The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-03 00:00:00

tildes made of themselves a force which invited atten-
tion front the very fact of their being Congregated
into masses, which covered them with an mgis of pro- -
tection from the were fact of being thus e'xhiee o d to the
public gaze.—(lie.ir, hear.) That be found was the first
characteristic of their condition, and one consequence of
that- condition was the present inedd:ing with
tie it position.—(Lout cheers.) The factory labourer
worked in conjunction with machinery, which being put
into fir ordinary English meant this, that the ma-
chinery had all the hard work, and that the labourer
had that which required mental labour.—(Hear, hear.)
It would not do for the Noble Lord and Gentlemen op-
posite to say that as machinery was improved, the labour
of the operative was increased. Ile (Mr. Roebuck)
denied that proposition. In every process, as machinery
advanced, its peculiarity was absolutely to imitate the
human mind—that it discharged offices which a priori two
centuries ago, if any one . anticipated, he would have
been described as a dreamer. It relieved the labour of
the operative, and reduced him, in reality, to be a mere
I superinteedent of a certain line of superhuman power.
lie denied that such improvements in machinery in-
creased the labour of those who superintended that
machinery. He put forward that proposition without
himself having the slightest doubt of its accuracy.
He invited every man ss ho, knew or who wished
to know anything about the matter, to task
it to the utmost ; and he asserted this, that every ad-
vande and improvement in machinery had lessened
human labour—had lessened it in time and in inten-
sity.. Now, he found that the peculiarities attaching
to the factory men were two. One, and that the
were congregated in masses; the other that they worked
in conjunction with machinery. Ile could find no other,
and if the general rule were accurate, that they who
had elle- most interest, and the greatest. knowledge to
judge of their own affairs, ought to make a contract.
for 'themselves he asked the Noble Lord opposite,
how it came that those two elements, having " ens
tered into the composition of this complicated
ease, should render it a ground for him to in-
terfere in their case, when he d d not interfere
in the.case of.the.agricultural labourer. There was one
thing he wanted to clehe up. It would not do to come
down there with exaggerated descriptions of. misery, of
deformity, of want, • and of suffering. He (Mr. Roe-
buck) denied them Hear, hear," and " Oh.")
" Oh," said the Honourable Member for Pomfret
(yr.: M. Milnes). He (Mr. Roebuck) wanted
to knoW if that lion. Gentleman had ever investigated
the case. It was very .easy to make propositions with
jinggling. sounds and jiuggling syllables, but he (Mr. le.)
Wanted knowledge before- he legiilated.—(Hear, hear.)
That being . the condition of the people for
whom they- were -about to legislate, he would not
trouble the House with a mass of evidence. 'lndeed, he
ought to apologise to the House for having already ad-
dressed them at such length upon the matter.—(Hear.)
lie stated ,it broadly, and he called upon the Noble
Lord to 'deny it, that the factory commissions of 1833
declared that the condition of the factory labouring
population of this country was superior to any other
labouring population.—(Hear, hear.j He knew they
could pick out individual cases here and there of suffer-
ing, and far was it from him to speak of them in
the slightest degree with anything like levity.
He felt for the misery of the labourer in the factory, and
for the misery of the agricultural labourer, and he wou'd
by and bye argue that question with the Noble
Lord and those who supported him.—(H.ear.)
What he said, however, was this. It was very ease
to bring forward individual instances of deformity', but
they must make out that it was the consequence of the
system, and besides making out that it was the conse-
quence of the system, they must know that by legislative
enactments they could relieve it. Unless they established
these two propositions they did nothing. Now, had not
the Factory Commissioners, in 1833, declared distinctly
and clearly that the labourers of the manufacturing po-
pulation were better off in every particular than any
other class of the labouring population of this country.
They were better off in every particular. As he had
already said, they were better paid, better lodged, and
better fed. And now he came to that which he knew
would be treated as the ad captanduni argument on that
occasion. The Noble Lord said, " What 1 have. you
so little regard for a woman, as to wish that she
should be taken from those labours which are her pecu-
liar sphere, which make her the solace of our lives,
which make her the instrument of oar early education,
and in fact prove her and form her to be the friend
of man ? Are you willing to destroy her vital
power, to make her a machine, to unfit her to rear and
make- her race ? In fact, are you willing to de-
grade the human race by making their mother's
miserable beings ?" That was the kind of argu-
ment which was used. Now, he would ask, first, was
the labouring woman in the factory worse off than she
would be if she were not in the factory. Judgingot
her situation as an 'agricultural labourer, he would
say that her situation was far better. He
had this peculiar evidence in his favour,
that, all the medical men who had investigated the-sub-
jcct in 1833, declared that the' labouring woman was
far better able to cope with the labour in the fac-
tory. He could understand why. It was
in-door work—it was warm (so far it was com-
fortable), and all that was required of her was con-
tinuous attention. It was the peculiar characteristic o!
woman,-that she could give this continuous attention; aed
not sutler in her health ; while man when bound to give
continuous attention to in-door labour, which did not
task his intellect usually did suffer in health.
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

IMPEItIAL PARLIAMENT.

happy to say that Sergeant Starkie and every other
person to whom he had exelaincd the principles of the
HOUSE OF LORDS, May 2. present Bill, expressed their entire accordance in them.
'HOLYHEAD HARBOUR. He hoped their Lordships would-approve it. Ile trusted
In answer to a question from Lord MONTEAGLE, the Noble and Learned Lord-on the woo&tck would
The Dukp of WELLINGTON slid the -question of approve of it, and that he would not act the part of Rha-
facilitating the communication between this country and daluanthus.
Ireland had been under the consideration ,of the Go-
vernment, and they had determined to continue that
communication by meaes of Holyhead With regard to
granting money for this purpose, the Government had
postponed their decision until after the railway to Holy-
head, which was now before Parliament, had been dis-
posed of.
Earl FITZWILLIAM thought a Commission
ought to be appointed to inquire as to what points of the
country requited railways, and what parts did not ; and
that no other railways ought to be sanctioned, except
those approved by such Commission.
The Duke of WELLINGTON said he thought the
appointment of such a Commission would be like shut-
ting a stable dor when"the steed was stolen.—(Laughter.)
Lord BROUGHAM thought such a commission was
necessary for the purpose of protecting ineividuals.
The house of Earl GI ey for instance in Northumber-
land had been greatly injured by a railway passing
close under it, and it was but poor consolation to that
Noble Earl, after being driven from his house to be
told, that he must yield to public convenience.
After a few words from the Marquis of LANS-
, DO W NE,
Earl FITZ WILLIAM gave notice that he would
move the appointment of such a commission on Tues-
day next.
SANATORY REGULATIONS RESPECTING THE
DWELLINGS OF THE POOR.
The Marquis of NORMANBY rose to present a pe-
tition from the working men of Edinburgh, praying the
House to pass a Bill which would establish better
sanatory regulations with respect to the dwellings of the
poor. The petitioners prayed that steps might be taken
by which the dwellings of the poor might be abundaetly
supplied with good water ; and they also prayed for the
repeal of the duty on soap. They had formed them-
seSves into a society on this subject, and they acknoW-
lodged with gratitude in the petition the receipt of a
magnificent donation from his Royal Highness Prince
Albert towards the funds of the society. The Noble
Marquis then enlarged upon the necessity for immediate
legislation upon this subject. He reminded their Lord-
ships that 50,000 persons annually died in this kingdom
of diseases which might be prevented if there were good
sanatory regulations in existence. It was now four
years since he first brought this subject under the
consideration of their Lordships, and he hoped that
another session would not be allowed to pass without
the subject being considered by Parliament.
The Duke of BUCCLEUCH said that the Bills which
the Noble Marquis had brought forward on this subject
had been passed very rapidly in that House; but when
they were sent- to the other House of Parliament, they
were found by practical men to be quite inefficient. for
the purpose for which the Noble Marquis intended
them, for it was found that the remedies which
the Noble Marqnis proposed were found to be such, that
to carry them out would be attended with au expense
equal to a confiscation of the property to which it
applied.
Lord CAMPBELL hoped the Government would
take the prayer of the petition into their serious consi-
deration, coming as it did from a city which had been
properly termed the Modern Athens, and which was
worthy of the term, both on account of the beauty of its
buildings and the intelligence of its inhabitants.
Lord BROUGHAM said that if his Noble and
Learned Friend had been the representative of Edin-
burgh now, he certainly would not have had the support
of his constituents in what he had awed, for they con-
sidered it as an insult to have their city termed the
Modern Athens.—(Laughter.)
Lord CAMPBELL said that Edinburgh had produced
his Noble Friend, and he was an Alcibiades, a Pericles,
sad a Demosthenes, in his own person.—(Laughter)
After a few words from the Marquis of NOAMANBY
and the Duke of BUCCLEUCH, in explanation, the peti-
tien was laid on the table.
WRIT OF ERROR BILL. .
Lord CAMPBELL rose to move the second reading
of this Bill, which he had . been already permitted to
place on the table of their Lordships' House. A great
defect at present existed in the .law, and one which re-
quired a speedy remedy. A writ of error could be had
from all the inferior courts to the Queen's 'Bench, and
from thi Court of Queen's Bench to that House, and
this wee necessary to preserve a uniforM administration
of justice. Whatever opinion might exist as to the mode
in which the House of Lords discharged its political
duty, he believed there was but one opinion of the man
I,er in which their Lordships executed their judicial
functions, and which gave the greatest satisfac-
tion. There was , a great difficulty with re-
spect to what was done in cases of misde
meanour, where the writ of error was brought after the
sentence of imprisonment had been passed. With respect
to civil mews st difficulty existed, but it was surmounted
by giving good security to pay the sum adjudged to
be due, the sentence was suspended until the writ of
error was tried. But with respect to writs of 'error in
cases of misdemeanor the most serious evils remained ti,
be remedied. .No writ-of error could be brought on any
interlocutory matter until the final judgment of the Cour
was given ,• and when the sentence of imprisonment war
pronounced it must be carried into imam:Hate ext cution.
He knew no exception to this rule. except, perhaps, one
case in Yorkshire, where the experiment was made on a
small scale. lie was a notorious poacher, and the Court
sentenced him to six months' imprisonment, but the sen•
tenet, was not to be carried into execution until the first
day of the shooting season (September), so that he might
be kept in prison the whole of that period. He believed
that though this was a very ingenious and salutary sort
of suspension, it was yet contrary to law, for the impri-
sonment must commence in a court of criminal jurisdic-
tion from the day of the sentence being passed. If the
prisoner was already under sentence for another offence.
the punishment for the second must begin when the first
ended. The Court had no power to pronounce a sen-
tence of future imprisonment, nor had any criminal court
the power. to suspend the execution of a sentence pending
a writ of error. Even the Crown had no power to in-
terfere The Crown might pardon or remit the punish-
ment, but it could not suspend an execution
pending a writ of error. By the law of Eng-
land, in cases of misdemeanor the party we:
en titled to liberty until the law finally determined he
should •be punished. When a sufficient security was
given
that the party charged with the misdemeanor had
come forward to take his trial, he was dejure entitled to
.be discharged; and even after the verdict of the jury he
was still entitled to be discharged on good security. If
a writ, of error was brought to review the sentence;
was it not monstrous that that sentence should in the
meantime be carried into execution? It might happen
that a writ of error was obtained just before the long
vacation cononeeced; the Court of Queen's Bench die
not sit from June to November, .nor their Lordships
from July until February, and yet the sentence upon :he
indivistual must be enforced during the interval, whether
-the writ of error succeeded afterwards or not. Ile was
not stating any merely visionary case. There were we
,fortunately some illustrations of it. It was contrary ti-
Magna Charta that such should be the case, for it set
forth that no man should be deprived of his liberty ex-
cept by the law of the land. Yet a few years ago a case
oocured in Ireland, that of Mr. RadforkltOe, who, having
been convicted and imprisoned, brought a writ of error
to that House; and the care having been reviewed, the
objections urged by the prisoner were found valid, attn
he was discharged, but not until he had undergone
twelve months' imprisonment. Was not Such a thing a
scandal to the administration of justice, and a disgrace
to the law? The Bill he introduced would remedy this
grievance, and he apprehended its principles were un-
objectionable. A writ of error, it should be recol-
lected, was not obtained as a matter of course, it
could only lie had under the fiat of the Queen's
Attorney-General---Lthe accused should then enter int!,
such securities to be forthcoming at the proper time as
would be every way satisfactory to the Court. He pro,
posed that when the fiat was obtained, and when the
securities were entered into that the defendant would be
forthcoming to receive punishment, punishment should
not be inflicted until the superior court had decided
whether it was in accordance with the hew, or contrary
to the law, that that punishment should be inflicted.
That was the principle which he now asked their Lord-
ships to affirm. It was said that, if such a principle
were laid down, writs of t rror would vastly multiply ;
bat it amulet- he reeolleeted that they could be brought
upon no frivolous objection, and on no false pretence.
The sanction of the Attorney- (General was indispensible,
and the scrutiny of the Court would act as a prevention.
A writ of error could not be brought upon the bare
facts or merits of the case upon which the jury had
- already decided ; but solely upon a question of law.
Mg. DUE SOMDEN.—It is well known to Most The Attorney-General's guasantee might be considered
of our readers that Mr. Dyce Sombre has been residing sufficient that the objections were not frivolous or raised
for some time at Paris, where he has been giving a for the mere purposes of delay, and they might rely on.
series of entertainments to the elite of that city. He thu caution of the Court that the securities were ful-
filled. The Attorney-General had, in other matters,
has been also received by Louis Philippe at the
Tuileries. Being strongly impressed with a convic- great powers conferred upon hint, and if he neglected
tion of the injustice of the decision by which he was or abused his duty in any manner, he might be
impeached in Parliament. But, another objection was
declared t• be incapable of managing his affairs, he
consulted some of the first medical authorities in urged, of a very futile nature indeed, that the
present state of things had been going on for a very long
Paris. An army of French physicians, after lengthened
examinations, long reports of which have appeared in time, and that no great objection had been made to the
lair in its present form. Surely their Lordships would
the public mantas, have decided—" That from the ap-
preeiation of all the conversations which they have not consider these objections arguments, for the very
held with Mr. Dyce Sombre, and of all his acts which
seine sort of pretexts might have been urged for the con-
have come to their knowledge, they are all perfectly tinuance of every bad law, and for the prevention of
convinced that, at the present time, Mr. Dyce fiombre- every species of improvement. Torture was once ap-
is in the full possession of his intellectual and affec-
plied
tive facukies ; that the movements of jealousy, the crimi in this country to extract a confession from the
nal, and history told them how a predecessor in
office of the Noble and Learned Lord on the Woolsack,
tenacity of which ere revealed in several expressions of
Mr. Dyce Sombre, do not appear to exceed the ordinary Lord ChencellotaWriothesley, had assisted in stretching
limits in the feelings of an European, and with much the racjc. The Noble and Learned Lord who now filled
more reason than those of an Asiatic. That from all that office, might be accused of some peccadilloes, but he
information furnished by several persons who have felt certain he would not act as Lord Chancellor Wrioth-
knewn Mr. Dyce Sombre ever since his arrival in ' (2sley had done. A practice also prevailed of never con-
France, the full possession of his intellectual and efTec- fronting the prisoner with the witnesses for the-Crown—
tire faculties has not failed him since that period." A their depositions were taken in private. The prisoner
petition has been presented to the Court of Chancery to who refused to plead under all these disadvantages was
set test& the finding of the Commission, and it stands subjected to what was termed peine forte et dare, so as to
for Friday next.—Selloik Herald. make him plead. Weights were placed upon the unfor-
tunate criminal, in the language of the law, "heavier
SUDDEN Dean' IN WESMINSTER Annr.r.—On •
, than he could ber." It was further laid down that no
Friday last, on© of the vergers of Westminster Abbey,
witness "against.` the King" should be sworn, lest the
named Samuel Phillpotts, aged fifty, was engaged in
,
showing some individuals the monuments, &c., contained wry might belieVe. him ; and this vile practice
In the-t-s.,ered - edifice, when suddenly he ejaculated, eontinued until after the Reformation. In their
"Ohl" and fill 'speeehleis.: Ile -was immediately con- ,3" time, tbilid 'women, or infirm old men,
veyed to the Westminster Hospital, where the usual or persons ignorant -of the language, or deaf and dumb
means were adopted in order to produce re-inimation, persons who were tried fur their lives, could not employ
but without effect. The medical gentlemen who at. counsel to defend • them. He regretted to say, that
tended him gave it as their opinion, that death had been although the Noble- Lord on the woolsack possessed
caused by a fit of apoplexy. , much of the mill( of human kindness, he opposed
' the Prisoner's Counsel Bid. However itpassed •
In the paragraph relative to the entertainment
law and worked well, and removed disgrace_ front our
given by the Lord Mayor on Tuesday at .the Mansion-
laws, and a scandal from the administration of justice.
house,
it was mentioned by mistake that Mr. Crew at-
. But to all these bad laws he had quoted, the pretext
tended professionally as a singer. Mr. Crew was amongst '
might
have been urged, that they had been borne by the
the guests of the Lord Mayor.
country without exciting much -complaint. He was

RAILWAYS “FOR THE MILLION

" Gnos•ius ha Rhadamanthus habet durissims

Railway companies have discovered a way of being
liberal with profit to themselves ; and their speenla-
tive trading has secured a boon for the hard-working
population of the metropolis—one Means of relieving
'the Wen" by at least some temporary dispersion.
On Eastern Monday and the twofollowing days, w hat
are called "return tickets," giving the purchaser the
right to Conveyance out of town and back again, were
issued by several railway companies at greatly reduced
fares. Shopkeepers, clerks, mechanics, and the
fifty varieties of the Londoner race, were enabled for
once to taste the delights of railway-travelling, and
to visit .even the sea-coast ! The favourite resort was
Brighton—attractive from its associations with royalty,
fashion, and old repute for gaiety ; the extra receipts ,
on that railway amounted, in the three days, to 1,9431.
Traditions of Julius Caesar, of the ancient Castle,
and Shakespeare's Cliff, also drew great numbers to
Dover, and the result of the reduced fares for.the
three. days was seen in extra receipts to the amount
of 7001.
Must these mutual benefits be confined to Eager
week ? If it haS paid the Brighton Railway Proprie-
tors to sell "return-tickets" at halt:Trice for those
three days in April, would it not pay to do so on
every gaturday, Sunday, and Monday throughout
the summer and early autumn ? Without attempting
to rival an economical arithmetician who has lately
distinguished himself on cotton-mills, it may safely
be calculated that to sell " return-tickets" on
such a purely pleasure-line as that to Brighton, would
be as great a boon to the Proprietors as to the public.
The fixed capital invested in the formation of a rail-
way bears a much greater proportion to the cost of
working than the buildings and machinery of a cot-
ton-mill to • the circulating capital ; and the railway
proprietor is, therefore, far more interested in in-
creasing the returns 'of his 'circulating capital by in-
creasing the rapidity of its circulation.
Railways have. created a new class of travellers, a
greet-locomotive population that could alone people
some European states ; yet to a considerable extent
" the masses" are debarred from the use of the rail-
way by the outlay. The rich man finds its cheapet
than the old method of post-chaises, or even stage-
coaches with the frequent inn-expenses ; but the poor
man can ill muster the requisite amount of gold.
Cheapness would beget still newer and more nume-
rous classes; just as the cheap and accessible omnibus
has converted half the passengers in London streets
to riders. At prsent the Londoner is content to
steam up to Richmond,
.and eat eel pies, or down to
Gravesend, and dabble, like the eel, in half-salt-
water; but give the opportunity, and thousands might
pour out weekly to the very sea-coasts, to the im-
mense profit of the railways, of the sea-side trades-
peaiale, and- the incalculable _benefit and delig-irt of the-,
town-bred folks' To many there is no delight so
great as that of loitering on a sea-beach ; but to the
inlander it is a pleasure as rare as it is great; it might
be.one for every week.—Spectator.

regita ;
Cas"gatque anditque dolos, sultigitque fated.
. The LORD CHANCELLOR said his Noble and
Learned Friend who had moved the committal Of the
Bill before their Lordships had sat in that House for
now a period of three years. During that time be had
shown himself anxious, on every occasion that presented
itself, of introducing some measure or' other to the
House, partly for the purpose of occupying himself, and
partly for the purpose of conveying information and in-
struction to their Lordship's minds.—(Latighter.) And
yet it was most singular that during the whole of this
period it had never occurred to his Noble and Learned
Friend's mind to suggest the propriety of adopting anY
measure of this kind; and it was only on the :eve of
Easter term now progressing, when a case of some
notoriety was depending in another part of the
kingdom—(Hear, bear)—a case of the deepest int-
portance—it was not till then, when he supposed that
that case would come to a speedy termination, and that
judgment would be pronounced upon it, that his Noble
and Learned Friend,- 'for the first time, had thought it
right to bring forward this measure.—(Hear, hear.)
Never had he (the Lord Chancellor) heard bins make
mention of the subject before. And he (the Lora Cha-
ncellor) did not hesitate directly to state that the Bill now
before their Lordships was brought forward for the pur-
poe of being applied to that case.—(Hear, hear.) Be
(the LordCbancellor) was not in the House when the
Bill was brought in, and he knew that his Noble and
Learned Friend on that occasion bad protested that ne
reference to the pending trial was in his mind when he
first 'concoct( d it. Of course he was bound to believe his
Noble and Learned Friend's declaration ; but in doing
so, it could only b.: by supposing that his mind had been
led away by its own enthusiasm and zeal, fur he (the
Lord Chancellor) was quite, persuaded there was
not a single person in that • House, or ire the
country, could came to any different conclusion
than that to which he had come, namely, that the Bill
Was directed to the proceedings now pending against
certain parties in Ireland. But his Noble and Learned
Friend e ould say it was impossible he could be :so In'
fluenced, and that their Lordships need not rely on his
profeSsions alone, inasmuch as he had introduced •
clause into the Bill deferring its operation until the let
of August next. But let their Lordships 'look so that
clause, and say if it was possible for this Bill to P
with it. Was there ever so thin and so flimsy a veil ?
Why, was it possible that if this Bill should pass into s
law that their Lordships could retain that cause
Could they, as men of common sense, retain it'?• Wiles
would be the effect of it but this—that their Lordships
Would pass a law which they thought a proper one,
whilst at the same time they would pass another law. of
rather a clause of a. law, expressly against thoe indivi-
duals who, between this period and the Ist. of Augusts
might be found guilty of.misdemeanours?—(Hear, hear.)
Was it possible to be suppose d that their Lordships welts
to be led astray by such flimsy 'pretexts as . those se'
vanced by his Noble and Learned Friend? For his own
part, he declared if that Bill passed into a law, b°
(the Lord Chancellor) would be the first to •moVe the
omission of that clause which, in fact, was put in mere',
to lead their Lordships to the conclusion that the oil:
ginator of it was not thinking of Ireland, and Irelenq
alone, when he drew it up. But let them not look ottlf
to the clause itself, but let their Lordships reflect nr'l
the history of the proceedings which had been going 001
and then say whether this Bill had not been brought ill
rear a temporary purpose, and for one single object alone.
But, after all, what was this Bill ? A more miserable
specimen of legislation it had never been his (the Lord
Chancellor's) fortune to have witnessed. Worse thee
all, it was a law for the rich, and not for the poor. The
poor man who had been convicted had, by that Cowie'
Lion, lost his character—with that he bad lost all Pe:
cuniary means, and all friends—and therefore all power
of getting bail. The. poor offender, then, was condemned
to abide and suffer his punishment, whatever it might
be. But the wealthy man—the rich offender—had re'
sources: He obtains bail, either by the application ,
his own means, or the aid of his friends. Such .wouw
be the impartial operation of that Bill.—(Hear, heari
Mark again how the Bill would 'operate. A ma
is convicted of a grave misdemeanour, which subjects hi!!
557 to two years' imprisonment. He is advanced
life, and a few months' imprisonment may probably ha
li
the most serious effect upon him. He obtains a writ of
error by means of his purse ;;he crosses the water,
out of the jurisdiction of the court ; if the judgment I
reversed he returns, and if it is confirmed, he eesi
tinues on the Continent, living in luxury and ease, as,
laughing at the judgment against him.—(Hear, _ beer'
Suppose he was a political partizan, and had' cog!
muted some crime about politics, but had many 51'1::
porters and friends, as was too commonly the case
What- does he. ? He says " I will Wait he
course of events ; a few votes in the House
ll
Commons just now are of importance, my influence 'l_l,
assist in this." He waits, receives a pardon, and rettlTe
in triumph, having set the laws at defiance.
another ease. A man commits a crime which'esPfte
him from society ; he is tried and convicted, but gets
ht
writ of error. He goes off, and, as a matter of ohoierl
it is not very material where, so he also sets the law '4
defiance. Such would be the effect of the indiscriniinaL
appeal here proposed. But there were misdemeanow:
of various character, some of them being liable to tb;
punishment of transportation. Perjury was, only
name, a misdemeanour, but it. was visited as a punisie
meat by transportation. Obtaining goods under false,
pretences was a misdemeanour. but it was frequentl.ol
and most properly, punished by transportation. 13..
what would be the effect of this law, supposing- the teos
demeanant had means at his command ? Why, he sll 0
would get free from all punishment, preferring,
doubtless he would do, to live in Paris rather • tb7,
to go to Van Diemea's Land, or to the rocks of nor)
talk Island.—(Hear, hear.) (the Lord Chant:oloi
mentioned these as some of the instances and some re
the consequences of the passing of this Bill. T„tes
were many others he could adduce, but he saw It°
cessity for so doing. The subject of appeal was in ;be
hands of his Right Hon. Friend the Secretary el
Home Department, who, with the assistance of the lel
officers of the Crown, had 'nearly prepared a generameasure, which his Learned Friend the Attorney-640
ral would submit to the consideration of Parlisaoh,
within a very short period. He did not say this go toe
purpose of giving an answer to the present Bill:, for
objected to it because he was satisfied it was brought
a particular purpose alone. As such, it was a TO'S
principle; and upon such grounds he had now tom
their Lordships that the Bill be committed that dal
months.
Lord BROUGHAM said, in his opinic.n, legislate e
to be useful and sound, ought always to be groundee,be
a general principle, and not to originate wider bait
Pressure of any peculiar circumstance or case. IA to
Lordships, in legislating, should never be induced
ad
look at any subject through one particular medium;
_,`lce,
Fearful that this was the case in the present itistsPdes
though he was sure wholly unintentionally, he &Ifs
it better the Bill should not be carried any furthers ‘,ll
wished it, however, to -be understood that he was str°lls,io
in favour of some sound amendment of the law upoll„to
subject. As, however, it was now understood it". ei
authority that the subject had been fully entertain
the Government, and that a measure was all but res.
and as he was happy to say, from a personal intellejett,
yesterday with his Learned Friend, Sir William Ft),lo to
that his health was so far renovated as to enable b'te
to
attend to business and introduce the subject at elli`ord•
the notice of Parliament, he thought their ii_ora
ships would• be acting a most discreet part W
the matter for the present moment as it i„,,e4
His leisure would no doubt be most usefully einP"tbe
for the public in digesting a proper measure nqtaat
subject. He could,not agree with his Noble Friend
the Attorney-General had the discretion he had 51. tee
upon writs of error. He thought they should atior
course in this country which they did in FruneVstiats
have so excellent a Court as the Court of CAsliipsen
which was one of the greatest benefits that had paal
conferred by the Revolution' of 1789. The Noble
would support the Bill. f
wit
h
Lord COTTENHAM supported the Bill. It Wa.t aas
satisfaction that he had heard that this very measl:;;9o
tt
under the consideration of the Government,. heed boa
showed that the measure was unobjedtionisble, as be toe
asserted, and that was an admission that the law tad
to be altered. As the law at present stood it wss it*
absurd, and required revision.---(Hear, hear.) ss aar
wholesome state of the law if, when a party ws teesc°
victed and sentenced, and who questioned that sfol del
in a superior Court, he was to be imprisoned durliteetl.
time the propriety of that sentence was being disc:ALl
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that the -t av'
under the attention of her Majesty's Government.
law advisers, was an appeal in. criminal cases. .01 °`
The Earl of WICKLOW opposed the corals'
the Bill. t t"
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE suPrr-eecchl
committal of the Bill. He had heard many sli,
from the Noble and Learned Lord on the woelsi. tbsa
' great pain, but he had never heard one with Wle-bIA
that which he had delivered that evening, .tale 0.11;
shown that the opposition to the Bill was Using on!'
entirely founded upon the chance of not bide Is
to imprison the individuals now ill' • A
in Ireland:—(Hear, hear.) d Lead
pose
Lord CAMPBELL replied—His Noble so oop 4
Friend on the woolsack had not the courage it that tPti
the principle of the Bill, because he admito° He 11,e
law was in such a state as required alteration• g
never used any political allusions in introdnortte
Bill, and he was astonished at his Noble. an
Friend's having done so. ,„1 withq, bt
The committal of the Bill was negate ast
division, and the House adjourned at Be .f 1
o'clock.

tb°
81. jnaleh
On the sth of February la RTHS
st, at Birdwan, Eot of ,s
idy of Major William Riddell, of the Bengal ~nv

DIED.
On the 17th ult., at. Janet,Lisbon the wife olCaptou v-
Mackenze, h. p.,4t Regim'ent. , 004
On the 17th ult.,
at h
St. Leonard's-on-the-Ses, 314'' '
daughter of the late Edgar • urge°
On the 26th ult .at St. Alban'e, Mr. John Coales,: , „age,
On the 20th ult., Eades Summers, Esq.,
....,--, of
Chertsey, Surrey, aged 82. ofFall-gr° 'e
P."-,
'll-, '
On the 28th ult., Elizabeth, wife of Adam Penni
Marsh-hill, Homerton3 liddlesex -- - Csraile
On the 30th ult.,' at Wilton:place, the lien%oce° ateo
V
Georgina de Montmorency, the daughter of -
Frankfort, the Veg.
Oh the 30th ult., at Stour Provost, Dorsetshire, dbere. ,r
Ilenry James Slingsbv, Rector of Stour Provost cool i.
Raaaw•saasaaerammoWa.m•boorm.......+ __, , . .-.- .... O/ °
London : Printed and Published 1)y, 1411.:I1.1)0 1 , ill,
Ne. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Ofticia ot:
lio
Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in lb.
Middlesex, Friday, May 3, 1844.