The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-29 00:00:00

would be shaken by the roll of the gorgeous equipages in
which the first nobles of the country would be borne to the
senate house, from which the money changers should be
driven. The mansions of the aristocracy would blaze with
that useful luxury which ministers to the gratification of the
affluent, and to the employment and the comforts of the poor.
The Sovereign herself would not deem the seat of her Parlia-
ment 'unworthy of her residence. The frippery of the vice-
regal court would be swept away. We should look upon royalty
itself, and not upon the tinsel image : we should behold the
Queen of England, of Ireland, and of Scotland, in all the pomp
her imperial regality, with a diadem—the finest diadem in
the world—glittering upon her brow, while her coun-
tenance beamed with the expression of that sentiment
which becomes the throned monarch better than the crown.
We should see her accompanied by the Prince, of whom it is
the highest praise to say that he has proved himself to be
not unworthy of her. We should see her encompassed by
all the circumstances that associate endearment with respect.
We should not only behold the Queen, but the mother and
the wife, and see her from the highest station on which a
human being could be placed, presenting to her subjects
the finest model of every conjugal and maternal virtue.
I am not speaking in the language of a fictitious enthu-
siasm when I speak thus of her. lam sure that this
project is not only feasible, but easy. If the people of
this country were to combine in • demanding it, a demand
so just and reasonable could not be long refused. It is 'not
subject to any one of the objections which attach to the re-
peal question. No rupture of the two Parliaments—no dis-
memberment of the empire is to be apprehended. Let Irish-
men unite in putting forth a requisition for a purpose which
the Minister would 'not only find expedient, but inevitable.
But if you, gentlemen, shall not only not assist in an under-
taking so reasonable and so safe, but shall assist the Attor-
ney-General in crushing the men who have had the boldness
to complain of the grievances of their country, you will lay
Ireland prostrate. Every effort for her amelioration will be
idle. Every remonstrance will not only be treated with dis-
regard, but with disdain ; and for the next 20 years, we may
as well extinguish every hope for our country. Gentlemen,
you may strike agitation dumb—you may make millions of
mutes ; but beware of that dreary silence, whose gloomy ta-
ziturnity is significant of the determination of, its fearful pur-
pose. Beware of producing a state of things which may
eventuate in those incidents of horror which every good man
will pray to avert, and which will be lamented by those who
contribute to their occurrence, when repentance, like that of
those who are for ever doomed, shall be unavailing, and con-
trition shall be in vain. Gentlemen of the Jury, I do not
deny that strong speeches have been made by my client,
and by the rest of the traversers ; but I deny that those
speeches bear, when taken altogether, the interpretation put
upon them. To this subject I shall revert. At present
I entreat you to consider whether the speeches of Mr.
John O'Connell are of a more exciting and inflammatory,
character than those which are spoken in almost every popu-
lar assembly whether it be Whig, Radical, or Conservative.
Mr. John O'Connell proposed the health of the Queen in lan-
guage of enthusiastic loyalty at Mullaghmast, and added that
the speech delivered by the Queen was the speech of the Mi-
nisters, and could not be justly considered as the emanation
of her own unbiassed mind. This is, beyond all question,
constitutional doctrine ; although the Attorney-General
took most especial care not to tell you this. Indeed he
made an ultra-fo-rensic endeavour to convey to you
the impression that the traversers had spoken of her
Majesty in the language of personal disrespect. This is
most unfair. Mr. John O'Connell adds, that if the Mi-
nistry were wantonly to attack the people—in other
words, if they were, without a proclamation, without a no-
tice, without any form of law, to let loose the soldiery upon
a public assembly, resistance would be the result. But he
and his father had again and again said, that to the law they
would submit ; and that if a single magistrate came into a
meeting to disperse it, he should •be obeyed. Mr. John
O'Connell may have used strong expressions, but. he is not
indicted for them. He is indicted for a conspiracy, and for
nothing else. And even if he were indicted for these
strong expressions, in the uniform habit of Englishmen in
their public discussions he would find a justification. You
probably have read some of the speeches made at the meet-
ings of the Anti-Corn-law League. They were fully as:vio-
lent as the repeal harangues. The aristocracy is de-
nounced as " selfish,'" sordid," and "base-hearted." A total
overthrow of the existing order of society is foretold; refe-
rences are made to the French Revolution ; and the great
proprietors of the. country are warned to beware. But the
Anti-Corn-law League, it may be said, is a Radical institu-
tion. How is it ? The Tories themselves, when under the
influence of partisanship, expressed themselves in reference
to the Sovereign herself. You cannot have forgotten the
contumelies heaped upon the head of the Queen upon the
' resignation, in 1839, of Sir Robert Peel. I will not, gentle-
men, disgust you by a more distinct reference to those
traitorous diatribes, in which even clergymen took part.
It is better we should inquire how it is that gentlemen
connected with these very prosecutions have thought it de-
corous to comport themselves when their own passions were
excited. The name of the Right Honourable Frederick
Shaw is attached to the proclamation. I hold in my hand
the peroration of a speech delivered by that gentleman, and
reported in the Evening Mail of 9th March, 1835 :—" The
Government might make what regulation it pleased; but he
trusted the people knew their duty too well to submit
to its enactments. We. might degrade our mitres; it might
deprive us of our properties ; but if the Government dared to
lay its hand on the Bible, then we must come to an issue.
We will cover it with our bodies. My friends, will you
permit your brethren to call out to you in vain? In
the name of my country and my country's God, I will appeal
frOm a British House of Commons to a British public. My
countrymen would obey the laws so long as they were pro-
perly
administered ; but if it were sought to lay sacrilegious
hands on the Bible, to tear the standard of the living God,
and to raise a mutilated one in its stead, then it would be
no tiros to halt between two opinions—then, in every hill
and every valley, would resound the rallying cry of To
your tents, oh, Israel !" I won't ask the Attorney-General of'
Ireland what he thinks of this; because this speech refers
to a subject somewhat embarrassing to him ; and what
his opinions are, upon the Education Board, it is not very
easy to conjecture; but I may venture to ask the Solicitor-
General, who is hithself a commissioner of the Education
Board, whether Daniel O'Connell, in :his whole course of
agitation, ever uttered a speech half so inflammatory as
this? With respect to Mr. Sergeant Warren, he, I suppose,
agrees in every word of it, and only laments that after so
much sound and fury the Recorder of Dublin is the steadfast
supporter of the Government, by whom all the misdeeds thus
eloquently denounced have been subsequently committed.
Gentlemen, I find in the Evening Packet of the 24th of Ja-
auary, 1837, an account of a great Protestant meeting which
took place at the Mansion-house, where all the great represen-
tatives of the
.Conservative interest in this country were as-
sembled. Some very strong speeches indeed were made at that
fleeting. The Earl of Charleville said, " Well, gentlemen, you
have a rebellious Parliament ; you have a Lord Lieutenant,
the slave and minion of a rebellious Parliament." That
speech was heard by the Right Hon. Thomas Berry Cusack
Smith. Did he remonstrate against the use of language so
unqualified? Not at all. He got up and made a speech, in
whichhe stated that "he was sorry to find that Roman Ca-
tholic Members of Parliament paid so little regard to their
oaths." :When the Right Hon. Gentleman had such im-
pressions, I cannot feel surprised that care should have been.
taken to exclude every Roman Catholic from the .jury-
box. Let him not misapprehend me. Ido not refer to
his language in the spirit of resentment. Resentment is
not the feeling which the conduct of the Right Hon.
Gentleman is calculated to produce. The Right Hon. Gen-
tleman has expressed great indication at the references
made at Mullaglimast to transactions from which the veil
of oblivion ought not to be withdrawn. He said, and justly
enough, that men should not grope in the annals of their
country for the purpose of disinterring those events whose
resuscitation can but appal and scare us. But how does the
Right Hon. Gentleman reconcile that position with his having
been himself a party to a resolution passed at the meeting of
which I am speaking, in which it is stated, that the con-
dition of the Protestants of Ireland is almost as alarming
as it was in the year 1641, when events took place, from
whose recollection we ought to turn with horror and dismay.
I referred you, gentlemen, to speeches. Permit me now to
refer you to the great monster meetings which have taken
place in assertion of the rights of the Protestants of Ireland.
Mark, Ido not complain of those meetings. Ido not com-
plain that seventy-five thousand men should have as-
sembled and moved in order of battle; but I do complain
that the men who looked upon those assemblages with so much
Indulgence, irhen the purposes of their own party were
to be promoted, denounce as treasonable assemblies in
which no such denionstration of organised and per-
fectly disciplined physical force was made. The following
account of the Hillsborough meeting was given by the Even-
ing nail:—" At an early hour of the morning (some of them,
indeed, over night) the great landed proprietors of the county
repaired to the different points on their respective estates at
which it had been previously agreed they should meet their
tenants, and march at their head to the general place of as-
semblage, so that the area in front of the hustings (lid not pre-
sent a very crowded appearance, until the arrival of the men
in large masses, each having a pride of marching border-fa-
shion, shoulder by shoulder beside his neighbour and bro-
ther, with whom he was ready to sacrifice life in defence of
his country and religion. Shortly after eleven o'clock, a
tremendous shout from the town announced the approach of
the first party. They were from Moira, and were headed by,
the Rev. Holt Waring, who was drawn by the people. A
flag, the union jack, was hoisted at Mr. E. Reilly's, as the
signal of their arrival. In a few moments they were seen
descending the steep hill from the town, .and approaching the
place of meeting in a close, dark, and dense mass, comprising
certainly not less than 20,000 persons. Having escorted Mr.
Waring to the foot of the platform, they received his thanks,
expressed in warm and energetic language, and having given
three cheers, deployed round and took the position assigned
them. . . . Amongst those who marched at the head of
the largest battalion, if we may use the expression, were the .
Marquises of Londonderry and Devonshire ; Lord Clanwil-
liam, Sir Robert Bateson, Colonel Forde, Colonel Blacker,
Lord Castlereagh, and Lord Roden. The latter had 15,000
men in his followers. They marched from Dromore. At
twelve o'clock, the scene was the most imposing that fancy
could conceive, or that language possesses the power of de-
picting. The spectacle was grand, unique, sublime. There
certainly could not have been, upon the most moderate
computation, less then seventy-five thousand persons present,
exclusive of the thousands who filled the town, or thronged
to absolute impediment all the adjacent roads and
avenues." From that description, gentlemen, I turn to a re-
solution, passed by the Irish Orangemen on the 12th Novem-
ber, 1834, and which I find in the appendix to the report from
the Select Committee on Orange lodges :—" And, lastly, we
would beg to call the attention of -the grand lodge, and
through them return our heartfill thanks and congratulations
to our brethren through the various parts of Ireland, who, in
the meetings of three thousand in Dublin, four thousand at
Bandon, thirty thousand in Cavan, and seventy-five thousand
at Hillsborough, by their strength of numbers, the
rank, the respectability, and orderly conduct of their
attendance—the manly and eloquent expression of
every Christian and loyal sentiment, vindicated so
nobly the character of our institution against
the asperion thrown on it, as the paltry remnant of an
expiring faction.' " That phrase, gentleman, is one-which
Lord Stanley, in one of his variable moods, was pleased to
apply to the Orangemen of Ireland. Gentlemen, in the part
of the report which I have read to you there are some re-
markable entries relating to a subject of which you have
heard a good deal from the Attorney-General ; and although
I deviate, I am aware, from the order of topics which I had
prescribed to myself, yet, finding in the book before me
matter which seems to inc to he exceedingly pertinent to
that topic, I shall now advert to it. . Gentlemen, the entries
to which I am alluding are these—" 15th February,- 1833,
William Scott, 16th company Royal Sappers and
Miners. That the Committee would most willingly
forward 'all documents connected with the Orange system
to any confidential persons in Dallymona; as prudence would
not permit that printed documents should be forwarded direct
to our military brethren." " Ist -January, 1834—Resolved
that warrant 1,592: be granted to Joseph Mina, of the Ist
Royals." " 17th December 1829, moved .by the Rev. Charles
Boy-fon, seconded'. by 'Eifward Cottingham, that the next
warrant number be issued to the 66th regiment, and that time
Quebec brethren be directed to send in a correct return, in
order that new warrants may be issued." Gentlemen, I
refer you to these resolutionswith no other view than to show
you what proceedings men who conspire to establish an in-
fluence over the army naturally adopt.. If it was the
object of the • traversers to seduce the army from their,
alleg4lice,:: Jive-W(ll°mA eAsedienta =leave been~actepSb~Ctl~
very different from those imputed to the defendants ? Would
not Repeal • societies have been formed ? Would not a

clandestine correspondence have taken place with the "mili-
tary brethren?" Would not money have been distributed
to the soldiery? Would not the propagators of mutiny
have been located in the public houses frequented by sol-
diery ? Would not Roman Catholic priests, who attend at
the military hospitals, have been charged to instil Repeal prin-
ciples into the soldiers' ears? Does anything of this kind
'appear to have been done? A letter written by the Rev.
Mr. 'Power—a Waterford priest, who is not made' a
defendant—who is not to be punished for his letter
—is given in evidence against my client, although
he is as innocent of its composition as the fore-
man of your jury. When that letter appeared in the _Ara-
tion newspaper, why was not an ex officio information filed
against the Rev. Mr. Power, whose manuscript would most
certainly have been given up? But that would not have
answered the purpose of the Attorney-General, whose
object it was to ensnare. And, gentlemen, if this prosecu-
tion shall succeed, as my Lord de (hey is a patron of the fine
'arts, he should cause a statue of Justice to be erected in com-
!memoration of his achievements; but the goddess should
;be no longer represented with a sword and balance, but
with a hook in one hand and a trap in the other. What,
;gentlemen, has been the course adopted by the Government
in these prosecutions? Sir Edward Sugden begins by
dismissing some of the most respectable magistrates of the
country, on account of something or other that was said in
;the House of Commons, and because " the meetings have a
tendency to outrage." The direct contrary has been proved
by every one of the witnesses for the crown, and Mr. Ross,
!the clandestine sub-inspector of the Home-office, in
i;the very last words of his examination, stated that he saw
no tendency to outrage whatsoever. Lord Cottenham de-
!dared in the House of Lords, that the proceeding of the Lord
;Chancellor was utterly unconstitutional. Let me be per-
pitted, gentlemen, to contrast the proceedings adopted by
!the Lord Chancellor of Ireland with the doctrines laid down
by Mr. Baron Alderson, in his charge to the grand
jury, delivered at the Monmouth summer- assizes, 1839.
It is reported in 9th Carrington and Payne, page 95:
"There is no doubt that the people of this country have a
;perfect right to meet for the purpose of stating what one,
or even what they, consider to be their grievances ; but
in order to transmit that right unimpaired to posterity,
;it
is necessary that it should be regulated by law and
restrained by reason. Therefore, let them meet if they
;will in open day, peaceably and quietly; and they would
lido wisely, when they meet, to do so under the sanction
lof the constituted authorities of the country. To meet
under irresponsible presidency is a dangerous thing. Never-
theless, if when they do meet under that irresponsible pre
sidency, they conduct themselves with peace, tranquillity,
land order, they will, perhaps, lose their time, but nothing
else. They will not put other people into alarm, terror, and
'consternation. They will probably in the end come to the
conclusion that they have acted foolishly; but the Constitu-
tion of this country did not, God be thanked, punish persons
who mean to do that which was right, in a peaceable and
orderly manner, and who are only in error in the views
' which they have taken on some subject of political
interest." Gentlemen, I do not believe that a single
witness was produced by the Crown to prove that by the
great assemblies which took place within the last nine
months the slightest apprehension was created. But
the Attorney-General himself admits the fact, for
. he does not indict Mr. O'Connell for breaking the peace, but
for a conspiracy to-keep it. Let us pass to the proclamation.
The commentaries of Mr. O'Connell upon the remarkable
fact, that that proclamatiOn was delayed until the day be.-
fore the meeting was to take place, although notice for that
meeting had been given for three weeks, are most deserving
of your consideration. A circumstance occurred connected
with that proclamation not undeserving of note. It has been
always the usage in this country to summon every member of
the Privy'Council. Upon this occasion the Chief Baron, al-
though living in the neighbourhood of Dublin, was not sum-
moned; and Mr. Blake, a Roman Catholic, who was in the
habit of attending the Privy Council, who lives also near
Dublin, was not summoned. He had been appointed to
the office of Chief Remembrancer by a Tory Government ; he
had been the intimate friend of Lord Wellesley, the great
statesman ; he had never taken any part in any violent pro-
ceedings ; yet was he left out, while the Recorder of the City
of Dublin, by whom the jury list was to be revised, and in
whose department an accident of a most untoward kind has
happened, was summoned to the Council. A proclamation is-
sues •, it is at once obeyed. Mr. O'Connell had long before de-
clared that a proclamation should be obeyed. There was an
end, therefore, to these monster meetings. For what purpose,
then, did the Crown institute this prosecution? The bills are
found ; the traversers apply for the names of the wit-
nesses on the back of the indictment. One of the judges de-
clared he thought it matter of right ; another of the judges
intimated his opinion that it would be advisable for the
Crown to furnish the list within a reasonable time. From
that day to this the list has never been given. The list of
jurors is drawn by ballot ; there are eleven Catholics upon it.
They are struck off. The trial comes on. A challenge is
put in to the array, upon the ground that one-tenth, or very
nearly one-tenth, of the jury list was suppressed. One of the
Court expresses an opinion that the challenge is a good one.
His brethren differ from him ; but when in a trial at bar, at
the instance of the Crown, one of the judges gives an intima-
tion so unequivocal as to the construction of the jury list, per-
hops it would have been more advisable for the Crown
to have discharged the order for a special jury, and to have
directed the High Sheriff of the city to have returned a
panel. I mention these incidents, gentlemen, in order that
your feeling that the traversers have been deprived of some
of those contingent benefits given them by the law, should
give-them an equivalent for any loss which they may have
sustained in your anxious performance of your sacred
duty. 'At length, in the midst of profound silence, the
Attorney-General states the case for the Crown, and
consumes eleven hours in doing so. I was astonished at
his brevity, for the pleading on which his speech was
founded is the very Behemoth of indictments, which, as you
see, " upheaves its vastness" on that table. Nothing com-
parable in the bigness of its gigantic dimensions has ever yet
been seen. The indictment in Hardy's case, whose trial lasted
ten or eleven days, does not exceed three or four pages ; but
this indictment requires an effort of physical force to lift it
up. Combined with this indictment was a tremendous bill
of particulars in keeping with it. Gentlemen, the Attorney-
General, as I have already observed to you at the outset of
these observations, denounced the traversers at the close of
almost every sentence that was uttered by him ; but it struck
me that it was only in reference to two of those charges that
' he broke forth in a burst of genuine and truly impassioned in-
dignation. The first of those charges was—a conspiracy to
diminish the business of a Court of Law. How well might Lord
Chatham exclaim—l remember to have read it somewhere
but I forget where--" Shake the whole Constitution to the
centre, and the lawyer will sit tranquil in his cabinet; but
touch a single thread in the cobwebs of Westininster-hall,
and the exasperated spider crawls out in its defence." The
second great hit of the Right Hon. Gentleman was made
when he charged Mr. O'Connell with a deplorable ignorance
of law, in stating certain prerogatives of the Crown. With
respect, gentlemen, to the Arbitration Courts, the Society of
Friends are as liable to an indictment for conspiracy as the
defendants. The regulations under which the Quaker arbi-
tration system is carried on will be laid before you ; and the
opinions of Lord Brougham, who has always been the
strenuous advocate of the arbitration system, will, lam
sure, have their due weight upon you. With regard to Mr.
O'Connell's alleged mistake respecting the power of the
Crown to issue writs—what is it, after all, but a project for
swamping the House of Commons, analogous to that of Sir
James Graham and my Lord Stanley for swamping the
House of Lords ? The plain truth is this—the Sovereign
has the abstract right to create new boroughs. But the ex-
ercise of that right might be regarded as inconsistent with
the principles of the Constitution. Lord Denman and one of
his late Majesty's law advisers in the House of Commons, dis-
tinctly asserted the right to issue writs ; and although that
opinion was reprehended by Sir Charles Wetherell, I believe
that of its being strict law there can be little
doubt. But the real question between the Attor-
ney-General and the traversers, and the only one
to which you will be disposed. to pay much regard,
was raised by the Attorney-General when he said that there
existed a dangerous conspiracy, of which . the object was to
prepare the great body of the people to rise at a signal and
to erect a sanguinary republic, of which Daniel O'Connell
should be the head. Gentlemen, how do men proceed who
engage in a guilty enterprise of this kind? They bind each
other by solemn oaths. They are sworn to secrecy, to silence,
to deeds, or to death. They associate superstition with atro-
city, and heaven is invoked by them to ratify the covenants
of hell. They fix a day, an hour, and hold their assem-
blages in the midst of darkness and of solitude, and verify
the exclamation of the conspirators in the language of the
great observer of' our nature—

"-Oh, Conspiracy,
Where wilt thou find a cover dark enough
To hide thy monstrous visage?"
How have the repeal conspirators proceeded ? Every one
of their assemblages have been open to the public. For a
shilling, all they said, or did, or thought, were known to the
Government. Everything was laid bare, and naked to the
public eye. No oaths, no declarations, no initiation, no form
of any kind was resorted to. They did not even act toge-
ther. Mr. Duffy, proprietor of the Nation, did not attend a
single meeting in the country. My client attended only
three; Mr. Tierney,,, the priest, attended no more than
one. It would have been more manly on the part of the
Attorney-General to have indicted Dr. M'Hale or Dr. Hig-
gins. He spoke of Dr. Higgins, but thought it more
prudent not to include him in the indictment. Gentlemen,
an enormous mass of speeches, delivered by Mr. O'Connell
within the last nine months, has been laid before you. I
think, however, you will come to the conclusion, that they
are nothing more than a repetition of the opinions which he
expressed in 1810; and when you come to consider them in
detail, you will, I am sure, be convinced that these speeches
were not merely interspersed with references to peace and
order with a view to escape from the law, but that there was
through the entire mass of thought that came from the mind
of Mr. O'Connell a pervading love of order, and an un-
affected sentiment of abhorrence of the employment of any
other than loyal, constitutional, and pacific means for
the attainment of his object. He attaches fully as much im-
portance to the means as to the end. He declares that he
would not purchase the repeal of the union at the cost of one
drop of blood. He announces that the moment the Govern-
ment calls upon him to disperse his meetings, these meetings
shall be dispersed. He does but ask " the Irish nation to back
him ;" for, from that backing he anticipates the only success
to which as a good subject, as a good citizen, and as a good
Christian, he could aspire. But if, gentlemen, it be suggested
that in popular harangues obedience to the laws, and submis-
sion to authority are easily simulated, I think I may fear-
lessly assert that of the charges preferred against him his
life affords the refutation. A man cannot wear the mask of
loyalty for forty-four years ; however skilfully constructed the
vizard will sometimes drop off, and the natural truculence, the
genuine features, of the conspirator must be disclosed. You
may, have heard many references made to the year 1798,
and several stanzas of a long poem have been read to
you in order to fasten them on Mr. O'Connell. It was
in 1798 that the celebrated man was called to the bar,
who is destined to play a part so conspicuous on the thea-
tre of the world. He was in the bloom of youth—in the
full flush of life—the blood bounded in his veins, and in
a frame full of, vigour was embodied an equally elastic and
athletic mind. -He was in that season of life, when men are
most disposed to high and daring adventure. He had come
from those rocks and mountains, of which a description so
striking has appeared in the reports of the speeches which
have been read to you. He had listened, as he says, to the
great Atlantic, whose surge rolls unbroken from the coast of
Labrador. He carried enthusiasm to romance; and of the
impressions which great events are calculated to snake
upon minds like his, he was peculiarly susceptible.' He was
unwedded. He had given no hostages to the State. The-
Conservative affections had not tied their ligaments, tender
but indissoluble, about his heart. There was at that time
an enterprise on foot; guilty, and deeply guilty, indeed,ibut
not wholly hopeless. The pea 4 that overhung the Bay of
Bantry were visible from Neirkh-hill. What post was
taken in that dark adventure by' this conspirator of,
sixty-hine? Did he play Pierre at two-and-twenty,
who is ready to play Renault at sixty-nine? Cur-
ran was suspected; Grattan was suspected. Both were
desipated as traitors unimpeached, but on the name. of
Daniel O'Connell, a conjecture never lighted. And
can you bring yourselves to believe that the man
who turned with abhorrence from the conspiracy of 1798
would now, in an old age, which he himself has called not
premature, engage in an insane undertaking, in whiO his I
,91"1 eulites af thozie. who are dearer--t 1/41in-;
than • iself, and the lives of hundreds of thousands
of his countrymen, would, beyond all doubt, be sarrificel?
Can you bring yourselves to believe that ho would

• blast all the laurels, which it is his boast that he'
has won without the effusion of a single drop of blood—that
' he would drench the land of his birth, of his affections, and
of his redemption, in a deluge of profitless blood, and that
he would lay prostrate that great moral movement, which
he has 'raised so high that it is visible from the remotest
region of the world ? What he was in 1798 he is in 1844.
Do vou believe that the man who aimed at a revolution,
would repudiate French assistance, and denounce the pre-
sent dynasty of France ? Do you think that the man who
aimed at revolution, would hold forth to the detestation of
the world the infamous slavery by which the great trans-
atlantic Republic, to her everlasting shame, permits herself
to be degraded ? Or, to come nearer home, do you think that
the man who aimed at revolution would have indignantly re-•
puiated the proffered junction with the English Chartists?-
Had a combination been effected between the. Chartists and
the Repealers, it would have been more than formidable:
At the head of that combination in England was Mr.
Feargus O'Connor, once the associate and the friend of
Daniel O'Connell. The entire of the lower orders in the
North of England were enrolled in a powerful organization.
A league between the Repealers and the Chartists might'
have been at once effected. Chartism uses its utmost and its,
most clandestine efforts to find its way into this country..
O'Connell detects and crushes it. Of the charges pre-
ferred against Wm, am I not right when I exclaim that
his life contains the refutation? To the charge that Mr.
O'Connell and his son conspired to excite animosity,
amongst her Majesty's subjects, the last observation;
that I have made to you is more peculiarly applicable. Gen-
tlernen, Mr. O'Connell and his co-religionists have been made.
the objects of the fiercest and the coarsest vituperation ; rind'
yet I defy the most acute and diligent scrutiny of the entire
of the speeches put before you, to detect a single expression
—one solitary phrase—which reflects in the remotest degree
upon the Protestant religion. He has left all the contumely
heaped upon the. form of Christianity which he professes:
utterly unheeded, and the Protestant Operative Society has
not-provoked a retort; and every angry disputant has, with-'
out any interposition on his part, been permitted to rush in
" where angels fear to tread." Gentlemen, the religion of Mr.
O'Connell teaches him two things—charity towards those who.
dissent from him in doctrine, and forgiveness of those who do
hint wrong. You recollect it is from such incidents that we are
enabled to, judge of the characters and feelings of men—you
remember to have heard, in the course of the evidence, fre-
quent reference made to poor old Sir Bradley King. The
unfortunate man had been deprived of his office, and all com-
pensation was denied him. He used to stand in the lobby of:
the House of Commons, the most desolate and, helpless look;,
ing man I ever saw. The only one of his old friends that'
stuck to him almost was Baron Lefroy. But Baron Lefroy
had no interest with the Government. Mr. O'Connell'saw
Bradley King and took pity on him. Bradley King had been
his fierce political, almost his personal, antagonist. Mr. O'Con-
nell went to Lord Althorp, and obtained for Bradley King the
compensation which had been refused him. I remember
having read a most striking letter. addressed by Sir Abraham
Bradley King to Mr. O'Connell, and asked him for it. He
could not at first put his hand upon it; biitwhile looking for
it he told me that soon after the death of the old Dublin
alderman an officer entered his study, and told him that he was
the son-in-law of Sir Abraham, who had a short tinie'hefore
his 'death, called him to his bedside, and said--,;fcMien I
shall have been buried, go to Daniel O'Connell, and tell him
that the last prayer of a grateful man was offered up for him,
and that I implored heaven to avert every peril from his
head." Mr. O'Connell found the letter : you will allow me to
read it:—

" Barnett's Hotel, Spring Gardens 4th August, 1844.
" Year DEAR Six,—The anxious wish for a satisfactory termination
of my cause, which your continued and unwearied efforts for it have
ever indicated, is at length accomplished. The vote of compensation
passed last night. To Mr. Lefroy and to yourself am I indebted for
putting the case in the right light. To my Lord Althorp, for his
Lordship's consequent candid and straightforward act, in giving me
my just dues, and thus restoring myself and family to competence,
ease, and happiness.
" To you, Sir, to whom I was early and long politically opposed..
to you, who nobly forgetting this continued difference of opinion, and
who, rejecting every idea of party feeling or of party spirit, thought.
only of my distress, and sped to succour and support me, how can I
express my gratitude ? I cannot attempt it. The reward I feel is to
be found only in your own breast ; and I assure myself that the gene-
rous feelings of a noble mind will cheer you on to that prosperity'and
happiness which a discriminating Providence holds out to those who
protect the helpless and sustain the falling.

"For such reward and happiness to you and yours my prayers
shall be offered fervently ; while the remainder of my days, pissing,
I trust, in tranquility, by a complete retirement from public life, and
in the bosom of my family, will constantly present to me the grateMl
recollection of one to whom I am mainly indebted for so desirable
a closing of my life.—Believe me, my dear Sir, with the greatest re-
spect and truth, your faithful servant,
"ABRAHAM BRADLEY KING."
You may deprive him of his liberty—you may shut him
out from4he light of nature—you may inter him in a dun-
geon, to which a ray of the sun never yet descended ; but
von never will take away from him the consciousness of
having done a good and noble action, and of being entitled
to kneel down every night before he sleeps, and to ad-
dress to his Creator the divinest portion of our Redeemer's
prayer. The man to whom that letter was addressed, and
the son of the man to whom that letter was addressed, arc
not guilty of the sanguinary intents which have- been
ascribed to them ; and of this they put themselves upon
their country. Rescue that phrase from its technicalities
let it no longer be a fictitious one; if we have lost our
representation in the Parliament, let us behold it in
the jury-box, and that you participate in feelings
of millions of your countrvmen—let your verdict afford
a proof. But it is not to Ireland that the aching solicitude
with which the result of this trial is intently watched will
be confined. There is not a great city in Europe in which,
upon the day when the great intelligence shall be expected
to arrive, men will not stop each other in the public way, and
inquire whether twelve men upon their oaths have doomed
to incarceration the man who gave liberty to Ireland ?
Whatever may be your adjudication, he is prepared to
meet it. He knows that the eyes of the world are upon
him, and that posterity—whether in a gaol or out of it—
will look back to him with admiration ; he is almost indif-
ferent to what may befal him, and is far more solicitous for
others at this moment than for himself. But I—at the com-
mencement of what I have said to you—l told you that I was
not unmoved, and that many incidents of my political life,
the strange alternations of fortune through which I have
passed, came back upon me., But now the bare possibility
at which I have glanced has, I acknowledge, almost un-
manned me. Shall I, who stretch out to you in behalf of the
son the hand whose fetters the father had struck off, live to
cast my eyes upon that domicile of sorrow, in the vicinity of
this great metropolis, and say, "'Tis there they have im-
mured the Liberator of Ireland with his fondest and best be-
loved child ?" No ! it shall never be !. You will not con-
sign him to the spot to which the Attorney-General invites
you to surrender him. No. When the spring shall have come'
again, and the winter shall have passed—when the spring,,
has come again, it is not through the windows of this
mansion that the father of such a son, ;and the
son of such a father, shall look upon those green hills on
which the eyes of so many a captive have gazed so
wistfully in vain; but in their own mountain home
again, they shall listen to the murmurs of the groat Atlantic ;
they shall go forth and inhale the freshness of the morning
air together ; " they shall be free of mountain solitude ;"
they will be encompassed with the loftiest images of liberty
upon every side; and if time shall have stolen its supple-
ness from the father's knee, or impaired the firmness of his
tread, he shall lean on the child of her that watches over

him from heaven, and shall look out from some high place far
and wide into the island, whose greatness and whose glory
shall be for ever associated with his name. In your love of kis-
tice—in your love of Ireland—in your love of honesty and fair
, play—l place my confidence. I ask you for an acquittal, not only
for the sake of your country, but for your own. Upon the day
when this trial shall have been brought to a termination,
when, amidst the burst of public expectancy, in answer to
the solemn interrogatory which shall be put to you by the
officer of the Court, you shall answer " not guilty," with
what. transport will that glorious negative be welcomed ! How
will you be blest, adored, worshipped : and when, retiring from
this scene of excitement and of passion, you shall return to
your own tranquil homes, how pleasurably will you look upon
your children, in the consciousness that you will have left
them a patrimony of peace, by impressing upon the British
Cabinet, that some other measure besides a State prosecution
is necessary for the pacification of your country.
At the conclusion of the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech, a
suppressedmunnur of applause ran through the Court, which
presented a very excited appearance for some time before ho
sat down, and several of the auditors were seen to shed tears,
and amongst them Mr. O'Connell himself.
The Lori]. Chief Justice intimated, that if it met the appro-
bation of both parties, the Court did not feel disposed to hear
other counsel that day (it was then three o'clock .
Mr. Moore, who was to address the Court t ie second in
order of the traversers' counsel, said that he felt grateful for
the kindness manifested by the Court in that intimation, as he
felt unwilling to address the Court after the speech which had
been delivered by his Learned Friend. If it were not tres-
passing too much on the time of the Court and the public,
he would feel it a great pleasure not to be called on to
address the Court till Monday. But, if his Lordship had not
thrown out that suggestion, he would not have felt justified in
asking the indulgence. If their Lordships thought that they
could consistentlywith the discharge of their duty postpone the
further hearing of the ease till Monday, he should be most
happy to avail himself of the indulgence thus accorded.
The Lord Chief Justice said, it was now three o'clock, and
without unnecessarily infringing on public time, as Mr.
Moore's speech could not be finished by the time the Court
would rise, if the Attorney-General had no objection, iho
Court was desirous to afford every indulgence to the
Learned Gentleman, if postponing the further hearing to
Monday morning would do so.
The Attorney-General having intimated that he had no
objection to the course proposed,
The Court then adjourned till 10 o'clock on Monday
(this day).

MR. WEBSTER'S PRIZE OF 5001.—We have been
re rested to state that Mr. Merles Kemble, Mr. Charles
Young, Mr. G. P. R. James (the celebrated novelist), the
Rev. A. Dyce, Mr. °tie), (of the Morning Chronicle), Ale.
Ress (of the Morning Herald), Mr. Scott (of the Meru•
ing Advertiser), Mr. Clarke .Searle (of The San), and Mr.
Moran (of the Globe), have been selected as the members, of
committee to award the 5001. with contingent advantages," for
the best comedy in prose, illustrative of modern British man-
ners and customs.— Observer.

DRURY-LANE TEEATRE.—The splendid manner in
which Richard the Third has been produced here, aided by
the powerful acting of Mr. C. Kean, has crammed this theatre
each evening of its performance; while, on the ether nights,
the Bohemian Girl has continued its successful career, having
been already played 41 nights, to the most crowded audiences
ever assembled in the theatre.

The Second Part of the Marchioness of London.-
derry's Narrative of her Visit to the Courts of Vienna,
which will appear in the February Number of " Celburs'a -
New Monthly Magazine," will comprise a description of her
voyage upon the Danube, from Vienna to Constantinople, in..
eluding notices of Pesth, Semlin, Orsova, Galata, and other
places of note, with her adveztures in the Turkish Capital ;.....
also a highly interesting account pf her visits to the Harems of
Reschid Pacha and the Scraskier, to;:en Lady Londonderry was
entertained by the fair inmates with all The state and luxury dno
to so distinguished a guest, and was allowet: opportunities of oh:
.
serving the social lie of Turkish ladies of Tank in their oats,
homes, such as no European lady had ever i,revously enjoyed.
THE EDINBURGH PROFESSORSHIP OF .Music.—
The chair of music in this university is again vaeanf. Severel
candidates have presented themselves, the principal of coLsoin
are, Mr. Donaldson, a member of the Edinburgh bar, brat
formerly a teacher of music in Glasgow ; Mr. William Stern.
dale Bennett, well known as a good pianist and composer; Dr.
Gauntlett, the organist; and Mr. Mainzer, author of the
popular system of vocal instruction. From the.popularity of
the latter gentleman in Scotland, as well as in the south, and
from the exttaordinary success which has attended his efforts
for the diffusion of musical knowledge in ti c three kingdomi,
we are not surprised to hear that he is the favourite with the
Scottish public. If it is intended, as we have recontly.beri
informed, to organise a plan of general musical iastru.cllo.ll,
.111,
Scotland, we should think Mr. Mainzer eminent', tlesbe,a_nY
the place at the head of it. It must be admitted en all "wan
kthnaotwhieedglicasosfhohwi,naretz,taranodrttlii,neacrxypetarlieenntsceficuhricerhmo ul.lnuteagtaiinugalak
must be of the greatest value in such a situation. labours
by his public teaching in Paris,
. as well
. as. in thuis. eoutyl
in Edinbul:gh will. have given opportunities to the Senate for -
testing his qualifications.
The funeral of Mr. Hobler, the clerk, at the Man.
sion-house for nearly half a century, took Ode, an EstUrday
Ow Highgate cemetery, It was strictly pnyqtt,