The Sun.
London, England, 1828-02-13 00:00:00

he sot, in his dispute with Mr. Herries, call uphn
those Members of the Caimilig Administration with
whom he had been particularly united before Mr.
Harries was Chancellor of ,the Exchequer, for their
support against the new competitor for financial dis-
tinction? And was not that support promised to hi m ?
Nay, was he not assured that sooner than lie should be
thwarted in his nomination of a fit erson to be Chair-
man of the Finance Committee, they would all re-
linquish office ? By what strange proceeding is it,
then, that they have actually retired from the Mi-
niatry upon this very question, and that himself re-
mains in his old station, the colleague of that per-
non whose pretensions had been the subject of so
much complaint ? Will lie say that Mr. Herries
has been placed in an inefficient situation in the new
.Ministry ?—,and that he has received " guarantees
a3td pledges" that the late ChanZellor of the Exche-
quer shall never more lift up his head against the
Colonial Secretary ? And will Mr. Herries ac-
quiesce in the promulgation of his debasement ? Or
will he not jathar imitate the head of the ilew Mi-
nistry, and, with but a slight change in his words,
say, " From the moment that I received the Mas-
tership of the Mint, I determined strictly to perform
all the duties of that important and laborious offide:
bvt I have not been asked for guararitces; I have
made no such guarantees to these Nvhose assistance
and support we have received in carrying on the
service of his Majesty's Government." In truth, a
much more embarrassing explanation than that at
Liverpool is approaching. The *lion upon that
explanation will be unalterable mid final.—lbid.

Some sharp discussion took place last night on
the subject of the Estimates. What excited most
remark was a declaration by Mr. Peel at variance
with a former one by Mr. Eusicisson, respecting
the powers to be given to the Finance Committee.
According to Mr. Huskisson the Finance Coin-
mittee " should not go to the extent of existing
establishments." But if Mr. Peel's speech is'to
be taken as the law, nothing is to be sacred frcim
inquiry. We shall see`--Morning Chronicle,
We observed vesterday, that the statements made
in the House of Lords on Monday night could
hardly fail to call forth additional statements. It
is understood that the personages i i the politital
drama which has lately been acted, viloss acetie is
is the House of Commons, will in lee their com-
munications on Friday next. Tint' Mcilion for the
Finance Committee, by Mr. 'Peel, wil furnish an
appropriate occasion for entering on this subject.
Nothing could be more praiseworthy then the tone
of candour and moderation which characterised all
that fell from both Lord Goderich and Lord Lans-
downe. They are, however, ex-parte statements,
and it would hardly be fair to pronounce decidedly on
the subject,till all the statements are before the world.
The candour and ingenuousness apparent in Lord
elnderiell'a speech, and the acknowledged openness
and sincerity othia character, naturally create a
prejudice in his favour. -It is at the bathe time but
fair teeeemark, that from his own spewing there was
a want of promptitude and dtcision at the outset of
the difference about-the appointment of the Chair-
man of the Finance Committee. He shiculd ha 6
tetollected that he was the heed of the Ad-
ministration, and when he saw that =brake
had been taken at the communicating- with Lord
Althorp before communicating with the Minis-
ter whose department gave him a material in-
terest its all matters relating to Finance—instead
of dilly-dallying with Mr. Iterries and Mr.
Huskisson, lamenting. this and lamenting that, fruit-
ing that they would tome to an agreement and so
forth, he ought to have taken measurel'fbi• deter-
mining at once the point at issue: The course of
Lord Goderieh would have been highly proper
'among independent individuals, towards whom he
stood in the relation of a Common friend; but he
was in a sittiation in which he was entitled and
even called upon. to act decidedly, instead of looic-
ing ou in a helpless state while the Members of Ills
Cabinet were carrying on hostile correspondences,
and intriguing and counter-intriguing against each
other. Mr. Huskisson has had the most difficult
ceird to play ; but if we may judge from the feeling
of all parties towards him, he has not played it sue-
oessfully. He had to please the friends of Mr. Can-
ning, and to please his enemies ; he had to please
the Tories, whutu be had joined, and yet not offend
the Whigs, who quitted plate nit -account of his ir-
reconcileable quarrel with the individual with whoM
he joined hutnediately afterwards—he had to pre-
serve his reputation with the country, for whisk he
vae indebted to his steady perseverance -in certain
measures, and to shots; that in joining the opponents
of his system lie was not abandoning it, and yet
to give no offence to allow former opponents
and present allieszabrakexhibiting them -in the
light of throe ing themselves submissively at his feet.
.In not one of these objects has lie been successful.
Notwithstanding his laboured and somewhat ful-
aotne attenipt,toeconciliate the friends of Mr. Can-
ning, by a reference to the-profound grief.of the sen-
sitive peasants of the various countries- through
which he passed, on the death of that Statesman, he
has not satisfied these friende; while, on the other'
baud, by dwelling as he did on the change in the
foreign policy of this country, effected by Mr. Can-
ning, he eould'uot fail to give mortal offence to seve-
ral of his colleagues ; as, for instance, Mr. Peel, who
justified the invasion of Naples by Austria, and de-
nied that Mr. Canning had in the least departed
from the course chalked out by the late Lord Lon-
donderry,---and to Lord Ellenborough, who with
the present Lord Londonderry, hated Mr. Cannino
with no common hatred, and loudly condemned
foreign policy. His praise of the Whigs could not
possibly blot from their reeollecctieti his abandoning
them, after he had broken up the .Administration of
which they had formed a part; while, at the same
time, the Tories could hardly fail-to perceive, in his
anxiety to 'account far his quitting the Whigs, some-
thing like an apology for his joining themselves*.
Again, his removal of the fears very naturally enter-
tained by the people as to the pernAanence of the
system to which he owes his reputation, on seeing
him in alliance with the declared enemies of that
system, could only be effected by declarations
amounting
to a claim of superiority over his col-
leagues; for it. represented them as giving hint an
assurance (if not a guarantee) of their abandonment
of their own opinions and adoption• of his, thereby
declaring either that thsy'') rofessed opinions in their
late opposition which they really
,did not entertain,
or were indifferent to the opinions which they wre
to advocate.. We really. 4e inclined to believe
Mr. Hustisson's account of the guarantees, is pre-
ference to the Duke's version. The real motive,
Perbal: for the Diike's anxiety to obtain Mr.
Huskisson, was not so much a wish to ac-
quire for his
Adiainistration the reputation which
it would derive
from - his system,- or even his
talents.
But if Mr. 'Huskisson were separated front
Lord Lan:,dowit and
and Mr. Tierney—
and if Lord Dudley mid Mr. Grant would probably
be determined by the decision of Mr. Huskisson, the
perplexity iii
r the
the fr rani%
of the opponents would be
et
favourable
ot' the Reiv- Admi-
nistration. We may be Wrong; but we suspect his
Grace, with all hi r, single-mindedness, has been
putting in practice a maticeuvre, borrciived from his
old profession against the Colonial Secretary. We
do not see how, aTter all that had talian place in the
Rouse of Lords—after is Grace's %anus blundefs
Amendments to- the Cortriaill
in moving destruc-
tive which-h etaa b•
principleof the nuself sp..
knowliee se
proved, without probably one Whit more
of the Anienduient-0
of the principle -.than
on Mr. for
ues lac
"could coolly determine to !.'it , Huskissonr,ii.s
the pni'pose of asking hiloo Pear ".' trY withs,
ms mina to satisf scut having. pteviouslyAide --so • ~ derived
eputation wes
y.
the Colonial Secretary;'w hose
from his perseverance in a !
patt_eul4r system, that
that reputation would he **de under the new Admi-
nistration, except on the supposition that Mr. Hus-
kisson was utterly indifferent as to reputation, and to
every thing but place. It would have been an insult
to Mr. Huskisson to have opened the matter with-
out satisfying him on this point. It was natanial,
too, that Mr. Huskisson should swalloW the bait, not
seeing why it Should be wished to gain him for the

new Administration, except with .a view to profit
from his reputation, and conscious that without his re-
putation he
_could be of no use to it. It was.not so
likely to occur to hint as another, that he was wished
for, not so much for the sake of his reputation as to
damage it, that he might not be able to turn-if
against them. The Duke might, hOwever, setretly
intend to adhere so far to the stiptilation as to sup-
port Mr. Huskissoia but then the communication of
the nitwit Of the stipulation to a public meeting, in-
voked such a humiliating deference, on the pert of
his colleagues to his virtites Atid abilities, that the
Duke had 'no 'Alternative, but to appease their
tvounded self-love by sacrificing Mr. Huskisson to
them, after his retreat was in a great measure cut
off. It was clear that the Duke and his colleagues
had been rehearsing their ri,.th before coming down to
the House. LoOntidleyand his Grace sung:the same
song; rePeating the ‘c stipulations" and " guaran-
thes• He admitted there had been a little conver-
sation before he struck the bargain ; that the union
had not exactly taken place in the way that Horace
Walpole supposed would prevail in marriages in the
course of a generation or two, namely, by dispens-
ing with all previous talk as superflubtis—but main-
tained stoutly that there het, been no covenants or
stipulations which implied a distrust either of the
soundmns of- views, or the honesty of each other.

It was a regular lecture read to Mr. Huskisson, :who
must pay the penalty of his former favour with the
nation, by patiently pocketing the affront to which it
has subjected hitti. It is most amusing to hear the
constructions put upon former declarations of appro-
bation or disapprobation. Lord Clanricarde referred
to a declaration of Lord Dudley made last autumn,
that he would never consent to take dice with
those who had persecuted to death his late
friend (Mr. Canning). Lord Clanricarde should
have remembered the story of the Ephesian
Widow. It would a dreary world this, if private
or political grief or hatred were to stand for ever in
the %Vay of future arrangements. Mr. Canning is
now dead, and Mr. Canning's enemies are alive
the former can be now of no service to Lord Dudley,
while the latter tan. Besides, hiss, Lordship made
the declaration in auger,. and lie objected to the plea
of the sacred duty of immortalizing hatred. Be-
sides, Mr. Canning had hiniself forgiven his bitterest
enemy, and consented to act under him ; and he
owedit to Mr. Canning's memory to profit by his
example, in forgiving Mr. 'Canning's enemies, and
acting with them. It is proper that the ptiblic should
understand that the declarations of public men of
approbation or disapprobetiOn, hostility or friend-
ship, ought to bolimited in application to the time
of delivery, and to be no longer binding. Passion
and perpetuity are a contradiction. When the lover
says tg his mistress, I "shall only cease to love you
with 14 life"—when friend vows eternal friendship
to friend, they must both be understood to mean no
more than " the present moment," for the future
has its own laws. Opinions, declaration, profes-
sions, are all therefore to be understood as carrying
no more of reality with them, than what is neces-
sary fur carrying on the drama which is acted for the
time.- The belief in the reality should never be car-
ried farther than what the critics state to be necessary
for the purposes of theatrical illusion. It may be
very necessary to say to-day, I detest that man ; I
vow to God I hold his principles in abhorrence ; and
it may be as necessary to-morrow to defend the man
and his principle's. Nothing is certain except that all
things have an end, and it would not at all.surprise
us; if some of the lately-formed connections have a
speedier end than those which preceded them.—
Morning Chronicle.
The striking coincidence between the view which
Mr. Brougham took of the practice of special plead-
ing, in his last celebrated speech, and our own pre-
vious expositions of that subject, as it affected the
administration of the laws, could not have escaped
the observation of our readers. The coincidence be-
tween his arguments in contravention of arrest for
debt on mesne peoces, and those which we have used
relative to the same question, is no less remarkable.
We have repeatedly brought this question before
the public, we have contended that the practice
ought to be abolished for many reasons, but princi-
pally on, the ground of its cruelty, whiefi confounded
the Unfortunate man with the criminal—its absurdity
in rendering the debtor, who was unable to pay, but
not dishonest, incapable of retrieving his affairs, by
.4lragging hint from his home and employment, and
shutting him up in a prison—,its mischievous conse-
quenCes to :society in general, by inducing trades-.
people and others to give unlimited credit, consider-
ing the body of their debtor pledged for payinent,
whereby they suffered great losses, and seduced

improvident customers into ruinous extravagance.
Such was our reasoning on this subject over and
over again, with the hope of making an impres-
sion upon the Legislature favourable to the reform ofso
great an evil. When the Solicitor-General brought
a Bill into the House last Session to dispense
with the taking of special bail in cases where the
debt did not amount to 20/. we advocated that Bill,
I because it introduced sonic improvement into our
laws, although we declared our own opinion to be
opposed to arrest for debt on 771C.511C proces alto-
gether. We do not recollect that any Member of
Parliament at that time, except Mr. Hume, declared
himself to be of the same opinion; even the " pa-
triotic" Mr. Hobhouse, who has so often declaimed
about the " liberty of the subject" in Palace-yard,
and so often toasted the same liberal sentiment at
Westminster dinners, thought the Solicitor-General
was making a dangerous innovation upon the old
imprisonment system, and predicted most unhappy
consequences from such a liberality of concession in
a Law Officer of the Crown. The Bill, however,
passed into a law—and, limited as its operation is,
tit consequence of the smallness of the sum to which
it was confined, yet it has already been productive
I of a great deal of good. To abolish arrests for debt
on 11WIne proces altogether is a part of the proposed
amendments of the law by Mr. Brougham—at least,
as far as his speech, on moving for a Commission
of Inquiry, may be considered indicative of his
intentions. How does he treat the subject ?
We shall quote his own words—': Why," the
I Learned Gentleman says, " should a man be arrested
lon »mane proces at all? (Such a question, per-
' haps, Mr. Hobhouse can resolve.) Is it right that
on the oath of a party who swears that he owes him
1.51. (the sum is 20/.) a man shad be dragged from
his home, wife and children, and from his coun-
try ? Is this right ? But such is the law, which
strangely enough proceeds on the supposition that a
man who owes money—be it a small or a large sum,
be he able to pay it or be he not--always intends to
run away; that is the principle of the law. Are
ye reasonable legislators ? Do ye legislate like men
of sense, of humanity, when you make laws for, or
rather I should-say against all men, because the case
of one single man may, perhaps, justify such laws?
That is not wisdom. Ye ought rather to determine
to -make the tradesmen less easy in giving credit.
Tradesmen are seduced into giving credit by the
facility, as they think, in recovering the amount of
their bills. There is a competition among them who
shall give credit, to needy destitute persons ; and the
consequence of doing so is, that those who pay have
a del credcrc tax levied on them, proportioned to the
losses of their insolvent customers." Such is the
rummerin which Mr. Brougham, in a speech that
will do him more honour than any that he has ever
delivered in Parliament, treats the practice of arrest
for debt ; nor do we think the worse of his argu-
ments on this subject because they are our own.—
Morning Herald.
The attempts of the Whigs to defend the Treaty
of the 6th of July, are the most amusing specimens
of fatuity which we recollect to have seen. They
flounder and roll about in the most ludicrous man-
ner imaginable ; they cannot advance a step in their
argument without trampling upon some of their for-
mer principles and professions, without misquoting
or misapplying history ; but no matter, the treaty
has obtained the name of a liberal treaty; certain
Whi„..s in place had a hand in the framing of it; and
it is therefore to be defended for the honour of li-
berality and Whiggism at all hazards. . It is impos-
sible to forget•the zeal, the fury rather, with which,

not longer than three or four years. ago; reiery man
of the party contended for the principle that no Go-
vernment'has a right to interfere in the internal af-
fairs of another, or. the unmeasured abuse which
they poured- forth upon•the Emperor of Russia, the
Emperor of Austria, and the King of France,
because: those Monarchs did not in practice
yield unqnalified obedience to this paramount
and indispensable laws And It
.is equally impos-
sible to contrast the stormy . declamations of
that period with the language they now hold in re-
gard to this same principle without the strongest
feelings of contempt and disgust towards the whole
party. Their minds are now upon the rack—every
man of them is now taxing his ingenuity to the ut-
most to imagine evasions and qualifications • of this
their supreme and inviolable law of the other day.
It is rather a curious enquiry how much of the value
of the principle for Nv hi ch the Whigs argued with so
much zeal, and vituperated with so little decency a
year or two ago, would remain, if the limitations and
exceptions for which they now contend were ad-
mitted. Lord Carnarvon the other night cited the
exanvle.of. Queen Elizabeth, who afforded aid to
the Huguenots of France and the Protestants of the
Low Countries, when in rebellion against the French
and Spanish Crowns, with which sbe nevertheless
remained in amity.. They were fighting for religious
liberty, says his Loidship, as the Greeks are fighting
now. The anxiety of, the Noble Lord to maintain his
parallel has led him into a slight inaccuracy here—
the Greeks are not fighting for religious liberty
so much as for national independence. This is
however comparatively unimportant ; but this Whig
Lord either forgets, or does not know, that the amity
between the British Queen and the Monarchs of
France and Spain was a simulated amity on all sides;
that the parties were really at war, although they
permitted each other by a sort of tacit, agreement,
and for the common convenience of all, to wear the
mask of peace ; and he intends to convey the idea,
for otherwise his precedent. would be without mean-
ing, that apait from all other- considerations, and

. -
upon the ground inerelY.ofthe revolt in France and
the Low Countries having originated in differences
of religious faith, the Queen of England would have
had a right to assist the insurgents. Here then.is
one very large Whig exception to the principle of
non-interference. Another exception to .this prin-
ciple of non-interference arises,- . according to the
Whig doctrine of February, :IS2B, (for we must
date the doctrinces of the ,Whigs by menths,
or we can have little chance of being accu-
rate), whenever the contest ;between rebel sub-
jects and
.their- Monarch is attended with acts
on either side revolting to humanity. This is
an exception which at once annihilates- the rule, for.
we do not recollect an instance of popular revolt, nor
is one likely to occur at any future time, in Which
acts revolting to humanity have not, or will not be
committed. Another of their exceptions is, when
the struggle between a Sovereign. and his rebellious
Subjects has lasted too long, although they do not
deign to fix the precise term of limitation. The last
of their exceptions which we shall notice is the most
curious of all. They say, almost in .o many words,
that when one powerful Monarch has expressed his
determination to interfere, or apprehensions of his
interference are for any other reason entertained,
the rule from that Monarch lose's'. its authority
over all other Governments whateier. We have
rather understated this ; for, according to the
-Whigs, the mere probability that Russia would
one day or other determine to interfere, is
sufficient to justify' the immediate' interference
of France and, England. If these comprehensive
,limitations and exceptiOns are allowed, we should
really be glad to know, and we hope some Whig
,casuist will hasten to ,inform us, to what class of
cases the rule, in support .of which the: Whigs ex-
erted themselves so ingeniousiy a Omit time ago, is
henceforth to be applied. -With respect to the ex-
planations which have already taken place upon the
subject of the dissolution of the late Ministry, we
have for the present only to repeat, that they corn-
pletely bear us out in every thing which in the first

instance we advanced upon those interesting occa-
sions. And, as still further explanations will pro-
bably be called for, in consequence of the guarantees
stated by Mr. Huskis3on at the Liverpool Elec-
,tion to have heel] given as the conditions of his
acceptance of office in the present Administra-
tion, we shall now content ourselves with re-
peatiog what the glorious Wellington, with that
manly openness, and candour for which he is
•so highly and justly distinguished, said upon the
subject, in the House of Lords on .Monday
last.—" Is it to be supposed (observed the Noble
Duke) that the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr.
Euskisson) ever used such expressions as were
ascribed to him at the Liverpool Election ? If be
had entered into any such corrupt bargain as he was
represented to describe, he would have tarnished his
own fame as much as I should have disgraced mine.

It is much more probable, though I havenot thought
it worth my wh:le to ask for any explanation on the
subject, that my Right Hon. Friend stated, not that
he had concluded any, wholesale bargain with me,
but that the men of whom the Government is com-
posed are in themselves a guarantee to the public

that their measures will be such as will be conducive
to his Majesty's honour and interests, and to the
happiness of the people."—(Hear, hear.)—Morn-
! ing Post.
The debate of Monday night, in the Lords, was
ostensibly on the battle of Navarin, but in reality on
the battles of the late Cabinet. Lord Carnarvon
mo-
ved for papers touching the " untoward" collision of
the Christians and Turks, and was furnished by
Lord Goderich with a full and particul!tr account of
the collision between Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Her-
ries. It will be fresh in the recollection of our rea-
ders, that Mr. Huskisson, in his explanation at Li-
verpool, approached very slightly the cause of the
dissolution of Lord Goderich's Ministry, which
arose, he said, out of certain occurrences that took
place in December last. Those occurrences, which
took place, not in December, but in October last,
were fully stated by Lord Goderich, and the state-
ment is curious, as being diametrically opposite to
that which was studiously propagated by Lord Go-
derich's friends at the time when the disputes in ques-
tion were going on. Mr. Huskisson it appears named
Lord Althorp to all his colleagues, with the excep-
tion of Mr. Ilerries, as the person whom he wished
to be Chairman of the Finance Committee. He
also, in a general way, requested to know from that
Noble Lord whether he would accept of the honour
that was intended to be put upon hini. After the
matter had been talked of and discussed, though in
such a way as not at all to bind the Cabinet, it was
mentioned to Mr. Herries, to whom, it is admitted,
it ought in courtesy to have been communicated
before, Mr. Ilerries did not, it seems, at first
speak very decidedly on the point, but having given
it a night's consideration, he found ins not having
been informed of the nomination so very objection-
able, that he sent to Lord Goderich a tender of his
resignation, rather than allow it to be carried. into
effect. Lord Goderich prayed and entreated Mr.
Herries to reconsider the case, but could obtain no
answer but the tendered resignation. He then
turned to Mr. Huskisson, and found him as obsti-
nate in supporting Lord Althorp as Mr. Herries was
in opposing him. Now, what could Mr. Canning
have done in such a case ? We believe lie would
have at once dismissed that one of the disputants
with whose services he could most easily dispense.
What would the Duke of Wellington have done ?
We believe that he would at once have dismissed
them both, judging, perhaps most wisely, that those
who were unwilling to leave such a trifling point to
the decision of the majority of their colleagues, were
not likely to gire strength to any Cabinet. What
of Lord Goderich ? He rode dawn to Windsor to
complain to the King of his two naughty friends, as
if his Majesty were to.interfere to bolster up a Mi-
nister's weakness and indecision, in every petty case
of misunderstanding among the subordinate Mem-
bers of Government. His Majesty finding that
Lord Goderich had not firmness to make the office
of Premier respected, was necessarily called on to
look round for one who, when his colleagues chose

.
Ao be unreasonable, or to fall out with one another,
had head enough and heart enough to apply the r
medy which their folly or their wrangles. required...or .
'the most curious part of the eventful history, how ;
ever, remains. Both the Gentlemen who had quar-
relled, and tendered their resignations, on this all-
important appointment of Lord Althorp, remain
quietly in the Cabinet and Lord Goderich, the
peace.maker, quits it. It was impossible, however,
although Mr. Herries and Mr. Huskisson might be
content with the matter thus, that the world would
not regard such a termination with jealousy ; and this,
Mr. Huskisson, when he appeared before the good
people of Liverpool, discovered. His, explanation
there was quite as unique in its way as Lord Gode•
rich's has since been. According to Mr. Huskisson,
the Duke of Wellington and the whole of the Ca-
binet were bound to follow at his beck, on pain of
being sent about their business sans ceremonie.—
He had guarantees, he said, to that effect ; and, with
these in his pocket, he was, in fact, Prime Minister
of England. The Duke of Wellington does not
seem to have relished this strong mode of talking,
and on Monday gave to Mr. Huskisson, something
very like a-direct denial, by asserting that no gua-
rantee, save the guarantee of his character, had ever
been asked or given. Between Mr. Huskisson and
the Duke of Wellington, few will hesitate which
most to credit.. The former seems, indeed, to have
been fully aware
..of _this, and that, in fact, the
time was come:for another trial of strength, for, yes-
terday, we are assured, he gave in his resignation.—
We rather think, however, that he will find that he
has no Lord Goderich to deal with now. He will
not come the old soldier over the Duke. His resig-
nation, if really tendered, will be eccepted,. and his
place supplied. IndeOd whether he has resigned,
or whether the rumour he a false one, there
.can be -
but little doubt that if the Duke wish his Govern-
ment to be firmly fixed on public opinion, after,
what has taken place, he must gratify the olonies
by looking for another Colonial Secretary.—New
Times.

The step lately taken by the Country Bankers in
laying their 'grievance before the First Lord of
the Treasury and the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer, is one which a due regard to the protec-
tion of their property imperiously demanded.
Threatened as they are in their most vital interests
by irruptions of a gigantic monopoly into their re-
spective provincesoio time is to be lost in making a
vigorous stand, if they wish it to be efficient. It
is even too late for them to confine themselves to
the defensive. They must not only resist, they must
repel. They must not only preserve, they must re-
deem. The enemy is not only gathering his forces—
he is not only -forming Armies of Observation,wliich
may be turned afterwards into instruments of inva-
sion and conquest—he has already entered and esta-
blished his quarters -in the heart of their dominions.
Branch flanks occupy the vantage ground, and a
chain of posts is thus already formed to circumvent
the whole land, and to enthrone the Threadneedle-
street monopoly on the ruins of the most ancient,
the soundest, and the most respectable private bank-
ing-houses; for, in a contest carried OR in that man-
ner, neither length of duration, stability, and extent
of means, nor unimpeached and unimpeachable cha-
racter, can contend, single-handed or divided,against
an united body, 'rooted with exclusive rights and
privileges in the metropolis, and stretching forth
its gigantic arms in all , quarters to possess itself
of all the active industry and circulating riches of
the land. This is a subject of great importance both
to individuals and to the country, and one to which
we shall have occasion to revert more than once, in a
more decided and comprehensive manner than our
present space allows.--,lbid.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

counT OF CHANCERY, FEB. 12.
IN THE HATTER &F A WARD OF COURT.

Mr. LOVETT informed his Lordship, that affidavits
had been since. fled, verifying the statement, made
yesterday respecting a young gentleman who had
married. a- Ward .of Court.
The Lorin CI;ANCELLOR directed the parties to
attend him in his private room at the House of
Lords, at five o'clock. • Ha would in the meantime
read'all'the affidavits,' and be prepared to deliver his
opinion upon the case: