The Sun.
London, England, 1828-07-17 00:00:00

only by this country but by all Europe, to maintain
Peace between Russia and Turkey. The Noble
Lord pronounced, I will say, a very singular opinion,
when he expressed an anxious desire that the
Turkish Government should be destroyed in the un-
fortunate war that is now going on. I said a very
singular opinion, for I have the authority of the Mi-
nister of the Russian Empire himself to say,
that the earnest wish of his Imperial Master is,
that not only that the Turkish Empire should
not be destroyed, but that it should not be even
dismembered. (The Noble Duke here referred
to his mission to St. Petersburgh, declaring that
his instructions had solely had in view measures for
the restoration and the maintenance of peace—that
Peace was the only object kept in view, and that
peace was to be the sine qua non of any arrangement
to which he was authorised to assent. The incon-
venient state of the Bar prevented the possibility
of our Reporter's being able in this and in one or
two subsequent passages, to give the Noble Duke's
own words.) The Noble Lord says that we were
drivellers, because we had not had recourse to mea-
sures of force. We might have been decided on
that point, but I beg of your Lordships to consider
what was the state of those countries at that time.
The Turks and Greeks had been at war for several
• years. The Turks had been unsuccessful—the
Turkish army bad been destroyed in the Morea; at
the same time that which is essential to a war in that
country—a fleet—remained to them. It was con-
sequently considered that peace might, and that
peace ought to be preserved. Peace was our object
then to preserve—peace was our object (as it was
our hope) in July last—and peace was the object held
out and professed in the Cabinet, when we took
charge of the Government in December last, and it
is our object now. (Loud cheering.) It was
with this view that we (Ministers) recommended to
his Majesty to hold the language, in reference to the
subject, which occurred in his Majesty's Speech at
the opening of the present Session of Parliament,
and if we failed in the hope held out in that speech,
it was entirely owing to events over which we had
no controul.—(Hear, hear.)—When I mention these
circumstances it is not my intention to impute blame
to any person. I only mean to state that the dis-
appointment of those hopes is attributable to cir-
cumstances which we could not controul, and that
the orders in which those events originated were
issued six weeks before we entered upon office.
However, as my Noble Friend who preceded me in
this debate, has gone so fully into the details
of that part of the question as to leave me very
little to say upon it, I shall not further trouble your
Lordships respecting it, than to observe that the war
in which the Emperor of Russia has engaged since
the meeting of Parliament, has made a considerable
alteration in the affairs of Europe, and has necessa-
rily had a great influence upon the negeciations that
were in progress for the restoration of peace in the
Morea, and on the views of the parties. Having
said so much on this part of the subject, I shall now,
my Lords, advert to the other point referred to by
the Noble Lord—Portugal. When Parliament met
on the last occasion a British force was in posses-
Sion of Lisbon, with the concurrence of the Portu-
guese Government. At the same time it had been
settled—and settled very properly—that that force
should return home when the Prince Regent should
have arrived in that country. That Prince had
made certain arrangements in Vienna before he left
that city—engagements not entered into with us,
but at the making of which our Minister was present.
I' this country he entered into certain other ar-
rangements, to which his Majesty's Government
were parties. It is therefore most extraordinary that
this Prince should not have fulfilled those engage-
ments, and that so soon after his arrival in Portugal
he should have broken through all those still stronger
engagements by which he was bound to his Sove-
reign and his brother. (Cheers.) It appears that
in a very few days after his arrival in Lisbon, he
manifested a determination to break through his en-
gagements, and to forfeit all the pledges he had
given; upon perceiving which his Majesty's Ambas-
sador at Lisbon did that which was all that, under
the circumstances, he could do; he sent away the
means by which the proposed Revolution of the
Prince could be effected—l mean the money agreed
to be supplied to him by his Majesty's Government.
(Cheers.) Thus have we adopted every measure
in our power to prevent the success of those pro-
jects which have nevertheless, been realised.—
(Cheers.) Another object of that Prince was to
prevail upon us to leave our troops in Portugal for
a short time, in order to give to his Government
the appearance of being countenanced by the British
• Government. But from that time—from the very
day on which he manifested his determination to
overthrow the Constitution of Portugal, not one act
against which it might be supposed that this country
had a right to evince its displeasure, was done by that
Prince, upon which we did not strongly express the dis-
approbation of his Majesty. (Cheers.) From the first
moment when he displayed his determination to assume
the Crown, our Ambassador's resolution was formed;
and at the very moment when the Prince did so as-
sume the Crown, his Majesty's Ambassador left
Lisbon, and every thing has been since done to prove
the deep displeasure and disapprobation with which
his Majesty has viewed the conduct of that Prince.
(Cheers.)—The Noble Lord complains of our re-
cognition of the blockade of Oporto. The truth is,
that as soon as the information of that event reached
his Majesty's Government, that it was found to be
an effective blockade, it became necessary for this
country, in conformity with the usage on similar oc-
casions, to recognize it, and it then became our duty
to notify to British subjects that such blockade ex-
isted. It has been contended, and indeed is true,
that this blockade was not notified to us in the usual
Way—but the fact is, that owing to the suspension
of regular intercourse with Portugal, it was not pos-
sible for those exercising the Government of that
Country to communicate it to us with all the forma-
lities which it is customary to use when making such
notification. It was, however, notified to us as
early as was possible, under the circumstances—
‘vhen, finding that it was a blockade capable of
being maintained by a sufficient force, we were bound
to, recognise it. It is true, that notwithstanding the
blockade, some British ships got out of Oporto, some
, Of which had reached Boulogne (as we understood),
notwithstanding which, as far as his Majesty's Go-
'ernment have been able to learn, the transaction
Was regular.—(Hear.)—No man living regrets more
than I do the situation in which Portugal is now
,Piaced; no man is more deeply impressed with the
44Portance of the alliance of Portugal with this
country ; at the same time, I must say, having looked
Into all the treaties and all the documents bearing upon
them for the last thirty years, I feel bound to de-
Clare that we have no right to carry into effect
It the present moment any measure with respect to
'ortugal. If necessary, I could refer to many circum-
;tanees that have taken piece within the last six
,ears, in which it has been maintained, in this House
,
elsewhere, that we had nothing to do with differ-
ent
f.s, and that we had no right to interfere between
overeigns and their subjects. With respect to the
f°tni of Government adopted in Portugal, or any
ee'reign country, I must say, that it is the part of
:cry wise Government to abstain from all interfer-
. vaee—to wait and see whether such foreign Go-
cernment wished to preserve its alliance with this
hat ye
sovereigntys p
as of Portugal win Don Pedro,
and of course that his daughter was under his decree
the Sovereign of that country, cannot be disputed--
at the same time, I will contend, that we have no
right to interfere in asserting that Sovereignty. We
__do not yet knew what line that Monarch (Don
Pedro) will take with respect to the events and the
subject now under the consideration of your Lord-
ships—we have, therefore, no right, and I will say
we have no inclination,what to interfere until we know
measures he shal resolve, and his means of
carrying into execution his Government.—(Cheers.)
In support of this rinciple I could refer to the cir-
cumstances under which we guaranteed the Consti-
,tution of 1820, and to a more recent event—our
tending an army to Portugal the Commander of
which vas instructed most distinctly
and positively