The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-05 00:00:00

DEATH OF MR. MORRISON.

Sir Henry Pottinger announces with feelings of the deepest
and most unfeigned sorrow, the demise this morning, at a few
minutes after seven o'clock, of the Hon. J. R. Morrison,
Member of Council, Chinese Secretary, &c., and Officiating
Colonial Secretary of the Government of Hong-Kong.
Mr. Morrison was so well known and so truly beloved, es-
teemed, and respected by all who had the happiness of his ac-
quaintance and friendship, that to attempt to pass any panegyric
on his private character would be a mere waste of words, and
Sir Henry Pottinger feels that his own sincere grief on this
mournful event is only a type of that universal sentiment in
which the memory and worth of Mr. Morrison will be for ever
embalmed.

In a public point of view Sir Henry Pottinger considers the
death of Mr. Morrison to be, an irreparable national calamity,
' and he doubts not but as such it will be received and viewed by
his Sovereign and country.
The Canton Press adds the following particulars :--
" Mr: J. R. Morrison, the son of the illustrious Dr. Mor-
ris.m, so well known as an active missionary and compiler of
the Chinese Dictionary, and who died in China just nine
years ago, was born in Malacca in 1815, and was only 28
years and four months old at the time of his death. In an early
' age he wassent to Europe, whence he returned, after a abort stay
to China, with only the rudiments of an education, which it
then became the care of his father to perfect. From the
earliest age his attention was drawn to the study of the
Chinese language, its which he ..had become so proficient,
that en the lamented death of his father, though only
19 years old, he was appointed by the Government to
' the responsible situation of Chinese secretary and inter-
preter to the superintendents of trade, before held by his
father, the duties of which he performed to general satisfaction.
" Mr. Morrison's studies were even at that early period not
limited to the Chinese language. The trade of this country
had so much engaged his attention, that in 1834 he pub-
lished a volume, the " Chinese Commercial Guide," con-
•taining much very valuable information on the commerce
with Canton, which must have been collected with considera-
ble pains, and which to this moment is of the greatest use as a
book of reference. During the following years, preceding the
differences with the English, Mr. Morrison, whose official
duties did not then engross the whole of his time, was engaged
iii perfecting his knowledge of the Chinese language, and
of the customs and habits of this people. The geography
of this country particularly had engaged his attention, and,
if he had been spared as, it was his purpose, we believe, to
have published a work on the geography of China, for which
he had already collected many valuable notes. He con-
templated also a new and enlarged edition of his father's
dictionary. These literary labours were, however, interrupted
by the troubles which broke out in Canton early in 1839, since
which time he had to conduct the whole of the Chinese cor-
respondence of her Majesty's Superintendents and Plenipoten-
tiaries, and in 1840 and subsequently always accompanied her
Majesty's Plenipotentiary on the' several expeditions of the
British forces,, where his perfect knowledge of the language
and of the official usages were of the greatest advantage in
carrying on the negotiations which have terminated so advan-
tsgeouslyto this country. It was just at the moment when Mr.
Morrison's services were about to be rewarded by higher office,
and their value probably more substantially recognised by his
Sovereign and country, his Excellency Sir H. Pottinger hav-
ing only last week appointed him a member of the Legislative
and Executive Council, and officiating Colonial Secretary of
the Government of Hong-Kong, that, on the 23d of last month,
he 'was attacked by the Hong-Kong fever, which has lately de-
prived us of so many valuable lives. The fever which termi-
nated his life, and which must be called the Hong-Kong fever,
combines, we are told, in its symptoms, the appearance of the
jungle fever of India and of the yellow fever of the West Indies,
and has hitherto in too many instances defied medical art, al- ,
though the latest advices from Hong-Kong, we are glad to say,
mention the recovery of several that were considered in danger
from the same illness."

- THE CURRENCY.
TO TEE EDITOR OF THE SUN.
was much pleased by reading in The
Sun, of yesterday, some able remarks on the
Currency, by your Correspondent " Beirniard."
One of the errors which he points out, as com-
mitted by writers on that subject, is that of ad-
mitting the depreciation of paper currency; and
as that phrase occurs in the leading article of the
Times of this morning, commenting on some
pamphlets published by the Society for the
Emancipation of Industry, it may not be amiss
to inquire into the sense in which it is so used, so
as to put an end to wrangling about terms to
which both parties attach different ideas. The
term depreciation of currency first came into
vogue about the time Mr. Huskisson wrote his
celebrated pamphlat on the Currency, in 1810.
He found that ever since the passing of the Bank
Restriction Act, in 1797, the price of gold, wheat,
and all other commodities, had been gradually
rising in price, and that, consequently, the
pound-note did not purchase so much of any
commodity as it had done prior to 1798. He,
therefore, asserted that the CURRENCY HAD DE-
PRECIATED, and erroneously attributed this de-
preciation to the over-issues of Bank paper. I
agree entirely with your Correspondent "Beir-
niard" as to the loose and unphilosophical mode
of thinking and expression implied in this
phrase, "depreciation ;" for had Mr. Huskisson
said that everything had become dearer he would
have been much nearer the truth ; and, by this
mode of expression, we might (have been saved
from all the misery and ruin which Mr. Huskis-
son's unfortunately chosen phrase and loose
manful. of thinking has since entailed on this
country.

In consequence of the amount of indirect taxa-
tion levied on commodities year atter year, from
the passing of the Bank Restriction Act, the
productive classes of this country were compelled
to demand, and paper money enabled them to
obtain, from the consumers of their respective
commodities, a higher price than they could
otherwise have received. The pound-note, there-
fore, very naturally and properly lost- its power
to purchase, in exact proportion as prices of com-
modities had been enhanced by taxation.
From the system of indirect taxation, and the
drain on us for gold prior to 1797, we were com-
pelled in the following year to
.abandon gold
money ; but even had we not been so compelled,
and, if gold money could have been retained in this
country (the pressure of indirect taxation re-
maining as before), IT too would have depre-
ciated jest in' the same degree as the PA PER
money did ; in other words, IT too would have
lost a portion of its power to purchase. In re-
spect of " depreciation,'? then, the gold. and paper
pound would have been quite on a par, as far as
THIS COUNTRY was concerned. . But gold is a
commodity, and has a general mercantile value
in the market of the world, and if we' depreciate
it at home, in consequence of high taxation prices,
it will be sure to leave us in our dealings with
foreigners—not so our paper ; and therein
lies a great point of superiority of paper
money possessing no intrinsic value, over
gold money possessing intrinsic value. For
prices can be maintained in a taxed country by
the use of paper money, but cannot lw.main-
tained by using gold money, unless by adopting
the most stringent prohibitory system of trade,
and making it criminal 'to clip, melt, or export
the coin of the realm. Set gold free from the
trammels of the fixed price at which the Bank
of England must at present take up its notes,
and let it rise in the markets like other commo-
dities in-this taxed country, and the value of our
English pound will just be what amount of gold,
or anything else, it will purchase; and this value
will depend and be regulated by the amount of
indirect taxation which Parliament Chooses to
levy on the country, .and will therefore have a
much steadier and uniform value than any money
based on the precious metals; its value will in-
crease with the diminution of taxation, and di-

minish with the increase of taxation, so that it
will be for the benefit of landowners, fundholders,
annuitants, placemen, and every person enjoy-
ing fixed incomes, to see that the affairs of the
nation are conducted with an eye to economy.—l
am, Sir, your's truly, Q. T.
4th January, 1844.

MUNTZ'S PATENT ELASTIC CUR,
RENCY RENOVATOR.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUM
" The scene? 'tie Birmingham renown'd afar
At once for halfpence, and for Doctor Parr."
Pursuits of Literature, p. 222.
SIR,--By your paper of yesterduy I find Mr.
Muntz proposing to set everthing right in the
monetary world by having ss. 2d. of the silver
coin melted down and coined into seven little
shillings and a little sixpenny piece, and explains
that why he adopts 7s. 6d. as the denomination
for the ounce of his new silver coin, is that it
appears to be generally acknowledged that 7s. 6d.
is a rentuneratmg price for a bushel of wheat ;
and thus, by this presto movement, making an
old half-crown a three-shilling and binepenny
piece instead of a two and sixpenny one, and
giving two of those • old hal&crowns instead of
three for a bushel of wheat at 7s. 6d., he fancies
that the fanner will obtain his remunerating
price fir his grain. Now, Sir, I beg to suggest a
plan of my own as a better one.
"Junius" sAyS, " The balance equally prepon-
derates, whether you take from one scale or add
to the other." Now what I would suggest would
be, not as Mr. Muntz would do, take from one
scale, viz„ docking off one-third of the silver from
a shilling, but I would adopt a new impe-
rial pint, the capacity of which should be one-
third larger than the present one, and that
there should be the stone number of pints as in
the present imperial bushel, it is very clear that
the new bushel would be one-third larger than
the present one; now, according to Mr. Muotz,
a little shilling is as good as a large shilling ; the
only thing necessary being that. it shall be a
shilling by name—no . matter about its pondero-
sity. Now, my new measure will still be
a bushel; and as it will still be a bushel,
no matter as to its capacity, this very simple
alteration I feel perfectly satisfied will insure the
corn-grower 7s. 6d. per bushel for his wheat, even
against all free trade in corn, Leaguers and else.
Both coins and bushels are measures—the
former of ponderosity, the latter of capacity ;
therefore, if' there be any truth in the assertion
of " Junius," it matters not whether we take one-
third from the coin or add one-third to the
bushel. Don't hint one word about my having an
intention:to make a spec. before-hand in the pur-
chase of tithe rent charges—neither. does Mr.
Muntz say one word that his proposition amounts
to paying off all old debts at 13s. 4(1. in the
pound.
No one scarcely thinks now-a-days for him-
self as to what are the common principles and
operations of money; therefore, they are the
more easily gulled. People little think that the
alteration in the weight of coins would make no
difference whatever in regard to all contracts,
made and entered after the issue of a new light
coin, as all agreements would he made on the
'tl coinse
t;be auttive of
when
eft roalettlswa are two measureb e
discharged in the old
the
-ew light coin, it amounts neither more nor less
1-an to a.diaholical robbery.-.-Your e•,
GORDIUS.

Ilfracombe, January 4, 1844.

LITERATURE.

HISTORY OF TEN YEARS. Part I.
Chapman and Hall,- London, 1844.
Who M. Louis Blanc, the author of this work,
may be, or what were his means of acquiring in-
formation, we know not; but there is an appear,
ance of authenticity about his "History of Ten
Years in France," so far as it has yet proceeded,
and an acquaintance with the more hidden
springs of political intrigue during the earlier
years of the ;restoration of the Bourbons, that
entitle his statements to attention. His intro-
duction, in particular, wherein he alludes to the
underhand plots carried on in 1815, chiefly under
the auspices of the Baron de \Thrones and Tal-
leyrand, to bring about the downfal of the Em-
peror and replace the old worn-out dynaity on
the throne by the reluctant agency of Alexander,
displays a minute knowledge of the political-
machinations of the times, which induces the
supposition that the author must have had
access to private documents hitherto kept
jealously from the public eye. Among other
interesting matters, he explains the whole
circumstances of thei defection of Marmont
from the Emperor at the critical period when
the Allies were threatening Paris; and his ex-
planation tends in a great degree to exculpate
the Marshal, who was himself deceived, and who
gave in his adhesion to the new order of things,
not of his own free will, but from the uncontrol-
lable force of events. In discussing the curious.
question, why was not Paris vigorously defended,
when it bad the means of resistance at its corn-
mand, and if' it had held out but two days, would
have had Napoleon in person ready to march to
its assistance with the collected remnants of his
army, M. Blanc states, and we think justly, that
the bourgeoisie, who were then all powerful,
had already decided that the capital should offer
no resistance, for they were weary °Nile Imperial
sway, which kept them a state of humiliating
thraldom, and looked forward to the restoration
of the Bourbons as the triumph of their own
selfish interests. To this influential party our
author boldly asserts that the Emperor's downfal
must be ascribed. They and they only—for the rest
of France was sullen and apathetic—secured the
throne for Louis the Eighteenth ; and they would
willingly have submitted to many of the en-
croachments of his successor,• had he not, by
violating the Charter, proposed to reduce them
to the same state of political insignificance in
which they lived during the whole period of the
Empire. From that moment they resolved to
keep no terms with him ; and, making common
cause with the masses, whom at heart they dis-
trusted and despised, they effected that revo-
lution which placed the crown on the head of
Louis Philippe, and which, owing to their stead-
fast allegiance, he still retains, despite the fre-
quent murmurs of the inflammable populace, and
the emeutesot the small, but energetic Republican
party. M. Blanc, though he affects to write
with candour and moderation, is clearly
a bitter enemy to this triumphant bour-
geoisie. But his hostility is without just
cause, for the steady advance in political
power of the middle—or, as he sneeringly
calls them, the trading—classes, is the necessary
results of the various movements that have taken
place in France since the assembling of the Tiers
Etat in 1789. When absolute monarcliy was
annihilated, and feudal privileges abolished, it
became an inevitable consequence that an indus-
trious, intelligent middle class, should spring up
from the ruins of the old regime; and, notwith-
standing the temporary check that this class sus-
tained under Napoleon, who dreaded its political
sagacity even more than the swords of the Allies,
it was evident that it must, in the long run, prove
too powerful for -the Emperor. Throughout
Europe, the tendency of the bourgeoisie—or in-
dustrious middle class—is slowly, but surely,
to extend the range of its influence, to the gra-
dual weakening of all monarchical and aristocratic
influences. In England it has wrested a Reform
Bill from a reluctant oligarchy; in Spain it is
sturdily lighting the battle of the Constitution
with every prospect of eventual success; in France
it is all powerful under the shrewd sway of Louis
Philippe; in Prussia it has wrung concessions of
no ordinary value from Royalty; and the day is
not far distant when Austria and Russia will •
both be compelled to listen with deference to
its just and enlightened councils. In a word,
the march of the bourgeoisie is the march of
common sense, of industry, of toleration, •of
equitable principles of legislation throughout
Europe ; and he must indeed be a short-
sighted patriot who can contemplate this.
march with any other feelings than those of
satisfaCtion. But M. Blanc is an anti-middle-
class man—that is to say, a man of the people.
IVell, let him look 'to America, and see there
what mob-rule has done for government! Minis-
ters of State afraid to speak out their own con-
victions—freedom reduced to a mere question of
colour, bestowed in rank abundance on the
whites, scornfully withheld from the blacks
national faith and justice laughed to scorn as
things of no account—such are among the re-
sults of exclusively popular sway. in America,
which our author, nevertheless, would gladly
see extended. to France. Having pointed out
the besetting defect in M. Blanc's work, we may
observe in .fairness to hint, that many of his
statements are deeply interesting ; and that he
writes in a light, lively, and picturesque
style, throwintr, ninny of his more stirring inci-
deets into quite a dramatic form, that cannot fail
to rivet attention. Of' the abilities of Talleyrand,
we perceive that lie speaks with infinite .con-
tempt ; but the•statesman who kept his head on
hi 4 shoulders through so many violent political
chhnges as he witnessed, and took a conspicuous
sh4re in, has taken it out of the power Of any
writer justly to impugn his consummate sagacity
and far-sightedness. As a specimen of the pe-
culiar spirit that pervades M. Blanc's History,
'we subjoin his reflections on the capitulation of
Paris in 1814 :
What followed is well.known_; and where is the
40,