The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-19 00:00:00

Connemara. 1 here will be present 100,000 men, but my pre-
sent object is to tell you my plans. There are two distinct
plans—the first is to arrange the constituency against the time
when the Irish Parliament shall be called. This plan is
totally distinct from the Preservative Society." Mr. O'Con-
nell happened to recollect that there was such a thing in
force as the Convention Act, which makes any kind of an
obligation inconvenient. s The Preservative Society were to
meet by accident, to separate by accident, and to dine alto-
gether by accident. This was the mode by which this con-
spiracy, if not checked by these prosecutions, was to be carried
out. Gentlemen, I now wish to call your attention to certain
letters whiCh were published in the Pilot of the 26th Sep-
tember last, and a review of these letters from the editor.
These letters were signed by a Mr. O'Callaghan, and were
entitled, " The Irish in the British Army." The Editor's
observations 'on these letters were as follow :—" No subject
in the present state of the public mind in Ireland can be more
intevesting than the state of the army. If the press did not
at length interfere, we really believe there would have been
no bounds set to . the persecutions of the private soldier.
Andn an fore ? h t
s ,
not
sc h
e the soldier has he been visited with all this an-
nsoldier an improving member of ynwso-
ciety ? So much is this the case, that, during the late Go-
vernment, libraries were ordered to be established for every
regiment in the service. And, yet, we published, no later than
list Monday, a letter-forbidding the soldiers of the Forty-
third Light infantry, stationed at Montreal, from reading the
Weekly Register, although the poor fellows had subscribed in
advance for that paper. But if the soldier can read, he can
easily find something to read, and we have heard that the men
when they go out to refresh themselves always call for the
prohibited papers. If the newspapers are not palatable to military
martinets or drill murderers, what will they say to the writings of
the author of the ' Green-book'being rendered accessible to the
soldiery ? This gentleman, the Irish public are aware,was the first
who revealed the secret of the composition of the army, in reply
to that unprincipled publication, the English Standard. That
paper, forsooth, would threaten the Irish nation with the
army if they merely discussed the subject of the Repeal of the
Union I However, we soon found a champion in the person
of Mr. O'Callaghan. Ile silenced the Standard by ana-
lysing the army, and showing that above forty-one thousand
Paddies served in that force Those facts appeared in the
shape of letters directed to Mr. Staunton, of the Register,
and Mr. Ray. They were also printed in the Pilot, whose
columns are always open to the complaints of the poor soldier.
Nothing at the time, so far as we recollect, created so much
excitement and interest as those letters. They are now much
augmented and improved, and published under the characteristic
title of The Irish in the English Army and Arai y. In the
annals of cheap pUblication we have never seen anything to
equal them—twenty-four pages of close letter-press for one
penny I As . for what they contain we need only say,
that they are one mass of authorities and quotations.
Those letters. put the question in a nut shell. They
are alike suited for the pocket of the citizen and the
knapsack of the soldier. The author may well observe in
his-preface ;--' Indeed, since the Spanish army have ventured
to pronounce, that orders to fire upon one's fellow-subjects
are not in every case to be obeyed, inasmuch as those orders
may not always be founded on justice ; and when not so
founded, can, if obeyed, be only complied with in vio-
lation of the solemn commandment, thou shalt do no murder—.
since the patriotic Spanish army, like that of France at the
Revolution, have so presumed to think, and to prove
that soldiers are not clayey s to be counted upon, as mere un-
reasoning or conscienceless herds of wholesale and uncondi-
tional man-butchers, whenever the aristocratic oppressors of
the community, under the designation of Government, may
command the people to be massacred for not submitting to in-
justice, since the fresh moral lesson has been pronounced for
all whom it may concern, it is difficult to perceive, even inde-
pendent of the circumstance of so many of the military being
known Repealers, how the great mass of our army can be
reckoned on to uphold, at the expense of their own as well as
the people's
.cause, the supremacy of an oligarchy whose ge-
nerosity, gratitude, and tenderness to the soldiery for so
doing, consist of promotions to commissions only for the
rich, the mangling lash to the bleeding back, and such mer-
ciless drillings AS have caused poor Private M'Manus to drop
down dead, and. Private George Jubee, a soldier of acknow-
ledged good charaeter, to send in desperation a bullet through
Adjutant Robertson Mackay's body 1' Aye, there's the
rub, as Mr. O'Callaghan so, forcibly observes, and his able and
universally accessible publication, from which the above extract
is taken, is one of the best hand-grenades that could be directed
against the abuse of such a system; It'shonld be circulated in
every direction."
Gentlemen, _there was another of those multitudinous meet-
ings took place at Loughrea, and Messrs. O'Connell, Barrett,
Steele, and Dr. Gray were present. 'fhe rain curtailed the
proceedings of the morning, but Mr. O'Connell said, " We
know that the rain fails equally on the just and the un-
just. I will not, therefore,. detain you, 'hut bid God bless
you, my temperate and faithful friends. You shall have re-
peal." At the dinner which took place in the evening, Mr.
Barrett said—" I am, from lung, close, and attentive observa-
tion of the Irish people, 'convinced that were their
.virtuous
tranquillity set at nought—were they by aggression involved
in a conflict Which conscience would approve and necessity
justify, there is'in the organisztion, the numbers, the nature of
the country, and the spirit of the people, at this moment, iu
their sense of wrong and love of right, in their deep conviction
of all that would be lost by defeat and won by victory, a mighty
power which would defeat the calculations and the maniceuvring
of military tactics ; and that great, admired, and prominent as
we are now arc in the arts of peace, if driven to it, this people
would be found still more astonishing in military valour, and
that prowess which would render their outbreak irresistible
and their country-free." On the same occaSii.n, Mr. O'Con-
.nell said, " that the Government had but one card, and they
brought out the Queen. That every one had been astonished
by the Royal Speech. It was a trick—it Was worse than the
scolding of flshwomen ; for then there was the right of reply,
but the Government had it all to themselves. That was the
advantage Judy had taken of them. They (the Government)
hoped that the Irish, being a sagacious and transitory
people, the agitation would pass away; but as well
might they expect that the Shannon would exhaust
itself." Mr. O'Connell then alluded to proposed meetings
at Connemara and Clontarf, and promised that the
Irish should obtain the liberty of their country. On the same
occasion Di. John Gray responded to the toast of " The Re-
peal Press," and said that " he could not but congratulate the
men of Loughrea on the glorious demonstrations he had that day
witnessed. As a Corinaughtman he felt proud of the bold at-
titude assumed by his countrymen ; and having had many op-
portunities during the present glorious struggle of seeing Repeal
demonstrations, he was bound in justice to the men of Loughrea
•""episnen es we meetints or tees
day. lie had been present at demonstrations in the east, in
the west, in the south, and in the north, but never did he
behold a scene which inspired him with more of hope in the
ultimate destiny of his country, and that gave him more of con-
fidence in the power and vitality of the mighty spirit of nation-
ality that was now vivifying the land, than that which they had
just beheld. If, however, he felt pride in witnessing such a
scene, how much greater should be the gratification he would
experience at being enabled to do his duty to them and to the
country, by sending to the four corners of the globe a faithful
portrait of that magnificent display. There were numbers,
there was order, there was precision, but, above all, determina-
tion was stamped on every brow, and was uttered by every
voice, and was he to be told that such a people were
to be driver, from their purpose by either the se-
ductions or the frowns of - a Minister, whether uttered
by himself pr- put forth as a royal speech? They
threatened before, but, when the indignant people hurled
defiance at them, they sneaked like cowed rats before their
frown. Alraid again to threaten, they, have the meanness to
thrust an innocent and beauteous lady (meaning the Queen)
as a shield between themselves and the just wrath of an in-
dignant nation, and they have forced her to proclaim slavery for
the people of this land, as if they fancied that such a de-
vice could affect the great national movement. What did the
men of Ireland care for the ministelial manifesto? What
did the bold peasantry of Connaught care for it ? It would
be by them treated with utter disregard. It was not the
speech of the sovereign ; was it not the speech of a Mi-
nister, who, fearing again to insult the Irish nation, had the
cowardice to. do it through a woman ? But, even were that
speech in unison with the sentiments of the Queen, would
the nation fear because of the opposition she might be advised
to give to their just demands ? No they would not halt or he-
sitate even because of the personal opposition of the Sove•
reign. When her idiot grandfather opposed himself with all
the virulence of his vicious nature to the emancipation
of the Catholics did the people fear to go on? His hos-
tility was evinced in accordance with the wish of the
Minister as well as against the Ministerial advice.
He opposed the Catholic Emancipation because he
hated the Irish and their religion with a bigoted hatred;
yet the people, nothing daunted by his impotent opposition,
pursued their course regardless of his whims, and forced even
from him large concessions. The movement had now assumed
a form that bid defiance to any and every opposition, and
though those who know not the hearts of the people might
hope to damp their ardour by such silly courses, there was that
day given to the Minister a substantial proof that the men of
Connaught at least would never lower the standard of Repeal,
but that they would continue to rally round the Liberator till he
had consummated the legislative independence of the country."
On the 12th of September there was a meeting of the Association,
at which Mr. O'Connell and Dr. Gray were present. Dr. Gray, on
that occasion, .said he bad to report from the Committee apppinted
to consider the question respecting the formation of Arbitration
Courts, and begged to fay before the Association the result of their
labours. "Upon the Report being read, Mr. O'Connell said he was
glad that the time had arrived when the Arbitration Courts'
could be brought into operation. Their great object was
to obviate the necessity of the people having recourse to
the magistrates of the country." These were the observs;
Lions of Mr. O'Connell. He admitted that the object of
these Arbitration Courts was to supersede the duties of the ma-
gistrates, to usurp the prerogatives of the Crown, and to get rid of
those institutions which were cstabliseed for the administration of
the law. I will now refer to a meeting of the Association which'
was held on the 13th of September, at which Mr. O'Connell, Mr.'
J. O'Connell, Dr. Gray, and Mr. Steele were present. I have
already referred to the arrival of thee Queen's speech'
in Dublin, on • the 28th of August. , At the meeting
of the 13th of September, Mr. O'Connell brought 11P a
Counter-manifesto to the Queen's speech, which wad
addressed to the subjects of the British Crown all over
the world, and which alluded to what were designated the griev,
ances of the people of Ireland. This is not a place to enter into a
discussion as to what are the grievances to which the people of Ire,
land are subjected. It is not for you to consider, nor for the Court
to pronounce, upon those grievances. It is for you to say, was the
mode adopted by the traversers in reference to those grievances a
legal and a proper one. The manifesto said there was no hope for
a redress of the grievances of the people of Ireland from an English
Parliament. The redress of those grievanc..4 must spring from
themselves. The mode pointed out for this purpose could not be
mistaken, as will appear from that part of the manifesto which
shall read for you. It is as follows :
" Fellow-subjects, our case is before you and before the world.
Grievances such as the Irish people endure no other country
has ever suffered. Insults such as are offered to us were
never inflicted on any other country. There is one
.consola-
tion i it is admitted by all, and is as clear as the noonday sun,
that unless we redress ourselves, we can have no succour from any
other quarter; but we suffice for ourselves and our country—We
suffice for the Repeal. We expect nothing from England or
Englishmen—from Scotland o'r Seotclimen. In each of these
countries the benevolent few are overpowered by the anti.
national apathy to. Ireland, and the virulent bigotry against
the Catholic religion, of the overwhelming ; majority of both
England and Scotland. The present Parlialcent has been packed
with the aid of the- most flagitious bribery, to crush the Irish
nation. From them is neither redress nor even hope. But, Irish.
men, we suffice for ourselves. Stand together—continue together
in peaceful conduct, in loyal attachment to the 'Throne, in con.
stitutional exertion, and in none other. Stand together ..nd per-
severe, and Ireland shall have her Parliament again. Such are the
words we address to our fellow-subjects all over the globe."
By that manifesto Mr. O'Connell declared, and the Association
adopted that declaration, that there was no hope of redress from a
.British Parliament—that the Irish people must redress those vice.
ances themselves—and that, unless they did so, all hope on that
subject must vanish, Now, I ask you if you haVe any difficulty in
understanding what was meant by "constitutional exertion"—
whether. At did not mean the exhibition of
physical force on the part
of the people, who were called upon to look to themselves for the re-
dress of their grievances instead of appealing to the sympathy of
Parliament? And this iuflammatoryaddress was circulated through
the empire upon a
broad sheet, for the information of all who
might be induced to read it, The mode in which the people were
to redresS theitgrievances was very significantly pointed out atone
of those monster meetings, which was held at Clifden, in the
county Galway, on the 17th of September, just four days after the
Association had adopted the manifesto which he had already re.