The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-07 00:00:00

increase the price of labour, and thus the continual
action and re-action would be kept up throughout the
community. High or low, the price of bread caused
more adversity or prosperity to a country than could
be imagined.—(Hear, hear.) They were told that
the representative system was wisely and well ar-
ranged, the power being in the hands of the
agricultural classes, and that they ought to have the
preponderating influence in the Legislature—(Hear,
hear)—and that it would be unwise to deprive them
of any portion of the power which they possessed.
They were also told that if they (the agriculturists)
did not yield of themselves, nothing could be done in
a legal way which would make them yield—that was,
that they were to continue to enrich themselves at
the expense of the community.—(Hear, hear.) He
confessed that from Parliament nothing could be ex-
pected at present. But were they to despair on that
account ?—(Cheers.) He should say, far from it.—
(Loud cheers). He saw everything showing that
the cause of free trade was making rapid advances—
that the arguments of the free traders were making
way in the country, and even in high places—in Par-
liament itself, as was proved by the advance which
was made during the last session towards free trade,
on the Canada Corn Bill.—(Hear, hear.) By that
Bill, corn might be imported from Canada, at a duty
of ls. But why should it not be imported at the
same rate from every other British colony.—(Loud
cheers.) But that was not only an admission to the
principles of free trade : there were other practical
advantages derived from it—namely, that the Ame-
ricans would be likely to smuggle a great deal of
flour into Canada, so that they would then have
American flour as Canadian. The landlords were
very a igry at this. They pretended that their great
reason for opposing the repeal of the corn-laws was
that they would be dependent upon foreign countries
for the supply of such a necessary article of life ; but
in this case they were equally angry though the
supply were to come from their own colonies, thus
showing that they did not so much object to the corn
being foreign as to its being cheap.—(Hear, hear.)
Anything which made corn cheap must be bad,
and it must be a bad law which enabled it to come
into this country. That was the doctrine of the
agriculturists.—(Cheers.) In the course of the next
week the question of the corn-laws would be dis-
cussed in the House of Commons, and he supposed
they pretty well knew what the result would be—
(Hear, hear)—what the course of the debate would
be. His worthy and respected friend Mr. Cobden
would introduce the subject with his usual cleverness
and talent. He would deal with the question this
year as in former years, and state his case so clearly
before the House, that if the Members had not an in-
terest in opposing him they would be
_compelled by
their consciences to vote with him.—(Hear, hear.)
He would make a speech so full of sound argument—
so happily illustrated, so ably delivered, that there
would not be a word to add to his statement.—(Hear,
hear.) It must carry conviction to the breast of
every honest man. The same country gentleman
would get up, and, if he did not actually call his Hon.
Friend ragamuffin, he would insinuate that he was
nothing better than an ignorant' man, and, not being
possessed of many acres, was not fit to develope any
comprehensive policy in the House of Commons, or
introduce any alterations in the laws of the country.
They would have other friends for the repeal of the
corn-laws—Mr. Villiers, Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr.
Bright, and others—who would give additional force
to his statements. Then they would have a number
of country gentlemen say that they were low-bred
ragamuffins, and that they were attempting to
overturn the Established Church and all their
revered institutions—(Great laughter)—and that
they were determined, as long as they had seats in
that House, to stand by the throne, the altar, and the
corn-laws.—(Cheers and laughter.) They probably
would have some determined enemy of the manufac-
turers, like the Hon. Member for Knaresborough—
(Laughter)—who would deliver a violent phillipic
against everyman, either himself a manufacturer, or
connected with manufactures, or who had anything
to do with the trade or the commerce of the country,
forgetting that very many of the country gentlemen
themselves owed their fortunes to manufactures, for
he (Mr. Leader) ventured to say that since the in-
troduction of manufactures on a large scale into this
country the value of landed estates had been doubled
in England. Well, after one or two nights passed in
debate of this kind—if debate it could be called—
(Laughter)—where all the argument was on one
side, and all the personality on the other, Sir Robert
Peel would get up and make a very plausible Minis-
terial speech—(Laughter)—probably lie would speak
for three hours, but they must not expect that in
those three hours he would tell them anything—
(Laughter)—for, beyond all the men he (Mr. Leader)
ever heard, the Right Hon. Gentleman
,possessed
more than any other the singular felicity of talking
a long time and leaving his audience in doubt as to
which side his opinion inclined.—(Cheers and
laughter.) Ile illustrated in the most happy manner
the witty saying of a celebrated French diplomatist,
who said " that language was given to men in
order to conceal their thoughts."—(Laughter.)
After all this the division would come on, and the
numbers would be pretty much as they were last year.
Then they considered all that had been done since
last year, in favour of the corn-laws, all the resolu-
tions which had been passed in fuvour of them, even
in the country districts—when they remembered the
number of converts, even of farmers themselves,
made to the cause of free trade, was it not surprising
that, in the House of Commons, there was not a
single convert to this doctrine ? And why ? Because
ruling interests were generally stronger than any rea-
son which could he adduced against it, and they were
ready to adopt any frivolous or fallacious view which
would tend to support any opinion that coincided
with their own interests. The question, so far as the
House of Commons was concerned, was already
decided, because the case came on before a packed
j ury—(Cheers)— Or, rather, one might say they were
judge and jury in their own cause.—(Hear, hear.)
But that was no reason why they should despair of
success.— (Hear, hear.) There were many who
heard him who remembered the Reform Bill, and
who must recollect that it was far more difficult to
carry that measure, because, in that case, men not
only sat for their own boroughs, but they returned
ten or twelve others whom they pleased to select.—
(Hear, hear.)
They
ye Yetm yieldedtheyidd le 3c•
lilevslhsdeeeisdl
ottfoh
etlongthe
f co couounnndtti nr
yu theesdo
convictionagitation. of the
strongly opposed to them, and that the opinion of
the country was so strongly evinced that the measure
could be no longer resisted. But it appeared to him
to be a great misfortune that the Legislature of this
country always held back reforms till they were too late,
and till they did little good when they were conceded.
The remedy was always deferred till it became too
late to put them in the same state of prosperity
which it would have done if applied sooner. The
question of Catholic Emancipation was a modern in-
stance of this. He would ask any intelligent or
disinterested man whether, if that question was con-
ceded at the time of the union, Ireland would be in
its present distressed and miserable condition ? If;
according to Mr. Pitt's plan, Catholic Emancipation
had been carried at the time of the union, and if the
Irish Catholic Establishment had been paid, Ireland,
instead of being a poor and miserable country con-
vulsed by agitation, would be as happy, prosperous,
and contented as Scotland was at present.—(Hear,
hear.) The case of reform was another instance,
and it would also be the case with regard to the
corn •laws, which made the first necessary of life so
dear to the poor man. He was afraid this agitation would
continue for a long time before the House of Commons
were brought to reason ; but if by a combination of
circumstances they were able to force the Govern-
ment and the aristocracy to grant a total repeal of the
corn-laws, they could then tell them that what they
had refused to mercy they were terrified into yielding
to justice.—(Hear, hear.) But then the advantages
to be derived from a repeal of the corn-laws would
not be one-tenth what they would be if conceded
now or two or three years ago—(Hear, hear)—be-
cause the consequence of the protective system had
been to prevent commercial treaties with France,
Portugal, Brazil, and Spain.—(Hear, hear.) Those
countries said—" When you first get rid of your ex-
clusive system and your extravagant tariff then we
will negotiate treaties with you. As long as you
keep up that protective system, from which you have
no doubt derived good, we will follow your example."
The consequence was that this country was losing its
markets amongst foreign nations.—(Hear, hear.)
Whenever they had brought their cause to triumph,
whether in a year or two, or even longer, he was sure
of this at all events, that the Anti-Corn-law League
had by its agitation done great good, by diffusing in-
formation amongst the people and enlightening the
country on the question.—(Hear.) When the re-
peal came men would say—" The attack on the protec-
tive
systemsystem
;was begun by the Anti-Corn-law League.
They showed the horrid and detrimental features of
the
they had been hated for it—their dili-
gencetheir intellect in
and
demdifficTuhlteiiers
yetsteps
was remarkable in collecting arguments, and
idn°flgigcecitedbuypon the protective system a blow' which it wouldThe never
CHAIRMANrecove r .tl7n( L
introducedo recover."—(Loud elcheer s . weret
hey
)Mr. Collier to
the meeting. He was the son of the late Member for
Plymouth, and had himself stood for the representa-
tion of Launceston.

lien savage, artcl eat the dirty Fab for his breakfast,
and the undre' tsed fish for his dinner—let him do that,
and they v tould not complain.—(Loud cheers.)
If he chose 'to be ignorant, and would not have
books bee *sue their leaves were made from
dirty racgs which came from Italy, let him
do r.—.(Vheers.) Let him, if he chose, discard
writink because the gall of which ink was made came
from leppo.--(Cheers.) Let him do all this, if he
&med , but let him not interfere with the privilege—
tne high and noble privilege—which entitled the
people of this country to invite the people of other
countries to come to this with their contributions,
and enabled the people here to offer to them their
contributions in return.—(Cheers.) The time once
was when in this country there were rude savages
who, instead of garments, covered their bodies with
red and yellow- ochre ; and who, instead of houses,
had huts made. of the branches of trees and covered
with fern.—(s,) He did not complain of the man
who said he. would feed on aboriginal cabbages—
(Laughter).--and make his pies and puddings of sloes,
haws, and. blackberries—(Laughter)—because they
grew on his owr. land.—(Cheers.) God forbid that
be should be deprived of the enjoyment of these
notions, and that he should be compelled to eat
peaches and other delicacies that came to maturity
under a more 'benignant sun. Let him do as he liked
with respect t'a all this, but let him not interfere with
them. He might, if he chose, place a stick
on the sands of the sea shore, or he might hang
up a pitcher full of water, with a hole in
the bottom, and watch its running from the
rising to the setting sun, in order to tell how the time
passed by. But let him not deprive him of that
beautiful instrument which had proceeded from the
inkaligence and intellect of man, called a watch, in
wEkh the iron, was brought from Sweden, the gold
from Africa and Asia, and the precious stones from
various parts of the world.—(Cheers.) Let him
immure himsgelf,, if he pleased, in some uninhabited spot
—let him do as their forefathers of old had done, have
oak-tables, in which holes were made for the salt,
and let him use his fingers instead of employing those
articles, the xnaterials of which came from other
countries. Let him do all that. What mattered it
to him (Dr. Bowring) or to them, if he chose to
dress in !coarse garments, and would enjoy
nothing but that which was indigenous to his own
land? He (Dr. Bowring) might mourn over him ;
but what business, he would ask, had he to interfere
with him who. had that for which others would be
thankful and Rrateful, and who, in return for that
which he could give, would place at his disposal the
produce of the universal world ?—(Cheers.) This was
the history of civilisation and commerce, and in what,
be would ask, consisted their victory, but that of
making the universal world, with all its climates, and
fruits, and men, and mind, tributary to that activity
which gave energy to them and benefit and profit to
all? In a country like the present, where he saw men
who worked at the loom, rising before the sun, and
retiring to rest long after it had set, he said, is that
being .one who was spreading the benefits of
amity and friendship over the universal
world, because that which he produced brought
to this country all the enjoyments of life ? 'Without
him they never would have reached the high position
in which this country at present stood. If this country
was great, and great it was—(Cheers)—if it was in-
fluential, anal_ influential it was—(Cheers)—it was
because tl'iey had made themselves dependent on
other nations, and thereby rendered them tributary to
this .co-Antry.____(Hear, hear.) Was it not lamentable,
in d'ays 'like the present, to hear the strong—the infa-
tn.4%a language, which was used by men when they
lanced of the foreign relations of this country ? Could
they not see that those relations were the real sources
of the commerce of the country? Did it not bring to
those who were constantly inveighing against it, al-
most all that they ate, drank, or were clothed with? It
brought to them almost every decoration in their dwel-
lings. To foreign countries they owed all this; and he
(Dr. Bowring) should like nothing better than that
such men should be condemned to the punishment
of having their own physician—(Cheers)—viz.,
that of being made independent of foreign nations.—
(Cheers.) It was the dependence of this country
upon foreign nations that had made her name illus-
trous through the whole civilised world.—(Cheers.)
He (Dr. Bowring) would like to strip from the hacks
of such mereas these the garments they had received
from foreign lands, and he would venture to say they
would walk through the streets in their own original
nakedness.—(Cheers.) Let them take from their
tables the contributions that came from foreign coun-
tries, and he would venture to say that two or three
days would put them in a state of starvation.—
(Hear, hear.) He should like to take from
the backs of their wives and daughters the great
and beautiful things they had received from
foreign countries, and he would venture to say that
they would not show themselves afterwards in
Ilounsditch.—(Great laughter.) It was on the de-
pendence of man on man that their virtues and feli-
cities
.equally hung.—(Cheers.) He could under-
stand the theory of those who, if they crossed a
brook, or wandered over a mountain, would say they
had no language to deal out in love; thtt there they
expected to find not friends but foes ; that there they
were to seek to destroy, and not to benefit. Those,
however, were not the principles of those who be-
longed to the League; their principles were free
trade, with which human happiness was connected.
Free' traders deem it their high and honourable—
their most high and most honourable—mission, to
remove the mass of misery where they found misery
existing, and to develope happiness where they saw
any means of developing happiness.--(llear, hear.)
Their attention was often called to what was passing
elsewhere, and their thoughts
.had lately been taken to'
that ocean—the great Pacific Ocean—in w hich he
hoped the magnificent barque of free trade would, ere
long, float in all its majesty (Cheers)--and he
thought, as he had duties elsewhere, that he could
not better conclude what he had said, than by giving
them

And they even hinted, awfully,
That if e'er in the isle of Owhyhee
Bread-pudding in price should humbled be,
All was o'er with the aristocracy !
One penny saved to the clods who dine
Would be sure to bring all the " Nobles" to " nine!" *
Meanwhile that cry that dreadful cry,
" We starve, we starve!" rose loud and high ;
'Till what was the upshot, all shall see
In the second canto of Owhyhee !"
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman was frequently
interrupted, during the reading of the verses, by the
applause and laughter of the audience, and he was
loudly cheered as he sat down.
J. T. LEA.DBR, Esq., M.P., then came forward.
He said he must first congratulate them on the altered
and improved position of the League, and on the
great, the fair, and the intelligent meetings that now
assembled in that theatre, to hear what the Council of
the League had to say. When he had the honour of
appearing before them on those boards last year, the
League was rather an object of contempt from its
opponents, a thing to be sneered, at to be laughed at, to
be ridiculed: But now things were quite altered, both
with the League and its opponents. Now it was a thing
feared and hated, a thing to be called, as it was last
night, a "dangerous conclave."—(Hear, hear.). The
League was now a thing to be opposed by Anti-
Leagues, composed of great dukes, and lords, and
squires, with a slight sprinkling of auxiliary forces,
in the shape of Conservative operative societies.
Now, they must examine a little what sort of power
this Anti-League was ; they were told, in a boasting
way, that if the Anti-Corn-law League could raise
a hundred thousand pounds, the.Anti-League could
raise two hundred thousand with equal facility. Perhaps
they might ; no doubt they had got plenty of money ;
it would be very hard indeed if they had not. He
dared to say they were rich, because they had had
protection for years, because they had compelled the
people to buy their goods at high prices. They were
rich, and were growing richer; but it was at the ex-
pense of the community ; and if a stop were not put
to their protection, they would put more money in
their pockets, and would become richer, but they
would have made the community poor. Of money,
therefore, they probably had plenty ; they would
probably get up county meetings, because in many
counties they possessed such a large extent of land, that
they could do pretty nearly as they liked. He had
no doubt that they would hold plenty of meetings
—some of them in Freemasons' Hall. He wondered
that they were not afraid of a word of so ominous a
sound as one having " free" in it; it must have re-
minded them a little of free trade. For his part, he
should like to see some of the Anti-League gentlemen
here ; it would be better than having all the talk one
way. They might state their arguments, and the
others might answer them. He was sure they would
have a fair hearing.—(Cheers.) He thought it would
be much better to have the arguments stated and
answered in the same assembly, with fair play, than
that each party should have their own meetings, one in
Covent-garden, and the other in Freemasons' Hall.
They might have their county meetings, their meet-
ings in Freemasons' Hall, with plenty of Conservative
operatives around them to explain the state of the
country to them. But he doubted whether, with all
these " appliances and means to boot," they would
ever be able to get in a year as much influence as
the Anti-Corn-law League exercised in a week. And
he 'would tell them why ; because he conscientiously
believed that the arguments and statements of this
League were founded upon truth, and he believed
that the arguments and assertions of the Anti-League,
of the agricultural gentlemen, were founded on fallacies.
and on unsound reasoning based upon those fallacies,
What were the general topics of these Anti-League
meetings ? Why, really, to listen to them, or read them,
one might fancy they were the speeches and after-dinner
talk of the Squire Westerns, described by Fielding 100
years ago. He could hardly believe that they were
the speeches of squires and country gentlemen of the
nineteenth century. They were filled with nothing
but intemperate abuse of the free-traders, calling
them villains and ragamuffins, and hinting, in a very
country-gentleman-like way, to the listeners,
that it would be a very picturesque thing to
see an Anti-Corn-law -man stuck up to his
chin in a horse-pond. And at these meetings
they were not satisfied with attacking the
free traders, they must also show their dissatisfaction
with the Government ; for every blow—for every
bold, straightforward blow they planted in the breast
of the League, they gave an equally sincere back-
handed
slap at Sir Robert Peel. And he would tell
them why—though Sir R. Peel was not the best '
possible Minister for the cause of free trade, yet he
was a great deal better than his supporters. The
language used by the gentlemen of the Anti-League
party plainly proved that they had no confidence in
him, and that they only supported him from fear of
being driven to measures of free trade by
a more liberal Ministry. Judging from the
language used at these meetings, they might see
pretty well what they might expect from these Anti-
League gentlemen if they had everything their own
way. Let them consider a little the actual state of
the country, as it would be under these Anti-League
gentlemen ; he was not inclined to set one class against
another, or to excite the manufacturers against the
f landowners, or say anything that might set the land
against trade, because he believed they must both
stand and fall together; their interests were so inter-
woven, that what was bad for one must be bad for the
other, and what was good for the one, must ultimately
be good for both. But whenever any particular class
set itself up especially as the protector of the poor, as
the protector of the agricultural labourer, or of the
farmer, it was but fair that they should examine a
little into what pretences they had to that character.
He thought they could see a little what the landed
gentry meant by protection to the poor, from the Acts
they were constantly getting passed through the Le-
gislature. At the present moment a Bill was before
Parliament, brought in by these friends of agriculture ;
it proved pretty clearly what their meaning ofprotection
for the poor was ; the measure he alluded to was an
Inclosure Bill—an Act for inclosing the -fields and
commons of the country, in order, as the landlords
said, that more land might be better cultivated, and that
this an advantage might be conferred on the poor of
the neighbourhood. What was the real state of the
case ? There was a very good article on the subject
in the Times of yesterday, which stated the case with
tolerable fairness, and with a good deal of force. The
Bill was brought in by Lord Worsley. He had not
a word to say against Lord Worsley ; he was a
liberal minded man, and really one of the best of his
class. But in this case he thought he was mistaken.
In the county of Lincolnshire, with which his Lord-
ship was connected, and the counties round it, the
Bill might be use, because in them there was a great
deal of uninclosed land that might be improved ; but
for the whole country, the Bill would be a serious evil
to the poor who had common rights, and to the public
in general who had any advantage from the commons.
In a letter in the Times of that morning, some corre-
spondent asked, why did not some one in the House of
Commons prevent the Bill from passing ? He would tell
them why. In the House of Commons the landlords
had such a majority that it was impossible to prevent
any Bill from passing which they chose should pass.
With respect to this Inclosure Bill, he remembered
opposing Lord 'Worsley on this subject once before,
and what was the result of his opposition ? The ut-
most he could gain was this—that within a certain
distance from certain great towns the commons should
not be inclosed—that was all. They might see that
every year attempts were made to inclose Hampstead-
heath and Blackheath. The landlords told them it
was for the benefit of the poor of the neighbourhood.
What benefit would it be to the poor of the neigh-
bourhood to see Hampstead-heath covered with
houses ? The rent-roll of the landlord would be in-
creased, but the inclosure would be a very bad thing
for those who had any benefit from the common right.
This was a specimen of what the landlords called pro-
tection. They said that the protection was not
for themselves, but for the poor and the farmer ;
their protection in the case of agricultural produce
was precisely the sort of protection extended to the
poor in the commons. Depend upon it in every in-
closure it was the rich men of the parish that got the
lion's share—the poor man got little or nothing. It
was just the same with the laws relating to the im-
portation of corn. The real protection was to the
prices of the landlord—not in any respect to the
comfort or the convenience eitherof the farmer or the
farm labourer or the communitynlangdelnedral.t
tlhn
short the protection afforded bye i
poor was precisely like the protection affordesded oby e
strong nation to a weak one--that is to sayr the
what
a strong nation reaped all the advantage, and
nd
for
the weak nation to be excessively grateful
it did not get—(Loud cheers)—and for all which it
saw the strong one reaping at its expense, under the
generous and disinterested pretence of protecting the
weak one. Now they heard a great deal of these
Anti-League meetings. He wondered they had the
face to repeat the arguments they put forth that the
agitation of the League was solely directed to bring-
ing down wages in the manufacturing districts. The
landlords held up the manufacturers as monsters of
cruelty and iniquity—men whose every act was di-
rected only to lowering wages. Why, the profits of
the manufacturer did not depend nearly so much on
low wages as on the increased demand for
his goods--(Hear, hear)—and as for the work-
ing man himself, it was notorious that his wages
did not depend upon the price of bread—it was re-
gulated by the supply and demand for his labour. If
there were more hands than could be employed the
wages diminished. Then let them consider what
a difference the corn-laws made in the price of
bread to the poor man. When the price of bread was
low, he would spend less of his means in the pur-
chase of bread, and he could apply the remainder in
the purchase of other things. By that means he could

THE BREAD-FRUIT TREE.
A TALE OF THE SANDWICH ISLES.
tell you a tale of the Southern Seas;
You may laugh at, or cry at—just as you please.
Scant was the growth of the bread-fruit tree,
In the beautiful Isle of Owhyhee,
'While—the gift of heaven—it richly grew,
O'er the sunny fields of Woahoo;
And it seemed as Nature had placed these isles,
In reach of each other's verdant smiles,
That IN hate'er was wanting on either shore,
From the other might swift be wafted o'er ;
The ‘Voahooan nymphs array'd
In trinkets by Owhyheeans made;
While Owhyhee well fed should be
By Woa.hoo's sweet bread-fruit tree.
But alas I even happy isles like these,
Rave people upon them called grandees,
And, where there are lords, I need not say,
Things will go on in a lordly way.
Heard you that cry, whose withering sound
Saddens the sunny prospect round ?
From a million of voices it sings on high,
"We starve--we starve!"—their fearful cry
Know you what, 'midst such fertile scenes,
That awful voice of Famine means ?
Oh ! list to Owhyhee
There were lords and sou;.;:es of high dezree,
Who in bread-fruit held large property,
And of all afflictions, ills, and vices,
Thought nothing so dreadful as low prices,
Wherefore they held it just and meet,
That the world should not too cheaply eat ;
Nay, deemed it Radical insolence
To wish to diae, at a small expense,
That,
swore, for the sake of themselves and heirs,
mat, ham
~pen what might with other wares,
N° b..-end should be less dear than their's.
vain the Owhyheeans said—
Uy Lords, we much respect your bread,
But, with all due reverence for your Graces,
`We'd rather have cheaper from other places."
In vain from the Woahooan shore,
Barge. s, filled with bread-fruit, winged them o'er ;
was vulgarly- cheap, and taxed must te,
Before 'twas fit for good company ;
Nor must the poor devils swallow a bit
Unless they swallowed a tax with it.
..And what said the Lords of Owhyltee,
And 'the Owhyheean squirearchy,
In defence of their joint gentility f
Why, they said that they, and their sires before 'em,
Had shone in the senate, the camp, and quorum,
Had all been rich—had managed to get,
As became their station, deeply in debt;
And thought it hard that men of reading,
Which had cost themselves so much in breeding,
Should now fall victims to cheap feeding ;
Shorn of their beams of wealth and state,
To help low fellows to masticate.
" How little," said they, " the thoughtless poor
Can know what the suffering rich endure !
In bringing up dozens of young grandees,
In paying off horrible mortgagees—
To say nothing of assignees, lessees,
And an endless quantity more of these
Llnesy things, that end in ees !
And though,' as honest Figaro says,
If a gentleman owes, and never pays,l
'Tis just the same, be it great or small,
As if he, in fact, owed nothing at all .
Yet, somehow, unless one sometimes pays,
Lenders are shy of one, now-a-days."
In short, if the bread-tax once was gone,
These lords and gentlemen couldn't get on.

* Quand, on doit, et qu'on ne paye pas, c'est comme
Bi on ne devoit rin.

Mr. COLLIER then came forward, and said that
nothing but the sense of the necessity and duty of
every man coming forward to advocate the question
of the corn-law would have induced him, a mere
stranger, to appear before them. This was an im-
portant question, and would be important in the his-
tory of the country. It was a hard struggle ; but as
it was likely to be the last with monopoly, that was
not surprising. He was one of a large class in the
country who detested agitation; but when circum-
stances arose to justify it, it became the duty of every.
man to agitate.—(Cheers.) He would also address

* According to the old arithmetic process of "bringing
nobles to ninepence."

the reason rather than the fears of Parliament, laws just and equitable; that to show how Mr. Cobden appear that they defended as their right what was tits
if he had ever seen anything yielded to reason said one thing in one place, and Mr. Bright or Mr. Fox produce of the people's wrong—if what they really meant
which was not backed by agitation.—(Hear, hear.) said a different thing in another, was to prove to defend was the people's money in their pockets—then
Philosophers had characterised man by the distinc- that free trade principles were false. The most their defensiveness lost its favourable associations. In
tive attribute of reason, but he believed no philoso- trifling inaccuracy was to be made the con- meetings in the country this Anti-League Association
pher could be found who made it the distinguishin demnation of the League; and if a hayrick was set had generally tenant-farmers in the chair ; and to make
feature of Parliaments.—(Cheers and Tau hter.) fire to it at once showed that the Anti-Corn-law League amend for the failure of a Somerset meeting at Bristol,
g X
f was a wicked combination, and that the corn-laws were a similar meeting was held at Bridgewater in the
logical demonstration, or a consecutive chain o rhos-
just and ought to be supported.—(Hear, hear.) A same county, and then the tenant-farmer in the chair
v •
soning, was the last thing w inch affected a Parlia- writer in the Morning Post had produced a greater said that the' farmers of England were capable of com-
ment. It led to a count-out of the House.— impression on him than most things which he read peting with the farmers of any other country, provided
(Laughter.) The powerful speeches of Burke, which in that paper. It was a letter from a Member they only started on fair grounds—that it was hardly
would endure as long as the English language existed, of Parliament to the farmers of Essex, who argued fair that the farmers of England should start with a
were addressed to empty benches. But when a little not only against importing foreign corn, but said heavy weight upon their shoulders. Now, who, he
agitation was mixed with reason, it generally inclined there was danger in growing too much at home asked, laid that weight upon their shoulders but their
Parliament to listen to the people. It was thus that the —(Laughter)—for, said he, the more corn produced the own landlords, whom they came forward to screen; and
emancipation of the negro, that the Reform Bill, and the lower will be the prices. One of the best efforts of the was it not to the members of that League now assembled
destruction of Gatton and Old Sarum, had been effected. agitation of the League was the stimulus it gave to there, to whom the merit was due of pointing out what
agriculture. Meetings were now constantly held, at were the burdens to which the land was subjected? The
Sir Robert Peel taunted O'Connell with having ad-
dressed himself to the Irish people rather than to fvhich some useful Information was promulgated. Pro- tenant-farmer seemed to be put forward on those occa-
Parliament. Did Sir Robert Peel believe in his heart eesstasohrusshleeeda,
societiesinteres interest in
wereit
heardsions likesing some
u boys.on ~
"Home,
sweetmany yearsieme ag0,,,,
while h e
andre thnosew
that the eloquence of O'Connell, if addressed to Par- before, seemed now quite alive to its importance. Lord the masterfiaxpedrhisyknPuckles harshly into the poorurchin's
liament would produce the slightest effect, or be at- Stanley and Sir Robert Peel condescended to address head, " School, sweet school, there is no place like school."
tended with the smallest benefit ?—(Hear, hear)—or the farmers on the necessity of improving the system of The tenant-farmer in like manner now sung aloud—"Pro-
that any one grievance of the unfortunate sister king- agriculture, and the men of Tamworth were indebted tection, sweet protection, there is nothing likeprotectiom"
dom would be redressed—(Renewed cries of " Hear, for the League for that incomparable bull.—(Great Then, in addition to the tenant-farmer, there came a
hear")—if he had not been backed by the Irish na- laughter.) The writer in the Morning Post would say miller to the rescue, and great stress was laid, in some of
tion ? Would Mr. Cobden or Mr. Bright, if they had to the man who depended an acre of land near a city on the newspapers, both metropolitan and provincial, upon
which that cityp for bread—Only farm half the opinions of a Mr. Bid ell, who was described as the
been addressing Parliament for three years have ob-that acre and you will double your price for the largest corn-dealer in the West of England. His testi-
tained as many votes ?—(Hear, hear.) Would those produce—consult your own interest even if the citizens many was to the effect that, striking the average of the
arguments have been listened to which were so ap- starve. Such were his tenets. The League had been prices of wheat at Odessa, Alexandria, and other places,
preciated by millions of their fellow-countrymen ? accused of being revolutionary, but it suchand • '
revolutionary,
The aristocracy and squirearchy of this country ma- such legislation that were making the people become so. per imperial bushel, and that included freight and other
nifested a predilection for everything rotten and ex- The exclusive and heartless monopolists were the real expenses of importation, except the duty ; and this
elusive in its nature and tendency, and a dislike for and sole revolutionists.—(Hear, hear.) The way to miller said that the plain question was, could they grow
that which was sound, reasonable, andliberal.—(Hear, make men revolutionary was to starve them. wheat at such a price as that? and that he defied them
hear.) They. had the declaration of Lord John There was yet another class of adversaries who to produce wheat in sufficient quantities to keep out the
Russell, if, indeed, any declaration were needed formed the extreme rear of the party of which the American farmer, who could send over more agricul-
on so plain a subject, that the opposition to redoubtable Post was the leader. They would carry tural produce to this country than England could
out exclusion to the utmost, and set customers against grow. It thus appeared, from this gentleman's
a repeal of the corn-laws was grounded upon sordid,
tradesmen, in the war of monopoly. If they looked at statement, that the difference in the price of the
selfish, and interested motives. He (Mr. 'Collier) the state of Europe and the civilised world, they would quarter of wheat which the corn laws made was 255. ;
believed, from his heart, that the landlord class was find that those countries which were the most exclusive thus the landlords taxed/ them to that extent. No
mistaking its true advantage—that they did not see in their dealings contained the poorest population—that statement put forward by the opponents of those land-
their true interests—and forgot that commerce was those which espoused and encouraged free trade the lords had ever charged them with a more enormous
the greatest of all the fertilisers of the earth.—(Loud most prosperous. Look at Switzerland, with a popular imposition than this defence which was set forth in their
cheers.) The agriculturists imported bone-dust and tion the most industrious, and a commerce the most un- behalf. Why, if they had done this, they had levied,
guano for manure, but commerce it was which made restricted, the most independent and happy. After taking the average income of the population of England
prosperity out of barrenness which produced a some further observations the speaker said it was im- as was stated by Mr. M'Culloch, at 171. per annum, they
Manchester and a Liverpool.—(Renewed cheering.) possible the country could remain as it was. Our had levied a poll-tax of 205., an income tax on that
Did Manchester and Liverpool add nothing to the present protective system was the great bar to beneficial average income of 6/. per annum, three per cent. for
value of land ? Had not the rents in Lancashire in-
treaties with America, Brazil, and other countries with Sir Robert Peel and the Government, three per cent: for
whom a free trade would be most advantageous. the landlords and the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.)
not
creased t
continue to increase, thou two-fold within fifty years, and would the These.d countries would be alienated from us if we And they had levied this as a poll-tax press-
gh corn were 3 fifty not alter our policy. But when he reflected ing more heavily the lower you descended
shillings a quarter ?—([fear, hear.) Was itr
d
not upon the admirable organisation of the League—the in society, until at last it made its invasion upon those
commerce which made thriving cities and wealth, intelligence, perseverance, and character of its necessaries which were essential to the very support of
a comfortable population ? Was it not the source members, when he considered what the feelings of the existence. This was their defence. This their defence!
of high rents, and demand for labour and its great body of the people really were, when he witnessed Good heavens ! what, then, would they regard as an ac-
produce ? And was not monopoly the reverse ? such assemblages as those in Covent-garden Theatre, he cusation ?—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) And when was
Did it not make populous villages uninhabited, and could not allow himself to believe that a petty monopo- it that this was done ? Under what circumstances ?
prevent the flow of prosperity ? Was not its progress list class, though counting in its ranks some gaudy Why at a time when the price of food not being so inor-
coronets and titled legislators, and supported by an un- dinately high as it formerly had been—when there had
attended with misery, and did not the tears of the
people attest it ?—(Hear, hear.) The landlord seemed
principled Ministry, and a tyrannical Parliamentary ma- been a revival in manufactures to a certain extent,
altogether unacquainted with the commonest jority, would be suffered to work out the ruin of their enough to be the subject of boast by those who wished
prin- country.—(Loud and prolonged cheers.) to uphold the course of monopoly—when yet under
ciples of political economy. It was a very
dry, in- Air W. J. Fox then came forward, and was received these favourable circumstances they could not take up a
much cheerin
• sipid study very tedious, and its application perhaps with • • said
g. He there had been many daily paper without seeing something about destitution
• very painful
—(Laughter.) Aristotle had not known allusions made that evening, some most felicitous ones, in the metropolis, enough to wring any compas-
the science, and therefore political economy was little to the associations which were forming in different parts sionate heart.—(Hear, hear.) Why within the last
taught in our universities. The agriculturists had of the country, and which were to have their central two days, they had read that the Bank of
! instituted several societies, but the most useful so- Anti-League in the metropolis. Bnt in those allusions one England, the East India Company, the worshipful
ciety of any they could form would be one for the particular view had not been taken, orbe en but very slightly Company of Mercers, and the worshipful Company of
i diffusion of the principles of political economy amonc„ glanced at, and which to his apprehension was the most im- Grocers, had, during the last week, each subscribed the
fortant in which those associations could be contemplated. liberal sum of 200/. in aid of the funds of the Bishop of
the landlords.—(Loud cheers.) The people of England
n those Anti-League Associations he saw one of the London's association for visiting and relieving the poor
had tolerated monopoly too long, but they would not most perfect triumphs that the League had achieved— at their own dwellings.—(Hear, hear.) The gross
patiently starve.— (Hear, hear.) Their ancestors one of the most remarkable indications of its rapid and amount subscribed to this association had now reached
s
would not tolerate monopolies. (Great cheer-
uccessful progress.—(Hear, hear.) For what were 20 000/., little enough for the; purpose for which it was
ing.) They themselves would not tolerate monopoly they ? They confessed that
the public were those that intended. At the same time an institution at Mile-end
under that name. They bore it because it was shel- must decide the great question at last. They conceded reported to its subscribers that 3,500
persons had been
thered under the imposing appellation of a protective that even Parliament was not the ultimate tribunal, but visited at their homes, and that there were 5.000 more to
duty. But monopoly had seen its best days. The there was a greater power which was to be conciliated be
visited, and, if possible, to be relieved if ' the Society
meetings of the League in Covent-garden and else- by persuasion—by the semblance at least of facts and could obtain funds equal to the emergency. And, with
where, were spreading far and wide the principles of' arguments.—(Hear, hear.) In those associations they all this going on, they were told, as the defence of the
common sense and it was high time for the monopo-
had dragged the landed aristocracy of Great Britain corn-laws, that they cost a larger sum annually than was
lists " to put their house in order."—(Loud cheers.)
toh the bar of public opinion, and made them plead in needed to relieve this destitution. Although he would not
Sixty years ago Adam Smith had demonstrated the
all
rod ed to the
own defence. theirl te
resolutions and speeches, willingly consent to any compromise whoever on this
principles of political economy in his immortal work addressed ?
ancient titles that had Ne uhscenic
dee
dar,almtheostsefrinehmertihteorNs
eor-f mroemmeisnetowuhsieqhuestiohnt, yetkethtehre was one folrfmthoef
hcom-
and since those principles had been developed and man Conquest—those Lords of Parliament and pos- pwhich was doledmout
b mpaoorhoiersespaaunsdeb• y charitiesre idf proved in a manner to convince the most obstinate of sessors of the broad lands of Great Britain, with all the bread of the working classes—if the bread that was
philosophers, and Mr. Baring himself—(Laughter their pomp and station' of office—those patrons of cler- needed to feed those who made up the various items in
and cheers.) The attentions of the people had been gymen and supporters, or deemed so, of whatever was the great total of destitution—if that could be brought
diverted to a thousand questions of much less rich and grand and lovely in art and science—this into the country free of all duty, he should then say,
import, and monopoly had been overlooked, great and proud body were obliged to confess that that they might well pause and think whether in this
and was suffered silently to prey upon the it was put upon its defence—that an indictment concession there were not something that had a claim
had been found against it, and that it must answer for on the consideration of humanity. As it was, there
best interests of the country. The land-
its doings to the public—that it must plead where " not was no relaxation of the gripe on the plea of charity.
owners, narrow-sighted and selfish, were framing guliltly upon my honour" would not be admhitted-.--where
BOut of the 20,000/. which had been collected by the
laws for their own exclusive' advantage. They
had converted the foreign ploughman into a manufac- andv ai(
whetherarg u m e andtnhtat
casesub s tan
desiredti a lfa c tsn
emr
au l t
reprobationse‘-tscaseer,
in shge's associatipn
if
the relief of . destitution
metropolis, It it were all given away
turer, because we shut out his corn. Their ore 7 titcouldthey • general
than bring the in
, p i a not. at
raised the mill and the factory abroad where the matter to that issue ? They had now the monopolist sum than 6,000/. as bread-tax, to go into the
ploughshare would have run—they had sown dragon's aristooracy where they always wished to find them— pockets of the landed aristocracy.—(Cheers.) They
teeth all over the Continent—and those who would where they must submit to certain awkward cress-ques- could not disentangle them
.; they could not subscribe
have been now useful friends became our enemies, tioning, like other persons who had to hold up their hands to the one, and not subscribe to the other. They were
and successful rivals.—(Hear, hear.) All this the at the bar where former deeds and doings might be can- really giving their shillings and their pence in this
vassed, andvvhere the question might beput to them which charity to the nobility of the country.--(Cheers.) For
country quietly endured, until at length it had a suer vassed,
so awkward to many personages at the bar—pray, every fourteen-pence that they subscribed for the
cession of bad harvests—then the eves of the people
were you ever in trouble before?—(Cheersandla,ughter) farthing shirt-makers of the metropolis, they gave six"
were opened, and it was found that the population had and whether they had been or not, unless they got well pence to the Duke of Buckingham.—(Hear, hear.)
for twenty years been increasing at the rate of a thou- throughorifteiirt,otbhsetT would be very
dlikely be in trouble again; liVretched, indeed, must the cause be when the articles
sand a day, and that no precaution had been taken to creventaetimjuesticei
lamed the
hspneed of the defence let them into such a scene as this, and
raise food for them. The discontent arose, and the cry settlement of thisou vthe thet showed the splendour of ducal palaces, rendered more
of hunger went forth—the people, rendered,desperate by question would be question,enlarge and indemnityc cme
Fhoergcoiisbytaxation on the food that was doled out to
their wretched condition, and exasperated at the con- would be coupled with security for the future.—(Cheers.) neighbouringinfringements
workhouse.—(Cheers.) Men who
duct of their aristocracy, rose up against the law and One must look with charity on the exertions that were made suchtheir on what were deemed the
became a prey to the demagogue. The demon of made in a new sphere, and he would, in all friendliness, rights of fellow subjects
should bethink themselves
Chartism found its votaries and its victims. These as one who murt have seen something more of popular when they came to plead their cause, and when they
things caused any man to think and feel. The enor- agitation than many of the titled personages who were asked, if not for justice, for mercy,' in the court of
mous distress of a country destined by nature to be now engaging in it—he would suggest some matters that public opinion ; they should look well to it how
the most flourishing in the world was found to re- might be worthy of their consideration ; one especially, they doled out justice and mercy to others. They
suit from this gigantic error in legislation—the en- whichhe was, that they should take care not to underrate excused not ignorance of the law in those upon whom
t understandings of the public to the extent to which the law laid its iron hand—they excused not, on the
couragement of monopoly.—(Hear, hear.) At thisthey seemed disposed—no, not of any class whatsoever ground of the small value of the thing taken, the attempt
....cili, ,
crisis the members of the Anti-Corn-la
wLeague of the people of this country. If they had not the to take •
. it, if it was connected with their -property or SPORTING INTELLIG l'i doll
commenced they labours—they went forth among the advantage • • •
of instruction in Latin, Greek, and mathe- their pleasures. It was only three or tour days ago that COVENTRY RACES. ,40 0140
people as the apostles of free trade, they pointed mattes, by college
tutors, yet they had eyes, and the papers reported a case of poaching at the tt , - '
pe y se The Craven Trial Stakes of 10 sovs. each, antL. _ allv
out most clearly the causes of the distress, and unequi- ears, and rains,b and were not so easily imposed upon as sions ' in '
at Ashby-de-la-Zouch, which three men were three yrs 0-t and four yrs,
Bst 71b ; mares, 06•"" , t vocally demonstrated. the faults of our commercial po- some might seem to think, by that species of logic or charged with having used a net on Sunda not havins., 31bs - Once' 1'
' d anda distance. (8 subs.),.n.eecigi 0.
licy. They showed that the principles of political rhetoric which was called "humbug."—(Laughter.) At a game certificate. This was the offence. y, It was put' Mr. St•ebbhia,"s r&llaeste, 3 yrs .. . .................. ..-C''':
~•'' S
economy which should be the basis of legislation can- the last meeting of the Anti-League, a paper had been into four charges. They were first charged with having Mr. Ongley's Queen of the Gipsies, 4 yrs - ........ ....1,
not be violated with impunity. Those comprehensive distributed by thousands, which showed a total dis- the net, they were then charged with doing this on a Sir C. Cockerell's Aurungzebe, 4 yrs ... .................... 4 o,r
regard of the intellect of the working people. This Sunday, they were next charged with a trespass in pur- The following also ran :—Mr. Raworth's Yierricpa I'll' .
and philanthropic principles were rescued from the
Lord Warwick's The Mule, 3 yrs—Mr. C 01,6,7
_A6t..,,,'
P was stated to have been printed at the Church and suit of game, and lastly they were charged with an as
one,
of the book-shelf; and spread before the face
3 srrs—and Mr. Balchin's Moustaches,t 3QYti`eess an' irk
State
that
office. He would read a few passages sault on the gamekeeper. These three men were dealt
of the nation—they were laid down in Parliament.
Betting--3 to 1 asst Venus, sto 2 g
from paper, as specimens of the manner in which with in a summary mode by the magistrates, themselves a-- the last till?
The advocates of free trade inquired if they were re- those young agitators proceeded—of the manner in perhaps interested in this verT
s• case. hey were asst Celeste. Venus made running to e , e
Celeste went up, and won a most exciting race h,
Pace
00,
futable, and if not refutable why should they not be which these newly-fledged demagogues entered upon their sentenced to
a fine df five pounds for three a head separating the second and third. The pa' 71b1
Ilst $
acted upon ?—(Loud and prolonged cheering.) Those novel functions. The paper was headed "Facts are offences out of the
four, and of two pounds each for Match, 100 sows.—Mr. Westley's Councillor,r„ 0,1 advocates were answered by the supercilious sneer of stubborn things," and then, after mentioning what the the remaining offence and i ,ndefault of. payment to two beat Mr. Dexter's Tamworth aged (Owne ),, ermsil 1- •
1
a Parliament which mocks rather than represents census of the United Kingdom was in 1831, it stated that and three months' imprisonment, making in all a sum- Handicap of 10 sous. each, II tt, and 30 adueu-
the nation.—(Hear, hear, and great applause.) He seven-ninths of the population are dependent upon agri- mary levying of a fine of 50/. or tea months' imprison- half. (10 subs., 2 paid.) ,s iv lin.sg 0.
rejoiced that the squirearchy had fairly hunted Sir culture, and two-ninths upon manufactures. Why it ment for each of these three men. If such were the Sir C. Cockerell's Aurungzebe, 4 yrs, S'st 21b yiliteboapak
must occur to every weaver that entered the righteous measure of punishment for desiring to taste a Mr. Buckley's David, 5 yrs, Bst llst ..... ~(11)no.ley'_s jjsk,
H. Peel out of his cover of generalities, and that the Freemasons' Hall at that meeting, that the whole of rich man's bread, what should be the measure of punish- The following were not placed—Hon. Gr. Iles f.......!;-10•4:0
now knew what they might expect from him. lie
111b—Mr. Dan's Jack, 5 yi•s, 7st , TO
file
Ireland was included in that scale of agricultural popu- . ment for takina by wholesale the poor man's bread ? 6 Yrs' 7st
was glad to see that Peel had nailed his colours to
the lotion. But let them take it on that ground, and what —(lmmensecheerio . .
g. The enalties in th
P at case 1 fod's Pickwick, aged, 7st 71b, and Mr. Moore s
, -le ist 61b. Won by a head. A fine race. A Onet
which -
mast of protection, w was fixed in the rotten business had the monopolists to talk ofthe
agricultural thought ou ht not to be less h
~ g .
would eavy than those penalties The City Stakes of 5 sous. each, and 20 addea. , I
vessel of expediency.—(Great cheers.) The declara- interest ; for Ireland had pronounced in their (the legally incurred, which not fall on the parties and a half. (7 subs.) thsysaf) ;
tion of the Prime Minister would fairly divide the League's) favour, and had re-echoed to their sympathy who incurred them by betting h s ~ 1, a,-
.. 0 ,
country into two parties, and it could be fully aster- on a very recent occasion, declaring that they were heart hear, and cheers)—for penaltiesondidornee-trarccease—h (litheoar, Ir.
C.
ecveilkerEesiyis)pio4bse.r3s ........................ l-,..., ii;;0,
co,
tamed on what ground those parties took their stand. and soul with them in their cause. They should not who were described by one of the Members of their ownae The following were not placed ...... Flintoii.V OW
We free traders contended for unlimited freedom of enter upon the perilous subject of Ireland and the agri- senate as " gentlemen whom this House would not 4 yrs—Mr. Walter's Major, 5 yrs—Mr. Raw' gent
importation, because the difference between our ex- cultural monopolist interest there. In that country there wish to see con victed.—(Laughter.) There was another aged—Mr. Parker's Akely, 4 yrs.—A good race.l ~,b., ,-
ports and the imports from our foreign neighbours was a soil which seemed to grow landlords like potatoes. caution which he would give their fellow-agitators and The Silver Cup, added to a Handicap of 3so '8•"-- . ocit,
2 miles. ivall‘ecioll
The poor labourer there, after he liad in vain ended- conspirators in their new attempt, and that was to avoid I
formed the wealth of the country, and as this system
....... 2
of land,
squeezeb a rental out of his own potatoe patch such exhibitions as the one which took
.place the other 11.,AieDiaiNuarsd'sleFctkali:e,s5d•Ts ......... il. ...... i 5 ;coed.
....,000 I;
of free trade advanced the prosperity of the country toseceokmeatioe thism country in the lowest day at the meeting of the Newton Abbot Agricultural Mr. Wesley's Councillosr,sry's;seae . each, and
,Vi.i.,11) .
increased. We therefore were for adding to the wealth stage ofwdisetresigsedtoSociety.. This was not an agricultural meetin. It was Mr W. Ekins's Peter Simple, aged, .............. k
of the country for the urpose of providing for an Another of these facts alleged by monopoliststehaellaei.subsistence.
was, neither more nor less than an annual ploughing match. 00:foril
increasing population. Their adversaries would pre- that every quarter of wheat introduced into this conntr The ' '
y high-sheriff of the county was present; a peer, 'and on
jos ii of
vent the wealth of the country from increasing in superseded just as much labour as would be required to some members of the Lower House were also present. A most atrocious murder was committed
order that what existed might be unfairly divided. produce it at home. Surely that depended upon how it There were thirty-nine ploughs in the field, they . day night last, near Gore's-bridge. It appearsgres,..asi bli '
The principles for which the League contended could came tobeoduced into the country. There must be told, to contest the various prizes; and an:longst other"ere Kelly, an industrious farmer, sold on that del S'S 5u1d,;031.1:
some . feasibility. in the statement if the land grew fair of Bennett's-bridge, in the county Kilkenn,,,,e, p
not be reasonably opposed—they were maintained by such things, there was on the ground a waggon surmounted
quantities of food that every individual in every locality with flags, one of which was protection to agriculture,return home he was waylaid, near Gore's hrlub . tyl
04. if
the most eminent writers—byteh greatest statesmen,
murdered, and robbed —C / Sentinel
had as much as he could consume; but whilst there were ' and on each side of this waggon there were three can- W tto learn."r his R val Oighliad It( a
the most sagacious politicians, and the wisest philoso- millions, as it was called, rejoicing in potatoes—whilstnons.—(Hear,tf hear.) Such might be the ultimate argu- Dukeeefrecgarmehride is
seontfiantedto
hlili,
Chamber, -or> ' , •
phers—they were supported by all the living talent there were multitudes of beings able andwilling to work
of the day—by reviews, magazines, and newspapers, but had no means of earning food, it was a galling,
snneevnersei o . monoltmpnsltts,
bees
at the
were said to be of anticipated he 41 be so for some days, bi re° 'fell
present moment, were
in short by every man of sense in the kingdom, but cruel, and insulting falsehood to the honest man to there ngontasuch thingsg as muskets,aesevere attack of the gout in the knee-joint. ao oat
ic ahntnaonnds , and . bayonets
Mr. BEIJLER'S CONCERT.—This gentlel2lllll'.oiitfr col,.
they were opposed—by who or what think you ?—hy broach such doctrines. Another of those facts was, that in the country, that the delay of r
the Morning Post—(Laughter.) Yes, by the in Russia land could be rented at 15d. per acre, and that not be continued so obstinatly as it was. justiceßut would known for the songs he has produced, full of oritTua col" .
Morning Post, and he must say that the articles in labourers' wages were sd. per day. Was not this a said it was not prudent in thirta thousand still
fhe
people— or descriptive of English customs, will give his ansolsOtise
at the Crown and Anchor on Monday re,elt„ceialllal 1;
that paper advocating protection to agriculture Paltry thing to tell the working men of London, and the the owners of land amounted to Yno more—even though fidently trust that the " farmers' friends, e r and s-son
tenant-farmers, and the agricultural labourers through- the rest of
al attend, sisli_,o.
were really the most melancholy indications of the the country might be taxed for the purpose in the neighLeurhood of Aylesbury, wa a
out the country ? Why, there were many of them
who of paying soldiers to fire 'artillery it t the " t Warm- eateri- te •
was no song, The Man that could not ge . ,
pi A 6
retrograde movement of the human intellect. It was
ould deem • 3r,
• • •
it no great mischief if the land was rented prudent in the thousands to remind the millions see it in the excellent selection for the eveninifid be.pls as
not very likely that the Post would survive, except as at 15d. • d
per acre instead of from 18s. to 30s per of any such contest as this.—(Hear, hear.) ment, but if any of Sir R. Peel's kind friends slit?. matle7ll
a covering for books, or a lining for trunks—(Laugh- acre. It would be just as fertile, and not. less They had better weapons than all the cannon which and wish to hear the song that created so Inuu,c,_'ol. will ;ore
ter)—but should a copy of that journal by any possibi- profitable to the condition of the labourers in En g- couldfilds ofbe mustered, whether in ploughing fields or in a, Farmers'e Club in Buckinghamshire, the e._ea. tniur. 0001
lity reach the historian in future ages, it might sadly land if, as in Prussia, he could earn the rentgbattle. Cheers. There were arms which til b gsiovineg
excellent
t ine l
lhaiistow.n peercsubar 1
for at
occas,.., 1,1°014;11olf
mislead him as to the present state of knowledge. of two acres of land in the course of a -week. Another swordse eould engaged
nottereach aainst which military maneeu-
sxyho hasl no equal in villi Irish
" gif.
How could such stupid fallacies be but forth after the fact was, that the agricultural wages in England were vies were others, Morgan,
areqaudi
asit harmless.
through There wase a power in true pathos and native character. We Will lee 46 e,
writings of such men as Adam Smith, Ricardo, and regulated by the price of wheat, the value of a day's la- society,tmhotsip)hcre blachree" and " St. Patrick's Day." MrniSiPtc, "C°lllo 1
M‘Culloch ? Why such articles should have been bout being equal to a peck of wheat for the last hundred they breathed, and whichwearne'electric toutch ntili
m "The Star
,o, f Glengary;" Mrs. Arcing '
d O'Toole.. a
iiiii..t.
written a century before the existence of such Years, and and that was, in the face of recorded wages, down, to work with a power which nothing could rerslinsf,
men, and the historian might charitably ac- the price
ptrhicee of wheat; eat; which showed to the farm labourer whatever its array of antique state, or its boast of physical co
y wages were measured by the price eursseeroar iheanedvenay. Crouch / Y
fantasia‘‘ Ton the Con Cell per
idngsa.
k and imitations _
~‘
of power. They had appealed to that, and he would ad- given by Mr. Alfrc sedgwic ,
count for them by a chronological mistake.
wheat, varyingwee from 635. to 965. er p quarter; and which vise them all to mark the symptoms of public opinion. actors by Mr. Leman Rede. I 13'im
s or ciltot
They should be bound up with a volume of Punch as showed to the a • rtisan that the wages he earned were ex- Let them watch the indications of the way the tide was [ADVERTISEMENT.]—WONDERFUL rim No_
~bert.frli
an antidote. The Morning Post supports the exploded actly the same when wheat was even 52s
doctrine of expediency, and sacrifice of great principles and when it was 105 s. per quarter. It
we.ulpdernqevuearrtedro, flowing. Let them ask where the conversions were. It Lao BY HOLLOWAY'S PILLS AND OINTMENI%;jackIP7OOIWo
whaesrerehmadarnkeetdhbeyenoanesionf the seakers that evening that ,aialiatter, residing at 53, Collingwootntrse, eel"
_'endsugli, for s ,
to selfish opinions, and the welfare of the many to the to deceive the working classes of the country. This t
interests of the few.—(Hear, hear.) No two of the might be called, and it was, to a certain extent a middle House of Commons. Hadg e
there conversionbsingleeenatofree trade in the I d
_ lf,tfourolevaennzarosn, de rewadfasultluvlieceerain
au;,'; griptialteler te;
sc?onversion ca
adversaries of free trade were agreed. One said agri- class agitation, and he was sorry there .should be any re- to monopoly out of the House of Com period of nine months, and at St. Thomasfs to yet,Zse
culture should be protected on account of the exclu- d uction of the unanimity of the working classes in its hear, and c eers.) Did they not find, 1111
eonk• (Hear, months, without being able to meet with a cctill), thao` ~ 0
every other means had failed, he was e
ere well kT) botT
sive heavy burdens which were borne by it, but they favour,
andbecause it was pre-eminently their goes- ranks of monopoly, that from week to week
refused ko accede to the motion of Mr. Ward for in- tniontilee more deeply than any other rank or class name was announced, all coming from the monopolist
fresh invaluable medicines. This man's_orca..saodoa a_orl:%;
quiry into those burdens.—(Hear, hear.) Another
thei rights of iiinndituystrwaswhthieeiiirthceoncern inhadabsseeerting camp, all giving in their adhesion successi vel
01 ife workedh arlCharlotte-street,
t;e during thirteen
3i
alr
iy;sa_rrso,
atd._iu r
Sold at 1:1".,c100;10.0
asserted that protection should exist to enable them determined in makingy. ' But, however Leaguethe mi h t reurseot to . the.e causeas of free trade, showing that thye lowa 's establishment, 244, Strand (whererna_ciTipeiv: -,144
to pay the taxes. There could not be a more stupid any reduction of their support, he thoughtyit becameg fhat not
tniebnh
w that flowing on like the tide ; that it could had ratis), and by almost all respectabl?,
_exalts ,t
or palpable absurdity than this. If, for exampl
-e, meeting—the British people and the aristocracy espe- the attainment; itso resistless course could only end in throughout the civilised world, in pots and
uu
9d., 4s. 6d., I Is., 225., and 335. each.
two object.—(Cheers.) Or let them 2s*
two million quarters of corn were imported at a os. ciaily—to render that respect which was due to the cha- mark, in another direction, the result of calling any 914
duty, 500,0001. went to the revenue; but if twenty mil- ratter and intellect of the working people of Great Bri- •
meeting that was open to oast
all comers.—(Hear, hear, and BIRTHS. %a B. Jo
lion quarters were in the country the price of each of fain. The working classes had, perhaps, been too cheers.) Let them David vfeaff
grow wise by the experience of all On the 23d ult., at Nice, the lady of
of '''''
these was raised by 55., and 5,000,000/. went to the land- impatient and unscrupulous in their means of attaining fSomersetshir le ; et them add to that the experience re- of a son.
Suffolk, the lad'? 0
lords. Well may we say remit to us the 5,000,000/. and political rights. They, perhaps, had been too impatient .centl ' y gamed at Freemasons' liall.—(Hear hear and On the Ist inst., at Be ton,
the
we will raise the 500,000/.—(Hear.) A third supporter of being a slave class, as they wished to realise what cheers.) . , f
daughter. ,n• star,
artf They dared not, he believed, in any Leheup Cocksedge, Esq., of a
Abingdon-street, Westin- ie,
of the corn-laws said it was the labourers' question—viz., was called the great maxim of the Constitution—that
On the
.4th it., in,Abingdon;
that dear bread was good for the labourers. The agricul- no one should be taxed without his own consent. That p o the country give fair play, and have still born 'ill asis Con" •
of John Tidd Pratt,l Esq.,.of a so,
lady of
.06; open meetings. Nay, they dare not even call
turists were one-third of the population of the kingdom. might have been a blunder ; but there was somethin On the 4th inst., at Clifton, the
wne-PI
open agricultural meetings, nor trust the tenant
They had been more, and had not increased for the last truthful, honourable, and praiseworthy in it, while theirgfarmers Esq., of a daughter. of Lausti°__..,,../
with
twenty years. The agriculturists seemed to act on the prin- indomitable energy worked from week to week, and ' the
expression of different opinions on this ques- On the sth inst., Mrs. Jones Spyer,
ciples of Miss Martineau and Malthus, but in reality it from year to year, and their teachability progressed in tion of free trade or monopoly.—(Cheers.) And if they Brunswick-square, of a son. ------- liner .
was manufactures and commerce which gave employ- the acquirement of knowledge within their reach. Th talked of Parliament let them mark the course of opi- Po m.
MARRIED. es lglote-
ey nion in reference to the Legislature. Let them note the
Storehouse, antis
.. to C
meat to the surplus population. There was still an- were strong of arm and sound of head—true of hearOn * •
the 2d !fist., at
al marine.,
other class more sincere in their arguments—he
alluded deserving of the sympathy and respect of the landed, and silence of Parliament on a subject on which nobody 1
and
borne; First Lieutenant in the Boy .„,,
to the Knatchbulls, who grounded their arguments for tocracy. But to return, they had the aristocracy at the b ou of Parliament was silent. Let them see youngest daughter of Matthew Wiggins, Ems'
flaget
protection on mortgages and marriage settlements— of public opinion in a position which they called bar the contrast which that House presented, and
DIED. a.. Doffs d
(Hear and laughter)—but this position had been speedily self-defence. There was perhaps something skilful •
one of which was only to be accounted for on the supposition
On the 2d inst., in St. James's-square' 501
abandoned, and the argumentquickly dropped, the word self-defence, because men ntl g' in that those who wished to uphold the present system felt tbe
was a ura ly inclined to that least said was soonest mended, and that they were Countess of Beauchamp. salter Jalues'
though obstinately act --(1
e upon. They a ah d 1 tely hit look favourably upon those who merely defended them- On the 4th inst in the Strand, Vi' al
by no means in the way of securing popularity by being . e . r aged 7.1 00tha
upon a new and seemingly fertile mine of argument— solves. But when on the defensive they son of Richard Twining jun., 'so.,
must submit to reported to say anything in favour of monopoly.— ' OY° ill t"
MU 119 and
the abuse of the Anti-Corn-law Lea (
gue.— Laughter.) the question—What was that which they defended ?H 1 ( ear, hear, and laughter.) Let them note, too, the London: Printed and Published bY
Nth 7r
5..,,ts
They appeared to consider, that to convict the League Why the thief in the street acted on the
defensive when way in which the mention of the Legislature• r ceived No 112, Strand, at The Sunoface, --°' 110•
was received h 7,
Marc
of the slightest inconsistency, the corn- was to prove lie knocked down the man whom he robbed, if it should in public meetings all oyer the country. lie had never County of Middlesex, Thursday,'

a the air
been present on any occasion, however gre
tance, on which the announcement of the detLe nrestv
of the League not to petition any more tue
House of Commons, was not received With resvics
th
acclamations.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) •"d MO!
a wholesome or a safe state of things for thoOn 00!
in a country were government, if it existed 0 .00
be based on opinion ? There could be no het; se°ll,
the mind of every lover:of his country, but that, 74,
as possible, this division of feeling should be, 170004
should be remedied, in the only way in which lt.tioteli
be remedied. by the concession of the claims deep,
of charity, and of policy, of that which was tint*
by the advocates of free trade.—(Cheers,) gene, tbe
on the ground now taken by their apponents, heatrewitit
were content to rest the que.,tion in future, Wre,„"Wig
them (continued the Hon. Gentleman we nt,
them to opinion, and, as they hare appealed hem to
its opinion they must abide. We go with„.h. is 111,1,
opinion; the ruler of the world—opinion, wn."'"-p eat
breath of the body politic, without which, it soo,or
in the death of despotism, or becomes a mass of
ton—opinion, which anticipates the the praln 0
history, which glorifies those whom unjust cf.7o)
may . condemn—(Loud. and long-continued ai,,c-ro,„
—opinion, which, while it could irradiate the dtie
struck the cold apprehension into the boson:11°1
powerful sophist, that in history he may find 0110
damned to everlasting infamy—opinion, which b.ifbir)
worth to whatever is most highly prized, without 01
the crown is but gold and velvet, and coronets'
mitres, anil Georges, as worth just as much as tlinefolotift
fetch at a pawnbroker's—(Great laughter)-4. .rnieot,
which as it refei"s to the great elementary Prillaagr
truth and justice, rarely, if ever, fails—to Ivinc
Stand
poly has appealed—hs, which monopoly must 001
fall—which has already, Vd does now, in ar,„d
voice, pronounce the corn-litw=": a false, paltrY, Ziersteo
fraud—an -atrocious crime, that Ought to be 9b, forest
for ever from the statute book of tht s country.
cheering,r which lasted for several seco.Tids.)
The meeting then separated.

COURT CIRCULAR. the
The Queen and Prince Albert walked in
Gardens of Buckingham Palace yesterday mots •vte
is'
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Gloucesto
her Majesty yesterday afternoon.
His Royal Highness Prince Albert rode 00111004
back yesterday, attended by Sir Edward
• 10
Equerry in Waiting.
Their Royal Highnesses the Prince of Wales in 01
Princess Royal were taken an airing yesterd9
royal gardens. neaWGre
-Tile Right Hon. John Nicholl, Judge Ad°— Os'
neral, had an audience of the Queen yesterday, ng„orts'
mitted to her Majesty the proceedings of some
martial. al gig!'
The Duchess of Cambridge visited her 80% 01.;
ness the Duchess of Gloucester. on Tuesday, s' •
cester-house. 5051
0
Mr. Wickham, Chairman of the Stamps au heti
had an interview with the Chancellor of the Bi(estrtier
yesterday, at his official residence in Downier jpter
Mr. Dean, Chairman of the Customs, had also an
view with the Right Hon. Gentleman yesterdef;oBl
Lord Bloomfield had an interview with Lord
yesterday, at the Colonial-office. es
Yelok
The Commissioners for Metropotitan Imps•te
had a meeting yesterday, at the office in Will •01
place. het
The Cabinet Ministers dined with Sir B°- net
yesterday evening, at his residence in Whitehall-got
Lord Sandon had an interview with the Chance
I
the Exchequer yesterday.
Dispatches were sent off yesterday evening fr°°
Colonial-office for the Governor of Hong•An".

$
PARLIAMEN TAR Y DIVISION
A. .)
(From the Votes and Proceedings of the House 0/
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 5.
COUNTY CORONERS BILL.
iffr.i
(IN THE COMMITTEE.)
Clause Twenty (Coroner to receive ;01110.11F:
tion to nine-pence for every mile which he shall be 00
to travel from the usual place of his abode to take7b,
tion) Motion made, and Question put, " That
be filled with ':three-pence :' " The Committee w
MAJORITY—AYES, 93.
Acland, T. D. Drax, J. S. W. E. Mundt, i*. fe.‘•
Agllonby, H. A. Duffield, T. D. MU nat .n.talr
Ainsworth, Peter Duncombe, A. Neeld, "N: fi,
Allix, John Peter Eliot, Lord O'Brien,o.
Arkwright, Geot ge Escott, Bichkam 'Wl,l°4OlO
Ashley, Lord Fellowes, Edward Peel, Jo j. f, .
Bailey, Joseph, jun. Flower, Sir James PlumenOrej,
Bantle, Colonel H. Follett, Sir W. W. Polhill, 7-117,
BaillieAH. J. Fox, S. Lane PollingtO 40., 6,
Bankes, George Fuller, A. E. Pringle.. lobo •y.
Beckett, William Gardner, J. D. Reid, Sirotorer.
Bell, Matthew Gaskell, James AL RePt"' Jolla #OO
Bentinck, Lord G. Gladstone, W. E. Rounds keS
Berkeley, Hon. H. F Gladstone, J. N. Rushbroo _„do
Berkeley, Grantley Gore, M. Sandon, ilra,ii`r J.
Boldero, H. G. Graham, Sir J. Scholefie ;boo
Borthwick, Peter Greenall, Peter Scott, r's
9etfield, Beriah Hamilton, Wm. J. Spry, Sir yord
Bramston, T. W. Hinde, J. H. Stanley, of 0.
Bruce, Lord E. Hodgson, R.
Buller, E. Hornby, John
Burrel, Sir C. M. Houldsworth, T.
.1-I°'
Cayley, E. S. Johnstone, Sir John Sutton, i.
Chetwode, Sir John ,Langston, J. H. Trotter, la, . $
Clive, Viscount Knight, H. G. SSSttatruluacnkrtla°r2.olld..frgles4
Tufnell, on, .o.s,
i live, R. H. Lascelles' ,t
W. S. Wadding, Joe T'
Cochrane, Alex. Lincoln,
Earl of Walsh, ..,
Collett, W. Bickford M`Geachy, F. A. winoingt7o7
Copelmd, Alderman M'Neill, Dunoan Wyndham SV•
Tea
s..
Darby, George Manners, Lord J. ea
Oivett, E. Miles P. W, S. Pakingtot
Douglas, Sir C. E. MorrisaDavid Macias!), i

MINORITY—NOES, 34.
Blake, M. J. Evans, William Plumrkl s
Blake, Sir Valentine It
Ewart, William Rice, E. '7r.
Broadley, Henry Gisborne, Thomas Sotherentic a
13rotherton, J. Guest, Sir John
Bruges, W. H. L. Hawes, B. :
Butler, P. S. Henley, J.- W.
Cowper, Hon W. Hindley, Char
Cripps, W. Jervis, John
Dickinson, F. H. Knatchbull Sir E. ITBSlvvtathruloonsertilenetl:eYery.,,:rolii
1,00
Duncan, Viscount Macaulay, Ti. B. l'a a
Duncan, George Nicholl Right Hon Berkeley, vi.
Duncombe, T. S. Pechell, Captain Williams, ,
Estcourt, I'. G. B. Philips, G. R.