The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-03 00:00:00

THE ANTI-LEAGUE AGITATION
AND THE CORN-LAWS.
(From the Times.)
We have been favoured with a copy of the following important
eater from Mr. Jones Loyd, in answer to a request that he should
be:arrie a , oember of an Association formed for the purpose of
coanteractine the designs of the Anti-Corn.law League.
It will be found well worthy of an attentive perusal.
TO J. W. SUTHERLAND, ESQ.
Dear Sir; —I beg to acknowledge your circular letter, inviting
tee to attend a preliminary meeting of the landed proprietors,
farmers, and others of the Eastern division of the county of
Survey, witl. the view to the formation of a general " Society for
the Protection of British Agriculture in opposition to the mis-
chievous decogns of the Anti-Cont-law League ;" and further, re.
guesting
"that in the event of my being unable to attend I would
Oblige the C nrimittee with my views on the subject."
Having been pi evented, by my absence from home, and by the
late
Period ..t which your letter reached my hands, from attending
the Meeting in question, I proceed to comply with the latter part
Pr your request.
The prosperity of British agriculture is a cause in which I
should gladly enlist myself; it is, I am convinced, indissolably
connected with the well-being of the community at large; for no
great interest of this empire can suffer alone. The prostration of
agriculture must inevitably involve a corresponding depression of
a'ery other important interest of the country. This consideration,
as well as motives of a more immediately personal and selfish
character would lead me cordially to co-operate with you in the forma-
bon of the t r °posed Society, could I bring myself to believe that the
agricultural interest is at this moment menaced with any real injus.
bee, or that the measures by which it is supposed to be protected
are really etfieient for that purpose, and not inconsistent with the
equal justice which is due to other classes of the community.
The maintenance of the present corn-laws is usually meant by
the
exPressic n " protection to British agriculture," and if this is
"e POrpese to which the efforts of the proposed Society are to be
dl--ed, I tr ust at once declare that my views on this subject are
rectil opposed to those of the meeting which you represent. I
p
-annot acquiesce either in the policy or in the justice of any at.
tilaPt to protect my own individual interest as a landed proprietor,
.p
-` la uphold the welfare of that class in general, by laws which
._tartlet_ the glee supply of the food of the people, and which are
~..,-%mised to compel them to purchase in a dearer market the neces-
-"" so et lite, which it is apprehended they might otherwise obtain
coat a chtxper source. To whatever extent the present corn-laws,
-I producing that efftct, protect British agriculture, it is clear that
(bey roust do so at the expense of the British consumer, that is—of
the People at large.. 'I hey are made to pay more for their food than
would °there iseb nmessary ; and the sum thus taken from them
i-14 Posed tut, g• to the benefit of the agriculturist, or, more cor-
rectly
sPeaki..g, of the landed proprietor. The difference between
the natural price of at article of general consumption, the supply
Of Which is subjected ' o no legislative restraint, and the higher
Price of a sin' filar articl.., the supply of which is restricted by pro-
tective laws, is a tax imposed upon the whole community; and the
amount of tlat differeoce either goes into the pockets of the pro-
ducers of the protected article, or is altogether lost, being produc.
tiseof benefit to no class. As a landed proprietor, lam naturally
anxious to protect my own interest by all just means; nevertheless,
1 shrink from the reepoibility of seeking protection through this
Process. Th're seems to me to be injustice involved in it, against
which protection Is indeed needed, not, however, to the British
landowner, I.ut to he Britsh people.
t Protective aws,i s proportion as they are effectual for their in-
teontdheo
purpose, most necessarily give the character of monopoly
seniocnietiedornjPerujorrs°;:tuedictLrit:e; and monopoly, it has been most justly ob.
The the Parent of scarcity, of dearness, and of uncertainty.
it tett by these laws upon the British people as
seems to .in to admit of no question. But I would sub-
inge, ti• whether, as a preliminary step to any further proceed-
e " nook: not be v. ell for us as landed proprietors to examine
to arm!'
whether these I ins, thus at once offensive and injurious
°ther olesse• tr,, really productive of the benefit to
tlipripPartiollsr rcs• which has usually been ascribed to
,•irist is a dealer in the produce of the
soil
bp and thrp • City c 4 his, as of every other trade, must
b.; "Pendent ,• the prosperous condition of his cus-
nlers.
their
toOterst Ofthe The. mass f the population constitute the cur.
i:ulturist ; and, therefore, whatever improves the
on of the p( of!e, whatever increases the demand for
toetre iniab"rs nd thereby causes a rise of their wages, must pro.
, the Inc st effectual manner the prosperity of the agricultu.
ve• Our lion is annually increasing at a fearfnl rate; if a
t;:reilnniding tnc.,mse of employment be not found, that popula.
Must tiltlinat .y become a charge upon our land, and thus
re-
moval ruinous ti Hsi' interests as landowners; but if, by the
of the ult•tr,tc • ions which protective laws create, the exten-
sion, of ells srad,, an,c tho consequent demand for labour, be made
alid'ereP Pace with ;he' increase of our population, then the number
esource; of f..ose who constitute the customers of the agri-
culturist
It will essively increase.
the 111 in al, ex • easion of the market for our products, and in
improvedand the
ono of those who are our customers, we shall
87 the best .ecili4 tor the present well-being, and the only
B,,_egreund of Lapt '.ot the further progress, of agricultural pro-
-474 rity, In this manlier it is, by a system of free competition,
th.d, equal exempt)s.l all interests from pernicious interference,
the welfare( . •11:1i class indissolubly bound up with the
4,eral Prosperity -c Jlt. Protective laws necessarily array the
rant classes oi 114 community in jealous hostility with each
tuber; they dirnint is the general wealth of the country, by inter-
Ptinß
nd
rat_ a7ketsdiiiriniah
the naturi: citstribution of its labour and capital; they
nth profits and wages, thus impoverishing the
wine Ile products of agriculture must be sold ; and
tihpe benefit which ey confer on the protected trade is in all cases
fate rant rather
ad Iln real, securing to it a fitful and transient, not
Y and Pia inanent prosperity.
lions forcil ly raised above their natural level by fiscal protec.
yet . are flaw-, .•
r fly fluctuating and precarious; they constitute a
I,,Jpkinatlequate compensvtion for the real and permanent wealth
hod, we might otherwise find in the improved cultivation of our
th • aullsnentlug the supply, whilst the simultaneous increase of
eriPulatien and .wealth of the empire extends the demand for,
and
by
legitimate means raises the price of, all agricultural produce.
To
irelieve British agriculture from the odium which must ever
attach to
the appearance even of Injustice; to substitute for the
uiitoting influence of artificial protection that steady and healthy
:lisegoeur which can arise tally from free competition and self-depend-
; and to sate the :andowner from the danger to which he ex.
Poe s himself, by seeking a delusive protection in measures which,
by impoverishing his customers, are really undermining the founds.
lion Of his own prosperity—these are the avowed, and I know no
reason for supposing that they are not the real and the only designs
Of the Anti-Corn-law League. I cannot concur with you in de-
signating then as mischievous designs. They seem to me to be
founded in reason • they would, I am confident, be found to be
really protective and beneficial to our interests ; and they are sup-
Ported by a weight ot argument and authority which, in my judg-
Ment, will render all attempts to resist them utterly hopeless.
Under these circumstances I would submit to your calm consi.
deration, whether we shall not better prove our discretion, as well
as our regard for what is justly due to others, by adopting their
views rather than by resisting them. They are calculated to esta-
blish the interests of agriculture upon the sound and durable basis
of reason, of justice, and of freedom ; and in them alone I believe
that true and effectual protection of our interests is to be found. In
the laws, upon which too many of us at present rely, I can place
Ito confidence ; what is unjust and baneful to the rest of the com-
munity cannot be permanently beneficial to us. Our present in.
t
_melds are placed by these laws in a precarious, because in an arti-
Scial state ; our native energies are weakened by unnatural
rotection ; and the laws, which we so blindly and &a fatally em.
jac.e. by undermining the general prosperity, are endangering
and has raised Btitish agriculture to its present condition
'no the permanence of which can alone preserve it from the most
ruinous relapse.
I hare the honour to be, dear Sir, yours faithfully,
S. JONES LOYD

'lliitbEß OP LORD NORMANDY KEEPER.—Another
instance that proves the inefficacy of thiSeatprtewsoenat.g.,me-laws hap.at Mulgrave
Pened °n Tuesday last, the 30th instant,r
thaet
Cattle,Ca the seat of the Marquis of Nonmanbpya.rtylt
liof Mulgrave has been entertaining of s egentlemenm seems
that
tendtat Mansion, and that alter shooting otnheMwoonaddasy,,atshies keeper, at.
ed by six watchers, went to watc
before two magistrates
154 t Perhaps a better view of the case may be attained by
who
Leaders if we give the evidence taken
at
the time :—Charles Low.
,k4lVened to be staying at the house
"er, thirty.seven, for the wilful murderoefwV‘ r•
the Marquis of Normanby ; and Matt h
accessory to the fact. Before T. Bell, Esq., iilleirasmon6,l°nffina etiekeeen,pears
.14rallnd Ili.P
o. of he
Turton, Esq., of Kildale Cleveland, w
Ittlstices of the Peace for the North Riding of Yorkshire.—William
twoof Trh Majesty'sinskand
tliv‘iat det,o,ed_i am a gamekeeper to Lord
c'ett--, as is My custom, to watch, accompanied .
h direction
N o r
by
ny, a
sixn b y
0, t andhe r
men. pro_
Abe
lit two o'clock, I heard some shots fired in t e
Ott South-lodge, and we went thither. Alter caoonceeaamliengoopu,raseoldvels
lent:trne time, the prisoner and another .
. forward and said to him, " Halloo.
(At hack and fired at me, the shot entering
:,"; this stage of the evidence the prisoner
save
him.")
I imme.
'He my abdomen.
di° Lord accept my
One of the
d kept crying out,
soul ;" " 0 Christ,
~.atelY fell, and cried mur ekreedd.,him
down with
tii"atchere then rushed forward, and he knocked
hi: hint end of his gun. Two others then succeeded in capturingt
With
thing bu
--"' The others escaped. By Mr. Turton—Were you armed
II ji..,2,11°1 P.—No, we had only sticks.
ir .....,„.....
ii . xO. No words of intimidation ?
Did. you
Nsaoy. awnyheo I
wa
1 tit on the bank ho said,
b:lud, " I will, if you will tell me who was
,t, the other
witness
gave
" 0, forgive me,h—aontdhes:hmakaeo
;la.n
ados.d.,
his '' Matthew Pierson, of Eskdaleside.
*hen"idenee in great agony, and lingered
tinted in excruciating on till Tuesday evening,
Pierson said he would .
4 died • pain. Three watchers then sguilaysetavno:
leiii' this evidence. Matthew
twice before ; that
Char? evidence :—He was a farmer's servant
h.o in Eskdaleside; that
this Lowther had taken him out poaching twice
the sad catastrophe
11 , 'tight they had shot four pheasants
trill at the murderer is the son of respectable
a P Med• They were both committed to. York Castle for their
pot e Lent Assizes. The
had 4.r, large farmers in Cleveland, but hasvlioentedg boefenpaoaneoutioorgi,ouasoldy
*4 e4aracter, and has repeatedly been con
On T,,huoarssiddearYcer
s,s„;;ken up on suspicion when Mrs. Robinson was murdered,
P
"e, two years ago.
years ago.
LIBRAIty.--
a 0.14, e °S. Lordsnominated a Select Committee to c
—stets
and
eecurasrelative to the library
.of the House, and to the papers thetai n
of Canter-
fon`nte delivered for their Lordships' House,;isahnodp the Lords
bui,ng Were named of the Committee—Archbishop
eal, Dukes
Of irt: ,s4rd Chancellor, Lord President, Lord
tar, ',cubit:did, Buckingham, and Chandos, and Sutherland,
peoLmorados,
e -kavne, Salisbury, Devon, Wynford, Brougham, 41,0411, en .
Their Lordships will meet on Monday.
da meeting
„I. ',..7. Gtoßo E-1N -Tn E- E A sT._yester ay i
n the Vestry-
'," Parishioners of St. George. in-the-East, was
.held
sum at
A :"...,LC.armon-street-road, for the purpose of making a church-rate.
D',...'."tnad not before been called for since 1840, and the
;4717 required was about 5301. To meet
to me Pound was proposed, which was carried
this a rate of a penny
pA• Poll, however, was demarided. a majority of 63
"teMed b
the Marquis of
Caroline Cocks,
itENCH PLAYB.—Her Majesty andbyPrince Albert,
xxe. Y Lady Dunmore, Lady
w ;er, Lord
Duchess of Cain-
Li.i)d. de; their Royal Highnesses the Duke and
Hawarden, Lord George Lennox, and Colonel
a,,lte. the Baroness Ahlefeldt, Count Kielmansegogfec,
"' birches. of Beaufort, the Earl and Countess .
Le
~,
IA ll'am Paulet,
Lad.aroness Brunnow, Lady Pollington, Lady --.1 • .
the
est e rpfiuekl de,
tins
,oinclair, Sir George and Miss Talbot, Lady and Miss Quen-
oth
did Alexander Lennox, the Baron Talleyrand, and many
their" stinguished personages, honoured the French plays with
presence last evening.
Bsthi, ITISII AND FOREIGN INSTITUTE.—Last evening
by building, situate in George-street, Hanover-square, was opened
tt - Itand dress soirée, and it having been announced that
.his.
Presence Highness Prince Albert intended to honour it withvent;
4:v, the attendance of members and their friends was e, , , )11: ,
.. _ . Some time before nine o'ch?ck, the suite of rooms was
IZrtz_4.:ernr, Witharrivedlid:es and gentlemen in full dress, and at a quarter-
num o'clock his Royal Highness, attende&by the Marquis of
and was received at the entrance by the President
Z 1 Council of the Institute, who conducted his Royal Highnessl, t°nith the rooms, with which he appeared ft several times to be much pleased,
44:tainebrated the walls
o, to examine the various works of art which
stopped r were scattered through the apartments. e
..! nearl H
y an hour, and entered into familiar conversation with
Len: of the literary ladies and gentlemen present. A concert took
si.during his Royal Highness's stay, in which Madame Dulcken,
it:t and Signora F. Lablache, Benedict, Goodbau, Ella, and
40:_ngle had the honour to perform. Amongst the numerous per-
t,'.lll Present during the evening were the Marquis of Exeter, Lord
14,,:41, Chevalier Bunsen, Sir E. Codrington, the Earl of
It.,Crin. Sir George Staunton, Baron Andlau, Lords Courtney,
Pao °r' 'lid J. Stuart, Admiral Sykes, Miss Strickland, the Sici.
Pk•kand Brazilian Ambassadors, Sir It. and Lady Hunter, Mr.
C "IRIII. R.A. Count Wenzieroski, Sir A. B. Faulkner, Lady
ll.Pballs
let7-4,,.14HAGE IN HIGH LIFE.—On Thursday, the
th,srs 'ant, at Titchtleld Hants, bv the Rev. Win. Thresher,
~ at.„ ,_,. _ , , .
Dtiubjm• eir Edward Butler, son of the Right Hon. Lord.
Dyne, to Urania Elizabeth, daughter of the late Vice-
the Right Hon. Lord Houry l'aulot, &C.D.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAT.
TIMES.—The debate on the Royal speech has passed off
quietly enough. In spite of two amendments which were
proposed, and -one which was withdrawn—in spite also of two
or three attempts to involve the House in a discussion of
general politics, Jrish, continental, and domestic—the more
convenient plan was taken of staving off discussion upon
points of controversy until they should be submitted to con-
sideration in the shape of substantive motions. Yet, not-
withstanding
..the almost unanimous assent given by the
House to the sentiments expressed in her Majesty's speech,
the partial comments which it elicited have not been with-
out their value. The Minister has taken his course. He has
announced his resolution to preserve the sliding-scale of
duties. He has reduced the elements and narrowed the
ground of the.eontroversy, at the cost of a hazard which we
can hardly suppose him not to have appreciated. " Either
a graduated, duty, or no duty at all," is now the watch-
word of the Treasury benches. If the former is aban•
doned, then repeal is to be embraced. That this
declaration is a bold one, we freely admit ; but
that it is a wise one we, with our known opinions on
the principles of commercial policy, cannot affirm. It will
doubtless give high satisfaction to those supporters of the
Cabinet who, are employed in cutting away the scaffolding on
which they stand from beneath their feet •, it will give great
encouragement to the energetic spirit, and ambitious perseve-
rance, of the ultra free trade party ; but to the more tempe-
rate and discriminating of the Conservative party it is likely-
to suggest every other feeling but that of confidence or cheer-
fulness. We think that no one can look at the condition of
England at the present moment without being convinced that
the time for_ making a proposition which should reconcile
the two conflicting parties by which the country is divided
will soon have passed away. The passions of the people
have been roused on one side; they have been be-
witched by the deceptive cry of " cheap bread." All
the ad captandum fallacies by which the feelings of
large multitudes are swayed have been prodigally brought
into play ; every imaginable artifice has been dexterously
and repeatedly employed ; there has been so much truth
mixed up with much falsehood, as to render the absorp-
tion of the laiter at once easy and pleasant ; and so much
of sincere aid disinterested principle blended with a mass of
pretence, hypocrisy, and exaggeration, as to give force and
impulse to the efforts of bad or unthinking men. On the
other side are ranged men whose opposition is grounded on
different but not irreconcileable motives—some claiming pro-.
tection as necessary to agriculture ; some denouncing any
concession, as a system of timid truckling to a confederacy
which is fighting the battle of democracy under the standard
of free trade ; others deprecating the notion of raising a re-
venue from the chief article of consumption ; but none
making those professions, and lavishing those generalities,
by which multitudes are charmed, and popular enthusiasm is
inflamed. Nor has this party, respectable indeed, and influential
though it. be, that authority which is given by the approbation
of:judiciouS and the assistance of wise men. Those who
have studied the philosophy of commerce and tine perplexi-
ties of finance are not indeed with their antagonists, but still
less are they with them. The experienced and the judicious
revolt from multitudinous gatherings of financial speculators,
and suspect the clamours which greet virulent personality
and intemperate invectives ; but men of experience and judg-
ment are not enamoured of the sliding scale. Least of all,
we fear, can the agricultural party reckon upon the cordial
(.o-operation and sympathy of their own immediate depen-
dents. I lad the sentiments of the rustic population been more
favourable to the lords of the soil, the success of the League
,mis,aries in the rural districts would have been far less even
than it has been. lint for this coldness they may thank
their own infatuation. Looking then at the state of parties
at the present. day, we cannot but regret the occasion on
which the Minister has chosen to display the virtue of con-
,istency ; still less are we disposed to approve the validity of
the reason by which he defends his policy. "If you seek to
raise a revenue from corn," he argues, " you should raise it
from home-grown as well as from imported grain, as you do
from malt." Strange argument for • a Minister to use ;
hot most strange for one who so well knows the feelings of
his own party. Is not every Excise duty more objectionable
and unpopular than a Customs' duty? Is it not always
levied with greater trouble, and paid with greater unwilling-
ness? Is it not always more difficult to impose an Excise
than a Customs' duty? And has not the malt tax always
been obnoxious to the odium of an Excise duty ? Has not
its continuance been a subject of unceasing complaint with
the landowners? And yet the Premier cites this as a.Mici-
tous illustration of the propriety, or the possibility, of raising
a revenue from home-grown corn. We have averred our
regret at the course taken- by the head of the Government.
We think that we can now discern indications of a readiness
to neutralise the particular differences of the free-trade and
the agricultural parties by a scheme of mutual concession.
We beieve that there are many on both sides who would
willingly terminate the unhappy dissensions which rend
the country by a temperate compromise. But the same
signs which indicate this tendency also tell us that ere
long the season for making advances will have gone by,
and that the alternative reserved by the Government
will then hang on the will of an expectant people—" the
present duties, or no duties at all." The terms in which
Lord Morpeth's recent address at Wakefield was received
will typify the answer which the people will give when their
sentence on this last proposition is demanded of them. But
the Minister looks at his dense Parliamentary phalanx. He
sees there present strengths and confidence. He trusts, too,
perhaps, to a continuance of prosperity, arising from brisk
trade and renewed commerce, which may charm the gnim-
blings of discontent into silence, or even change the growls
of opposition into the melodious accents of applause. Hs
knows, that with Englishmen abstract theory is of secondary
importance to present prosperity; and he trusts that when
our marts of commerce are again thronged with the train of
fortunate enterprise, and our seats of industry again resound
with the din of awakened traffic, then the cry of "cheap
bread " will be no longer heard, and the denunciations of the
mob-leader will have lost their power. We would fain hope
that this belief might be realised. The revival of trade cer-
tainly does hold out great encouragement for future hope.
But, for our own parts, we think that the best use which a
Government could make of it would be, to seize the opportu-
nity which it affords for settling a vexatious question, and
ending unhappy differences.
POST.—Our readers are aware that Sir Robert Peel's de-
claration against any alteration of the existing corn-law is
no snore than we expected, though we cannot say we felt as
little
anxiety upon the subject as some Ultra-Ministerialists
either felt or feigned. But we expressly stated, some time
ago, when certain writers who pretend to great considerate-
ness in all they say, were proclaiming that, from the state
of public sentiment, it was clear that something must be done,
either of an immediate or prospective character, for the
alteration of the corn-laws—we say we then expressly stated
that we did not believe any such alteration would
be proposed. But we then feared—nor are we yet
free from that fear—that though no direct alteration
of the corn-laws would be proposed, there would
still be wanting that genuine and hearty support of the prin-
ciple of protection for native industry, without which, in our
opinion, the Administration cannot be faithful to what were
supposed to be its principles when called to office by the voice
of the country, and by the favour of the Crown. Sir Robert
Peel has declared, and, we are happy to say, with more em-
phasis and less reserve than is his wont, that he has not
contemplated, and does not contemplate, any alteration of
the corn-laws. Without going so far as to say that the nu-
merous meetings, which have taken place in the country,
have made any alteration in the Ministerial intentions in
regard to this subject, we vet think it highly probable
that it was the tone of these meetings which furnished
the inducement for the emphatic, decisive, and unquali-
fied disclaimer on the part of the Minister of any contem-
plated alteration of the corn-laws. It is of importance to
observe, however, that so far from the Minister making any
declaration in favour of the principle of protection, he avowed
a concurrence in what was laid down by Lord John Russell
on the subject of that principle, namely, that it was in
theory utterly erroneous, and that it was only on account
of the danger which attends sudden transitions, even from
wrong to right, in national affairs, that it would be impolitic
to adopt the principles and the practice of free trade. It is of
importance to observe, that notwithstanding Sir R. Peel's
emphatic declaration that he does not contemplate any al-
teration of the corn-laws, yet his abstinence front interference
with them is not based upon any degree of respect for the
principle upon which these laws are founded—namely, the
principle of protection, but front a sense of the inexpediency
of interfering, under existing circumstances, with laws which
are supposed to have, in reality, no sound principle to sup-
port them. We should be very sorry to misrepresent the
views of the Right Hon. Baronet ; but, after the best con-
sideration we can give to the various points of his last speech,
so far as it regards the corn-laws, we believe that what we
have stated is a fair account of the views which the Minister
appears to entertain.