The Sun.
London, England, 1819-12-15 00:00:00

[PRICE SEVENPENCE.

party demanding the unqualified cession of the
rights and privileges of the other, and wishing to
throw into oblivion what its ancestors had shed
their blood tor, in order to obtain a temporara-
security—whilst the other seemed as firmly deter-
mined to keep possession, as their forefathers had
been to procure them. This party had in the out-
set received the sanction of a person whose Dame
was at least a great authority in that House. In
the year i 782, when Mr. Pitt proposed in the
Opposition a measure similar to the one he had
the honour of introducing to their attention that
night. he recommended to the people to turn their
eyes inwards in order to discover it there was not
some radical evil in the existing Constitution.
Thence aroset variety of visionary theories on
the subject Parliamentary Reform, which, how-
ever, did not the less make it the duty of Aleut-
bers.to propose amendments to the Constitution,
which, as Mr. Pitt stated, the growing influence
of the Crown made necessary. An Englishman
who would compare the present state of his coun-
try with what it was twenty years ago, would fitnl
there were more radical errors in its Constitution
than existed at that period. If such evils were in
existence at that time, as we had from high au-
thority was the case, it was a natural conclusion
that those evils having continued in an tiocurbed
course op to the present day, roust have increased
in a proportionate ratio with the times. Althourli
the authority he had gaoled was a powerful wea-
pon iu influencing opinion in that House on some
occasions, he confessed he did not expect it would
carry much weight on the present. One party was
for leaving the Constitution like temples which
the Goths found covered with cobwebs, and SP
much in want of repair that they were in danger
of tumbling to pieces uod,r the efforts of their
renovation--whilst the other would apply to it the
remedy of a firebrand. He should endeavour to
steer between these two. The principle lot was
desirous of inculcating was, of gra t 'tug Repre-
sentatives to large towns and commercial places,
which contributed more largely towards the
prosperity of the country than ounierous boroughs
which already possessed them —On examiuing
history as to the soundness of this principle,
of continual change in the Constii otion,
would be tumid that it was virtually acknow-
ledged. It would also be found that it was
customary in former times to extend the pri-
vilege of sending Representatives either by King's
Writ or by Act of Parliament to any Borough or
District, as it might happen to rise into import-
ance. The instances of this having been done by
King's Writs were so numerous, that he wonl4
not detain the House by an enumeration of them.
Instances of the latter description would not be
unknown to those who had read the immortal
speech of Mr. Pitt on that subject. The Noble
Lord then went through a variety of instances on
record, in which counties and towns bad former-
ly suffered manifold evils and privations, which
had been remedied by admitting them to a share
in the representation of the country. He parti-
colarly referred to the Acts 341,1) and 35th of
Henry the Eighth, and he would call ono,' any
Member who should say that to grant representa-
tives to a portion of the nation was contrary to
the laws and the Constitution, to point out the
Act of l'arliameut which made it so. He did not
expect to find a want of precedent urged as all
argument against 1)18 motion. The House had

found it necessary to interfere in the cases of the
Boroughs of Cricklade and of New Shoreham.
The House was perhaps not aware of the mode
practised by all the special Boroughs in cases of
Geeeral Election. The practice was to send a
Deputation to the Accomptants of the Treasury,
which immediately produced a Member o illii g to
support their measures, and paid the price asked.—
(Hear, hear !)—Tltis was the case with the most
respectable of these Boroughs. In other cases,
when individuals were found ready to spend large
sums of money in order to obtain a seat in that
House, it was from motives of a particular anti
personal nature. Sometimes it was to pay a debt
which they owed to Government, sometimes in
order to be able to procure paymeht of a debt due
by G• vernment ; and sometimes, in order to re-
lieve their poverty, by getting into place.—(llear,
hear !)—What respect, Oleo, was due to the mea-
stile( passed by that House, the majorities for
which were obtained by the votes of Members
,e ho invariably supported the Minister of the day?
What could be thought of men thus exercising
all the powe s of sovereignty, without even that
small security. which ,re had in a despotic sove-
reign—the tear of public shame ! Their names
slid not appear it, the list of votes, and if they
did, what would it signify to them ? Thus, with
all the enjoyments of power, they had all the im-
punity of obscurity. The Noble Lord seem into
a detail of the inerect4e in population, and conse-
quent importance which hail taken place since the
disposing of the tight of representation ; amongst
which he enumerated Manchester, Birmingham,
Halifax, Sheffield, and Leeds. It Might be said
that the Members for 'the counties was a suf-
ficient representation ; but Gentlemen who
heard hint must be aware that the interests
of County Members was widely distinct front
that Of the unrepresented (OWII3. When Re-
form bad been discussed in 1782, it was
thought to be an adequate answer to what was
urged in behalf of those towns to say—Whyte ere
your petitions from Manchestfr ? front Sheffield ?
from Birmingham ? The argument now, he ap-
prehended, would be very diff:rent. It must now
he said that these places had been too clamorous
for Reform. Bo: lie would beg the House to con-
sider what their true situation was. They could
not look on that Howe as expressing the image of
the people. He now came to that part of the
Oder of the D,y which called upon•the 'House to
stoosijer how Ctrl the diffcrent ityverr,s of Itcforin