The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-05 00:00:00

the Rocky
two- -

_ seems and the Pacific--I beg your Lordships to
snot—should for a term of ten years be free to both coon-
airs. Another convention was made eonfieming this for an
indefinite period, to be dote-finite-el at the will of either tarty ;
and yet the President of the United Ltates in the vet y first
let of his administration has thought himself justified in
announcing to the people of the United States that it is the
duty of the Government to maintain their right to the
colliery westward of the Rocky Mountait s, ar.d between
those mountains and the Pacific; that their title to the Oregon
territory is clear add unquestionable, and t hat the people are
about to perfect that tit le by proceeding with their wives and
children to occhpy the county ; that it is the duty of the Go-
vernment to afford them adequate protection—to extend t'ae
benefit of American lows and of republi an intti-utions to this
distant country which they had selected fur their home, and
which with the increased facilities of communication will soon
be brought within the sphere of the Federal Union. I re-
joice, my Lords, to think, that the whole question is viewed in
a very different spirit here ; that we are actuated by no anxiety
for territorial
possessions, but by a sincere desire for peace, and
by a most friendly feeling towards the American nation. So
far as lam acquended with the circumstances, I believe no
assertion has ever bi en made that our own ca,e is free from all
doubt,: and I am sure we shall readily concede what can be
justly claimed by America. On the ether hand, Jam equally
sure that the people of this country will not give up their
unquestionable rights, either to encroachment, to clamour, or
question to an amicable
effthorets should unfortunately
to menace ; and though I doubt not that my Noble Friend will
ausen d hisst us
ft
amc of
os
rt
ye ni
sds euaev, o
yu
er st toff bringhis
fail, I trust that her Majesty's Government will not shrink
from adopting that course which it may be necessary to pursue
in order to vindiea'e the nation's honour, or to uphold the na-
tion's interests.—( Hear, hear.)
The Earl of ABERDEEN—I think it is perfectly natural
that, in such a conjuncture as the present, the Noble Lord
may reasonably expect to receive such information from her
Majesty's Government as they, in the discharge of their duty,
way feel it possible to give. I am far from objecting to the
course of pitting questions to the Government upon any
matter of public importance, and certainly not on one of such
paramount interest as this. My Lords, if I followed my own
inclination in this matter, I should at onee be disposed to lay
on the table of the House every part of the negotiation which
has taken place upon this subject from the period of the
treaty of Washington up to the present day. I am sure that
if I did so I should not only receive from the candour
of my Noble Friend opposite an opinion approving the
course which has been pursusd, but might fairly appeal to
the public at large, and even to the whole of Europe for its
confirmation. A time may come when such a course may
possibly be necessary. At present it would clearly be un-
suitable slid impolitic. 1 could wish for an opportunity to
explain a little more at length the state of this question, as
affects the interests and the claim of this country to the
disputed territory. The Noble Lord has cursorily described
the claims of this country and of the United States with suf-
ficient accuracy, as far as he has gone. They, however, would
admit of a much more detailed examination, and, although I
might now enter into that examination without injury to the
public service, I feel that I could not do it without inconveni-
ence to your Lordships, and this also I think it better to de-
fer to a future occasion. I shall therefore only address myself
to the inquiry of my Noble Friend. I wish to state that the
negotiation which has taken plate, and which is still pending,
upon this subject was commenced immediately after the sign-
ing of the treaty by my Noble Friend near me. Without, of
course, explaining to your Lordships any of the steps that have
been taken in the progress of that negotiation, I wish to draw
your attention to the last act of the late President, before his
resignation of office. The Senate of the United States having
addressed Mr. Tyler so long ago as the month of December,
requesting him to communicate with them and inform them
as to the progress of this negotiation. Mr. Tyler, in his answer,
which was not delivered until Feb. 19, stales,—" In my opinion.
as this negotiation is still pending, the information :sought far
cannot be communicated without prejudice to the public service,
but 1 deem it proper to add, that considerable progress has
been made in the negotiation, which has been carried on in a
very amicable spirit between the two Governments, and teat
there is reason to hove that it may be Drought to a close within
a short period. I have delayed answering the resoluti nof the
Senate, under the expectation expressed in my annual message,
that the negotiation would be teiminated before the el se of
the present session, and that she information called for by that
resolution might be communicated." lam bound to say that I
thick the late President took somewhat teo favourable a view
of the state of the negotiation when he made that answer to the
Senate. At the same time, as an indication of a friendly feel-
ing, and of a desire to brine it to an amicable termination, such
a declaration of opinion must be highly satisfactory. My Lords,
in a fortnight afi er the delivery of this answer to the address of
the Senate, the new President made the inaugural speech re-
ferred to by my Noble Friend. I wish to observe that this
speech is not an address made to Congress—it is a speech
made to the public. The Congress not being sitting. no
speech of the kind could be made by the President of the
United States without drawing
towards it the most serious
attention. Nevertheless, it does not possess the importance
of an official docum nt, nor can it be regarded as forming
part of legislative proceedings. Ido not undervalue its im.
portance; but I must observe, that it has not quite the cha-
racter of an address made to the Congress as the foundation or
any legislative measure. I have already mentioned that that
declaration of the late President is the last act of which we
have any knowledge as far as the negotiation is concerned. The
new President had no Ministry at the time he made his speech.
His Administration was not formed, and no communication
had taken place between her Majesty's Ministers arid any Go-
vernment of the United States since the resignation of the late
President and of his Administration. We therefore stand
precisely in the position in which we stood at the time of the
answer of the late President, with the exception of such a
character as the relations may have received from the speech
pronounced upon his inaugurotien by the new President. My
Lords, I wish also to state, that our position is precisely such
as it has beep for the last eighteen years with respect to our
rights, and the treaty which was made. in 1827 renewing or
rather continuing the treaty of 1818, which was for ten years.
The treaty of 1827 continued that treaty for an indefinite
period, but with the provision that either party might terminate
it by a year's notice. There is nothing whafenreepeseentek.
proper, from terminating that treaty of 1827
by giving a year's notice for the purpose, which, however, the
President has not said he means to give ; but if he does mean
it he cannot effect his purpose without a vote of the Congress
authorising him to do 30 ; the Congress will not meet unless
specially called together until the month of December, and
even then the treaty cannot expire without a year's notice being
given from the time at which the President receives the neces-
sary authority to give such notice. Your Lordships will see,
therefore, that in point of time, the matter is not so urgent as
might be supposed. I need not say, that her Majesty's Go-
vernment will continue to avail themselves of the intervening
period which may exist, in the hope of bringing the negotiation
which is still pending to an amicable conclusion. The ne-
gotiation was founded upon the principle of an amicable ad-
justment by the mutual concession of extreme claims on
both sides, and on that principle it will be continued.
i
My Noble Friend has by no means expressed any censure of
that her Majesty's Government have
the mode of I
adopted in this matter ; at the same time I have seen in
other places some intimation, tame apprehension of too great
concessions, of a total abandonment of what is called " the
high tone ;" altogether, I am accustomed almost daily to see
myself characterised as pusillanimous, cowardly, mean, das-
tardly, truckling, base. —( A laugh ), I hope I need not say
that I view these appellations with indifference, I view them.
winhciaetedt,hreeyalml
I feel perfectly satisfied that these vituperative terms are trans-
lated as applicable to conduct consistent with justice, reason,
, moderation, and with common tense, and I therefore feel, as
I 1 said before really not indifferent, but positively satietii it.
yean with
ansalathisofwactfihoney; because I know perfectly well
ought to be and are translated.
when I
I see such observations.—(Lou cheers.) I believe I
that nn man ever
may conscientiously say, filed the high
stion which I have the honour unworthily to hold who fslt
1 more ardently desirous than I do to preserve to the country
the blessings of peace, or who would be disposed to make
greater sacrifices to maintain it.—( Cheers. ) My Lents, I
consider war to be the greatest tolly, if not the gteaiest
crime, of which a country could be guilty. if lightly entered
into; and I agree with an hon. writer who said, that it a proof
were wanted of the deep and thorough corruption of human
nature, we should find it in the fact that war itself was some-
times lawful.—( Loud cheers.) It is the duty, and lam sure
it is the inclination, of her Alajetty's Government to
preserve peace;
at the same time, there are limits which must
not be passed ; and I say that without attaching to, much
weight
to questions of honour, for I think, fortunately for this
country, that we need not be very sensitive on these matters—
it is not for. us, God knows, to seek the " bubble reputation at
the cannon's mouth," or anywhere else ; our power, our cha-
racter and position are such as to enable us to look with in-
difference on that of which other countries might be perhaps more
jealous--(Cheers)—but our honour is substantially property
that we can certainly never neglect, and most assuredly we
may owe it to ourselves and to our posterity to adept a cowrie
contrary to all our desires—to all our inclinations. My Lords,
from what I have said your Lordships will perceive an earnest
of the spirit of peace which shall pervade this matter, if I con-
tinue to conduct this negotiation ; and I cannot bring myself
to think that at this day any civilised Government, would de-
sire to see any other course pursued ; and I hope, therefore,
and fully believe, that we shall have the happiness of seeing
this important question brought Sc a satisfactory and amicable
conclusion.—(Lovd cheers. ) Should it be otherwise, I cm
only say that we possess rights which, in our opinion, are clear
and unquestionable, and, by the blessing of God, and with
pour supeort, those rights we are fully prepared to main-
tain.—(The Noble Earl resumed his seat amidst loud and
general applause.)
BASTARDY-LAW AMENDMENT BILL.
On the motion of Lord STANLEY, the order for the Com-
mittee on this Bill, which stood for today, was discharged, and
Monday next was appointed in its stead.
The Duke of RICHMOND said that as it was impossible
for the appeals of those parties who were aggrieved under this
Bill to be heard at the next quarter sessions, he trusted that
some provision would be made for the payment of their
expenses.

INCOME-TAX.
The Earl of RIPON, in rising to move the second read-
ing of this Bill, said it had been his lot in 1842 to pro-
pose an Act to their Lordships for the imposition of a tax upo
income. He deemed it then a duty on behalf of her Majesty's
Government to enter into considerable detail to show: the
reasons why they proposed it. He did not conceive it was
necessary to go to the same extent and variety of explanation
upon the present occasion. But he was aware that some
means were necessary to induce their Lordships to core inue
that tax three years longer. It was not now requisite to enter
into any lengthened argument to prove that it was unwise and
inexpedient to conduct the business of the country with a de-
ficient revenue. He had on a previous occasion gone into that
subject at some censiderabla length. The House passed the
income-tax, thus showing that it was the only measure which
they deemed calculated to supply the deficiency in the
revenue.—( Hear, hear.) It would be necessary for him
to state, first, what the condition of the revenue !vas
before the tax was
passel, as compared with the revenue during
the succeeding years. The tax their Lordships were tva.'e,
was passed in 1812, in which year there was a deficiency in the
revenue to the amount of 2,139,0001. On the sth of April,
1843, they had realised no surplus ; but in 1814, when they
had four complete quarters, the tax produced to Government
the sum of 5,356,0001, giving a surplus of 2.750,0001. in the
course of the preceding year.
If they did not renew this tax,
what would
the year ending the sth April, 1846. the estimated expendi-
ture of the country would be 49,643,0 0/., including all the
supplies voted for the use of the army and navy. The ordi-
nary revenue of the country, supposing they did not renew th.t
income-tax, would amount to 47.900,0001., so that th,.r
would be a deficiency in le4ti of 1,740,i!001. Again.t that
SUM there was to be set two quarter receipts from the
property-tax, which would amount to 2,600,0"434
There would also be a sum of 600,0101. which stk..),
expected in the
to receive
00urse of the present year
from China. If, however, they added these sums to she ordi-
nary revenue of April 1846, the, e would be a surplus, sup-
posing no change took place, of 1,200,090/. But from what
he bad stated it would be seen that that surplus would entirely
be owing to the amount to be deduced for the income-tax in the
coursis of the pre ent year. and the 600,0001. to come from
China, conseqoently. in the following year. supposing the pro.
perty-ta. x Odisenntinne. and there tv.is an extraordinary in-
crease in the ordinary receipts of the country, or a considerable
tiimihuticulu the public expenditure,ihat they \r ad Sad the