The Sun.
London, England, 1845-03-03 00:00:00

available to England, but they would in all the likelihood
of probabilities, be turned against u 5. This, in the change
which steam power must create in naval tactics, is a
most serious consideration for the British Government
and for the British public.
We would therefore recommend that any, surplus re-
venue from the Post-office should be applied to increas-
ing the number of mail steam-ships.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM TUB EVENING PAPERS OF SATURDAY.
GLOBE.—Sir R. Peel grows wanton, or careless, and
seems inclined to trifle alike with his supporters and the
country. One or two triumphant divisions happening to
combine with a little personal altercation in public, have ap-
parently weakened his discretion ; and he is tempted to abuse
his " little brief authority" with those " fantastic tricks"
which " make even angels weep." Members of Parliament do
not weep,—but then they are not angels. Mr. Hogg,looking at
the new differential duty on East India sugar, as a dry matter
of business, and having faith in the Premier, sees nothing
fantastic in the attempt to declare a difference by Act of Par-
liament where there is no distinction in fact. He, therefore,
gravely remonstrates, makes a motion and a long speech ;
and Mr. Hume seconds the motion in a short one. We do not
counsel weeping in such cases; we think laughing would here
have been somewhat more to the purpose. The utter impos-
sibility of carrying into practice a distinction between sugars
" equal to white clayed," and " not equal to white
cloyed,' is evidently not unknown to these gentlemen, and
might, we should have supposed, have been deemed
a sufficient guarantee that the attempt would either
never be made, or be very quickly abandoned. Mr.
Hogg's proposal to add the words, "in quality," arid
so make subject to the higher duty only sugars " equal
in quality to white clayed," does not get rid of, and
scarcely diminishes, the difficulty. The other pro-
posal, to adopt as a test the amount of saccharine
matter contained in the sugar to be charged, has the ap-
pearance of being more definite; but the adoption of any
such standard is clearly at variance not only with the propo-
sition of the Government (so far as that can be made suffi-
ciently definite to admit of comparison), but also with every
other proposition yet submitted, and also with every distinc-
tion, in respect to quality, hitherto made in fixing the
duties. It can scarcely be necessary to say that it is
net in the quantity of saccharine matter it contains, that
the superiority of refined over raw sugar consists. The chief
points of its superiority are, obviously, a higher degree of
crystallisation, and a comparative freedom from colouring
matter. But the former increases the quantity of the water
of crystallisation in a given weight of sugar, and so tends
to diminish the proportion of saccharine matter. Now,
both the degree of crystallisation and the colour
may, and do, vary infinitely ; and if we may place any
dependence upon the assurance of those who possess the
best practical information on the subject, it is not possible
to draw a line at any particular point of refinement suf-
ficiently definite to be made the basis of any fiscal re-
gulation whatever. No two sugar dealers in England are,
we believe, at this moment agreed as to what precisely
i, and what is not, white clayed sugar. The Govern-
ment pretends ignorance of this. Mr. Goulburn knew
it last year, and made good use of it in the debate upon
the last alteration of the sugar duties. Yet, this year,
Sir Robert Peel has not yet arrived at a know-
ledge of it. But then he declares he was not at liberty to
make inquiries. Had he done so, people might have formed
some notion of what he was about. The present measure re-
quired careful and secret preparation. Admitting this to be
true is, at least, highly characteristic. Like a conjuror behind
his curtain, preparing his next trick, Sir Robert is con-
tent to " dress up his statement" in the dark—to
give altogether to his audience the benefit of what-
ever light there may be, in order to preserve the more com-
pletely the mystery of the coming display. He is willing to
be ignorant of what everybody else knows, provided he can
only keep them from guessing at what he is going to do.
However, the display has now been made, and the effect
found decidedly defective. The audience have enligh-
tened our worthy conjuror, and he will retire to con-
sider, and, if he can do no better, withdraw his "trick."
A definition of what is meant by " white clayed sugar"
is loudly called for. Sir Robert will try to make one, and
—if he finds he cannot—why, he'll give it up :—" To the
consideration of this point the Government would apply
themselves; they had had ccrnmunication with the
Custom-house, but it was, of course, difficult at present
to speak to details ; and, under the circumstances,
he should say the best course would be to allow
the resolution to pass now ; and, unless the Go-
vernment could adopt some established rule as to what
should be the quality of the sugar, it should be un-
derstood that his Hon. Friend should be at liberty to make
a motion similar to that he had now proposed to the House.
In the interim the Government would consider the question."
Or course, what does not exist it is idle to seek for ; but if
the new duty be at once abandoned, we shall escape the dis-
putes which must hare arisen from having upon the statute
book, even for a short time, a distinction which could not
have been enforced in practice.
STANDARD.—Mr. Duncombe last night brought for-
ward his motion, and what is more, brought forward his
proofs. Mr. Duncombe's notions of a proof are extremely
amusing, but not quite original. The genius of Fielding has
in fact anticipated, though it has not equalled, the concep-
tion of the gay Member for Finsbury. " Can you deny,"
says Mrs. Gobble, " that you are a vagrum and a dilatory
sort of person ? Han't the man with the satchel made an
affidavy of it ?" "Can you deny," says Mr. Duncombe," that
you opened my letters ; did not my man with the satchel,
M. Mazzini, tell me last summer that some Post-office clerks
told• him that they bad opened your letters two years be-
fore?" And this is Mr. Duncombe's whole case. We are
not surprised that he held it so long and so carefully
in reserve. Mr. Mazzini told him that he (Mazzini)
had heard from certain Post-office clerks that they had
opened Mr. Duncombe's letters in 1842. Mr. Duncombe
having been, when he heard the fact, full two years quite in-
sensible to the painful pressure of that public disgrace, which
he has found so intolerable ever since—informed of the open-
ing of his letters. To make the matter, however, if possible,
more absurd, Mr. Duncombe moved, to call Colonel Ma
berly to the bar, to explain what he (Mr. Duncombe)
ought in the first place to prove by the evidence of
the clerks. And then the whole was to be made the
foundation of a legal proceeding Of what legal pro-
ceeding—a prosecution or a civil action ? Of a pro-
secution, then, the law would not allow parties
to be examined to criminate themselves. Of a civil
action ? We should like to see the instructions to
the pleader who would have to draw the declara-
tion. " Certain letters unknown, upon certain days
unknown, written to or by Mr. Thomas Duncombe,
by or to certain persons unknown, were, at some time
uncertain, in the year 1842, opened by A., 8., and C., clerks
in her Majesty's Post-office, to the special damage of Mr.
Duncombe. `Please draw a declaration in this case, and as-
sign the special damages very precisely." We think
that this were a task to puzzle a pleader. But,
if no criminal or civil proceedings at law could
possibly be founded upon, Mr. Duncombe's motion,
if successful, what was the use of it, ? Mr. (Des-
pard's plot) D'lsraeli shall tell ; for, that everything might
be harmonious and complete, Mr. Duncombe's motion was se-
conded by the author of " Coningsby." Mr. D'lsraeli ad-
mits that such motions as he seconded are inconveniences,
and evils ; incident to free government ; as the burning of
cities and other like things are inconveniences and evils
flowing from the same cause. Had he not been modost he
might have added that the writing of libellous and immoral
books and the libelling of honest and upright men by pri-
vilege of- Parliament, are also inconveniences and evils
arising from a free constitution. So far Mr. D'lsraeli's
propositions are indisputable; but his inference is open
to exception. Our free Constitution may disable us from
guarding against stupid and mischievous debates, fire
raising, and slander ; but surely it does not justify
any of these very inconvenient and mischievous
practices. The poor fellows who were hanged at
Bristol, by their brother reformers, were not al-
lowed the benefit of Mr. D'lsraeli's plea, and we do not
see why any others ought to be allowed to avail themselves
of it, when it was refused to those proto-martyrs of reform.
We did hope to hear no more of Mr. D'lsraeli ; however, we
scarcely regret that he obtruded himself last night, as his
doing so gave opportunity to Sir Robert Peel to deliver a
splendid speech, in a style from which his constitutional
mildness and good humour generally restrain him. Mr,
Duncombe's absurd motion was of course rejected.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
TIMES.—The Post-office debate, vivacious enough in

self, has been further enlivened by a spirited episode on corn.
paratiye:claims of independence and party, the paramount lord-
ship of Premiers, and the concientious, or quasi conscientious,
reserves of supporters. The title of this episode was " The
Candid" Friend"—a character which it was the object of the
various dramatis person to shift from their own shoulders,
and assign to some one whom they had reason to think not
so friendly as candid. We will freely confess our deep re-
grets that either friendship should be suspected, or candour
depreciated. The experience of all ages, at least of the pre-
sent, shows that both are necessary. Without friendship
there could not be party ; without candour there could be
no improvement. Party sticks to a cry, to a name, to an
arithmetical figure, to any sort of fixity and finality, how-
ever superficial or trivial. Candour meanwhile developer
such private wisdom as the individual partisan may happen
to possess, and brings it to bear on the mass. In eliciting
variety of opinions, it also elicits variety of rpsonrees. Vio-
lence of faction and tyranny of leadership are equally
apt to cramp and stiffen party till it becomes aged
and. incapable, fit only for entire and sudden extinction.
A friendly candour, that is political attachment combined
with personal independence, proceeding necessarily to the oc-
casional length of strenuous remonstrance and firm opposi-
tion, gives growth, development, and extended basis to the
party. A judicious Premier will remember that he is not
his party ; he will consider how much his supporters have
sacrificed to support him, and will gratefully sacrifice some-
thing to leave them at least the name, if not the reality-, of
freedom. He will recognise both agreement and difference,
and by a system of timely concession or indulgent respect ac-
complish that the differences of partisans shall be the re-
newal of party. Candour is much too useful an element in
politics to be rashly disparaged. But for the wise operation
of a friendly candour the whole nation might by this time
have been bailing in the froth and scum of an irretrievable
anarchy. The future historian will contemplate with wonder
the greatness of the changes which have been so silently
and safely effected. He will ask how it was that the
mightiest interests and opinions were consigned to the
tomb of their fathers with as decent a solemnity
as loved and aged monarchs, and how new sys-
tems were proclaimed in their stead with all the mild and
genial auspices that sooth the cares of a youthful throne.
lie will then find that candour was the secret of judicious
reformation. Candour paved the way, and dissolved the
obstacle. Candour, working above and below, in the front,
the rear, and even in the flank, was the master spirit of the
only effectual warfare. Candour averted fatal collisions, and
facilitated necessary downfalls. Parties were candid to their
leaders, and leviers to their parties ; principals to their
seconds, and seconds to their principals; masters to their
pupils, and pupils to their masters. The impregnable rock
of bigotry crumbled to pieces by the stealthy process of a
universal caudoar. Sagacious men relinquished impracticable
opinion, and contended for the prize of candour; till, at last,
the chosen band of patriots which consummated the happy
transition was pre-eminently a Cabinet of candid men. Yet
the Premier is at a loss to understand how he
can be occasionally opposed in "a friendly spirit."
The bare Wei of such an incongruity affects him with
" shudders" and " laughs," and such indescribable
sensations ; out are not unpalatable acts of friendship, after
all, the commonest things in the world, and, in fact, the very
staple ingredients in that game of cross-purposes now called
politics? for exampie, Sir Robert's friendship for his party
is undeniable. Has he not occasionally opposed it? it will
be said, volenti non fit injuria. If the party choose to suc-
cumb to his opposition, and help him to their own discom-
fiture, ho has not injured, he has merely seduced them, and
they cannot comp'.ain. But what substantial difference is
there between a successful end in unsuccessful opposition ?
" The friendly spirit" of one man who overcomes his friends
bytheaidaso
thatf hi
.utmost alone in the
warfare, and if he opposes, does so with -,
cry little pros-
pect foes
is
another a s much
who 'D s
tpar to the charge of in-
sincerityn b
success.peofby" a f
Again, we
spirit"h?ve
ton the clergy ; eta we areo doubt that c:ir Robert is
animated
also disposed to think—though that is beside the I), ..,„et
purpose—that he legislates for them on the whole better tin.