The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-19 00:00:00

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te would read an extract from an address published-
winssa n.oesev;.:
PaPer.---(Here the Hon. and Learned Gentleman teas
~toiliri.
Noted by shouts of "Read, read." and great confusion.
continued for some time, irv'eed, throughout roee
cesehuoleesnotef
the Hon. and Learned Geolerriee's 3pecch. )
t_ti-ei
Homeh D....
to the speech of the Right Hon. Secretary I
rartment.—(Laugiver, and confusion. ' for
had attentively
listened to al that had fallen from that Right Hon. Gentle-
man, and he derived as all who heard him must
those
dteariievn.tri,
the highest satisfaction in the exercise
with which the Right Hon. Gentleman was blessed.—(Laugh-
ter, (Laugh-
) had been
ter, cheers, and much confusion.)
about to read an extract from an addliree:s(
allow him.
Gentleman, hut it seemed that the House woulfd, notricnd near him
loeir.the Right Hon.
p--(Cheers and laughter.) His Right lion..
art Law) filled an important position in the Conservative
y, when that party was in Opposition: and he did slat
t d that Right
think that the Right Hon. Baronet had s
(Hon. and Learned Gentleman in a very graceefale manner. lie
lr. Law) had been unable to make clear theu v.arious points
nterruptions
of his addrees, in consequence of the contin
ueht ri and much
with which he had been met —( Cheers, lan., ai 'sopeort the
eonfesion.) He would, therefore, most cordially support
Newcastle,r
Proteerition of his Hon. Friend the Member. fromitbe
laid oil
that that Bill be read that day six months—that
petitions of
"in the table, and merged under the
d P folded in
th,e
are
that it be entwined
the embrace of its twin-brother, the Jewish aDnisabilities Bill ; and then that it may, if they desire it, be revivedd
guardians the
tiled by the fostering care of its seal parents an
Whigs, the Gentlemen opposite. They alone cogru,olda, wpritohioet;_t
any conscientious scruples, engraft this measere
there were ;
tent Constitution. Theirs the merit, if merit
theire the reril of diecomfiture, and the ignominy
(The 11„ and Lear-ned Member sat down, amid great confu-
i of de
sion feat.—
n all parts of the House. )
A I.The Speaker having left the Hou eshfoorrta -.niter Lennox, who had gone out a timefrw minutes,
reviou siy Lordt o
-recur some oranges for the Learned Recorder, advanced Phaaddvarneesuediruepi
theit Haines and not reconising Mr. Law, va
• 15 'eat, he handed them to Mr. T. Duncombe,l%wflar opwansnnostamnbde-
mg at the table prepared to address the House.
Irittl'"ew one of the oranges across the table to Sir J. .Gl%raihr.amLa,
why.
. it was dexterously caught, and
_handed up to
the it
occasioned a roar of laughter and much cheering
eroUghout the House
Air T. DLINCONIisE was aware that it was the wish of
speedily es
the Hoe that this debate should be brought
Possible,. to a dose, and he could assure them
not Gee,
t that the Hon. and
Learn ell their time to the same eaten. thmatbe would
n
stz t I%elember the Recorder of London had dosindee.ringLoirii,lcsi•
, tone and temper of this debate,.
be re "ad been no offence to the religious opinilonn:soowf any man,
that man who he might, he ceuld not h
eHPouse had heard
et4:eas his regret at the speech which,
l(iti• tught from the Hon. and LearnedAltehmeberftohrstDiulnugua.ravnotdi
eerr'tieriSkell). He could not help thinking that. .
I' member had done a great act of iniusticeneto theia_
trarotestant Dissenters of this country. If any
do l d
Pesed that the Roman Catholics of lreland
ofshouldpro_
reshot bee° handed over to the free denominations
one
411°4, inetead of to the aristocracy of England—if
ia nd over tate there
free APt°Paised to hand the government of Ire,
and Learned
Geauenorninationa then indeed the Right
e_ntleinan a
, might have cause for the expressions he
.gelinet the might
lint he had done a great injuetie.el,ret.
for
him a
haendhande
(tztre.l
lotor:"mhe) only wished that he could have procured
himself self(M r
pi, at a petition which hart been presented,...),
eating.
It had
pro!ceattlbe) in an early part of that ep.. a
tth `.•:till°,:d from a deputation of tree Protestants from
what was'ustract of twelve ini'es around London.
was tha.,
language in that, petition ? Their language. app _ .
e a; t 'aeY objected to the revenues of the State beingb. ro
inr•aled t° any eccleciastieal party whatever. They
uovemeeetne.c.l
h_'ne broad ground that they could sanction ndo entcilist
they
had prayer of the petitioners
the acted conscientiously, and from a convictioneat
stated
noanoifmwosliltayt
to Jarnonsidered right. They stated that they fel.
4i18...
adjtsheir Roman Catholic fellow su.bjects walutdh wwhruoumgsthei'oe
elail h,e I in the oppressico, the miser the b. theY were subjected; and, thieesrefore, he said
‘iliaemlegs:ar great
dalt4 Hon. and Learned Gentlemen had
when
injustice towards the Dissenters t h_
they .were a set of fanatical insurgents.—
this s. ''''.) The Dissenters of England had acted consisten.tye
;9e.41 this occasion, for in 1834, when Lord Althorp—no, h..
.eerft Lord Grey—tried to bring in a Bill to pay
for-
to
out of the Consolidated Fund, the same party
to ward and stated, on exactly the same grounds, their. onpampoeysietrion.i
67,..,innat measure, and with such success that the Whig Go
the
_ t considered It prudent to withdraw the Bill, because
the
ataase_ciaters would not tolerate the principle of paying
taeu,r h ut of the fixed revenue of the country. Their con-
rduct " that occasion was in perfect consistency with their
inse eosin nn this. It was the payment of a partid-
the,, seat out of the revenues of the country,
re ciore ei,v,
, ``. were perfectly consistent when they opposed thatan
oppositiontheei'te'
to Put One and be ultimately successful, but now he wished
tic,-;•tone or two questions to the House and to her Majesty'st
Stiesiloers• He was not going to put inquisitive or impertinefn..
Nort, ns, such as had been put hy the Hon. Member o,
to aaroptonshire (Mr. Steffen! O'Brien). He was not going
ask if oeigthe Noble Lord had brought in a Bill whether they
take have opposed it. He would not ask whether, if he had
thetn his 13111 to the hustings he would have been there
, as day to tell the tale ' and for the best of all
:1 ,ae ons, as his Honourable' and Learned Friend the
2coroer would tell the House, that no man was bound
'4oereinainate himsel but he would ask this question—Were
onasenuwmebrerless petitions which had been presented to this
been e they to be treated as so much waste paper Could they name one instance where so much interest
been evinced, or so many memorials presented, on any one
stbject ? Did they
letitioners when they told them tatt
suPpose th to betatin
reuse were inconsistent, because theyeehvad alParenerlsrdweoyeurvsottainedutrhetioosaretf
;', me small eum—the sarne annual vote for thoosu
theme when
Col
taY.nOotrnh--:1!nd that that vvould be an answesr t,
to endow that
,C,;(::llilietigaebeeforpleaelneerd? thatu their present vote , w,a. Hon. Baronet
--ow mistaken the Right
I,oi t
~, when that should be expressed a,
Noble Lord the
at e : 'hey wer
!Olber f e told the other evening
only considered
this or the City of London, t a .
t' he
an ansvrer on thin
• P ler • of Ireland.
tbeattretwere acceptable because it was the recursor to other
•••.( Rear,es ler the benefit'of theßornan Catholic c nt'ated ba thee
114'• ei heart) The same thing had been
bey
af. ~etuber for Newark, it could not be ctonstradictedTboy
,t,e'no.ol Cabinet Alini,ters that had at presenHo spoken. me Depart-
ent had ° Right Hon. the Secretary for the
would
net '''' tohl them that the Roman Catholic clergy
Depart-
>r accept any . a elit it, he
55,7,3 pension from the State,
iatndbuift thlittwif the hold not offer to propose it,
inclined,
to receive 1 ,
fees. eeld not Catholic clergy, were they
h e d wouldid
not notsst
He eo.na
Ale fosse old that haue prepared to offer it.—(Cheers. )
robe, ex was was surprised at the gratitudealttrhyatgstosmute.
I.ise.a3,a
wide
prsessed for this miserable andth Irish
T. mill-7, !or become
that the Roman Cas.avoilsiPehs osyfelepehlaannitswoefrea
2tate, Inal, ' come the lackeys, the I ‘Qe 1101 C It" they were ready to prostrate themsewlvaesssbetettrge
el) beforene4wage which the Right Hon. Baronet
They
rabay syteeta.....(Cacers, and cries of it No, no.")
ea., no.
''' theB,' no, and the Irish people may
boon, ea if
their f_ were so or stifled for this .
did th !reams were overflowing „yob gratitude—why
they
l''"• they not Come there and tell them ? Why did
ache ..
held
till were so grateful only from those Gentlemen
toto 11,ayiee,'; ea
CheerUn the Whigs, and who seemed only t
''ieit",:ftt,° hands of the Tories ?—( Loud cheers
hfroemoptlhee,
""t frot''' benches.) He wished to hear from the
t4'id tellthemn °
e‘''. aPer reporte; but, let them come.d with grafi-
tale. how that their boon has been received
il'iasheass Ireland was to be grateful, and repeal was to be
the pet i•
'aerie ," had another question with regent to
to England,
to the
Nome
of
En
they suppose that they could
answer
the
ttaYere l'ai.ngland by telling them that they would refuseh.
lteuld have
lue.r petitions because the revocation of
Majesty's
me -Leis, lae the effect i discontinuing them as her
the 'ers? b. °
that answer would satisfy
ts, Peep',
of rat-. thee suppose that .
that sLl'Poeit `lard?
-4 - rme Whatever the Right Hon. Getnhtelem-
Th Li.ey wontay latter themselves, he could as,suireeheers. )
in ee h_d be deceived.— Hear,
• that.' wanted to know what hear,w
Warse they to be
te'Petateo wittLate with the petitions ? «'e re
sr. If au y
ti.a e he wl,eontempt and as so much waste. P
and
be done
eey w weld tell the House to look about it;Phe thought that.f
tr , ere no, .
~ Tistd
,i. authorised to play these freaks with the people o
by the
L!°Ple or-a,tneY were not sufficiently respected
enough
state that
„' all England to do SO ( Cheers. ) He would
ri'llt ,0-1111:arlian,ents thar ever sat, there never was a Parli..-, beN that •rnsely hated and despised.—(
feelings of the
lif'Die er El' they persevered in insulting the
k ew that the
thanthey ttiand they would rue the day. Ha) an. mere
Cheers.) He hs
lan 'n• Gentlemen opposite did
_not believe It any
their belies
le het., . ed that the people of EnglfandoffiweoeuLd
(ncohteberresak) i the„„..".l If they were to go out o
tPon t elr'ievered, however, in their insults they
t their
*ars, )l'ln those rotten walls would come rattlinaboo
t e
may depend
Pe'Ple lit he was told that this measure would Conciliate
ta cif Ireland—he did not think that it would. tend
letighe°°elliate the th (the Irish ) would
dayhe enlat jla,etm, anind— deesYpi
exactly as they were that
4 elie2t month.
gove-it•4°Prehen'sive
,nnar they wouldse htbeemx; and that woulttl
pelsasn theyecanlye foerward and had some greatb
Ireland was no longer
„tao.
ue
haar fred, (111 ptinciples, of Protestantism. He
for the
'''ariart tn tne night Hon. Baronet the Secretary. . H
Ile% iMent that there to be a religious equality in Ireland.
the et them ‘ was
0.7 not thaw near what that equality was to be. Why had I
ache. to
1: whole plan of the Government? He would ask
tl,ttieat. Y uPon the table of the house t.heirsispol,anto
fee
Ire en. reitistreducation in Ireland. They
thoseought,
Gentlemen from
teland e, at'un bills, in order that
ti-, what etlid be Judges whether thße.Ghotvellrnommeunrtawbioeultaacrutbuept
tied First ei promised. The Right Id lei of the Crown told them. that_ they
Ireland,
he consults the ecclesiastical authorities in the ,WL,hted to know whether he had consulted
taot-ettee'esialtical authorities in England—( Hear, hear)—he
Ito% t? know whether he had consulted the authoriteeslin
the
sate,
ia°l Lords, and what were their opinions,
!ire(' Vice was given to them as in 1832, when they were
whether
de-
the - withdraw themselves for the passing of certain laws ford
le 1004
eery. ? the people. If Charles James, of London, an
"niatisfij '''', Exeter, were to absent themselves on this
Wtood 11,--if they were, he would be very glad,because it
fleteattl.re them additional reasons for relieving them
_onona.
taron::.aY from their Parliamentary duties. The Right H
11aseteft`ii' 'aid he hoped the reminiscences of Maynooth. would he
'B4 lib" he much feared that the only reminiscences to the
044 '`°n• Baronet would be found in the recollection of tie
andreproachespriein:erdsuiktng of certain friends, whose confidence ho°;"
in t° have lost, and in the remembrance of that degradingi.
support afforded to him by those political opt). d
profsial lepT support
he had usurpe.d.—( Cheers. ) He hie
aettkriale,d that he would not occupy the House long, and ief eeP his word; but independently of those charges et
thosn'a,°,°a• and bigotry that had been unjustly levelled again,
he eite-,''° had opposed this Bill—in the face of all those threats
reenaphd vote as he began, and oppose this Bill as long as it
Lo °ld before the House.—(Chears.) oat orilar• RUSSELL—Sir, I am ready to address the House,
%aides. ' gent,"' as my Hon. Friend who has just sat down has
laid o,_°°t p to the numerous petitiene which have been
reept.4 the table of this House on this subject, as well as out o
°WA t° the numerous letters which I have recei.ved from my
ene4seeonstituents and others, in relation to this important
tatioti:e.C-illear, hear.) Hid it not been for these conside
silent nould have been been well contented to have given a
after vote in favour of the second reading of this Eill ; but
eft thttla numerous petitions which have been hid
lets :h table of this House—after the various let-
from nicilell I have received from my constituents, and
Illit,if, if is objecting to this measure, 1 cannot entirely. satisfy
Poran " I do not on this ocOasion express my reasons for sup.-
Non
with
this trieroure.—( Hear, hear.) I concur so fer in net-
ts _ with those who are opposed to me, as to consider that this
ttria tletestirto of the very highest importabee—( Hear, liret32 That respect I do not entirely agree wih such of the
hear)—
Rilli et:f sashaye spoken in favour of the second reading of this
t_he cause spoken it appears to me, the Right Hon. Gentleman
t
'itterely
ti:centl_
...ot.f the Exehequer appeared to consider
height Hon.
_acid' ion of 17,00,0/. to the previous grant, rthe
ea parte_ Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home
dioarn ent seemed to consider that the question of the en-
':.! 1•42°.t uf Alaynooth had been settled by the Act
not agree with either of those Right Hen.
I.l:4l.4;:t4l:;dt;c.:niabnrael:volienfea
hears hear. ) If it were merely a quesiiun
reign io 17'0001, to the original grant, that question
) jaanidsedhauypeonbteheen mpirsucepluslaendeonius e;thie-
eltedta'aflat n r, as the repairs of barracks at Portsmouth or
1;41:10111d have been proposed.—( Hear, hear.) It
e been gated, that the present extent of the

buildings was not sufficient--that there were not a sufficient
i marcher of students in the establishment, and that an addi •
tianal grout was necessai y to maintain a greater number—
that there was not sufficient accommodation for the
scholars, end thus a case might have been made
out for incieasieg the vote by 17,000/.—( Hear, hear.)
Tho,e who have el nays opposed the grant would no doubt
have opposed ,his proposed addition to it; but when we con-
sider the smallness of the numbers of those who have hitherto
opposed the grant to Maynooth, we cannot but come to the con.
elusion that if Cho only question before the House had been
whether or not we should have increased the grant by the amount
of 17,000/., it would not have met with any great oppo-
sition.—( Hear. ) Neither can I agree with the Right Hon.
Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Home Department,
when he says that the whole principle of the question was de-
cided by the Act of 179'1. If I agreed with that principle, I
should admit that the principle of the whole question of endow-
ment was settled at the same period.—( Hear, hear. ) The Act
of 1792 merely allowed the Roman Catholics to found their
own College for the education of their own clergy by funds
raised among themselves, and the sum which was proposed and
voted from year to year by Parliament, was merely a contri-
bution in aid of those funds.—( Hear, hear.) It was totally
and entirely different from the measure now proposed—(Hear,
hear)—it differed in degree—it differed in extent—from the
measure now before the [louse; and thou . h I am far from saying
that if we agree to this measure we must be forced to go still
further, and to endow the llsmao Catholic Church in 'Wand ;
yet it is impossible to controvert the position of the Right
Hon. Gentleman the Merril) 'r for Newark, that, so far as
the religious question is concerned, it will be decided by this
resolution.—( Loud cheers. ) There then remains the other
question ; if the taxation of this country is to be burdened with
the maintenance of the Roman Catholic clergy, or if
we are to take aesthing for their maintenance from the
revenues of the Protestant Church.—( dear, hear.) If we
are to devote any surelus which may remain, after providing
for the wants of the Protestant. Church, to the endowment of
the Roman Catholic Church.—( Hear, hear.) That, I admit,
is a question of great difficulty, and that is a question which is
yet left to be decided. But before we decide that we must
consider the previous question, whether the Roman Catholic
clergy themselves would be inclined to accept such a measure.
—( Hear, hear.) But with regard to the mere State
question which may arise as to the propriety of the endowment
of the R man Cath die clergy of the State, I must own that
in some respects such a measure is open to less objection than
the measure which is now submitted to our consideration.
Sir, the Roman Catholic clergy of Ireland have many duties to
perform, which are performed by them in common with the
Established Church of this country, and with the Presbyterian
clergy of Scotland—such as reading to their flock, informing
and instructing their parishioners in the word of God, adminis-
tering to their spiritual consolation, bestowing on them acts of
mercy, charity, and kindness.—( Hear, hear.) All this 1 be.
lieve that the clergy in ad three of the countries perform.
I believe that as a body they are all useful and charitable men.
—( Loud cheers.) But when the question to be discr.ssed
relates to the endowment of the College and to the theology
which ;s taught —then, I say, that, as a question of principle, it
is a geestioe of even greater importance than the question
of the endowment of tee clergy—( Hear, hear.) I come to
the consideration of this question, Sir, as thoroughly impressed
with its importance as Ccose Membiee who are opposes, to the
measure can possibly be—as thorough:), impressed with its ins-
porta.nce as those repreestitatives of Ireland can be who have
accepted it as a measure of conciliation and kindness towards
their country --(Loud cheer's.) But, Sir, I cannot bat con-
sider that the s.eceoteoce of this measure by the Roman
Catholic petiole of Ireland, and I believe that its ac-
ceptance by thew, as a eeasui e of conciliation, is
an undoubted fact.—( Hear) I cannot but consider that that
acceptance of the people of Ireland constitutes a most impor-
tant element in the coesicieratien of this question, as regards
the state of Ireland. Yon have statistics dreadful to read,
showing the condition of the Irish people—statistics showing
their wants and their state of destitution—statistics, showing
how many of them live in cabins without room{—how many
live in cabins without windows—how . many in cabins
with only two rooms, Bawl so going on to show
how large a proportion of Lbws people are in a state of
poverty. You have likewise a people who live in a
state of poverty who beloi g to the Roman Catholic. religion,
whose clergy have to depend not only on the c
ortontrib leutions
of
the farmers and persons
sem what in a comfab state
subsistence, hut likewise or, the pence and miserable earnings
of the poorest class of the people. You have at the same
time in that country an Estahl,stiod Church very richly en-
dowed—so richly endowed that the whole sum now proposed
for Salaynooth and the late grant vreuld hardly exceed the
revenues of three of the prelates of that Established Church.
Well, Sir, is not that a care in which any measure
that can be proposed that will conciliate the affec-
tions of that people—any measure that you can adopt
without any violence to your constitution, is it not at least
worthy of your consideration ; and is it not one
whic h you
should hesitate much before you reject? The opinions of the
people of Ireland, as far as I can collect them on this subject,
appear to nee to bel that
wouldthtt hheye the meansarereadyto roefceciovneciylciautringgrathoet
with gratitude.
affections of that people. It does not trench on the revenue
of the Prutestant Church, as no doubt the- majorit y of thi
House would pronounce against breaking in on those reve-
nues, for the purpose of a Catholic establishment. It does not
offend any religious feelings of the Roman Catholic clergy,
It is not like an endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy, :n
which there would be great difficulty in the first instance.,
Then my Hon. Friend the Member for Finsbury, who
his
strange to say, an ally of my Hon. Friend the Member for te
University of Oxford on this subject.—my Hon. Friend the
Member for Finsbury says, that the Protestant Dissenters are
ready to agree that there should be no endowment—that there
should he no State Church—that the voluntary principle
should prevail, as well with regard to episcopal establishments
as with regard to the Roman Catholic Church. Now, Sir,
this appears highly liberal—it appears to be doing justice to the
people of Ireland, according to what many of their organs con-
sider to be justice, but in point of fact it is no concession
whatever, if no practical use can be made of it.—( Hear,
hear.) Let us look to what must be the feelings of the
people of Ireland—if you go bandying from one side
to the other this question, without ever coming to a practical
measure of this sort. Supposing we were to say—suppose my
Hon. Friend were to say—let us abolish entirely the Established
Church of Ireland ; let everything be voluntary—let us adopt
the same great high-sounding principles—let every man pay
for the religion which he professes, and let an man have a con-
scientious burden, by paying the mii•ister of the religion from
which he dissents. Why, everybody knows that the great ma-
jority of this House would place a negative on such a proposi-
tion ; and I might say, supposing there was a dissolution of
this house to-morrow, or at any other time, that those who
oppose Alaynooth would not come here fJr the purpose of en-
forcing the voluntary principle—you would still find a great
majority against any demand you might make for the
abolition of the State Church. Even though the Ministry
came forward arid said, " Let us make some endowment for a
small portion of the clergy." Then, supposing my Elan. Friend
and those who think with him were to succeed, let the
voluntary principle prevail—let there be no State endowment
of religion—let every man provide a religion for himself—this
State endowment would be reiected will scorn and contempt
by the House. But in the meantime what would be the con-
ditioe of the people of Irelanst? Way if they found one party
refusing to break in on the Established Church, and another
party absolutely refusing any sort of endowment, what is their
condition? They would find that only a small minority of the
people of Ireland are cared for by the Legislature of this coun-
try; they would find :het. England and Scotland were opposed
to their wishes—that whether it be in the shape
of an endowment nr whether in the shape of a
voluntary priaciiile, that which is beneficial to Ireland is
rejected—they would net consider the different parties, hut
they would say every preposition for ou • benefit is rejected by
the House of Cnnaioila, representine Great Britain. Sir, if
that is the case, I say this peoposed remedy of the abolition of
all State churches, ao.l tbe adoption of the voluntary principle
is totally illusory. It is d +tiding and defrauding the people of
Ireland. It is to ale, we cannot give you that endowment,
but we will abolish all State churches. Sir, I die not agree
with what was said by my Right lion. Friend the Member for
Dun;sarvon, with resp..ct to the Protestant Dissenters
of this country. I thank they are men to whom,
with regard to all questions of civil liberty, this
country is deeply indebted Ido believe, when questions of
equality in p iint of civil privileges were under consideration
that they wero more forward than any men in their wishes that
their Roman Catholic fellow-sujects should be placed in that
equality. They have taken this gat-96.n of State endowments
strongly in their minds, aid they have likewise the strong-
est religious feelings in favour of the Protestant faith, and
against the Roman Catholic religion. But, at the same time,
I do believe that when this question is further considered by
them, when they see the result of the rejection of Bills like
this, which would beconeidered as an injustice towards Ireland,
they will feel that it is necessary in some shape or other to
endeavour to remedy the grievances of that country.
For my part, I cannot see without alarm and without pain the
declarations which are made in the petitions that have been
laid on the table of this House, with respect to the religious
part of this question. I can not read the petitions pre-
sented by the ministers of the Established Church, and by
the Protestant Dissenters, without deeply regretting there
should be so strong a feeling, and I should say, such un-
just prejudices respecting the Roman Catholic religion.—
( Loud cries of " Hear, hccr.") I say so because at the time
when that measure, called Roman Cathclic Emanci-
pation, was brought under the consideration of Par-
liament, the same ' statements were made, the same
charges against the Roman Catholic religion. Roman Cathos
lies were designated idolators, followers of Anti-Christ, and
other such degrading appellations, which I shall not fatigue
the House by repeating. The question of the Roman Catho-
lic Relief Bill came before the House of Lords. I have looked
threugh the speeches spoken by our prelates on that occasion,
both for and against the measure, and I cannot see in the
speeches any encouragement of the phrases so used.
The Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and
the Archbishop of York, although placed in Opposition,
on political grounds, in discussing the doctrines of the Roman
Catholic Church, had distinctly admitted that the Roman
Catholic Church was a part of the Christian Church, and the
other bishops used similar language.—(Hear, hear.) I find
that the Bishop of Llandaff especially observed of the Roman
Catholic Church—that if it did not contain the spirit of Chris-
tianity, where was the authority of the ministers of the
Church of England? Were I of opinion that it was other-
wise, it would give me the greatest pain to think myself com-
pelled, as a Protestant, to hold such language and entertain
such a belief of so large a portion of my fellow-subjects. But,
Sir, I regret to se, that the intolerance on this subject, the
feelings which have come down to us from the Re-
formation do, I fear, still exist both on the one side
and the other.—( Hear, hear.) When I read among
the charges against Maynooth certain doctrines and dogmas
cherished and retained by that Church seemingly so repulsive ;
and when I see on the other side the bitter feelings of hostility
manifested against the Roman Catholic Church by those of
another persuasion, I cannot but feel that the spirit which ex-
isted in so fierce a shape at the time of the Reformation, should
not at this time be softened and abated.—( Lauri cries of " Hear,
hear.") I perceive that the feelings engendered by the reli-
gious war which then took place remain more durable than those
originated by any civil war that I have ever read or heard of.
We all remember that beautiful passage of Virgil, where he
describes that, in some fu-ure time, the husbandman, in turning
up the fields upon which the civil wars took place, would there
find spears and helmets covered with rust, the almost
only remnants of forgotten battles. But I think the weapons
with which rival parties coutended at the time of the reforma-
tion will never be allowed to rust, but they will be brought
forward by those dehatine these quee ions bright and burnished,
and whenever qeestions that excited religions differences in
which that cord is at all touched, these old spears, worn hel.
metre flags. an 1 banners, will be brought forward, and all the
animosity of the kith century revived. A wilt has been ex-
pressed that all parties would yet unite in the same creed,
and that the country wont,' no 1 .nger he distracted with reli-
gious dissensiens Suppose that could he th 3 case—one in which
all contending parties could unite. An attempt of this sort
has been made in Spain, in which country I have resch idsuch a
ed for
some time, and witnessed the dreadful evils by whi
state of things was accomplished. It was impossible in acountry
like teis that anyth ng like a unity of doctrine, and a
onenes! of Church could he established. But those who hold
different opinions front us, who conscientiously differ from us in
religious matters can hold their own opinions—we can give
credit to them for good Christians, whether Catholics or Pro-
Protestants. Whether of the Church of England or the Church
of Scotland, we may at least discuss subjects with a view tonne
general benefit and welfare of the country without exing
these animosities, which still, unfortunately, prevail among
the people. In saying this I aloft remark that I cannot eon.