The Sun.
London, England, 1844-12-26 00:00:00

THE FRENCH CHURCH.

The history of the Church of France, since the
period of the great Revolution to the present day, is
fraught with instruction to all who would learn by
what human means the power of religion may most
effectually be extended and established. Its various
vicissitudes, whether of deep depression or transitory
influence, alike impress on us a conviction of the deep
and indestructible influence of Christian faith, when
left to its own unaided operation on the human heart.
But they also show us that the most effectual ob-
stacle to this good influence is generally created by
the ambition and errors of the clergy, and by their
being permitted to interfere in political concerns.
The vitality of Christianity was never more signally
exhibited than in the stronghold which it was found
to have on the French nation after the long proscrip-
tion and complete spoliation to which it had been sub-
jected during the Revolution. After its churches had
for ten years been desecrated, its priesthood driven
into exile, its services discontinued, its holy days
blotted out of the calendar, the French peasant was
still found retaining the faith of his fathers and his
childhood. A deep sense of this fact induced
Napoleon to re-establish the Catholic Church as one
of the institutions of the country. But it suited
neither his love of power nor his deference for the
feelings of revolutionary France, to restore to the
priesthood the splendour or power which they had
enjoyed under the old regime. During his reign,
therefore, their lot was one of modest competence and
political obscurity. In retirement they devoted them-
selves to the labours of their sacred calling ; and, in
spite of the force of recent prejudices and recollections,
they succeeded in recovering a considerable amount
of influence over the national mind.
The Restoration came, and the first act of the re-
stored Bourbons was to re-establish the ancient con-
nexion between the altar and the throne. Wealth
and honours were heaped on the clergy of the Estab-
lished Church ; and they were not only called upon
to bear an ostensible part in the ceremonies of the
Court and the councils of the State, but a more substan-
tial authority was secured to them by the secret in-
fluence which they were allowed to exercise in all politi-
cal matters. From the bishops:and confessors who guided
the secret deliberations of the " Pavillon Marsan,"
down to the curate of the remotest village, the clergy
became the chief agents of polical intrigue, and
distributed almost the entire patronage of the Crown.
From the hour in which power and importance were
thus conferred on them, is to be dated the total
and almost immediate loss of all hold on the na-
tional mind. Thoughout France the clergy be-
came the objects of general distrust and hatred; and,
what was worse, the obloquy which they had called
down on their own heads was extended to
the religion which they taught. From 1815 to 1830
a feeling of irreligion or deism pervaded France ; and
while the higher literature of the country exhibited
the most marked re-action against the philosophy of
the eighteenth century, the creed of the people ex-
hibited the fanatical infidelity of the period of the
Revolution.
The Revolution of 1830 was celebrated throughout
France as a triumph of the people, not less over
priestly. influence than over arbitrary. power. The
very existence of the national church was for some
time in danger ; and it purchased its safety only by
the abandonment of all political power, and of a
considerable portion of its income, The priests, ter-
rified by the of the people, and opposed to

I the reigning dynasty, had no alternative but that
of retiring from politics, and applying their undi-
vided energies to their sacred duties. From that
time until within a very recent period, the growth
of their influence was as rapid and as steady as its
effects were wholesome. A religious spirit appeared
to extend itself thronhout all classes of the com-
munity ; the tone of scepticism and mockery be-
came unfashionable ; a respect for religion was
professed even where belief was not avowed; the
churches began to be filled ; and it was a novel sub-
ject of triumph to the clergy of Paris that even in that
capital of civilization and dissipation, at least half of
the congregation in every church was composed of
men. A sudden taste for building, repairing, and
beautifying churches struck the eyes of every traveller
as indicative of this remarkable change in the national
feeling.
Nor were there wanting to the clergy some indica-
tions of returning favour on the part of the Court as
well as of the people. The Queen of the French fur-
thered the efforts of the clergy with the zeal of a firm
and ardent faith ; and it became apparent that the
King himself was animated by a sincere conviction
that by showing favour to the clergy he might pro-
mote the interests of his dynasty. In fine, a year ago
the state of France afforded the most satisfactory
prospect to the friends of religion. There could be no
doubt of the existence of a more extensive and whole.
some state of religious feeling than had prevailed
since the revolution of 1789; and the most sanguine
hopes might reasonably have been entertained that,
by the continued zeal and moderation of the clergy,
the good work which they had so successfully begun
might be carried to a happy issue.
A year ago ! It was just a year ago that the incon-
ceivable rashness of the heads of the French clergy
destroyed in a few days the labours of the past and
the hopes of the future. Elated by the palpable evi-
dences of the extended influence of religion and in-
creased consideration for themselves, they seem to
have imagined that the time was come for asserting
with safety the pretensions which they had so long
been compelled to withhold. The wise counsels which
in general regulate the policy of the Roman Catholic
clergy, have at all times been liable to be marred by
the rashness of individual members of a hierarchy,
whose duties and associations are apt, at least in con-
tinental countries, to render them alien to the sympa-
thies and opinions of their fellow-countrymen. But
never were the evil consequences of this defect more
signally exhibited than on the occasion on which the
bishops of the French- Church thought fit to make
their re-entry in the arena of politics, and to make
the question of education the subject of their agita-
tion. It is not to be denied that the clergy had some
grounds for proposing reforms in the national sys-
tem of education at a time at which, independently
of them, the subject was to be brought under the
consideration of the Legislature. In spite of the
boasted improvements which philosophy had intro-
duced into education, it is now universally admitted
that, as far as elementary teaching was concerned,
the system adopted in the schools of the clergy had
been more successful than any other that had been
tried in France. The clergy had a perfect right to
demand a freer play for the experiment of their own
system than was allowed by the restrictions of the
existing law; and public opinion would undoubtedly
have gone with them, had they urged with temper
the liberty of education. But, instead of doing this,
all of a sudden, and as if by concert, bishops in
various parts of France startled the public with man-
demens and letters containing the most unprovoked
and outrageous attacks on the existing system of
education and all concerned in it. They denounced
the system as atheistical ; held up individual profes-
sors to obloquy as notorious infidels ; exhorted their
flocks to agitation against the law ; and went so far
as to declare that they would withdraw the chaplains
from the "infidel" colleges and academies. There
was no question on which a similar movement
would have brought the clergy into collision with
prejudices so fatal to their influence. The con-
nexion of education with the clergy naturally re-
vived the idea of the Jesuits; and all France was
agitated from one end to the other with a notion that
men whom they regard as the eternal enemies of
human progress were to be re-invested with the
power of fashioning the youthful mind to bondage.
Suddenly the work of thirteen years seemed to be
undone ; the fears and animosities of the days of
Charles X. started again into existence; the priests
became again the objects of popular indignation, and
it is too much to be feared that religion itself has
been once 3 more confounded with its teachers in the
public dislike. An irreligious reaction has been
gaining strength in France for the last twelve
months ; the exterior of Christian observance has lost
its tone of fashion ; Voltaire is restored to honour ;
and if you wish to ensure the circulation of a novel,
you must fill it with monstrous fables of the ma-
chinations of priests, and the dark villany of Jesuits !
Political parties have unfortunately seized hold of
these religious strifes, and mixed them up with the
contest for office. In the Bill which last session
passed the Chamber of Peers, and ss ill in the ensuing
form an early subject of discussion in the De-
puties, the Ministry endeavoured to moderate be-
tween the contending parties, and do justice to each.
M. Thiers, who was entrusted with the report of
the Committee of the Chamber of Deputies, saw his
opportunity, and turned it to account. In the very
able report which he presented at the close of last.
session, he contrived, with great semblance of fairness
and reason, to throw himself entirely into the current
of popular feeling, to stimulate the prevalent sus-
picions and animosities against the clergy, and by
almost imperceptible insinuations to involve the King
and his Ministers in the unpopularity of the Jesuits.
The utmost success attended his efforts. He and M.
Cousin have become the most popular men in France.
Nor do they mean to quit their hold of this question.
They know that an inbread jealousy of the clergy
pervades every portion of the middle classes of France;
and that feeling, if once roused into full activity,
would enlist on their side more than half of the Con-
servative supporters of M. Guizot. If; by keeping
the Minister to his proposal of last year, they can
apparently place him on the side of the clergy, they
deem, and rightly deem, their victory secure. And
hence, as we said a few days since, the present posi-
tion of the education question is the foundation of a
large portion of their hope of defeating the Minister
in the ensuing session.—Chronicle.

THE BISHOP OF EXETER AND
THE BISHOP OF WORCESTER.

The dispute between the bishop and residentiaries
of Exeter is relieved by contrast with the Bishop of
Worcester's admirable and well-timed charge to the
candidates for ordination. We have, in the first in-
stance, a bishop at war with his dignitaries ; in the
second, another bishop expressing sentiments con-
trary to the Bishop of Exeter, and that, too, on the
very questions that are fraught with so much interest
at this time, and have created so much excitement
among the laity, as well as among the clergy. All
this is fresh cause for dissatisfaction and regret ; but
we must not forget that it is the consequence solely of
an attempt to revive obsolete and antiquated usages
in which the people have firmly and properly refused
to coincide. NVe have never assumed that a congre-
gation are to dictate to their teacher, or a vestry
to prescribe to the clergyman what doctrine or
discipline he should maintain ; indeed, we never
yet heard of such an attempt, as it has always
been supposed a settled matter that the Prayer-book
is the rule of worship, and the articles and homilies
(generally) the true standard of faith for the Church of
England. But we do think that the question is alto-
gether distinct and of a very different character when
a body of the clergy take upon themselves to alter the
forms of Divine service, so long, so universally, and
so beneficially adopted, and introduce what are con-
fessedly so many novelties ; and, by the aid of strong
sermons and incessant personal agitation, try to gain
over their parishioners to their measures, or set them
at defiance if they do not succeed. This was borne
with considerable patience for a while, till the pros-
pect of one encroachment upon another induced the
lay members of the Church to discuss the subject se-
riously among themselves ; and when they found that
so little hope was there of the abandonment of these
usages, that they were even authorised and enjoined
by episcopal mandate, then, and not before, they be-
took themselves to public meetings, and showed a
decisive but respectful opposition to the obnoxious in-
novation. This has now gone on for some time—
quite long enough certainly to have softened the as-
perities of wilful rule, and taught reason where no-
thing but prepossession could before be heard.
The Bishop of Exeter, however, finds in all this
disaffection only a motive to persevere in his intention,
as a duty which he dares not evade. Let us see how
the observances for which he is content to run this
fearful risk are regarded by his Rev. Brethren on
the bench. his first point is the continued wearing
of the surplice. On Saturday last the Bishop of
Worcester, while addressing the candidates for ordi-
nation at their final examination, with a manliness of
avowal that claims our freest praise, openly declares,
in respect to the habit in which they ought to preach,
" This is a question so utterly unimportant that I
have nevec hitherto thought it worth while to express
my opinion on the subject." Nay, he advises them,
for fear of offence, " to continue the practice which
has so long prevailed, of preaching in their academical
habit, even though by so doing" they " deviate from
the precise directions of the rubric." He argues, in-
deed, and with great clearness, that the sermon never
did, and never could, according to the rubric, form
part of the Communion-service ; and he further ob-
serves, that had the surplice ever :been in general use
for preaching, we should have found some remnant of
it in one or both of the Universities; but such is not
the case. Again, the Bishop of Exeter ea,lva the
use of the prayer for the Church militant, as strin-
gently required by the ruhrio ; the Bishop of Worms-
ter conceives the yarlow, rubrics to be "certainly incon.
sistent," and uses the fact that this prayer hal really
been discontinued as a proof that tilo surplice WAS 119 t

~'

~.

• i
. ,
worn in the pulpit. He even supposes:4)4e Tti4o , litAL_l
the omission of the prayer was the 'use 4. tini ' ''
,sel
the pulpit, which rendered it awkwa W tii.jisiyii, e_,,szvt
tc......,,eth to change it for the surplice. Th IViikni 04 4'7' :
at all hazards, would compel tlitto ittoff-6 -
Offertory. The Bishop of WorceSl - INAAllig,
with the consent of the congregation, but not with-
out, it might be fairly employed on behalf of our
Church Societies. The " consent of the congrega-
tion " he holds to be " a material element in the pro-
priety of adopting such a practice," and that the
clergy have no " right to force upon a congregation
without their consent what is not strictly legal." He
quotes, too, the important decision of Sir L. Powys,
to which we first called attention, as a sufficient proof
that it is not legal to apply it to any other purpose but
the relief of the poor of the parish. llere, therefore,
the Church is at a stand. A clergyman ordained or
beneficed in the diocese of Exeter would be required to
use the surplice, prayer for the Church militant, and
Offertory. If transferred to, or promoted in, the diocese
of Worcester, he must use the gown for preaching, and
leave out the prayer for the Church militant and the Of-
fertory. A report has indeed reached us that Dr. Phill-
Potts, from respect to the hostile feeling it has en-
gendered, condescends to the wishes of the laity in
declining to insist upon the surplice. We hope it is
true, and we trust also he will not repeat the offen-
sive expressions by which he designates the respectful
remonstrances that have reached him. A clergyman
of his diocese, in forwarding some parochial resolu-
tions on the subject, has addressed to him a very
earnest, and, at the same time, a properly deferential
letter to second their entreaties. His Lordship can-
not, we think, long resist the tide of objection and
remonstrance now so obvious. Some strange mis-
representation, we have reason to believe, led him
into the error of the postscript that was apkc.ended
to the first issue of his letter to the Dean of Exeter.
Surely he must now know something of the danger
of taking too much for granted, or accrediting all
that he is told, and thereby being convicted of errors
which it is very difficult to explain or repair. He
believed what his prebendaries asserted, and otit came
his pastoral letter. He heard some curious tale of a
clergyman preaching in a great-coat, and put it in
print. It was all a mistake, and he called in the
impression of h' pamphlet. Will he still remain
obdurate on his former and more perilous misap-
prehension ? J.e has had proof enough, and more
than enough, o undeceive him. Let him recal his
inj unctions, f id insure peace and uniformity together.
—Times.

THE C iSE OF MR. C. C. WILSON.
(FROM A CORRESPONDENT.)
JERSEY, DEC. B.—lt is strange that, notwithstand-
ing the high and varied talent employed on the press,
such gross ignorance should prevail respecting our
laws and the working of them. This ignorance seems
to extend to everything respecting us. The other day
The Sun gave us Napier for our Lieutenant-Governor,
whereas he is Governor of Guernsey. None of the
English papers seem to be aware that Mr. Wilson
was condemned to pay a fine of 101., whilst the law
only sanctions one of about half-a-crown (supposing
him guilty of contempt, and the court a competent
one). Notice has been served upon the jurats
who met and concocted the resistance to
the habeas, that applications will be made
to the Queen's Bench for a rule calling
upon them to show cause why criminal informations
should not be fi!ed against them. If Lord Denman
does not shirk the case, the battle will soon be fought
in earnest, for the " Wilson Fund" is going on glo-
riously—one gentleman sent him 501. last week. If
a writ of quo warranto is applied for and fairly
argued, it will be found that our jurats have no legal
right to sit as a court. Before many months have passed
we shall excite even more attention than we have
already done. The writer of a letter to a London
paper stated he " could safely affirm that the pro-
ceedings are very much less costly than in England."
Last Wednesday week a cause occupied our court,
in which the amount litigated was only eight shillings ;
it was sent " to proof," and the costs will amount to
401. or 501.. before it is finally decided! This is
cheap, is it not ? It is very remarkable that Mr. La
Breton's affidavit (upon which Thesiger moved for a
rule to show cause why a writ of supersedeas should
not be issued), does not contain any answer to Mr.
Wilson's. . • • • . . •
One of the most learned and talented advocates of our
court (I may say the most learned one), Mr.—,
who is a Jerseyman, stated openly in the carat last
week, during a stormy debate, " If Government were
to send a lawyer to watch the proceedings of this
court, I do not hesitate to say that the whole concern
would be capsized, for it is utterly impossible to obtain
anything like justice at the hands of such a tribunal."