The Sun.
London, England, 1844-10-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT of•the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
mom THE EVENING PAPERS OP YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—Mr. Hutt, in his recent speech at Gates-
head, animadverted with great justice on the system
of mendacious representation which was employed to
raise the present party in power from being a party in
Opposition. All oppositions have more or less tempta-
iont o'" mendacious representation"—whether in the
rape ofsuppres.sio yeri, or suggestio falsi. Their posi-
tion is that of men whose views have been, for the time,
superseded in affairs ; and they would be something
more than human, were they always quite just to
those who have superseded them. All that, in the
frailty of nature, can well be demanded of Opposi-
Con, is that they shall not excite popular prejudices
which they do not partake themselves—nay, which
they are predetermined to thwart, the moment they
may attain office. If, for instance, the Whigs
echoed the repeal cry now, with the purpose of
again abjuring it, when it had served the turn of
rendering it impossible for their opponents to
govern Ireland—they would become chargeable with
equal perfidy as the late Protestant Opposition—now
merged in the Peel Ministry. Mr. Hutt truly stated
that "prejudices the most gross were set forth as
undeniable truth ; passions scarcely compatible with
public society were declared at the monster meetings
of the Conservatives, and religious intolerance against
Catholic influence was declared to be the Christianity
of the Church of England—the reformed Church of
this country." Where is now the Protestant Oppo-
sition of 1840 ? Gentle Gladstone, tell us where ?
Where that Opposition whose organ, Lord
Ashley, gave notice that be would move
for a call of the House to consider the hor-
'Me proposition that the State should assist the great
object of public instruction, irrespectively of the reli-
gious opinions of those who might seek a share in it ?
Where the addresses hurried to the foot of the throne
by a zealous concourse of Peers and Prelates, the par-
takers of Inglis's wisdom, and Lyndhurst's con-
science ? Where those orthodox country gentlemen
who, as Mr. Hutt said, " could not sleep in their beds,
when Lord John Russell proposed to do by Parlia-
inentary enactment the very same thing Lord Wharn-
cliffe now announces may be done without it ?"
Where, above all, that faithful phalanx, which was
to have stemmed the influx of Roman Catholicism ?
Why Henry of Exeter is patronising Dr. Pusey, and
Mr. Gladstone (in writings generally ascribed to him)
beseeching the Newmaniacs (with their Romish
'• tastes" and "affections") to stay in our Church!
What is this but beseeching " Parley the Porter" to keep
the keys of the citadel, for fear his zeal should lead
him to go out, instead of letting the enemy in. We
meddle with no persuasions ; however repulsively dif-
ferent from our own. We meddle not, therefore,
with Roman Catholics. But as men of a Protestant
laity, we have a right to demand that Roman Catho-
licism shall not be restored by a Protestant priesthood.
We have a right to demand that articles subscribed by
Churchmen, as their title and passport to the position
which the State assigns them, shall be subscribed in
their natural—and not, according to the avowal of
these Retrogrades—in a non-natural sense !Or we have
a right to demand of Mr. Gladstone, the gentleman who
more peculiarly professes to represent Church principles
in the present Administration—that, as we have had
an Aberdeen Kirk Bill, and an Unitarian Chapel Bill,
and Lord Beaumont's Catholic Bill—we shall have a
Gladstone Puseyite Bill. It is unquestionable that
the Church-connexion with the State hangs on Act
of Parliament. While that connexion subsists, the
Church parties to it cannot throw off its conditions.
The only alternatives (however this pseudo-Protes-
tant Jesuitism seeks to evade them) are that the con-
ditions be observed, or altered, or that the parties
breaking them, quit the connexion! Mr. Gladstone
implores the Puseyites to stay in the Church.
We, as Protestant parties to its State con-
:is/ion; demand that they leave it—or that Mr.
Gladstone, who would have them stay, carry,
if' he can, a Comprehension Act to admit their
shying; and end the flagitious farce of subscribing
plain terms in a non-natural sense. England
and Rome cannot be cheated into re-union. The
recognition of Romish authority is intelligible—
the recognition of Anglican authority is intelligible ;
but the one excludes the other—the one is under
the other's anathema. The Newmaniacs talk of the
inischievous nationality in the English idea of a
Church. But it is only as national—as independent
of Roman, or all other than national authority—
that the English Church can maintain its present
p ,sition at all. If Rome is the true mother church
—if return to unity with Rome the true object—
then Rome has a right to the immediate uncondi-
tional obedience of all those who deem her such. The
Newmaniac party, in their " Lives of the English
S tints," represent Rome in that light. Then for
t'lem there can be no honest abiding in the Anglican
o immunion. We have spoken of the late Protestant
Opposition as an exploded humbug. It is for others,
i higher places, to consider whether the Protestant
Cherch wilt not equally come to be termed the late
o le, if professed members of it are permitted to p-0-
. ePd in their present pious work of pouring periodical
insults on it.
STANDARD.—" What is the repeal movement
ie Ireland to be?" inquires the Morning, Chronicle
with simplicity. As respects the substance of the
o iestion, it is easily answered. The repeal move-
) tent will be what it is and has been, arid must lie,
rid what all similar movements for the last forty
•,-ears have h^en—a sordid nioney-maldng sv+ind;e.
The shape that the movement may assume is un-
certain, and it is of little consequence, of as
,tle consequence as the name or the colour
f the next quack nostrum issued by any
poison vendor, or as the shape of the bottle in
lvhich the unwholesome mixture may be dispensed.
1" he repeal movement and the empirical trade are
ie all respects similar—a nartor, by the aid of
-?s and exaggeration, of trash and poison, for sterling
money. No man is now in the dark upon this subject ;
e:1 see that Mr. O'Connell and his gang have no object,
I,sver had any object, but the acquisition of money
ilpon a false pretence. He knows, as well as any one
in the empire, that it were just as easy to bring down
tne moon as either t ) carry his original scheme of
repeal, or his substituted scheme of federalism. But,
~o der pretence of effecting the one, he has taken from
t .e poorest peasantry in the world some hundreds of
t imisands of pounds ; and under the pretence of ef-
f-cting the other, or some like pretence, he will con-
t nue the drain. Meanwhile, as the retreat upon fe-
tieralism is a plain abandonment of repeal, he is a
confessed defrauder of his wretched countrymen, if he
do not return to the last farthing all the money he
has extorted from them under the assurance that
he would accomplish the latter. Will he refund ?
The question would be answered by one horse-
] :ugh from Rathlin to Cape Clear. Oh, no;
Mr. O'Connell understands as well as any one,
‘• the double trouble of paying back." We have said
Viet the mendicant has been for fourteen years pro-
secuting this fraud. We might greatly lengthen the
term; the emancipation movement was but an earlier
Frage of the same swindle. The movements differ
indeed in this, that "the emancipation" was
I rem the outset certain (the unhappy Act of
1793 had secured that), while the repeal was
fsom the first a notorious impossibility. Mr.
!'Connell is accustomed to boast that it was
he who carried the Bill of 1829. Never was there a
3aore gross falsehood. He retarded that Bill for
t Nenty years, and greatly were we obliged to him
for doing so. The proof that it was he who so
long delayed the Bill is in the hands of every
one who can and will read. Look to the
several speeches of the pro-Romanists in the
emancipation debates from 1805 to 1829, and it
•w ill be seen that the great difficulty which
those pro-Romanists, Mr. Grattan, Lord Plun-
kett, Lord Grenville, &c., had to overcome was
'presented by the proceedings of Mr. O'Connell
and his accomplices in " Catholic committees,"
Catholic boards," " Catholic associations," &c.
Look again to the decisive fact, that when in
5229 the Ministers (urged by the King's double
('ealing) had made up their minds to take
.the dangerous step, they found that they could
esot dare to move in it until they had first silenced
I.lr. -O'Connell and his gang by a Bill suppress-
" the Roman Catholic Association." these
-n se facts upon the record, and open to all ;
'a :d if they do not approve that Mr. O'Connell
r tarded, instead of advancing, " emancipation,"
-riething was ever proved in political logic. Never-
theless, at the wind-up, the whole balance of the
:Association funds, extorted from the poor (an
elormoua sum, as we have heard), passed into the
pocket of Mr. )aniel O'Connell, as the reward of his
• services in effecting that arrangement which he, and
he only, retarded for twenty years, and which the
-force of circumstances in the end effected in spite of
him. The success of this gigantic quackery-
-50,0001. or 60,0001. paid for the recovery of a patient,
- whom he had kept twenty years an invalid, and whose
recovery he could not prevent—the success of this
gigantic quackery afforded encouragement and temp-
. tition to further fraud not to be resisted ; but the
q lack having pocketed his fee for the cure could
no longer pretend that the patient was indisposed,
• .and thefore he bethough4 him of a new delusion—
, a measure analogous to the Elixir, by which the
knaves of the sixteenth century promised to renew
youth, and- to invest with immortality. This kind
f fraud has the advantage that it cannot be exposed
until the only party who ought to be
able t') ex-
.se it is silent in his quiet grave. It is
& swindle in fee—a freehold rent-charge upon
folly and ignorance. From this second piece of
roguery, however,
Mr. O'Connell has certainly
•
received between two and three hundred thousand
pounds sterling, plus the balance of the Catholic
rent, :or which we have already spoken.
This is perfectly well understood by every man in
Great Britain, and upon the continent of Europe, and
e by every intelligent man in Ireland. Nay, the secret
s of the repeal movement has transpired even in the
United States. We live in a commercial age. This con-