for doing their duty—English mere
chants pillaged—British emigrants' oppresse&—would
apply to Parliament for protection, and it would be im-
possible, it that principle were sanctioned, to prevent the
affairs of the colony falling into inextricable confusion.
,The Noble Lord (J. Russell) went on to say that, while
he saw insuperable obstacles to the adoption of the prin-
ciple as stated, he saw none-to the adoption Of.the prin-
'eiple Yecommended by LOrd - Durham. The Queen's
Government, he said, had no desire to thwart the
Assembly of Canada, and he wished to give to talent

explained what his views were with respect iO;TespOnsi-
cLord Stanley) must say that
ble government. Now he

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY E.VENING, MAY 31,- 1844.

to all the charges made by the Hon. and Learned Gen-
tletnan against Sir Charles -Metcalfe this one had
filled him with the most astonishment. The Noble Lord
then read an extract from the address of Sir Charles
Metcalfe to one of the townships of Canada, in which he
expressed his full opinions with' respect to a responsible
gevernmenL He would not sign the death warrant of
British connection, but he would have the British and
Canadian interests work together ; he would not
• pursue a course which would be disastrous to either if
not to both.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the distri-
bution of patronage, to which the Hon. and Learned
Gentle Man had with so much severity adverted, not a
single appointment of Sir Charles Metcalfe had been ob-
jected to. Nor had any legal administration or execu-
tive act of the Government been called -into question—
(Hear, hear)—except by the Council, and they did so on
one occasion when Sir Charles Metcalfe was in the
midst of difficulty. One act had been specifically
charged against Sir Charles Metcalfe, that he had en-
couraged Orange Societies in Canada. He (Lord Stany
ley) had no. sympathy with Orangemen or their
societies, nor had the Governor-General of
Canada ; he (Lord Stanley) did not think
that even the fervid loyalty and zeal for British institu-
tions of these men would counterbalance the evils which
• their religious dissensions and societies were likely to
occasion.—(" Hear, hear," from the Opposition.) But
Sir C. Metcalfe had no sympathy with :Orange-lodges ; at•
the same time he was not prepared to accede to a step
which virtually proscribed all belonging to the Orange,
party. He refused to take any arbitrary measures
against a party which included so many loyal subjects of
the Crown, and warm friends of British institutions and.
British connection.—(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial,
benches.) A'Bill was then passed through the Legisla-
ture which Sir C. Metcalfe, in its progress, repeatedly
protested against. He would read the substance of that
Bill to the House. (The Noble Lord then read extracts
from the Bill, which provided that all Orangemen were
declared incapable of holding civil or military office,
serving in the militia, serving on a jury if challenged,
Or, in short, any public situation of trust ; and further,
any publican subjected himself to a penalty and the loss
of his license for alloWing an Orange lodge to meet in
his house.) The Crown had of course power to veto any
Bill of the Legislature, and Sir C. Metcalfe, as the repre-
presentative of the Crown, possessed, that right ;
but •he preferred referring to the home Government,
and they had no hesitation in recommending
that the Bill bo reserved for the Queen's
pleasure. Why questioning the policy' or propriety of
this proceeding, was questioning' the most unquestion-
able and one of the most valuable of the prerogatives of
the Crown.—(Hear, hear.) Had Sir C. Metcalfe acceded
to the wish of the Council, nothing could be a more
complete surrender of the liberties of the Crown. The
Iron. and Learned Gentleman adverted to several acts of
Lord Sydenham, and, amongst others, to that of limit-
ing the suburbs of Montreal. In that case he must say
that the Governor-General was perfectly competent to
exercise the power which he toNk upon himself, and to
incur all the responsibility which he exerted. The Hon.
and Learned Gentleman had likewise adverted to the
civil list. Now he (Lord Stanley) was not going to re-
open this unpleasant question ; but if ever there was a
case in which the interference of the Crown was not
only justifiable but imperatively called for, this was
that one. For was it not obvious to any man, that no-
thing could be more desirable—nothing more useful—
nothing more indispensable for the proper government of
a country, than that provision should be made for deserv-
ing and eminent men independently of the whim or caprice
of the Local Legislature. He again said that it was ab-
solutely necessary for the proper administration of
justice that such office should be independent of the
Local Legislature. He (Lord Stanley) had received an
address from the Legislature of Canada, complaining of
the imposition of a civil list, and requesting that they
might be permitted to substitute one. He would read
to the House the answer which had been recommended
by the Government to that address. (The Noble Lord
then read portions of the reply, which were declarations
of the opinions of the Government that provision should
be made for those men who had served their country
faithfully, and for the declining years of eminent and
distinguished individuals who had rendered uncommon
public service. The reply further assured the peti-
tioners, that whenever the Canadian Legislature would
make the necessary provision for the civil list they (the
Government) would be prepared to recommend to
Parliament the repeal of such portion of the Act of
Union as had relation to that subject.)—.(Hear, hear.)
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had referred to the
scenes' which had occurred at the late election in Mont

real, in proof of the discontent which prevailed in Ca-
nada ; but he (Lord Stanley) thought a more infelicitous
illustration could be hardly adduced. He believed that
the disgraceful riots which occurred at Montreal were
mainly owing to a mob of Irishmen having been brought
into Montreal from the canal on which they had been
working, and that the election was in nowise a test of

the feeling which prevailed in Canada.—(Hear, hear.)
He believed the moderation, discretion, firmness, and
conciliatory temper and disposition of Sir C. Metcalfe,
and the earnest desire he entertained to carry on the
government of Canada in accordance with the well under-
stood views and opinions of the people of the province,
would not be without a happy influence on the future
condition of Canada. The clamour which had been
raised against Sir C. Metcalfe, by misrepresentations and
misstatements of his words, actions, and sentiments,
would be dissipated in a short period, and he (Lord
Stanley) confidently believed that, by acting
On his own sound and moderate views, tran-
quillity and concord would be restored. The. Hon. and
Learned Gentleman had spoken of what Canada might
be in the event of a war with the United States. He
(Lord Stanley) apprehended that, in any case, Canada
would be, in time of such war, rather a source of weak-
ness than of strength. Canada would be a most Vul-
nerable point ; but in a military, naval, and commercial
point of view, the possession of that colony was
most desirable. It was' an appropriate nursery for sea-
men, and might become a great receptacle for our manu-
I actures, as well as eminently productive of the raw ma-
terials which constituted them. Besides, Canada 'was

the great inlet for our commerce to the great continent
of America by the river St. Lawrence, one of the great-
est of the waters of the world. Commercially and poli-
tically, he did not seek to deny that it was of great im-
portance to this country. But if Canada were of im-
portance to the mother country, he asked the Hon. And
Learned Gentleman to consider whether it was not of
infinitely more importance to the people of Canada that
they should be connected with England ? The peo-
plo of Canada enjoyed as free a Government
as—and, he ventured to add, a lighter taxation
than—any people on the face of the earth. They had
perfect religious liberty they had, at no cost to them-
selves, the military and naval protection of the mightiest
Power in the world ; they had annually an immense ex-
penditure of capital in the shape of the commissariat and
military establishment ; while the United States were

unable-to borrow money at six per cent., Canada, by its
connection with this country, and nothing else, had been,
able to borrow, by the guarantee of this country, for The
improvement of her internal communications, no less a
sum than one million and a half, and at an interest little,
if at all, exceeding three-and-a-half per cent. ; she had
an immense indirect expenditure, and she derived a
great advantage from the settlement of British merchants
within the colony, and the investment there of British
capital. She had for her produce—and no inconsider-
able addition had been recently made to that excluSive
advantage—she had the the privilege of admission upon

most favoured terms to the richest and to the 'highest
market in the world. These were the advantages which

Canada possessed by her connexion with this country—
these were the advantages which Canada must be pre.
pared to sacrifice if separation from this country should
unhappily be the result.—(Flear, hear.) It was for
Canada well to consider whether the price she had to 15ay
in her slight and all but nominal subordination to this
country, was too high a price to pay for the protection,
the advantages, and the substantial benefits which the
derived from the connexion.—(Hear, hear.) But
Canada must not expect, as the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman seemed to think she ha 4 a right 'to
expect, at once to enjoy the unlimited and entire inde-
pendence of a separate republic, and at the same time
the advantages which she derived from British connexion

and British —commerce.--(Hear, hear.) He believed that
the . people of Canada were in the main cordially at-
tached to this country.—(Hear, hear.) He believed
that when they seriously considered the results of that

course into. Which unprincipled demagogues and rish
advisers were hurrying them, they would fall back from
such blind and interested guides upon the liberal and
honest views of the Governor-General of Canada, and

upon the protection of this country Rad he believed
that, by the exercise of sound sense and sound discre-
tion, Canada, if she did not follow mischievous and in-
terested advisers, might long retain the advantages
which she possessed by ker connexion wish, rather
than her subordination to, this country, in the capacity of
a thriving and happy colony of the British empire.
Mr. FIUME said that, after the lengthened discussion
which had taken place on this important subject, it was
not his intention to do more than just notice the points
to which the Noble Lord had adverted. The state-

ments which had been made by his Hon. and Learned
Friend the Member for Bath he knew to be perfectly
correct. He regretted that the Noble Lord had not

stated whether or not he approved of the conduct of Sir
Charles Bagot, for addresses had poured in from all parts
of the country, in which that conduct was highly ap-
plauded. He wanted to know what had produced so
great a change of feeling in the colony. The Ministry,
finding it impossible to conduct the government under
Sir Charles Metcalfe, and be at the same time

responsible to the House Of Assembly, had felt it their
duty to retire. Was it possible to make out from what
was passing in Canada the meaning of the term re-
sponsible government?—(Hear, hear.) . It appeared that
• in Canada responsible government was one, thing, while
in England it was another thing.(• Hear, hear," from
Sir J. Graham and Lord Stanley.) It was for the Go-
vernment to explain what acts of Sir Charles Bagot, and
-wbat acts of Sir Charles Metcalfe they approved or
approved. The Noble Lord had asked what individual
appointments of Sir Charles • Metcalfe, were objected to.
If the Noble Lord had read the speeches of Mr. Baldwin,
Mr. Hincks, and other Members, ho would have found
them stated at length. The Governor himself admitted •
that from the moment of his arrival in the. colony there
was an antagonism between him and his Council. He
• (Mr. Hume) deplored the events which had taken place ;
because if there was one man in -the country from whom
he expected conduct which would conciliate the people
of Canada, Sir Charles Metcalfe was that man:—(Hear,
tear, from Lord Stanley.) By everything reported of
his conduct in India, and still more of his conduct in
Jamaica, he was led to believe that his appointment was
one of the most , fortunate which had been made'
by the Government. Hear, hear.) He bad thought
that if any one could conduct the affairs
rf Canada comfortably and quietly, Sir Charles Met-
calfe would do
.so, Irk Aad doubt, lac 4. that he
would have done so if he had not been under the tram-
mels of the Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear, from Lord Stan-
ley.) He might be wrong, but he had a higher opinion