The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-17 00:00:00

take advantage of the loyalty which at present prevailed in
Ireland—a heavy responsibility rested upon him—he should
make concession—he should concede before concession would
be useless, and so secure the safety, tranquillity, and integrity
of the empire.
Colonel CONOLLY denied that the members of the late
Government possessed the confidence of the people of
Ireland. This motion had been got up by the Whigs
—the friends of the Irish conspirators to help them
out of their present calamitous position.-- •( Great cheering.)
He should like to know what Hon. Gentlemen opposite
meant by a difference of law and of right ? The aristocracy of
Ireland drew a distinction between the admitted wrongs of that
country and those fictitious ones which formed the stock in
trade of the agitators. Why, what was the alleged great evil
of that country, according to their account? Why, they said
that all the evils arose from the Established Church, and the
grand remedy which they suggested was its abolition entirely.
But had the Established Church no claims to justice, were
the Protestants of Ireland to be swept away from off the face
of the country ? which would be the case if the proposition of the
Noble Lord opposite were acted upon. He was sure that the
great body of the Irish people were too sensible of the advan-
tages which they derived from the Church ever to
consent to such a proposition. The body of the
Protestants suffered the most galling injuries and perse-
cutions for the last 20 years •, and, according to the •iews
of the Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland, and the Noble
Lord the Member for the City of London, the Protestants and
Presbyterians of that eountry were to be treated with greater
violence than they were during the period of the thirty years'
war on the Continent, when every outrage was perpetrated
against them. —( Loud laughter.) When the Noble Lord
talked a good deal of possessing the confidence of the people of
Ireland, he (Colonel Conolly) was astonished at the Noble
Lord's effrontery.—/ Renewed laughter.) He had also talked
of the wrongs of Ireland; but why, if they existed, did he do
nothing to redress them during his long administration ? The
whole of his term of office was one of continued insecurity and
danger to the lives and properties of the Protestants of Ire-
land.—( Ironical cheers.) They had very few of the educated
classes of Ireland along with them, although they might have
the agitators. Although he (Colonel Conolly) would not at-
tempt to vindicate all the acts of the landlords of Ireland. yet
he thought they had been most unfairly treated by the Noble
Lord's Government, and he could not expect or flatter
himself with the idea that lie had had the approbation of the
people of Ireland along with him. He (Col. Conolly) was
ready to give him credit for bringing in the Grand Jury Bill,
and he also thought that a system of poor-laws would, if pro-
perly framed, he most beneficial to the poor of that country;
but still he was sure that the lives and property of the higher
classes were endangered by that insatiable cupidity which had
been excited by the course fostered by the late Government.
The Noble Lord, the Member for Sunderland, had asked were
they to govern Ireland by force ? He (Col. Conolly) would
answer him, and say they should govern her by the due ad-
ministration of the laws of the country in the repression of tur-
bulent agitation. The Noble Lord, the Member for London,
had not alluded to many of his measures which concerned Ire-
land, hut he (Col. Conolly) would do so for him, and tell
him that they were almost held up to universal execration—
( Loud laughter)—and that be did not at all enjoy that sole
popularity which he imagined to the exclusion of all other
parties. During his administration he was completely under
the dictation of that agitation which the present Government
had the manliness and courage to repress.—(lronical cheers
and laughter.) The Noble Lord's name was connected with
the Coercion Bill, whirls was not very popular with the Irish
people; it was true ho (Colonel Conolly) voted for the Bill as
well as the Noble Lord.—( Loud laughter.) Some Honourable
Gentlemen and Noble Lords connected with the late Govern-
ment might have lost their 2,0001. or 3,0001., whilst others
took care to instal themselves in offices which entitled them to
the receipt of salaries during their lives. Many of them took
d—d good care of that.—(When the Hon. and Gallant Gentle-
man used the above rather expressive adjective, a peal of
laughter rang through the House, and a considerable time
elapsed before he could proceed in his address, owing to the
renewed shouts of laughter with which he was met. ) He
thought much of the unpopularity of the late Government arose
from the number of hungry expectants whom they shook off.
The Noble Lord hail raked up a bundle of old stories, which
were likely to increase that animosity between the two parties
tin y so loudly pretended to deprecate.
Mr. WARD rose to explain. He had never said, that
there were Catholics who disliked the Act of Settlement. He
hod said nothing of the kind. What he had said was, that at
the time it was passed, after the battle of the Boyne, when the
two religious parties were 'tithed as it were against each other,
the Act of Settlement was felt as a grievance. But he believed
at present the loyalty of the Catholics of Ireland was un-
doubted.
Colonel CONOLLY had misunderstood the Hen. Gentle-
man, and he was sorry for it.
Mr. Sergeant MURPHY, after briefly stating that in his
opinion, the popularity of the Noble Lord near him (Lord
John Russell) would be unaffected by the attack of the Hon.
and Gallant Member opposite said, he much regretted that
the Right Hon. Gentleman, the Attorney-General for Ireland,
was absent from his place in Parliament ; because on
a former occasion, he (Mr. Sergeant Murphy) had
felt it to be his duty to animadvert on the conduct
of that Right Hon. Gentleman during the late State prosecu-
tions in Ireland. He regretted the more that he was absent,
inasmuch as he (Mr. Sergeant Murphy) intended again to
advert to that Right Hon. Gentleman's conduct. With re-
gard to the late trials in Ireland, he thought no one could say
that they had been conceived in a spirit of impartiality, or
that they had been characterised by that tone and temper
which the great importance of the occasion demanded.—
( Cheers.) There was a degree of captiousness in the conduct
of the Attorney-General which no one could fail to perceive.
Every morning of the trials he was certain to exhibit this cap.
tiousness. If any one of the traversers happened to be absent,
no matter from what cause, the Attorney-General would stop
the proceedings of the Court in order to compel the attendance
of those traversers. He (Mr. Sergeant Murphy) would now
turn to the trial itself. He would ask, why had there been such
delay in those prosecutions, if such prosecutions were necessary ?
If those meetings, out of which the prosecution had arisen,
were endangering the peace of the eountry, then, upon their
own showing, the Government were -answerable for having
risked the peace of Ireland by the delay they had exhibited in
instituting the prosecutions. On the 9th of May in the last
year, in answer to a question from a Noble Lord, the Right
lion. Baronet expressed his determination of maintaining the
union. The Lord Chancellor, in the House of Lords, on the
same day, declared it as his belief, that the meetings then
being held in Ireland were illegal, and rendered persons at-
tending them liable to an indictment. Having this high
opinion as a foundation to go upon, he (Mr. Murphy) asked
why such delay had taken place in the instil ution of the
prosecutions? Was it that those who had embarked in
those proceedings should be lured into a further
violation of the law, or was it the intention of the Rght Hon.
Baronet to entrap one individual whom he thought Isis chiefest
difficulty with respect to his Government in Ireland ? The
Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary for the Home Department,
the other night, said that they on the Opposition side of the
House need not hug themselves with the notion that the pre-
sent Government coming into power had been the cause of the
multitudinous meetings being held. He said that such meet-
ings had been held in 1840 and 1841 on the same subject. If
similar meetings had been held before, he (Mr. Sergeant Mur-
phy) would ask what difference took place in their character
between May and October in 1843 ? The Lord Chief Justice
on the bench had declared that the moment Mr. o'oConnell
made the declaration that the Queen in Council with one in.
dividual had a right to summon the Parliament in Dublin, he
was guilty of an indictable offence. Then, why had the Go-
vernment refrained from instituting the prosecution? Was it that
seven or eight individuals might be brought together in order that
that might be tortured into a conspiracy? If so, that con-
spiracy had lasted for upwards of eight months; and he (Mr.
Sergeant Murphy) would ask whether, during that time, any
person in Ireland had felt the least apprehension. But the
Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir J. Graham) said the indict-
ment was not preferred until after a proclamation had issued
from the Corn Exchange, which contained words savouring of
military forms. Why those words, it afterwards appeared, had
been introduced by a person of the name of Morgan. They
were afterwards disclaimed by the Repeal Association—they
were disclaimed immediately that they were brought under the
notice of that Association. He now came to the circumstances
connected with the trial itself. He was not going to
bring up the question again of excluding Roman Catholics
from the jury list, but this he would say, that it was
evident, from what had lately taken place, that if any Roman
Catholics should be indicted for anything which savoured of
a political offence, he must be tried before a jury of Pro-
testants. He asked what would be the moral effect of the
conviction lately obtained by the Government ? Would it
have the same moral effect as a verdict obtained from a jury
differently constituted? Did the Government recollect what
had been said by one of the leading journals in Dublin, and
the Government organ, upon the constitution of the jury ?
That journal, when the jury was, formed, said : —" We have a
true flock, but there is one black sheep amongst them, but
that one black sheep will not mar the others." Before the
trial took place, Mr. Thompson, one of the jurors, was heard
to say, that " at all hazards, repeal must be put down."
Could there, he (Mr. Sergeant Murphy) asked, be a fair
trial, with such a man as this on the jury ? The Right Hon.
Baronet, the Secretary for the Home Department, inquired
if it was likely that they would try a question of tithes, or
trespass, before persons continually in the habit of committing
similar offences ! lie (Mr. Murphy) said that was not a
parallel case. Mr. O'Connell had always been the advocate
of the Catholics. The parties before whom he was
tried hated him. What, then, could be the moral
effect of such a trial on the people of Ireland?
If the Right Honourable Baronet compared the case to that of
a reputed poacher tried before a bench of game-preserving
justices, the comparison would better apply.—(Cheers and
laughter.) The whole inquiry in Dublin was, on the day
that the panel was struck, had they got a good Protestant
jury? It was so, and the result was what might be expected,
when the man was to be immolated whom they had, for forty
years, regarded as their most hated political opponent.—
( Hear, hear.) What then would be the effect when the six
million, and a half, or more, of Roman Catholics saw the exul-
tation of all classes of Protestants in the conviction of their
champion and leader ?—(Hear, hear.) But what would the
people of this country say to the management and result
of the trial? They would say that the trial was unfair
illegal, and unconstitutional, in every part of it.—( Cheers.) Let
them look at the character of the meetings themselves. It had
been said by gentlemen opposite that they were composed of
untutored savages. The magistrates and the aristocracy had
laughed at them, and had asserted that no arguments addressed
to them could have had any effect, on account of the stupidity
of the mere brutes who constituted them. What then did the
Government do? Did they leave the arguments to be ad-
dressed to these brute multitudes ? No ; they brought the
whole question to be argued in a Court of Justice. It was no
longer an ignorant and untutored rabble that was addressed,
but the discussion was transferred to the solemn arena of the
Court of Justice, where it was carried on with the utmost force
of talent and eloquence by men of transcendant ability and
learning, who had elicited in this country the greatest admira-
tion for their powers. One of those gentlemen, who had de.
clared in that House that he adhered to the union, acknow-
ledged, in Isis address to the Court, that, after the arguments
which he had heard, he found greater difficulty in finding
grounds on which he could defend the Act of Union.—(Cheers,)
Was that statement calculated to allay the effect which the
Government had produced by concentrating the agitation in
that focus ?—( Hear, hear.) He might now be allowed to al-
lude to other circumstances:—to the mode in which, the trial
was conducted, and to come at last to the summing up of the
Chief Justice.—( Cheers.) He (Mr. Sergeant Murphy 1 lived
in this country, and was a practitioner lu its Courts ; and he
believed that nothing lifted England higher in the scale of its
own estimation, and the respect of other nations, than the firm-
ness with which the laws were administered.—( [lea,, hear. )
With these feelings, when he read the charge of the Chief Jus-
tice, he thought that, great as wes the talent of the Solicitor-
General, he had no hesitation in saying that the
charge of the Chid Justice was, of the two, She better
speeeh for the Crown.—(Cheers.) The Solicitor-General
was obliged to contrast the argumeate of the opposite side with
those which he had to offer on his own part; but the Chief
Justice confined himself to one side.—(Hear, hear.) He
sneered at the pet meeting of the Rev. Mr. Tierney, and he
sneered at the possibility of the Queen and Daniel O'Connell
going arm in arm to open a Parliament on College Green.—
( Cheers, and laughter.) Hg sneered, also, at the comparison
that had beep instituted between the Arbitration Courts of
Me. OlCOnuell and those of the Quakers ; but he never re-
ferred to one fact or argument relied on by the trayerseee,
Tha utidignifled conduct of the Chief Justice did, ha etiolated,
much to obtain the verdict ; but it_ ell.' also more to take away
all moral effect from that realAlt.-4heers.) Nor was he

(Mr. Sergeant Murphy) singular its that opinion. Their own
press said that they is ished the charge of the Chief Justice had
d
been less in the spirit of a partisan.—( Cheers.) Hadit bee
on the simplest and humblest occasion, it would have been
reprehensible, but it was much more so, when the man who
had for forty years been looked up to by the great majority.
of the people with love and admiration, was upon trial for al!
his acts, from the rebellion of 1793 to that period, t‘ her), but
for his interposition, a terrible outbreak would have taken
place.—( Cheers.) Why did the Chief Just ice, then, never
bring before the jury the fact that Mr. O'Connell hail St
between life and death on that occasion ?—(Chee s.) Was
trial-
likely that any moral eifeot could be produced by such a
beginning with the captiousness of the Attorney-General--
then the formation of the jury, with its attendant accident—.-
and ending with the charge of the Chief Justice ?—(Cheetod
Would it put down the repeal agita, ion ?—especially when the,
man in whom his countrymen confided most was placed Wl' at:„
the ban of the law, under circumstances in which the mean° •
person in this land would not be arraigned? The Right lionr.
Baronet ( Sir James Graham) had said, that he wrote a lette.
'
to the Lord Lieutenant, directing bins, in ecclesiastical patron',
age, to look only to the fitness of the appointment. But thin
had the admitted fact, that all the episcopal appointments ha,.
been bestowed upon persons who were opposed to the systento!
national educat ion.—( Hear. ) Now he would ask any one !
regarded cause and effect, w hether the t artly and small concessions
.
which were at length promised would have been thought of if
were not for this agitat ion, so long as Ireland was under the doraii,
nation of a Tory Ministry. And after all, what were the WO--
A Commission had been appointed to inquire into a great cal.
of discontent. Why should it not before this have made
report ?—( Tory laughter.) Gentlemen might laugh, but
atr
the disease was great, the remedy ought to be speedy.--(
hear.) But while the Commission was still deliberating, %"
,
-
agrarian discontent was increasing, and the causes of the drio.
content were in active operation.—(Hear, hear.) The 1)14
mised grant for national education would be of little use t
Government could not enforce the manner of its applicatil
•
The Protestant clergy to a man refused to allow their flocks t°
attend the schools, and in this way they frustrated the great °
jest of bringing up the children of different persuasions togeth iu
er•
so that their sectarian prejudices should a !quire no folccel
early life.—( Hear, hear.) lie wished now to draw a parall
between the state of things in this country and in Ireland.
What had been the conduct of the Attorney-General in Ert
land? He was not a man to slumber in his charge of
public peace. He had put down by his conduct the Chart
at
agitation, and the agrurian disturbances in Wales. lint
?—(Chun
had he done with the grand conspiracy of the League ?.—(,
from both sides of the House.) But the League had Or!,
seded the theatres.—( Laughter.) It had agitated the co u•
from end to end. It had collected 100,0001., and held ondil
tudinous meetings. Nay it had even denounced the G .015
ment, and threatened to agitate until the Government shoo
be compelled to concede its demands. The League presented,
every ingredient of conspiracy that had been shown in Irelano
In that country a newspaper proprietor enters into the viw,-
of the Repeal Association as a commercial speculation ; but tab ,
League did not allow the connection of the newspaPor wb- •
their conspiracy to be a matter of construction, for they estso
lished a newspaper themselves, and they avowed that they 11,
concocted their conspiracy in a small room in Manchester.
0,
(Cheers.) But, in Ireland, the proof of the conspiraeY
taken from the peaceful and orderly character of them eet'wt
and the coincidence of expression on tha part of the differ„.ent
speakers. Now if the Attorney-General wanted to know wind
were the means of operation adopted by the League, he
have sent to Leamington for a parson, who said that assassin
tion was one of their means. —( Hear, hear. ) ugh )
Mr. FER RAND—Why, they said so themselves. —( A 'a-'f'r
Mr. Sergeant MURPHY said the lion. Member .°,-
Knaresborough was a person to whose assertions he titnstAb.;
in that House.--(Cheers.) But there was another ingrenri-he
in the Irish conspiracy—there was a song.—( Lau Yhter.,)h
Right Hon. Gentleman had, no doubt, read jie Ce:3
distich—

" Oh God, that bread should be so dear,

And flesh and blood so cheap."
Not only did Punch publish these lines—(Laughter)--buetit:
make the conspiracy more clear, Mr. Cobden quoted till, the
public meeting, therefore Panels was a censpirator sett eiiel
League.—( Great laughter.) They (the Government)!`ri'ease,
in Ireland from the coincidence of opinion. In ti'''tose•
they had a perfect coincidence, and why did they Dot Potio,
cute the editor of Punch 2—( Laughter.) There was ell teed
great coespirator for there ! —(Laughter.) But whets
lid;
had done so they must do more than was done in 'goiter
they must have a jury of agriculturists, with the Hen' e got
for Knaresbough at their head—(Laughter)—and haveteeee
their jury, they must get an Attorney-General to eua,Y
the jury first, and then challenge the counsel.—( Laughter It
But they would not even then be sure of their verdict' des
had been said that one of the best things for the two eelutaioll
would be an interchange of judges—(Laughter)—and ell en to
for the conviction of the League nothing could be surer t pet,
bring over the Chief Justice of Ireland.—(Cheers.) or
perhaps, the Attorney-General would say that the slen°e-sgas
merit of repeal was for ever, and that of the Corn-law i,
ial
only for once.—( Hear, hear.) He looked at those proceedoa
only as a lee yer—as an Irishman residing in this countll, cijel
enjoying its blessings—blessings which he wished to be ex orb
to his native country; and seeing the man who had done as to s
iii the cause of liberty as any man about to be conslgne It all
dungeon, he must say that that great man would havetiecor
events, his reward. Posterity would award to him that I' But
which his merits had secured to him in his own time•ucitys
that man had another consolation. Five-sixths of his, eveateen
men, and all Europe, looked with admiration upon 111',1,-et ad'
and would inscribe upon his pedestal the expression of wee'
miration. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman "neredstsa
amidst much cheering, with a quotation of which one were.
not heard in the gallery, as he was now completely hoar Noble
Mr. B. ESCOTT said it had been stated by the t
Lord (J. Russell) who opened the debate on the prese"mosr
jest, and it had been repeated by more than one HO"' psis le
ber who had followed, that the present period was the er.'e,to
the fate of Ireland. When he first heard the elere's'o 0111
doubted much whether it was not on. of those which 01%001
fell in the course of the debate, because he his
not help thinking how many times, durintc,, of
own brief experience in that House, the e_rls'(Dir.
Ireland had arrived.—( Bear, hear.) But be pre'
Escott) really believed, from what had passed during t et, of
sent debate, that the present was really a crisis in the ",sisd
Ireland.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord (Russell) 114 !joie
that the effect of his motion, if carried, would be the 00. r, 0
ment of the present • Government and the substitui'vinote
another. He (Mr. Escott) would not disguise anY earl
than others who had spoken that evening, that he sea'
man, but he trusted the House would give hire, car'
ryifor his assuraece when he stated, th would
if he thought tee„ s
tbe
ng of the Noble Lord's motion tend to softe''of
animosities, allay the passions, and heal the differenfe see
Ireland--if he thought it could possibly have this effee'di of
by this effect consolidate the peace and add to the strenalcola
the British empire, he would at once throw off the tr e"'
of party and give his cordial vote in support of the nrtoahad
And, notwithstanding the taunts which the Noble Lo side
thrown out upon Hon. Members on his (Mr. Eseott,e"eord
of the House, it was his own conviction that if the Noble, that
could demonstrate to the conviction of independent mine eooltf
the course he proposed to them to take was the best theelhei $
be adopted—notwithstanding his taunts lie would hal bite t°
majority in that House to support him, and enable the,
,
carry his principles into effect. Bit he for one must say
lie had heard the remedies of the Noble Lord
ie thitt
feelings almost of dismay. If it were possi' ;
his motion could be carried, and that, being
iciplre
!he Noble Lord should return to power, they r wool
which lie had enunciated in his speech were such
_asthettl
scatter dismay and confusion into every part of thee tor ee
Kingdom. The Noble Lord had consumed nearly an eed
his speech in an endeavour to bring into contemPueneetoe;
vilify, the legal tribunals of this country. Ile, COsbo,si
with an attack tiot on the legal tribunals of ire'em 'l, lie "
those of En *laud.— Hear, hear. ) Let no one thin A tba,
the bad taste to suppose that to hint beloree7l,ol
high privilege of defending the character of t,cluhtel'ej
Chancellor of lenglard.—(l-I,,ar, hear, and '
attack
But if that eminent and learned individual was to be ever el;
for a light word spoken years ago, and which he halenunieralte,
petted to hear of again, save in low Radical and "Belief
newspapers, surely they could all call up in their mono desire
recollection of a Secretary of State, who had dareti,j,per otio
nate the majority of the Peers of the land as the w`cretest she
factiow.—( Hear, hear, and laughter.) He did not e
• ilit° trY
right of the Noble Lord to challenge and i"11"1.° eedl)o.
conduct pursued by the legal tribunals of th.'s,t eeeead
or of Ireland, provided there had been anYthrosd eb
stitutional in it.—(Hear.) But the Noble
merely vilified the tribunals, without even advtbeYreief
charge against them. True, from another quar'iesh t;
last night heard a charge brought against the 0004
Justice—not so much as to Isis words as against ptePt .)
and he denied that the House of Commons coulsliLoghterthe
occupied in discussing the manners of a judge.--(;ery e° if.
The great leader of the Whigs had attacked the los
recent trials, and in doing so had attacked trial bY.lor tee 0.0
—(" Oh, oh," and great laughter.) The conduct d toles:00
vernment in regard to the late trials might be diejeeheade" es
heads—the policy and the legal effect of them. Ibeeileete.
were proper subjects for the consideration of that„t t°
to the policy, then, was it a sufficient answer agaa," 060;
as had been said by the Noble Lord and by t"he Wye,'
Learned Gentleman (Mr. Sergeant Murphy) ,f,'",°of I°o°
sat down, that other parties had also been em"evere hted
meanors, for which they had not been indicted. in Ire.°us
no anology between the cases, for the proseeutioe°l.ooolejle
were an imperetive duty. So far from these whoa-
leading the people of Ireland to despair, as had, the
said would be the case. The very first step v0'd.0,,,,0
veil
vernment was called upon to take, was to Put ~,d liee:l/10§:
law those who were agitating the country. lie, had tree
much struck by the manner in which the Neblectad oeesevre
sell) had dwelt on the fact of the delay which Noble etc
The e'
in the commencement of these prosecutions. ,
ecoelee too'
did not argue so much that the prosecutions te of
roitioe
improper as that they were undertaken at an °lira Best for°
It was not then the prosecution but the tinv•eseeut° that
that caused him to complain. But could they Peyideolittle
conspiracy before they had formed the link of
,ehe eras stel
was to prove the charge ? Were they to take
r`al'opire'etier
isolated act, or wait and see what would te coolest°,
whether the transgression was merely ; war, Lord',
ment or followed up into a continuance e-ee t.soblo doe.
He would now proceed to the strength of th eee t° /rely tp
Case, which consisted in a general charge of Mies ot °Ought
Now, if he could hear a single charge of inje!tiveoin,br Lest
Ireland, but to any subject of the United King Noble had
home to her Majesty's Government, the .niustice oiet'
should have his vote Two instances ofThe p 1), its
been mentioned ; and what were they! , clettien%joss
ment of two judges of strong
their capacity of politicians, not as judges. d been ,ect
political
cicargeoargeteit,
them was, in fact, that their political opinions 'lvo resigeo-
to those of the Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear.) se 100' 0 tiec
one of them, at least, it had been admitted by o_",. wages°oo;
ber opposite, that he was one of the most humare Leuree."ee
Irish bench, The Noble Lord, in referring to CbUI eof
ion, said, " You have a Church in Ireland;:iiiionailersiee
one million, whereas the other six or sevekictee woe(
totally different religious opinions ;" and the one we „eel II
tained that that was an injustice to Ireland.
s_, by eq beige
expected the Noble Lord to state what he me font to !hole
Church establishments; whether he reallYl_lllo to
lie
the Church or not, and if lie did elel ewe', vey
ee
de
it, what he meant to set up its listen eetSt ee
(Mr, Escott) declared that, having, states; etell'hje
the utmost attention to the Noble Lordsneee lould
believed that the only remedy for the ere,,n,,„oth ab°,o
which he proposed was, that the grant to lee wits no ees
e,
Colleee iestierie"oeci;
doubled. The grant to Maynooth
es,ooo/. or 10,000/. By increasing this amountti and %AO'
be done to Ireland, and all its evrilacti:r
Iru.toorifotthee' I,;isvese:ibeee:
were to be removed. Before they
would lie well to recollect what the Noble L
C the gr eertie
for Sunderland had proposed as his remede'Greistiect. reetY v
of Ireland. There were in that House three el.as titer eel
ion There " 10-'8 $ll
in reference to the Church ques • City of Loa' $
the Noble Lord the Member for the City 0
of the ht by
smell one, he belies-eel; there was th party last ele'..cierle,
Learned Gentleman opposite, streneneithe Goee,repos'eo;
great accession; and there was the party Ge Levee!, tieyolie
'The Noble Lord the Member for the City 0,
ot t, 3
ace to,
as he had already stated, to inereaae the rat) ,posite't $ ee
College. The Hon. and ',tweed Gentletpan I d toisooide,
Noble Lord the Metnh,er for Sunderland, pr.ol:rwe
t 431
nember heti-4 oi Irishmen and Etiglislone
topic, thine, 1, ,
a gre4 boon to Ireland, 110 was hapPYetr•Fl esters
had no chance of carrying their intention "on, es'eerenoe,..
Noble Lord, the Member for the City of Le" it for fi
lie had been speaking ten minutes, that he °tie told
that they all meant w uiaiutaiu the union! ;"