The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-27 00:00:00

OtiminN -7'-: Ant

LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 27, 1844.

The proceedings if the Irish State trials on
Thursday were of the most uninteresting de-
scription—necessary to the case for the Crown,
but exceedingly tedious to the portion of the
public that happened to be hearers. Not a
single witness was called throughout the day, which
was occupied with the reading of articles and reports
of speeches from the Freeman and Pilot newspapers.
These documents ranged over the whole space of time
during which the monster meetings were held, and
the dinners by which those meetings were generally
succeeded. Many of them having been given in the
indictment, and again in the opening address of the
ATTORNEY-GENERAL, they have been, to a consider-
able extent, omitted in the report. The closing of the
case for the Crown only depends on the extent to which
theie extracts and speeches may be read. There is
no wish on the part of the traversers to prolong the
proceedings needlessly; but their Counsel consider
it but fair, that if • portions of speeches are
picked out and read, as evidence against their
clients, they have a right to have other portions read
that may considerably alter or qualify the meaning
of the others, when
,taken by themselves. The prin-

cipal speeches that have been read by the Clerk of
the Crown are those at Mallow, Baltinglass, and
Tara. The interest of' the proceedings will now
scarcely revive till the speeches of the counsel for
the' traversers commence. _

Lately Mr. O'CONNELL has not been much in
the Court. He is busily engaged in the library
among books and papers.
If the reading of this documentary evidence pro-

ceeds no faster, and if it is carried over the whole
series of the meetings, it will scarcely be concluded
till Saturday.
Our Correspondent makes the following remarks
relative to the evidence of Mr. HUGHES, the Govern-
ment reporter :

" The position of witness for the Crown, in a Go-
vernment prosecution, has often been bad enough in
Ireland; but it does not follow that the people are
destitute of all power of discrimination between the
honest witness, and the man who gives his testimony
from motives which are neither disinterested nor inde-
pendent. For this reason, considerable regret has
been expressed here to-day, that the Times should
have been so misinformed as to state, in a leader of
Wednesday, that every attempt is being made in
Dublin, to inflame the minds of the people
against Mr. BOND HUGHES, by posting the
walls with placards, describing him as a spy,
a miscreant, &c. Nothing can be more unfounded
than such an assertion. I have neither seen
any such placard, nor by inquiry can I discover any
person who has. Indeed the impression with respect
to Mr. HUGHES is quite the reverse of unfavourable.
BefOre his evidence was given, and while it was un-
known what he was to be called to prove, it cannot
be wondered at that some suspicion and ill-feeling
should exist respecting him. But from the moment
his evidence was published, not a word has been
printed or uttered respecting him but what has been
complimentary to him. The Dublin Press
has been most scrupulous in making the
amende to him ; men of all parties agree that his evi-
dence did him credit in every respect; and we may even
say that he is rather popular than otherwise. Even
among the lower classes the same favourable impres-
sion exists, and they draw a wide distinction between
him and the other witnesses, who swore to the
speeches as reporters. That there is any attempt to
inflame the minds of the people against him is a
mere falsehood, which has been imposed on the Times,
and may pass uncontradicted in London ; but read
here, with the quiet and peaceable deportment of the
people under immediate observation, such state-
ments appear absolutely absurd."

We are not learned in legal lore ; we do not pro-
fess to understand the subtleties of law; but we do
profess to understand the common sense of questions,
and to see as far into a millstone as any of our neigh-
bours. And, looking at the trial now going on in
Ireland, with all the appliances and means to boot
with which we are endowed, we do think that we
can form as good a judgment of the proceedings as
any of our contemporaries.

It is to us evident that the case for the prosecution
is drawing to a close, and that the end of the be-
ginning is at hand. And such an end never was, in
our opini( n, witnessed. The evidence for the Crown
might, in truth, have been given for the traversers,
and every witness against them might, with far more
judgment, have been called for them. The prose-
cutors have proved that the meetings were peaceable
—that no secrecy was used in calling them—that
every publicity was given to them—that every.
reporter for Government or for the press was admitted
freely and without restraint—that peace was on the
lips, as in the conduct, of the leaders—and that no fear
was caused, nor alarm created. What more could
there be proved for the defence ? Evidence can
only go to facts, not to intent, and intent can only
be judged of by those facts. The evidence given for
the prosecution indisputably proves the innocence of
the accused.

We do not think that any English jury would ever
call for a defence from persons against whom such
evidence only had been given. We are quite sure
that no English jury would convict upon such evi-
dence. Why then should we hesitate or doubt as to
an Irish jury ? Why should we fear the result in
their hands ? Simply and solely, because when an
Irish Attorney-General relies upon a case totally
groundless, a mere tale of a tub, to procure him a
verdict, we presume he knows his jury. He ought
to know it, for he had trouble enough to
get it. And if he relies upon the jury,
so much the more fear for the traversers. It is not
sufficient for us to have seen the case against the tra-
versers, grow " small by degrees and beautifully
less"—to have seen it dwindle away, and melt
like snow in the sun ; for we feel no confidence in
Irish law, in Irish justice, in Irish juries ; and we
feel grateful that, thanks to the Crown officials, no
verdict, can damage the accused, nor do good to their
persecutors.

Mr. WARD, we perceive, has been paying a visit
to his Sheffield constituents, whom he addressed on
Wednesday last, on the subject of the line of policy
he pursued last session in Parliament. His address
was received with every token of approbation—and
deservedly so, for it was manly and consistent in its
tone, and abounded in useful, practical suggestions.
We wish we had many more men in the House of
Commons like the Hon. Member for Sheffield, who
combines boldness with sagacity ; sees the truth, and
does not hesitate to speak it; steers clear of all party
prejudices and predilections--those fatal quicksands on
which so many clever men are constantly sinking,
and being engulphed ; and regards nothing but the
interests of the community at large. It is not a little
to Mr. WARD'S credit that while the Tories hold him
in fear and abhorrence as a Reformer of the most
dangerous latitudinarian character, the Whigs have
no special liking for him, inasmuch as he refuses to
run tractably in Whig harness, but chooses to think
—speak—decide—and vote—according to his own
strong and correct impressions of things. 'We repeat,
therefore, that we heartily wish 'we had some more
men like Mr. WARD in Parliament, and then
we should no longer be afflicted with such

an overwhelming landlords' majority as was exhibited
last session, and, as we fear, will be exhibited in the
next, unless Reformers of all classes agree to forego
their petty party differences, and combine_ together
for the public good. Alluding to this important
branch of his subject, the Member for Sheffield ob-
served, " I have no other hope of breaking in on the
Conservative majorities of the present House of Com-
mons, but by a union of all parties. You tell me that
trade is improved a little. I fear not much. Ido
not see where the improvement is to come from.
I do not see that there can be any beneficial
or extensive increase in our manufacturing trade
and commerce under the present state of export
and import duties. We must break in on the exist-
ing system. I trust that the whole constituency of
this country will give such an impulse to public men,
as will force them all on in the path of onward
march." Most cordially do we echo this wish. Un-

less something of the sort be done, we do not see
what security we can have against those dishearten-
ing fluctuations and depressions in commerce, which
have of late years been so frequent among us. The
Whigs must learn to lay aside their paltry distrust and
jealousy of the more resolute and advanced class of Re-
formers ; sacrifice at the altar of the public good some of
their old-fashioned, party prejudices; and take the lead

in a vigorous political crusade against the common
enemy, the Monopolists. If the ultra-Tories on all
great questions affecting their interests, can put their
prejudices in their pockets, and join with the more
moderate Conservatives, to check the progress of
energetic commercial reforms, why should the Whigs
hesitate to combine with the more uncompromising
Liberals in their efforts to further the progress of these
indispensable reforms ? When bad men conspire, good
men should combine, says the old adage ; and we hope
the Whigs will bear this in mind during the session
that is now so close at hand. In reference to the

ticklish question of Ireland, Mr. WARD, while pro-
fessing himself inimical to the project of Repeal,
spoke boldly and sternly out as to the necessity of an
equitable, conciliatory course of polioy being pursued
towards the sister country. " A little meddling policy,"
he said, " would do no good in Ireland at the present
day. The Government would not concede anything.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM had said that it was a crisis
of the utmost importance, and yet would do
nothing. As respects the Irish Church, he
thought that to sacrifice one part of the
empire to the Church Establishment, was a
matchless act of national imbecility." Mr. WARD, it
may be remembered, expressed himself strongly On
this subject last session ; and, of course, he will resume
the theme in Parliament at the first fitting oppor-
tunity, when we presume he will obtain a more
patient and respectful hearing from Ministers, than

it was his fate to meet with last year; for the
strenuous Repeal agitation that has taken place Ia the

interim, and convulsed Ireland to its centre, cannot
but have made a deep impression on our halting and
expediency-loving Government.

Madrid journals of the 19th have been received.
The accounts from the provinces, as to the reception
of the new municipal law, are said to be satisfactory,
with very few exceptions. Great opposition to it in
Galicia was apprehended, and reports prevailed at
Madrid that the Government had received alarming
news from that quarter. A deputation from the
Magistracy of Corunna had waited on the QUEEN,
and presented a loyal address, to which her MAJESTY
replied—

" Convinced that justice is the certain guarantee of order
and of the happiness of my people, I always receive with the
greatest pleasure the expressions of the devotedness of the
members of the Magistracy. I reckon on your proverbial
sense of equity in the dispensing of the laws to promote the
prosperity of a generous people."

The Three per Cents. were done at 26i for cash,
and 26 at 60 days, and the Five per Cents. at 19i
for cash, and 19i at 60 days.

In the discussion which took place in the French
Chamber, on Wednesday, M. VILLEMAIN, the Mi-
nister of Public Instruction, defended the University
against the attacks made on it by the clergy and M.
Carne, one of the speakers. It was said by these
authorities that there reigned in the schools a philo-
sophy which aimed at substituting for the Christian
religion a sort of rational religion—something, in
fact, higher than ordinary religion. He would not
allow that any such language ought to hold in con-
tradiction to the writings and solemn declarations of
the most respectable men. He regretted that such
attacks should be made against men whose merits
were not appreciated as they ought to be. ". Shall I
venture," continued the Hon. Minister, "to remind
you of the great movement that took place after the
empire, and mention to you a much revered name—
that one who for many years was President of this
Chamber—M. ROYER COLLARD? Do you not be-
lieve, Gentlemen, that the man who restored
amongst us an admiration for the genius of DES-
CARTES, who uplifted anew the colours of
spiritualism, and prepared the way for political liberty
by his instructions in moral liberty—who elevated
men's minds, and inspired them with the sentiment of
their political duties by inculcating that of their
moral and social duties—do you suppose, I say, that
a man like this, would have introduced into France a
philosophy which we ought now to disdain and repu-
diate ?—(Loud approbation.) And have the men who
came after him—his disciples whom he loved and ho-
noured—have they quitted the path of that noble aired
pure philosophy ? Do you believe that those men
have endeavoured to direct men's minds towards the
very doctrines they have stigmatised with the name
of sensualism ? No ; they have, on the contrary, con-
tinued to so instruct in philosophy that it should not
certainly replace religion, but prepare the public
mind for it. But what is the nature of the course
of instruction so severely attacked by M. CARNE ?
Here it is. With DESCARTES, whose name is ene of
the glories of France, are joined the works of MALLE-
BRANCHE, ARNAUD, BOSSUET, and FENELON ; and to
them the Council has added the writings of CLARKE
LEIBNITZ, and EULER. Such is our programme for the
instructing in philosophy, and to this do our wishes tend.'
His speech, which displayed liberal principles, and a
full determination to maintain the authority of the
State in all measures connected with public instruc-
tion, derived additional interest from his allusions to
the system adopted by NAPOLEON. The following
remarks were listened to with great attention

"If an education, learned and appropriate to all the re-
quirements of public life, had not instilled into minds the
germs of instruction and of talent, France would not have
found herself so promptly able, on two occasions, to recon-
stitute a Government, which had each time drawn nearer to
constitutional principles.—(Marks of approbation.) He would
ask the Chamber at what time had feelings of discontent
first manifested itself against these institutions? Was it at a
remote period? No; it was at an epoch when a spirit of vio-
lence and re-action first began to operate in France. When
did the first pamphlet appear, of which a new edition had
lately been published at Lyons ? It was in 1815 ; it was at a
time when men, who attacked at once the glory and inde-
pendence of the country, had the upper hand. Were these
attacks and complaints well founded? Was not the Imperial
system of education sufficient for all purposes ? Was it sus-
ceptible of ameliorations ? Had it not already received them ?
That was what he proposed to examine. There was, though
the predominant principle of the empire, something too im-
perious, too military, in the regime of the old schools. There
was something too restricted, too limited, in the instruction ;
there appeared to be a fear of that development of ideas
which the Honourable M. de Carrie found excessive and dan-
gerous; this was not a subject of blame to the University,
but the favourite idea of that glorious spirit which then pre-
sided over the destinies of the country. The. Emperor, whose
attention was fixed on the University, one day made the fol-
lowing note, which has been carefully preserved in the
archives of the Ministry ":—" The University is not sufficiently
dominant—it does not represent with sufficient activity the
idea of the Emperor and the unity of France—private insti-
tutions must be closed until each lyceum has obtained the
number of boarders which it can receive. This suppression
should commence with those establishments which are badly
organised, for such as are good should be preserved."—(Sen-
sation.) When this note was sent to the Council of the
University, amongst the members of which figured such men
as Baron Cuvier, the answer was that free competition should
be allowed both to private teachers and to the University. The
Emperor hesitated at these observations, and the University,
which the Emperor wished to fill by artificial means and by
giving six thousand free admissions, had in a few years more
paying pupils than the number of free admissions which the
Emperor had proposed to give—(Movement.) The principle
of absolute right had been preserved, but in practice the
obligation of having regularly attended the public lectures
which dates from the line of the Parliament has been modi-
fied. So that out of 900 schools, there were 800 which did
not follow the exact line of instruction pursued in the col-
leges. In fact, the greatest number of pupils attending the
colleges came from the private residences of their families.
Out of 53,000 pupils of the University, there were 19,000
boarders placed by their parents, and a great number of day
scholars. It was not therefore families that were restrained,
but speculators, under whatever name they might conceal
themselves, congregations and others. And yet the state of
things which underwent gradual improvements, the state of
things which was spontaneously ameliorated by the mere
effect of a change in public manners, might yet receive from
the laws developments, ameliorations, and limitations at one
and the same time, and he should be happy to see them in-
troduced. He thought that this might be effected by fol-
lowing up the attempts which had been made by his prede-
cessors and by himself to present a bill which, in organising
the principle of liberty intended by the Charter, would con-
secrate the authority and surveillance of the Government.—
(Approbation.)"

The discussion was resumed on Thursday, when
M. ODILON BARROT suggested that the proposed
amendments should be withdrawn, and the Govern-
tient be allowed to introduce a Bill on their own
responsibility. This proposition seemed to meet with
general approbation.
The papers contain no news of importance, if we
except a feeler put forth by the Spanish Govern-
ment, in reference to a new loan, and which is given
in these words in the National:—

" The Spanish financial agent in Paris informs the creditors
of Spain, that the Government of her Catholic Majesty is en-
gaged, with the utmost solicitude, in ameliorating their con-
dition, by establishing, coincidentally with moral and material
order in the country, a new system of assessment of the taxes,
which will admit of its providing funds for the payment of its
creditors, whether holders of the Three per Cent. stock, or
Five per gent., the Government making no difference be-
tween them. It recognises the rights of all the creditors,
and hopes to meet the same sentiments of reciprocity and
justice in the men whose mission it is to second its good dis-
positions."

- Great fluctuation took place in the funds on Thurs-
day. The Three per Cents. were opened at 82f.
15c., fell to 81f. 90c., and closed at 82f. 20c. The
Five per Cents. closed at 124 f. 50c. (having been so
low as 124 f. 25c.); Orleans Railroad shares closed at
857 f. 50c.; Rouen, 842 f. 50c. ; Havre, 662 f. 50c.
Avignon, 721 f. 25c.; Spanish Actives, 301.

- „
BOURSE—PARIS, THURSDAY, JAM. 25.
First Highest Lowest Last
Price. Price. Price. Price.
French Five per Cents. 124 50... 124 50... 124 30 .. 124 50
Four per Cents. 106 ....106 ... 106 ... 106

Threes B2 05... 82 15... 81 95.. 82 15
Bank of France.. 3282 50...3282 50...3282 50...3282 50
Laffitte Bank 5,000f...5070 ...5070 ...5070

Belgian Bank ..... 690 ... 690 ... 690 690
Belgian Fives, 1840.... 108/ ... 108/ ....1081 ..r 108/
1842.... 110 ... 110. ... 110 ... HO
Spanish Active 30* ... 301 ... 301 ... 301
Passive ...... 51 ... ... 5d ... 5i
Portuguese Fives 461 46/ ... 46* ... 46/
Neapolitan ........ 106 40... 106 50... 106 40... 106 50
Roman ......... 105* ... 106 .. 105* ... 106