The Sun.
London, England, 1844-07-02 00:00:00

inaiting

LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 2 1844.

In the Lords, the Sugars Duties Bill was read a
second time.
In answer to a questiws from the LORD CHAN-
CELLOR, Lord CAMPBELL said he would move the
third reading of the Libel Bill this day.
A discussion took place on the motion for the third
reading of the Bishoprics of St. Asaph and Bangor
Bill, during which the Duke of NEWCASTLE in-
formed the LORD CHANCELLOR that he had been
guilty of an unworthy manoeuvre to get rid of the
Bill. The third reading was consequently postponed,
and the Bill was referred to a Select Committee.

In the Commons, after the presentation cf peti •
Lions, Mr. BRIGHT put a question, of which he had
given notice, to Sir JAMES GRA HAM, whether he had
any objection to lay before the House the corn's-
pondence which had taken place between the Lord-
Lieutenant of Lancashire and the Government, re-
lative to raising a new corps of yeomanry for the
southern division of that county. Sir JAMES GRAHAM
did not state whether the correspondence would be
produced, but intimated that the application for
raising a body of yeomanry in the neighbourhood of
Rochdale had been communicated to the Earl of
DERBY, who had no objection to it, and her MAJESTY
had accepted their services.
In answer to a question from Lord PaLmtnsTox,
relative to the occurrences which had taken place in
Morocco, Sir ROBERT PEEL said her Majesty's Go-
vernment had given such directions as they thought
necessary to insure full information, independent of
foreign Powers, and to protect British interests.
Mr. Ross gave notice that on Friday next he
would move for all papers and correspondence rela-
tive to the re-anointment of Mr. O'DaiscoLL to the
magistracy in Ireland.
Sir ROBERT PEEL gave an outline of the business
for the remainder of the session, which will be found
briefly stated in the Parliamentary report. It will be
seen, from this, that a vast number of Bills are yet to
be carried, or attempted to be carried, and that the
grouse•shooters have little chance of being able to
attend to their duties in Parliament.

The Irish Registration 13111 then formed a subject
for lengthened conversation. Sir ROBERT PEEL had
intimated that he would move the second reading,
solely for the purpose of discussing the measure, but
Is every speaker seemed to be against him, he gave
up the Bill for the session. Mr. T. DUNCOMBE had
the merit of quashing this dastardly attempt, first

broached by Lord STANLEY, to diminish the Irish
franchise.

The Unlawful Oaths (Ireland) Bill was passed
through Committee.
The Prisoners' (Scotland) Bill also went through
Committee, and the House adjourned at Half-past
Eight.

Since the first announcement of Sir R. PEEL'S ill-
omened—and now, all but matured absurdity—his
notable scheme of Banking Reform—we have en-
devoured, from time to time, to awaken public at-
tention to the melancholy condition of productive
industry in this country. We have shown, in suc-
cessive articles on the growing evils and deficiencies
of our monetary system, how the fatal legislation of
1819, which legitimated and fixed at a certain defined
price gold as the " standard of value"—(ourselves not
being answerable for the vagueness or ineptitude of
the terms adopted by the bullionists)—has worked
out all the disastrous consequences predicted from its
operation by those who denounced it in Parliament
five-and-twenty years ago. We have shown that the
effect of making gold of a certain cheapness, by law
has been ever since to reduce the remuneration of
labour on a scale commensurate with, or even lower
than, the diminution of prices. We have shown that
since a gold standard struck natural or gold prices
only for,the productions of the loom or the products of
agriculture, there was no margin for that charge which
should represent the cost of taxation pending the
growth or the manufacture of the commodity. We
have shown how, in addition to this, another cause
has operated to limit the power of giving remunera-
tive wages in the crippled action of capital, invested,
whether in land or in manufactures, through the fear-
ful contraction of the general currency consequent on
the application of the metallic screw. We have shown
how these depreciated price; and profits have so pre-
judiced the condition of the industrious operative and
labourer, that their masters have been compelled to say
to them—" To enable us to pay you even these reduced
wages, you must work for them during a longer portion
of each day. To enable us to keep our mills at work,
our lands in cultivation, you must extend your daily
labouring hours from twelve hours to sixteen or eigh-
teen." And, finally, we have shown, that from the
hundreds of thousands—we might fairly say from the
millions of producers—who live bytheir daily labour,
thus inadequately paid, and thus cruelly protracted ;
your system of a gold currency and natural
prices, under an annual taxation of 50,000,0001.,
has annually snatched at least 30,000,0001.
in the shape of taxes charged upon articles indispen-
sible to their subsistence, instead of taking that sum,
as the Legislature clearly contemplated, from the
wealthier consumer, off whose shoulders you have
shifted the burden. Thus, then, the condition of
labour in this country is that it is underpaid, de-
frauded, and overtaxed. In the meanwhile, the im-
provements of machinery, and the amount of produc-
tion, have gone on, pari passu, to an extent which the
world has never before witnessed. But by all this
increase of necessaries, in the shape of articles of sub-
sistence and raiment ; and of luxuries, in the
multiplication of conveniences, comforts, and
elegancies—the producing classes, by whose
hard toil such increase has been elaborated
are nothing benefited. They starve in the midst of
plenty. They perish, surrounded by countless ele-
ments of succour. An usurious monetary system,
which gives everything to already-realised capital
that can ensure its rapid multiplication—provides no
means of distribution to the indigent millions. As
hats, and coats and gowns, and stockings and shoes
become cheaper, because more abundantly produced,
the meritorious artisans, Rhose ill-requited industry
sets the producing machinery in motion, sink lower
and lower in the scale of destitution—become more
and more unable to possess themselves of such articles.
If the case stood thus, with regard to manu-
facturing labour and its products, it is noto-
riously no better—perhaps, it is worse—in
respect of agricultural labour, and the pro-
ducts which that realises for the landowners. The
landowner, in his turn, points, on the one hand, to the
only prices the farmer can realise for his Cereal pro-
ducts, bread stuffs, &c.—on the other, to the burdens
of tithe, poor-rate, county-rate, &c. ; and, if his pro-
perty be encumbered, to his mortgages, the interest
upon which, for advances made in a " depreciated
currency" with high prices, he has now to pay in an
artificially enhanced money—in gold. " With such
reduced rents, and lowered prices, and heavy bur-
dens," he says, " I cannot pay you remunerating
wages." _ Now, agricultural protection is getting as
much out of public endurance as manufacturing pro-
tection; so that for this state of things protection is
rarely ever suggested as a remedy. What is to be
done ?

In the meanwhile tha desperate incendiary is at his
suicidal and devastating work. In Essex, Suffolk,
Hertfordshire, Norfolk, the midnight destroyer—
goaded doubtless to desperation and to crime by the
wrongs of poverty, and the cravings of want, the
claims of helpless infancy, and the misery of hi:
home—is committing to the flames the garnered
harvests of former years, or the means and appli-
ances necessary to get in that which is next to be
gathered. What sentiments can more powerfully
excite his frenzied despair than the bitter conscious-
ness of his own willingness and ability to work, con-
trasted with the hopeless destitution which alone
will follow upon his labour, where masters and
landlords are equally straightened in their present
means, and in despair of their future chance of bet-
tering them ?
The new banking law of Sir It. PEEL presents
aspects fatal alike to manufacturing, commercial, and
agricultural enterprise. In carrying out to their
full extent the hitherto dormant mischiefs of the Act
of 1819, and in aggravating the intensity and
enlarging the sphere of action of those evil influences
it had already developed, the Bill now pending before
Parliament will be deplorably signalised. It will add
the guilt of lighting up a hundred incendiary fires in
districts where its baneful propositions are about to
ensure the ruin of the unfortunate agriculturist-, who
may no longer look for temporary accommodation or
sympathy in his honest struggles against adverse
seasons or accidents—to that long catalogue of
ills, in which the memory of Sir ROBERT
PEEL and the Currency Act of 1819, will be asso-
ciated to posterity as the proximate causes of the
distress of our labouring population at various in-
tervening periods, and at the present moment. We
have enormous wealth, the most magnificent revenue
in the world ; a commerce whose parallel has not
arisen in the history of mankind. We are supreme
among the nations, and the business of Time, himself,
seems to be but to develope, year after year, our new
and uncalculated resources for the increase
of our opulence, and the consolidation of our
power. We are in profound peace with all
the world ; and yet, in the centre of an imperial do-
minion, the metropolitan home of our greatness, as
well as in the provincial capitals of our commercial
and agricultural greatness, we have widely-spreading,
accumulating, unarrested poverty and discontent.
That poverty is of the most afflicting and most abject
character. This discontent manifests itself in the
most insidious, and the 'most open forms. What can
be the cause of these phenomenon, moral and political ?
Are these gifts of Providence, and these happy acci-
dents of nature, to be neutralised by some radical vice
in our monetary system, that Sir ROBERT PEEL'S
autocracy may
not be shaken in the House of Com-
mons, nor his financial imbecility be recognised
and denounced without it ?

There is but one opinion respecting the conduct of
the Home Secretary in ordering the private letters of
M. MAzztpu to be opened at the General Post-office.
0 All people—as the Times of this morning justly
remarks—" agree in vituperating him. Never was
Minister
„more pitilessly assailed. His unpopularity,
sufficientix great before, has received an unenviable
increase of ,odium and notoriety; and the dislike
with which he mks regarded by some parties in the
House of Commons has extended itself to all parties
out of the House." We rejoice at this. It is a
" great fact," and proves that the tone of pub-
lic morality is by no means at so low an ebb
as might be anticipated, considering that the direct
tendency of our Conservative Government, for
the last four years, has been to vitiate, if
not wholly destroy it, by their expediency system of
legislation. But not only has Sir JAMES GnAnAm's
conduct excited the indignation of every honest, high-
minded Englishman, but it has roused a strong feel-
ing of abhorrence also in France, as is manifest from
a late discussion that took place on the subject, in the

Chamber of Deputies. " That England," said.:
IDE MALLEVILLF, " who, according to her o• wn
account, marches with so much pride at the he ad. of
free nations, should still be obliged to suffer such a is-
honourable outrages as regards herself, proves i fir at,
in point of practical liberty, there is a gc
deal yet to be learned on the other side :.the
Straits. The Ministers will probably be obU ed
to me for giving them this opportunity of
declaring, in the most public manner, tin at,
with us at least, the privacy of letters is respecte(l by
law and in fact ; for it is to the honour of the E o-
vernment of July to have shut the Cabinet Noir, 13 nd
I sincerely hope it will never be re-established." In
reply to these remarks, the Premier, M. Guizov, cob-
served with emphasis :—" The Hon. Member ts b,o
has just spoken is quite in the right. In law arid in
fact, the privacy of letters is completely respectxl in
France, both as regards natives and foreigners." C an
our Premier say as much ? Certainly not ; .the
Home Secretary has effectually cut the gr4ln
from under his feet, and, only as a pleasant fict:x .n,
can he now talk of the privacy of let t 4
being respected in England. Of course the French
will be filled with exultation at the idea of
the superior morality and honesty of their Gove-re -
merit to that of ours; they will be constantly tau ni,-
ing us with the flagrant misconduct of Sir JArhil
GRAHAM; and they will point to the defence set 13 p
for him by the Cabinet, as a proof that his officii it
colleagues deem his violation of M. MAZZINI'S prlvad .e
correspondence an act justified by law, and in perf,.N
accordance with the dictates of common honent. y,
The French have never yet forgiven us—and t'ni
probably never will entirely—fur our decisive vielo
over them at Waterloo ; but if anything can tend to
soften the bitterness of their feelings on -tb is
subject, it will be the flattering convict-1( m
that they will henceforth entertain of the lof ti er
moral tone held by their Government to that
prevails in ours. They will tell us that our Hor ae
Secretary is no better than a spy, and that his c(
)l-
leagues may be regarded as his accomplices, other ow, ise
they would not defend him so readily as they Taa ye
done. And to these stinging taunts what ans xer can
we make ? None at all. The humiliating fact .ea n-
not be denied, that the PEEL Ministry has dishono,ar ed
itself in the eyes of Europe, and that England is
to some extent a sharer in its disgrace, by
sanctioning its continuance in office. But, thank
GOD, public feeling is at length actin ely
roused on the subject, and is expressing i self
in a tone that daily becomes more menacing ;and,
significant ! The cry now everywhere is " ,vn
with Sir JAMES GRAHAM !" So say we. "Tie, Am
with Sir JAMES GRAHAM !" and the sooner le is
ejected from Downing-street, the better. His c' 3n-
tinuance in the Cabinet is a direct insult to the mac a-al
feelings of the people. It is a proof that the exp'io led
espionage system will be revived, at the first fea .ble
opportunity, in all its enormity ; and that mil ler
public nor private rights will be respected will len-
ever they may chance to interfere with the
Home Secretary's latitudinarian notions of "what
is expedient. Most earnestly—most emphatic ill
'y—
with a strong conviction of the imperative necessity
of the case—we conjure our countrymen ot all
parties, and shades of parties, to mark without d elay
their unmitigated disgust and abhorrence of the: .con-
duct of Sir JAMES GRAHAM. Already that dB gust
and that abhorrence have been manifested in no un-
equivocal form; but this is not enough, p üblic
meetings should be held in all quarters, havEli r for
their avowed and direct object the immediate rsn ioval
of the Home Secretary from office.

Some of the Madrid journals of the 22d ult. ea press
great alarm respecting the measures which are. about
to be adopted by the Ministers, now assembling at
Barcelona. One of them state that two of these, mea-
zures will be the marriage of the QUEEN to the son of
Don CA/mos, and a decree for reviving the .1 total()
Real, both very probable. The Clamor P ablico
strongly protests against such a daring violatfon of
the Constitution in they words :

"Perfidy gave birth to these times of calamity, despotism
has supported, and anarchy crowns it.: The course •which
the Liberal party are to pursue, if the fatal things they fore-
see be realised, is evident. They must defend the i crtegrity
of the Constitution they hate conquered at the cost kit' their
blood ; they must resist the tyrants and usurpers wl.to. would
strip the nation of its rights and sovereignty. The struggle
will be a duty and a necessity to the partisans of libeiral in-
stitutions, for they will have to combat despotic power, a
scandalous usurpation, and an intolerable tyranny, a dicta-
torship resting on force, and which would establish its odious
domination on the wrecks of the constitutional edifice, and of
the freedom of the Spanish people."

The Verdad, of Barcelona, states that EL GROC,
the last of the Carlist rebels of Maestrasga, has been
taken and shot. All his companions, to the amount
of nearly 150, had been previously taken and put
to death.

The Three per Cents. were done:for cash, at 2613-16 ;
60 days, 27i ; and the Five per Cents., for cash, 20
at 60 days, 20k.

We find no fresh intelligence, relative to the Mo-
rocco war in the Paris papers. Some of them, how-
ever, have bitter articles on the late occurrences, di-
rected both against the King of the FRENCH and the
English Government. The Carlist journal, the Quo-
tidienne, particularly distinguishes itself on the occa-
sion, and would lead the country to infer that France
can never be really independent of England while the
ORLEANS dynasty exists. We give the following as a
specimen :—" England, by the organ of Sir R. PEEL,
has been graciously pleased to permit our projects on
Morocco ; our rulers have communicated to her their
views; the demands of the EMPEROR, and how they
intend replying to them. They have communicated
to the British Ministry the instructions given to the
Prince de JoiNvILLE, and these instructions are fully
satisfactory. Thus, we now learn, through the de-
bates in the English Parliament, why we have col-
lected a fleet and confided an expedition to the
Prince de Jousvir.LE! England saw in it no incon-
venience; the innocuous character of the instruc-
tions of our admiral has procured him at once a sails-
Pelt and an excat. Poor France I But seriously, if
on any point of the globe a government adjoining
any of the British possessions should think fit to in-
vade them with an armed force, and attack the Eng-
lish troops, and if this attack bore a grave character,
and came from a government so powerful, that the
Cabinet of London should deem it proper to confide
the command of an expedition to a Prince of the
Royal family, is it to be supposed that this Cabinet
before the departure of the expedition, would think
itself obliged to submit to the approbation of the
French Government its views, and the instructions
given to its general ? Certainly the idea would never
occur to it, or if by impossibility we suppose that it
might, is it to be believed that the publicity given to
that act of weakness would not be sufficient to excite
the indignation of a proud and independent nation?
Well then, France owes to England only what Eng-
land would believe it would owe in a similar case :
any other rule of conduct is unworthy of us, for it
cannot be atributed to an act of good intelligence—
but to a feeling of weakness—to a sentiment of in-
feriority."
The Journal des Debuts takes a very different view
of the question, and announces that great prepara-
tions are in progress to punish the perfidious Moors,
and avenge the honour of France. "Reinforcements,"
it adds, " continue to be sent from Algiers to Oran.
A battalion of the 44th arrived at Oran on the 19th;
another battalion of the same regiment was about to
be sent to Tenez to reinforce the camp at Orleans-
vine. The banks and islet of Ghazouna, at the mouth
of the River Nedroma, on the extreme frontier of
Morocco, will, it is said, be occupied by our troops.
The odious perfidy of the Morocco troops, and the
battle of the 15th, render the difficulty of arrange-
ment almost inextricable. We are still persuaded
that all this is done in opposition to the will of the
EMPEROR ; but when his own guard takes the lead in
aggression, instead of controlling the undisciplined
tribes, of what service can be the protestations and
engagements of a SOVEREIGN who is no longer mas-
ter of his own people, and whose troops follow the
impulsion of the ambitious ADD-EL-KADER." Pri-
vate letters also state that General BUGEAUD had in-
timated his intention to the Government of invading
Morocco as soon as he had assembled a sufficient body
of troops, and that possibly his next dispatches would
be dated from Fez.

On Friday the discussion on the Northern Railroad
Bill was brought to a close, when the Chamber
adopted the Government plan by a majority of 227
to 42. The branch line from Amiens to Boulogne
was also adopted. It is to run through Abbeville and
Etaples, and will be leased to a company for ninety-
nine years. On the same day, ➢I. DE MALLEVILLE
alluded to the discussion which had lately taken place

• 814. • -
o•
•!•••.1/4
• 11..!
ti ;;
* 1
111111•0‘...
).,• er' • .4 -1- „ .
.0 ' :Roi 17'