The Sun.
London, England, 1844-10-22 00:00:00

The Heraldo of the 12th instant states that the
Stock Exchange was seriously affected by the decrees
published on the 9th instant. The Minister of
Finance had completely deceived himself. The
hopes of the State creditors had been frustrated, and
a disastrous fall in the funds was the consequence.
The Three per Cents. were done at 26} for cash,
and 26i at 60 days; the Five per Cents. at 20k for
cash, and 20 5-16 at 60 days.

The Paris papers in general contain articles on the
new Belgian tariff, which they admit is chiefly
directed against English manufactures. They at the
same time, however, condemn a system so ruinous to
commerce. The Constitutionnel thus adverts to it :
" The Belgian Government has organised a customs
agitation. Not a month passes without its publish-
ing some order to modify the entrance duties on cer-
tain goods. At one time it is to frighten Prussia, at
another it is to lay a snare for France, and, again, to
let England see that there are customs in Belgium.
The last changes in the tariff refer to machinery,
chemical produce, cotton and silk goods, tulles, and
lace. The duties on these different articles are aug-
mented in pretty considerable proportions. However,
France and the Zollverein are temporarily excepted
from the measure, and the new duties are not to be
applicable to our cotton tissues until after a year has
elapsed; silk tissues are to enjoy the exemption
during the continuance of the treaty of July 16,
1842, that is about twenty months. With respect to
the Zollverein, the old duty will still subsist for six
years. At the end of a year Belgium will tell us,
without doubt, that the additional tax will affect our
cotton tissues, if we do not make her some new con-
cession, and a little after she will demand the re-
newal of the treaty of July 16, threatening us, in
case of refusal, to increase the duty on our silks.
All this is puerile. It is a bad way of preparing the
road for arriving at a commercial arrangement. If
Belgium totally prohibited our silks and other tissues
we should lose a market of seven or eight millions,
which is very insignificant for our foreign commerce,
if, by way of reprisals, we should close France to
the linen, threads, and cloths of our neighbours, we
shouli reduce their exports to 18,000,000 or
20,000,000, and should ruin their linen trade. Let
them look at the question in this point of view, and
they will then perhaps renounce this sad system of
tactics, which shows so little experience and good
faith."

The Globe, however, blames the French Govern-
ment even more than the Belgian, for want of libe-
rality in commercial intercourse. After pointing out
the arrangements and concessions made by both coun-
tries up to 1838, it says :—" Now, let us see, how
the two Governments have since acted. The Belgian
Government has maintained all the concessions, while
the French Government has successively and almost
completely withdrawn them, so that there remain
scarcely any of those granted by the French ordon-
nances of the Bth of July, 1834 ; 10th of October
and 28th of December, 1835 ; by the two laws of the
2d and 3a of July, 1836, except the reductions in
the duties on linen cloths, and even these are almost
annihilated by the ordonnance of the 24th of
September, 1840, and by M. DELESPAUL'S amend-
ment with regard to thread. Things were in this
state when forth came the ordonnance of the 26th of
June, 1842, which, by a general measure, doubled
the entrance duties on threads and linen cloths. Was
it just to impose this aggravation of duties on Bel-
gium, which had paid for the reduction of the duty
Upon linen by such numerous and important conces-
sions ? Certainly not. The concession of the 16th
of July, therefore, was not a favour but an act of
justice. We shall not carry our patriotism so far as
to disguise the truth, and we are of opinion that we
render a greater service to our country by pointing
out to it an error or an act of injustice, than by
endeavouring to conceal it."
To say the least of this new system, amounting
almost to prohibition, it shows anything but a
friendly disposition on the part of King LEOPOLD.
The Journal des Debate has an article blaming, in
rather strong terms, Captain BRUAT for publishing
dispatches at Otaheite before they had been sub-
mitted to the Government at home. "M. BauAr,"
it says; " set a bad example, and therefore we thought
it necessary to protest. There cannot be any pri-
vilege for M. BRUAT. Whether he is 4,000 leagues
distant from France or not does not affect the
question. At 4,000 leagues as well as 200 the prin-
ciples are the same. Had M. BRUAT a right to publish
officially his report ? Could he make himself a judge,
and the only judge, of the utility and propriety of
this publication ? If this state of things be per-
mitted, what M. BRUAT did all our agents would be
authorised to do ; and not only would they be
authorised to do it, but the Opposition would soon
imperiously require them to do it. M. BRUAT is a
brave officer, but see how he has increased in import
ance in the eyes of the Opposition since this indis

- -
creet publication ! lie is a hero, and we want to
- - -

make a victim of him ! Would it not, in fact, be con-
venient for the Opposition to receive at the same time

as the Government the diTatches of our Ambassadors,
and the reports of our officers by sea and land ?
Would it not ha agreeable to oppose the Ministry
and sometimes to cut its throat with its own
arms, with the documents received from its

agents ? And then, let the Government take

it into its head to refuse anything to a
commandant of a province or colony who shall have
transmitted his demand by the channel of his private
Moniteur. All this, we repeat, is anarchy. If M.
13a1AT acted without reflection, we have considered it
our duty to reflect on it very seriously, and if M.
BRVAT is excusable, those who supporthere a principle
subversive of all government and of all order are not

so." The result probably will be his speedy recal.
The Paris papers contain the following speech
made by the Sub-Prefect to the KING on landing at

Calais :

" Sire, during your absence we have listened with pro-
found sj mpathy to the echoes of the acclamations with
which you were saluted on the friendly soil of Great
Britain; and bythe side of her august Sovereign, to whom
we have offered from afar our respects and grateful good
wishes. Sire, this memorable day, on which you are
restored to us, will be the finest in the annals of the

faithful city of Calais, and it is in the full effusion of our
hearts that we exclaim Vive le Roi !"

1115 MAJESTY thanked him for expressions so conge-
nial to his own feelings, and added that he was happy
to find himself again among the inhabitants of Calais,
mho had given him already so many proofs of attach-
ment. •

The Journal des Dekas contains the following

assembled at the residence of M. SALAMANCA, and it
was unanimously agreed to support M. CASTRY Y
Oaozco for the Presidency of the Chamber. It is
said that a considerable number of Deputies desire a
modification of the Cabinet, which would preserve
General NARYAEZ. The other fractions of the
Chamber, who do not desire a change of Ministers,
will support M. IsTuaiz for the Presidency. The
following gloomy picture of the state of parties in
the new Cortes appears in the Clamor Public() of
the 13th :

" New dissensions, and serious divisions, are about to
separate the men who represent the fatal period through
which Spain is at present progressing. The question of
reform is for those men a point agreed upon, but they
are neither agreed on the manner of accomplishing it,
nor upoa the period at which it ought to take place.
The Cabinet, alarmed at the fate which menaces it,
regards as urgent the destruction of the constitutional
basis of the fundamental law, and the conversion of
the Ministerial plans into organic laws, promulgated in
haste to enchain public opinion, which repels them as
an attempt against public liberty, and the laws and
guarantees of the Spanish people. The Carlist faction
requires the restitution of the Church property, and the
marriage of the son of Don Carlos with Queen Isabella
11., in order afterwards to declare the intervention of the
Cortes incompatible with the dignity of the throne. The
Franco-Spanish party wish for an enlightened despotism
In place of the Constitution of 1837, and desire that the
present Ministry should retain office. There remains a
very small fraction of Moderados who make a show of
being opposed to the Government of the sabre, but who
endure it. They reject the marriage of the Queen with
a son of Don Carlos, but they flatter the partisans of
that measure. They approve of a Parliament, but they
detest popular institutions. They condemn the principle
of the national sovereignty, and present but an incoherent
assemblage—a handful of men without a will of their
own, or without a principle. Such are the elements of
which the Spanish Cortes are composed which assembled
on the day when Queen Isabella IL attained the age
prescribed by the Constitution for ascending the throne
of her ancestors. The middle classes will have no re-
presentatives in the Chambers. It may easily be con-
ceived that all these heterogeneous elements, this dif-
ference of opinions, of principles, of exigencies, and .
.•f
miserable jealousies, will convert the Chamber into a
rC-
gular camp of Agramont, and that the work which will
result from all these exalted passions can neither bear
the stamp of wisdom or of stability which becomes the
code destined to define the political rights of a civilised
nation."