The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-18 00:00:00

,14%, „, Alp 4 , ,
or 11
4')

SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

GLOBE.—Mr. Cobden mentioned last night, at the
meeting of the Anti-Corn-law League, the
weekly
line of conduct which that body had chalked out for
itself, as regards elections :—" Ladies and Gentlemen,
since we last met there have been changes in po-
litical life, owing to a certain death, 'which will
involve electoral changes in certain towns. I
cannot say that the chapter of accidents has
been very favourable to us ; for if we had chosen the
battle-fie:d, we should not have gone to Horsham, to
Huntingdon, or to Woodstock.—(Cheers.) I believe
that in every instance where a vacancy occurs, a contest
will be fought, if a local man can be found -to be put up
by his own voters, even if he shall poll only 20 votes.
We have been charged with dictating to the consti-
tuencies, whereas we only profess to co-operate with
constituencies. We go to offer our co-operation to the
local members of the League in the borough to which
we go. If, therefore, our friends hear that a contest
passes by without a League candidate, they may con-
clude it is because the League Council will not interfere
with the local free-traders, and that they have
deferred to their express wish that there should
not at present be any contest, but the borough
should be left to future organisation. In the
case of Exeter there is a contest. I have the
happiness to say that General Briggs, an officer who has
served well in India, and who is distinguished for
his philanthropy and public spirit in every firm, will
be put in nomination as a candidate for Exeter—
(Cheers) —and whatever may be the result of this con-
test, I am satisfied that in a borough of 30,000 inhabi-
tants, if we fight ono battle and lose it upon princi-
ple, when we fight the next battle we shall win."
There has always been a pretty strong anti-corn
law feeling lurking in Exeter, which has displayed it-
self when any occasion has called it forth; and which
seems to be coming forth now. The Chronicle corres-
pondent from hat town, April 16th, says,—" The meet-
ing of the free traders last evening was attended by
about twelve hundred persons, the Great Subscription
Room being densely crowded. The attendance was
chiefly confined to the working classes ; but the
steam is so decidedly up already, that the con-
test which has been determined upon will be a de-
cided one—sufficient to annoy, if not seriously to
embarrass, Sir W. Follett's friends." The present Go-
vernment has taken its stand in defence of the principle
of landed monopoly ; and as landed monopoly is pre-
cisely the monopoly which an increasing commercial
population can least endure, there is a broad ground of
conflict with government candidates, whenever they stand
for large towns. This is a conflict which arises out of th e na-
ture of things; the Anti-Corn-law League may be blamed,
by those whom it embarrasses—for existing at all (and they
may thank themselves), but it is superfluous to blame it
for appearing on an arena like that or Exeter. It comes
to the same thing as blaming the Catholic Association for
starting its candidate in Clare. If the repeal of the
corn-laws is the cause of the towns, their upholders
will be driven to the pocket-boroughs ; and Schedule
B will be a half-way house on their journey to
Schedule A. Their metropolitan candidate exchanges
City turtle feasts for a Sandwich at Huntingdon ;
and their crack-lawyer is confronted at Exeter by a
military champion of the Anti-Corn-law League.
It may be expected that we should add a few words to
our late observations on the rule by which it appeared to
us a body like the League should Emit its intervention
at elections. We have been asked rather impetuously
by an anonymous correspondent,—" Is it possible that
you can know so little of the plans to which the League
are solemnly pledged, after the most mature conside-
ration ; or that you have so poor an opinion of their
sincerity, as to suppose them capable of acting on the
non-interference principle you would wish to inculcate?
Having again and again pledged themselves that every
borough constituency shall have a candidate for whom
to record their votes, who is in favour of Total and im-
mediate Repeal,' and having already got three-fourths
of the 100,0001. they asked for, on purpose to carry
out this pledge, do you suppose they can now turn
round, and, lest they should endanger the return of some
moderate fixed duty Wbig, recede from the contest?"
To this we have only to reply, that Mr. Cobden's
statement of the views of the body he represents are
more in accordance with ours than with those of our
above.cited Correspondent. For he disclaims interfer-
ence, when the local free traders of any place do not
desire it. This i 4 a very different thing from a pledge
to provide a candidate, whether desired or no. Mr.
Cobden's statement, in fact, leaves the initiative, where
it should be, in the constituencies ; and we are con-
tented, in like manner, to leave our recommendations to
their due weight with them.
S fANDARD.—CoIoneI Torrens has addressed to
Lord Ashley a letter upon the Ten Hours' Bill. This
letter is like all that Col. Torrens writes—temperate,
gentlemanlike, and acute ; but we must add, like all
the arguments that we have ever seen based
upon the principles of political economy, weak
and fallacious. Col. Torrens seems to maintain two
propositions that are manifestly repugnant. The
first is, that a Ten Hours' Bill would cripple British
manufactures in the competition of foreign' markets.
Secondly, that it could cause an important reduction
of wages. Surely it cannot do both. If the Ten Hours'
Bill cause British manufacturers to demand a higher
price, it lutist be because the Bill will force the mill-
owners to give the same wages for less work ; but
this plainly is not consistent with a reduction of
wages. One or other position must be given up, and
we believe that it is now generally admitted, that
if a Ten Hours' Bill operate any change in either
respect, the change will be in the shape of a reduction
of wages, though a very light and a merely temporary
reduction. The manufacturing labourers have declared
themselves quite willing to take the Bill upon these terms,
and they are right ; one effect of the Bill must be, to
cause the factory work to be more equally distributed
over the year, and this, if the number of labourers is to
remain the same, will cause the reduction of daily
wages to be no reduction of yearly wages. Another
effect may be to cause a greater number of hands to be
employed—but the demand for new hands always tends
to support the rate of wages, and if the new hands
are called in they will necessarily come chiefly
from the families already employed, so as with-
' out diminishing the family funds to distribute
the labaur of earning its support more equally
in every. family.. It is not without reason then
that the factory labourers feel that a reduction of
wages, such as a Ten Hours' Bill might produce, would
involve really no pecuniary loss, while on the other side
it would afford an opportunity for much additional gain,
as well as some enjoyment. An intelligent workman can
always earn more than one who is not intelligent, but
what can be learned by one working 12 hours, and impri-
soned 14 hours in the mill, beyond that manual skill
which is acquired in a few weeks' practice ? The two
hours abstracted from him are, in Let, the only part of
his life in which he could read, reflect, or think, so as to
rais3 him above the condition of a mere animal. Grant-
ing he would not, as indeed he ought not, to give the
whole two hours to study, one hour a day reading for a
single year would give him more knowledge than all the
millowners of Manchester put together. One hour a day
reading, at 30 average octavo pages the hour, gives
at least twenty-five octavo volumes, in the 313 working
days of the year ; and we should like to know what
Manchester millowner has in his whole life read as much.
Besides this, there aro a thousand ways in which a man
can employ a little time freely at his own disposal, to
make more money, or to save more money, or to provide
those comforts, for the obtaining of which only money
is worth anything.

TATTERSALL'S.—THIS EVENING
QUARTER TO Sax O'CLOCK.
CHESTER CUP.
:9 to 1 agst Pagan
9 to 1 agst Bramble
11 to 1 agst Cattonite
11 to 1 agst Pharaoh
14 to 1 agst Red Deer
20 to 1 agst Roscius
22 to 1 agst Freedom
25 to 1 agst Alice Hawthorn
25 to 1 agst Vakeel
30 to 1 agst Nutwith
30 to 1 agst Hooton

DERBY.
3 to 1 agst Ugly Buck
3 to 1 agst Rattan
20 to 1 agst Campunero
20 to I:agst Leander
33'to 1 agst King of the Gipsies
40 to 1 agst Apprentice
Very little doing.

THE WILLS FORGERIES

CRIMINAL COURT.-(THIS DAY

OLD COURT.

Mr. Wirms (in continuation from our Afternoon Edition)
said—All the documentary evidence against Barber came
from his own office. He had never been seen at the house in
Francis-street. The supposed Miss Slack was introduced to
him at his own office. He told the people at the Bank that
she was Miss Slack, because Fletcher told him so, as Phil-
pott identified her from the representation of Barber. The
Learned Gentlemen then referred again to the evidence of
Mr. Freshfield, which he read over at length. He com-
mented in strong language on the suppression of the fact
that Mr. Barber felt very indignant when Mr. Freshfield
told him he was himself suspected. If Mr. Barber
felt a consciousness of guilt he would have acted
like a guilty man, and made his way to the
nearest railway station to
,go to a foreign country. But no,
truth and honesty were bold. He remained ; and the very
documents referring to this transaction were found tied up
in a professional manner, were found in his office after he was
taken to the Mansion house. It was quite consistent also
that he should refuse the namr2 of the person who instructed
him, because he knew what was due from a.professional man
to his client. He had now gone through the whole evi-
dence; and, in conclusion, • he begged of them to reflect
what were the advantages and privileges they derived from
society, in order that they might well weigh the
verdict they were to give. He entreated them not to listen
to public clamour, and to give a verdict according to reason,
and truth, and justice.

The Learned Gentleman occupied more than four hours in
addressing the Jury.

Mr. GREAVES then addressed the Jury in behalf of the pri-
soner Fletcher. Afterbegging the Jury to discard from their
minds the verdict in the former case, he sought to impress on
the Jury that there was not sufficient evidence to
identify Fletcher with this transaction. The principal
evidence against him was that of Mr. Apslev and his wife,'
who deposed to the inquiries he made at 'Ring's Langley
respecting Miss Slack; but there was nothing unreasonable
in supposing that under the circumstances they were mis-
taken, as they did not scan to be very certain
respecting )eheiiasli(lentity.' Therewas no evidence to show that
- eithtr Mrs. fogey ors Mrs, Saunders- -knew. Fletcher-before
this transactivn. It had not been clearly proved that the

notes came into the possession of Mr. Fletcher, and upon this
point he contended that the case for the prosecution had en-
tirely failed: Fletcher had not been apprehended till after
this transaction was disclosed, and he was attending at the
Mansion-house as a witness when he was arrested.
There was no evidence that his client ever knew anything
of fa will, and he submitted it would be going further than
the evidence warranted, if they found that his client ever
forged this will. Ths evidence was much too doubtful and.
uncertain to warrant them in finding a verdict against his

client.
Mr. STO/,it was about to address the jury for William
Saunders and Lydia Saunders, when,
Mr. justice WILLIAMS said that though he did not think
there was no evidence to go to the jury with regard to William
Saunders, yet it was for them to say, before the Learned
'Counsel addressed them, whether there was such evidence
against him as was worthy of their serious consideration.
There was not the least evidence that he had any
knowledge of the uttering of the forged will—supposing it
to be forged—which was necessary, in point of law, to make
hire guiltv. They would therefore consider whether they
would think it necessary for the Learned Counsel to address
them for. William Saunders.

The jury did not think there was any evidence against
him, and they accordingly brought in a verdict of Not Guilty.
Mr. STONE then addressed the jury for Lydia, Saunders.
She was charged with a guilty knowledge before the fact,
and with inciting Barber to forge the will and to alter it.
The first evidence against Lydia Saunders was that of Martha
Anne Neville. She had not seen her for a year. His client was
was never seen by the witness without her bonnet. She said
she had flaxen ringlets, but there was black hair found in
the hair brush. It was sworn that Mrs. Dorey was in the
habit of calling there, and was there anything improbable in
supposing that the black hair was hers. The mother was a
person of bad sight, and all she could say was, that she be-
lieved the prisoner was the person who lodged with her.
Could they be satisfied that she was person who came with
Mr. Barber to Mr, Wills. Mr. Wills had not seen her for
more than five minutes, and ho had no distinct recollection
about the person of the woman who called upon
him. The most important evidence they could ad-
duce was to establish a similitude between the
handwriting to the will and the ordinary writing of Mrs.
Saunders; but they had not tried to establish anything of the
kind. The Learned Gentleman then commented on the evi-
dence of Mr. Holt and Mr. Philpots, and begged of the jury
to consider how unlikely it was that they could recollect the
person of Mrs. Saunders, who must have gone to them as
much disguised as possible, when, upon cross-examination,
they admitted that they would not be able to identify any of
the other numerous persons who transacted business with
them. There was nothing, then, to identify the prisoner as
connected with this will. Mrs. Dorey, who was a guilty
person from her own confession, might have been the person.
The note which had been spoken of was never seen in the
possession of Mrs. Saunders, nor was her writing upon it.
The witness Gorsuch stated that he saw her get into an om •
nibus, and that it went in the direction of the City, and from
this they were called on to conclude that she went to the
Bank in order to get the gold. He said that she came in
with a bag, and that when she laid it on the counter there
was a jingle, as if of gold. Was it likely that she would lay
it on the counter, or that she would take such a sum as

1,0001., which must weigh about 21 lbs., in one hand, as
she was represented to do ? There was nothing in the evi-
dence to satisfy them that her identity was clearly
established, and he entreated them to give the benefit of the
doubt to his client, if they were not fully satisfied upon the
evidence that she was the person who committed the fraud.
The same evidence which was given in the former case as
to the character of Mr. Barber was given before the present
jury. They all stated that Mr. Barber was a person of re
spectability and honour.
It being now past five o'clock the Court adjourned till tc.
morrow morning, when Mr. Erle is to reply.

THE ART-UNION OF LONDON
AND THE GOVERNMENT.

The Annual Meeting of the Subscribers to receive
the Committee's Report, and distribute the amount
subscribed for the purchase of Works of Art, was
appointed for Tuesday next, at Drury-lane Theatre,
and all the elaborate arrangements consequent on the
largeness of the body were made. On Monday last,
however, the following letter was received at the office
in Trafalgar-square :

" Treasury, April 12, 1844.
" am commanded by the Lords Commis-
sioners of her Majesty's Treasury to acquaint you that
an institution called the Art-Union of London, having
for its object the chance distribution of Prizes of 'Works
of Art, has been brought under the notice of their Lord-
ships, and that they are advised that it is illegal ; and I
am also to acquaint you that the further continuance of
the same will render all parties engaged in it liable ;to

prosecution.—l am, Sir, your obedient servant,
" W. R. REYNOLDS.

" To G. Godwin and Lewis Pocock, Esqrs.,
4, Trafalgar-square, Charing-cross."
The Committee immediately met, and a memorial
was addressed to Sir Robert Peel, as First Lord of

the Treasury, setting forth the nature of the Asso-
ciation, the sum of money which through its means
had been expended since its establishment in the
promotion of the fine arts—the fact that the arrange-
ments for the distribtitiorewere complete ; and that,
if stopped at this moment, ireitlifoss would be occa-
sioned to many artists, and praying that assurance

might be givin that no legal proceedings would be

commenced with the sane-tion- of the Government

in the event of the general meeting being
held, as already arranged. The memorial was
accompanied by a letter from the Honorary Se-
cretaries soliciting the serious attention of the
Right Hon. Baronet, and asking for an interview.
Sir George Clerk, Bart., on the part of Sir Robert
Peel, having appointed to receive the Committee
this day (Thursday), Mr. George Godwin and Mr.
Lewis Pocock, Honorary Secretaries, with Dr. Dick-
son, Mr. Gaskoin, Mr. W. Donaldson, Mr. Noble,
Mr. A. Tooke, Mr. Troughton, Mr. Morant, Mr.
Atkinson, Mr. Morris, Mr: Hayward, Mr. Collard,

and other members of the Committee, attended at
Downing-street.
Sir GEORGE CLERK said Sir Robert Peel had

placed the memorial in his hands, and that he should
be happy to hear any observations which might be
offered.

Mr. GEORGE GODWIN, on the part of the Com-
mittee, then made the following statement :—The
Art Union of London, since its establishment in
1837, (in consequence of the opinion published in a
Report of a Committee of the House of Commons on
arts and manufactures, in 1837), has distributed about
36,0001., independently of the present year's receipts,
in the purchase and preparation of works of art, an
has put into operation painters, sculptors, engravers,
medal-die sinkers, modellers, and artists in bronze (a
branch of art up to this time much neglected
in England), to say nothing of the branches of
industry encouraged by it, as paper-makers,
printers, frame and glass-makers, &c. As an in-
stance of the intignitude of their operations in this
latter respect, r. Godwin stated that 300,000
sheets of paper had been used for the series of out-
line designs about to be distributed to the subscribers
of the present year. The Association had corre-
spondents not merely throughout the United King-
dom' but in our Indian possessions, Nova Scotia,
Hobart Town, Mexico, and New York. Mr. God-
win contended that to bind together a large number
of individuals by a common interest—an interest in the
arts ofpeace—wasofitself an important re3ult, tending
to good. A reserved fund had been put by without
interfering with the subscribers' rights, and promised
to produce speedily permanent funds for the advance-
ment of the higher branches of art. The Society had
now been in, operation for eight years, increasing in
usefulness,- and the Committee were confirmed in
their views of its legality by numerous facts. Her
Majesty the Queen was patron of more than one such
association, and his Royal Highness Prince Albert
had very recently expressed to the Committee of the Art-
Union of London through Mr.Eastlake, R.A., his appro-
bation of its objects. Among the Vice-Presidents of the
Irish Art-Union were several of the
:judges ; his Ex-
cellency Earl de Grey was a subscriber. The Com-
mittee of the Edinburgh Society included numerous
advocates, and, in addition to these points, the High
Chancellor of Ireland, Sir E. Sugden, Mr. Fitzroy
Kelly, Mr. C. Clarke, and others had stated their
opinion that the Art-Unions, properly so called, were
strictly legal. The Committee now found
themselves with 14,0001. in their hands, a
large increase over the • subscription of any
former year, on the very eve of the distribution.
All the elaborate arrangements consequent on the
largeness of the body acted for had been made ; ar-
tists had filled the exhibitions about to be opened
with their works, and, in the majority of cases looked
to the funds of the Association for a return for their
skill and labour. The effect on these of suddenly pre-
venting the application of the funds provided for their
encouragement would be disastrous in the extreme;
nor was it simply as concerned the funds of the Art
Union of London that the artists would be affected ; he

would speak within compass if he said that 40,0001. or
50,000/. were in the hands of Committees throughout
the kingdom to be applied in the way alluded to;
the point then was, whether without their entering
into the question of legality, the Committee might
proceed with the distribution, and wind up the pro-
ceedings of the year. He would maintain that the
Art-,Union of London was not encouraged through
the spirit of . gambling; and would prove it,
by showing that with the exception of his Royal
Highness the President, and men known to be patrons
of art and above suspicion, the subscription was uni-
formly of one guinea, for which every man had his
worth in the shape of engravings, the printed report,
admission to the exhibition and other pleasurable and
wholesome excitements. If they were prompted by
a spirit of gaming they would be found risking their
five guineas or their ten guineas. The chance of
obtaining a prize was too remote to be a leading
motion. For the opinion entertained of the Asso-
ciation by the artists, he would appeal to resolutions
of confidence passed at a large meeting of artists, held
at the Freemasons' Tavern, last year, and to the fact
that Sir Martin Archer Shee, the present respected
President of the Royal Academy, had been a sub-
scriber from the foundation of the Society, and had
been found at all times ready to give them
his advice - The exhibition of prizes would,
he was sure, seem to Sir 6r'eor.ge . Clerk,
who, he was satisfied, regarded the fine arts as im-
portant civilizing agents, to be of great service. Last
year the exhibition was open four weeks, part of the
time to the public without any limitation, and was
visited by about 200,000 persons. The fear of the
printsellers that the Art-Union of London interfered
with their trade, and which had led to the present
steps on the put of the Government, Mr. Godwin could