The Sun.
London, England, 1844-10-22 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

GLOBE.—Mr. Hutt, in his recent speech at Gates-
head, animadverted with great justice on the system
of mendacious representation which was employed to
raise the present party in power from being a party in
Opposition. All oppositions have more or less tempta-
tiont o'" mendacious representation"—whether in the
shape ofsuppressio veri, or suggestio falsi. Their posi-
tion is that of men whose views have been, for the time,
superseded in affairs ; and they would be something
more than human, were they always quite just to
those who have superseded them. All that, in the
frailty of nature, can well be demanded of Opposi-
tion, is that they shall not excite popular prejudices
which they do not partake themselves—nay, which
they are predetermined to thwart, the moment they
may attain office. If, for instance, the Whigs
echoed the repeal cry now, with the purpose of
again abjuring it, when it had served the turn of
rendering it impossible for their opponents to
govern Ireland—they would become chargeable with
equal perfidy as the late Protestant Opposition—now
inerged in the Peel Ministry. Mr. llutt truly stated
that "prejudices the most gross were set forth as
undeniable truth ; passions scarcely compatible with
public society were declared at the monster meetings
of the Conservatives, and religious intolerance against
Catholic influence was declared to be the Christianity
of the Church of England—the reformed Church of
this country." Where is now the Protestant Oppo-
sition of 1840 ? Gentle Gladstone, tell us where ?
Where that Opposition whose organ, Lord
Ashley, gave notice that he would move
for a call of the House to consider the hor-
rible proposition that the State should assist the great
object of public instruction, irrespectively of the reli-
gious opinions of those who might seek a share in it ?
Where the addresses hurried to the foot of the throne
by a zealous concourse of peers and prelates, the par-
takers of Inglis's wisdom, and Lyndhurst's con-
science ? Where those orthodox country gentlemen
who, as Mr. Hutt said, " could not sleep in their beds,
when Lord John Russell proposed to do by Parlia-
mentary enactment the very same thing Lord Wharn-
cliffe now announces may be done without it ?"
Where, above all, that faithful phalanx, which was
to have stemmed the influx of Roman Catholicism ?
Why Henry of Exeter is patronising Dr. Pusey, and
Mr. Gladstone (in writings generally ascribed to him)
beseeching the Newmaniacs (with their Romish
" tastes" and " affections") to stay in our Church !
What is this but beseeching Parley the Porter to keep
the keys of the citadel, for fear his zeal should lead
him to go out, instead of letting the enemy in. We
meddle with no persuasions ; however repulsively dif-
ferent from our own. We meddle not, therefore,
with Roman Catholics. But as men of a Protestant
laity, we have a right to demand that Roman Catho-
licism shall not be restored by a Protestant priesthood.
We have a right to demand that articles subscribed by
churchmen, as their title and passport to the position
which the State assigns them, shall be subscribed in
their natural—and not, according to the avowal of
these Retrogrades—in a non-natural sense I Or we have
a right to demand of Mr. Gladstone, the gentleman who
more peculiarly professes to represent Church principles
in the present Administration—that, as we have had
an Aberdeen Kirk-bill, and an Unitarian Chapel-bill,
and Lord Beaumont's Catholic-bill—we shall have a
Gladstone Puseyite-bill. It is unquestionable that
the Church-connexion with the State hangs on Act
of Parliament. While that connexion subsists, the
Church parties to it cannot throw off its conditions.
The only alternatives (however this pseudo-Protes-
tant Jesuitism seeks to evade them) are that the con-
ditions be observed, or altered, or that the parties
breaking them, quit the connexion ! Mr. Gladstone
implores the Puseyites to stay in the Church.
We, as Protestant parties to its State con-
nexion, demand that they leave it—or that Mr.
Gladstone, who would have them stay, carry,
if he can, a Comprehension Act to admit their
staying, and end the flagitious farce of subscribing
plain terms in a non-natural sense. England
and Rome cannot be cheated into re-union. The
recognition of Rot-Dish authority is intelligible—
the recognition of Anglican authority is intelligible;
but the one excludes the other—the one is under
the other's anathema. The Newmaniacs talk of the
mischievous nationality in the English idea of a
Church. But it is only as national—as independent
of Roman, or all other than national authority—
that the English Church can maintain its present
position at all. If Rome is the true mother church
—if return to unity with Rome the true object—
then Rome has a right to the immediate uncondi-
tional obedience of all those who deem her such. The
Newmaniac party, in their " Lives of the English
Saints," represent Rome in that light. Then for
them there can be no honest abiding in the Anglican
communion. We have spoken of the late Protestant
Opposition as an exploded humbug. It is for others,
in higher places, to consider whether the Protestant
Church will not equally come to be termed the late
one, if professed members of it are permitted to pro-
ceed in their present pious work of pouring periodical
insults on it.
STANDARD.—" What is the repeal movement
in Ireland to be?" inquires the Morning Chronicle
with simplicity. As respects the substance of the
question, it is easily answered. The repeal move-
ment will be what it is and has been, and must be,
and what all similar movements for the last forty
years have been—a sordid money-making swindle.
The shape that the movement may assume is un-
certain, and it is of little consequence, of as
little consequence as the name or the colour
of the next quack nostrum issued by any
poison vendor, or as the shape of the bottle in
which the unwholesome mixture may be dispensed.
The repeal movement and the empirical trade are
in all respects similar—a barter, by the aid of
lies and exaggeration, of trash and poison, for sterling
money. No man is now in the dark upon this subject ;
all see that Mr. O'Connell and his gang have no object,
never had any object, but the acquisition of money
upon a false pretence. Ile knows, as well as any one
in the empire, that it were just as easy to bring down
the moon as either t.) carry his original scheme of
repeal, or his substituted scheme of federalism. But,
under pretence of effecting the one, he has taken from
the poorest peasantry in the world some hundreds of
thousands of pounds ; and under the pretence of ef-
fecting the other, or some like pretence, he will con-
tinue the drain. Meanwhile, as the retreat upon fe-
deralism is a plain abandonment of repeal, he is a
confessed defrauder of his wretched countrymen, if he
do not return to the last farthing all the money he
has extorted from them under the assurance that
he would accomplish the latter. Will he refund ?
The question would be answered by one horse-
laugh from Rathlin to Cape Clear. Oh, no;
Mr. O'Connell understands as well as any one,
the double trouble of paying back." We have said
that the mendicant has been for fourteen years pro-

secuting this fraud. We might greatly lengthen. the
' term; the emancipation movement was but an earlier
stage of the same swindle. The movements differ
indeed in this, that " the emancipation " was
from the outset certain (the unhappy Act of
1793 had secured that), while the repeal was
from the first a 'notorious impossibility. Mr.
O'Connell is accustomed to boast that it was
he who carried the Bill of 1829. Never was there a
more gross falsehood. He retarded that Bill for
twenty years, and greatly were we obliged to him
for doing• so. The proof that it was he who so
long delayed the Bill is in the hands of every
one who can and will read. Look to the
several speeches of the pro-nomanists in the
emancipation debates from 1805 to 1829, and it
will be seen that the great difficulty which
those pro-Romanists, Mr. Grattan, Lord Plun-
kett, Lord Grenville, &c., had to overcome was
presented by the proceedings of Mr. O'Connell
and his accomplices in " Catholic committees,"
" Catholic boards," " Catholic associations," &c.
Look again to the decisive fact, that when in
1829 the Ministers (urged by the King's double
dealing) had made up their minds to take

the dangerous step, they found that they could
nut dare to move in it until they had first silenced
Mr. O'Connell and his gang by a Bill suppress-
ing " the Roman Catholic Association." These

a; -e facts upon the record, and open to all ;

a•ifl if they do not approve that Arr. O'Connell

retarded, iiistead of aivancing, " emancipation,"
nothing was ever proved in political logic. Never-
theless, at the wind-up, the whole balance of the
Association funds, extorted from the poor (an
enormous sum, as we have heard), passed into the
Ipocket of Mr. Daniel O'Connell, as the reward of his
services in effecting that arrangement which he, and
be only, retarded for twenty years, and which the
face of circumstances in the end effected in spite of
him. The success of this gigantic quackery-
-50,0001, or CO,OOO/. paid for the recovery of a patient,
Iwhom he had kept twenty years an invalid, and whose
recovery he could not prevent—the success of this
igantic quackery afforded encouragement and temp-
tAion to further fraud not to be resisted; but the
quack having pocketed his fee for the cure could
no longer pretend that the patient was indisposed,
and thefore he bethought him of a new delusion—
a measure analogous to the Elixir, by which the
knaves of the sixteenth century promised to renew
youth, and to invest with immortality. This kind
of fraud has the advantage that it cannot be exposed
until the only party who ought to be able t,) ex-
pose it is silent in his quiet grave. It is
a swindle in fee—a freehold rent-charge upon
fully and ignorance. From this second piece of
roguery, however, Mr. O'Connell has certainly
received between two and three hundred thousand I

pounds sterling, plus the balance of the Catholic
rent, of which we have already spoken.
This is perfectly well understool by every man in
Great Britain, and upon the continent of Europe, and
by every intelligent man in Ireland. Nay, the secret
or the repeal movement has transpired even in the
United States. We live in'a commercial age. This con-