The Sun.
London, England, 1844-08-17 00:00:00

"manner so Tartarly," which is adopted in defiance
of the affirmative report on the Danish claims, for
example ? But that to talk thus is but to beg the
question is virtually admitted in the very next lines of
the report itself—" But, at the same time, the extreme
injustice which you have suffered in being encouraged
to subscribe a large capital, and to lay out more than
half a million of money, in colonisation, without having
yet obtained a secure title to one acre of the land
which the Crown engaged to grant to you in con-
sideration of your outlay for public purposes, teaches
us a caution which we are desirous of impressing
upon all who may apply to us for land orders. And
this, we believe, will be done most effectually by our
refusing.to guarantee any other title than such as the
Company may obtain from the Crown ;"—when the
Crown is disposed, that is, to give such title to the
Company. Now, where is the evidence of the wish,
the contemplation, or the readiness of the Crown to
do so ? If the Company have vainly sought, hitherto,
to establish an equitable right to such a title,
by an expenditure of more than 500,0001., do they
expect to wring it from the moral or political con-
scientiousness of the Government hereafter, by de-
clining to go a step further in the same direction—a
direction so convenient and irresponsible to that Go-
vernment, so onerous and dangerous to the Com-
pany ? "-We propose," the report proceeds, "to
attach to every land order a condition to the above
effect. In this way, every applicant will be made
fully to understand that on the question of the pro-
bable or certain justice of the Crown, in its dealings
with the Company, he judges for himself, and must
rely on his min judgment." How many "land
orders" the Company can expect to be applied for
by men who have that ominous presumption laid be-
fore them, of " the probable or certain justice of the
Crown," which the Crown's refusal to guarantee the
title to a single acre of their lands to a body which
has invested more than 500,0001. in the purchase of
them, we leave it to time to develope. But we would
counsel the Company to proceed for their just and
equitable demands by some more urgent and cogent
process than this passive, and hitherto most unlucky,
reliance on the " probable or certain justice of the
Crown."

The Dublin Evening Post of Tuesday, in an article
suggested by the close of the session, observes of Sir
R. PEEL :—" It is certain that this Minister is by no
means a favourite with his own party. He has disap-
pointed them sorely ; and they apprehend that worse
remains behind. They would revolt to-morrow if
they could find a leader. We learn, in point of fact,
that something of the sort is contemplated ; but we
doubt the power of the majority, though not their
disposition. A House of Commons that allowed it-
self to be dragged in the mire of the Factory Bill,
and a House of Lords whose last act was that of dis-
gracing itself by reversing its decision on the
Irish Law Bill at the beck of the Minister,
are not persons likely to adopt a manly
course of action. For our own part, we have little
hope that such a blessing is in store for the country
as the removal of her MAJESTY'S Ministers. At the
same time, we repeat it, there is a very prevalent
opinion, even in their own ranks, that the present
Administration is approaching its terminus." Pre-
valent as may be the the opinion of the ricketty state
of the PEEL Cabinet, there is, to all appearance, but
little foundation for it. The Premier, notwithstand-
ing that, on three or four very remarkable occasions
during the session, he has been severely tried, has
contrived with his usual tact to stani as fast as
a rock, and has maintained his reluctant majorities
undiminished. We say reluctant, because there can
be no doubt that the support given to him by
some of his adherents has been most unwillingly given,
and wrung from them solely by the grinding pressure
of necessity. Not a few of those who sit on the back
seats of the Treasury bench, and cheer with apparent
cordiality every smooth clap-trap that falls from the
lips of the most specious of Prime Ministers, would
gladly compel him to abdicate and raise a RICHMOND
or a BUCKINGHAM to the vacant helm, could they, by
so doing, establish on a more safe and solid basis the
old-fashioned principles which they have so much at
heart, and which they cherish just in proportion to
their antiquity and utter uselessness, as bibliomaniaes
cherish old editions, and virtuosos old porce-
But cheerfully as these more bigoted

ain.

Tories—who are constantly haunted by the
threatening phantom of free trade, and never
retire to bed but to dream of Mr. COB-
DEN—cheerfully, we say, as these bigoted but
timid men would oust Sir ROBERT PEEL, and substi-
tute some Minister more devoted to the interests of
monopoly, they know full well that it would be the
height of imprudence to do so ; that no Tory Go-
vernment could hold together for a single week that
had not the Tamworth Doctor for its head; conse-
quently—however painful and humiliating be the
necessity—that they must still continue to submit to
his sovereign will and pleasure ; to swallow, and,
if possible, digest his most unpalateable measures ;
cheer his most obnoxious sentiments ; and—
hardest task of all -- force a laugh at his
worst jokes, at the imminent risk of suffoca-
T wice or thrice during the session, the
more desperate of the Tory squad have given evidence
of a discontented and rebellious disposition ; on
one occasion, indeed, they broke out into open

tion.

mutiny; but a word—a glance from the Premier
sufficed to restore instant subordination among their
ranks ; and now, he is more absolute, and they are
more dependent, than ever ! IVe agree, therefore,
with our Dublin Contemporary, that at the present
moment there is not the slightest prospect of the
downfal of the PEEL Cabinet. It is as fixed as
Mount .Etna. The apathy of the people on
all political matters, and the manifest indifference
—might we not add, contempt ?—with which
they regard the twe great antagonist parties
of the State, tends not a little to confirm the
stability of Government ; and, indeed, we can see no
very urgent reasons why they should be removed, for
opposed though we are to them on many points of
their policy, it is but common justice to state, that
they are as liberal as the motley and wayward cha-
racter of their supporters will allow them to be, and
have lately evinced a disposition to put the helm about
shift the sails, and make a tack in the direction of
free-trade.

Madrid journals of the Bth have been received. It
would appear that the delay in publishing a decree
for suspending the sale of national property arises
from a disunion in the Cabinet. A meeting took
place on the 7th to consider the question, but the re-
sult was not known.

On the Bth the Three per Cents. were done at 27.1
cash; 28 fur 60 days; and the Fives at 20 for 60
days.

The French papers of Wednesday do not contain
any news of importance, and it is singular that the
Government papers in general make no comment on
the extraordinary telegraphic dispatch from Alexan-
dria, published in The Sun of Thursday. The writers
in those journals that advert to the retirement of
MEIIEMET Au seem equally puzzled with ourselves
rs to the cause of this event. The Opposition journals
of course look to it with hope, because it may lead to
the re-opening of the Eastern question, and to their
darling object, a war with England. The National
alludes to the abdication in these terms :

" Four years ago, this news would have produced a
deep sensation in Europe. Now, it is merely a feeling
of deep curiosity which is excited. Why is this abrupt
and unforeseen withdrawal ? What has taken place ?
Is it the effect of a spontaneous resolution, or the resuit
of some violence, either domestic or public ? However
the matter may be, this resolution explains itself suffi
ciently by the situation of Egypt. It is not a govern-
mentban
banks
swhich
of
the Nile, Mehemet
bAtitl i
ahna d
imemo nesntsi teu t
sepde
counl a t ti
ohne
in all the agriculture, industry, commerce, riches, and
life of a whole people, for the profit of one
man I A man might support all the burden of such
an enterprise, so long as he remained in the full en-
joyment of his physical, intellectual, and moral strength;
but when these faculties become weakened, the task is
found to press on him too heavily, and, if he has not the
wisdom to leave it, he falls, crushed beneath its weight.
What will be the fate of Egypt after him? Will Ibrahim
succeed without difficulty to the Government, and, if he
does so, will he preserve it? The treaty of 1840 en-
sures him Egypt ; but, if he has no other title, the future
fate of himself and family cannot admit of doubt. The
authority of Ibrahim will also meet with an obstacle
amongst the subjects of his father of a personal charac-
ter. His enemies have affirmed and repeated, on all
occasions, that he is only the adopted son of Mehemet
Ali ; and this opinion, which has been widely circulated
in Egypt, has been generally accredited.- It is_ doubtless
a calumny; but persons well acquainted with Egypt,and,
Mahometan countries are inclined to think that this
calumny will have disastrous consequences for Ibrahim.
At all events, the fate of Egypt is again put in hazard—
the Eastern question is again thrown open for Europe."