The Sun.
London, England, 1828-11-03 00:00:00

cell, until they agreed on the subject of Catholic
Emancipatiou (that is, if their disagreement became a
publiC annoyance). What would some of our pa-
litical economists do with the millions of Pekin ?
They would,—if the labour of his Celestial Majesty
°rested on their shoulders,—menace with emigration
"all the undiscov:.-red parts of the world; but eveu
begin to lay down companies for transferring the
population to the moon. In China, nothing of the
kind is required. The principle that
" Man wants but little Lere below."

is there met by providing him with that little in the
plainest straight-forward way which necessity and
the common nature of things point out. (But more
of Chinese politics in a future paper.) Whatever
room there may be in Ireland for a profitable em-
ployment of the people, it is now too late in the
day of peril, to take up the subject as is leading one;
it must follow in a subordinated position to other
considerations. At one period, not long ago, more
than Io,ooo.beggars roved daily about the streets
of Dublin ; a situation to which it is again daily ap-
proaching. It would only require a • word from
O'Connell and tile Priests to transform this universe
of beggary into military array. The Government,
know this; and they know that another Parliamen-
tary rejection of the Catholic Claims would be im-
prudent. Lord Camden, at the Kent Meeting, while
admitting that he was liable to contradiction by those
who were opposed to him, and who knew as much as
himself, if he stated that which was not true, said
that there was no objection in a certain high quarter
-to a final adjustment df the Catholic Question; but
that on the contrary the Royal mind was made up
to some State measure on the subject. In this view
of the question, the usurped title of the Bromwich
Clubs is equally insulting to the Throne as to the
Parliament. It is attempted to impress the idea that
Government dare not concede the • political rights of
the Catholics. We might perhaps with more pro-
priety, and with more justice, say that Government
dare not further delay that concession. Nobody
could have mistaken the indications of the crisis that
has been forming on the state of Ireland for these
last seven years, had they exercised the commonest
spirit of observation; but now nobody will deny the
result ; the question is how to meet .it. Mr. Peel
himself no longer holds out as a bigotted anti-Catho-
lic; he may maintain in part his former opinions ;
but he has remitted his hostility. Yet this con-
sciousness of the necessity of a change in the policy
relating to Ireland has only produced indecision at
present. If Ministers dare no longer refuse justice
to the " seven millions," so neither, dare they, ap-
parently, grant it. The " Great Captain" on this
side of St. Gerge's Channel, and his crack Lieu-
tenant-General of Cavalry on the other, are quite
satisfied that things " must not go on" in their pre-
Sent course ; that they " will not retrograde;" and
" cannot remain stationary." All this is seen as
clear as the " sun at noon day." Every day's
peace is presumed upon ; and we are safe
" because the post has come in without a des-
patch for troops." " Look at the map of Great
Britain and Ireland," says a work just published—
at Paris of all places of the world—while the Gaul
is attempting to involve us in a war in the East:
" Observe in the former, the greater distances from
John o' Groat's house to the Land's End; and

note the length of the southern base of the triangle;
and then regard the form of Ireland !" The form
of the latter is then geometrically laid down, in re-
ference to military operations ; and all this analysis
of the tactician is part of a pamphlet for enabling
Ireland to " achieve its own independence," as it
is pretended, in a sort of legal way !—in the same
manner as France invades the Mores, in fulfillment
of the Treaty of the 6th July ; leaving all the world
to wonder what sort of a connection there can be
between circumstances so oddly grouped; Though
we may be destined to walk over the slumber of vol-
canic fires up to the day of the Session, we shall at

the very threshold of it be plunged on the com-
bustible question of Mr. O'Connell's return for
Clare. Thus will the state of Ireland be forced upon
the attention of Government in a matter of great
legal doubt and difficulty ; nor will Parliament be
able to escape from the many and multifarious con-
sideratiOns which demanded its attention in that
part of the empire from one week to another
(FROM THE ATLAS.)

MR. SHELL'S SPE-Mi.—lt appears that Mr. Shell
writes his speeches. The journals, morning and
evening, have been cruelly satirizing this worthy
gentlemau for premeditating his harangues, just as
if it was of any consequence whether his senti-'
meats were written with his pen or delivered by his
tongue. So long as he avows the sentiments at-
tributed to him,. all purposes required by them in
their public capacity are fully answered. Beyond
that, the question is one entirely of a personal na-
ture. Mr. Sheil's mode of communicating his opi-
nions is altogether a matter of taste; if it so please
him to write an essay on Catholic Emancipation and
send it to the newspapers with a request that it may
be inserted as a speech in 'the usual oratorical form,
we do not see what the editors have to. do with it.
And vice versa, if Mr. Shell speak a speech, and re-
quest that it may be printed in the editorial form, it
is a matter of no consequence to the public, so long
as Mr. Sheil acknowledge that the substance con-
tained therein is a true reflection of his views. We
certainly might bring the orator to account in the
one case, and the writer in the other; but the man
we have no right to task. Men have various fancies.
Opinion is a fickle goddess. One man may hold it
delightful to tattoo his face, while another colours
his with rouge. It is in the fashion of the thing
alone that the grounds of dissension can be found.
It is not the usage in England to print that as a
spoken speech which was in reality a written
document ; but there the dispute ends. We
have nothing to argue about but a question
of taste. 'We have no right to arraign Mr. Sheil's
notions of oratory. He speaks eloquently on paper;
his cheek is foolscap that never blushes, nor can it
turn paler than the manufacturer has made it. Let
him enjoy his letter-press cheers; his huzzas and
bravos are not of the noisy, vulgar kind ; they come
from the lips of solemn, leaden type ; they outlast the
plaudits of the mob; they are permanent, durable
shouts, and of the most convenient nature, for they
come in just where the pen-ink-and-paper orator
chooses. What right have we to arraign Mr.
style of speaking. He is a quiet Demosthenes. He
addresses the men of Kent from the recesses of

his sanctum—he appeals to the Catholic Association
from his little study-desk—he denounces the
Orange Magistracy through his trumpet-tongued
goose-quill--and warms his toes over Newcastle
coals, while he anathematizes the Duke of that
name. It is his whim--his caprice—his fashion
—and who shall dispute the manner and mode of his
publielspeaking ? If he be charged with brawling in the
Forum, he may triumphantly point to his closet—if he
be charged with uttering words that carry sedition, he
may exultingly point to his inkstand—if he be charged
with having excited the infuriated passions of the forty
shilling freeholders in Clare, he may proudly call in
et the
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any
and his speeches writings, just as it
suits his fancy—provided he will acknowledge him-
self the legitimate parent of the opinions they contain.
Mr. Sheil was prevented by the impatience of the
Meeting, from speaking longer than half an hour,
and even then the tumult was so great and the in.
terruptions so frequent, that of course he could sot
deliver his sentiments in the order or at the length
he originally designed; consequently, the printed
speech, and the speech actually spoken, differ essen-
tially, in the main points of quantity and quality.
The prepared copy appeared in the Sun, Times,
Morning Chronicle, Morning Advertiser, and
llfroftranuiidzgisi justlyer al4
chargeable ; end thus, though no imputation
o
upon Mr. Sheil, a pub-
licity has been given to his arguments which they
were not fairly entitled to, in a report of the pro-
ceedings of the meeting. It is certain, however,
that Mr. Shell would have spoken the speech—if
be could. •