The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-01 00:00:00

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Nottingham, Aug.2l, 1841
This extraordinary cure is attested by Mr. James Wilcockson,
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o Mr. W. Grimstone.
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• l am, Sir, your obliged servant,
Aug. 28,1841. ANNNIS ZENIA MASSENIA.
should not de _ yon justice without stating my relief
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UERBARY, HIGAGATS

We understand that above two thousand pictures,
many of them of singular merit, have been rejected at the
Royal Academy, owing to the want of space. It is pitiable
that, in a country like ours, no building should exist to
afford sufficient room for the production of our artists, and
that so large a sum of money should have been expended on
one so perfectly inadequate to the purpose for which it is
meant. How discouraging must it be to artists who have
exerted their talents and expended their labour for many
months to produce Irog of excellence, to find themselves
defeated in their objet exhibiting them to the public and
-earning the meed cf approbation so justly their due.—Court
Journal.
• INTERESTING TRIAL OF SPEED.—On Friday an
interesting trial of speed took place between that fast steamer
the Princess Alice, and the new steamer, No. 10 Waterman,
belonging to the Waterman's Steam-packet Company, whose
extraordinary performances in the river have lately excited
so much interest. This steamer, which is only 107 feet long,
was built by Messrs. Ditchburn and Mare, and carries two
engines of 16-horse power, constructed by Messrs. Penn and
Son, of Greenwith, left Woolwich on Thursday, on a trial
trip, with coals for five days' consumpt9lon, and ran down to
Margate in four hours and fourteen minutes; afterwards she
crossed over from Margate to Ostend, against a strong head
wind, in five hours and twelve minutes. Yesterday she came
from Ostend, and reached Calais jtal before the Princess
Alice left for Dover; she then laid for the latter, and,
starting with her, quickly outstripped her larger competitor,
past
a sol latter
et
the
oehu
Waterman,s
-andr t l t ifvoor
forty
sails i m
as n
minuted.—Dover
to u
tetonh
te.wind,d_zo
ovra
DovernTd e ie rrape
Harbourt uh return
dtwifnio minutes before her. The Alice performed the dis-
tance whenowtananl lYck.eet
I Saturday.

[The f°llowhig iS'as culler Report of the proceedings on
this subject, in the House of Lords on Monday night,
than we had space for in our yesterday's morning
Edition :--,]
Lord COLCHESTER--I take the liberty of asking a
question of the Nobly. Duke below me, relating to a
subject of great iMportance, which has excited much
surprise in the public mind within the last two days.
The recal' of the Governor-General of India was an-
nounced to your Lordships on Friday, and it was at the
same time stated that, it had not met with the approba-
tion of her Majesty's Ministers. I will take the liberty
of now asking, whether the communication, made by the
Board of Directors to .ber Majesty's Government was
accompanied by any reasons for recalling the Governor-
General ? I will further take the liberty of asking the
Noble Duke, if he, has no objection, to state to the
House what were those,reaions, If there were any, and;
further, 'whaher Abe Cburt of Directors had sufficient
authority, fat: the step they bad taken ?
The' Duke of WELLINGTON—I regret that my
Noble Friend ibe:Preeitient of the Board of Control
should be absent from his plaCe, on account of indispo-
sition. IflTelatitW to t* Noble Lord's questions, I be-
lieve one has bcoii put 4th the same object in another
place, and I timi• lad- iiiat I am enabled to answer it.
There is no dolt vi ever, my Lord, that the Court of
Directors have ted. ens for the measure which they
bade 'taped, which' ns have not been• concurred in
by her Majesty's Government. Those reasons have not
been considered valid, and, therefore, her Majesty's Go-
vernment have not coneurrW in the measure adoptel—
nay more, my Lords, I will add, in answer to the
last part of the Noble . Lord's question, that her Ma-
jesty's Government did remonstrate against the mea-
sure proposed to be adopted by the Court of Directors,
and the resolution of recalling Lord Ellenborough from
_ _

the office of Governor-Gene;al of India. I must add
that there can be no doubt whatever—although a doubt
was expressed by a very great authority, my Noble and
Learned Friend opposite—of the legal right of the
Court of Directors to recal the Governor-General;which
right is conferred upon that body by statute. I imagine
it has existed at all times since 1784, but it was con-
ferred particularly by the law passed in the year 1813,
which has been replaced by the law passed under the
auspices of my Noble and Learned Friend in 1833, the
3d and 4th William IV. That law giies the Court the
undoubted right to recal the Governor-General. But,
my Lords, I conceive that that right is one which that
body is bound to exercise with discretion—(Hear, hear)
—as all bodies and all individuals invested with extra-
ordinary powers by the provisions of law are bound to
exercise such powers with discretion. Now, my Lords,
I venture to submit to your Lordships, as the opinion of
an individual who has had some experience in these
matters, that this exercise of power, to say the least of it,
is not a discreet exercise of power. My Lords, the
Court of Directors has that power—it has the power of
nominating a successor to the noble person who is thus
recalled ; but it has no other power whatever, as your
Lordships will find on examining the law, excepting
under the direction and control of the Board of Com-
missioners, of which my Noble Friend, who is now
absent, happens to be at the head, and for the acts
of which Board her Majesty's Government are respon-
sible. Under these circumstances, my Lords, I venture
to say, and it is, I think, the least that can be said of
it—that it is not a discreet act of authority to recal from
power, and from such a situation as that is, an officer
who has been in his high office but little more than two
years, and who has given satisfaction to those by whom
he was instructed and employed, whose acts have been
concurred in and• sanctioned in every instance—to reed
that officer suddenly, making no provision for the per-
formance of the great duties which devolve upon the Go-
vernor-General in that country—to recal that officer,
who was confided in by the Government, who were re-
sponsible for the condition of public affairs, without
the concurrence of that Government, is, my Lords, an •
act, to say the least of it, which cannot be called a dis-
creet exercise of the power with which that body is in-
vested. My Lords, I do not mean to refer to anything
on this occasion which is not notorious and is not in the
Act of Parliament ; but I beg your Lordships to ob-
serve, that the body which has ,carried into execution
this act, which I must call an act of indiscretion, at least
—I say, at least, I call it an act of indisCretion—this
body, as your Lordships, by looking at the Act of Parlia-
ment, will see, has no knowledge whatever of the in-
structions under which this officer is acting.—(Hear,
hear.) They have stated reasons for withdrawing him,
founded, of course, on his public conduct—but as a body,
those who have proposed it, except those who are acting
on the Secret Committee, have no knowledge whatever
of the instructions under which he has been acting, or
, of the events which have taken place in that country,
excepting what has been in the general knowledge
of this and the other House of Parliament, and
the whole public of this country and the world.
And-yet, my Lords, those gentlemen, pretending their re-
sponsibility, having had no share whatever in giving
this officer instructions, having had no knowledge, as
the Act of Parliament will show they are bound to have
none, of the instructions that have been sent him, pro-
nounce their judgment upon his conduct and recal him,
thus depriving the Government of that country of the
best instrumenr—the best instrument, I say it again—
that they could find to carry on the duties of that great
office, and making no provision whatever, nor proposing
any, except that there should be another Governor-
General, for the performance of those duties, and for
satisfying the responsibility of her Majesty's Govern-
ment. As I have said so much on this subject, in
order to illustrate-tlii; indiscretion of this act—the indis-
cretion, I say—l will
just go a little further. My Lords,
although I believe that this is the first time in the his-
tory of the government of India that this measure of
recal by the Court of Directors had been on the point of
being carried into execution, and will be carried into ex-
ecution, it has more than once been in contemplation,
but always been withdrawn, upon the advice and remon-
same gentlemen,
strance of the Minister of the day ; and, my Lords, it
is the fact that it had been in contemplation by the
yal in the course of the last twelve months, and they
were prevailed upon to withdraw their resolution and not
in respect to this very Governor-Gene-
to proceed to determine his recal. My Lords, this was
previous to the late great operation, of which we have
all read with so much satisfaction, in Gwalioran opera-
tion which I am sure your Lordship will have
perceived,
from a perusal of the reports which have been made, must
ra elle t
mustio n andha v
esuperintendence
seenthat
the
f preparations thehave been founded upon the most just and discrimi-
nate measures adopted. by the Government for the
equipment, the support, and the maintenance ..of the
Government.
made,
not N
onlyi e
armies which were to be put into the field under the di-
for the support and maintenance of the troops in the
field, but for their military communications, whatever
might be the course' of the operations, for their advance
and retreat, and, -in short, all that could tend to their
o
success, were amply provided for. Well then, my Lords,
what would have occurred if the Court had thought
proper to recal that Noble Lord six or eight months ago,
when they had the measure' in contemplation ? What
would have become of she great operation carried on,
as I said, under the superior management and direction
of my Noble Friend the Governor-General ? Why,
my Lords,_ it must have been left to be carried on by
the gentlemen who happened to be senior member
of the council, a very respectable gentleman, I doubt
not, but without the peculiar experience and talents in
that very branch of the: government as respects the
equipment, - management, and superior direction of
armies. It. would have been left to be carried on in that
way ; and I leave your Lordships to judge of what the
situation of the Government in India would have been
if that expedition had failed, and such an army as
we have seen described in one of the blue books
on your table had remained in existence, threat-
ened, as we were at the same moment, by a si-
milar body on the north-west frontiers, with the pro-
vince of Sinde still unsettled, and that army destroyed,
as it has been, under the superior direction of my
Noble Friend, within reach of the communications be-
tween our army employed on the north-west frontier
and the Bengal provinces. Why, my Lords, the dan-
gers would have been imminent, and this would have
been the consequence of the , recal of my Noble Friend
six or eight months ago, which was in contemplation,
and was only prevented by representations being made
to those who have now committed that gross indiscre-
tion of recalling the Noble Lord. It was prevented only
by the representations made to those gentlemen of the
dangers which would ensue to the public interest from
the measures which they were about to adopt, the dan-
gers resulting from the impossibility that they would be
able to provide for events which most probably would
occur if they recalled their officer without the consent of
ker Majesty's Government, who would thus be deprived
of the instrument in their hands best fitted for carrying
their policy into execution, while the Directors in this
country must be unable to direct the means in existence
for securing the safety of their troops, for guarding
their frontier, for upholding the honour of her Majesty's
arms, and the security of our vast dominion in that part
of the world. I say again, as I have said before, and I
say the least of it when I pronounce it to be the most
indiscreet exercise of power that I have heard carried
into execution by any body who possessed the power
since I have had a knowledge of public affairs, which I
am sorry to say has now been for about fifty wears.
Lord BROUGHAM—As my Noble Friend has refer-
red to me, I beg to set him right in his supposition that I
questioned the legality of the act of the Court of Direc-
tors. My Lords, I did not question it ; I was quite
aware that there was, by the strict letter of the law, an
independent power given, in very ample terms, to the
Directors to recal any officers at their will and pleasure
—the words- are, " at their own pleasure." But I ven-
tured to express, to say the least of it, my. doubts
whether any law so absurd as that had ever been suffered
to exist on the statute-book of any rational people, be-
cause, as my Noble Friend has justly stated, while three
, only of the twenty-four Directors are by law allowed to
know the instructions sent out, under the sanction of a
solemn oath not to communicate them to any of the
others ; yet the whole twenty-four, by that extraor-

dinary law, are entitled to act, as they could only be
justified in acting, if they had a perfect knowledge of all
those communications—namely, to recal the Governor-
General for actin...on instructions which they knew no-
thing about, and 'for refusing to act on which he would
be liable to be impeached, he being bound to obey those
instructions. I therefore took the liberty of calling your
Lordships' attention to this most anomalous law, and I
was reminded by my Noble Friend that it was renewed
when I held the great seal. I then stated that it was re-
new.al without consideration at the time, at all events
without discussion, while my Noble Friend, not now in
his place, talked of it as if it had been the subject
of a very grave and solemn deliberation. I had no re-
collection of that ; I was quite confident my Noble Friend
was imagining the fact ; and accordingly I have since
looked into the very accurate report of those discussions
which at that day, in the Mirror of Parliament, were
given word for word in both Houses. Now, my Lords,
it appears there was not a single word said of it in either
House. I have looked into the papers of the corre-
spondence between the Direetors and the Board of Con-
trol, and there is not one single word' said of it in these
on either side ; .and I have looked• into the debates of
1784, when Mr. Pitt first brought in the Bill containing
this ill-omened clause, for it was in that originally, and
I find not one single-word said on either side in either
House of this extraordinary pewee. And for this rea-
son, that before that Act. the Court had the absolute
power in its own hands, and all the debate arose on the
limitations of that power, not on, granting them any new
authority. I verily believe it was left in one India Bill
after. another from a perfect persuasion that it would
never be acted upon, but would remain a dead letter,
unless some extraordinary emergency, some crisis of the
fate of our Indian empire, should call upon the
Directors to exercise this most anomalous and extraor-
dinary jurisdiction. I quite agree with my. Noble Friend
that this exercise was intended to be, not at the sport or
caprice of individuals, or without great reason and most
weighty and urgent necessity, the very statement of
which would be its own vindication. Whether the Di-
rectors' have acted on such grounds or not, I leave
your Lordships to gather from the most weighty cen-
sure, •or at all events disapproval, which my Noble
Friend has, in the exercise of his duty, deemed it ne-
cessary publicly to give, with an authority which will
be universal in this country, in Europe, and in India,
wherever a name is known, and an authority is ap-
pealed to which is.as illustrious and as much enshrined
in the greatest renown of successful councils and suc-
cessful arms as any that can be found in either hemi-
sphere of the globe. There is an appeal, no doubt, but
I do not expect that any one will be so venturous as to
call on either House of Parliament to pronounce their
approval, I would almost say their patient bearing, of
the proceeding which has now been discussed. I believe
if any proposition were made in either House of Par-
liament for a vote approving of this extraordinary pro-
ceeding, that it would be met by as triumphant a debate,
and as decisive a majority against it, as any ill-fated
proposition ever met in either House of Parliament.—
(Hear, hear.) It will be for my Noble Friend opposite
and her Majesty's Government, in the exercise of their
sound discretion as administerin the Government, and
as Peers of Parliament, or Membersce
of the other House,
to consider whether enough has now been done in order
to convey to India the decision that the policy—the
brilliant and successful policy—of my Noble Friend the
Governor-General has met with the entire sanction and
approbation of the Parliament of this country. If they
do not think it necessary to take any further step in
the matter, I shall not. But if any attempt be made to
obtain the sanction by Parliament of the course pursued
by the Court of Directors, there is no hazard, I think,
in predicting what the fate of such an experiment will be.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE—If we were now
discussing the extent of power conferred by the charter
of the East India Company, I should venture to ex-
press my dissent from the opinion pronounced by my
Noble and Learned Friend (Lord Brougham). Nor
can I think my Noble Friend as accurate to-night
in his recollection of facts as I have generally known
him to be. It may be true there was no discus-
sion in Parliament as to the - power of recal by
the Directors of the East India Company ; but in the
negotiations which took place in '33 between the Go-
vernment and the East India Company, this power is
most distinctly and directly adverted to, and the propo-
sition made by the Government of, the day to limit this
power within narrower limits was after much discussion
and deliberation withdrawn. But that point is not what
we have now to consider ; and, unfurnished as we must
all necessarily be with the information requisite for the
discussion of such a topic as that adverted to, I should
certainly not have risen, if it were not for what I must
take leave to call the somewhat extraordinary speech of
the Noble Duke. Without any notice whatever—with-
out our being in a position in any way to judge of the
justness of his strictures, the Noble and Illustrious
Duke—relying on that undoubtedly high authority
which everything that falls from him carries with it—
has pronounced a most grave censure on the eonduct of
the East India Company. My Noble and Learned
Friend (Lord Brougham) next rises, and challenges
any Member of -Parliament to call in question the pro-
priety of the censure pronounced by the Noble Duke,
or to ask a contrary opinion from either House
of Parliament. Why, my Lords, how are we
to judge of the propriety of this censure ?
What knowledge have we of the circumstances
which induced the East India Company to take this
unexpected and strange step, and what right have we to
suppose—with all precedents leading to a contrary con-
clusion, and this power never having been exercised by
the Company up to this time—that it was now exercised
without just and extraordinary reasons? The Noble
Duke stated, and my Noble and Learned Friend re
peated the assertion, that the Directors must be neces-
sarily ignorant of the instructions under which the Go-
vernor-General acted, with the exception of the Secret
Committee. But must we not suppose that this Com-
mittee, being elected, is constituted of men in whom the
Directors have confidence, and must not the decision of
the Committee influence in turn the opinions of the
Directors ? The Noble Duke told us (what is well'
known to the public) that this step was in former times
in contemplation, but that the influence of the Govern-
ment prevented its being carried into effect. Why, my
Lords, what a censure is this on the Government of the
day, when we know that the great body ofthe Directors
consists of persons who are in general most favourable
to the views of the present Government, who cannot be
supposed to have acted as they have done except on the
gravest consideration, and who could not have refused
to listen to the advice of Government ; nay—after what
has passed to-night—who seemed to have passed a reso-
lution in defiance of this recommendation. And of this
resolution, allow me to say, we know nothing, except
what we have learned to-night, and we now hear it has
been under consideration seven or eight months. The
Noble Duke illustrated the injudicious exercise of the
power of the Directors, by stating the difficulties that
might have occurred if exercised sooner. Why, does
not the fact that they took such a period for delibera-
tion show that they listened with calmness, forbear-
ance, and patience to whatever argument could be
urged against the exercise of a power with which
they were entrusted, for the well-being of a great
empire ? The Noble Duke must permit me to say,
that 1,, have read' the papers relating to Gwalior with
little satisfaction. I think it a little unfair to have
entered on the discussion of this part of the subject,
when my Noble Friend (the Marquis of Normanby),
who had given notice of a motion on the subject, had, for
the present, withdrawn it ; but if our opinion be asked,
I, for one, must say that, looking at.the papers generally,
if the war is great in extent, great in loss of life, and
great in the consequences which must result from it, I
cannot look on it with satisfaction, because I have the
misfortune to feel convinced that every good object
which has been attained by the gallantry and ability of
our troops, could have been attained without the blood-
shed 'that has arisen. lam not going to argue that
point now ; but when an opinion has been expressed on
one side, 1 thought it right to say that the House was
not unanimous in it. All sides, I thought, concurred the
other evening in the opinion diet the discussion should,
for the present, be postponed until Lord 'Ell'enborough's
arrival, unless Parliament should at once be called on
to take some decided step in the matter. After what
has passed, I feel no hesitation in asking the Noble Duke
whether it is the intention of the Government to lay on
the table any communications which- may have passed
between the Board of Control and the East India Com-
pany on this subject ?
The Duke of WELLINGTON—AIthough he was
anxious'to afford their Lordships every information yet he
thought at the present moment it was not desirable to do so.
A question had been put to him by his Noble Friend
(Lord Colchester), and in reply he said no more than
what he considered to be his duty, and nothing which
had fallen from the Noble Marquis opposite would induce
him to alter his opinion as to the indiscretion of the con-
duct of the Court of Directors.
The Marquis of NORMANBY was sorry the Noble
Duke opposite said that he would not lay upon the table
the papers referred to. He did not think such a course
was in accordance with the usual straightforward con-
duct of the Noble Duke, because otherwise the Court of
Directors would not have an opportunity of having a
fair trial.
The Duke of WELLINGTON (as we could under-
stand) said he thought he had a right to speak his
sentiments, and he also should say that the conduct of
Lord Ellenborough met with the entire approval of her
Majesty's Government.
Lord CAMPBELL thought it was essential that the
Court of Directors should be allowed to exercise their
undoubted and legal- right over the Governorship of
India, without being unduly interfered with.
After a few words from the Duke of BUCCLEUCH,
the matter dropped.

•
DESTRUCTIVE FIRE.—The passengers by the mail
train this morning report that on passing the valuable mills
of Mr. Wilkins; at Twerton, near 'Bath, the premises were
in flames, and there appeared no probability of the progress
of the fire being arrested before causing the destruction of
property to an immense extent—Bristol Journal of Saturday.

Actual In.-
come and
Estimate Estimate
Expendi-
for the year ~,,,.e for ~,_ for the year
' ending '"` `'"` ending
April 5, eF April 5,
1 Aprils 844. enYdin ,
1845.
1844.
INCOME. £. .E. ' .f.
Customs 19,000,000 21,426,632 21,500,000
Excise
Stamps
Taxes 4,200,000 4,192,473 4,200,000
Property Tax
Post Office 600,000 628,000 600,000
Crown Lands 130,000 147,000 Iso,ooo
Miscellaneous
China Money
Bank Balances — 37,112
...........4--_:_,
Total Income 50,150,000 52,835,124 51,740,000
EXPENDITURE.
Debt
Consolidated Fund
---
31,535,725 31,485,048 30,097,110
Ar niy 6,619,788 6,118,656 6,6 6,868
Navy 6,382,990 6,286,057 6,2 ,128
Ordnance
Miscellaneous
China arrears — ,0011
Three-and-a-Half Per
Cent. Dissentients — 2cp,000
South Sea Company - ' 219,000
. ~ .
17,851,920 17,184,233 18,5+,060
. .
Total Expenditure
,
Surplus
Debt paid off — 2,749,000 —4
. .
, !
Real surplus for year ending sth .
April, 1844 1,416,000 '
. • -
Deduct postponed payment of 3-1 per ct. dividen 76 ,900
. . .
Estimated Surplus for the year ending April 5,
1845 ' 2,37 ,930
..

FROM THE MORNING-PAPERS OF TESTERDAY.
TIMES—Dr. Johnson says that the more human i
is inquired into, the more may it be traced to petty
comforts. Last night's Budget proceeds on this prim
As far as it -goes it 11... a clearance of small but vexa
items—the weeds of taxation.. We don't begin very gi
f ike the charity children in the front of a procession
least come first. The nation is to sacrifice 45,0001. to equ
the duties on. flint and bottle-glass. - The insignificant
of 25,000/. releases vinegar from taxation, and is a
relief to many branches of manufacture. At the expen eof
100,000/. a great reduction is to be effected in the dut on
marine- insurances-7a good beginning, which a pruden Go-
vernment willhe sure to follow up, for what can be orse
than a tax on prudence—a penalty on virtue ? Then me
good news for little boys and girls, who have a right to me
in for a bit of this wonderful surplus. With 900,000/, the
tai on currants is to be reduced from 225. to 15s. per twt.
The great falling off in the importation of currants was
really one of the most pathetic symptoms of the recent dis-
tress. As far as the poor are concerned, the golden apples of
the Hesperides are not a greater fiction than the roast-beef
and plum-pudding of England. The duty on foreign coffee
is to be reduced from Bd. to 6d.. a-pound. This great
boon to the poor " will cost only 50,0001. Then
follows a significant hint at the consequences; of
taxation. The duty on the spurious substitute, chicory, ils to
be raised. The next item is important, and will raise a qualm
or two, unnecessarily we think, in the hearts of our agricultu-
ral friends. The duty on raw wool, producing 100,0001., is to
.be abolished. This puts the finishing stroke to a long burden
-on British manufactures, and adds fresh obsoleteness to snch
historical curiosities as the act compelling burial in woollen.
The whole of these reductions amount to about -387,000/.
Considering that the Minister was much in the situation Of a
woman with a large, hungry, and ill-clad family, going to
market with ten shillings in her pocket, he has not dime
uniss. We now see the instructive force of the promised
issue of half-farthings by our thrifty Premier. To these
changes must be added a reduction of the differential duty on
foreign sugar, in favour of States not tainted with slavery.
The additional duty in their case is to be only 10s. The
'effect on the revenue, we suppose, cannot be easily calculated,
as' it 'is not stated. And now for the- income-tax. It is to
be considered next year. Perhaps the increasing surplus, and
perhaps the general improvement in trade, may then allow
us to define its somewhat indefinable duration. But to hope
for its early removal, we must have the faith of the sports-
man, who always went out as soon as he saw a patch of blue
sky large enough to make a pair of—what shall we say ?
gaiters, we suppose it was.
POST.—The Chancellor of the Exchequer laid before the
House of Commons, last evening, his annual statement of
the actual receipts and disbursements of the past, and the
- anticipated revenue and expenditure of the current years.
He commenced his financial exposition by avowing that
his estimated income of the year just ended had been greatly
exceeded by the actual income. Mr Goulbum next made
the avowal that his calculations of the expenditure of the
last year had far exceeded the actual disbursements. The
charge for the debt on the consolidated fund had fallen short
of his estimate by 50,000/. The expense for the army had
not been so great by 500,0001. as he had anticipated ; and
the navy had required less by 650,0001. than he had calcu-
lated. Taking together the increase of revenue received
over his last year's estimate, and the decrease of expenditure
below his last year's Computation, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer announced that, instead of 700,000/ sur-
plus which he predicted twelve months ago, the actual
surplus of receipts over disbursements, for the year
ending the sth of April, was 4,160,000/. From this
gross surplus on the past year, 2,749,000 L, the de-
ficiency of last year, being deducted, the net surplus
available was 1,400,0001. So far for the year just ended.
Having stated the results of the last, and his anticipations of
the present year, Mr. Goulburn considered the reduCtions of
duties which he would recommend. As the experiment of
the Tariff had not been fairly tried, and as the surplus could
not be regarded as a permanent one, he left the question of
the property-tax for deliberation next year, when it must
come under the deliberation of Parliament. The present
surplus in hand he proposed to apply to the augmentation of
the balances of the Exchequer, so as to render the Govern-
ment more independent of the Bank, and to conduct their
business on a surer basis. This he thought better than a
present remission of taxation. At the conclusion of his
-statement, Mr. Goulburn,announced that it was his intention,
when moving the. sugar duties, to propose, that from and
after November next the sugar produced in foreign countries,
which did not raise the produce by means of slave labour,
should be admitted into this country at a differential duty of
10s. ; that is, at a duty of 345. per cent., our colonial sugar
paying a duty of 245. Our treaty with 'the Brazils, by
which they were placed on the same footing as the most
favoured nations, expiring in November, is the reason why
November was fixed on by Mr. Goulburn for this change.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer concluded his statement
byasp
eccotnga whicht congratulating gfinances
parnesde-ntthedecountryear ofnrotmhethale tperreed.
ceding ones. . • b ner made last
tis
HERALD.—The Chancellor of the
be • although, no doubt, the
country that- statement must t
night his financial statement, 'and highly gratifying to the
difficulties to which the country
agreeable communication is not enhanced by the pleasure of
surprise. The losses and
jealous observers of our financial condition,
was exposed during the later years of the WhigAdtrtinistra--
tion, made us all
and most are, in consequence, as well apprised of the actual
state of the revenue as the Chancellor of the Exchequer him-
self. As far, therefore, as the financial and commercial pros-
perity of the country is concerned, Mr. Goulburn could tell
little last night which claimed attention by its novelty. The
net revenue of last year amounted, he said, oupwarelsnf
52,800,000/. (we omit the lesser figuraes)ti exceedingexceeding the his esti-
mate of 50,100,000/. by 2,700,0004
,and
the report ex-
penditure penditure of the country by, as we
the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech, 4,100 000/.and thus
enabling him to make good at once the whole' deficiency
of
the preceding year, 2,700,000/ surplus , with a handsome of
1,400,000/. still remaining. The *great then of the revenue be-
ythoend estimateuhnisexpeetea productiveness of ra
the Right Hon. Gen t.l igitmian ay tax
accounted by
800,0001- ; wine, 350,0001. • foreign wool, 200,0004 :
tea,
300,000/. ; sugar, 200,0004 &c. The Chancellor
-of the Exchequer next explained his' purpose and
- his expectations for the present year—rating the public ex-
penditure of the country at 48,600,000 L, the probable income
at about 51,800,000/, which leaves a balance of more than
- three millions sterling in appearance, 2,400,000/ in fact.
This is, we believe, a pretty fair outline of le: Goulburn's
financial statement, and it is gratifying on both sides; gra-
tifying, first, in the proof it affords that the Government is
happily in a condition to exercise a choice in dealing with
1
- the finances of the country—gratifying next, in the assurance
that we have escaped from that most ruinous of all systems,
whether to an individual or to nations, the " hand to mouth"
system ; and that her Majesty's Ministers have fairly resolved
to think a little of the future--a degree of providence of
which their predecessors for many years have certainly set
them "no example. From the slight sketch that we have
offered, it will be seen that the present prosperity is
dimeeadletehrse
means of future saying! not bbyaisinissu
j g gallant

dis-
tious
and.
' the
I,

Isum
treat