The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-16 00:00:00

MORNING, FEBRUARY 16 1844

consented to some compromise at that time the Roman Ca-
tholics would at once have agreed to but they refused, and,
he regretted to say, were supported by the 'prejudices of the
people of England. As they had then yielded nothing to the
people of Ireland, so now that people would yield nothing to
them, and perfect and e loaf justice must be ceded to
Ireland. He knew that in certain quarters he was
likely to meet with little sympathy, but still he
thought it to be his duty to tell the whole truth,
and he again asserted that the time was now come
when they should render full and impartial justice to Ireland,
and there were many modes in which this might be done. In
the first place, in England the Protestants formed the majority
amongst the different religious persuasions, and there the Pro-
testant religion was by law established ; in Scotland the ma-
jority belonged to the Presbyterian, and there that was the Esta-
blished Church; and as the Roman Catholic religion was the
faith of the majority of the people of Ireland, so also he
thought that three centuries ought not to have been allowed
to pass away without the endowment of that Church in that
country. He thought that they ought in this case, for the
peace of Ireland, to make a provision for the spiritual wants of
all l uses of the population of the kingdom, according to their
number. He knew all those subjects were open to much ob-•
jeetion. and environed with many difficulties—( Hear, hear)—
butre mustan stillhde heand
adoptedf ewlti
n in
te convincedaffections
ed cetr
oht
noa
st
os
foma insuree
gpsaoul
t aando
coursed tranquillity
e g
generousisla
ion
l
na-
tion. The House should remember, that out of eight
millions and a half more than six millions were
Roman Catholics ( Hear, hear) —and should grant
I
to them the same right as those which they were willing to ac-
cord to persons of any other religious persuasion. He knew that
Catholics and Protestants differed on doctrinal points, but still
he knew it was the fundamental principle of all Christian sects
to " do unto others as you would be done by," and all he asked
from her Majesty's Government was, act upon this text.—
( Loud cheers.) He knew they had many difficulties to contend
with, and that they had to battle against the long-cherished
prejudices of the people of this country ; but. still the peace of
Ireland imperatively demanded that those difficulties should be
boldly met. The Right Hon. Baronet had acknowledged that
the cause of all their differences was the question of the Esta-
blished Church. He (Lord Howick) certainly agreed with
him, that it was at the bottom of all their differences.—( Hear,
hear, and cheers.) Was not the House aware that until this
question was settled they could never rely upon the Roman
Catholics of Ireland? for they would be :contiuually
seeking to overthrow this system, and no power could ever
induce them to submit to the pi esent state of that Church.
Upon this subject the whole Roman Catholic body were united,
and had no trust in that Government, nor, indeed, could the
Government rely upon them. This unfortunate question met
them in every instance—it was even connected with the jury-
box.—( Cries of " Hear, hear," and loud cheers.) The late in-
dictment which had been just tried in Ireland could not be said
to be so much preferred against Mr. O'Connell as against the
Irish people.--( Loud cheers.) That eminent statesman, Mr.
Burke, in his speech upon tke American question, which had
been so frequently quoted, said it would not do toapply the usual
narrow and pedantic rules of criminal jurisdiction, and that he
knew not how to bring an indictment against a whole people.
But her Majesty's Government were more clever than Mr. Burke,
for they had solved this truly difficult problem. He should
remind his Hon. an I Learned Friend that it was a fundamental
principle in the administration of justice to have an im-
partial jury. If a foreigner was to be tried he would have
the right to claim that one-half of the jury should be foreigners,
and was there less reason for imputing, prejudice to the jury
upon those trials than there was to doubt the impartiality of a
London jury in the ease of a foreigner. Mr. O'Connell and
his friends knew that there was a still stronger feeling against
them, yet they could not avail themselves of the privilege to
which every foreigner was entitled. He felt convinced that
if the Church questiox were settled there would be an end of
that combination which at present existed in Ireland, and per-
haps the Right Hon. Baronet would find numbers amongst
the Catholic population of Ireland who would be as staunch
supporters of his sliding-scale, and of the principle of agricul-
tural protection as he would for Church Reform—(Laughter)
—but while it was left unsettled it would absorb all others•
Were they not aware that the machinery of a free Govern-
ment was for the express purpose of giving force and effect
to the deliberate and express will of the great body of the
people. Trial by jury, the elective franchise, and the whole
machinery of a free Government were constructed for no
other purpose, and when they attempted to administer the
forms of freedom against the will of the people, it was a task
which never could be satisfactorily performed. It was then
that the institutions of the jury failed them, and the elective
franchise became a serious evil. Questions arose in every
turn, in every social relation. The Right Hon. Gentleman
opposite (Mr. Shaw) complained of the Irish landlords having
been treated with injustice. Still he (Lord Howick) thought
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman could not deny that in Ire-
land many of the owners of land were unjust 'and oppressive.
The landlord was oppressive to his tenant ; and all those
struggles might be traced to the subject of the Church, which
ran through every portion of society. Whatever improvement
they introduced, still if they left this question open, they
would not get rid of the irritation. He came back then to this,
they must be prepared to do justice to the Irish people in this
matter of the Church Establishment, or they would see no ter-
mination to the existing state of that country. The fit would
continue, and the chronic disease would eat into the very vitals
of the country. There was no possible alternative or middle
course in the principle of government upon which they could
act. They could only rule through the affections of the people.
They could not hope to maintain the affections of the people
unless they really did justice to them ; and without the affec-
tions of the people there was but one alternative in governing
the country, and that was by force. If, indeed, it was in their
power to put an end to the forms of freedom—if they abo-
lished trial by jury—ii they abolished the elective franchise
—if they could govern Ireland as a great Crown colony by an
order in Council, then he could conceive it possible that this
system could go en. They must abolish the free press—prevent
discussion of all kinds. If they could do this—if it were in
thei.t power to establish such a system as Chet adopted by
Austria in the Italian provinces, it was possible, perhaps, for
them to return to a state of quiet. They might, by such a system,
drive the people into a state of apathy ; but he thanked God
that it was not in their power to adopt that principle. They
could not abolish the forms of freedom in Ireland, and,
therefore, having those forms of freedom existing, they must
govern in a spirit of freedom, or the present excited state
of society must continue ; and he could assure them, that if
they did allow it so to continue, they must be prepared
for worse results. The present system was dreadful, and was
corrupting everything that was good in itself. Even an ex-
tension of education would only make the Irish people more
sensible of the injustice under which they laboured. Even if an
improvement were to take place as to the wealth and resources
of the country, he believed that under the present system, it
would have no other effect than to make the present struggle
a permanent one, to which there could be no end. It would
not terminate even if that lamentable catastro-
phe were to occur, the hope of which
he feared there were men guilty enough to entertain, if the co-
existing discontent were to break out into open rebellion, and if
the flames of resistance were to be crushed. He believed that
even if than awful calamity were to come upon us, when the
resistance was over, and tranquillity restored, they would be in
precisely the same condition as before. Nay it would be worse
than before, for all hope of reconciliation with
the Irish people would then be at an end.
There would then be no possible termination to the struggle,
except, perhaps, by that which under such circumstances would
be inevitable—not the repeal cf the legislative union, but the
entire severance of the two kingdoms. Such a fatal result could
alone terminate so disastrous a struggle. God grant that they
might not, in their party divisions and party distrac-
tions, continue until it was too late for them to
apply a remedy. Before he concluded, having thus stated
his views upon this momentous question—before he concluded,
he had a few words to say upon the terms of the motion then
before the House. His Noble Friend opposite, the Secretary
for Ireland, last night said that this vote for a Committee was
not with a view to inquiry, but for the purpose of casting a
censure upon the Government, to be immediately followed, if
successful, by their resignation. It was perfectly true that, by
his vote, he meant to imply such an understanding of the meaning
of his Noble Friend. He thought it was absolutely necessary that
Parliament should proceed without delay to adopt measures of
a far more comprehensive kind, and of a far different charac-
ter, from those promised by her Majesty's Government. This
was what he felt was implied by the vote, and he believed that
it was a parliamentary and constitutional method of ask-
ing the House of Commons to eXpress its opinion.
He admitted also that the House could not express that opinion
without in a certain degree implying censure upon her Ma-
jesty's Government, and he admitted that, m the ordinary
course of affairs, the adoption of such a vote by that House
would naturally he followed by their resignation. At the
same time, he did most solemnly assure the House
that he did not support that motion because he wished
to achieve any party triumph, or because he
desired that her Majesty's Government should boef
_
dismissed from power. That was not his object.—(
Criel
" Oh, oh," and cheers from the Opposition benches)
. But
hether
believing measures to be absolutely necessary, even wto
au -
they remained in power or not, he must ask the Housee.
which,
port the motion. He looked upon this question as
edanb mere
a
like the Catholic question, could never be
carrittleemyent of
party triumph. He believed that the
es the
this question could only be acconop
nion of the
Catholic question had been accomplished, by the
two great parties which divided that House and this country
—to sacrifice pre-conceived opinions and mutual
and to combine in doing that which was necessary for the
welfare of Ireland and the safety of the empire. He was per-
suaded that this was the only mode by which those measures
could be carried—in fact, it was only the Catholic question
over again, • in another shape. Precisely the same difficulties
anddangers which they had then to struggle with had now arisen
for them to encounter. He hoped the Government would
seriously consider how great was the responsibility which was
now placed upon them.—(Hear, hear.) He knew that they
on this side of the House could not carry this question
against their will. Had his object been to overturn the
Government, he felt that
the House would understand that
he would not have expressed in so earnest a manner the
opinion he had that night avowed. He was not ignorant
of the great mass of prejudice—of honest prejudice
no doubt, that would be arrayed against him for doing so. He
wished to compromise no man by what he had said, but
was the truth, he
was
persuaded that what he had said and if they
feel it to b
calmly reflected upon it they. would
fate
eso—that in this
of the
conjuncture—this awful conjuncture t of the British
empire, it was their most solemn duty toheir God and their
country, to consider how the present state of Ireland could
be terminated by other means than t thong that he had
pointed out, and if they had no other meansot
tc_isautggest, which had
a rational prospect of success, not to reject that to them.
Having said this, it only remained for apologise
time he had takensin-
cerelythe up, and to
his utter inability to give utterance
to his deep regret at
a subject •
to the half of what he felt upon such as this.
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, but the House
did not divide.
On the re-admission of strangers to the gallery, we found
Sir R. PEEL addressing the House. He said—For the
Noble Lord who last session said that he was not prepared to
endanger the Protestant Establishment in Ireland—(Cheers)
—and who, in the course of the present session, said that the
nearest approach that could be made
to the satisfaction of the
Catholics, would be to doubl the grant to Maynooth—
(Cheers)—and who now proposed to have three sepa-
rate establishments in that country—a Protestant, a
Presbyterian, and a Roman Catholic—for him now to
taunt Gentlemen on that (the Ministerial) side of
the House, with not answering the speech of the
Noble Lord who had last sat down was to say
the least of it indiscreet, if not uncharitable.—( Cheers. ) For
his part, he (Sir R. Peel), seeing that_ a large portion of the
House was unwilling that the debate should be closed in the
present stage, would vote for the adjournment.—.(Cheers.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL only rose to say that he did ) not
agree in the reply of the Right Hon. Baronet.--( Laughter.)
Mr. MILNES said that although many Members on that
side of the House did not think it would become their position
in it, to obtrude themselves at that hour of the night, yet it by
no means followed that they did not wish to speak before the
debate concluded.—(A laugh.)
Sir GEORGE GREY did not rise to oppose the mw
tion for adjournment. But as he had voted so
frequently with the present Government against re-
peated adjournments of one debate, he must say that it was
with surprise he witnessed the silence of the opposite side,
when his Noble Friend concluded.—( Hear, hear.)
As it was
known that the debate could not arrive at its legitimate conclu-
sion until after the First Lord of the Treasury should have
spoken upon, it, no gentleman on that (the opposite)
side could be expected to rise after his Noble

( Hear, hear ) He wished it, therefore, to be understood that
the adjournment was not at the wish of that side.—(oh, oh. )
The SPEAKER. then put the question, and the debate was
adjourned without a division ; and, there being no further busi-
ness, the House adjourned shortly after, at Ten Alinute3 to
Twelve o'Clock.

GREAT WESTERN RAILWAY
COMPANY.

The half-yearly general meeting of the Proprietors of this
Company was held at the Paddington Station yesterday, at one
o'clock, Mr. C. Russell, 111. P., in the chair. The meeting, as
stated in the notice, was made special, &c., for the purpose of
considering and authorising the Directors to make application
to Parliament, in the present session, to alter and enlarge
the powers of any Act or Acts relating to this Company, or to
the Cheltenham and Great Western Union Railway Company,
or to the Oxford Railway Company, as well as the propriety of
joining or becoming parties with any other person or persons in
applying to Parliament for a Bill for making a railway from the
Great Western Railway at Pangbourne to the town of New-
bury, or of agreeing with any person or persons who shall apply
t 3 Parliament for such Bill, as to the expenses of such applica-
tion, or of the construction of such railway, or for taking on
lease or use of such railway when made, upon such terms and
conditions as may seem proper.
The CHAIRMAN said, the Directors would perceive by the
accounts that the receipts for the last half-year amounted to
377,7971., whilst those for the corresponding half-year
in 184'2 amounted only to 359,3761. During that interval
their line had been extended eight miles and three quarters.
The inerease in the receipts, therefore, was wore than propor-
tionate to the increase of distance.—( Cheers.) A reduction
had been effected in that portion of the expenditure over
which the Directors had control. , The expenditure
for the last half-year of 1842 was 129,417/. ; that for
the last half-year of 1843, 129,4361. This, at first
sight would show no reduction of expenditure; but it
must be borne in mind, first, that in the latter period they had
been working nine miles more than in the preceding one, and
secondly, that there was a portion of the expenditure
over which they could exercise no control. The
duty, rates, and taxes, for the last half-year of 1842,
amounted to 19,2231., those for the corresponding period in
1843 to 26,629/., showing an increase in those charges
of 7,4001. The expenditure being equal, it followed
that the decrease in the charges of the establish-
ment, over which the Directors had control, was as
nearly as possible proportionate to the increase in
those which were beyond their power, or about 7,5001.
When the Directors undertook a revision of the expenditure,
last year, they led the Proprietors to think that they would be
able to effect a reduction of about 11,000/. But for this increase
of public charges, there would, in fact, have been a reduction
of about 15,0001. The increase chiefly consisted of parochial
rates—an increase, not only enormous in amount, but perfectly
unjustifiable in principle.—( Hear, hear.) There was no
reason why railways, of all commercial enterprises in this
coup ry, should alone be subjected to assessments upon the
profits of their trade.—( Hear, hear.) The grievance was
so unjust and intolerable, that they must endeavour to obtain
redress from the Legislature. The total amount which they
now paid in the form of duties, of parochial rates, and of in-
come-tax, was about 64,000/. From the accounts there
appeared to be 116,820/. applicable to such pur-
poses as the Shareholders might be pleased to di-
rect. The Directors recommended a dividend of three
per cent. for the last half-year, which would require 102,678/.,
and would leave a balance of 14,1421. The Directors con-
sidered that this balance was not more than suffi-
cient to enable them to ensure a dividend of three
per cent. for the next half-year, and, therefore, it
it was that they proposed to retain that sum. He hoped that
the income of the currentlalf-year would exhibit a further in-
crease, but for any material improvement, they must now look
to the completion of the branch lines. The Report of Mr.
Brunel' as to the state of the works on these lines would, he
thought, prove highly satisfactory. There could be no doubt
that the Bristol line, as far as Exeter, and their own line as far
as Oxford, would be opened in the nay part of the ensuing
year ; and that the line to Cheltenham and Gloucester would be
opened in ample time to fulfil the requirement of the law, which
limited the period to June, 18f5. The, project for the exten-
sion of the line from Exeter to Plymouth was also advancing
satisfactorily. At the last =meeting the Directors were em-
powered to raise 150,000/. towards that undertaking. In order
to secure tjtenoming ofstkessliellsiastiswesent session, it became
necessary Thinlie railway companies 'interested in its com-
pletion should contribute a larger amount. The Directors had
taken upon themselves the responsibility of raising 475 shares
at 50/. each,and of coureettreyAritifideelispose of those shares as
soon as-'possible. In Cornwall a very earnest wish had
been manifested for the continuation of the line towards Fal-
mouth. He hoped the period was not remote when the line
would be continued as far as Falmouth. The works at Swin-
don were now completed. There was one subject
connected with that great establishment which he
was sure would be interesting to the Proprietors ;
he referred to the religious instruction of the men and the useful
and moral education of the children.—(Cheers.) In deference
to the religious feelings of a portion of the Proprietors, the
Directors had thought that the beat mode of accomplishing
this object was that of private subscription. The amount
which had been received by subscription for the church
was about 4,600/., without taking into account the assistance
which they might expect from those bodies which were in-
corporated for the purpose of promoting church building. The
amount raised for schools exceeded 6,000/. The Directors
still required further aid, however, from the munificence
of the Shareholders. Besides the religious instruction of the
workmen, and the education of their children, the Directors
thought there was no better way of obtaining a sober, industrious,
happy, and contented class of workmen than by giving them
the means of innocent recreation.—( Hear.) A library had been
established by subscription amongst the workmen themselves,
and the Directors felt it to be their duty to encourage this de•
sire in the workmen for their own improvement. The Direc-
tors were in treaty for the purchase of a piece of ground for the
purposes of cricket and other manly sports.—(Cheers. )
He hoped that those Proprietors who, from conscientious
scruples, were unable to contribute to the building of the
church, would contribute now to this object, against which no
such scruples could be alleged.—(Hear, hear.) There was one
subject which now excited considerable attention among those
interested in railways—he meant the inquiry in relation to
them which was now pending in the House of Commons. If
he abstained from making any remarks upon this subject, his
silence proceeded only from a sense of the delicacy of his po-
sition as a member of the Committee. He believed that
the Government were disposed to deal with railway interests
in a fair and friendly spirit. —(Cheers. ) He should go to the
inquiry deeply impressed with the magnitude of the interests,
and the vital importance of the principles involved in the
investigation—on the one hand, desirous of giving a libe-
ral and jest consideration to the claims of the public,
and on the other steadily watching the legitimate interests of
railway proprietors.—( Cheers.) Several resolutions would
have to be proposed after the Shareholders had resolved them-
selves into a special meeting for the purpose of considering
them.

The Secretary then read the Report.
Mr. Wisuaw, in moving the adoption of the Report, com-
plained of the inefficient accommodation for third-class pas-
sengers, and suggested that a day train should be established
for that class of persons.
Mr. NicHoLsoti seconded the resolution. With reference
to the subject referred to by the Hon. Proprietor who had just
spoken, he begged to say that, in consequence of the complaints
which had been made, he had himself travelled by a third-class
carriage on this line, and he found no reason whatever to com-
plain of any inconvenience.—(Hear, hear.)
Air. WILLIAMS, M.P., concurred with the mover of the
resolution in the view which he had taken of this subject ;
and stated that, if the Directors did not make some alteration
in the present arrangements, he should himself make a pro-
posal upon the subject.
Mr. VOUSLEY deprecated any interference with the Direc-
tors as regarded this matter. The poor were in a better con-
dition now than under the old coach system ; and if the Share-
holders interfered the result would probably be that they
would, by-and-bye, have to complain of low dividends.
Several other Proprietors expressed their opinions on the
same subject.
The CHAIRMAN, in reply, contrasted the accommodation
now afforded for third-class passengers with the most expen-
sive and luxurious mode of travelling formerly known to
them, namely, the outside of a stage coach, where they were
exposed to all the inclemency of the weather ; while by far the
greater number were either compelled to walk, or jolted along the
road, at the rate of two or three miles an hour.—( Hear, hear.)
At all events, he hoped the Proprietors would not interfere
until after the inquiry before the Committee of the House of
Commons had been completed, and the evidence had been laid
before the public.—( Hear, hear.)
Atter a short conversation, the motion for the adoption of
the Report was put and carried.
Mr. WILLIAMS, M.P., moved the following resolution :
" That it is the opinion of this meeting that a statement of the
receipts and expenditure of this Company should be sent to
each Proprietor four days previously to each half-yearly
meeting."
Mr. Wiswave seconded the resolution.
After some discussion the resolution was withdrawn.
A resolution was then passed declaring a dividend of 3 per
cent. upon the profits of the last half-year.
A resolution was then proposed for the purpose of procuring
an amicable settlement of the differences of this Company with
the Birmingham and Gloucester Companies.
A resolution was also passed for the construction of a branch
line between Twyford and Basingstoke.
The four retiring Directors were then re-elected.
The meeting then resolved itself into a special meeting,
for the purpose of considering the propriety of applying to Par-
liament for a Bill for making a railway from the Great
Western Railway at Pangbourne to the town of Newbury ;
and a resolution in accordance with that object, and generally
with the other objects stated in the notice paper, was passed,
after some discussion.

A vote of thanks was then given to the Directors, after
which the meeting separated.

Lord Stuart de Decies is prevented by. illness from
attending his Parliamentary duties.
THE INFANT SAPFllO.—This wonderful child has
lately been singing at Leeds, where her power of composition
has been tested by Dr. 'Wesley and Mr. Hopkinson, a pro-
fessor of music residing in that town. They passed her
through the most difficult changes of harmony, all of which
she seized with magical rapidity. Should she retain these
powers as she grows up she will be the most perfect musical
genius that has ever existed. We understand it is the inten-
tion of her father to withdraw her from the public for a time,
in order to allow her voice rest whilst it is changing.
ARRIVAL OF MR. O'CONNELL.—DanieI O'Connell,
Esq., M.P., accompanied by his son, Morgap O'Connell, Sir
Coleman O'Loughlin, and some other gentlemen, ar-
rived on Wednesday at Liverpool, by the second mail-
steamer from Dublin. A large concourse of people sur-
rounded the hotel throughout the day, and about five o'clock
so numerous was the assemblage, that Mr. O'Connell was
scpoenewetell.leduteo asptapteeadr atnhcalt andedrheasds
pthreevimoauslltyitundoe
jahtielattisolrt
aioof
offering any remarks in public on the occasion of his present
visit to Liverpool, nor had he at one time thought of visiting
London, at least for some time ; but he had since changed his
mind, though he should not take any part in the discussion
on Lord John Russell's motion. He did, however, intend
to enter his solemn protest against the fresh acts of injus-
tice to Ireland contained in the late State trials. He had
served his country for forty-eight years, during the entire of
which he had been the invariable advocate of peace ; and
whatever checks might he opposed to his future career, he
would still continue legally and strenuously to agitate for
the Repeal of the Union. He declared himself decidedly in
favour of Universal Suffrage; and, in conclusion, after say-
ing that he hoped they would, as their friends in Ireland
had hitherto done, preserve the peace, he proposed three
cheers for the Queen, which were heartily given. He
shortly after left Liverpool, and arrived in London yesterday.
The Irish Attorney-General intended to have sailed for Lon-
don on Tuesday evening, to attend the debate on Lord John
Russell's motion, but a sudden attack of illness has compelled
the Right Hon. Gentleman to delay his departure.
TIIE WEATHER.—During the week, though there
has been no decided thaw, there have been repeated indica-
tions of it, and the snow has, consequently, in a great mea-
sure, disappeared, the streets become dry, and the atmos-
phere has been clear and enlivening. 'Yesterday morning,
however, it froze sharply, and, in the forenoon, there was a
sudden and heavy shower of snow, which has brought back
all the slop and disagreeableness, of which we had last week
to complain.—Binningham Journal.

NATEEKLY

AN TI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE

MEETING

AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE.

The usual weekly meeting of the League was held last night,
in Covent-garden Theatre. The attendance was as large as on
previous occasions. At seven o'clock the Chair was taken by
the Hon. C. P. Villiers, M.P., when the following gentlemen
were on the platform :—W. J. Fox, Esq., Joseph Parkes Esq.,
W. A. Wilkinson, Esq., Ralph Ricardo, Esq., J. P. Barnard,
Esq., W. D. ,Christie, M.P. , P. A. Taylor, Esq., Dr. Cooke
Taylor, T. F. Gibson, Esq.' S. G. Hall, Esq., Patterson,
Esq., Preston, Esq , W. S. Burton, Esq., Henry Keeling,
Esq., William Clay, Esq., Arthur Pattiaon. Esq., W. T.
Hodgkin, Esq., Pennock Tiger' Esq. (of Beverley), Jabez
Johnson, Esq. (of Manchester), John Bell, Esq., M.P., Thos.
Wakley, Esq., M.P., Charles Williams, Esq., Dr. Simpson,
T. Mason, Esq., D. Aumonier, Esq., T. Ruston,Esq., J. Phelps,
Esq., G. Ridout, Esq., Wynn, Esq., Sir Valentine Blake,
John M'Leod, Esq., J. Cox, Esq., Dr. Hitchman, Summers
Harford, Esq., F. Roe, Esq., M. Thackeray, Esq., J. Dyke,
Esq., W. A. Thomson, Esq., Wm. Edgar, Esq., George
Lambert, Esq., Thomas Bateman, Esq., John Thompson,
Esq., J. Anderson, Esq., George Osborne, Esq., Richard
Lloyd, Esq., Samuel Drewell, Esq., Wm. Reynolds, Esq.,
Thomas Harbottle, Esq. ( Manchester), W. J. Scott, Esq.
(Manchester), C. 0. Boyce, Esq., John Yardley, Esq., John
Burtt, Esq. ' E. Jackinar, Esq., Grant, Esq., R. Harrison,
Esq., Mark Perkins, Esq., J. D. Casks'', Esq., Joy, Esq.,
Sir William Baynes, Bart., F. H. Toone, Esq , W. Roberts,
Esq., John Chadwick, Esq., F. Scheer, Esq., N. Overbury,
Esq. (Westbury, Wilts), R. Overbury, Esq. (Westbury,
Wilts), W. H. Birchall, Esq. ( London), H. Birchen, Esq.
(Leeds), M. H. Barnett, Esq., Michael Stocks, Esq. (Hali-
fax), Henry Edwards, Esq . Fullerton, Esq., Joseph Ro-
binson, Esq., Richard W. Cole, Esq., James Harmer, Esq.,
Professor Key, &c..
The CHAIRMAN, in opening the meeting, after some pre-
fatory remarks, said the objects of the League were identified
with the interests of the country at large, though they were op-
posed to sinister influences in both Houses of Parliament.
fliey lived in times when there was no chance of good go-
vernment, except through the influence of enlightened public
opinion. The gross misrepresentations of the objects of the
League indicated the fears of their opponents. What they
wished to do was to produce in the public mind a sense of the
evils which flowed from the present system of commercial re-
striction.—(Cheers.) Since the last meeting of the League
in that place, that word which had been thought effectual to
stay the cries of an injured people in the sister country—(Loud
cheers)—he meant conspiracy, had been applied to the
meetings of the League in that theatre. How far that ex-
pression was applicable he could not pretend to say, but the
use of the term showed how much their progress alarmed the
advocates of monopoly.—( Hear, hear.) They had the authority
of the head of the Government for saying that their principles
were founded on common sense.— (Laughter and cheers.)
Whatever progriss, therefore, they .might have made was a
progress towards the carrying out of common sense principles.
—( Cheers.) What kind of sense those exhibited who had an
object precisely the opposite of theirs, it was not for him to
say.—(Laughter.) No other answer had been given to their
charges against monopolists except such as was conveyed by
vulgar abuse ; and such a weapon would never be effectual
against the League.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) 1 hose who
had conspired to reveal and make manifest truth would
not fear the censure of those in authority ; but they would re-
joice in it as a proof of the triumphant progress of their
cause.—( Cheers. )
Mr. Home then came forward to address the meeting. He
said he had been for many years an anxious labourer in pro-
moting the great object for which that League was formed.
He looked with great satisfaction at the progress which had
been made in that question. In a House consisting of 6ilo
Members, he made a motion, the object of which waste remove
gradually the duty on earn, he found but thirteen supporters. I
(Hear, hear.) Very different was the state of things at pre-
sent. Every hour's experience showed that the objects of the
' League were based on immutable principles, and every day
brought fresh adherents to the cause. He had been detained
that evening from attending the committee room of the League,
by remaining in the House of Commons to witness the ernval
of a great veteran in the redress of grievances.—( Loud
and long-continued cheering.) One of his reasons for accept-
ing the invitation which he had received to address the meeting
was, that it would afford him an opportunity of expressing his
opinion as to the manner in which public meetings had been
assailed in Ireland, by the proceedings against those men who
had been placed on their trial in that country.—( Cheers.)
There was no great public _meeting in this country which
would not be assailed in the same manner if the ;parties had
courage to carry out their own wishes.—( Hear, bear.) It
became every man who felt interested in the cause of public
liberty to come forward and protest against this interference
lest he himself should become its victim. Since he last had
the pleasure of addressing such a meeting as that which was
there assembled, an important change had taken place in the
country. Formerly they were met by a general assertion that
the
_monopoly of food was necessary, not for the landlords
but for the labouring -population, . for whose benefit
alone restrictive laws were imposed and cor tinued.
But the evidence_ had since been withdrawn; the truth had
come out ; and it was now avowed in the speeches made by the
League formed against the Anti-Corn-law League—( Hear,
bear )—that these laws -were continued in order to maintain
rents and to keep up prices. This was a most important step
in the progress of their career ; for no honest man could now
stand up and declare that these laws ought to be continued.
It was for the mass of the people to say how long exclusive
laws should exist.—(Cheers.) Another most important
change had taken place. The Prime Minister of England,
Sir Robert Peel, had, in 1842, declared himself a convert to
free-trade principles, and he expounded those Principles in a
manner which would do credit to any statesman. How mor-
tifying to find that the man who had made such declarations
should now submit to be dictated to by the landed interest of
the country.—(Hear, hear.) The Duke of Richmond had
told him that if he ventured to propose any altera-
tion, he should go out of office ; and at a
meeting of the opposition League, he was told that the
country gentlemen placed him in power, and if he did not
support them, they would net suffer him to retain power.—
(Laughter.) This was the state of the question. They new
knew their relative positions. In a country which had all the
requisites for making its inhabitants happy and powerful,
their wealth was interfered with, their _privileges were nar-
rowed, and they were kept in a state of great misery and
suffering, in order that monopolists might continue to flourish.
He knew no reason why certain capitalists - should have pro-
tection, whilst merchants and manufacturers were amerced
for their support.—( Hear, bear, and cheers.) were
League
demanded that all restrictions should be*removed. The people
had wherewith to buy ; their warehouses were loaded with
goods'; their ships were ready to convey English manufac-
tures to all parts of the world. Should monopolists be per-
mitted to say that they should not enjoy the fruits of their
industry ? He had cut out from the Times a few slays since
thirteen or fourteeen advertisements of different institutions,
formed for the relief of destitution. Was that state of things to
be permitted ?—( Hear, hear.) lie was an advocate of free
trade generally, but the most important branch of it was free
trade in corn. Let them secure that, and they would soon
have free trade in everything.—( Cheers. )
Mr. CHRISTIE, M.P., next addressed the meeting. lie
congratulated them that no Government proclamation had as
yet been issued against the Anti-Corn-law League ; though,
two nights ago, Sir James Graham had uttered what must
have been intended as a warning to the Anti-Corn-law League.
He said that the altered circumstances of the times required an
alteration in the law of conspiracy, and, quoting a maxim of
Madame de Steel, he said that, now-a-days, leagues held their
meetings in theatres, and traitors built conciliation-halls, to
disseminate sedition.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) It was not
from Sir James Graham that such language might have been
expected ; for the Home Secretary had refused to allow the
police to attend the meetings of the League in that theatre,
thereby giving testimony to their peaceable character.—
(Laughter.) He referred to the adhesion of Lord Morpeth to
free trade principles, as an event of great importance, and ex-
pressed a hope that Lord John Russell, the leader of the Oppo-
sition, would follow his example.—(Cheers.)
Mr. W. J. Fox addressed the meeting in a powerful and
eloquent speech. He commenced by referring_ to a state-
ment that the Corn-law League had dwindled into in-
significance. It had dwindled, he said, from a revenue
of 50,0004 a year to one of 100,0001., from small
local gatherings to such as he then beheld. It had dwindled
from petitioning the House of Commons into appealing to its
masters. The League was not dependent either on Sir Robert
Peel or on any other party leader, and nothing could stop its
progress. The dicta of parties would have no influence over it.
As well might it be supposed that its success would be retarded
or prevented by the bellowing of the bull in Tamworth Park.
—(Great laughter.) He then referred to the combinations
against the League, and to the charge of conspiracy brought
against it, neither of which, he said, in the least alarmed its
supporters. He expressed his sympathy with thoso who were
to be punished for the use of free speech in the
sister isle. Mr. O'Connell did not, however, need
their sympathy, for even in a dungeon, if he were sent to a
dungeon, he would rule—and in the thoughts and hearts and
devotion of the nation would be served.—(Great cheering.)
Many charges had recently been brought against the League;
amongst them was the charge that they sent paid lecturers
about the country. The greatest lecturer of all—one who
spoke with undying power to the heart of humanity and the
cause of free trade—was the love of justice. Another charge
brought against the League was that they had forged petitions
—and it was stated that a man had been employed to copy
signatures from the tombstones in a churchyard. There was
at least great shrewdness in the rogue, for many were the
victims of monopoly lying cold in the grave.—((sear, hear,
and cheers.) The corn-laws were said to be maintained
for.the benefit of the labourers. The landholders loved
the labourer ; they loved him so much that they took care that
his fine proportions should not be spoilt by too ample living.
—(Hear.) He was gifted with twenty-pence a day if the
weather were fine, and with nothing if it were wet. It was
said that the corn-laws was retained as a security for the
agricultural population. He denied that the landholders had
any title to that appellation. If they were to designate the
occupations of men by the use which they made of their pro-
perty, the Marquis of Westminster would be one of the greatest
b icklayers in London, the Duke of Bedford one of the most
distinguished dramatists and musicians, and the clergy of
Westminster Abbey professors of prostitution.—( Great
laughter.) The landed proprietors of England were formerly the
nation, but they were so no longer. In order to make them
the nation they must turn back the wheels of time, and bring
the country back to barbarism. They had many advantages,
but they were not content with them.—(Hear, hear.) They
might depend upon it that feudalism was past, and that the
spirit of feudalism could not govern this country. The spirit
of feudalism must succumb to the genius of humanity. The
spirit, the principles, and the power of feudalism must stand
by and make way for the rights of industry, and for the pro-
gress of the nation, towards commercial, political, and intellec-
tual liberty. (The Hon. Gentleman concluded amidst loud
and long •continued cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN then stated that Mr. O'Connell had con-
sented to attend the next weekly meeting, an announcement
which was received with vociferous applause.
The meeting then separated.

STATE OF TRADE.
(From the Manchester Guardian.)
Although no great amount of business was done yes-
terday, either in goods or yarn, the market was exceed-
ingly firm, and with somewhat more of buoyancy in
pVces than has existed for some days past. Although
many of-the spinners have recently turned their attention
to spinning higher counts of yarn than previously, the ge-
neral demand for light fabrics causes those descriptions
of yarn to be much inquired for, and they are still very
scarce, so that a further change from low to high counts
may be expected, and a further diminution in the con-
sumption of cotton. The prices of printing cloths con-
tinne to advance, and very high prices have been paid
this week for good 22's ; but 40-inch shirtings are rela-
tively low, though in somewhat better demand than last
week.
ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, FEB. 12. —There
lh as
ts
been very little change in the market to-day 0_
week. The demand continues good, but many frrelauseato
sell at the prices offered. The wool market is brisk, and
prices are gradually on the advance.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

PROM TELE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.--When we said that people would not fight
in these days about points of faith, we did not mean to
say that they would not squabble about the appropria.
Lion of Church, ieeeutses. We should be guided by ono
principle, and by one alone, on that subject, in a country
like Ireland. We need not say, perhaps, that ours is not
the principle of Sir J. Graham—that so-and-so was esta-
blished at the Reformation, and ratified by the Act of
Union. Other things were established soon after the Re-
formation, which have been altered since. The wise
Jamie, who planted Presbyterians in Ulster, restored
Episcopacy in Scotland. England has not maintained
that Episcopacy—or else that too might have been
"ratified" in the Act of Union with that country.
Suppose it had, and that discontent at our hierarchy-
had continued undiminished. Would the date of its
establishment have been any good argument in its
favour ? Would it not rather have been an argu-
mpnt against it, as something no time could naturalise ?'
Our principle, then, as to Irish Church mate
ters, is not thatof Sir James Graham ; or that still more
naively stated the other day by the Herald. Tho
Herald said that " Peace between the two contending
(ecclesiastical) parties (in Ireland) is morally impos-
sible. Away, then, with all false pretences and delu-
sive hopes of this kind Let the question be
reduced to its simplest and only intelligible
form—that the mere majority of the people of any
country, no matter how ignorant or how superstitious,
ought to prescribe what the faith of that country shall
be ; and that-to maintain a particular form of religion,
merely because it is true and divine, is an act of bigotry,
and an exhibition of religious intolerance." IN e are
quite of the Herald's opinion that peace between the
two Church parties in Ireland is impossible ; so long
as either' have material objects to defend, or obtain,
which they think worth struggling for. But the He-
rald's idea that the faith of a people is not to be at all
consulted in prescribing the faith of a country, that
people who think .differently are to decide what is
true and divine instead, is precisely the assumption which
(if nothing else) would deter us from turning Roman
Catholics. That the Roman Church makes that as-
sumption is sufficient to keep us out of it—but in Pro-
testants we look upon it as quite preposterous and
suicidal. What, then, is the principle on which we
should proceed in the Irish Church question? It ap-
pears to us a very simple one—that of cutting down
the real matter of contention. Sir James Graham con-
tends for continued preference of the Protestant Church.
To this we say that a Protestant Church is very well
among a Protestant people, It is even very well among
a Catholic people—provided it is not preferred. We
would not unteach Roman Catholics the lesson that they
cannot expel Protestantism from their country. We
would not knuckle under to their ascendancy. We
should think it worse than the present—worse in all
respects except one—that it would at least express
the popular opinion, and therefore would nut remind
the people of conquest and degradation. We do not
wish to attach to this sentiment more weight than really
belongs to it.. We do not believe, and bave seen no
proof, that the Protestant clergy are particularly un-
popular, since the conversion of tithe has removed them
from collision with their parishioners. But they are not
the clergy of the bulk of the population ; and there-
fore the avowal of political preference for them is the
avowal of
_preference for an institution professedly in-
tended forte bulk of the population, and rational pre-
ference for which can only be founded on its fulfilling
that intention. Substitute N for R, and instead of ra-
tional preference you have national preference. But
what has our national preference to do with the Church
of the Irish people ? What has the choice of a Church
for another people to do with political union with that
people ? Sir James Graham says everything. We say
nothing ; and worse than nothing. It is a topic of dis-
union. That churches will not be fought against in
these days we indeed believe ; but will they be fought
for ? -The Herald affirms they will ; and that the people
of England are quite ready, if necessary, to do battle us
the cause of the Irish Establishment. But mark the much
less enthusiastic tone of Lord Eliot:—" There were agi-
tators in Ireland who would not be satisfied with any
measure short of the actual subversion of the Church,
and he did not believe that that House, or any Parlia-
ment that might be summoned in this country, would
consent to a total subversion of the Protestant Church."
Nothing short, then, of the total subversion of the Pro-
testant Church appears to Lord Eliot likely much to stag-
ger the Parliament or the public. Now that is just ou r ppin-
ion too. And the sort of proposition we should found on
it would be the division of Irish Church revenues among
the three principal communions, Romish, Anglican,
and Presbyterian—and the equal division—as likely
to be attended with least dispute and difficulty. Lord
John Russell indicated the policy of some such set-
tlement ; but it, is not upon his, or any other party
authority, that we throw out the above sugges-
tion. That suggestion is founded on the view which
seems to have prompted former measures—so far as they
went—the view, namely, of diminishing the odium of
the endowed and ascendant Church, by diminishing its
ascendancy, and paring down its endow-4*s. We
would have done with the ascendancy, and the exclusive
endowment altogether ; and when there is no bone of
contention between sects, big enough to be worth wor-
rying one another for, we shall expect them—not, in-
deed, to cease quarrelling, but to cease disturbing the
State with their quarrels.

STANDARD.—The debate on the state of Ireland
was resumed last night in the House of Commons, and
again adjourned. The commencement of the discussion
was unusually heavy, but it improved regularly in in
terest with the last three speeches—Mr. Young's, Sir `,
George Grey's, and, above all, Lord Eliot's, which was '
really excellent. But, after all, what remains to
be said, upon the state of Ireland, that has not'
been said a thousand times ? or what practical
remedy for Irish evils can be proposed that is not al-
ready in active operation, or the necessary preparations
for which are not earnestly pressed forward by the Go-
vernment ? The Opposition speakers are, therefore,
limited to vague common-places, or to querulous and
very unjust accusations ; but they can propose no-
thing definite, and they can prove nothing wrong.
Their speeches, therefore, necessarily amount to nothing,
and to be obliged to read, or listen to, hours of spoken
nothing, is very wearisome. The Conservatives have a
great advantage in this respect, for though such " special ,
nothing" is dull in itself, very pleasant commentaries in
verse or prose may be made upon it, as one of
" The poets of Charles's days,
The mob of gentlemen who wrote with ease,"
has sh )wn, and we doubt whether the verses of the p )et
in question upon " the elder brother even to shade," are
better in their way than the speeches of Sir James
Graham and Lord Eliot, in reply to Lord John Russell
and Company. Something must be done for Ire-
land, say the Whigs and the ultra-wise Conservatives.
Softly, gentlemen, -we say. Suppose one of your-
selves thrown into a fever by bodily or mental exer-
tion ; what do you think is the first thing that a skilful
physician would order in your ease ? Would he physic
you while still rolling in a rumbling diligence over
the paved road of the Continent, or leave the
pen in your hand, and - the- midnight lamp
before you, while applying cupping-glasses and
blisters ? No ; you are well aware that the first
thing he would order is rest—rest which would probably
work a cure by itself—rest, without which all
other means of relief would be undoubtedly in-
effectual. Before.. = you prescribe your nostrums
for Ireland, - `thee, would it not he just as
well to try whit may be the effect of that
rest which the Government has won for her,.more par-
ticularly as ho two of you are agreed upon the proper
nostrum ? How that rest has been won will be seen in
an article which we have copied from the Morning
Herat! of this day ; the article is long, but we entreat
that it may be carefully read, not merely as a complete
vindication of the Attorney-General for Ireland, and
of the Government which has the honour of having
selected !lid supported such an officer, but as a vindi-
cation of the British Constitution itself. Peace has at
length been won for Ireland. The Repeal Association is
already melting away. Mr. O'Connell absents himself
upon one false pretence ; for what business has he
here, after having sworn that he would not set his
foot in the Saxon Parliament ? The newspaper pro-
prietors withdraw on another false pretence, for it is
not true that their newspapers were made evidence
against the conspiracy because they were implicated;
their newspapers were made evidence against the con-
spiracy, because the conspirators in a corporate cha-
racter circulated these newspapers at their own charge,
and in that way these newspapers would be evi-
dence, though the name of a single person connected
with them did not appear upon the books of the conspi-
racy. Thus, the monster nuisance has been abated,
and still we are told that nothing has been done ; and
we are stunned with projects, the only possible effect of
urging which, besides disturbing the present peace,
must be to call into existence another like monster
nuisance.

MONEY MARKET and CITY NEWS.

CITY; WEDNESDAY EYENING.

TIMES.—The, premium on gold at Paris is 10 per mile,
which, at the English Mint price of 31. 17s. 101 d. per ounce
for standard gold, gives an exchange of 25 40A ; and the
exchange at Paris on London at short being 25 55, it follows
that gold is 0.58 per cent. dearer in London than in Paris.
By advices from Hamburgh, the price of gold is 4331 per
mark, which, at the English Mint price of 31. 17s. 10d. per
ounce for standard gold, gives an exchange of 13 9%; and
the exchange at Hamburgh on London at short being 13 10,
it follows that gold is 9.34 per cent. dearer in London than LW"
Hamburgh.
The course of exchange at New York on London is 109
per cent.; and the par of exchange between England and.
America being 101 23-40 per cent., It follows that the ex-
change is 0.57 per cent. against England ; but the quoted ex- -
change at Nl* York being for bills at sixty days' sight, the
interest must be deducted from the above difference.

SACRED HARMONIC SOCIETY.—The last perform-
ance of Handel's Oratorio, Jephtha, takes place at Exeter
Hall this (Friday) evening:
TUE METALLIC CAPSULE. A very ingenious
method of preserving wine, spirits, and other liquids, how-
ever :‘
volatile or effervescent, whether in bottles or other ap-
propriate
vessels, and without the use of wax, resin, wire, or
other objectionable or inconvenient materials, is now brought
into practical operation by Messrs. Betts, of Smithfield tyl
to whom the public already stand so m
successful efforts in distilling a pure and healthnfu,l,. spirit
d The
British produce, produce, as a substitute for French Ira
I'lich encloses the
vention consists in a metallic capsule,
14:
ranch indebted for their
k of the
nothing can
e, in the
upper surface of the cork, and thesonthat
ato injure the contents; whilst,
ble
escape, nothing can pass whilst n
most perfect manner imagin
being stamped with the name
in
of the firm and a description of
ties—the utmost .
security is afforded against the sale or sub-
hether
s,t s.
spurious or inferior. The metal of
,i
the article—whether used by the patentees or by other par
eacaapns)ulinehsagre made is incorrodible, and therefore
iititiotirh
unaffected by damp, alternations of temperature, or the ek-
trernest change of climate. And to these advantages, eco-
nomy being added, the use of the metallic capsules by wine
and spirit merchants, perfumers, oilmen, confectioners, and
others, must be most extensive.