The Sun.
London, England, 1844-06-29 00:00:00

thing, however, was further from his own thoughts
than any such ugly anticipation. With a " good-
boy" gravity worthy of his earliest days on
the lower forms at Harrow School—he thus
pleaded the good behaviour of himself and
his class-fellows :—".Honourable Members would
recollect that the Members of her MAJESTY'S Go-
vernment had attended that House, for some time
past, each day from five o'clock till half-past one upon
the average." The plausible Premier (who evidently
thinks in the jargon of his currency crotchets, that
the " measure " of his hours of Parliamentary atten-
dance is the true " standard of the value" of his
Ministerial labours) went on to show that it was in-
dispensable to proceed with all possible dispatch
with the new Sugar Duties Bill—the present Act
expiring on the Bth of next month—and he appealed
to Mr. COCHRANE whether the Bank Charter Bill
" was not a measure of great importance ? It was
necessary that measure should be carried, in order to
put down commercial speculation.' He thought it a
measure:quite as important as the Poor-law Bill." One
cannot pass over this remark without marvelling at the
inconceivably unphilosophical spirit, the unpractical
views—with which Sir R. PEEL has ventured to
propound his abominable Bank Charter Bill. He
talks of " commercial speculation" as if it were, per
se, an unmitigated social or political evil! Has it ever
occurred to him to ask where his own patrimonial
fortune would have been but for the " commercial
speculation " of his most public-spirited and unavari-
cious father, the first Sir ROBERT PEEL ? Does his
fatuity blind him to the fact, that, without the whole-
some, informing, invigorating spirit of " commercial
speculation," the foreign trade of this country would
be as contracted and as worthless as—what " stan-
dard" of deterioration shall we select for our compari-
son ?—say—as his own currency system. We begin
to believe in the truth of the surmises long enter-
tained, that Sir ROBERT the Second is as much
in favour of a vast, usurious, unfeeling, sordid
speculation in the monopoly of money, as
he is o pposed to that fair and wealth-diffusing "com-
mercial speculation," in the legitimate profits of which
his sire, with the blessings of all who dealt or were
acquainted with him, to the wrong of no man or body
of men, and with the good will of that common
country to which he was an honour—laid wide and
deep the foundations of his princely fortune who
would now extinguish the original sources of his
patrimony ! Then the Premier talked about the ad-
vantage of proceeding with the Bills at once, as
they came before the House, " for after an in-
terval of four or five weeks they returned to the
subject like giants refreshed, and the subject was
debated over again." Of course among these "giants
refreshed," Sir ROBERT intends to pourtray himself de-
scending from BELLAMY'S, or entering, wine-warmed,
from Whitehall-gardens. If so, we are again curious to
know what ca n be his "standard" or "measure" for
gigantic intellect. The unhappy little people who are
personally interested in every line of the enact-
ments to be comprehended in the New Poor-
law Amendment Bill, must be at once flattered
and gratified by the low figure at which he
places that measure on his sliding scale of
comparative importance. All this was ridiculous
enough; but to do Sir ROBERT justice, there is a
fund of simplicity about him which will develope it-
self, and redeems many of his trickeries. Thus—
speaking of the Irish Registration Bill—he ventured
(surely in utter unconsciousness of the sarcastic
waggery he was playing off upon himself) to say,
" He had given a rash pledge with regard to it, to
meet the convenience of Irish Members. He had found
that pledge so inconvenient to redeem that it would
make • him exceedingly cautious how he gave
another." At a subsequent hour of the even-
ing, it was agreed by Government not to
press the Irish Registration Bill beyond a
second reading. Coupling this fact with the phrase
about Irish Members, we have no doubt Ministers
never meant, notwithstanding all their professions, to
carry through that Bill. It was a tub thrown to the
whale ; an expedient to alarm and to disarm, for a
convenient season, an inconvenient and powerful
enemy. But the affectation of the Sir ROBERT PEEL
of 1829, and 1835, finding any " difficulty" about
disposing of inconvenient pledges in 1844, is almost
too ludicrous ! This was said, too, in the presence
of Sir JAMES GRAHAM, and without blush or
qualification !

in the most distinct and convincing manner, instances
in which letters dispatched by them to their London
correspondents had been, some of them detained in the
provincial post for two entire days—others, lost or al-
together withdrawn, having never been delivered. In
the case of these delayed letters, we have seen copies
of a correspondence with the General Post-office
authorities a Landon. The evidence to the fact of
their having been duty posted in the country, and un-
d aly delayed for two or three days, is
conclusive and irresistible—being established by
the respective post marks. On ' complaint made
in the proper quarter, theparties were informed that
every possible inquiry had been made—hut in vain—
in order to discover how such irregularities had oc-
curred ; and that the Postmaster-General had not the
remotest cause of suspicion as to the integrity of the
provincial postmaster. Probably not;—but, inas-
much as it happens that the complainants and
the provincial postmaster are all engaged in
the same class of business, to the suc-
cess of which instant operations and priority
of intelligence and communication are essential ;—as it
happens, that there is therefore a very close competi-
tion of trade always maintained between these gentle-
men and the postmaster; and as it further happens,
that in every one of the many instances in which
the letters of the former had disappeared, they
contained " information" of much consequence
to the writers and the parties to whom they
were addressed, no letters of any other kind having
been either lost on delayed ;—the personal good
opinion of the Postmaster-General does by
no means remove or even lighten the sus-
picion which the circumstances are calculated to
throw on the conduct of so interested a party as his
Lordship's provincial nominee. As we have reason
to believe that the delays and abstractions of letters
forwarded by the same complainants have not been
discontinued since the investigation directed by the
head office in London, and made without effect in the
country, we shall keep an attentive eye to this
affair, and any further delinquencies in connexion
with it. When Sir JAMES GRAIIAM undertook
to state, the other evening, that there had not been
above a dozen letters opened at the Post-office since
he had held his present office; did the Right Hon.
Baronet mean, but omit to add—" under his war-
rant ?" For if the Right Hon. Baronet will call for
a return from all the metropolitan post-offices, espe-
cially those which grant " money orders," of all cases
of complaint made of letters having been opened, after
posting, in some cases never delivered, of many more
shamefully delayed,—we tell him he will find the
number not " Twelve," but " LEGION."

We have, from time to time, directed attention to
he very important labours of the Commissioners who
lave been charged with the duty of inspecting various
ports on the western, eastern, and southern coasts of
Britain, with the view of ascertaining their relative
adaptation and facilities for the formation of " Har-
bours of Refuge." If we consider the value of these
truly national works (as to which we have hitherto
so strangely neglected to improve cur deficiencies of
physical means and geographical position by the aids
of engineering skill and mechanical power), we shall
find that even in periods of profound peace, they
possess an irrestible claim upon the interest and
sympathy of all classes of the community. As
essential to the safety and protection of our immense
commercial marine, they involve considerations
having the most extensive bearing on the preservation
of human life and mercantile property. If we
regard harbours of refuge in reference to periods
of war, their indispensible necessity becomes obvious
to the most cursory reflection. The lapse of every day
in their construction may be fraught with future mis-
chiefs of an irreparable character. In his impressive
evidence before the Committee on this subject, the
Duke of WELLINGTON demonstrated that the acci-
dents of our local relations with those of France gave
to the northern maritime districts of the latter coun-
try great advantages in overlooking—and in the con-
sequent means of annoying—pending hostilities —the
whole transit of the trade, coasting and foreign, of the
port of London. His Grace affirmed that not a
merchantman could enter or leave the mouth of
the Thames, by day, without being seen, in fair
or moderate weather, from the French coasts,
which had the sun at their backs. This circumstance
induced his Grace to press on the Committee the ex-
pediency of combining, on that part of our southern
shores, the establishment of fortified ports, together
with the construction of harbours of refuge. We are
g'ad to observe that the capabilities of Dover, and
other places, for such destinations are being subjected
to the scientific examination of professional and civil
authorities, with a degree of care, of zeal, and saga..
city, which cannot fail of being attended with the
happiest results.
It ha been well said that the best security for
maintaining peace is to be never unprepared for war.
Appreciating all the value of this maxim, we should
still have been disinclined to touch upon the reflec-
tions it awakens, in connexion with any disturbance
of those amicable relations now, and for years past,
so happily subsisting between the two greatest nations
of Europe. Yet it is not possible to approach the
subject without the hypothesis suggesting itself of
the new, and as yet unanticipated, dangers to which
in the event of war between France and England,
the commercial prosperity of the latter must be
exposed, if no scheme of offensive, and especially
defensive protection, adequate to these new exi-
gencies shall meanwhile have been organised. The
somewhat premature petulance of the young Prince
DE JOINVJLLE has recently announced to the world—
in the projected revival of the piratical tactics of the
old French Flibustierie, with all the improvements of
our own MORGANS, TEACHES, and other buccaneer-
ing spirits of that rather disreputable school of adven-
ture—what the nature, visitations, and results of
these Channel hostilities would be likely to prove. It
is certain that no man in either country has yet ar-
rived at anything like an accurate conception of the
maximum efficiency and power of naval steam arma-
nents, either for offence or defence. For this reason,
if for no other, let our Government improve on hints
which this brochure may help them to, whether it be
of the manufacture of the Prince or M. THIERS,
or the sublime production of their united
genius. It seems to have exploded, like an
unguai;ded rocket, a little before its time ; but that is
no reason why its light—if it afford any—should not
be used for the detection of deficiencies, and their re-
medy, in our preparations on this side. Certain it is
that the importance of harbours of refuge is corrobo-
rated and enhanced by such indications of feeling but
faintly discouraged on the other.
There is another point of association on which it is
a source of unalloyed gratification to contemplate the
growing solicitude of the public mind about the esta-
blishment of harbours of refuge. This is, the
growing desire to connect with their main ob-
ject—the protection of human life, and mercantile
property and shipping the legitimate ac-
cessories of improved communication between
those Forts and the metropolis, or other of our
capitals of commercial enterprise and industry, by
means of railroads, to facilitate the carriage of mer-
ehandise, &c., and the passage of travellers—and
also of internal improvemements in the plan, ca-
pacity, safety, and convenience of such harbour, by
the building of piers, jettys, &c., adapted to packet
quays and breakwaters ; the deepening of shallows ;
the removal of obstructions, sunken rocks, &c. In
all these particulars, the able surveys and reports
to which we have more than once adverted of the

Then Mr. ROEBUCK asked whether the Ecclesias-
tical Courts Bill was to be proceeded with ? Sir
RODEUT could not at present say. We agree with
Mr. Escorr, that it never could be satisfactorily dis-
posed of; and therefore it were better at once with-
drawn. Lord JOHN RUSSELL having demanded what
was to be done with the County Courts Bill, Sir J.
GRAHAM, as the concluding effect of the piece, so-
lemnly announced, that on some day next week he
would state definitively what measures Government
would proceed with—what others they would not
go on with. The Poor-law Amendment Bill,
he could assure the House, her MAJESTY'S Mi-
nisters meant to press forward at the earliest
opportunity. The remainder of this respondere
movement was devoted to a recital of what the
Right Hon. Secretary would have done, in certain
events which had not happened, with certain Bills
which are still to be disposed of.

Upon the whole we shall only add—repeating our
often asserted protest against the hurried, slovenly,
and disreputable manner in which the House of Com-
mons is at all times too apt to burke or pitchfork its
Bills towards the close of a session—the present
Ministers in the present session of the present Parlia-
ment bid fair to surpass all their predecessors in this
mischievous practice.

▪ It is curious to note what contrasted destinies are as-
signed to statesmen. They are a hard-working—
not particularly Well-paid—high-placed—pains-tak-
ing—self-devoting, and yet power-seeking—honoured
yet suspected—dexterous, evasive, iron-hearted--class
of men. Under the notion of doing credit to the pub-
lic service, they are apt to be betrayed into actions
which do little credit to themselves with the public.
In modern times the great duty of a statesman, in
civil office, answers very much to the qualification
ascribed by Sir WILLIAM TEMPLE, to a good ambas-
bassador, namely, "to lie with intrepidity for the
good of his country." This may or may not
be their common aim ; but their fates are
different. One man; is canonized after death in the
political Kalendar, received by half his countrymen,
as " the pilot who weathered the storm." Another is
denounced, during his lifetime, as the Evil One who
invoked it, and well-nigh wrecked the vessel of the
state in attempting to face it._ The memory of a PITT
or a Fox is said to be enshrined in this figurative
craft, so long as she shall be kept afloat. But when
so ill-omened an officer as the present Home Secre-
tary is taken aboard, there is speedily an universal cry.
among his tempest-tossed comrades of " Throw him
overboard !" Sir J. GRAHAM is the modem JONAH.
Where he is, there also is foul weather for his com-
panion. Their whole course is beset with troubles,
" because of him." Rough gales from the factories
—squalls from the Dissenters' schools—thunder and
lightning front the union poor-houses—sunken rocks
and insidious sands, called the " Spy" shoals of the
Irish Channel—and ,fierce hurricanes blowing in the r
direction of St. Martin's-le-Grand, with irretrievable
damage to all Post-office property. These are the
sad vicissitudes which they who will mate with him
must be content to encounter.

Of all these, the Post-office " North- westers" seem
to be the most likely to swamp the vessel, which they
have already laid upon her beam-ends. Now they
have began to blow, there is no saying when they will
subside. After a brief lull since the MAZZINI catas-
trophe, they are freshening in another quarter; and
though, on this occasion, Sir JAMES GRAHAM may
have had no more to do with exciting them than our-
selves, their portentous revival will be sure to have hap-
pened " because of him." In sober earnest, the Home
Secretary's political delinquency in violating letters con-
fided to the Post- office, has attracted more attention than
will be found agreeable in high places, to the general
fidelity and punctuality of the Post-office Administra-
tion. Within the last week some circumstances have
been represented to us, on authority we cannot doubt,
which induce us to believe that complaints like those
so freely and intelligibly preferred against this depart-
ment, by its "accusing spirit," Mr. IVALLACE, of
Greenock, are much more numerous and important
than we could heretofore be prevailed on to believe.
'We have before us, at this moment, a remarkable

President of the College of Civil Engineers, Mr.
J. WALKER, Captains BEECHEY, BACK, FAIR, &C.,
on the relative pretensions of Holyhead and Forth
Dynllaen harbours, are entitled to every praise for
the ability and diligence they manifest. In con-
nexion with these reports we must notice, with equal
praise, the report of Mr. RENDEL, civil engineer, to
the Admiralty on the Chester and Holyhead Railway.
Though ordered by the House of Commons to be

printed on the 10th May, it has been but recently
issued from the Vote•office. It is illustrated by a
tinted lithographic chart of an admirable survey of
Holyhead Harbour by Captain BEECLIEY, R. N. ;
and Mr. RENDEL —to wham " the several

questions relative to the proposed line of
railway from Chester to Hclyhead, and the

e enlargement of Holyhead - harbour," were
eferred for his opinion—has reported with much

clearness and particularity on the important matters
submitted to him. This gentleman's report conveys
Incidental notices of the works to be immediately
undertaken ; in Holyhead harbour, particularly,
new works conceived upon so grand a scale, that we

The High Bailiff of Westminster having fixed
Monday next for the public meeting of the inhabi-
tants, to petition Parliament for justice to Ireland,
the meeting will be held in Covent Garden at two
o'clock on that day. Many leading Liberal Members of
Parliament have signified their intention of attending

communication from a very respectable firm, in a
provincial town of considerable trade, setting forth

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 29, )644.

shall be induced to devote a specific notice to some
particulars of them. _

Accounts from. Madrid, of the 21st, announce the
departure of the Ministers, on the previous evening,
for Barcelona. The .Heraldo thus accounts for thiS
sudden step :
" The journey of the Ministers could not be delayed. The
situation of affairs is serious, not because perils surround the
Government, but because the prospects and peace of the
country depend upon the resolutions the Government is about
to adopt. It was urgent that the Councilof Ministers should
be complete, where her Majesty resides, in order to deliberate
on various questions, to decide upon the dissolution of the
Cortes, and adopt the measures which, within the limits of
the executive power, may contribute to the consolidation of
public order. The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Marquis de
Viluma, has not yet had' an opportunity of coming to an un-
derstanding with his colleagues. This circumstance rendered
the Ministerial conference still more necessary, and it has
been delayed but by the momentous financial question which
has just been decided to the public satisfaction. The Minis-
ters of Finances, Grace and Justice, the Interior, and Navy
except to return to Madrid in the first days of July, espe
cially if, as is hoped, the dissolution of the Cortes and convo-
cation of new ones be determined upon. The electoral ope-
rations much required the presence at Madrid of a part of the
Cabinet. M. Mon has also important operations to terminate
with the holders of the centralised debt and the San Fer-
nando Bank. The meeting of Ministers at Barcelona was
indispensable, in order to organise a fiscal situation of affairs."
The Funds had fallen again nearly one per cent
The Three per Cents. were done at 26i for cash, and
27 3-16 at sixty days; and the Five per Cents. at 20
for cash, and 201 at sixty days.

The Paris Messager of Thursday evening publishes
the following dispatch from General BUGEAUD to
Marshal SOULT

" Lelia Maghanin, June 16.
" Mons. le Marechal—By my telegraphic dispatch you
lave already learned that I demanded of El Guennaoni, chief
of the Marocains at Caid d'Ouchda, an interview between him
and General Bideau, in order to establish harmony between
the two countries. The place of rendezvous was at three-
quarters of a league from my camp, upon the West Mouilah,
and at four leagues from the Marocain camp.
"At seven o'clock in the morning Guennaoni and General
Bideau, accompanied by Captain Rioot and interpreters, met
at the place mentioned. The Marocain chief displayed great
force; first 2,500 cavaliers, and then 2,000 cavaliers of the
tribes, and 500 or 600 foot soldiers.
" These fanatic and undisciplined soldiers approached the
conference, and obliged Guennaoni to suspend the conference
in order to suppress them ; but they succeeded in completely
surrounding our envoys and fired upon our troops, who stood
at a respectful distance from our Plenipotentiaries. Never
was such insolence and barbarism witnessed.
"I had only sent my cavalry and four battalions to the
place of meeting, and their number was even reduced by
those who were obliged to remain to guard the baggage and
to cook. Having been informed by two officers, dispatched
to me for the purpose, that shots had been fired, I ordered
four other battalions under arms, and marched to the scene of
action. I learned on my way that the conference was broken
up, and saw our troops retiring, followed by numerous
Moorish cavaliers, who fired upon our rear guard. I im-
mediately formed the eight battalions in echelon upon the
centre. The cavalry at the point of the angles, ready to
launch at the first signal. The centre battalion, upon which
rested the others, was directed by the line which divided the
Marocains in two bodies, so as to leave between us and the
Mouilah a difficult passage of 1,200 metres (1,300 English
yards). The enemy's infantry having disappeared, I sup-
posed that they ascended the little valley of the river, the
more so as when they pushed forward the centre of their cavalry,
their left rested upon my right flank, as if to protect the in-
fantry, which I thought were in the valley. I then ordered
General Lamoriciere to charge his cavalry in echelons, and
direct them obliquely on the right for some moments, and
then suddenly make a tete de colonne on the left, and fall
upon all he found between us and the Mouilah ; while six
mountain pieces advancing should hold in check the centre
and right of the enemy. Having done this, the cavalry was
to re-form behind the echelon's, passing behind the right wing.
Colonel Jassaf, who commanded the first echelon, executed,
with intelligence, this manoeuvre, and soon found himself in
the midst of a great troop of cavaliers. Driving them with
vigour, he encountered the infantry, over which he crossed,
killing a great number. Soon he perceived that he had left
behind upon his right a group of regular cavalry of about
500; but then hit soldiers were scattered, cutting down ca-
valiers and foot soldiers. The recal was sounded, but the
horses were blown, and rallied with difficulty.
"The echelons of infantry could not see this happy move-
ment on account of the dust, so arrived too slowly to concur
in the destruction of the Moorish cavalry. The latter, seeing
their danger, set off to regain their main body at the moment
when Colonel Jassaf prepared for a charge. Our operations
could only have reached the rear of the flying enemy and
killed some men. Colonel Jassaf himself took a standard.
" The infantry had covered the cavalry from the right and
centre of the enemy, so that the latter renounced all attempts
and retired towards Ouchda."
"This charge confers the greatest honour on Col. Jassaf."
The affair, it will thus be seen, was more serious
than was at first supposed, and cannot fail to cause
much excitement in France. It was a deliberate act
of treachery on the part of the Moors, and the
French troops were saved only by the well-executed
and speedy attack of Colonel JASSAF. The Marquis
of ROVIGO, son of the Duke of ROVIGO, fell in the
action. The accounts given in private letters corres-
pond with the dispatch, though it would appear from
them that the alarm among the French troops at first
was much greater than General BUGEAUD would
admit. The French generals, according to one of
these letters, " demanded that, for the future, Morocco
should be forbidden to ABD-ELACADER, who was to be
immediately sent out of the Empire. They demande:l,
in addition, that the left bank of the Tafna should be
henceforward recognised as belonging to Prance.
On the first point they obtained complete satisfaction,
and on the other it was agreed, after long discussions,
to refer the matter to the decision of the diplomatic
body. They had arrived at this point, when an un-
expected incident occurred to interrupt the interview.
This was nothing else than the noise of musketry.
The escort which had accompanied the two French
Generals was sharply attacked by 5,000 of the
enemy. At this unexpected violation of the
truce agreed on for the meeting of the leaders,
our soldiers were seized with such surprise that at
first their ranks were thrown into disorder. Out
flanked by the enemy, they began to retreat, and the
audacity of the Morocco troops was increasing, with
the hope of our defeat, when our men recovered from
their surprise, and exhibited such coolness and
courage as at once checked the enemy, and enabled
our men to gain the advantage over these violators of
the most sacred rights. The Morocco troops, who
had advanced right in front of the French columns, at
the head of which wag the Marshal, paid dearly for
their temerity. More than 300 of them remained on
the field of battle, without reckoning those whom
their comrades had time to carry away. Our loss
was much less. We had only about thirty men
wounded, of whom two were officers of Spahis, and
six killed, amongst whom is the son of Gen. RoviGo.”
The Siecle publishes a letter from M. LEON
SATAYES, the intimate friend of the Marquis Captain
Rovico, who was killed in the affair of the 15th with
the troops of Morocco. It states that the Spahis
under the command of Captain RovjGo and another
Captain, commenced the action. The Marquis Ro-
VIGO was almost immediately struck by a ball in the
heart, and fell dead. The other officer was wounded
at the same moment, and remained in the power of
the enemy. The deceased was a young officer of
great promise.
The Chamber of Deputies was still engaged in
discussing the Paris and Belgian Railway Bill. By
that Bill, as proposed by the Government, there would
be two branch lines—one to Boulogne, and another
to Calais and Dunkirk ; the Boulogne line to strike
off at Amiens, and the other at Ostricourt.
_The
first line, as far as we can judge by the reports, was
adopted ; and the other was under discussion on
Thursday, at the hour of post.
Greek interest was caused in Paris by the trial of
two persons for the murder of M. DONOR CADOT, the
banker at Pointoise. Their names are PIERRE
ROUSSELET, a locksmith, and EDWARD DONOR CA-
D(); a son of the deceased, aged nineteen. The
Court was occupied the whole of Wednesday with
the reading of the indictment, and examination of
ROUSSELET, who repeated before the jury a confes-
sion which he had previously made, admitting that
he had committed the murder, but solely at the in-
stigation of the son, who, on his examination, firmly
denied the charge.
_The Court adjourned at eight
o'clock till next day.
THE BOURSE—THURSDAY, JUNE 27.
First Highest Lowest Last
ce. Price. . .
French Five per Cmts.• •••• 122Pri 05 .. 122 05 .. 121 Price 85 .. 121 Price 95
Three
.per Cents.- •• 82 15 .. 82 15 82 10 .. 82 15
Bank of France•..- •• •• .•• 3020 ..3025 ..3020 ..3025
Lanitte Bank, 5,000 f. Sharesso7s ..5075 .. 5075 -5075
Belgian Fives, 1840 •••• • • • • 1041 • • 1041 1041 104/
1842 •••••• 1081 •
•• 1081 .. 1081 10,1
Spanish Active •
.. 304 .. 304 .. 304
Threes ........35 .. 35 .. 344 .. 344
Portuguese Five per Cents- 461 •• 461 •• 461 .. 461
Neapolitan.-- ....... ..•9930•• 99 30 99 30 .. 99 30
Roman 1041 .. 1041 .. 1041 1041
RAILWAY SHARES.
St. Germain
Versailles,R.B..- ..•• •••• 385 .. 385 375 .. 3c30
L. 8.......•• .• •• 252 50 .. 252 50 • • 246 25 .. 252 50
Rouen •• •• •• •• 980 .• 980- .. 980 .. 980
Rouen to ..... 755 .. 757 50 .. 755 .. 757 50
Orleans •-•• • • •• 990 •• 990 .. 985 .. 985
Strasburg to Bale •• •• •• •• 240 .. 240 .. 237 50 .. 240
Avignon to Marseilles...... 765 .. 765 .. 757 50 . 762 50
RAILWAY SHARES FOR 302 m JUNE.
St. Germain •• •• •• •• •• •• • • 890 .. 890 .. 890 •• 890
Versailles, R. 13............ 375 .. 385 .. 375 .. 380
L.B ••••• •• 252 50 .. 255 .. 245 .. 255 50
Rouen •-• •• •• ••• • 980 .. 982 50 .• 975 • 982 50
Rouen to Havre.........,.. 755 .. 757 50 755 • • 757 50
Orleans99o .. 996 25 985 •• 966 25
Strasburg to Bale• •. • . 240 .. 245 .. 240 •• 245
Avignon to Marseilles•• •• •• 765 .. 765 •• 757 50 .. 762 50

and taking a part in the proceedings, and public
feeling will be displayed in a manner which must
produce the very best results.

• 110
r with Texas as an independent Power, solely with a via tioti
bettering the condition of the two countries. If mule°, ui) •
in any form occur, it will arise from the free and d
fettered action of the people of the two countries; an of
seems altogether becoming in me to say that the hooolutb,
the country, the dignity of the American name, and c.
permanent interests of the United States, would forbid
oare
quiescence in any such interference. No man 0111,taia
highly appreciate the value of peace to both Great
and the United States, and the capacity of each to do ilt7d
to the other, than myself; but peace can best be presa'ari
by maintaining firmly the rights which belong to IA as
independent community.
So much I have considered it proper for me to 5a.11,/, the
it becomes me only to add, that while I have regard'' tj
annexation to be accomplished by treaty as the most suit& ;
form in which it could be effected, should Congress clefthe
proper to resort to any other expedient compatible wit, re-
Constitution, and likely to accomplish the object, I starloP
pared to yield my most prompt and active ce-operatio„ii it
The great question is not as to the manner in wol't.
shall be done, but whether it shall be accomplished or °iced
The responsibility of deciding this question is now decor
upon you. - JOHN Va."'
Washington, June 10, 1844.

THIS DAY S NEWS.

Her -Majesty and Prince Albert, and the royal
suite, are expected to leave town at three o'clock this
afternoon for Claremont, where the Court will pass a
few days, and will then, it is expected, return to town.
A Cabinet Council is appointed to be held this after-
noon at the Foreign-office, Downing street. All the
Ministers are expected to attend.

AMERICAN NEWS.

EXPRESS FROM LIVERPOOL.
LATER FROM THE UNITED STATES.
SATURDAY MORNING.
The Boston and Halifax Royal mail steamer Cale-
donia, Captain Lott, arrived here at one o'clock this
morning, with ninety-nine passengers. She left Bos-
ton on the 16th, and Halifax on the 18th instant, and
has therefore made the voyage in twelve days
eight hours.
The Texas treaty was rejected in the Senate, on
the Bth instant, by a majority of 35 to 16 ; it would
have required a majority of two-thirds to ratify it,
and it is thus rejected, by more than that majority
against it.
The President had sent a message to Congress on
the same subject, stating his views, and calling on
that body to for ward the Annexation Scheme. He
comments on the speeches of Lords Brougham and-
Aberdeen in the House of Lords. The motion that
it do lie on the table was negatived by a majority of
118 to 86.
A late arrival from Hayti announces that the rule
of President Herard is at an end, and Guerrier Due
de Christophe is now President in his place.
The following is the message of the President :
PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
The subjoined Message was sent to Congress this morning
by the President of the United States.
It will be seen by our readers that certain information
(never yet published) was transmitted by the President to
the Senate, some time since, in relation to the designs of
Great Britain en Texas, and which was before that body
when they rejected the Treaty.
Our readers, and the people of the whole Union, will
doubtless read this message with unusual interest, for it de-
mands their serious attention.
MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT OF THE
UNITED STATES.
To the House of Representatives of the Un;.ted States
The Treaty negotiated by the Executive.with the Republic
of Texas, without a departure from any form of proceeding
customarily observed in the negotiatiem of treaties, for the
annexation of that Republic to the United States having
been rejected by the Senate, and the subject having excited
on the part of the people no ordinary degree of interest, I feel
it to be my duty to communicate, for your consideration, the
rejected treaty, together with all the correspondence and docu-
ments which have heretofore been submit ted to the Senate in its
Executive sessions. The papers communicated embrace not
only the series already made public by order of the
Senate, but others from which the veil of secrecy has not
beep removed by that body, but which I deem to be essen-
tial to a just appreciation of the entire question. While the
treaty was pending before the Senate, 1 did not consider it
incompatible with the just rights of that body, or consistent
with the respect entertained for it, to "bring this important
subject before you. The power of Congress is, however, fully
competent, in some other form of r.roceeding, to accomplish
every thing that a formal ratificae,on of the treaty could have
accomplished; and I therefore feel that I should but imper-
fectly discharge my duty to yourselves or the country, if I
failed to lay before you every thing in the possession of the
Executive which would enable you to act with full light on
the subject, if you shculd deem it proper to take any action
upon it.
I regard the question involved in they proceedings as one
of vast magnitude, and addressing itself to interests of an
elevated and enduring character. A republic coterminous
in territory with our own—of irrenense resources, which re-
quire only to be brought undee- the influence of our confede-
rate and free system in or:ier to be fully developed—pro-
mising at no distant (Ley, through the fertility of its soil,
nearly, if not entirely, to duplicate the exports of the
country, thereby making an addition to the carrying
trade to an amount almost incalculable, and giving
a new impulse of immense importance to the com-
mercial, manufacturing, agricultural, and shipping in-
terests of the Union, and at the same time af-
fording protection to an exposed frontier, and placing the
whole country in a condition of security and repose—a terri-
tory settled mostly by emigrants from the United States,
who will bring back with them in the act of reciprocation
an unconquerable love of freedom and an ardent attachment
to our free institutions. Such a question could not fail to in-
terest most deeply in its success, those who under the Con-
stitution have become responsible for the faithful administra-
tion of public affairs. I have regarded it as not a little for-
tunate that the question involved was no way sectional or
local, but addressed itself to the interests of every part of the
country, and made its way to the glory of the American
name.
It is due to the occasion to say, that I have carefully re-
considered the objections which have been urged to imme-
dinte action upon the subject, without in any degree having
been struck with their force. It has been objected that the
measure of annexation should be preceded by the consent of
Mexico. To preserve the most friendly relations with
Mexico; to concede to her not grudgingly but freely all her
rights; to negotiate fairly and frankly with her as to the
question of boundary; to render her, in a word, the fullest
and most ample recompense for any loss she might convince
us she had sustained, fully accords with the feelings and
views the Executive has always entertained.
But negotiations in advance of annexation would prove
not only abortive, but might be regarded as offensive to
Mexico, and insulting to Texas. Mexico would not, lam
persuaded, give ear for a moment to an attempt at negotia-
tion in advance, except for the whole territory of Texas.
While all the world besides regards Texas as an indepen-
dent power, Mexico chooses to look upon her as a re-
volted province. Nor could we negotiate with Mexico
for Texas, without admitting that our recognition of
her independence was fraudulent, delusive, or void. It
is only after acquiring Texas, that the question of
boundary can arise between the United States and
Mexico, a question purposely left open for negotiation
with Mexico, as affording the best opportunity for the most
friendly and pecific arrangements. The Executive has dealt
with Texas as a Power independent of all others, both de
facto and de jure. She was an independent State of the
Confederation of Mexican Republics. When, by violent re-
volution, Mexico declared the Confederation at an end,
Texas owed her no allegiance, but claimed, and has main-
tained the right for eight years to a separate and distinct
position. During that time no army has invaded her with a
view to her conquest, and if she has not yet established her
right to be treated as a nation independent de facto and de
jure, it would be difficult to say at what period she will at-
tain to that condition.
Nor can we, by any fair or legitimate inference, be accused
of violating any treaty stipulations with Mexico. The treaties
with Mexico gave no guarantee of any sort, and are co-exist-
ent with a similar treaty with Texas. So have we treaties
with most of the nations of the earth, which are equally as
much violated by the annexation of Texas to the United
States, as they would by our treaty with Mexico. The treaty
is merely commercial, and intended as the instrument for
. more accurately defining the rights and securing the in-
terests of the citizens of each country. What bad faith can
be implied or charged upon the Government of the United
States, for successfully negotiating with an indeperd!nt
power, upon any subject not violating the stipulations of sul
treaty, I confess m 3 inability to discern.
The objections which have been taken to the enlargement
of our territory were urged with much zeal against the acqui-
sition ofLouisiana—and yet the futility of such has long since
been fully demonstrated. Since that period a new Power has
been,introduced into the affairs of the world, which has, for all
ptactical purposes, brought Texas much nearer to the seat of
Government than Louisiana was at the time of its annexation.
Distant regions are, by the application of the steam-engine,
brought within a close proximity.
With the views which I entertain on the subject, I should
prove faithless to the high trust which the Constitution has
devolved upon me, if it neglected to invite the attention of
the Representatives of the people to it, at the earliest mo-
ment that a due respect for the Senate would allow me so to
do. I should find, in the urgency of the matter, a sufficient
apology, if one was wanting, since annexation is to encounter
a great if not certain hazard of final defeat, if something be
not now done to prevent it. Upon this point, I cannot too
impressively invite your attention to my Message of the
16th May, and to the documents which accompany it,
which have not heretofore been Made public. If it be ob-
jected that the names of the writers of some of the private
letters are withheld, all that I can say is, that it is done for
reasons regarded as altogether adequate, and that the writers
are persons of the first respectability, and citizens of Texas,
and have such means of obtaining, information as to entitle
their sentiments to full credit. Nor has anything occurred
to weaken, but, on the contrary, much to confirm my confi-
dence in the statements of General Jackson, and my own
statement made at the close of that message, in the belief,
amounting almost to certainty, " that instructions have al-
ready been given by the Texiau Government, to propose to
the Government of Great Britain, forthwith, on the failure of
the treaty, to enter into a treaty of commerce and alliance,
offensive and defensive."
I also particularly invite your attention to the letter from
Mr. Everett, our Envoy at London, containing an account
of a conversation in the House of LordsC which lately occurred
between Lord Brougham and Lord Aberdeen, in relation to
the question of annexation. Nor can I do so without the
expression of some surprise at the language the Minister
of Foreign Affairs employed upon the occasion.
That a kingdom which is made what it now is by re-
peated acts of annexation, beginning from the time
of the Heptarchy, and concluding with the annexa-
tion of the kingdoms of Ireland and Scotland, should per-
ceive any principle, either novel or serious, in the late pro-
ceedings of the American Executive in regard to Texas, is
I well calculated to excite surprise. If it be pretended that,
because of commercial or political relations which may
exist between the two countries, neither has a right to
part with its sovereignty, and that no third Power can
change those relations by a voluntary treaty of union
or annexation, then it would seem to follow that an
annexation to be achieved by force of arms, in the pro-
secution of a just and necessary war, could in no way beetis-
tifled ; and yet it is presumed that Great Britain would be
the last nation in the world to maintain any such doctrine.
The commercial and political relations of many of the countries
of Europe have undergone repeated changes by voluntary
treaties, by conquest, and by partitions of their territories,
without any question as to the right, under the public law.
The question, in this view of it, can be considered as neither
serious nor novel.
I will not permit myself to believe that the British Mi-
nister designed to bring himself to any such conclusion; but
it is impossible for us to be blind to the fact, that the state
meats contained in Mr. Everett's dispatch are well worthy of
serious consideration. The Government and people of the
United States have never evinced, nor do they feel, any de-
sire to interfere in public questions not affecting the relations
existing between the States of the American Continent.
We leave the European Powers exclusive control, over
matters affecting their Continent and the relations of their
different States.
The United States claim a similar exemption from any
such interference on their part. The treaty with. Texas was
negotiated from considerations of a high public policy, influ-
encing the conduct of the two Republica. We hate treated

NEWCASTLE RACES.

YESTERDAY.

(BY EXPRESS.)
$, op.,
The Innkeepers' Plate, by subscription of 3 guineas each'
with a sum added to make up 50/. ; the second to save
stake. Heats, one mile. 1 I
Mr. Lamb's Lady Flora, 6 yrs (Francis) 6 1 5 '
Mr. Dawson's Geneva, 3 yrs g 3
Mr. T. Walker's The Nobbler, 3 yrs ... ..... 4 6
'
5 4 ,
Mr. Allan's The Wasp, 5 yrs ••• ar
at
Capt. Boyd's Lara, 6 yrs
3 2
Mr. Dawson's Bonnets o' 81ue....
Jed'
The Scurry Stakes of 2 soya. each, h. ft., with a NittliP ad

Gentlemen riders. Heats, T.Y.C.
~ 1 1
u
Mr. Lamb's Sambo Sutton, aged (Mr. R. Johnson) 1
0
2
Mr. Dixon's Wee Willie, aged ..... •••• 3
0 °
Mr. Robinson's Queen of Hearts, 4 yrs
2 2
Mr. Lambert's Ellen, aged
3 3 —,
Mr. Balmbra's Delirious, 3 yrs ......
°
Lord Tullamore's Brown Bess, 5 yrs
0 ° '-
Mr. Rogerson's Charlotte, 5 yrs 0
° j‘irr
Mr. W. Brown's Jim Crow, aged
Mr. Henry's Middleham, aged.

----
SPORTING INTELLIGENCE'
(RECEIVED THIS DAY.)
LATEST BETTING AT MANCHESTER. 13
GOODWOOD STAKE.S.-11 to 1 agst Red-deer (taken/ow
to 1 agst The Era, 18 to 1 agst Franchise, 20 to 1 agst
ton, 20 to 1 agst Gunter. .61
GOODWOOD CUP.-5 to 2 agst Alice Hawthorn, Bto 1
The
ST. L Squire.
..acessl
LEGER.-4 to 1 agst The Cure, 6 to 1 agst
7 to 1 agst Ithuriel, 7 to 1 agst The Ugly Buck, 12 to
Red-deer (taken). Very little done.
LUDLOW RACES.—THURSDAY. frwice
The Gold Cup Stakes of 10 sous. each, with 20 added.
1
Mr. Hall's Brilliant, 3 yrs round.
(Griffiths),,.
• doll'"
Mr. Ongley's Humility, 6 yrs Broke AO
11%.
1

.. _
'ear Old Stakes of 15 sous. each, with 30
T.Y.C.