The Sun.
London, England, 1826-12-23 00:00:00

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.

One of the articles of the law regulating the guards of
safety (provisional), prescribes the following oath : "
swear to be inviolably faithful to the Catholic, Apostolic,
and Roman Religion, to the King, the Nation, and the
Constitutional Charter."

PARIS, DEC. 22.
By letters received from Berlin of the 15th instant, we
learn, that the King of Prussia met with a severe accident.
His Majesty, on going out of his Cabinet at the usual
hour, fell down, and severely sprained his right knee.
The Nuremberg► Correspondent mentions, that since the
return of Lord Clanwilliam, the English Ambassador,
from Berlin, the conferences between him and M; Bern-
. storff have been very frequent. Many couriers had set out
from the department of foreign affairs for their different
routes with dispatches which, it is said, relate to the at-
fairs of Portugal and Greece.
• Intelligence received from the frontiers of Moldavia
details accounts of some travellers recently arrived from that
• province, who state that the Commissaries of the Porte Hadi, and
Ibrahim Effendi would not, on their return from Akermann, re-
• ceive the Hospodar Prince Ghika, who wished to pay them a
visit. It is presumed therefore, that he must have displeased the
Sultan, and will after no great lapse of time, be deposed.
One of the Lyons journals announces that Lord CocuaANt,
who passed through that town on his road from Geneva, intends
Ito winter with his wife in Italy.
LIES OF THE DAY.
_ From the Aristarque.—The English Expedition which set out

from Gibraltar to Lisbon has entered Cadii. The French
qty. Authorities have received orders to give it all assistance pa-
edisary for the immediate purposes of its mission.

FRANCE.
CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.
The scrutiny closed at half past three ; the number of voters
was 218, a majority—Monsieur Cardessus obtained 129 votes;
M. De Labourdonnage 54; M. Clausel de Cousserques S ; M.
be Lastours 12 ; M. Bonnet J.
51. Cerdessus has been proclaimed fourth Vice President.
The President opened the scrutiny for the nomination of the
four secretaries. _ . .

The Ministers of Finance, of the Interior, and of Justice, re-
paired to the Chamber, and took part in the scrutiny, which
closed at hall.past four. Number of voters, 217.—Majo-
City, 109.
The PRESIDKNT observed, it might be possible by this
Scrutiny, that the nomination of Secretaries would not
be complete, and that a new scrutiny might become ne-
cessary on the next day; under these circunuitances, he re-
commended the Deputies to assemble next day, at soon, so as to
conclude by two o'clock, as the Chamber could then retire into
the Bureaux, and name the Commissioners. The proposition was
adopted.
The close of the scrutiny has given the following result :
M.de Chenevas 114; the Baron Baron 120 ; M. Huerne de
„
l'inineuxe 92 ; M. Lesnore 90 ; M. de Fallon 42 ; M. Haudry
18, &c. _ _

Chenevas and Baron Baron have aocordingly been pro-
claimed Secretaries.

strriwas or THE 21ST OF DECEMBER.
The President opened the scrutiny for the two Secretaries. At
half-past one about 50 votes were deposited in the urn.

We copy from a cotemporary, the following extract
of a private letter received yesterday from Brussels.—
It is gratifying to find that the policy of Great Britain
with regard to Portugal is universally popular on the
Continent, and that the energetic and decided tone
Assumed by Mr. CANNING, has tended to increase
that respect for our national character which affords
one of the best securities to old England :
Batraszt.s, Dec. 19.—You will easily conceive that the af-
fairs of the Peninsula occupy here the whole of the public atten-
tion, there lurvebeen few cases of such a unanimity of opinion.
The resolution at the British Government to aid their Portuguese
ally is bailed with the greatest enthusiasm by all classes. Mr.
Canning. is the hero of the day ; his speeches are read with ani-
dity—commented upon—covered with applause—all traces of the
animosity which still subsisted here against the English have va-
nished—England is looked upon as the champion and saviour of
constitutional liberty, and is called upon to give the last blow to
despotism. There is a great anxiety to know what are the real dis-
positions of the French Government ; and permit me to tell you,
that, in spite of your assertions to the contrary, a great many
people here will not believe that the Cabinets of London and
Paris perfectly agree as to the course to be pursued, in order to
restore tranquillity in the Peninsula. These persons foresee a
general war, and this apprehension is shared by the com-
mercial classes of this town. I cite a fact that ha.
come to my knowledge in support of what I say—Brussels
beakers refused yesterday to accept bills on Paris at two months.
There are, however, others, and their number is not small, who
seem convinced that this storm will blew over without altering
the present peaceable state of Europe ; they hope the energy dis-
played by Great Britain will suffice to inspire Ferdinand with
more reasonable feelings, and induce him, at last, to give a consti-
tution to his Intieq..
" Meanwhile nothing transpires respecting the light in which
our Court views the proceedings of your's ; all is quiet hers. The
alarm that had been excited at Amsterdam and Antwerp, by the
intelligence of your hostile measures, of which every body ad-
mired the promptitude, has somewhat subsided. The Netherland
Stocks, that were very low last Friday, rose again the next day,
and it is expected they will remain steady."

An attentive re-perusal of the speech of M. DAMAS
floes not alter the opinion which we yesterday express-
ed upon it. It appears to us, that while it professes
a complete approval of the course which England has
adopted on the present occasion, and an avowal of the
ca-operation of France in preventing aggressions on

the part of Spain on Portugal, it alludes also to.the pos-
sible interference of France on behalf of Spain, in
terms, which if they do not actually imply that such
interference will be made, in the event of Spain being
attacked by Portugal, leave it completely open
for France to consider any such attack unjust
or not, as she may find convenient. At all events
this Speech does not appear to us to be
quite so conclusively distinct upon the great
question of the policy of the Court of France, as our
cotemporaries consider it, and we think the French
Ministry would have no great difficulty in reconciling
a departure from that policy which appears at present to
guide their decisions, with the expressions used by M.
DAMAS. Politicians feel little difficulty in considering
as unjust any measure, which interferes with their own
interests and views ; and the experience which we
have bad of the conduct of the Court of France on
other occasions, does not justify the hope, that she
will he backward in construing according to her own
views, any measure which Great Britain and Portugal
might concert against Spain, either in repelling her
invasion of Portugal, or retaliating upon her in
consequence of it ; or, indemnifying ourselves
for the claims which we have upon her, and
which she has so long contrived to evade. Those
claims alone would probably lead to sonic deci-
sive measure on the part of Great Britain against
Spain, and it is not impossible thaLher Government,
finding that we will no longer submit to her shuffling
I conduct in that respect, have determined to take the
chances of war on another ground, which is popular
with the Apostolic party through the country, rather
than rest it on the refusal of claims, the justice of
which cannot be denied.

These considerations lead us to conclude that Spain
will be mad enough to risk hostilities with England ;
and we contend that in that case the expressions used
by M. DAMAS do not prove that France will not in-
terfere on her behalf, inasmuch, as he 'says, on the
contrary, that France reserves to herself the right of
such interference if Spain be unjustly attacked;
and to judge whether she be attacked justly or un-
justly, will still depend on the judgment of the French
111imstry of the day, whoever they may be.
Rumour states that Count MoLiroa has been ap-
pointed to succeed M. de MousTma at Madrid,and
the nomination of an officer of his character would
not lead us to infer that a pacific course was positively
decided on by France.

A corrected report of Mr. CANNING'S late splendid
speech has just been published by Mr. RIDGWAY,
under the sanction, and bearing the official authority of
the Right Honourable Gentleman, and it must
therefore be viewed as the authentic declaration of his
sentiments on one of the most interesting occasions on
which a British Minister can appeal to his country-
men when the honour of the nation, or the safety of
her allies, is involved in jeopardy. That Mr. CAN-
NING has answered such an occasion will be best
testified by the enthusiastic approbation of all parties
echoed by the patriotic—the tumultuous applause of
the country, which fat indignant at the daring, and
impatient to humble the arrogant perfidy of ungrateful
Spain. But the enthusiasm of the moment
has gone by—not from the inability to exert
the vengeance of our might—but the utter in-
significance of the antagonist—too wcinialew
to be opposed .to the triumph of our arms, and only
fit to be trampled like vipers in the degradation of
their absolute slavery. The sound of a British drum,
and the appearanceof that banner which has
braved a thousand years

The battle and tl e breeze
would be enough to seal the doom of FERDINAND,
without tarnishing the lustre of the British sword in the
blood of dastardly hypocrites and parasitical slaves.
But Mr. CANNING'S Speech has given a phillipic to
our dormant feelings, and roused the energy of our
strength, like a waking giant, to display the awfulness
of our slumbering might when duty or honour demands
its tremendous exertion. • The speech before us may be
more correct, . but is not more spirit-stiring, nor
so eloquent, as the blast of feeling which charac-
terized the spontaneous effusion—the extempora-
neous inspiration of the night—when the illus-
trious Statesman electrified the House by the
magic of sweet sounds, and the tide of impetuous
oratory, which, like that of Demosthenes—
" Shook England's Senate, and fulmined o'er France,
From Ferdinand's to Austria's troubled throne."
But this corrected edition of the original will quiet
the fears of alarmists, while it satisfies the qualms of
more enthusiastic minds. The speaking glory of Mr.
CANNING, may be compared to the proud sweep
of the eagle in the onset of her flight ; while his
printed splendour bears, indeed, the grandeur of the
original, but is the calm majesty of the same bird
floating on the air, without the radiance of her
plumage being ruffled by the daring aspiration of her
career.

We feel great pleasure in again presenting our
readers with Mr. BROUGHAM'S manly and dignified
approbation of the principles on which Mr. CANNING
appealed to a British House of Commons to support
the honour of the Crown, and the faith of the country.
It is at once honourable to Mr. BROUGHAM, and
must have been highly gratifying to Mr. CANNING.
There ought to be no rivalry between great men, but
in doing good to their Country. The following is an
extract from, Mr. BROUGHAM s Speech :
" I entirely agree in all that has been said of the hazards and
difficulties inseparable from war, and I was certainly one of those
who held, some year• ago, that looking to the burthens under
which this country laboured, we were under severe recognizance,
to keep the peace. I know the severity of these burthens ; but if
I feel their weight, I feel apprehensive, as who must not, of their
effect, in case this most necessary measure—a measure which,
upon all reasonable probabilities, must prove effectual—should
unhappily fail, I cannot but rely on those sound, enlightened,
I liberal, and truly English principles—principles worthy of our
best times, and of our most distinguished Statesmen, which new
govern the councils of this country in her foreign policy, and in-
spire the eloquence of the Right Hon. Secretary with a degree
of fervour, energy, and effect, extraordinary and unprecedented
in this House—sapreestiented (.1" can give it no higher praise)
even in the eloquence of the Bight Honourable Gentleman.—
I feel that in these principles, now adopted and avowed by the
organs of our Government, we have • strong and impregnable
bulwark, which will enable us not only to support our burthens,
and, should the day of trial come upon us,
to meet the combined
world in arms but which will afford the strongest practical secu-
rity against
fUtura danger,
and render it eminently improbable
that we should ever have that combined world to centepd with, so
long as those principles are maintained. Our burthens may re-
main, but our Government know that when the voice of the
people is in their favour, they have a lever, if not within their
hands, within their grasp. I will imitate the discretion of the
Secretary, and go no further. We know, because we have expe-
rienced the extent of that power, our enemies that would be, but
who, on this account, will not be so, know it, because they see its
effect here, and dread its effect amon themselves. If however,
that catastrophe, which his Majesty's Ministers have taken the
best means to avert, and which, in all human probability, will be
averted, should unhappily fall upon us, whatever may be our bur-
thens, whatever may be the difficulties with which we may have
to contend, let his Majesty's Government act steadily up to the

prinolplea they have avowed, and let the country but remain true
to itself, and I have no fear of the rest."

The following is a portion of Mr. CANNING'S

reply ;

"An Amendment has been proposed, purporting a delay of a
week, but in effect, intended to produce a total abandonment of
the object of the address ; and that amendment has been justified
by a reference to the conduct of the Government and to the lan-
guage used by me in this House, between three and four years
ago. It is stated, and truly, that I did not then deny that cause
for war had been given by France in the invasion of Spain, if we
had then thought fit to enter into war on that account. But it
seems to be forgotten that there is one main difference between
that case and the present,—which difference, however, is essen-
tial and all-sufficient. We were then to go to war, if we pleased,
en grounds of political expediency. But we were not then bound
to interfere, on behalf of Spain, as we now are• bound to interfere
on behalf of Portugal, by the obligations of treaty. War might
then have been our free choice, if we had deemed it politic : in-
terferenee on behalf of Portugal is now our duty, unless we are
prepared to abandon the.principlee of national faith and national
honour. It is a singular confusion of intellect which confounds
two cases so precisely dissimilar. Far from objecting to the re-
ference to 1823, I refer to that same occasion to show the con-
sistency of the conduct of myself and my colleagues. We were
then accused of truckling to France, from a pusillanimous dread
of war. We pleaded guilty to the charge of wishing to avoid war.
We described its inexpediency, its inconveniencies, and its dan-
gers,--(dangers especially of the same sort with those which 1
have hinted at to-day); but we declared that although we could
nut overlook those dangers, those ineonveniencies, and that in-
expediency, in a case in which remote interest and doubtful po-
licy were alone assigned as motives for war ; we would cheerfully
affront them all, in a ease,—if it should attiver,--wistute•national
faith or national lionouVwde. concerned. case
has now arisen, of Which th'indenee iikftiith, of which the alut-
racter is honour. And when-we call upon Parlitrnint, 'not for
offensive war,..-whisk was prOposed to-us in -1823,--'‘-but for de-
fensive armament ; we are'refereed to our abstinence in 1828, as
disqualifying us for exertion at the present moment : and are
told, that because we did not attack France on that occasion, we
must not defend Portugal en this. I, sir, like the proposers of
the amendment, place the two eases of 1823 end 1826, side by
side, and deduce from them, .wben takenAogether, the exposition
and justification of our general policy. I appeal from the war-
like preparations of to-day, to the forbearance of 1823, in proof
of the pacific character of our counsels appeal from the im-
puted tameness of 1823, to the Message of to-night, in illustra-
tion of the nature of those motives; by which a Government, ge-
nerally pacific, may nevertheless be justly roused into action."
" Having thus disposed of the objections to the Address, I
come next to the suggestions of some who profess themselves
friendly to the purpose of it, but who would carry that purpose
into effect by means which I certainly cannot approve. It has
been suggested, Sir, that we should at once ship off the Spatiish
refugees, now in this country, for Spain ; and that we should, by
the repeal of the Foreign Enlistment Act, let loose into the
contest all the ardent and irregular spirits of this country. Sir,
this is the very suggestion which I have anticipated with apprehen-
sion, in any war in which this country might be engaged, in the
present unquiet state of the minds of men in Europe. These are
the expedients, the tremendous character of which I ventured to
adumbrate rather than to describe, in the speech with which 1
prefaced the present motion,—such expedients I disclaim.
I dread and deprecate the employment of them. SO far,
indeed, as Spain. herself is concerned, the employment of such
means would be strictly, I might say, epigrammatically just. The
Foreign Enlistment Act was passed in the year 1819, if not at the
direct request, for the especial benefit of Spain. What right,
then, would Spain have to complain if we should repeal it now,
for the especial benefit of Portugal ?—The Spanish refugees have
been harboured in this country, it is true ; but on condition of
abstaining from hostile expeditions against Spain : and more than
once, when such expeditions have been planned, the British Go-
vernment has interfered to suppress them. How is this tenderness
for Spain rewarded 7.—Spain not only harbours, and fosters, and
sustains, hut arms, equips, and marshals the traitorous refugees of
Portugal, and pours them by thousands into the bosom of Great
Britain's nearest Ally. So far, then, as Spain is concerned, the
advice of those who would send forth against Spain such dreadful
elements of strife and destruction, is, I have admitted, not unjust.
But I repeat, again and again, that I disclaim all such expedients ;
—and that I dread especially a war with Spain, because it is the
war of all others in which, by the example and practice of Spain
herself, such expedients are most likely to be adopted. Let us
avoiaalatliter if re4an,—,4l.utt is, if Spaisa..avillperatitaanba-alse
liraiityleaser lot tut endeavour to strip any wen—if war
we must have—of that formidable and disastrous character which
the honourable and learned gentleman. has so eloquently described ;
and which I was happy to hear him concur with me in depre-
eating, as the most fatal evil by which the world could be afflicted."
The concluding passage of this extract is Lot less
beautiful than sublime.

But then, Sir, the balance of power ! The entry of the French
army into Spain disturbed that balance, and we ought to have
gone to war to restore it ! I have already said, that when the
French army entered Spain we might, if we chose, have resisted
or resented that measure by war. But were there no other means
but war for restoring the balance of power ? Is the balance of
power a fixed and unalterable standard ? Or is it not a standard
perpetually varying, as civilisation advances, and as new nations
spring up, and take their place among established political com-
munities? The balance of power, a century and a half
ago, was to be adjusted between France and Spain, the
Netherlands, Austria, sad England. Some years afterwards,
Russia assumed her high station in European politics. Some
years after that again, Prussia became not only a substantive, but
a preponderating monarchy. Thus, while the balance of power
continued in principle the same, the means of adjusting it became
more varied and enlarged, in proportion to the increased number of
considerable States—in proportion, I may say, to the num-
ber of weights which might be shifted into the one or the
other scale. To look to the policy of Europe, in the times of
'William and Auue, for the purpose of regulating the balance of
power in Europe at the present day, is to disregard the progress
of events, and to confuse dates and facts which throw a reciprocal
light upon each other.
" It would be disingenuous, indeed, not to admit that the
entry of the French army into Spain was, in a certain sense, a
disparagement—an affront to the pride—a blow to the feelings of
England. And it can hardly be supposed that the Government
did not sympathize, on that occasion, with the feelings of the
people. But I deny that, questionable or censurable as the act
might be, it was .one which necessarily called for our direct
and hostile opposition. Was nothing then to be done ? Was
there no other mode of resistance than by a direct attack
upon France; or by a war to be undertaken on the soil of
Spain? What, if the possession of Spain might be rendered harm-
less in rival hands—harmless as regarded us—and valueless to the
possessors? Might not compensation for disparagement be ob-
tained, and the policy of our ancestors vindicated, by means
better adapted to the present time? If France occupied Spain,
was it necessary, in order to avoid the consequences of
that occupation,—thst we should blockade Ceiba ? No. I looked
another way—l sought materials of- compensation in another he-
misphere. Contemplating Spain, such as our ancestors had
known her, I resolved that if France had Spain, it should not be
Spain with the Indies. I called the New World into existence,
to redress the balance of theo Id.

'6 It is thus, Sir, that I answer the accusation brought against
his Majesty's Government, of having allowed the French army to
usurp and to retain the occupation of Spain. That occupation, I
am quite confident, is an unpaid and unredeemed burthen to
France. It is a burthen of which, I verily believe, France would
be glad to rid herself. But they know little of the feelings of the
French Government, and of the spirit of the French nation, who
do not know that, worthless or burthensome as that occupation
may be, the way to rivet her in it would be, by angry or intem-
perate representations; to make the continuance of that occupation
a point of honour.
" 1 believe, Sir, there is no other subject upon which I need
in the House, has been
The support which the
eAndtedrresins tohudetrienceeeiveodr
freoxmplaani til
o partiesn.
such as would make it both unseemly and ungrateful in me to
trespass unnecessarily upon their patience. In conclusion, Sir, I
shall only once snore declare, that the object of the address, which
I propose to you, is not war : its object is to take the last chance
of peace. If you do not go forth on this occasion to the aid of
Portugal, Portugal will be trampled down, to your irretrievable
disgrace,—and then will come war in the train of national de-
gradation. if, under circumstances like these, you wait till
Spain has matured her secret machinations into open hostility,
you will in a little while hfve the sort of war required by the pa-
eificatoll,—and who shall say where that war will end?"