The Sun.
London, England, 1844-12-10 00:00:00

NE

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
P'RON THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—In looking back over the multifarious
records of last session's legislation, the bulky blue
book of evidence on " Commons Inclosure," the result
of the labours of the Committee which sat, on the
withdrawal of Lord Worsley's Inclosure Bill, contains
several matters worthy of attention. The first reflec-
tion it suggests is, how little pains have been taken,
till lately, to obtain accurate statistical information
respecting the most important branches of our national
indastry. Of late, however, something has
been done in this way—manufacturing distress
brought on inquiries into the extent, cha-
racter, and subdivision of the vast population en-
gaged in manufacturing industry. A special legisla-
tion for the young, and for females, was founded on
another and more careful series of investigation. It
is now the turn of agricultural labour, propped up as
it has been by artificial laws ; a vast deal of informa-
tion as to the condition of the occupier and labourer is
coming out by instalments, and we do not despair of ,
seeing the information for which Mr. Cobden vainly
applied, in his admirable speech last session (motion
for a committee to inquire into the effects of import
duties on landlords and tenant-farmers), arrived
at in detail, and bit by bit. The Committee on in-
closure reported in favour of a general Act for that
purpose, and a Central Board of Commissioners.
The bulky mass of evidence published, extending to
above 6,000 questions, contains much information re-
lative to the statistics of land, which all classes may
refer to with advantage, whether agreeing with
or dissenting from the conclusions in ques-
tion. We shall cast a restropective glance
over a few of its leading features. The fact that
there exist in England and Wales large tracts of
common which might be, as to some portion
at least, profitably cultivated, is established by a large
body of respectable evidence ; as to its precise amount,
we look in vain for any accurate information. Mr.
Jones's estimate of common and waste land at
8,000,000 acres tells us little or nothing, since all
witnesses admit, and indeed it is a notorious fact, that
a large portion of this would not repay the expense
even of enclosure. A variety of classes of land is treated
of in the evidence, from absolutely uncultivated com-
mon to that which is in regular farm occupation, but,
from its inconvenient position, unsusceptible of the
most efficient cultivation. Admitting the evidence
given as of competent authority, there are, however,
no means of shirking the conclusion that much land
remains which would repay capital laid out on it in
inclosure'and regular cultivation. This fact was in-
deed pretty well known before ; it remains to be con-
sidered what would be the social influence of such a
measure. Supposing it a desirable result, there can be
no mistake as to the inefficient nature of the present
mode of inelowe by separate Acts. The expense and
jobbing attending such Bills are proverbial. As Mr.
Graham says—" A private Bill being promoted by a so •
licitor, the Commissioner is in most cases his nominee,
and the former is appointed clerk to that Commis-
sioner. Thus the solicitor has the whole control of
the matter. Of the expenses some precise data are
given. Mr. Hayward, a Parliamentary agent, states
the average of fees alone on five Bills passing
both Houses was 2301. When a common is in
two parishes these are doubled. The expenses of
the Llangerniew Act, 1840, amounted to 7731. Under
the Common Fields Act, parties We been put to
an expense of 5/. per acre. As these charges often
exceed the value of the " land in question,
it is evident that applichtions for inclosure
cannot be numerous under. the existing laws. With
respect to the advance of 'Value to be expected in
land thus brought under cultivation, the evidence
leads to the conclusion that it would be considerable.
Mr. Keen speaks decidedly as to what has taken
place in the neighbourhood of Godalming and Guild-
ford. Land, which before inclosure was not worth
10s. per acre now maintains a large population, and
has given employment to a vast number of labourers.
Other witnesses affirm the low moral state of
the inhabitants of uninelosed rural districts.
Chicanery, broils, and fraud, are rife ; in fact,
nearly all the social irregularities which law
and opinion seek to cornet are prevalent.
Those locally near the common use that advan-
tage to overstock, and become the practical possessors
of the land. Squatting, to borrow the colonial term,
is by no means rare. Mr. Graham says :—" The
improvident dependence of cottagers on the common
is a check on their industry, and crime is difficult of
detection." The great social question remains,
how far inclosures would diminish the pri-
vileges of the labouring classes ; and all parties
admit that extreme caution must be used in deal-
ing with their rights, and special reservations of
land set apart for this purpose in case of a general
Inclosure Act being passed. We fear that these safe-
guards against the diminution of the poor cottagers'
rights would be more specious than real. Commis-
sioners acting fur the parties interested would probably
only amount to representation of the large, and ex-
clusion of smaller interests, though more important
relatively to the means and condition of the parties.
Are, then, these objections so great as to be impos-
sible to overcome ? and wottiii a certain amount of eco-
nomical advantage be counterbalaeced by social evils
and injustice, such as no legislature has a right to
sanction ? Such is the great peetion suggested by the
large body of evidence submitted to the committee of
last session. It is a question that will again be brought
before our Legislature. We prefer leaving this matter
for fair and dispassionate consideration, and before
returning to the subject, will for the present mention
two or three incidental topics suggested by the
volume before us. This may be 'considered—lst, as
a statistical inquiry into the condition, value, and
social state of certain agricultural districts : 2dly, as
preliminary to an effort to extract more subsistence
out of the soil : and, thirdly, as evidence of a desire
to substitute more compact and central legislation
in place of the partial operation of special Acts. The
two first of these caaont but be productive of good :
information as to the capabilities of the soil, and
the economical and social condition of labourers and
farmers (and, however, by a side wind, the body of
evidence on inclosures does bear upon these topics)
tends to promote sounder legislation respecting
landed produce. It is startling to hear, that at, a
period when redundant capital seeks every possible
outlet, there should remain much wild land (after
allowing for all drawbacks), whiCh only awaits
cultivation to yield considerable returns. Yet
the fact seems fully established. The evidence
of Mr. Davies is, perhaps, the strongest on this
point. He says, " Land which, as it now stands,
as hardly worth 2s. Gd. per acre, I should value at
from 20s. to 40s. after inclosure." The merits of
centralised legislation are perhaps more specious than
real ; what advantages it has appear at once on the
surface—it is expeditious, compact, and uninfluenced
by local interests ; but it is, as we see in its work-
ing, often superficial and hasty. Skimming over a
vast surface, it dives deeply into no parts of a ques-
rtm---the machinery of form becomes an end instead
of the means. For example, a Central Board of
Inclosure Commissioners might do their work
cheaply, expeditiously, and with a sincere desire to
!promote justice ; but it would inevitably sacrifice
Local interests to the carrying out a general theory ;
and when such is the consequence of rapid legis-
lation, public opinion will force it to retrograde
in a way that will ultimately enhance the labour.
In taking leave for the present of the inclosure evi-
dence, we feel sure that should the plan there proposed
be ever catried into effect, it must be in a very mo-
dified form, and with some element introduced which
will be a real and honest equivalent for any losses
Incurred by the humbler residents in the neighbour-
hood of our commons ; and we shall recur to the
subject, and endeavour to investigate more especially
how this might be accomplished.
STANDARD.—We have a great respect for Mr.
)3usfield Ferrand—we admire his talents and courage,
and we love his enthusiastic philanthropy, and
though he has lately made a speech of which we en-
tirely disapprove, we respect him nothing the less on
that aceount. The Hon. Member for Knaresborough
has a great deal of ability, of spirit, and of zeal,
but he wants one quality which never yet was
found united with so very energetical a character
In a young man ; he wants—we should grieve to
be supposed to say it in an ill-sense—he wants wis-
dom. A few years will,
_in so honest and can-
did and acute a person, supply this defect, and
when it shall be supplied in Mr. Ferrand, he will
be a most useful public man—we know of no one
likely to be more useful. In the speech to which we
have referred, Mr. Ferrand summarily disposes of the
character of the present generation of Englishmen as
follows :—" It is a fact that England has become a
illation of humbugs." Now we can assure Mr. Ferrand
that except the homeliness of the epithet applied, there
is nothing new in this charge. The young and ardent
of each generation • always apply it to their con-
temporary ag*,,‘-'and each succeeding generation
discovers, that it has been unjustly applied to the
time of their fathers—Shakspere, Milton, Marvel,
De Foe, Pope, Churchill, Southey, are all witnesses
against the hypocrisy (or humbug, as Mr. Ferrand
cells it) of the times in which they lived ;
so that if England is to be convicted of being a
talon of humbugs, upon even the 'nest respectable
testimony, it has ee a nation of humbugs for
Theysiearl three cenhturies,.• if not from the beginning.
tye hiasr gae i er,l:wholly unfounded. Sin-
ver snore largely or more gene-
that thdeiffvuisretr:ula4e4;ll%lasn4:we:.ebaracteristic ; and we believe
!ally
Mr. Ferranti's *or is," atlo this moment in this country.
the error of all young
snen of his temperament. WM% enter upon life
anoTfwe:vitehrthe most single
With an earliest purpose of good,
VO4 therefore the narrowest view
tiod Tilei attach themselves to parties orytoill';lnballicersi:
14 hose opinions they confidently believe to correspond
precisely with their own detail, because they corre-
'a principle. They fancy, too, that all who
ie same objects with them, or fear the same
vale the one or fear the other to the same

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