The Sun.
London, England, 1845-03-27 00:00:00

C;bitoli Wbition

£HE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES.)

ONE
O'CLOCK.

CLOSING
PRICES.

PRICES OF BRITISH FUNDS.

5 per Cent. Consols . 991/2 34
New 33i per Cents
India Bonds, 1,0004.
Ditto tinder 1,0001. ...... 68
Bank Stock for Account 215
Consols for Account..... 99%3/4

99%
102%
68 72

215
99%

Exchequer Bills, 1,000/., 110 56457 55 57 pm. 57
Ditto 5001. .
Ditto Small ... 56 58 55 pm. 57
Ditto Advertised — pm.

CLOSING
PRICES.

ONE
PRICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS. O'CLOCK.
Brazilian Bonds
Ditto 1843
Chilian Bonds 6 per Cent.... • ••• —
Ditto Deferred
Columbian Bonds, ex Venezuela 15% 151/24
Danish, 3 per Cent . •901/2
Mexican, 5 per Cent. 1837
Ditto. Account 35.
Ditto, Deferred
Peruvian Botids, 6 per Cents
Portuguese Bonds, 5 per Cent
Ditto, Converted 66%
Ditto, Account
Spanish 5 per Cent. 1840.
Ditto Account
Ditto 3 per Cent.
Ditto, Account
Ditto, Passive
Dutch, 2% per Cent
Ditto, 4 per Cent., Certific 991% 99%
Ditto Bonds 983/
PRICES OF CLOSINo
PAID. AT ONE O'CLOCK.
RAILWAY SHARES PRICES.

36%
3614
16%
:33

30
40%

Aberdeen
Armagh, Coleraine, and
Portrush l% l3/4..
Birming. and Gloucesterloo
Ditto % Shares
.tristol and Exeter
Caledonian
Cambridge and Lincoln 11/2
Chester and Holyhead... 5 E3''
Churnet Valley
Cornwall
Diss, Beccles, Yarmouth 11/2 1 A 2%.........
Direct Northern
Dublin and Belfast June. 2% 7IA
Dublin and Galway 2l/2...... 2% 3 ...
Eastern Counties
a; Ditto Perpetual, 5 per
Cent, No. 1....4/. 13s. 4d. — ••• •
Eastern Union lO .. ... .
Ditto Extension
Edinburgh and Glasgow 50
Ditto New 4 Shares... 21/2 5l/2 ...
Ely and Bedlord
Great South. and West.
(Ireland)
Ditto Extension
Great Western BO ...... 1801/2
'Harwich
Hull and Selby SO
Ditto Quarter Shares 121/2 ...... 20
Kentish Coast - —
Lancaster and Carlisle... 15
London and Birminghm (5t0ck)...232
Do. Quarters
London and Blackwell. 161. 13s. 4d. 71,E
London and Brighton... 50
London and Croydon, 131. 15s. 9d. 16% 171%
London and Greenwich 12115 s 4d... 103/4
London and S. Western 4116 s 10d 791/2
Do. New
London. and York ...... ••• 2%
Lynn and Ely
Manchester and Leeds 73 146 144
Manchester and Birmin. 40
Midland 100 142 143
Do. Fifths 2
Do. New
Midland,Birm.,Derby...loo lO9
Newcastle and Darling-
ton Junction ... 24 ...... 471/2
Do. New Brandling... 10
Newcastle and Berwick 1% 141,4
Newry and Eninskillen. 21h 2%
Newark and Sheffield ... 1% 41%
North British

11‘
.
%
3

6%

4%

73/4

14ji

201%
24

12IA
6%

1 4 IA

64
23/4

Do. New
Northern and Eastern... 45
North Wales
Norwich and Brandon... 10
Do., New
Richmond And West End
Junction
Rugby, Worstr, & Tring 1
Scottish Midland 1%.. 23/4
Shrews., Wolverhamp.,
Dudley, and Birm 21,4.....41j43,/4 5
.....
..
South Devon... lO
South Eastern & Dover 3312 s 4d... 427 1/214
Do., No. 2.
Do., No. 3
South Wales 2l/2 5% 6...
Trent Valley 2 17
Waterford and Kilkenny 1 .. 3q% 3%
York and North Midland 50
Do. Selby
Do. Extension

1,4
2%

4%
20
43

FRENCH RAILWAYS
Boulogne and A miens... 4
Bordeaux and Toulouse 2
Bordeaux, Toulouse, and
Cette ... ...... . ... ..... 2
Great North. of France.. 4
Lyons and Avignon
Orleans and Vierzon ... 2 ...... 18 1714
Orleans and Bordeaux... 2
Paris & Lyons, Laffitte's 2
Paris and Lyons, Gan-.
neron's,
Paris & Lyons, (Calon's) 2
Paris and Orleans 2O 5Ol/2 .•
Sambre and Meuse • 2 .... 64%
Tours and Nantes, Mac-
kenzie's

2%

,

_
50/

TRADES' DELEGATES CONFE-
RENCE.—(THIS DAY.)
(Continued from our Afternoon Edition.)
At two o'clock the Delegates re-assembled, and re-
sumed the discussion on the amended form of the fourth
proposition.

A DELEGATE, from Sheffield, said he was opposed to
the local boards, on the ground that the masters would
buy off the working mon associated with them by a sum
of money, in the same way as Members of Parliament
bought votes at an election.
The DELEGATE from the framework-knitters of Not-
tingham stated the many grievances of which the trade
bad to complain, amongst others, that some of them
could not earn 6s. a week. He was of opinion that the
boards of trades should consist of journeymen and men
not in any way connected with manufactures or manu-
facturers. He then read some statistical statements, to
illustrate the impoverished state of the trade in Italy.
Another hardship these men had to complain of was,
that they were subject to deductions to the amount of
10s. a week by the masters, which left them but ss. or
or 6s. for their support; and those deductions were made
for the whole week, even if the workman worked
but one day that week, or was taken ill, &c.
On theft grounds he called for some measure by which
to better their condition, and would support the pro-
position.

The REPRESENTATIVE of the Manchester makers-up
said that his trade had had little or nothing to com-
plain of.

- The DELEGATE from the calico-printers was in favour
of the proposition, as he conceived it was very much
wanted to protect the workmen, who were totally at the
mercy of the masters, and were liable to be called up at
any hour of the night, though they might have been idle
for weeks before.

The discussion continued until the usual hour for
closing, fire o'clock, when the meeting adjourned till to-
morrow morning.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAT.
GLOBE.—Frugality, freedom from debt, and univer-
sal peace, are the three general heads on which most
stress is laid by President Polk in his Inaugural Address.
It is a shrewd remark that men generally most vaunt
themselves of the virtues, or the properties, they possess
least of. Is this the case with President's Polk's
panegyric on the Government of his country ? In
the first place, what is the Government of that
country ? According to President Polk's statement of
it, is " a confederation of independent States." Now
here is the thimblerig—we are sorry to use so trivial
an expression ; but it is the only appropriate one. In
order to make President Polk's assertions true regard-
ing the States, the pea must be under one thimble—in
order to make them true regarding the Union it must
be under the other. Imprimis, then, as regards fru-
gality and freedom from debt. These assertions, if
applied to that abstraction, the Union, may bo
true. That is to say, a government, which is not
a government to most intents and purposes, does
not incur debts for purposes which it does not fulfil.
But if the Union, instead of being a sort of
abstraction, or fictitious entity—if the President, in-
stead of being, where deeds, not words, are concerned,
on most occasions a man of straw, or, to refine the
phrase—a man of figure and representation—were, the
one, a whole, of which the States were component parts ;
the other, the executive arm, wielding the power of
that whole to assert its law—in short, if national unity
were, in any consistent sense, predicable of the Union,
President Polk's frugality and solvency vaunts would
be untrue. They are untrue, in any sense which
can satisfy moral beings. The head has no right
to disclaim responsibility for the members. So far
as the States have been lavish, and are indebted, the
vaunt of the Union of frugal freedom from debt is a
trick of thialiblerig. This verbal thimblerig consists in
boasting, in one breath. of the prosperity of the States,
as an attribute of the Union, and shirking in the next,
the involvements of the States, as things the Union has
no part in. If it has part in the one, it has part in the
other. If it is entitled mightily to magnify these
communities, as its own, it cannot be entitled to repu-
diate their obligations, as not its own. It cannot be
entitled to contrast their lot with the " melancbly
eonditon" of those European nations which have
debts to pay, and which pay their debts, and
to exult in the contrast—" We have no debts to
pat—when compelled to subjoin, in the very next
breath—" Happy would it be for the indebted States,
if they were treed from their liabilities, many of which
were incautiously contracted." Frugal folks do not
contract debts incautiously—honest folks pay those they
have contracted. It is a high pitch of effrontery in the
chief magistrate of a nation which includes those States
to affect pity for the nations of Europe whose solvency
shows that they have preserved the idea of national
honour. President Polk's idea of a nation in a "melan-
choly condition" is the idea of nations enslaved—by their
word and bond. It is the idea of Ancient Pistol—Base is
the slave who pays ! The pretension of cultivating uni-
versal peace has something of the same equiyoque about

it. Like the hedgehog, which the snake had given
shelter to in its hole, it only expands its prickly surface
on all sides, to its own comfort and convenience. If
others are inconvenienced, it feels itself, for its own part,
perfectly comfortable. " The title of numerons Indian
tribes (the old aboriginal snake) to vast tracts of country
has been extinguished. New States have been admitted
into the Union ; new territories have been created, and
our jurisdiction and laws extended over them." The
" re-annexation (!) of Texas to our Union at the earliest
possible
.period."—" Our title to the country of the
Oregon is clear and unquestionable." Well bristled,
hedgehog. President Polk observes that " Foreign
Powers do not seem to appreciate the true character of
our Government." We submit that this may possibly be
from the continual duplicity of position which President
Polk and his predecessors have assumed, as its mouth-
pieces. It is the sublimest acme of irresponsible govern-
ment ever exhibited in this world. The federal Govern-
ment, according to President Polk, "is a common pro.
teeter of each and all the States ; of every man who lives
upon our soil, whether of native or foreign birth."
The States, however, if they take a fancy to hang
an Irishman, or lynch an Abolitionist, are in such case,
acting simply as " independent States." Again, " Ours
was intended to be a plain and frugal Government"—
but, if every one of the State governments think proper,
on the contrary, to be lavish and jobbing, or wildly
speculative, " our Government" knows nothing about it.
The Union cultivates universal peace ; but, if any state
should prefer border war, the irruptions ,of its citizens
upon friendly neighbours would noways concern the
Union. We do not mean to write the satire of American in-
stitutions; and we do not know whether any other would
have suited them in gristle, and incomplete growth. We
only say they do not justify this annual boasting;
and they do not exhibit, on the part of their verbal
representatives, that moral dignity which expositions
so elaborate can only owe to truth in facts, and
to fairness in conclusions. As regards the Oregon (to
say nothing, at present, of Texas), the language of this
Address, notwithstanding the saving clause for " obliga-
tions imposed by treaty," is too similar to everything else
American popular politicians have put forth, and too
fully deserves the animadversion on former such lan-
guage bestowed by Mr. Falconer, in his excellent little
volume on the " Mississippi and the Oregon." "It is
greatly to be lamented," observes Mr. Falconer,
" that in Ametica it should have been the interest of
dishonest and violent politicians to have adopted a tone
of discussion upon the subject opposed to its fair settle-
ment. It is not honourable, while the title of the terri-
tory is undetermined between the respective Govern-
ments, to urge measures to populate it with American
citizens, in order to give facilities for its occupation at
a future period. Such recommmendations do not indi-
cate a conviction of the validity of the claim insisted on.
America, as well as Great Britain, has an interest in the
establishment of a settled Government in that part of the
world—in marking out the limits of legal possession—
and in rearing a pppulation which, however they may
differ respecting the system of government which they
may prefer, shall look to the future, as bringing the fruits
of a peaceful, generous, and civilised intercourse."
STANDARD.—lnteresting intelligence from the
United States has been received in pretty full measure
within the last twenty-four hours. Yesterday we
communicated the decision of the American senate,
by a majority of 27 to 25 in favour of the
annexation of Texas. Last night we received the
re approbation of the House of Representatives to
this decision, and the ratification of the whole,
as far as the United States are concerned, by
the new President. Last night we received also Presi-
dent Polk's message to the Congress. All this is inter-
esting, but that is all ; for it really concerns us mate•
rially as little as the proceedings of the Celestial
Empire, with regard to any of its Tartar neighbours,
perhaps even less, in the present state ~of the
world. The United States have agreed to absorb
Texas, if Texas will submit to be absorbed.
Well and good ; but the consent of Texas is still to be
obtained as an important preliminary to the carrying
into effeect the purpose of the United States, and the
consent of Mexico must be added if the purpose is to be
accomplished without an inevitable, and let us add,
an interminable war between the republics now to
be brought into immediate contact. Judging merely
from the inequality of the adverse parties as to popula •
tion and extent, and naturally prejudiced in favour of
the superior military qualities of the Anglo-Saxon
race, we might hastily conclude the contest more
unequal than it certainly would prove in such a
difficult country, and with snch a climate as would
be the scene of operation. And one thing is certain,
that a war between the United States and Mexico would
firmly bind the former " in securities to keep the peace"
with respect to all other nations. However, this is
looking a little too far until the consent of Texas to the
Union shall have been obtained, which is not yet the
case, and possibly never will be the case. If, how-
ever, the Texans, about 60,000 white inhabitants,
are desirous to incorporate themselves in the northern
union, we do not see who has either the right or the
power to hinder them—still less can we guess a motive for
all parties—the United States excepted—that the south-
western territory should be open to all attacks and re-
prisals provoked by the United States, than that it should
serve the purpose of the republic under the disguise of a
The Message is better written, and (a great merit
shorter than the majority of such documents, and if it
says little to any practical purpose, it would be as un-
fair to criticise severely this defect in it as in " a birth-
day ode." Like the ode, it is necessarily a mere cere-
monial flourish, and for such a display Mr. Polk has se-
lected his topics with sufficiently good taste ; the address
is, in fact, a thesis upon civil government, shaped into a
panegyric upon the constitution of the United States,
with very little to give offence to these who happen
to prefer other forms of government. From the begin-
ning to the end there is, however, an earnest deprecation
of the possible dangers of separation, coupled with a
triumphal denial that any such dangers exist—a style of
speaking almost laughable from its inconsistency, and
which indicates in the speaker's mind a painful misgiving
that all is not quite so secure as he would represent it. Mr.
Polk speaks of the annexation of Texas as he might
be expected to speak ; and introduces an exceedingly
comical principle of compensation, which is, we be-
lieve, perfectly new in the science of political
ethics. As we are making a large acquisition,
said be, in the south-west, it becomes necessary to re•
dress the balance by a large acquisition in the north-
west, viz, by occupying the Oregon territory. We think
we remember having adopted this principle more years
ago (than we like to confess, when building houses of
cards—an inclination on one side called for the
interposition of a card or two, otherwise unneces-
sary for the structure, upon the other, and so the edifice
proceeded, until some unlucky shake or gust of wind
prostrated the whole. But, perhaps, Mr. Polk was rather
thinking of John Gilpin's ingenious expedient—

" A bottle hanging to each side
To keep the balance true."

However, every body knows the fate of John Gilpin's
bottles.

CASE OF ALLEGED MURDER.
(From the Derby Mercury.)
In our last paper we briefly stated that Joseph
Hawksley, farmer, of Whittington, a village two miles
north of Chesterfield, was apprehended on suspicion of
baying murdered Mrs. Green, his mother-in-law, on
Thursday, the 13th inst.
On Wednesday, the prisoner was brought up at the
Borough Court, before E. G. Maynard and John Mey-
nell, Esqrs. The examination was private.
A number of witnesses were examinedo whose testi-
mony made out a case of grave suspicion, and the pri-
soner was committed to take his trial for murder.