The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-31 00:00:00

changed politics, and he (Mr. COBDEN) had
seen the same men at a subsequent election with
the favours of the opposite party on their coats. But
again the property was sold, and at the last election
the same tenants-at-will were again to be.seen in their
blue favours." Oh virtuous times—oh immaculate
-.purity of election ! Who, after an anecdote like this
could :dare to advocate the ballot? But after all:
these weather-cock electors were by no means so
criminal as might be supposed, for they were merely
imitating, in their own limited sphere of action,
our own
.discreet Premier, and putting into practice.
his favourite doctrine of expediency. It was expedient
for their interests that they should vote at one time
for a Whig, and:at another for a Tory, and accordingly
they did so; and, apparently, with as much free and
easy indifference as Sir ROBERT PEEL evinces, when
impelled by circumstances, he throws out a word of
encouragement, now to the free-traders, and now to
the monopolists. Doubtless, it was by the votes of
expediency-courting electors, like those so honour•
ably distinguished by Mr. COBDEN, that the South
Lancashire election was lost. Had each man been
left free to act according to the dictates of
his own conscience, there is little or no doubt
that the free-trade candidate would have been
placed at the head of the poll by an overwhelming
majority. Even as it is, there is much more cause
fur rejoicing, than fur desponding over the result of
the contest, for it is now placed on record that the
supporters of the good cause—notwithstanding all the
Conservative artifices resorted to against them—have
polled upwards of four hundred more than they polled
in the year 1837!

The administration of justice in this country, the
forms by which it is clogged, and in many instances
prevented, afford ample opportunities for reform. But
in every stage of that process, the obstacles which
present themselves are great beyond all conception.
An unpaid magistracy, the great mejority of whom
have gained the magisterial authority, solely as one
step in the ladder of aristocratical distinction, and
who have become justices of the peace, merely to ex-
cite awe and raise veneration in the breasts of the
neighbouring clodpoles, oppose all attempts to estab-
lish responsible, efficient, and competent stipendiary
tribunals. The same body, proud of the still further
distinction, which the grand jury-box confers, and of
the importance which the grand jury-room brings
with it, uphold the necessity of that second investi-
gation, before a body of themselves, of cases which
have been previously inquired into by the separate
wisdom of portions of their number. And although,
in these days no one would think of establishing a
court for the ascertainment of probable guilt, by a repe-
tition of only a portion of the evidence which seemed
to warrant a primary committal, still the grand jury
is generally supported as an ancient institution of the
country, by men who, having thought but little on
the subject, connect the name with the boasted pri-
vilege of Englishmen—trial by jury.
We have long thought the grand jury system a
nuisance, and we are delighted to see that we are at
length supported in our views by men who, from
actual experience, are the best qualified to judge. The
following protest is worthy of every attention, and we
call the public mind to weigh and consider it. It
was delivered this week to the Chairman of the Surrey
Sessiolis : •

" We, whose names are here subscribed, being the grand
jury of the county of Surrey, in sessions assembled, do pre-
sent—That it is the opinion of the grand jury, in the present
improved mode of administering the public justice of the
country, that the institution of grand juries, though at the
time they were established they were of great value, is now
not only unnecessary, but actually injurious to the public in-
terests : First, because the careful investigation of the cases
by the committing magistrates, aided by professional men,
who appear for the prosecution, and in the defence of the
accused, have fully sifted the case in its preliminary stages.
By this the institution of grand juries is rendered unneces-
sary. Secondly, the opportunity for tampering with wit-
nesses, in order that the evidencegiven before the grand jury
mayindnce them to ignore the bill, although the evidence
given before the magistrates fully justified the committal of
the prisoner. Thirdly; that the province of the grand jury is
often abused by having bills preferred which relate to accu-
sations that have never been previously investigated by ma-
gistrates, and Which are often the result of a desire to extort
money from the parties accused, or for the purpose of revenge.
For these reasons the grand jury consider their functions
are no longer beneficial, that they are often injurious, and
might be well dispensed with."
The presentment was signed by the foreman and the whole
of the grand jury.
The Chairman remarked that the presentment was a very
important public document, and he understood that a similar
one had been made in another place. It was not, however,
in the province of the magistrates to offer any opinion on the
subject, but he trusted it would receive that proper attention
which its importance demanded by the official authorities, to
whom it would be forwarded.

No man has done more for the simplifying and
amending the law than Sir ROBERT PEEL—few men,
with all his faults, have laboured more to curb the
insolence of magistrates. than Sir JAMES GRAHAM ;
let them look well to the subject ; and if in the aboli-
tion of grand juries, they shall deem it necessary to
abolish an unpaid and irresponsible magistracy, and
Ito replace it by legal stipendiary investigators of
charges, they will earn the thanks and approval of the
great majority of the country.

We call the attention of our readers to a state-
ment made by the Chief Justice of the Queen's
Bench this day, in the case of the QUEEN U. BLAKE
AND OTHERS. The other Judges concurred in the
reasons assigned for granting a new trial, and it will
be seen that it applies to the Irish State trials, and is
at utter variance with the directions of the Irish
Chief Justice and two other Judges in their address
to the jury.

The intelligence from Madrid, which is to the 22d
inst., is entirely destitute of interest. Preparations
were still going on at Barcelona for the reception of
the "idolised QUEEN" and her "immortal mother,"
epithets applied to them by a Barcelona journal.
The Three per Cents. closed at 29 for cash, and
29 9-16 at 60 days; and the Five per Cents. at 201.

In the French Chamber of Deputies; on Monday,
the President having taken the chair, read to the
Chamber a letter from the Prince DE LA MosKowA,
announcing the death of his father-in-law, M.
JACQUES LAFFITTE. The President next drew the
names of the members of the grand deputation who
were to attend his funeral, and when he had con-
cluded, voices from different parts of the hall ex-
claimed that the assembly would assist in a body at
the ceremony. A discussion then commenced on the
state of foreign affairs, but chiefly on the old and
worn-out subject—the recal of M. DUPETIT THOUARS,
when M. GuizoT moved a vote of 600,000 f. for ex-
traordinary missions. M. BERItTER commenced the
debate in a speech which made no impression on the
Chamber, and had not concluded at the adjournment.
He therefore resumed it on Tuesday, and made an
attack on M. GUIZOT, for succumbing to the English
in the affair of Otaheite, and also in allowing them to
occupy the whole of New Zealand. We find nothing
in the speech, however, that can interest the English
reader, if we except. the following attempt to rouse
his sleepy hearers:—" What," said he, "is not only
Admiral DUPETIT THOUARS to be disavowed, but
must his disgrace be communicated through a British
medium ? Is it an Englishman who is to put under
the nose of our Admiral the Monitour, containing
this insolent decision ? Is it an Englishman who is
charged to say to a French Admiral, 'Begone,' and
to Captain BRUAT, Je volts chasse " This pro-
duced what the French reporters called a " movement."
M. GUIZOT in his reply said, " That he conceived
the violence of the attacks directed against the acts of
the Administration was the right of the Opposition,
and the principle of the Constitutional Government;
but he could not conceive that it should stoop to the
perversion of facts in order to substantiate its charges.
In reference to the occupation of New Zealand, he
said, that island had been repeatedly visited, from
1790 to 1814, by British navigators, who had taken
possession of it in the name of Great Britain. The
Government, however, did not sanction that occupa-
tion, and it was only from 1815 to 1838 that com-
panies had endeavoured to prevail upon England to
act upon that occupation. It was not true, as M.
BEERYER had asserted, that Captain llonsoN had re-
ceived no instructions from his Government. Those
instructions were of July, 1839, and enjoined him to
negotiate a treaty with the chiefs for the cession of
the northern islands, and in February, 1840, a treaty
to that effect was signed by 512 chiefs of that island.
In April following, a similar treaty was concluded
with the chiefs of the southern island. Their regular
occupation by England was an accomplished fact."
After repeating his former arguments in reference
to the recal of Admiral DUPETIT TIIOUARS, he con-
cluded by declaring, that if the present Cabinet
carefully avoided all that might tend to weaken the
good intelligence existing between two great nations,
in no instance had it been guilty of an act of com-
plaisance derogatory to the dignity and interests of