The Sun.
London, England, 1845-05-31 00:00:00

so without the benefit of public opinion; and without the
advantage of the assistance of that public opinion,
he thought that it would be unwise to carry that
resolution into effect.—( Hear, hear.) He did not
therefore think that this was the proper moment for the
House to stop the execution ; and he therefore felt that it
was impossible to adoptthe course recommended by the Hon.
Member fur Montrose. He did not think that they would
have public opinion with them in endeavouring by force to
cat-, y these resolutions into effect, by the imprisonment of the
plaintiff in this action. What, then, were they to do? Were
they to postpone the question and allow the goods of the Ser-
geant to be levied upon ? and were they to suffer him to be
the victim of their own supineness? But he did not think that
this would consist with their dignity, nor was it any more
wise to postpone the decision of this question, and expose
their officers to the consequences of their neglect. They could
of after this use force to commit the parties who were thus
offending against their privileges. The House, therefore,
should come to some dscision on this point to-night, for, unless
they interposed, the execution must take place.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL wished to state what had been
the course pursued on former occasions. In the particular case
referred to by the Solicitor-General, the House had directed
their officer to plead to the action. That was the course on a
former occasion, but on that specified occasion the House did
not plead. The question was now whether the damages should
be levied, and the House should or should not pay the damages.
The House had been advised by the Attorney-General to
plead to the action. He ( Lord John Russell) had proposed to
the House that Howard and all those who acted with him should
be summoned to the bar of the House. The House had not
agreed with him at that time and this was the consequence.
The motion of the Hon. Member :for Montrose could not
in his opinion he acceded to, and unless the House interposed
the execution must be levied. The Solicitor-General had
read the resolutions adopted on a previous occasion, yet the
question was whether they were right or not, and it was an im-
perative duty on the part of the House to come to a decision,
and, agree whether they should allow Mr. Howard to levy for
the damages under this judgment or not.
Sir R. INGLIS rose only to say one werd on the observa-
tions of the Hon. Member for Sutherland. He observed, that
that portion of his speech in which he had spoken of the
Hon. Member for Cambridge having taken a brief on this suit
as a breach of privilege, was loudly cheered. Now he ( Sir
R. Ingiis) thought if that were a breach of privilege, it was
equally se for the Attorney and Solicitor-General to have taken
briefs on the other side.

satisfactorily carried out in Ireland? Had they not seen that
it would net be deemed a measure of real benefit to the Ro-
man Catholic people of Ireland? That it should have the sup-
port of the Protestant people of Ireland would appear to him
a most unnatural proceeding. To think that those who had
opposed the present national system of education, should
support this proposition, would be a thing he could not be-
lieve. He bad no doubt it would be looked upon as an evil
of far greater importance to Ireland than even the Maynnoth
Bill. These were his reasons for taking the course he
had in regard to this measure—a course which he
bad felt it his imperative duty to pursue. He would not weary
the House with any further observations, and in the few he
had offered he hoped he had endeavoured to be as calm as
the nature of the subject permitted.—( Hear, hear.) If he
could consistently support this measure he would; but he could
not help saying that he felt justified in his opposition by all that
he had heard in that House upon the subject, as well as by the
expressions of the leader of the Irish people in reference to it,
and in which he as well as the the Protestant people of England
fully concurred. These expressions were to this effect, that a
system of education should not be enforced unless it had the
father's sanction and the mother's blessing.—( Hear, hear.)
—that religion should be the basis of all education, and if it
were not it would corrupt more than it would en-
lighten. The same authority proposed a scheme
of education which he (Lord John Manners) con-
sidered far preferable to the Government Bill, and that
was, to have separate colleges for the Roman Catholics, the
Protestants, and the Presbyterians; and as for Trinity Col-
lege—and here let him request the attention of the Right Hon.
Member for Dungarvon—as for Trinity College, he could see
no reason for any change in that. ISiow, that was the plan
which he (Lord J. Manners) would wish to see carried into
law, and if it were, all objections of a religious nature would
be obviated ; but if they separated secular from religious edu-
cation, it would be worse than useless, and prove not a blessing
but a curse. It would be a measure which future statesmen
would tremble at, and future ages deplore. He would beg to
move the Bill be read a second time that day six months.
Lord ADAIR seconded the motion.
Mr. ROSS said, he cordially approved of the measure pro-
prosed by the Government, and he could not see upon what
grounds the Noble Lord opposite assumed that it would prove
a curse instead of a blessing. In approving of this measure he
(Mr. Ross) could not shut out. from his mind the fact that up to
this time it had always been the practice in Ireland to set one
day of the week apart for religious instruction in all the schools,
and he had yet heard no reason why that should not be coutinued.
He believed that Mr. O'Connell did not represent the Irish
people.—( Hear, hear.) He believed that he had greatly ex-
aggerated matters, and he felt assured that the Roman
Catholics of Ireland viewed this measure,:not with dislike, but
approbation. When Mr. O'Connell characterised the Bill as
iniquitous, and that education apart from religion had led to
crime in France, he answered by a denial of the fact. He
asserted that where education had existed crime had diminished.
He called upon the Government, in conclusion, not to give
way to the clamour that had been raised against the measure
in Ireland. —i Cheers.)
Lord ADAIR thought it would be better to establish
Catholic Colleges in the south of Ireland. He was opposed to
the measure altogether, and one of the material grounds of
that objection was that it gave to the Minister of the day the
power of the appointment of the professors.
Lord SANDON could not think that voting for the second
reading of the Bill pledged any Hon. Member to adopt its
details. He was anxious to see the Bill go into Committee, in
order that such alterations might be made in it as were re-
quired. He believed that it was a measure in the right path
for the future legislation of the people of Ireland.
Sir JAMES GRAH AM, who spoke in so low a tone of
voice as to render it difficult to hear him at all, said that he
was one of those who thought that no personal question of re-
ligious feeling or belief ought to be discussed in that House.
His Noble Friend had truly stated, that under the
present circumstances of Ireland it was impossible,
with the least prospect of success, to propound a mea-
sure generally acceptable to the people of that
country for the endowment by the State of the clergy of a
portion of the people. He could well understand a scheme
such as that which had been suggested by his Noble Friend the
Member for Newark, who advocated a scheme of separate edu-
cation for the different sects prevailing in Ireland. He could
understand founding a Roman Catholic College in the South
of Ireland, and he could understand founding a separate College
for the Presbyterians in the North of Ireland, but, for his own
part, he for one very much feared that, so far from removing
religious differences, no scheme could •be propounded more
certain to produce the effect of perpetuating those differences.
The Noble Lord the Meniber for Newark had referred to the
proviso at the end of clause one, which had reference to the
formation of the proposed colleges. Now, the principle which
that proviso went was that upon which the University of Lon-
don had been established. Considering the great diffi-
culty which attended this question, it was absolutely
necessary that they should be perfectly explicit upon it.
It was the intention of her Majesty's Government, in pro-
posing these colleges, that no religious tests should be applied
either to officials or to students. There was no novelty in this,
none whatever. Let them look to Scotland, a country respect-
ing which no disrespect for religion could be alleged. There
was no country in the world where religion was more venerated.
In the colleges of that country no religious tests of any kind
were imposed. Attendance at Divine worship was not re-
quired, nor upon theological lectures; and yet the parents and
guardians of Scotland sent their sons and young men to the
colleges of Edinburgh and Glasgow, perfectly satisfied with the
system that was pursued. Two Noble Lords who sat opposite
would bear testimony to this. What then was the course pur-
sued at Oxford? When he was a member of that University,
a student matriculating there was not examined as to
what he knew ( Hear, hear.) but he was called
upon to subscribe to what he believed. He was bound to say
that for the two years and a half that he was a member of
Christ Church, Oxford, he never was called upon to attend any
lecture on theology or on divinity. He never received any re-
ligious instruction whatever, and he did believe that through-
out the whole time that he was at the University he never
heard one sermon.—(Laughter.) The Noble Lord the Mem-
ber for Newark himself must know that this was a cammon
thing, although he (Sir James Graham) did not know what
the taste of the Noble Lord was when he was at college.
The effect of this would be aw interference with the election of
the professors. Something of the same kind had occurred with
respect to the appropriation of the regium donnm, and the
appointment of the professors at Belfast. There were at that
place a congregation of Unitarian Presbyterians and of Or-
thodox Presbyterians, and in that case there had been felt to
be a necessity for the appointment of two professors. If he
were to follow the same plan, there would have to be a profes-
sor for philosophy, theology, and anatomy, of different opi-
nions; and then he would have to meet the difficulty by the
appointment of three professors of divinity, to obviate the in-
convenience. Now he thought that the introduction of such
professors would destroy the very utility at which
these academic institutions aimed. There ought to
be every care taken that parents and guardians
sbould have the power of securing the principles of those in
whom they were so deeply interested, for he believed that no
greater evil could occur than that the spirit of proselytism
should be let loose. It had always been an opinion of his that
great injury would arise from the alienation of the Irish
people from their national religion, for he feared that it would
only end in that infidelity which was worse than any other evil.
The supervision of the parents and guardians would be one
means of security, and the power of removal which was held
by the Crown, or, as it was, in fact, the removal under the ad-
vice of responsible Ministers, who held seats in that House,
would be a complete guarantee that these means of education
would not be perverted. The visitorial power of the Crown
could not, he believed, by the prerogative, be delegated to any
one but the Keeper of the Great Seal, unless it were by statute.
This facility was liable to abuse. According to the rules
which he believed were observed in Trinity College, he be-
lieved that no attendance was compulsory on the Divinity Lec-
tures, and he thought that some prevision ought to be made
for religious instruction; he therefore intended that oppor-
tunities should be allowed for the residence of teaci-ers within
the colleges, though he would not provide halls or other facili-
ties for the teaching of any particular theological opinions.
There were several Gentlemen opposite who received their early
education at Trinity College, and, from their principles
and appearance in that House, be felt assured that
no test of religion had been enforced on entering the college, or
on taking the honours which the college conferred. He would
now refer to the question of the professors' chairs. A memo-
rial had been presented, requesting that certain chairs should
be held by Roman Catholics. The first chair referred to, was
that of history. He saw no reason why there should be any
restriction or exclusion, and, therefore, he should not agree to
any departure from the principle of the Bill. The next chair
was that of moral philosophy and metaphysics. He saw
no reason why any rdvantage should be given to any particular
creed. The same rule applied to logic and geology ;he did
did not conceive that any rule of the kind should be permitted.
Then came the question about the removal of professors. He
considered it the best to place the power of removal in the
hands of a responsible Government, not under the authority
of any other power. While the Government had the
power of removals, they had no objection to allow
a visitorial power, vested in parties in whom con-
fidence could be placed.—( Hear.) While they objected to
favouring any religious party in the appointment of the pro-
fessors, they had no objection to allow halls and lecture-rooms
for the use of lectures, providing parties were found who would
endow them for the purposes of religious instruction. To that
extent he had no objection to go, and that in Committee pro-
vision should be made to that effect. He did not think it neces-
sary to add more at present, as he had referred to the leading
objections urged against the measure. Great advances had been
made in the education of the lower classes of Ireland within
the last few years, attributable to the influence of that excellent
establishment, the National System of Education. Great
social and educational progress had been made, and the pre-
sent measure was only an extension of that plan. The Hon. Mem-
ber for the University of Dublin had objected to that system,
but against his objection he ( Sir J. Graham) could place the
authority of the Hon. Member for Belfast, who had stated that,
so far from evil having resulted from that system, it had been
of the greatest benefit to the people of that country. The
children of the National schools of Ireland if placed in con-
trast with the National schools of this country woull appear
in a very advantage ous position. The best possible effects had
been produced upon the poor of that country by the system, and
the present measure was only to extend to the upper classes
what had been already extended to them.—( Hear, hear.)
This measure would be found the only measure calculated to
satisfy the claims of Ireland as regarded education, and was
attended with such principles as would realise the most happy
results.—( Hear, hear. )
Mr. ROCHE said it was incumbent on him to join with the
Noble Lord the Member for Newark to oppose the second
reading of the Bill. It would be unnecessary for him to say
that the proposed measure of education was a difficult subject
for any Irish Member to deal with. He would be ready to give
his assent to a measure for what was called a mixed
question of education. He would go as far as any man in the
desire to spread proper notions of religion and education among
the people. He considered that religion should be a main ques-
tion in carrying out any mixed system of education. The
Right Hon. Gentleman had said you must leave to us the ap-
pointment of the professors, because I am determined there
shall be nothing savouring of proselytism introduced into these
colleges. I will not permit any professor to remain in office
who endeavours to proselyte any of the pupils under
his care. The Rig ht Honourable Baronet did not
understand what was very weil apprehended in Ireland
that he bad fixed the terms of his holding there. He contended
thheawt
oifudhehße ingahrrtyHino. Gentleman
gnouthiaowncarried out
proselytism.
his wToheyn greugensitrioend
fn lreland that those professors should not be the mere
nominees of the English Government. They ought to be re-
sponsible to public opinion in Ireland,
othe Government of the day" o and not to any Govern-
ftH the prejudices and the ideas
lend his assistance to •
the e would be most anxious to
supporti and spread of
information and education in lan
md,eaobautof
poisoning
eisonwinags
determined that there should not anyoboetre
the fountain from whence the youth Ireland drew their
w.
sH eo n would heir
abstracte o n
firsttend ;hi raatutghhet s
powerof k, now
sbouldl e d
i gneoTrest with the Ministry to d* •
a man because he should not meet t.eier:tiv.::ismiss
question of politics. He was not prepared to say
in Ireland were proof against a bribe, especially when tit'. uvrir was
offered in the shape of 500/. or 8001. a year.—(Hear,
hear.) They might be tempted, for they were not
proof against temptation, any more than general humannature.
If you give us these colleges the professors must be as inde-
pendent as the professors of
00txtfoordbeaansduCnfaemttberrieddgeandUntni:
veriitie3 were ; and if they are n
depen
nothing more than a curse would be
gether, and, M doing so,
dent then he would say, let the grant be refused alto-
ivithheld. He would rather have a system of education sepa-

Sir R. PEEL said that it was only postponing the evil day to
defer the decision of this question, and he thought that it
would only be increasing the difficulty by deferring their deci-
siontill Monday night; and if they were disposed to resist en-
croachments, this was the day. He did not understand that
what they had done, or the allowance of this judgment, was in
any way a recognition of the jurisdiction of the Court over
their privileges. He had been a party to the resolutions
respecting their privileges. On the previous occasion they had
acted under advice, and, after eight days. had consented to
plead. This they had done when Lord Campbell was Attorney-
General, and he would say that the privileges cf the House
had never had a more zealous or able advocate.—( Cheers. )
He had been quite inclined to exert the power cf the House,
and it was by his advice that they had pleaded the general
issue. It was on this high authority that they had consented
to plead, and he did not understand the doctrine that this was
admission of the ju.i adiction over the privileges of the House.
It was a doctrine and a distinction which he could not ac-
knowledge. If they emir. to the ulterior fact, and came to the
resolution of allowing th • Sergeant to pay, they would be un-
able to go further; but he thought the most advisable plan
would be to give a distinct notice to the parties not to carry
their execution into effect. By this means they would relieve
themselves from any false position, and then they would
be able, if they thought proper, to commit those
who were guilty of any breach of their privileges.
Ile (Sir R. Peel) objected to the motion of the Hon. Member
for Montrose, for he was not prepared to enter intoany contro-
versy on the subject. He thought the consequence of his mo-
tion would be to increase the difficulties by which they were
surrounded. But while he admitted that he was not prepared
to enter upon this discussion, he was fully prepared to vindi-
cate the privileges of the House.—(Cheers) And if the
Howie intended to uphold those privileges, he would tell them
that it was she lutely necessary that they should make up their
mind, not to deal with subordinate officers merely. That
course could give no satisfaction. They were, on the
one hand, dealing with mere agents—sheriffs and other
officers; and, on the other, with the Court of
Q.seen's Bench. He said that they must deal
with higher
.personagee, :they must deal with the Court of
Queen's Benc itself. The House had, by a resolution passed
at a former period, determined to uphold and maintain their
privileges—privileges which were given them not for their own
benefit—not that they might be capriciously exercised—but for
the interests of a free people.—(Cheers.) If they were pre-
pared to uphold and exercise these privileges, they must take a
different tour_ e from thst adopted in 1840. They ought to be pre-
pared to go to the utmost extremity in vindication of their privi-
leges, but bef re they did so,they mustjconvince their own minds,
their own consciences that such a state was absolutely necessary,
and that:no other resource was left them. They must not only
conceive themselves that such was the case, but they must im-
press the same opinion on the minds of the people of England.
The prominent feeling was at present in their favour. Fortu-
na.ely the period had not yet arrived when extreme measures
were necessary. He should recommend that for the present
the defendant should be allowed to try his case at bar, to appeal
from the decision of the Queen's Bench, and to carry the ques-
tion before a Court of Error. He trusted that he had con-
vinced the House that he himself had shown no disinclination
to vindicate the privileges to which they were justly entitled, but
as they had a powerful minority in the House to contend with,
he was not willing that they should press the question to an
issue. But, still if no other means were left them, if no other
resources were at hand, he should be prepared to proceed with
the question in that House, and to maintain privileges which
he believed were essential to the rights and liberties of a free
people—privileges which were now invaded by a decision of
the Court of Queen's Bench—a decie;on which he believed to
be unjust, and which ought, in maintenance of the rights and
privileges of that House, to be set aside.—(Cheers.)
Mr. BERN AL was free to confess, from what he knew of the
constitution of the House, that any report emanating from
the Committee at any future period, could not put the House
in a better position f, r deciding the question than they were
in at that period. He thought that, in the course of the dis-
cussion, much matter had been introduced which had no re-
lation to the subject, and he should, therefore, very shortly
recal the attention of the House to the real matter at issue.
He thought that where there was a choice of difficul-
ties they should adopt a mild before they pro-
ceeded to an extreme course, and, therefore, he entreated
his Hon. Friend the Member for Montrose to give way to those
whose opinions in that House were entitled to some weight, and
not to plat- Ifinself in a situation which he would afterwards
regret—a situa ion which would effectually prevent him speak-
ing again in that House.
Air HUME said that the Hon. Member who had just sat
down had cautioned hiM against putting himself in a position
which eou d peevene hirrropening his lips in that House, yet
the Hon. Member had admitted that be (Mr. Hume) was right
in bringing forward his motion, and yet, that Hon. Member had
not the moral courage to support him.—(Cheers.) The
Learned Soicitor-General had shown them the evils, explained
the difficu.ties of their position, and, after all, he had sat
down wi bout telling them what to do. Were they to allow
themselves to go on in error, to get deeper and deeper into dif-
ficuties until they would eventually find themselves inevitably
and irrecoverably committed.
The House then divided. The numbers were—
For the adjournment
Against it
Majority .
ACADEMICAL INSTITUTIONS (IRELAND) BILL.
On our re-admission to the gallery we found the House in
discussion on the subject of proceeding with the Irish Acade-
mical Institutions Bill.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM replied that he could say
that the Government did not propose any material altera-
tion in the Bill in consequence of the memorial of the
Roman Catholic Bishops, which, however, they thought
worthy of a full c ,nsideration, but the Government were de-
termined not to deport from the principle of the Bill.
Lord JOHN MANNERS begged leave to suggest that the
discussion of so important a measure might be postponed, with-
out inconvenience, to next week.
Sir R. INGLIS objected to proceeding with the discussion
at that late hour.
In answer to a question from Mr. SHEIL,
Sir R. PEEL said that it would be left open to the Catholic
community to provide professors if they pleased, but there
would be no interference on the part of the Government.
Mr. OSBORNE said that as an Irish liberal Protestant he
would suppurt every measure which would promote the educa-
tion of his countrymen, but he greatly regretted to see in the
memorial of the bishops a demand that the professors of
materia medica should be Roman Catholics. He deeply re-
gretted that whilst he laboured himself to enlarge the liberties
of his Catholic fellow-countrymen, he could see on their part
a disposition to restrict the liberties of others.
Sir W. JAMES would like to know if this Bill advocated
what Mr. O'Connell called the voluntary principle.—(Cries
of " Oh, oh," and " Order.")
Sir J. GRAHAM said he had had some experience in Par-
liamentary business, but he should say he had not heard any-
thine like the course pursued in reference to this Bill.—( Hear,
hear.) He had every disposition to answer questions, and he
had answered several, and all he could say now was, that this
Bill had been framed with a view to establishing a national
system.—( Hear, hear.)
Mr. B. HOPE—This had been called a system of acade-
mical education, but not religious. Now, he would wish to
know if this was to be a system of academical education, or
such a system as Ireland could afford.—(Cries of " Oh, oh,"
and " Don't answer.")
The ques' ion was then put that the Bill be read a second
time.

Lord JOHN MANNERS said he never in his life rose in
that House with greater reluctance upon any question than he
did in rising to propose the rejection of the Bill now before the
House, as proposed by her Majesty's Government; but the
nature of the measure was such as obliged him, however. '
pain-
ful to himself, or wearying to the House, to oppose t, and
state his reasons for doing so. He had heard this called a
measure for giving education in Ireland. Now. he should say
he thought education a very different thing. He never could,
call this an educational measure so long as it contained such
a clause as the one he now held in his hand, and which was to
the effect that no religions test should be applied to any of the
pupils, or any of the candidates for the privileges or offices of
the colleges. He knew not what might be the feelings of
Hon. Members on this or the opposite side of the House,
on this part of the 'subject ; but this he would
say, that he was as anxious as any Member
of the House to see ample justice done to the
people of Ireland; but he felt bound to say, after the de-
claration he had heard from the Right Hun. Baronet the Se-
cretary of State for the Home Department, of his determina-
tion to adhere to the principle of the Bill, he had no other
course open to him but to move the rejection of the Bill. He
knew he would be met by the assertion that the measure was
founded upon the systems of education in force in foreign
countries ; but he would contend for it that nothing could be
more mischievous than the systems that had of late obtained in
Frame and in Prussia. In fact, the volcano on which France
at present stood ought to warn this country in time not to imi-
tate the example of that country. He would ask was he not
warranted in opposing this measure when he saw the names of
fifty o,f the bishops of the Anglican Church exp-ess their oppo.
sitmn to the measure, because they looked upon it as a system of
education which threatened to rend the country to pieces.
Whatever might be the effects of such a measure in this coun-
try, he would say, that it would produce results far worse, and
more deplorable, in Ireland. He had heard of one instance of
a person being promoted to a high office for endeavouring to
alienate the Roman Catholic people from their religion in Ire-
land, and of another instance in Spain, where the Order of
Isabella was conferred upon an
tnoividual for doing the same in
the Basque Provinces.
,
he would be far from advocating
such acts, but he had no doubt, thraotveit
to
ohbise Bwiollrsweeutlbdannontshelaevses
that effect in Ireland, it wouldep
as an Educational measure.
9 aware how religious
hweelAl,ak.new in what e
parts
cul.ies of Ireland consisted, and
'aht
He
h d to avoid. differences in that country had compelled many to ta
to
in them that they could have wis e
be told, that before
ought to be prepare
Honourable Members
prepared with
a
oppose this measure, they
better one. Now he had no he
objection
u
tot
to the Howe say he
was prepared
with a HT; but before he snbmitte..
would say, that however it might fail ini
attaining the object
in view, he could not conceive a
He would like to
the one now before the House.
nay measure so bad or ineffec-
tual as
know what probability there was of this measure ever being

E SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY MORNING, MAY 31, 1845.

rate, as indicated by the Learned Gentleman opposite, than
that hinted at by some Gentlemen on that side of the House.
He, for one, agreed in the opinion that the days of ascendancy
of all sorts were numbered. What ascendancy could there be
in giving one college for Protestants and another for Catholics?
Education ought to be free, and the divisions of the day in
politics and religion should at least be excluded from the lecture
room.—( Hear.) He preferred a separate system of education
such education. They would write for them the history of
their country.
An How. MEMBER—Who will read it?
Mr. ROCHE—The people of Ireland would read it. They
refused to give them a free and unshackled education, and they
would refuse to receive a scheme filled with such imperfections
as the present.
Mr. ROSS explained.
Sir R. INGLIS said he would repeat what he had already
said, that the present was a gigantic scheme of God-
less education; but in doing so he begged to say, in an-
swer to the charge of the Right Honourable Gentle.
man the Secretary of State for the Home Department,
that he regretted the Right Hon. Baronet had declared his
determination to stand by the whole of this Bill—that should
have been left for the Committee. The Right Hon. Baronet had
nailed his colours to the mast, and, therefore, every one who
voted for the second reading of the Bill voted for Governmental
power, Governmental nomination, and Governmental dismissal
of officers as they thought proper. He could not help it if he
were taunted with opposition to all education, and he frankly
avowed he would rather see the people of Ireland
thrown upon their own resources. He believed they did not take
the same view of it as he did. He never said there was any-
thing aggressive in the system, but it was a negative of religion.
He would wish that in any scheme of education for Ireland, the
colleges in that country should be based on the same principle
as that of Oxford, where Protestantism was made an element
in the education of youth. He was quite ready to admit that
between religion and certain schemes of education, less differ-
ence might be observed ; but he should be glad to find that the
same system were established every where. He could not
agree with the proposition of the Noble Lord behind him
( Lord J. Manners), that there should be separate colleges for
Presbyterians, Roman Catholics, and Church of England men.
Sir J. GRAHAM explained, but in so low and indistinct a
tone that it was impossible to reduce his statements into an in-
telligible form.
Mr. REDDING TON was in favour of the Government pro-
position, but he thought that the principle of mixed education
was of great value, and the Legislature ought not to neglect it.
He would support this Bill as a measure of mixed edu-
cat:on, and he thought it wise to leave the endow-
ment of a theological chair open. Notwithstanding all
that had been said both by Protestants and Roman Catholics
on this question, he should say that his opinion was, that
there should be Roman Catholic professors as well as Pro-
testant. He approved of the appointment of the professors
being vested in Crown for the present, for he was aware of in-
stances of abuse of the power vested in the local authorities.
He thought that,in Ireland some scheme for the education of
the people was required. He considered that the present mea-
-1 sure was only a small reparation for the injustice that had been
done to Ireland.—( Hear.) Trinity College was left where it
was, the door of that College was still closed to Roman Catho-
lies, and, until it was opened, they would not do justice to the
people of Ireland.—( Hear. )
On the motion of llr. MONCTON MILNES, the debate
was adjourned to Monday.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned at half-past Twelve o'clock to Monday.

HER MAJESTY'S THEATRE.
(BY SPECIAL DEAIRE)
THIS EVENING
Will be performed Don:zetti's Opera, DON PASQUALE.
Norina, Madame Grisi ; Dr. Malatesta, Sig. Fornasari ; Ernesto,
Sig Mario ; Notary, Sig. Dai Flori ; and Don Pasquale, Sig. Lablache.
Between the Acts the Pas de Deux, " De la Favorite" (composed
by M. Perrot), by Mdlle. Carlotta Grisi and M. Toussaint.
The Danseuses Viennoises will appear in a New Pas, entitled " La
Polka," and the " Pas des Bergers" (being their Last Appearance
but Two).
To conclude with an entirely New Grand Ballet, in Five Tableaux,
with New Scenery, Dresses, and Decorations, entitled
Rl/4.)SIDA ; OU, LES MINES DR SYRACUSE.
The Ballet and Mis en scene, by M. St. Leon. The New Scenery by
Mr. Marshall. The Music by Signor Pugni.
Rosida, Mdlle. Cerito ; Alman, M. St. Leon ; The Queen of the
Mines, Mdlle. Moncelet ; Torbern, M. Di Mattia.
In thd course of the Ballet the following Dances : -
First Tableau.—" La Sicilienne" (New Pas de Caractere), by
Cerito and M. St. Leon, accompanied by the Corps de Ballet.
Second and Third Tableaux.—Pas du Mineur, by Mdlle. Cerito
and M. St. Leon, assisted by Mesdlles. Ferdinand, Demelisse, and
Cassan. " Pas des Quatre Nations" (New Pas de Caractere), by the
Corps de Ballet. To be followed by "La Wolinienne," by 3ldlle.
Cerito and M. St. Leon.
Applications for Boxes, Stalls, and Pit Tickets to be made at the
Opera-dike, Colonnade, Haymarket.
Doors open at Seven; the Opera to commence at Half-past Seven.

Antwerp 26 20
Ramburgh M.B. 14 0
Alton& —
Paris, 3 days' sight 25 95
Ditto, 3 months 26 15
Marseilles _ 26 15
Bourdeaux 26 20
Frankfort on Maine 123
Petersburgh, 3Us —
Berlin —
Vienna, effee. fi. 3 M lO 4
Trieste, ditto
Madrid 36*
Cadiz
Bilbao —
Barcelona —
Seville

-Barnsley Junction, 5 ; Ditto, Half Shares, 2% ; Bolton,
Wigan, and Liverpool, 12% 13 ,• Cambridge and Lincoln,
6 13-16 % •, Churnet Valley, 51/4 % ; Clitheroe Junction,
1 15-16 13-16 prem. ; Direct Northern, 3% 5-16 ; Eastern
Counties, New, 71. 3s. 6d. ; Ditto, Perpetual, No. 2, 225. 6d. ;
Erewash Valley, 191,4 ; Glasgow and Dumfries, 21/ % ;
Goole, Doncaster, Sheffield, and Manchester Junction, 11% ;
Great Grimsby and Sheffield Junction, Quarter Shares, 118 ;
Huddersfield and Manchester Railway and Canal, 6% 34 ;
Huddersfield and Sheffield Junction, 6% ; Leeds and Thirsk,
7% ; Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester, 81/ 5-16 ; Leeds
and West Riding Junction, 7 ; Leicester and Birmingham, Bs.
lls. 3d. prem. ; Liverpool, Ormskirk, and Preston, 535. ;
London and Windsor, 275. ; London and York, 4% 3% ;
Manchester, Buxton, Matloc, and Midland Junction, 4 5-16
1-16; Manchester and Leeds, Quarter Shares, 213/4 ; Ditto,
Sixteenth Shares, 8 ; Midland Railway Consols, 401. Shares,
24% ; North Western, 4 9-16 % ; Preston and Wyre Ex-
tension, 2% 14_,• Sheffield and Manchester, 123 ; South-
Eastern, 53 •, Ditto, No. 3, 7 1-16 ; Southport and Euxton,
2% 13.16 ; Wakefield, Pontefract, and Goole, 141 A ; Welsh
Midland, 114 prem. ; West Yorkshire, 2%; Whitehaven and
Furness, 2% % ; York and Carlisle, 20s. 17s. 6d. prem. ;
York and North Midland Extension, 173/4 ; Great Northern
of France, English, 5%; Paris and Lyons, English, 2%.
A " Constant Reader" of the Sun, who writes from Liver-
pool for information respecting the Royal North of Spain
Railway, shall have all we are able to give him, but that our
reply may be more intelligible, we rive some portion of the
qaeries addressed by the writer. He remarks-
"lt would be of great service to many of the shareholders
to learn some authentic information as to the ultimate pros-
pect of the undertaking. I am, as you may suppose, a
shareholder, and bought at a large premium, partly upon the
faith of the prospectus, wherein 14 per cent. was shown, and
partly upon the respectability of the Directors, two of whom
-Sir Joshua Walmsley, and Mr. William Jackson (both
honourable gentlemen)-belong to this place, and the
former, I understand, has gone to Spain fur the express pur-
pose of superintending the progress of the works-in fact, as
Resident Director.
" As it is possible that you may, through some of your
channels, obtain information which parties in the country
know nothing of, I have ventured to address you upon the
subject, in the hope of learning something not yet made
known."
The Royal North of Spain Railway, like most other con •
cerns, has its advocates and opponents. The principal ob-
jections urged in the City, irrespective of the alleged exclu-
sive allotment of shares, which, as our correspondent justly
says, has nothing to do with the merits of the line, are the
large sums reported to have been paid for the concession, and
the difficult nature of the country across which the railway
is to be carried, and which, in the opinion of many experi-
enced Spaniards here, is very great. However, Mr. Colville
and the engineering staff which recently went out, will,
it is to be hoped, fairly ascertain how the matter stands, and
not undertake a task likely to result in loss to the share-
holders. Under all circumstances, the wisest course appears
to us to be, for present holders to keep their shares and await
the result, and for those not interested to have at present
nothing to do with them. Such a course as this is least
likely to hurt anybody.
The public securities have to-day been firm, though quiet.
Consols have realised 99% to 991,4 for present transfer, and
99% for Account. Exchequer Bills have been at
60s. to 635. premium. The Government broker having
taken 21.000/. Bank Stock, the prices are firmer:at 210. New
Three-and-a-Quarter per Cents. are 1011 A to 101%.
The Committee of Portuguese Bondholders are very pro-
perly calling the attention of their constituents to the sacrifices
they will make, by acquiescing in the new conversion, for
at-present they are guaranteed 3 per cent. until the year
1849 ; 4 per cent. from that time till 1853 ; 5 per cent. on to
1861 ; and 6 per cent. to 1883 ; after which they are to be
Five per Cents. permanently, whereas it is now pro-
posed to dock off all the back interest, and reduce
the Five to Four per Cents., making a loss to the bondholders
of 3,000,0004 Such of the bondholders as prefer four per cent.
at once in preference to Three per cent. for the next four
years,; and then :a :steady Eincrease, will et course [con-
vert, but most of the influential holders, and Mr. Thornton
at the head, do not seem to be so disposed. The Stock to-day
is down to 661/2 and 66. Spanish Five per Cents. are heavy at
291/. %, and the Three per Cents. at 41%; Mexican are 37
to 3714 ; Chilian 99, and Brazilian 89%; Dutch Four per
Cents. are 981/4.
ONE
PRICES OF BRITISH FUNDS. O'CLOCK.
Bank Stock
3 per Cent. Reduced ... 98m %r
3 per Cent. Consols
New 314 per Cents 101% 1/s%
Long Annuities to expire J an. 1860 11 5-16%
Ditto 30 years, Oct. 10, 1859 ..- -
Ditto 30 years, Jan. 5, 1860 -
India Bonds, 1,0001
Ditto under 1,000/. .. ...... -
South Sea Stock -
Ditto Old Annuities -
Consols for Account.... ......
Exchequer Bills, 1,0001., 11/d 6l 63 60
Ditto 5001. . -
Ditto Small .•• - -•
Ditto Advertised 5B 59 57
ONE
PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS. O'CLOCK.
Brazilian Bonds
Chilian Bonds 6 per Cent.... •
Columbian Bonds, ex Venezuela -
Danish Bonds, 1825, 3 per Cent BB%
Mexican, 5 per Cent. 1837 ...... -
Portuguese 5 per Cents. - -
Ditto, Converted 66% 66%
Spanish 5 per Cent. 1840.
Ditto 3 per Cent. ... .. 41% 41%
Ditto, Account - 41%
633/4
Dutch, 21A per Cent , -
Ditto, 4 per Cent., Certafic 984 084
PRICES OF CLOSINO
RAILWAY SHARES PAID. A ONE O'CLOCK. PRICES.
Aberdeen
Birming. and Gloucesterloo 136 137 1351/ 135%
Do. New ..
Birmingham and Ox-
ford Junction
Bristol and Exeter 7O -
Do. New .... - ........ 2 ...... 8174 8%
Caledonian
Ditto Extension ...... 21 z.. ... 23/41/2%
Cambridge and Lincoln 11/ ...... 7
Chester and Holyhead... 15
Chichester and Brighton 10
Cornwall
Direct Northern
Direct Norwich
Dublin, Belfast, and
Coleraine -
Dublin and Galway
Dublin and Mullingar 212 4%
Eastern Counties 25 ..... 1814%
Ditto New 4/. 16s.
Edinburgh and Glasgow 50
Ditto Quarter Shares 12%...... - ........
Great South. and West.
(Ireland)
Great North of Scotland 21/2 3
Great North of England..loo 2531/
Ditto New 5 ' 67 66 67 65 ...
Ditto New 2 35% ...
Great Western BO 000 203
Ditto % Shares 5O llO 108 113......
Ditto Fifths
Guildford, Fare'm, Ports. 21/ ..... 5%
Hull and Selby 5O ... 107 108 ...... ..
Do. Half Shares
Lancaster and Carlisle... 20
London and Birminghm (5t0ck)...245 250
Do. New Thirds
Do. % Shares
London and Blackwell. 16/. 13s. 4d 9%4
London and Brighton... 50
Do. New consolidated Bths 25 -
London and Croydon, 131. 15s. 9d -
Do. New l3s 4d -
. Do. Guaranteed 5 per
Cent. - •••
London and Greenwich 12/ 1554 d... 10%
London and S. Western 411 6s 10d 79% 79 81
Do. Consolidated Bths 12 - •••
Do. New
London and York 2l/ 4 3%
Londonderry& Coleraine 2%.
-
Londonderry and Ennis-
killen
Lynn and Ely ...... 21/ 6 51/2
Manchester and Leeds... 73 149
Do. % Shares
Do. Quarters 2
Manchester and Birmin. 40
Do. New Quarters ... 2 -
Midland 100
Do. New
Midland, Birm., Derby 100 l5O 152
Newcastle and Darling-
ton Junction ... 25 ..... 54 52% ...... ..
Do. New Brandling... 10
Newcastle and Berwick 1% lei% 171/.2 ...
Newry and Enniskillen. 2%
Newark and Sheffield .. 1%
North British
Do. New
North Kent
North Wales
_ _

CLOSING
PRICES.
210

98%
99%
1011%
11 5-16 t
11%
111;
72

97%
99%
pm. 60
pm. 63
pm. -
pm. 57
CLOSING
PRICES.
90
99

_.... __
Norwich and Brandon... 10
Do., New ... ..... ..... 1
Rugby, Worstr, & Tring 1
Scottish Central
Shrews., Wolverhamp.,
Dudley, and Birm -154.....
South Devon...
South Eastern & Dover 33/ 2s 4d... 431/,341.4
Do., No. 2.
Do., No. 3
South Wales 2l
Trent Valley
Trent Valley and Holy-
head Junction
Waterford and Kilkenny 1 .. 33/4 1/2
Yarmouth and Norwich. 20
York and North Midland 50 lO9
Do. 1/2 Shares
Ditto Scarboro' Branch. 25
Do. Selby
Do. Extension
FRENCH RAILWAY:.
Boulogne and A miens
Bordeaux and Toulouse 2
Bordeaux, Toulouse, and
Cette
Great North. of France.. 4 ...... 5%
Do. do. (Rosamel's) 2
Great Paris and Lyons 2_ _ •••••• 1% •••

raris a._
Jamaica Junction l%
Louvain and Jameppe... . 2 ... . 41/s
Namur and Liege ...... 24 ......
Orleans and Bordeaux... 2
Paris & Lyons, Laflitte's 2
Paris and Lyons, Gan-
, 23/4 ............... 2%
neron's 2 ......
Royal North of Spain
Sambre and Meuse
JOINT STOCK BANKS.
National of 1re1and......
COURSE OF EXCHANGE.—
(YESTEIWAY.)
Amsterdam CF. 12 84 Gibraltar....• •........
Ditto, at sight l2 6i Leghorn •
30 80
Rotterdam 2U.12 9 Genoa ................ .. 26 20

Milan ...... ....... ......
Venice .....
Naples ..•..... ........ 391
Palermo, pez 0z...... 119
Lisbon .. 53
Oporto...
Rio Janeiro.—
Bahia
Buenos Aytea
NewYmk.:::!dyssight
Philadelvli;a .
PRICES 3F /113LLION, PER OZ
Foreig-e.;4,11,bar5..£3 17 9
Portuga: Gold Coin 3 17 5
New Doubloons..... 0 0 0
NW D011ar5......... O 4 9*
Silver in bare...... 0 4 1