The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-29 00:00:00

would be a constant recurrence of new demands.
Having once got the world to wear calicoes, they,
must wait till they were worn out and they might then
begin again.—(Hear, hear.) 1t would be rather a
jocose circumstance, if, at some future day, a Man-
chester manufacturer should be seen upon these
boards, weeping, like Alexander, the conqueror of
old, not because he wanted another world to conquer,
but because he wanted another world to clothe.—
(Laughter.) At all events, in the midst of all his
grief, he would have the consolation of thinking that
if the whole world were clothed, he •himself surely
deserved to be fed.—(Cheers.) He did not hear any
one complaining that they had got too many clothes.
(A voice from the gallery " not."—Laughter.)
Cheap as clothing was, he had never heard any one
lamenting that it was too cheap. The landlords
occasionally lauded themselves upon being patriots
and benefactors, boasting that they had made two
blades of grass grow where only one grew before.
On a similar ground he himself, as a manufacturer,
might claim to be considered as a patriot ; for he could
make two shirts for a less price than one used to cost
formerly. But he denied that either landlords or
manufacturers' as such, had any title to these appella-
tions. They both acted from one motive, and that
motive was an enlightened self-interest.—(Hear,
hear.) He had before mentioned the word ma-
chinery. This was another favourite topic of
the aristocracy. They gave shrewd hints about
machinery being at the bottom of all the evils of the
country. He (Mr. Ashworth) maintained that
machinery was one of the greatest blessings which
this country enjoyed.—(Cheers.) 'Machinery was
the best guarantee for employment, the surest source
of its permanence, and it also afforded the highest
rate of wages.—(Hear, hear.) Moreover, by ma-
chinery, the body was exempted from physical exer-
tion, and the mind, which ennobled man' was deve-
loped to an extent which would otherwise be impossi-
ble.—(Cheers.) That was a subject upon which he
might dilate for hours ; but he would content him-
self with noticing the facts. In proof of
what he had stated, he would advert to
the result of his experience in his own county. In
Lancashire machinery had been invented, and sys-
tematically carried out, to a greater extent than it
had been either in any other county in England or
in any other part of the world. If, therefore, machi-
nery had displaced human labour, and impoverished
the people, Lancashire ought to be the poorest county
in the British dominions.—(Hear, hear.) So far,
however, from machinery having displaced human
labour in that county, it had called for human labour
to double the extent of the people of Lancashire, and
more than double their progeny for fifty years past.—
In every county in England and Scotland where the
same system had been carried out, the same results
had uniformly followed; work-people had been called
for to a greater extent than before, and wages had
kept pace with the increase of employment. On the
contrary, in those counties where the spade
and the plough were the only machines
employed, they found what was called super-
abundant labour.—(Hear, hear) One half el
the population of Lancashire had been attracted
thither from other places. From what places could
they come ? The only counties which could supply
hands were the agricultural counties. Hence, those
who flocked to Lancashire and the other manufac•
turing counties, had left agricultural pursuits. Now,
in examining this question, as he had done for some
years past, he had made some observations in two
parishes in an agricultural district, not far from some
of their manufacturing towns. He found that in
these two parishes, in the course of seventy years,
there had been, in round numbers, for every two
funerals three christenings ; and yet the population
remained the same, the number of houses remained
the same, and, in some parts of those parishes there
was only the same number of houses as appeared to
have existed at the period of the Doomsday survey
in the time of William the Conqueror.—(Cries of
" Hear, hear.") Perhaps the meeting would inquire,
what, then, became of the people ? As far as he
was able to compute, about 1,000 persons must have
been drawn from those parishes to some other part of
the country. In almost every house which he entered,
the people eagerly inquired, "Do you know my bro-
ther ? Do you know my. cousin ?" observing that
they lived in Manchester, in Bolton, in Preston, or in
some other manufacturing town. It appeared, there-
fore, that about 1,000 people in all had left these two
parishes, and betaken themselves to manufacturing
employments.— (Hear.) If, then, manufacturing
towns were all engulphed in one common ruin—an
event, the prospect of which, it would appear from
the monopolist papers, had filled the minds of some—
he did not know what would become of all these
people when they were found among the ruins.—
(Hear, hear.) It might happen, however, that if
they survived the shock, they would be heard, some
fine morning, inquiring of the landlords where they
might lodge ?—(Laughter.) The absence of these
people from their parishes had been the means
both of swelling the rent-roll of the
landlords, and easing the burdens of the
remaining inhabitants. But the agricultural dis-
trict to which he had referred was not the only part
of this country which had benefited by manufactures
—labourers from the remotest parts of Ireland and
England had flocked to the manufacturing towns.—
(Hear, hear.) Not a few had found their way there
from that favoured county, Buckinghamshire, a con-
siderable number of whom were now employed in
his (Mr. Ashworth's) service. There was one inci-
dent in connexion with this subject which he would
relate to the meeting. A Noble Lord, a friend of the
Duke of Buckingham, who came into his part of the
country
.some years ago, happened to discover, on en-
tering his (Mr. Ashworth's) works, that some of the
workpeople came from Buckinghamshire. He en-
tered one of their cottages. Whilst speaking of these
cottages, he could not help observing that they were
not like the cottages in the agricultural counties,
where a hole was dug in the side of a hill, and co-
vered with mud and thatch, and afterwards the whole
was called a cottage. This gentleman found the work-
people generallyliving in good houses, but he now spoke
more particularly of the one at which he called—
a straw built house, two stories high, with three bed
rooms.—(A voice, " No bed.")—(Laughter.) He
would here observe that the manufacturing popula-
tion were somewhat delicate in their habits, and one
thing by which they were distinguished was their
attention to the cultivation of propriety and delicacy
of feeling among their children.—(Cheers.) As an
illustration of this he need only mention that they
deemed it indispensable to have three bed-rooms
whenever they could obtain them.—(Cheers.) His
Lordship inquired about their comforts and earnings,
and amongst the rest he inquired if they would not
like to go back to Buckinghamshire. " No," said
one, " Got away, 'last," for he spoke very short to his
Lordship.—(Laughter.) " No, got away, 'last, and
all the horses of the Duke of Buckingham shan't
laq)ueill again"—(Great
how it was he felt attached to the
again"—(Great laughter.) His
„man answered, " I could not get 901. a
dpiiroaa
rewde
.s
hi moihi
ne
year there. —(Cheers and laughter.) He !(Mr..
Ashworth) supposed that was the money which he
and his family earned. He would conclude his obser-
vations respecting the Buckinghamshire peasantry by
stating that the Noble Lord went away quite satisfied,
and said that he " would go and have a joke with the
Duke."—(Great laughter.) He would ask whether_
the agriculturists had ever suffered from want of
hands ?—(Hear, hear.) He had inquired, and he
never had seen any man who said that he was short
of labourers in agricultural districts; on the contrary,
he found every farmer and landowner speaking of the
burden of the poor-rates, and of the number of la-
bourers in the workhouse. They could not suffer
very much, for agriculture required no more hands
now than in 1821, so that in carrying out tho manu-
facturing interest, Lancashire and Yorkshire, and
the manufacturing districts generally, provided occu-
pation, comfortable and permanent, for a large class
of those countrymen, and those who were left behind
did not suffer by their absence. Possibly some of the
audience who were accustomed to read the monopo-
list heir glrinicg ul writers,
rs'might wonder how it was that
those labourers
found their way to the
ae
North, and dared to encounter those mill-Molochs.--
(Laughter.) They had been told how the manufac-
turing labourers were treated by those Molochs of
mill-owners. How, then, must the agricultural la-
bourers have been treated when they ran away
from the landlords to the millowners?—(Laugh-
ter, and great cheering.) Surely they must
have been very ill-treated.--(Hear, hear.) One
test remained. This could be proved'. If those who
cried out against the manufacturers had all the sym-
pathy which they professed, let them go home and
outbid the manufacturers in wages—(Cheers)—and
let them try whether those who fled from them to
the mills would go back to their " Arcadian abodes "
for 7s. a week.—(Cheers and laughter.) He would
not detain them much longer.—(Cries of" Go on.") He
had endeavoured to give them an outside view of
manufactures. If they wanted to know more about
the matter let them follow him home. It was not a
day's journey from them; and many of them were
accustomed to travel up the Rhine and the Rhone to
observe the customs of distant lands, whilst they knew
nothing of the things that were actually at their own
doors.—(Hear, hear.) It was true, He must admit,
that they heard sometimes of trouble and strife in the
manufacturing districts ; but whenever they did they
might rely upon it that those misfortunes were not
without a cause. When restrictive laws stopped up
the sources of their prosperity—when their com-
merce failed—when their capital was exhausted, and
the:people:failed offood—did they think it unreasonable
that the people should be exasperated ?—(Hear)—and
"he would ask them, could they find in the whole world
a population which passed through such trials and
troubles as the mill population of the north, with so
little outcry ?—(Cheers.) Our manufacturing sys-
tem exhibited as fine a specimen of moral and asso-
ciative strength as could be found in any part Qf the
world, and on a larger scale. It wa§ sustained by

men in his situation of life, not by the aristocracy—
the aristocracy never assisted manufacturers.. 'The
,manufacturing interest was created and upheld by
men of diligence in busiriess—by men of skill,
energy, and enterprise.—(Cheers.) They embarked
their capital, which they knew they could never re-
cover but by industry and attention on their own
part, harmony with their work-people, and the
honest co-operation of both for mutual advantage.—
(Loud cheers.) It was their interest that the work-
ing classes of their countrymen should be kept up
with, comfort, and prosperity, and independence.—
(Hear, hear.) If the capitalist and the workmen
were left to themselves, a good understanding of
their mutual interest would always prevail, and
side by side they would labour industriously to
carry out what was for the permanent pros-
perity of both.—(Hear, hear.) The manufacturers,
therefore, andithe ;middle classes, had a duty and a
burden imposed upon them to maintain the moral and
social system of the country, and to keep. up . the
rights of the workin',9, classes as well as their own.—
(Great cheering.) They had taken 'their stand on
the broad principle of justice. He had endeavoured
to show that, in coming forward on this occasion,
they did so in the spirit of justice ; and they called on
those who composed the audience—the middle classes
of this Metropolis—to stand by their countrymen in
these events.—(Great cheering.) They asked.for the
abolition of all monopolies. 'They disclaimed protec-
tion for themselves, and they required to be released
from the evils which the protection of others inflicted
upon
them.—(Cheers.) They demanded the total'
repeal of the corn-laws. They asked for nothing
less—they would be satisfied with nothing less.—
(Great cheering.) Of the citizens of London, they
asked for their co-operation—they asked that in this
great cause which they had undertaken, and in which
they had made large sacrifices themselves, the citizens
of London should be prepared to do the same.—(lm •
mense cheering.) _

Mr. M. Giisow then came forward, and was
greeted with repeated cheers. He said—Sir, in open-
ing the proceedings of this evening, you drew a com-
parison between the present meeting and that which
was held on the last occasion when the Anti-Corn-
law League was assembled in Covent-garden theatre.
Sir, Whatever may be said upon that comparison, I
hold, at least, that the meeting which is now within
these walls is as great and imposing an assemblage—
(Cheers)—and I say that nothing but a deep interest
being felt in the corn-laws by the public of this me-
tropolis, could show such a number as I now see before
me.—(Hear, hear.) Tam' delighted also that at the
last meeting the theatre was filled to repletion. I
am glad that every crevice was occupied. I am glad
also to hear that Ireland has appreciated the manner
in whicha British audience—(lmmense and repeated
cheering for several minutes)—l am. glad, I say, to
hear that Ireland has appreciated the manner in which
a British audience has received the great man for whom
there now, exists so deep a sympathy, and on whom
the affections of his countrymen are so intently fixed.
—(Renewed cheering.) I was delighted also as a
member of the League that the representative of the
opinions of the great body of the Irish people was
here in person to tell us that Ireland desired the
repeal of the corn-laws.—(Great and continued
cheering.) Now let me ask once more what can be
the reason that men are fOund to make the sacrifice
(for sacrifice it is) of attending public meetings for
the continued discussion of the same arguments on a
public question ? Why is it that men are willing to
leave their firesides, and that whole families will
attend on winter evenings to listen to speeches on a
question which they are told is dull and insipid, and
containing considerations which cannot interest the
public mind ? Why are the meetings countenanced,
not only by men, but by a large portion of their
fairer fellow subjects ? It is because they see in the
corn-law question something more than an idle
speculation of political economy. It is a question
which affects civil rights.—(Cheers.) It relates to a
policy which restricts the supply of food.—(Cheers.)
The ladies of England see that they are -advocating
the cause of humanity, the cause of the widow and
the orphan, and that they are advocating the means
by which a greater portion of food may be placed within
the reach of the industrious and the needy.—(Cheers.)
These are the reasons why men make sacrifices, and
ladies are put to the inconvenience of attending these
meetings. We believe that free trade is the right of
free men, and that a free citizen is entitled to freedom
of exchange.—(Much cheering.) I believe that
nothing but State advantage or State necessity, can
entitle the Legislature to impose a duty on the im-
portation, of foreign goods.—(Cheers.) The Anti-
Corn-law League has been called a society attacking
property ; it has been called an aggressive body ; I
deny the truth of this statement. I say, that the
Anti-Corn-law League is not an aggressive body ;
it is a defensive body. The first attack, the first
violence is committed by those who interfere with
the freedom of exchange, by those who impose that
yoke upon us ; we are but assembled together to
throw off that yoke, and to vindicate the rights, the
inherent' rights, to which we are entitled.—(Loud
cheers.) We have been told that the soeieties on the
other side are for the protection of agriculture. I ask,
what have they to do with agriculture ? They are
societies for the suppression of agriculture—(Cheers)
—they are not concerned with the affairs of agricul-
ture.—(Cheers.) What is agriculture ? Agricul-
ture is the art of cultivating the earth, in order to
make it produce the largest quantity of those vege-
tables which are consumed by human beings as food.
What has that to do with putting duties on foreign
importation—what has that to do with the ascending
and descending scale—(Loud cheers) —of graduated
duties ? We are not an aggressive body; they—
the Corn-law Leaguers, the protection societies—are
aggressive bodies. We do not profess to interfere
with agriculture, but they do propose to interfere
with trade.—(Hear, hear.) We contend that English-
men have a right to become merchants if they choose,
and to have the reward of their industry. We also
contend that they have a right to cultivate the earth,
and to have the full reward of their enterprise but
we deny that any one class has a right to interfere
with the other, or that either class has a right to de-
mand a monopoly of the market, or the exclusive
privilege of supplying their fellow-countrymen with
food.—(Hear, hear.) That, indeed, is the whole
question.—(Hear, hear.) I say it is a false
pretence to put forward, that these central
societies are societies for the protection of agricul-
ture. I say, emphatically, that they are societies for
the destruction of trade.—(Hear, hear.) They are
societies for the maintenance of political ascendancy.
—(Cheers.) They have nothing to do with the im-
provement of agriculture, they have nothing to do
with arts or sciences, they have nothing to do with
anything generous, or with anything deserving the
consideration of the benevolent-minded man.—
csat
ai
have
eat yvtf oh arn t
favoured
thesehhh aee
va
works
heart,
trphi it
e soi svhNevamovreedistinguishedndtion
(Hear, hear.) They have simply to do with the at-
tainment of selfish interests and the maintenance of
political power.—(Cheers.) Now if these societies
remark-
able that the men who take the most leading part in
biNeyvsWhaajenrhere are the inventions, the scientific
referencelwat hgrtthemselvesoeirsisksceremarkablyut°societies
iritteeoh the improvement of British agriculture ?
really have the
freepro-
ceeded t
rad efrom agriculturiststrade—(Cheers)—and
e ers a n d who advocate
repudiate
ecause i
notion
that they are to rel‘r on any other resources than
those furnished by their own industry, and their own
enterprise.—(Cheers.) I do not for a moment pre-
tend to deny, and I am glad to follow the remarks of
your excellent Chairman, that these gentlemen are
entitled to meet together, and to advocate their opi-
nions fairly and freely. I agree fully in the right of
discussion. If these gentlemen consider the Corn-
laws necessary for the community, they are just as
much entitled to their opinions as we are to ours.
But what I have a right to complain of is this '; that
they call their societies by wrong names—that they
mislead the public—(Hear hear)—that they call so-
cieties which only concern themselves, societies for
g7yhdnth
they
hpe tor
case,yof menps
hoo
the protection of agriculture.—(Cheers.) It seems
that they are determined to maintain the present
amount of interference with trade. They say they will
not cease to restrict trade to the degree to which it is at
present restricted. Now I should like them to see
these great meetings. • I Should like them to have an
opportunity of judging for themselves what is the
feeling that is growing up in the minds of their fel-
low-countrymen on this question.—(Hear, hear.) I
should like them to consider whether it will be safe
much longer to continue a system of interference with
the civil rights of men without having any plea of
national advantage, without having any excuse of
State necessity, but simply the excuse—We have done
it before, it has given us political advantages and
political power, and therefore we will continue it—
we will perpetuate the evil.—(Hear, hear.) I ask
those gentlemen who ate such advocates of order and
social harmony and peace, to consider whether it is
safe to persist in a system- of injustice when that in-
justice has been found out ? I would ask them to
consider whether it is safe to persevere in citing this
violence to the industry of the country,- when men are
becoming conscious of their rights, and are determining
daily, with increased power, never to cease till those
rights are vindicated and fully obtained. A distin-
guished nobleman has lately come forward, and has
written a letter to you in the public papers on this
subject—that nobleman was the Duke of Northum-
berland, and it was extremely wittily observed by the
Times, the Duke of Northumberland would have been
a very dangerous man if he had not had the power of
writing a letter and putting in the Post.—(Laughter,
and cheers.) But having written this letter, and
stated the grounds on which he supports the corn-
laws, he ceases to be a dangerous man. The illus-
trious Duke tells us that we must not let in a foreign
supply of corn, and that if we do we must neces.
sarily have a compulsory emig.ration.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, I have heard, that in a ship at sea, when pro-
-visions are -short, it oces,sioiuilly happens that they

east lots to_know, which 9f the grown
.persons in the
ship are to be thrown Overboard ; that is what I Con-
ceive to be , a compulsory. emigration.—(Laughter.)
But what I. want to remind these illustrious Dukes
of is this, before they do draw lots in the case I have
mentioned, everybody takes his chance, and if we
are to have a compulsory system of emigration, I
hope these Dukes and Earls will be prepared to run
the risk of taking their departure as well as others.—
(Cheers.) In fact, it appears most perfectly rea-
sonable that such a course should be taken, because
in case a compulsory emigration should take place,
by which persons were_ to be transported from Eng-
ls.,d to distant climes, because food, was not allowed
to be brought to them, it will be necessary that
society should exist in those distant climes in all.-its
parts, and if Dukes and Earls are necessary here they
must be necessary there also.—(Cheersand laughter.)
Therefore, I should propose, if ever this horrible
notion of conipulsory emigration should be re-
sorted to. at least if would impose the ne-
cessity of some 'Duke going in
company with poOr labotirer's and enterprising
manufacturers into distant regions, of the earth, in
order to maintain thatsocial harmony which they say
is so necessary.—(Cheers.) But . there is a great
deal of argument in this letter of the Duke of North-
umberland. He tells us that a free trade in corn
would have the effect of throwing the light lands out
of cultivation. Now lam not aware that it is any
necessary part of our national policy to keep our
bin-ping. sands or wet clays in wheat cultivation.
But even if 'admitted that it is the object of legisla-
tion and Acts of Parliainent to keep these sands and
clays in cultivation, I want to know how it is that in
Belgium, in France, and in Holland, where the
burdens on land are much heavier, and where the
average price of the produce of the land is
much less than in this country, and where' the
labourers are quite as happy—perhaps more so
than in this country—l want to know how
it is that, under all these circumstances, the light
lands of Belgium, of Trance, and of Holland; are
kept in cultivation. Low prices; heavy taxes, happy
labourers, do not put the lands out of cultivation in
France, Holland, and Belgium. Nothing- of the
kind. On the contrary, cultivation is extending
itself in those countries under the circumstances I
have described. Judging from the analogy, there is
not the slightest reason to suppose that the 'abolition
of the corn-laws would put the light sands or heavy
clays out of cultivation. The Right Hon. Baronet at
the head of the Administration has hinted that we
May import guano, and might get foreign manures to
put on these lands, in case they should go out of cul-
tivation. I quite agree with him. 'You ought to
import guano if there was free trade. But I beg to
inform him, that I was requested—and I did com-
ply with the request—to present a petition to
the House of Commons from certain dustmen
in Liverpool—(Cheers and laughter)—a bond fide
petition from certain collectors of dust and rubbish
in Liverpool, complaining very much of the proposal
to import guano into this country. They said, No ;
give us free trade in corn, and then you may. import
foreign manures; but we are collectors of manure in
this country, and if you give protection to the landed
interest, what reason is there you should not give
protection to us ? So you see what difficulties we
are involved in when once we recognise the doctrine
that a Legislature is to interfere with trade. If we
give protection to one, we must give protection to
all ; and if we ask for free trade, we must ask for
free trade for all. As the first is impossible, our only
alternative is to resort to the second. But I have no
idea that 'a free trade in corn would have the
effect of throwing any land out of cultiva-
tion in this country. But if it did, I contend
that it is no part of the duty of a Legislature to
sacrifice the interest of the mercantile class or of any
portion of the community for the purpose of keeping
'up any particular system of husbandry or cultivation
on any particular description of land. But I heard
the other day that a Noble Lord at a public meeting
said, that there were highly important considerations
connected with the corn-law question which removed
it altogether from that circle within which they
were entitled to apply their principles ; there were
certain important spiritual considerations connected
with the corn-laws which rendered it necessary to
forget all the principles of political economy, and to
look at it in the light of a question intimately
connected with the religion of the United Kingdom.
I think that no man can be found who would agree
to such an absurd sentiment, but I think also that I
can explain how he arrived at his conclusion that the
Protestant religion of England depended on the main-
tenance of the corn-laws—(Loud cheering)—for
what did the Noble Lord say—it was a sort of " house
that Jack built," as thus : the Protestant religion de-
pends on the Established Church—the Established
Church depends upon agriculture—agriculture de-
pends on the price of corn—andlhe price of corn de-
pends on the ascending and descending scale of gra-
duated duties.—(lmmense cheering and laughter.)
So here in point of fact we have the assertion that
the Church of England, which we were always
taught to believe was built upon a rock is built
upon nothing but a. sliding scale—(Great cheer-
ing and laughter)—and that in vain would
be the teaching of its ministers—in vain
the efforts of its preachers, unless they were backed
by that ascending and descending scale which regu-
lates the importation of foreign corn.—(Laughter and
cheers.) Now, can anything .be conceived more ab-
surd than such a doctrine? Why, if that is true—
why do they
,not impose an oath upon persons taking
their seats in the British House of Commons
(Cheers.) We all declare on oath, as well as the
Catholics, that we will not make use of any privilege
we may acquire to shake the Protestant Church as
by
,law established in -England.—(Cheers.) I be-
lieve every man makes a declaration on taking his
seat connected in some manner with the safety of the
Established Church.—(Cheers.) Now, I propose, if
the maintenance of the Church depends on the
corn-laws, that we should have a corn-law oath.—(lm-
mense cheering.) Now I will take the liberty of
reading to you the oath as it would run—" I hereby do
disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure, any belief in
the abominable doctrine that free trade is founded on
common sense.—(Cheers 41nd laughter.) And jI do
solemnly swear that it is not one of the articles of my
faith to buy in the cheapest and sell in the dearest
markets.—(Loud cheering and laughter.) And. Ido
renounce, reject, and abjure, as a dangerous heresy,
the opinion that an abundance of food can be a bless-
ing to the people.—(Loud cheers.) And I solemnly
swear never to exercise any privilege to which I am,
or may become, entitled to disturb the corn monopoly
of the United Kingdom, as by the law established."—
(Cheers) Now I would recommend those gentlemen
in consistency with ,the course they take on other
political questions—namely, that of placing reliance
upon oaths and declarations, that they suggest a
corn-law oath.—(Cheers.) I think they have very
little safety in the declaration of their Prime Minister,
that he does not now contemplate a change, but does
not know what may be possible.—(Cheers.) There
is very little safety in the question, when his col-
leagues in office declare that free trade is founded
on common sense ; and I fear the day will come
when public opinion will be sufficiently formed,
when these gentlemen, who fear that the Church
Establishment and the Protestant clergy will be
jeopardisedhy abolishing the corn-laws, will have to face
the difficulties of their situation and take the chance
of all those dangers; for, depend upon it, no Minister
of the Crown will be found who will support the
interests of the fewof the aristocratical few—in this
county, when the great body of the community come
forward united as one man in support of stern re-
monstrance to demand that there shall ao longer be
this interference with freedom of trade, the depriva-
tion of the reward of industry, the disappointment of
the exertions and enterprise of their fellow-country-
men.—(Cheers.) It would, perhaps, be unfair to
discuss the merits of the agricultural protection socie-
ties, for, as The Times has very wittily said,they have
only just emerged from that alluvial mud and arti-
ficial compost in which they were generated —(Loud
cheers and laughter.) But this I will say, we are
far more entitled to assert that those societies have other
and ulterior views, than they are entitled to assert
that the Anti-Corn-law League has other views than
those we profess.—(Cheers.) We have great reason
to know, from speeches and declarations made in
times past in both Houses of Parliament, that there
are other considerations influencing the supporters of
those societies, than the mere keeping up the price of
corn—(Cheers)—or the interruption of the freedom
of trade.—(Cheers.) I say there is another ulterior
view, and that is political ascendancy--(Great cheer-
ing.) You know that the poet Moore, in speaking
of' ascendency of this nature, and especially of the
ascehdaney. of the landed interest, says that in read-
ing it we ought to lay the emphasis on the first
syllable—ass-endency—(Laughter)—bUt that is the
ascendancy aimed at by these Corn Leagues, by these
Protection Societies ; and I ask you, the representatives
of a large portion of the intelligent population of the
metropolis—l ask you, are you prepared to submit
to the humiliating proposition that you are only to
exist 'upon -the sufferance of the landed ascendancy ?
(Great cheering.) I ask you, would you deserve the
name of Englishmen if you consented to the proposi-
tion that there is no class in the community, how-
ever wealthy, however distinguished by titles, how-
ever remarkable for other qualities, whether of igno.
.rance or of knowledge—(Laughter)—l ask you,
would. it not be humiliating to admit that there could
be any one class entitled to ascendancy over you ?
(Cheers.) What is involved in the proposition oS
ascendancy? Why, that you are the property of
others.—(Cheers.) If you are net entitled to equality
by the exertions of yonr qwu enterprise and indus-
try, you are slaves—(Greateheering)—wad it you do
Wit exert yourselves to-throw off this yoke, you de-
serve to be told that you are slaves.--(Cheers.)
I trust that we may see a growing spirit of inde.
.pendence in this community, and that we shall, not
longer have to complain of - that-servile achdation, of