The Sun.
London, England, 1844-10-14 00:00:00

tytnin,

LONDON, MONDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1844.

The reply of Louis PHILIPPE to the address of the
Corporation of London, delivered on Saturday, will
be read with great satisfaction by every Briton, and
we believe, also, by the great body of the French
nation. It will, of course, offend the war party, for
everything the KING does or says offends them ; but
►t abounds with so much good sense, good feeling, and
incontrovertible truths, that it must carry conviction
to every impartial mind. Its importance will be felt, not
only by Englishmen and Frenchmen, but by the whole
world. Peace between England and France is a
pledge for universal peace. There may be partial
collisions and battles among the minor States—
France may have recourse to force to protect her
Algerine possessions—Russia may carry on war
against the Circassians, and England may he compelled
to interfere with some of the States bordering on her
Indian dominions ; but these have mere the semblance
of family broils than war. They do not obstruct com-
merce or civilisation, they excite only a partial inte-
rest, while a war between the two greatest nations of
Europe would, in a few weeks or months, change the
whole commercial policy of the world. Thousands
would be thrown out of employment, or compelled to
enlist in armies formed for mutual destruction ; the
capital engaged in many vast undertakings would be
Lost ; countries, overrun by hostile and ferocious
soldiers, would become a prey to rapine and murder
and when the tragic scene was brought to a close,
universal joy would succeed, and the rational
portion of mankind wonder at the folly
and madness of kings and statesmen. With
a firmness and boldness, considering the spirit
of many of his people, which, perhaps, is
unequalled in the history of sovereigns, Lours
Pniurru has staked his political existence on the
maintenance of an honourable peace. It is not peace
at any price,—the insulting cry of the National and
the Constitutionnel. Never was such a cowardly
sentiment entertained by the KING or his Minister,
for the best of all reasons, because they know France
would not submit to any Government that would
maintain peace at the expense of national honour.•
Disregarding these war organs, the KING had the
courage and honesty to proclaim these noble senti-
ments, not only to the Corporation of London,
but to the world :—"I am convinced, as you
are, that peace and friendly relations be-
tween France and England are, for two nations
made to esteem and honour each other, a
source of innumerable and equal advantages. The
prosecution of that good understanding is, at the same
time, a pledge of peace to the world at large, and se-
cures the tranquil and regular progress of civilisation,
for the benefit of all nations. I consider my co-ope.
ration in this holy work, under the protection of
DIVINE PROVIDENCE, as the mission and the honour
of my reign. Such has been the aim and the object of
all my efforts, and I trust that the ALMIGHTY will
crown them with success."

Contrast this with a bulletin issued from head-
quarters after a great battle, which usually runs in
these words :—" We have gained a great victory ; we
have killed ten thousand of the enemy ; the nu tuber of
wounded exceeds twenty-five thousand; the country
has been laid waste for many miles ; some rich towns
have been sacked and burnt, and all but the joung

the old, and the helpless, fled before our victorious
army, which covered itself with glory. I regret to
say that our troops have also suffered severely, and
that three of my best generals and a number of brave
officers of all ranks have fallen in the action. We are
busily engaged in levying contributions." This is
the language of robbers on a grand scale ; and when
the NAPOLEON of peace contrasts his reign with the
NAPOLEON of war, when he reflects on the miseries
which Germany and Russia, and Italy and France
suffered during the bloody scenes of NAPOLEON'S
career, and the peace, commercial industry, and vast
national undertakings which now blear his native
country, he may, without vanity, regard his reign as
the most honourable and dignified in the annals
cf France. Happily, the people of England
coincide in his views. The three addresses presented
to him from Portsmouth, Windsor, and London, all
breathe the same sentiments ; and, had he time to re-
ceive addresses from every county, city, town, and
hamlet, of Great Britain and Ireland, they would only
re-echo the cry for peace and the progress of civilisa-
tion. The French people cannot mistake such a❑
exhibition of public feeling ; neither can they fail to
contrast the reception of Louis PHILIPPE with that
of another great Potentate who lately visited the
Queen of ENGLAND.

the assembly of the Cortes approaches, and spare
neither NARVABZ nor the QuEEN-MontEß—called by
one of them " the invisible power." "It is affirmed,"
says the ClamorPublico, " that the invisible power
neglects no means of accomplishing its penitence.
What enormous sin can it have committed ? But
the nation never will consent to it 3 calming its
scruples at the cost of the blood and sweat of the
people. Our readers will guess that we are adverting
to the conzessions made to the clergy." We shall
soon hear of strange scenes in the Spanish capital.
The Three per Cents. were done at 27i for
cash, 27i at 60 days ; the Five per Cents. at 20i ;
and the Coupons at 27, at 60 days.

Several of the Paris journals give full details of the
arrival of the French SOVEREIGN at Portsmouth, his
journey to Windsor Castle, and the hearty and en-
thusiastic reception his MAJESTY met with at every
place, and from all classes of the British people. " We
hasten," says the Journal des Debats, "to publish all
the particulars of the brilliant reception given by Eng-
land to the KING of the FRENCH. This reception so
enthusiastic and so cordial, does honour equally to
King Louis PHILIPPE and the great nation of whom
he is the guest, and will without doubt be an object
of the most sincere sympathy in France." The Con-
stitutionnel, says " the KING'S journey to Windsor is
accomplished in the midst of the most earnest mani-
festations of British courtesy and politeness. The
English journals exhaust all the forms of praise, and
place no limits to their enthusiasm. They style our
KING the greatest, the most glorious, and the best
Monarch that ever reigned on the earth. These
praises, even if they were less hyperbolical, would
affect the French people if they believed that they
were really addressed to the person of LOUIS
PHILIPPE. But France knows too well that their
sole object is the policy of the Ministry. It is[the:disa-
vowal of M. D'AUBIGNr and the evacuation of Mogadore
that appear to English journalists as the greatest, the
most glorious, and the best thing that could be done."
Every impartial reader must be struck with the bad
taste and ingratitude of such remarks at the time
when the people of England, who care not a straw
for Mogadore or M. D'AUBIGNY, were spontaneously,
and with their usual national, warmth giving the most
decided proofs of their regard for the KING whom the
French people themselves had placed on the throne.
The Siecle surpasses even the TRIERS' journal in
malice and falsehood. " The visit of the KING to
England," says that journal, " the official demonstra-
tions which await him there, and the earnest con-
gratulations which M. GUIZOT will not fail to receive,
are not considered at Paris as a subject of pride and
of triumph for France. There is not a little cause
for atonishment that it should take place at a moment
when the same voices which sing hymns to the praise
of the preservers of a peace humiliating to us, but
profitable to England, overwhelm our seamen with
insult, denounce our admirals as assassins, and ac-
cuse our country of being the abode of meddlers or
thieves. He amongst our princes whose energy has
to the present moment best responded to public opi-
nion in France, has not been himself spared, and it
was considered almost a favour to apply to him the
term of buccaneer, whilst his companions in arms
were styled cowards." The National, of course, is
equally violent, but there is so much same-
ness in the remarks that it is needless
to quote them, and we shall therefore close our ex-
tracts on the subject with the following excellent
article in reply from the Journal des Debats :—" We
had praised the KING for being a humane, liberal,
and pacific Prince. This is what the journal of M.
TRIERS calls gross encomiums, dangerous panegyrics,
provoking formidable polemics. Let us understand
each other clearly. M. TRIERS' journal does not
allow praise, but it permits blame and abuse, more or
less adroitly cloaked. Let it, for instance, meet
with some generous expressions in favour of peace in
a speech of the KING, and it will seize on these words,
so humane, so touching, and so rare in the mouth
of a Prince, to turn them into ridicule and disfigure
them by an insulting commentary. Our eulogiums
had not, however, provoked this discussion, not very
formidable in truth, but not less unbecoming than un-
constitutional, and it is not the only time that M.
TRIERS journal has attacked the KING. It is well
known that M. TRIERS, in his speeches, in the
Chamber, as in the journals, is partial to this kind of
polemics; it is therefore eulogium, and eulogium
alone, that is prohibited. Formerly the Radical
journals pretended that when some cried Vice le Roil
others had a right to cry A bas le Roi ! M. TRIERS'
journal, in that as in many other things, now goes
farther than the Radicals ; it allows itself to blame,
it forbids us to praise ; it is well inclined to have per-
sons cry A bas le Roi ! it will not sanction Vive le
Roi ! It authorises us to admire ALEXANDER the
GREAT entering into Babylon, Julius CIESAR, Louis
XIV., and NAPOLEON, but to assert that the KING
is humane, liberal, pacific, and that he has not sullied
his reign with any of those crimes which policy has
too long excused, and which the folly of men has
sometimes elevated to the rank of grand actions,
is what M, TRIERS' journal calls gross encomiums.
And m e are not to have the right to laugh
at this, dynastic and constitutional opposition ! Con-
tinue as you have begun ! Advance every day
more in the evil path in which you are ! Ex-
cite passions which you do not feel! Urge to war
without wishing to have war ! Irritate national
susceptibilities, envenom the slightest incidents, for-
get nothing likely to make the country believe that
the peace which it enjoys is a disgrace, that its pros-
perity and happiness are not worth the price which it
pays for them ! Does the KING go to England ? Say
that the honours which are paid him, and the sym-
pathy shown him, far from reacting on France, are a
new proof of the hatred which the English bears for
us. If there is in any London journal, as there often
is in ours, an article unjust, violent, bragging, calum-
nious, give that article as the expression of the general
opinion in England. Does an English sailor take it
into his head to seize on a cigar in a shop without
paying for it, in place of simply allowing the cor-
rectional police to act, say that the English in France
already itngine themselves in a conquered land : de-
scend to that ! Above all, invent dialogues between
M. GUIZOT and Lard ABERDEEN, in % hich M. GUI-
ZOT will sacrifice France, and will represent us as
a nation of disorderly fellows and mad fools ! Blow
the fire, in fact. You would not be the persons to
extinguish it, once that you have lit 'it up ! Yin
would perhaps be secretly inclined to do so, but you
wild not have either the power or the courage. But,
we repeat it to you, happily you are not France 1"

At the Bingley meeting—a meeting memorable in
more than one respect—the most satisfactory testi-
mony was borne to the success of the Allotment sys-
tem, which was first introduced into that parish about
twelve months since. Mr. EDWARD SMITH, who was
himself one of the allotment tenants, expressly observed
that " it was the best thing for the inhabitants that
had ever happened. Before it was commenced, they
had to fetch their vegetables a distance of from twenty
to thirty miles, and it was consequently very difficult
to get them fresh. During the present summer the
occupiers, and not only them, but the whole parish,
had the pleasure of having fresh vegetables daily. He
had been married twenty-six years, and never till
last summer had fruit earlier than October ; and
before the Allotment system was commenced, al-
though born and bred in Yorkshire, he had never
seen a potato either cut or set. He was an operative,
and never had the chance of following any agricultu-
ral operations; but now he understood a good deal
about them. When trade was good, they were sup-
plied with wholesome vegetables ; and if it slackened,
they bad enough laid by to keep them and their
families till spring." Homely, unadorned facts like
these are worth a thousand showy arguments, and
go far to prove, not only that the Allotment
system is perfectly practicable, but that it is
one of the wisest and safest measures ever
projected for the benefit of the humbler classes.
It is not merely that it supplies them with
work, but that it gives them a direct, personal, en-
grossing interest in that work, which is the best
stimulus to exertion. Again, by keeping their atten-
tion usefully occupied, it prevents them from lapsing
into idleness and dissipation ; strengthens their phy-
sical energies ; gives a sunny, cheerful tone to their
feelings ; and confirms them in habits of order and
regularity. We trust that, ere long, we shall find
the Allotment system carried into general practice,
convinced, as we are, that the great landowners
and farmers will find the measure not less
beneficial to their own interests, than to those of the
labourers whom they employ.
We have said that the Bingley meeting was a re-
markable one. It was so from the circumstance of
its being the first direct attempt yet made by rank
and affluence to break down that odious system of
exclusiveness which for years has been productive of
so much mischief to the social community. Not
only aid high and low, rich and poor, all dine together
without distinction—not only did operatives and la-
bourers propose toasts and make speeches as well as
more distinguished individuals—but at the cricket-
match which was played in the morning,
Lord JOHN Maxxeas—with a manly, un-
affected, old-English contempt for aristocra-
tic pretension which does infinite honour to
his head and heart—took an active part in the game,
and enjoyed it with as much relish as any of the pea-
santry. The sight of this high-spirited young Noble-
man with his coat off, and the cricket-bat in his hand,
so struck the fancy of an elderly Yorkshire labourer
who was looking on, that he exclaimed in the excess
of his astonishment, " I declare if the great man hts'nt
doffed his coat, and is going to bat our JEM's ball !
Well, to be sure, who could have thought it ?" Aye,
who could have thought it in the haughty, finical, arti-
ficial days of the Regency, or even ten short years
since, when the absurd system of exclusiveness
was still in full vigour ; and the higher classes, in con.
cert with their sycophantic imitators, the middle
classes, cordially agreed in one thing—namely, the
propriety of keeping the poor and the humble at an
awful distance ? No one in those convential days
could have ever thought that a Nobleman would so
far forget what he owed to his own dignity, as to
engage in a cricket-match with a set of mere vulgar
peasants, innocent alike of cash and respectability ; and
the naii,e remark of the old Yorkshire labourer
—which, brief as it is, is full of significance
and affords food for melancholy reflection—clearly
shows how perfectly novel the spectacle was to him,
and the hundreds who witnessed it. But, thank GOD,
a nobler and more Catholic spirit is coming over the
influential classes ! The first faint streaks of day are
reddening in the east, after a long and gloomy night.
In this simple—and as superficial people will regard
it, trivial—circumstance of the cricket-match we
trace the germ of a liberal and enlightened feeling
which will at no distant period work a moral revolution
in the country, and atone for that great social
blunder of years, the Exclusive system—that is to
say, the division of society into castes. And here
perhaps the Political Economist—that rare quint-
essence of self-conceit, pedantry, and narrow-mind-
edness—may exclaim, " a cricket-match, indeed !
What business had these poor people playing
cricket, when they should have been hard at work
providing for their families, and endeavouring to
make more money—the great object of exist-
ence ?" Our reply is, harmless recreation, when
it does not interfere with the day's duties, is often-
times the truest economy—the most productive work ;
for by giving a relief to the mind, invigorating the
physical system, and imparting a cheerful complexion
to the feelings,it renders the operative or the labourer
better able to grapple with his laborious lot—to toil
with more diligence and readiness, and consequently
with more effect. Besides, the accumulation of
money is not the sole business of exis-
tence. Life was given us for nobler pur-
poses than merely to heap up pounds, shillings,
and pence. Wealth, reverently as it is regarded by
the majority, is not the summum bonum. It is—or
should be—merely a means to an end,—and that end,
the promotion of our own rational happiness, and that
of our fellow-creatures. When Lord FRANCIS EGER•
TON said to Mr. D'IsRAELI, " I have founded a
cricket-club for my cottagers, and you have no idea
how they enjoy almost the first sight of the
sun I" he urged a poetical and convincing argument
in favour of his club, to which the most dexterous
Political Economist that was ever spawned, would be
puzzled to make a reply. We shall probably return
to the subject of the Bingley meeting to-morrow.

- - - - -
THE BOURSE-- SATURDAY, OCT. 12
First Highest Lowest Last
Price. Price. Price. Price.
Wrench Five per Csnts•• •• •• 118 60 .. 118 GO .. 118 118 25
Three per Cents••••• 82 30 .. g 2 35 .• 82 30 .• g 2 35
Bank of France 3062 50 ..3062 50 .. 3060 -.3060
Lattltte Bank. I,ooof. Sharosllt7 50 ..1107 50 —llO7 50 ... 1107 50
Belgian Bank..• 857 50 .. 657 50 .. 655 .. 655
Belgian Fives, 1831.
1840 •• •• •• •• 1031 .. 1031 •• 1031 •• 10
51
Spanish Passive . bi .. bi • b{ •• 5f
Portuguese Five per Cents.. 501 .. 501 • • se* • • 6"
St. Germain ...........:.. 910360
Neapolitan 9B 75 „,, 98 go •• 94 75 •• 98 90
•
Roman .. ....
910360 ....
930106
RAILWAY SHARES.
Versailles, MIL...—. „ .. 395 .. 395 .. 395 .. 395
276 25 .. 276 25 .. 275 .• 275
R0uen....................1012 50 • 1012 50 ..1007 50 ..1012 50
Rouen to Havre....
Orleans
....
,103:
Strasburg to Bale•. 276 25 .. 280 . 275 .• 275
Avignon to Marseilles...... 775 . 780 .. 775 .. 777 50
RAILWAY SHARES FOR TILE ACCOUNT. OCTOBER 16.
St. Germain
Versailles, R.B „ ,„ ~ 397 50 .. 397 50 .• 395 • 395
280 .. 280 •• 275 •• 275
1015 —lOl5 —lOO7 50 "1007 50
Rouen
Rouen to Havre 762 50 •• 765 ~ 762 50 .• 765
Orleans .•• •• •• •• .• • . •• •• ..1020 —1025 ••1017 50 •• 1020
Strasburg to 8a1e.......... 276 25 .. 278 75 •. 275 .. 275
Avignon to Marseilles...". 780 .. 780 .• 777 60 .. 777 50

Madrid journals of the 6th inst. have been received,
and if some are to be credited a serious misunder-
standing has taken place between certain members of
the Cabinet. According to the Globo, about thirty
members of the Chamber of Deputies met on the sth,
in consequence of a quarrel between NARINVEZ and
Senor Mos; the Minister of Finance. MARTINEZ DE
LA Rose, among the rest, used his influence and re-
stored apparent harmony, but little doubt remained
that the differences of opinion in the Cabinet were
such that an explosion would soon take place. The
Tiempo, a Ministerial paper, expresses the confident
hope that the quarrel will not aggravate the
serious position in which the questions about
to be submitted to the Cortes will place
the Administration. The following are said to
be the measures in contemplation :—1 . The preamble,
which speaks of the sovereignty of the people, w ill be
suppressed, with a view to give more strength and
prestige to the Royal authority. 2. The creation of
Peers will be for life. 3. The jury will be suppressed,
under the idea of incorporating that institution into
the new Bill on the liberty of the press. 4. The
article relative to the National Guards will be re-
moved from the fundamental law ; this force will be
created under another organic law, which is to be
submitted to the Chambers.

The Opposition journals have recovered courage as

ST. GEORGE'S, HANOVER-SQUARE.—The Rev. H.
Brown, .M.A., incumbent of St. James's, Curtain-road,
Shoreditch, son in-law to the Bishop of London, has
been presented by his Lordship to this valuable living,
vacant by the death of Dr. Hodgson. It is a curious
coincidence, that at the time of Dr. Hodgson's presenta-
tion he was himself son-in-law to the then Bishop of
London, Dr. Porteus.
SAILING OF TILE STEAM-SHIP GREAT WESTERN:—
LIVERPOOL, SUNDAY MORNING.--The Great Western
steam-ship, 'under the able command of Captain
Matthews, left the Coburg dock yesterday morning about
eleven o'clock, and proceeded on her voyage to New
York. Amongst her passengers, 140 in number, were
his Excellency M. de Bodisca, Russian Minister at
Washington ; M. Jung, bearer of dispatches from. Paris,
and Mr. Hapman, Dutch Consul at Charleston.
DEATU OF MAJOR-GENERAL COTTON:—We have
to record the demise of Major-General E. R. Cotton,
who expired at Ellwall Hall on Thursday. The de-
tcle.ans2edd
and
dv6edth 0,
01, the Helder,
1799, and
including the actions of
1808 proceeded
to the Peninsula, and served with much bravery and dis•
tinction in the Spanish army. His commissions were dated
as follow:—Lieutenant, 11th Oct., 1797; Captain, 9th of
July, 1803 ; Major, 4th of March, 1807 ; Lieutenant-
Colonel, 4th of June, 1813 ; Colonel, 22d of July 1830 ;
and Major-General, 23d of November, 1841,

HE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENIN G, OCTOBER 14, 1844,