The Sun.
London, England, 1845-03-27 00:00:00

in °Milt t *UAL

LONDON, THURSDAY, MARCH 27, 1845.

IMPORTANT
FROM AMERICA.

EXPRESS FROM LIVERPOOL.

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
LIVERPOOL, WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON)
ONE O'CLOCK.
The packet ship George Washington, Captain
Bennet, has just arrived at our port from New York,
whence she sailed on the 6th inst. The papers which
she brings are five days later than those received last
night by the Indiana, and the most prominent item
in the news which they contain is the new President's
Message—a lengthy, and, as the American journals
state, a " tastefully written and patriotic document."
Mr. Polk expresses himself decidedly in favour of the
annexation of Texas, and the occupation of the Ore-
gon territory ; but it is thought that he will not, in
pursuing these objects, use any violent or imprudent
measures. He is in favour of a tariff framed gene-
rally with regard merely to revenue, though he thinks
that incidental protection may be afforded to all

interests.
The Message is decidedly unfavourable to a Na-
tional Bank. The Bill for the annexation of Texas
as it passed the*Senate on the 27th ult., was recog-
nised by the House of Representatives, and received
the President's signature on the following day. An
express started immediately for the Mexican Govern-
ment, and it was expected that Signor Altamonte,
would offer a protest, and take his departure. A
war with Mexico was quite expected.
The Senate passed a Bill on the 3d instant, allow-
ing a drawback on goods re-exported to the Canadas
from the United States. This measure had given,
much satisfaction.
On the Ist instant, the Senate confirmed the rote
of the House, for the admission into the Union of
lowa and Florida, as States, each to return two
Members. Slavery is not to be allowed in lowa,
but Florida remains in that respect as heretofore.
The report that the United States Government j
had laid before Congress, in secret session, papers I
found on the person of Santa Anna, showing that he
had been negotiating with Great Britain for the
cession of California, was fully believed.
The reported intended resignation of Sir Charles
Metcalfe is flatly contradicted by the Montr(al
Gazette.

(From the New York Herald of March 5.)
THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
Yesterday, at noon, James K. Polk, the newly elected
President of the United States, was inaugurated, and
took the oath of office in the presence of congregated
thousands. All the party leaders—all the officers of
State—all the representatives of the people—multitudes
of the fairest women in the land—and crowds upon
crowds of the citizens of the United States, were there,
and the whole scene presented one of the most imposing
displays of Republican pomp, splendour, enthusiasm, and
triumph, ever witnessed in the capital.
The day opened with the noise of cannon, the ringing
of bells, the display of the American flag from the
Capitol, the Navy Yard, the public edifices, hotels, and
many of the private dwellings of the citizens of Wash-
ington. About eight o'clock, early as was the hour, the
entire avenue from the President's house to the Capitol,
was thronged with men, women, and children, from all
sections of the country.
It was rumoured in the morning that. General Jackson
had arrived, and such a bursting forth of shouts from
point to point, as this report caught and spread among
the multitude, the ears of mortal man have seldom
heard. It is scarcely necessary, however, to say, that
" Old Hickory" was present only in spirit.
Our corrrspondence from the capital is of the greatest
possible interest and importance. The intelligence re-
lative to the formation of the new Cabinet will produce
great excitement in this region. Washington is in a
state of unprecedented ferment. Discontent—doubt—
astonishment—indignation—hope—fear—rejoicing—all
the varied and strong passions of the political arena
appear to be let loose in Washington, and no one knows
what the next hour may bring forth.
THE INAUGURAL ADDRESS.
"Fellow Citizens :—Without solicitation on my part,
I have been chosen by the free and voluntary suffrages
of my countrymen to the most honourable and most re-
sponsible office on earth. I am deeply impressed with
gratitude for the confidence reposed in me. Honoured
with this distinguished consideration at an earlier period
of life than any of my predecessors, I cannot disguise
the diffidence with which I am about to enter on the dis-
charge of my official duties.
" If the more aged and experienced men who have
filled the office of President of the United States, even in
the infancy of the Republic, distrusted their ability to
discharge the duties of that exalted station, what ought
not to be the apprehensions of one so much younger and
less endowed, now that our domain extends from ocean
to ocean, that our people have so greatly increased in
numbers, and at a time when so great a diversity of
opinion prevails in regard to the principles and policy
which should characterise the administration of our Go-
vernment? Well may the boldest fear and the wisest
tremble, when incurring reponsibilities on which may
depend our country's peace and prosperity, and, in some
degree, the hopes and happiness of the whole human
family.
" In assuming responsibilities so vast, I fervently in-
voke the aid of that Almighty Ruler of the Universe, in
whose hands are the destinies of nations and of men, to
guard this heaven-favored land against the mischief's
which, without His guidance, might arise from an unwise
public policy. With a firm reliance upon the wisdom of
Omnipotence to sustain and direct me in the path of
duty which I am appointed to pursue, I stand in the pre-
sence of this assembled multitude of my countrymen, to
take upon myself the solemn obligation, ' to the best of
my ability, to preserve, protect, and defend the constitu-
tion of the United States.'
"A concise enumeration of the principles which will
guide me in the administrative policy of the Govern-
ment, is not only in accordance with the examples set

me by all my predecessors, but is eminently befitting the
occasion. _ _

" The constitution itself, plainly written as it is, the
safe-guard of our federative compact, the offspring of
concession and compromise, binding together in the
bonds of peace and union this great and increasing
fa'mily of free and independent States, will be the chart
by which I shall be directed.
"It will be my first care to administer the Govern
ment in the true spirit of that instrument, and to assume
no power not expressly granted or clearly implied in
its terms. The government of the United States is one
of delegated and limited powers ; and it is by a strict
adherence to the clearly granted powers, and by abstain-
ing from the exercise of doubtful or unauthorised im-
plied powers, that we have the only sure guarantee
against the recurrence of those unfortunate collisions be-
tween the Federal and State authorities, which have
occasionally so much disturbed the harmony of our sys-
tem, and even threatened the perpetuity of our glorious
Union. _

"To the States respectively, or to the people, have
been reserved the powers not delegated to the United
States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
States.' Each State is a complete sovereignty within the
sphere of its reserved powers. The government of the
Union, acting within the sphere of its delegated autho-
rity, is also a complete sovereignty. While the general
Government should abstain from the exercise of autho-
rity not clearly delegated to it, the States should be
equally careful that, in the maintenance of their rights,
they do not overstep the limits of powers reserved to
them. One of the most distinguished of my predecessors
attached deserved importance to the support of the
State governments in all their rights, as the most com-
petent administration for our domestic concerns, and the
surest bulwark against anti-republican tendencies ;' and
to the preservation of the general Government in its
whole constitutional vigour. as the sheet-anchor of our
peace at home and safety abroad.'
"To the Government of the,United States has been in-
trusted the exclusive management of our foreign affairs.
Beyond that, it wields a few general enumerated powers.
It does not force reform on the States. It leaves indi-
viduals, over whom it casts its protecting influence, en-
tirely free to improve their own condition by the legiti-
mate exercise of all their mental and physical powers. It
is a common protector of each and all the States, of every
man who lives upon our soil, whether of native or foreign
birth ; of every religious sect, in their worship of the
Almighty according to the dictates of their own con-
science ; of every shade of opinion, and the most free in-
quiry ; of every art, trade, and occupation, consistent
with the laws of the States. And we rejoice in the gene-
ral happiness, prosperity, and advancement of our coun-
try, which have been the offspring of freedom, and not of
power.
" This most admirable and wisest system of well-
regulated self-government among men, ever devised by
human minds, has been tested by its successful opera-
tion for more than half a century, and, if preserved
from the usurpations of the Federal Government oa the
one hand, and the exercise by the States of powers not
reserved to them on the other, will, I fervently hope and
believe, endure for ages to come, and dispense the bles-
sings of civil and religious liberty to distant generations.
To effect objects so dear to every patriot, I shall devote
myself with anxious solicitude. It will be my desire to
guard against that most fruitful source of danger to the
harmonious action of our system, which consists in
substituting the mere discretion and caprice of
the executive, or of majorities in the legislative
department of the Government, for powers which
have been withheld from the Federal Government
by the constitution. By the theory a our Go-
vernment, majorities rule, but this right is not an
arbi-
trary or unlimited one. It is a right to be exercised in
subordination to the constitution and in conformity to
it. One great object of the constitution was to restrain
majorities from oppressing minorities, or encroaching
upon their just rights. Minorities have a right to appeal
to the constitution as a shield against such oppression.
" That the blessings of liberty which our constitution
secures may be enjoyed alike by minorities and majorities,
the executive has been wisely invested with a qualified
veto upon the acts of the Legislature. It is a negative
power, and is conservative in its character. It arrests
for the time hasty, inconsiderate, or unconstitutional
legislation, invites reconsideration, and transfers ques-
tions at issue between the legislative and executive
departments to the tribunal of the people. Like all other
powers, it is subject to be abused. When judiciously
and properly exercised, the constitution itself may be
saved from infraction, and the rights of all preserved and
protected.

" The inestimable value of our federal Union is fe:

and acknowledged by all. By this system of united and
confederated States, our people are permitted, collec-
tively and individually, to seek their own happiness in
their own way ; and the consequences have been most
auspicious.--Since the Union was formed, the number
of the States has increased from thirteen to twenty-eight;
two of these have taken their position as members of the
confederacy within the last week. Our population has
increased from three to twenty millions. New com-
munities and States are seeking protection under its
aegis, and multitudes from the Old World are flocking to
our shores to participate in its blessings. Beneath its
benign sway, peace and prosperity prevail. Freed
from the burdens and miseries of war, our trade
and intercourse have extended throughout the
world. Mind, no longer tasked in devising means to ac-
complish or resist schemes of ambition, usurpation, or
conquest, is devoting itself to man's true interests, in de-
veloping his faculties and powers, and the capacity of
nature to minister to his enjoyments. Genius is free to
announce its inventions -and discoveries ; and the hand

is free to accomplish whatever the head conceives, not
incompatible with the rights of a fellow- being. All dis-
tinctions of birth or of rank have been abolished. All
are entitled to equal rights and equal protection. No
union exists between Church and State, and perfect free-
dom of opinion is guaranteed to all sects and creeds.
" These are some of the blessings secured to our
happy land by our Federal Union. To perpetuate them,
it is our sacred duty to preserve it. Who shall assign
limits to the achievements of free minds and free hands,

under the protection of this glorious Union ? No
treason to mankind, since the organisation of society,
would be equal in atrocity to that of him who would lift
his hand to destroy it. He would overthrow the noblest
structure of human wisdom, which protects himself and
his fellow-man. He would stop the progress of free
Government, and involve his country either in anarchy
or despotism. He would extinguish the fire of liberty
which warms and animates the hearts of happy millions,
and invites all the nations of the earth to imitate our
example. If he say that error and wrong are com-
mitted in the administration of the Government, let him
remember that nothing human can be perfect ; and that
under no other system of Government revealed by
heaven, or devised by man, has reason been allowed
so free and broad a scope to combat error.
Has the sword of despots proved to be a safer or surer
instrument of reform in government than enlightened
reason ? Does he expect to find among the ruins of this
Union a happier abode for our swarming millions than
they now have under it ? Every lover of his country
must shudder at the thought of the possibility of its dis
solution, and will be ready to adopt the patriotic senti-
ment, 'Our Federal Union—it must be preserved.' To
preserve it, the compromises which alone enabled our
fathers to form a common constitution for the govern-
ment and protection of so many States, and distinct com-
munities, of such diversified habits, interests, and do-
mestie institution, must be sacredly and religiously ob-
served. Any attempt to disturb or destroy these com-
promises, being terms of the compact of Union, can
lead to none other than the most ruinous and disastrous
consequences.

" IL is a source of deep regret that, in some sections
of our country, misguided persons have occasionally in-
dulged in schemes and agitations, whose object is the
destruction of domestic institutions existing in other
sections—institutions which existed at the adoption of
the constitution, and were recognised and protected by
it. All must see that if it were possible for them to be
successful in attaining their object, the dissolution of the
Union, and the consequent destruction of our happy form
of Government must speedily follow.
" I am happy to believe that at every period of our
existence as a nation, there has existed, and continues to
exist, among the great mass of our people, a devotion to
the Union of the States, which will shield and protect it
against the moral treason of any who would seriously
contemplate its destruction. To secure a continuance
of that devotion, the compromises of the constitution
must not only be preserved, but sectional jealousies and
heart-burnings must be discountenanced ; and all should
remember that they are members of the same political
family, having a common destiny. To increase the at-
tachment of our people to the Union, our laws should
be just. Any policy which shall tend to favor monopo-
lies, or the peculiar interests of sections or classes, must
operate to the prejudice of the interests of their fellow
citizens, and should be avoided. If the compromises of
the Constitution be preserved—if sectional jealousies and
heart-burnings be discountenanced—if our laws be just
and the government be practically administered strictly
within the limits of power prescribed to it—we may dis-
card all apprehensions for the safety of the Union.
" With these views of the nature, character, and objects
of the Government, and the value of the Union, I shall
steadily oppose the creation of those institutions and sys-
tems which, in their nature, tend to pervert it from its
legitimate purposes, and make it the instrument of sec-
tions, classes, and individuals. We need no national
banks, or other extraneous institutions, planted around
the Government to control or strengthen it in opposition
to the will of its authors. Experience has taught us how
unnecessary they are as auxiliaries of the public authori-
ties, how impotent for good, and how powerful for
mischief.

" Ours was intended to be a plain and frugal Govern-
ment and I shall regard it to be my duty to recommend
to Congress, and, as far as the Executive is concerned, to
enforce by all the means within my power, the strictest
economy in the expenditure of the public money, which
may be compatible with the public interests.
" A national debt has beoome almost an institution of
European monarchies. It is viewed, in some of them,
as an essential prop to existing Governments. Melan-
choly is the condition of that people whose Government
can be sustained only by a system which periodically
transfers large amounts from the labour of the many to
the coffers of the few. Such a system is incompatible
with the end for which our Republican Government was
instituted. Under a wise policy, the debts contracted in
our revolution, and during the war of 1812, have been
happily extinguished. By a judicious application of the
revenues not required for other necessary purposes, it is
not doubted that the debt, which has grown out of the
circumstances of the last few years, may be speedily
paid off.
" I congratulate my fellow-citizens on the entire
restoration of the credit of the general Government of
the Union, and that of many of the States. Happy
would it be for indebted States, if they were freed
from their liabilities, many of which were incautiously
contracted. Although the Government of the Union is
neither in a legal nor a moral sense bound for the debt
of the States, and it would be a violation of our compact