The Sun.
London, England, 1828-10-25 00:00:00

many speeches here to-day respecting Catholic Emancipa-
tion—but I am going to siva]; to von about that in which
you are much more colic.: —(Clierrs)—than Catholic
Emancipation.—(o.eets.)—CAtholit! Emancipation hay-
lug been already treated ex,ensivelv and ably, I shall not
attempt to trespass isa, your attention by going into that
subject. The High Sher itf has called us together to con-
si.ler of the best mode or -the hest form of petition to the
Legislature, praying them to adopt means for the protection
of the Constitution. Now, till I had read this requisition,
I really did not know that the Constitution hail been at-
tacked, or what the nature of that attack was.—
(Loud laughter. )--But, seeing that we are here
and that our attention has been called to the subject, I see
no reason why I should not tell you what I think is the best
niode of protecting the Constitution—l mean the real Con-
stitution, not that which they mean opposite.--(" We
don't want your recommendation ; knock him down.")_
Who told us that the Constitution was in danger q I
heard Lord Winchelsea make a broad assertion ; but will
Lord Winchelsea tell me that, if Catholic Emancipation be
granted, the Constitution will be ruined? If this was the
first time that the Noble Lord had turned prophet, we
might be inclined to give him credit; but, unfortunately
for him, I have heard—and so have many of you--the Fog.-
nostications Of that Noble Lord before. I remember, a few
years back, the Noble Lord came here and told us then that
he was in a state of great alarm from two dreadful monsters
which were then besetting the country, and which lie
called sedition and blasphemy : one was a monster—the
other was a cloud over the country, which threatened de-
struction. Now, although he stated tUe existence of these
dangers in open day, and in a very large assembly, yet no.
body but himself confessed to having seen them. The
Noble Lord, therefore, must have derived considerable com-
fort from the Meeting; for it is to be presumed that he
went home quietly to Eastwell Park, where be found that
the monster was lain, and that the cloud had been dispersed
by a thunder-storm. Having thus lost his coadjutors, the
Noble Lord might easily he supposed to close the day with
the stanza of Macbeth—

When ahall we three meet again?

—(Laughter.)--But I can tell you where the mistake is.
We alt mean the same thing. We all mean to protect the
Constitution : but here is the mistake. The Brunswick
Clubs have published a new edition of a dictionary, and
they have placed an explanation of the word " Constitu-
tion" different from any thing that we have been taught to
understand of it. Thus, opposite " Constitution" we find
what is the Constitution. It is, for. I have taken aleaf out
of their book, which I have here : I'll tell what it is in
their dictionary, "The Aristocracy and Clergy united."—
The only mistake is that they left us, the people, out a'to-
gether.—(Laughter.)—Now, just attend to what our Con-
stitution is ; and first, of the people, who farm a part of
it. I will tell you what the people are. But, first, for
the definitioe which is given of them in this club dic-
tionary.—(Great clamour; cries of " Knock him down,"
" That speech hat been pat up for sixpence—no more bid ;
going, going, gone."—(Much laughter.)—lf you will hear
the explanation it will he well for you, for you will hear
that which you do not know. I shall read it to you. I
will tell you, then, what they say of the " people" in
their dictionary. They define tkem to be " a very insig-
nificant set, composing only nine-tenths of the popula-
tion, very much shaped like themselves, but condemned
by Providence to work hard, to pay tithes and taxer+,
and do any thing else for the welfare and comfort of
their bev.ers."—(Cheers, and loud laughter.)—Why,
gentlemen, let me ask you to look at those Brunswick
Clubs. Just look at the Duke of Newcastle.—(He's not
here. Shame !)—Well, then, look at Lord Winchelsea.
(Here the discontent at these personal allusions became
excessive ; the speaker's voice was overpowered by the
yells. He, however, remained perfectly unmoved, saying,
with the utmost coolness, " Well, Gentlemen, When yore
have done, I'll begin." This sally restored good humour.)
—I now address myself to the people—to the mass. I
shall tell you all how the Constitution may be best sup-
ported. But, first, I ask you, has anyone of those oppo-
site done a single generous act in favour of the people?
When such people, then, set up their opinions against the
phalanx of talent which has been opposed to them, will
you set at naught such men as Camden, Darnley, and Teyn-
ham ? Will you set aside the opinions of the' Howards and
Russells, those illustrious families who have bled for their
country? Will you prefer to those new-fangled and pigmy
Noblemen—only conceive such a person as Lord Winchel-
sea going to the Peers to vote—(hisses and yells)--such a
man as the Duke of Newcastle, the greatest enemy the
Constitution ever had. I'll tell you what the best and
greatest man of this country said of the Constitution—
that it would never be in danger till the Legislative was
over-ridden by the Executive. But there was no greater
monster in over-riding the Legislature than the Duke
of Newcastle. He was represented as having, during his
whole life, voted for every measure in support of tithes
and taxes;—in fact, of such a cist were all those who
assisted in the formation of the Brunswick Clubs. But,
brother freeholders, don't listen to them. I appeal to
you as yeomen 'and tax-payers, not tax-eaters—l ask
you not to be gulled by the cry of "No Popery "
that means no King, Church, or State, but a faction.
Hold no communion with those who cry out, " Taxes
and tithes for ever !" I call upon the tenantry, upon
every man who bates humbug and loves his country,
not to be gulled this day by boroughmongers and tithe-
eaters. The Duke of Newcastle, and these Brunswick,
or Cumberland, or Winchelsea Clubs—l know not what
to call them—they show the tithes to be beneficial—if
you listen to them they chow the taxes to be a blessing.
Their explanations are like vapours, that mislead. Like
the exhalations erf a vapour, they throw a mist over
the ground, which soon rises again. But, unlike re-
freshing showers, the taxes with them rather resemble
those large clouds which throw out heat-drops—they
fall so much apart as to miss all the people, and
fall only into the pockets of the rich. This, then, is
the history of the clubs. The Constitution, in our dic-
tionary, is " King, Lords, and Commons." Now, of
these latter, I have been always jealous. My principle is,
let the King enjoy his prerogative, the Peers their privi-
leges, but let us, the people, have our rights."—(Cheers.)
—Their Constitution is a one-sided Constitution ; nine
is the Constitution of England us it was established, and
as we ought to maintain it if we can. But they know
that their Constitution is not in its purity; they don't
want. it to be so. They are ufiaid that the people are
becoming too much enlightened, and therefore they are
forming Clubs to lead you astray.. Gentlemen, their
Constitution is in danger.—(Cries of " No," from the
other side.)-1 tell them it is—the people won't bear
the humbug any longer; our Constitution is in deuger
also. I have often- met you before here, and I think you
will do mettle justice to say, that I have always appeared
on the side of those who were jealous of the Constitution—
of those who were supporting the principles of reducing
tithes and taxes. lam still, my friends, of the same opi-
nion. My alarms, however, for the safety of the Consti-
tutionwdr have not been much byinereaesendeov to hat
ea has occurred
ho t the
here this day. If we have no
pigmy assailants who have already appeared there is no
great danger; but when borough-mongers and tithe-eaters
form themselves into Brunswick Clubs, they are then to
be dreaded. A little more of those Brunewickers. De
you know what the Duke of Newcastle says of the people ?
In a letter written by that Nobleman, which I hold in my
hand, it appears—
Sir JOHN Baynoes, who was in Lord Winchelsea's
cart, rose to order. He was about to make some objec-
tions, but his voice was drewned in the cries of " Go on,
Latkin ; give it 'ern home."'
Mr. LARKIN—What ! is that gentleman tired of hear-
ing me?._(" Yes, we are all tired—knock, your last lot
down quickly.")—The Duke df Newcastle says, " here I
see the mischief of popular assemblies," &e. Now, what
greater traitor to the Constitution can there be than this ?
To deny deliberative power to popular assemblies. Does
he forget that the origin of all power is the people—that
all power and all Government, according to the Constitu-
tion of England, emanate from them—that they are the
origin of it ;—and yet here is a fellow who outrages all
these first principles in his hostility to the cause of the
people.—(Here a violent uproar and the loudest outcry was
raised. Mr. Larkin was called-to sit down repeatedly—told
he was a slanderer, and unfit to name noblemen or gentle-
men. In the midstef the tempest, Mr. Larkin put a flask to
his mouth, and, in the most unconcerned an:naner, drank off
a long draught. His excessive ease and self-posseseion ex-
cited the greatest merriment.)—l told you, said he, resum-
ing, what our Constitution and what theirs is. After this
explanation you must be blind indeed if you take them for
guides in the formation of political clubs. And now a
word as to the cry of the " Church in danger," which has
been raised. If any danger is to be apprehended, it is
from the mode in which the revenues of the Church are
now distributed. My opinion certainly is that, a just and
fair appropriation of the Chord' lands to the maintenance
of a respectable Clergy, would serve the cause of religion
tptite as much as any other system. (Question, question.)
You may go on clamouring, but I shall keep my ground
here. (Laughter.) With respect to the Church, I ad-
mire the Clergy of the Church et England when they are
as they ought to he, not as what they are. I respect their
I privileges, but I deprecate their abuses. It is the Church
of the Reformation that I seek and admire. Ours is not
the Church which those distinguished characters who
brought about that great event. contemplated. Do you
think they ever contemplated such a state of things to this?