The Sun.
London, England, 1828-02-26 00:00:00

SPIRIT 01? THE PUBLIC JOURNALS

" All is fair in love and war,"—and, we may very
well- add, "in faction.- The Turkish ManifeSto,
like the battle ,of Navarin, was too good a thing to
let slip, and accordingly this Proclamation of the
Sultan has been laid hold of as a pretext for calling
again into play the destruction of the Infide”fleet
by the Allies, and for ascribing to it the hostile de-
termination which the Porte'now seems to have ex-
hibited. This is an attempt on the part of the ultra
Tory junta, the drollery of which consists in its
mixture of clumsiness with cunning. " The
battle of Navarin"—they have been-ringing* our
ears—" the battle of Niavarin has brought ,on
- a war with our ancient ally; the Grand Seignor."
' • say the Ex-Tories: but what says the. Grand.
Turk himself? Read his words, as follows :
"At diffeFentperiods it was proposed to the Sublime
Porte to cease interfering in the affaira of Greece by giving
them an independent form of Government, to establish ovky
them a chief, as in Moldavia and Walachia, and to grant
them liberty on payment of an annual tribute. Such were
nearly the vain propositions made to the Porte. As it is
evident that this pretension of liberty tended to nothing
less than (from which Heaven defend us!) to caa,se, to fall
into the hands of the infidels all the countries of Europe and
Asia in which the Greeks are mixed with the Mussulnians,—
to put by degrees the Rayas in the place of the Ottomans,
and the Ottomans in the place of the Rayas,—to coo-
' vert perhaps our mosques into churches, and make
bells resound in them,—in a word, to crush rapidly...ind
Islamism,—neither reason, law, policy,.nor religion
permitted the acceptance of such propositions. The
Stiblime Porte often returned, both by writing and ver-
bally, the necessary answers in all the official, forms,-and
according to the tenour of treaties. Though the object
of the Franks had been perceived from the beginning, and
every thing announced that the sabre alone ,mustat,last
reply to their propositions ; nevertheless, that the repose
of Mussulraans might not be troubled, and on the "other
hand, to gain the time necessary for warlike preparations,
ale Sublime Porte endeavoured to temporize, as much as
possible, by satisfactory replies, and by official conferences
on the subject of the dishonour and prejudice which the
propositions of the three Niers would have caused to the
empire and the nation." -
Here we find the grounds of the Turkish resolu-
tion as clearly defined as words can, state them. But,
.with all deference to the legitimates of the old Court
party, we do not find one word in riterence to, the
battle of Navarin„,. It is said, that the protension to
confer liberty- on Greece " tended to nothing less
than to make all the countries of lf,,,lrope and Asia,
where the Greeks are mingled with the Moslems,
fall into the hands :Of the infidels." It, is said,
that " neither reason, policy,, nor religion, permitted
Such propositions to be accepted." It is not said
that the battle of Navarin threw any obstacle in the
way of an agreement, brit that- the insurmountable
objection was in the very nature of the demand.
It is said, that " every thing from the beginning
announced, that in the end, the sabre alone
;must answer the propositions." It is said in a
subsequent passage' of the proclamation, that the
" Moslem nation has been insulted"—by what ?
By the battle of Navarin ? Not at all; but "by
the propositions," which "it is 'impossible that it'
(the nation)" can ever entiiioit to." The battle of
Navarin is indeed alluded to afterward 4; but only in
summing up the history'Of the time,' and rather at
consequence of the. adverse position in which the
policy of the Allies, on behalf of Greek independ-
.ence, had placc:ct them towards the Porte, than as a
cause of the warlike attitude which the latter was
justified by the original difference in assuming. It
thus appears that the battle of Salamis might, if we
are to believe the Porte herself, as well be assigned
for the cause of her present appeal to arms as the mush
calumniated battle of Navarro. The original propo-
sition to liberate Greece is distinctly identified, in the
Turkish state paper, with a design 'to destroy the
empire, and to subjugate or exterminate the Moslem
people; and if the Divan had so viewed the ques-
tion there is quite sufficient reason avowed for its
determination to try the worst extremities of War,
without foisting in the battle of Navarin. But what
are the " worst extremities" of that war which the
Porte contemplates ?—the real extinction or subju-
gation of the Moslem power ? We do not believe
itt The Turks confide more _securely -in the sepa-
rate interests; or inherent jealousies, of the European
Goverruneuts among themselves, than in his own
capacity, of .resisting their united arms. if Russia
should lose sight of the treaty of London,—which
was in its essence a conservative and 'tranquillizing
treaty (at least so far as concerned Christian Eu-
aope)—Turkey, no dotibt, rechons on the political
certainty that Austria and England, and per-
haps the French Government also, would in-
terpose as energetically to maintain the inde-
pendence of Turkey, as the two latter Powers have
struggled for the liberty of Greece. It i. indeed
not easy to calculate the contingent fruits of a pas-
-age of the Danube by the Russians. If chi-; sti-
mulus of early success be added to that of, perhaps,
natural ambition, the progress and turn of a cam-
paign on the Danube must be looked at with un-
feigned anxiety. But would an indifference to the
settlement of Greece on the part of England have
produced a corresponding apathy in the Court of
Rus.sia,—or Ivould a tame observation of the cruel-
ties of Ibrahim Paoha have shaken the fundamental
principle of the Porte, that the grant of liberty to
Greece would tend to establish the Rayas (the vas-
sal Greeks) throughout the whole empire, in the
place of the Ottomans, and to 'degrade the Otto-
mans into the condition of the Baylis ? We do not
see that if the contest begins, it must of necessity
lead to changes more widely sprelading than those
which were aimed at by the treaty of London ; but
it would be foolish to conceal from ourselves or
others that exertions beyond the sphereag diplomacy
may be requisite, for the strict adjuatrnent of those
consequences,to their desired and wholesome limits?
—Times.

Last night we had; in the House of Lords, the ex-
planations respecting Mr. HnskiSson, which were
expected on 'Friday last. Lord Clanricarde repeat-
-Pd, that the declaration
,in the presence of Lady
Canning, and of another whom it was not necessary
should name, was made by the Colonial Secre-

tag, in, he believed, the very words he had used in
.eferring to it in the Honse:of Lords; but, at all
events, if not 4:i-the very words; in the *spirit of
what he bad stated. On hearing Mr. Huskisson's

contradiction, at first direct, but afterwards qualified,
he had referred to the two indiyidlials whose recol-
leCtion was as perfect as his" own. lie denied that
the deelaration ever was considered either by himself
or others as. confidential, nor was it even designed by
Mr. Huskisson that it should be so considered. Earl

Dudley repeated in a great measure his former
speech. 4 It was impossiblef" he said, " that the
Government of this - country could be carried on if
expressions of political friendship were to he held
binding for ever. The whole history of this calm_
.try and of every free country is full'of political ani-
mosities and of political changes, and of changes
made, not merely of friends, but of principles and of
})artier conlicted, throngh.,a much longer period,
than the Right Hon. Gentleman and my late
Right ll""iend." "He was himself the great
sublime he thvw." The moral of his Lord Ship's
speech seems to be, that convenience aloneOtight to
be the rule of conduct ; and in justice to his ' Lord-
ship, the practice of Political men in this country
Still his Lordship
laying down the ~Fill"
goes far to support his theory,
is intitled.to the credit of
political pledges ankaphiiC.al
ciPle broadly, that
declarations are merely empty . convii,ierws,
that
principles and parties
.may be quilm."Y. at a mo-
ment'sßacon re...cop...en. ds that men
notice.: Lord
should 14 only when driven. dio a corner, 'and
their general habit of openness and veracity willihen i
serve to' blind the public;' or, to use lii words,
"'the former opinion spread abrOad of thi i r good
faith and clearness of
_dealing, made them al;:iost in.
visible." But the candour, of Lord Dudley is more
perplexing than the cunni7 of Bacon; for though
. .
we may know that his pr ssions are not ,iiiding,
and his principles changeable, yet he may s(. ,ietimes
adhere to his professions and .his principles. In the
case of some men,-when. we know which v.-.lv their.
interest inclines, we may know how they' will in-
cline; -but we will not do-his Lordship the i.justiee