The Sun.
London, England, 1828-11-07 00:00:00

TO TH RIGHT TION. Lott :hXLEY.

MT L2RO, 1614, Nee- de, leee.
I have read your Address to thin Freeholders of
Kent; rind as I fesl, es ar►#ntly as any man ca►►
I feel, how unjust our eenduct is towards all the
Catholic populetion of this Entpite, how Cruel to
Ireland in partirtilnr, and how unwise towerds
ourselyce, I mince refrein from attempting to ee-
amisse your Lordship's positions, most of which ups
pear to me to be easily turned. I hope other
pens more able than mine will seize the vantage
ground you have given them ; but in the mean
time I stand forward in the good cause, a willing,
honest, though a most humble advocate.
I shall commence with your Lordship's declara-
tion, that it is not your object, or, as far as you
know, that of others, to dictate to the Legislature
the course it should pursue; and your expressions
of perfect reliance " that those Ministers who have
long been the able and Eeecessful advocates of the
Protestant cause will continue to give it effectual
support." If this really be the case--if you feel
that perfect confidence in the wisdom of Ministers,
why, my Lord, combine arid club to give force and
effect to your opinions ? If you do not wish to
dictate, why are these Clubs organized with the
greatest eagerness at this moment ? If you were
only actuated by a pure devotion to the Protestant
• religion,—if you thought the whole country was
with you, as you assert it is, there surely could not
he a necessity for such eager union and Club fuN
mation. And why, let me ask you, is it that these
Clubs were not formed before ? The Catholic As
sociation has surely been long enough in existense
for those who are opposed to it to have found out
what its attempt meant; but it is only now, when
we see that the present method of governing Ireland,
by keeping up an unnatural division of caste, has
stimulated the most powerful in numbers, though
not in place, profit, or emolument, to assert their
rights. It is only now, when the result of a late
Election has shewn that they can be powerful, and
that their power can be exerted in overturning the
farce of Irish elections. Now it is that the New-
' castles, the Cha►tidosee, and the Winchelseas, have
found out that Clubs ale necessary to throw their
protecting shield before the Government, or in other
words, to put a stop to the progress of honest
Christian-like, liberal feelings. And strange enough!
—you appear to wish to perpetuate the very
power you complain of, by endeavouring to
keep alive all the causes of irritation. What
keeps up the consequence and the power of
the Catholic Association ? Is it not the oppres-
sion under which they suffer ? Take from them
the source of their complaints—give what they
have a right to demand—make the law in Ireland
the same for the Catholic as the Protestant—let
justice go event handed to all sects—do away the
proud revolting superiority of the one caste, and
restore the birthright of the other, and yot•tr great
dread, the Monster, that rises the stronger from every
effort made to subdue it, will vanish on the instant.
But by a stranger perversion of intellect, the Bruns.
wickers, of whom I conclude your Lordship has now
become a party, are striving to continue that'very
system, which does anti ever will perpetuate the
evil they complain of. How then can any one give
them the credit you ask, or suppose it possible that
the fot 'nation of these Clubs has not something more
in them then merely " to declare their resolution to
support the authority of the Laws and the Consti-
tution of their Country."
Another avowed abject is to " rescue the two
Houses of Parliament from the intimidation under
which it is attempted to compel them to sanction
measures which their deliberate judgment has re-
peatedly rejected"—(before I proceed I must cor-
rect a mistake of your Lordship—both Houses of
Parliament have not deliberately -rejected the mea-
sure—on the contrary, your Lordship must know
that" it has been carried several times in the lower
House, and I have no doubt your Lordship is ex-
pecting the same result will take place the next
Sessions,)—hut to proceed.—lf, my Lordo-ou have
the power to " rescue"—you must have the power
to " dictate." Amid now we knots what these Clubs
tire instituted for; it is easy to judge whether that
power, if obtained, would not be most willingly
exerted. It is to prevent your obtaining this power
that they who are of opinion nothing but a settle-
ment of the Catholic Question can prevent both
England and Ireland from becoming u prey to anarchy
and confusion—are now using--not Club Law--
hut every honest and fair means within their power.
You are pleased, my Lord, to say, " that it is at-
tempted to compel .the Legislative to assent to the
claims of the Catholics—not from a sense of their
justice or expediency, &c., but for the purpot.e of
averting the immediate evils of Civil War and Re.
hellion,"--but you have not condescended to state
whose " attempt" this is ; anti I should have sup-
posed that the many brilliant, able,and arguraentative
speeches your Lordship into heard in both houses of
Parliament, would have proved to von, that it is
from a sense of the justice of their claims---that
it is from a conviction of their expediency—that it is
with a view to due delikeration of the future con-
sequences of concession—as well as for the humane
wish of preventing all the horrors of rebellion
and civil war, that the advocates of Emancipa-
tion are most anxious to press upon their coun-
try and Parliament the paramount necessity
that now exists for the due and deliberate consider-
ation of this great question,—and that is not the
wish of those who advocate these claims to compel
the Legislature to assent to them. Yet we are to
be accused, if not directly, yet by implication, of
having no regard for the Constitution !
.And not
only this, but we are to be told by an obscure meet-
ing of the Clergymen of the Established Church,
that because we only wish to see its mild and cha-
ritable doctrines practically applied—because we
wish to make one-third of our Empire contented and
happy—because we syish to strengthen and consoli-
date that Empire, and invigorate the Constitution,
by a perfect union of all its members, and say we
are to be told by these people that we may take our
choice between Atheism and Latitudinarianism I
And yet, my Lord, you one and all disclaim the idea
of dictation ! And your address is concluded by
hoping all irritation is to be forgotten the moment the
Meeting oe Penenden Meath was dispersed
you throw the band of discord among us—you ac-
cuse us of not being Christians—of wishing the
downfall of the Constitution—and then say--" Let
ns be Friends."

You ought to know, my Lord, better than I do,
who are the men thus en!emniated by such sweep-
ing charges—men whose bright talents, whose
learning and virtue have shed a ludo round the cause
we advocate, which will inevitably light us to vic-
tory, though measures—such as the I3runswickers
are now pursuing, may retard it—not so much by
those they avow, as by those their conduct is so
likely to produce—civil discord and religious differ-
ence. They have roused the old cry of " No
Popery," and by it have inflamed minds, whose only
knowledge of the cause they were called upon to
decide, is derived from their favourite boyish pageant
of Gay Faux ! They have called np a spirit of re-
sistance amongst the well informed of the middle
classes, and has e created a new sort of party in the
county, which curer would have existed but for the
ill-advised measure of the County Meeting. Your
Lordship was present, and you must have seen the
confusion that exi.ited, and the means resorted to, to
keep this up, the indecision of the High Sheriff, and
the impossibility that one-half of the meeting could
know what was going on. This gives both sides
room to claim the victory ; one has (toile so with
a spirit of exultation which ill accords with that,
you say, actuates the Brunswickers. Do you
then think the other will tamely acquiesce, in
this attempt to heap obloquy upon them ? I
therefore repeat that you have thrown the brand of
discord into the county—and it is too late, when the
net is done, to say you meant only peace and good
will—as Lord Camden observed, your Clubs if at
all necessary could only be mischievous, and if they
are so, how much more mischievoue, was the meeting.
I pass over your assertion, that the main argument
upon which we rely, is the danger having passed

,
ftWay of the princ.,pies or the Roman Catholic
Chairade injuring our Proteetant Establishment. Yon
know my Lord it. i,Leot the mein argument, and is
tt'sed, only to strengthen those arising from a convie-
don of the necessity of Emancipation as an act of
justice and political expediency; neither is it neces-
sary to notice what you State with regard to the
short reign of James the Second. end the. conse-
qttences that followed hie, except to call
the ettention of your readers to the colouring at-
tempted to be given to the arbitrary act of that mo-
,' nerch, which I now find, for the first time, attributed
Co an alliance between Popery and Liberalism
• Your Lordship next proceeds to make us ae-
quainted with a circumstance trivial to a degree in
one sense, though of consequence in another; as I
shall clearly show, ' state that it came out in
the Committees of Pasliament in 1825, that the
Rennin Catholic Bishops had always been nominated
ifr thielYgsroealtoinngfluasenteheeythey must have
existed—and
yboyutlatergSuetefmirvoart
continued to retain in Ireland. I only ask why did
they not use it ?—and shall merely quote in answer
to this attempt to attack the loyalty of the Dishoption
extract from Plowden's History of Iceland. ,‘ It
strongly marks the folly and unreasonableness of
coupling the cause of Popery with that of the Pre-
tender, that in the only part of the British empire
which generally submitted to the spiritual power of
the Pope, inanely Ireland, an arm has not been raised
in aid of the Stewarts since the accession of the
Haase of Hanover to the Throne !" Vol. 1. p.
218. In the same paragraph yon proceed to say,
that in the late Reign the Legislature judged (end
in your opinion " wisely and humanely.") that cir'
cumstances had so much altered to to adroit of the
removal of several restrictions. Let us, my Lord,
look when these took place, and then perhaps we
shall find out what were the circumstances, that
made the Legislature act so wisely in your
opinion—in 1778 Lord Nugent moved resolu-
tions in favour of the Catholics and the Minister,
Lord North, agreed with him ; this Was followed in
the Irish Parliament by the repeal of some of the
harsh measures of William 111. ; more concessions
were afterwards granted in 1782. I need not re-
mind Your Lordship that this was the disastrous
period' of the American War, and that Ireland at that
time presented a spectacle, afterwards seen in Eng-
land, of a whole population, without reference to any
religious creed, armed in defence of their King and
Country. The next period of concession was in
1793, when Mr, Hobert, the Secretary for Ireland,
moved for the repeal of several acts--and the motion
was carried unanimously. At this time the French
Revolution had broken out, and the Government
were in great dread of French principles spreading
in these Kingdoms. Is it not a curious circumstance
that these concessions should only have been made
in times of imminent danger? Either the Govern-
ment must have conceded these through fear, or
lions their perfect reliance on the sound loyalty of
the Catholics. I leave your Lordship to decide
which was the actuating cause; which ever it was,
you must know that the Irish Catholics arc not blind
to the event, or to the causes that led to it, and
they cannot see why their loyalty is new to be
more suspected than it was at that time; or why, if
they were worthy of being trusted in times of danger
and dismay, they are not to be so in those of peace
end tranquillity: they must feel, and feel severely
too, that either they are worthy to have all their
rights restored to theta, or that they are riot worthy
to have any.
Your Lordship next proceeds to answer the ques-
tion " whether the sentiments of the Catholics are
so changed as to allow of their complete admission
to all political rights ?" And though you state that
there is a vast mass of evidence on this point col-
lected by the different Committees, and the Com-
missioners on Education, yet you can only rring
three instances forward to support your views. One
relates to the opinion given by two Catholic Priests
on the old forgotten decree of the Council of Late-
ran. The next, that one of these Gentlemen josti-
lies this said Council for consenting to the execution
of John Huss. And the third relates to the power
of the Pepe of absolviug oaths. I shall leave all
these questions to be replied to by Mr.. Butler, who
I publicly beg to take up the gauntlet your Lord-
ship has thrown down. All I shall remark is—that
it was strange the Minister of the day did not think
of this last instance when he took off so many of the
oppressions cruelly imposed on the Catholics—acts
which your Lordship considers as " wise and humane" -
—but at thaftimeyour Lordship was not in the Coun-
cil, and the Newcastles, Chandoses, and Winchelseas,
et hoc genus assure---had not been roused to a sense
of the very imminent danger the Constitution might
be exposed to, by the opinions of two Catholic
teachers in the Catholic College of Maynooth !!
You will perhaps say that as this College did not
then exist, the danger did not exist, but I scarcely
think your Lordship would resort to such a sub-
terfuee.
Your Lordship has afterwards been pleased to
give it sketch of Protestant and Catholic Europe—
but why did you leave out of your map, Bavaria,
Switzerland, anti Hanover ? If your Lordship mean
any thing, you must mean to insinuate that Catho-
lics and Protestants cannot live under the same Go-
vernment, without the one or the other forming art
inferior and degraded race ; and you bring forward
Spain and Portugal, and Spanish America, as proofs
of the intolerance of the Catholic Religion,
though yon must know in the two former, the
fault lies more with their Government than with
their religion, and that it is not wholly true with re-
geed to the latter:—jut granting it was—does your
Lordship bring these things forward as examples for
the Brunswichers to imitate ?
You next proceed to quote the Edinbro' Review
as an authority for your present proceedings. I have
no doubt the Northern Editor will feel some sur-
prise at the honor your Lordship has done him—and
to him will I leave the reply which you have drawn
down on yourself and the Clubs. I only wish your
Lord had quoted from some of those speeches which
have made, and will continue to make, converts to
liberal feeling, till that period arrives which you so
pathetically point out to. Your Lordship seems to
grant—unwillingly, it is true, for you cannot deny
it—that this question is daily gaining ground ; but
are we to watt " a few veers" to do an act of justice
and necessity, and in the interim allow Ireland to be
a dead weight upon this country, and most probably
the source of a much larger expenditure—created by
a large increase of our military force ? Is it to be
torn by internal convulsions caused alike by the vio-
lence of both parties ? Is it to be left to the chance
of Slavery or Rebellion—and are we to be divided
between those who are averse to all concession and
kind treatment, and those who strongly and ably
advocate it ? merely that my Lord Bexley- and other
gentlemen of the Brunswick Clubs may depart this
life without having the fear of the Pope and Popery,
Fire faggots and Martyrdom before them!! Verily
my Lord " le jue ne Taut pas la chandelle" or rather
it is teo dangerous an experiment to be tried, even
for the great object you propose.
I cannot take leave of your Lordship without
asking -the people of England, whether they would
not suppose, in reading all that has lately been
written on your side of this question, that there was
not one able or honest man in the country in favour
of the Catholic ? But I request them to consider
if they think the Duke of 'Devonshire or the Duke
of Newcastle to have most at stake in the country,
or whether the former may not by accident know as
tnhueicrthe k
hofifjorellent(il ge as the
of the Marquis of
the latter ? 1 ask them whe-
Wellesley on Ireland is inferior to that of the Mar-
quis of .Chantios ? Whether the opinion of Lord
Camden, and his knowledge of Irish affairs, are to
be eclipsed by those of Lord Winchelees. ? and I
will ask you, my Lord, if you think your knowledge
and judgment on this subject, superior to those of
your late lamented colleague, Mr. Canning ? It is
true that we are all equally at liberty to form our
own opinions on this subject, but we cannot all have
the same means of forming correct ones, and I
therefore assert, without fear of contradiction, that
those men are most to be relied on whose opinions

Ye formed on an intint..atti knev4edge of the auliect
under discussion, and that no man has k re'it to use
his ewiess.rours to mislead those wbo cannot, either
front want of leisure, rarractty, or opportunity, form
a correct intigreent thcmr,lros, merely to gratify a
feeling of party spirit, Of 17; iltinf? an anxiety to
obtain publicity at any no* many bright
nrkrar,s Plight ! cf.d! to iii•O',re that it a very large
porikii or the peopie of Engianti, witO itatAd think
that it is incompatible, either with our religion or
our constitution, to restore seven millions of Eng-
lish and Irish Catholics to their just rights—but I
am confident it is not necessary. They are too well
Ithmwn, and it is onlY in i-ottients of how and irrita-
tion, that they are absent from our mind,, or are for-
gotten by the Brunswickers.
I coneltide thirt letter by cortgratulgting yOnr Lord-
ship and the country, on the stilklitM tone of the
speeches et the late Meeting and Dinner, compared
with those reported to have been delivered at the
commencement of this ill-judged and ill-timed rnea-
sure. It is a proof that they already are the error of
their ways, and as Mr. Hodges well said at the
Giutty " I hope the:- r;i1! not repent of
their repentance," and that we shall acMii ha ;o but
one opinion, and one wish, in this country—
an opinion that no man has a right to be persecuted
for his religious creed, and a Wish td sets our c'ttlntry
" United, Hsopy, and Free."
•

I have the honour to remain,
Your Lordship's obedient, humble Servant, •
JOHN MAXWELL TYLDEN.

LINES ON RIEGO'S

Five years have pa=ged—and we, my fellow men,
Are exiles, ontcaste, from that spot of earth,
O'er n hick Creation holds her gentle reign,__
Tie land of beauty which has giren us birth I
Oh, Spaniards! we are roaming through the world,
And lope, each hour, must faintel!, feebler grOer.
Time shall stretch onward, though our flag be farl'd ;
And we remain the deitizena of woe.
yes, Time, that brings her thousand glorions dreis ;
Time, that shall Kane mortal man's deerte;
Time, that sl,all give to heroes their true metal ;
Time that might SA y, even to nt...." Be free l"
But where is he, whose soal-reviving name,
Alone et.: ugh to vivify the weak,
Controul the servile, give to r.lonr fame, •
And e'en the bands of tyranny to break Y stoorr.,

Alas, alas ! that name no more resounds
In crowded streets, in patriotic halls
Where once with raptnre it was echoed round,
Now Li deep stillness of oblivion falls
! stirred name, Riego ! shall t!:y voice
Cease with the breathing of thy mortal frame?
It cannot be ! thy spirit shall rejoice
To bear the pattiot eall ©n thy I:rond mine,
Load; years are pass'd upon our fallen heads
Since he, the tyrant, has disgraed the land :
That land our country, echoing Freedom's tread !
Country of horns, of hearth, of bond, of band !
Mars, alas! the Hero is no more
He who might wake thee from thy sleep it gone:
Fire years have passed sines they that bright heed bore
In brutal triumph, rnoekery, and scorn.
Brit with Ricso shall the catia,y expire?
Shall Pelayea' Cide have frught in vain for thee .1
Land of the brave where sleeps the holy fire
That bade thy bold forefathers to be free?
Spaniards, and friends, the mighty are no mote-J.
But Zaragooa, Baylen, still remain :
Think, Britons, as ye walk Your island's shore.,
On fialantanca's heights, .-ittoria'n plain
Where is the valour which so bravely sought,
Against the Frenchmen's yoke, to make a stand;
And in such faith uneonyner'd armies brought
. E'en to the very bosom of our land ?
Britons, forgive the Paih: who would rouse
Thy gan'rous spirits to avenge the brave :
Think on the greatness of our nation's woes
Thilik then alone canat sneconr, shield, and save.
Nor would the deed be vain :—for whateoe'er
. Of rich or gcoA in clime, or sail, ye'd find ;
All that Australia proffers shall be there,
A mart, a mine—all recompense comhin'd.

4

There arts might flourish, science hold het reigu,—
Oh ! could their influence break upon our skiefi,
limn through the cloud that dmrkens o'er our Spain,
And raise her from the dust :n which he lies

'as need not toil upon the stormy deep,
With distant hope to gain a distant land
Ern, in sight, Hispania's riches sleep :
Ye weigh yenr anchor, and ye reach our strand..
And ye should tod.hearts, noble, brave, and gel-0,--
Hearts that would glory to repay the debt,—
Neighbours, allies, and brothers,—gratitude !
And we should find,—we never should forget.
Thou mast not forge the fetters of the mind.
Britons ! 'tie thou alone we may iavoke,
And swear o'er Riego's dust to stand combin'd,
Till we hare burst the oppressor's galling yoke.
Alas, my country ! I could weep for thee,
In dust and ashes I would wail and mourn ;
But I would more,—l'd wake thine energy,
And bid thee with the fire of patriots burn.
I'd point thee to the grave where those are laid
Who for thy welfare thought e'en life too small
And as ye look upon that best lov'd shade,
Think of his sacrifice, love, home,—sll. iffik":.-
Ttiis day Riego died !—the victim fell! -0,4;r
Hie blood—not ages shall wash out the stalk.
But if his cry should huret the tyrant's spell,
Our martyr'd hero has not died in vain.
Somers'-town, Nov. 7. A SPANISH REFUGEE,
GENEVIO'S SON.
P.S. Generio's Son would deem himself guilty of the
most egregious egotism, should he pretend to the honour of
having composed the above affecting lines,
which charming
harmonious, powerful, even to draw tears, and as bethinks
truly English la:, s, never could he by any means presume
to write in a foreign language; with which, notwithstand-
ing he is a good deal conversant, and of its riches, energy,
and great resources, an admirer, he must confess he Fears
lie shall never master. In his own alone could ho venture
to express that admiration in which lie halt; the extraor-
dinary talents of the amiable lady, who, although num:-
q„inted with the Spanish, enters into the feelings Of Ge-
nevio's Son in so improved and impressive a manner, as he
thinks, and most confidently hopes the public will also
think, in the perusal of the above pathetic dirge, well me-
rited by the virtuous and gallant General, whose anniver-
sary of martyrdom it record% and laments.
GENEVIO'S SON.

THE ENGLISHMAN.---This highly respect-
able and independent \Veekly Newspaper is published at
170, in the Strand, every Sunday morning at four
o'clock, at the price of sevenpttuce only. The English-
MIN has now besn ptablished twenty-six years, and during
that long period has Invariably pursued the same course in
its departments—that of the strictest impartiality. It
truly be said of the Ens/Us/awns, that it is "open to
all parties, influenced by none." As a family newspaper,
the Enylish:in stands unrivalled ; not a line or an ad-
vel tisernent of un inunorsl tendency is allowed under any
circumstanoos to stain its pages. The Englishman is a
20 folio column Journal, the same she and price as the
Observer. The paper upon which it is printed is oa nn
excellent sort, and the type almost new; i.idet-11' for va-
riety, quantity, and quality, it is the !MOM. perfect. 1
er• akiug of fiunday Newspapers, it is proverbial to "7
the _Englishman is almost a library in ite.tlf, said to anctt
readers who, do not desire a party paper, x ttj,l of the
Englishman is strongly recommended as a neutral Journal,
in which such a combination of literal:). talent is eragage4
as cannot he excelled by any Weekly Tewspuper whatever.
The Eny/iahmon is sent.n from Loudon by the mails on
the country on. the Ilank pant l' and may be had a

A wild cat was caught in a trap at Glenahnoroa
t few days ago, which measured three feet tix. iochts is
lengtit.— Glasgow Paper.

T 1 late Ae KEAN. MosER KEAN was
a tailor, a stout-built man, with 1:1aok bushy hair and a
wooden leg. Ha always dressed it., ,a. dashiag manner, in
a scarlet coat, white satin waistcoat. black satin small_
clothes, and a Scat's liquid-dye line silk atockiag. He
had also a long-quartered shoe, with a large buckle covet-
ing his foot--a cocked 114 t, and a toil-led shirt; end be
never went out without a ,witch (Zr a erne in his lianci.
tie was a very extraordinary particularly in imita-
tion of C. J. Fox, which be gave occaticnaliy at tie Little
Theatre in the Haytuarket. Mr. EDMUND KEAX, the
otdebrated actor, owes hit relocation to the above person,
who was his nncit+.—NVlek•eve and his .tuner.