The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-02 00:00:00

I' /
--. I

SUN OFFICE, Seven o' Clock.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAT.
GLOBE.—Sir James Graham is to the Cabinet of Sir
Robert. Peel what Jonah was to the mariners of Tarshish.
Almost every storm that rages against the policy of Ministers
is caused, directly or indirectly, by some measure which origi-
nates with, or emanates from, the department over which the
unfortunate Home Secretary presides. If not more damaged,
Ministers have been more humiliated and disgraced in the
estimation of the country, by the impertinent interference
and pertinacious adherence to wrong doing which seems
to characterise the Right Hon. Baronet's department of the
Government, than by the enormities of the income-tax,
or the paltering commercial policy of Sir Robert Peel.
Another of those annoying discussions which—
though they end in a majority in favour of the
Government in Parliament—elicit facts which generally
produce deeply-seated contempt and scorn beyond its doors,
came off last night in the House of Commons. Mr. Shell
moved, in specific terms, " the regret of the House that letters
addressed to a foreigner residing in this country had been
opened without his knowledge ; and that information in refer-
ence to disturbances in the Papal States, obtained by such
means, should have been communicated to a foreign Power."
The detention and opening of letters at the Post-office, by au-
thority of warrants issued by Sir J. Graham, as Secretary of
State, had been already the subject of long and fierce de-
bate, on various forms of motion, and had been inquired into
by Select Committees of both Houses of Parliament. It was,
therefore, scarcely to be expected that any additional facts
could be imported, or new matter be introduced into the dis-
cussion. Mr. Sheil, with considerable tact, so shaped his
motion as to exclude direct censure upon the act of de-
taining and opening the letters of a foreigner resident in
this country; and confined the motion to an expression
of regret on the part of the House, that such a course
of proceeding should have been adopted. The motion
was in this form of an abstract proposition, involving no
ulterior proceeding. It might, therefore, have been
adopted by the House of Commons without doing
any positive additional injury to the Government,
through its Home Secretary, than had been already inflicted
on it by the exposures which had already taken place. A
majority of fourteen in a house of ninety members, saved
Sir James Graham from the implied censure of the motion.
Thus, by implication, the House voted that the rights
of hospitality, due to foreigners resident in this
country, may be violated ; their letters detained ; their
contents examined ; and the worst description of espionage
exercised against them by the Government, without regret
on the part of an English House of Commons. These fo-
reigners thus treated neither were, nor were they suspected
to be, engaged in any conspiracy or seditious correspondence
against the British Government, on whose good faith and
protection they had cast themselves. But some foreign
State, with the fears characteristic of despotism, chose to
regard them with jealousy, and sought to entrap their
connexions still within its power, with whom they might
correspond. By inducing the British Government to
intercept their letters on their passage through the Post-
office, and thus to perform the ignoble office of spies upon
these exiles, the vile purpose was sought to be accomplished.
No blame can be cast on the foreign Power which asked such
acts at the hands of a British Minister. But what will be
said—rather, what ought to be said—by a British House of
Commons of the compliance of a British Minister with such
au application ? Is not a refusal to express regret at the
conduct we have described, very much like an approval of
that conduct? _ _ _ _

STANDARD.—Mr. Sheil brought forwerd the Mazzini
case once more last night, in a speech marked by the Right
lion. Gentleman's peculiar style, but the House was a thin
one, and the speech failed of the usual effect of Mr. Sheil's
speeches; it however had one good consequence, in calling forth
from Sir J. Graham not only an ample and unreserved dis-
closure of all the circumstances connected with the opening of
Mr. Mazzini's letters, but also a very curious and interesting
sketch of what is believed to be Mr. Mazzini's political his-
tory. This person, who has been hitherto supposed to be a
mere wild political dreamer, a sort of Italian Sieyes, manufac-
turing, as an amusement, constitutions for his country in his
resent safe retreat, was, it appears, regarded in France, in
Switzerland, and in Belgium as something not quite so harm-
less. Sure it is that he did not favour England with his pre-
sence, or Mr. Tom Duncombe with his friendship, until he
had found it convenient, if not necessary, to withdraw from
the three free countries referred to. So long ago as in 1831,
Mr. Mazzini, with other fugitives from an unsuccessful attempt
at rebellion in Italy, fled to France, and domiciled themselves
at Marseilles, where they soon organised a society under
the name of " Young Italy," of which Society Mr. Mazzini
was President. This Society appears to have kept up an
active correspondence with the malcontents still remain-
ing in Italy, and to have maintained a hot war upon
the established Italian governments, through the medium
of publications at Marseilles and in the Maltese journals,
This was an occasion of considerable annoyance to the
Governments assailed, who remonstrated with the French
Government, and, through the British Minister at Florence,
Sir Hamilton Seymour, with the Government of this country.
Neither the British nor the French constitution, however, al-
lowed the power to silence the appeals of " Young Italy," and
so the war of journalism went on until some Italians, either
employed by their Government, or volunteers—which is not
known— entered the field against the association at Mar-
seilles, making the attempt fairly to write it down.
This was undoubtedly a legitimate course, and one
which would delight men confident in the strength
of their cause. It was a course that we wish
to be adopted by all despotic Governments, and there would
soon be an end of despotism. The process of literary defence
is a process of moral ablution, which forces those engaged in
it to really purify themselves, that they may appear pure. If
the " Young Italy" of Marseilles had been in earnest in
pursuit of the freedom of their country, they would have
rejoiced in nothing more than the opportunity of discussing
the political rights which it ought to enjoy._ We have not,
however, now to learn from the confederacy of Marseilles,
that political conspirators are not always true to their
profession—indeed, it has long been well understood
that they who claim a monopoly of the love of " liberty "
are lovers so jealous, that they will allow none to share with
them the favours of " the mountain nymph." The confede-
rates of Marseilles were no exception to this general rule.

STATE OF TRADE.--To-days market has on the
whole been rather quiet, with a tendency to a little lower
prices, and not much business done. This applies to
both goods and yarn. ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET,
MONDAY, MARCH, 31.—The market to day has been ex-
tremely flat, and very little business has been transacted.
In the wool market there is no change to report. —Man-
chester Guardian.