The Sun.
London, England, 1826-04-21 00:00:00

ALIEN LAWS

Mr. Secretary PEEL rose to move foe leave te,hring ;in aLilf
to regulate the lulu relating to Aliens in this country. When „the
subject was last before the House, a hope was expreseed blehis
Right lion. Friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, anditionielf,
that the bill then pareied might he the termination of the Asit.whieh
gave to the Executive the power of ectmpefihrg an Alien .to leave
the country at pleasure, unless unforeseen eireumstancee should
arise to create the necessity of its eontiuuanre. The time was
now , arrived when their course must he (loci: Act ex-
piring in November next. He was extremely happy to inform
the House that they did not mean to call for its. renewal.-.
(Hear, hear !)—lt was, therefore, his present object to pro
pose to the House what be thought no one could object to—
e measure requiring, the registration of the warms and residences
of aliens in this country. They propostol trehave no other imseer
of compelling them to leave the country than that affordedeby
the law of the natural subjeet.—(cheers.)—He begged to say,
that to no individual was the being able to dispense With this law
more welcome than to himself.—(Hear, heat !).-elle had the ma-
, tisfuction to feel, also, that in the hands of the present Govern.;
ment, its powers had %ever been abused, or harshly exercised.. In
the time of the Noble Lord who preceded him, they were widows
put into operation ; and since they had devolved upon him, they
had only been exercised in one, and that nut t political instance.
That one was in the case of an Ambassador, who was publicly
menaced by a, foreigner, and who hail of course a strong claim upon
the protection of Government. In that single cure alone had he
acted upon the power so given. to the Obternment. And he must
say that not only had he not exercised the power itself, hut he had
taken cant to prevent aeypersonal inconveeience to foreignerw
which might have arisen from the menace of employing it, on the
part of subordinete officers. The Act which'lie should propose
to substitute in its place would require that every alien landing in
this country should, under a certain penalty, give a true declaration
of his name and the place to which he intended to proceesis;_and
he would_ then, at certain intervals of time, be required to give a
' notification of the place at which he resided. A power weeld
therefore be given to his Majesty's Secretary of State for the Home
Department to issued notice in the. Gusto& li'ont time to, time,
calling upon them, for ouch a notification of their places of abode.
lie must say that the assurances of the Government as to: the
discontinuance of the former law, would depend upon the
email:ince* connected with the conduct of the -pyritous to whom
it referred. He would not have contented to give up its poiveri,
unless,by his own personal observation of the conduct of foreign-
ers residing in this country, he believed they would not abuse the
new ptivileges they were about to enjoy. It was well knoWn that
there were many now here, who had been driven to -find au asylum
from the internal diesentions of their own countries. They had
been received here, and an asylum had beets afforded them, Ile
hoped the same feelings would still be exercised towards them, mid
he hoped they would not make the land in which they had found
an asylum the scene of cabals 'and intrigue.—(Hear hoped
they would not, and he did not think they would; but if that
should be the etc* he desired it to he known that he should net
have theleak heitation in applying to Parliament for a renewal
of the powers which they now abandoned, in the full trust Apt
experience would nut prove such a courses necessary, he should now
move that leave be given to bring in u Bill to provide for the Re-
gistration of Aliens.—(Hear !)

Lord ALTHORP expressed his gratification at what had fallen
from the Right Hon. Gentleman, and said that he was perfeetly
satisfied that no evil could arise from this relaxation of the law. ,71-le
hoped the country would never see the revival of a measure so
unconstitutional as that which they were now getting rid of. Fie
did not know that the registration of the names was neeeiwaryi'but:
he saw no objection to it.

Mr. HODHOVSE said that the determination thus taken by
the Government would be :hailed by all elastics in all counfriett
with the greatest possible satisfaction. He believed the Right
Honourable Gentleman was not aware of the extent of the good he
was doing. He could assure him that the Alien Bill had beets
reekoned,abroad, usrthis connecting link between Great Britain and
the European despots. The measure would be hailed throughout
Europe, in connection with other measures of the Right Ho-
nourable Secretary for Foreign Affairs, as a return to that system
which, through a succession of ages and triumphs, maintained the
influence and character of this country as the common protector
of the oppressed. He hardly knew in what terms to record his
own gratitude, when he saw this excellent measure introduced to
the House.

Sir 11. WILSON joined in the general satisfitetion anti gratitude
of the House at the conduct of Government in reftrence to this
question. He could not only bear testimony to the flirt of the
Right Honourable Gentleman never having used the power
granted by the law now about to expire, but he could from his
own knowledge corroborate the fact that the Right Hen. Gentle-
man had always discountenanced any conduct on the part of
subordinate Officers which went to throw vexation or inconve-
nience in the way of foreigners. He had, in fact, always ellewit
an anxiety to protect aliens, anti, as far as the law would elm,
to give them all the advantage,' of natural subjects. Theremas
Only one point in respect to the new measure upon which, he
wished to vay a word. Many persons were compelled to leo'',
their own country on account of political troubles under feigned
names; what he wished to ;k*k wait, whether such persons Would
be obliged to give their tree names. If they we/c, the gam's:
upon the passport would appear different from thatgiver, , the
Officers in this country.
were not geurr.i.ly
mr. stmtuyiPEElhtinade
to the Officer, that
the true name we e coniitiently connuaticat
would be considered tattlicient.Wsoemue;,ll7r,trvootaltiltriniatere4TlY: 211

Mr. It. SMITII ailiked if it wits ix,temkd to require the real
name for the purposes o. public exposure?
Mr. pEEL a» d, that names No obtained never h.ei
14,01/2awl uty-rt tv, made public. It was only desired

that the Government should know the aliens who really were in
the sountry.,.
4„
After alevi,. words' from Mr. DENMAN., leave was given to
bring in the Bill.
- • • , BERBICE.—SLAVERY.
•-Mr. W.•.r.SMlTE•rese for the purpose of submitting a motion,
of which he had given notice, relative to the treatment of the slaves
in Berbices--fittibjedt moat interesting of all others to humanity. The •
masters and imanagers.of the unfortunate slaves seemed to regard
them as mere chattel property. They seemed to,..consider them
just in the tiame beam any Other animals in which their property
wast-yested,-'althongh .he 'conceived they had no right whatever ao
to contemplate them ; but tale it was, that from•this most inhu-
man, and, as it appeared to him, most unjust view of the subject,
one half of the ills to which the wretched slaves were subjected,
might be said to proceed. He had many documents from which
lilt might addueeextracts which would astonish the House ; but
this he would not; ; .althol there was one document 'to which be
would direct- their attentioo—namely, the devote]." of Governor
Epden, in which the House would 'find ample-Materials for consi-
deration. It appeared that on one of the recent trials, to so
great a kogth had the feeling proceeded to which he had just
vetted, that the,Attorney-General was Compelled to deelar he was
shocked at the'butguage which had been used, namely, " that it
was no more harm to kill a negro than a dog.".---(flear, bear °—
Wt. it not obvious that this bahnman language proceeded from that
timpialified idea of property on which he had just expressed his
opinion ? Had it not been for the monstrous feelings which the
'system hail Mirsetl, such language would never have been uttered.,
- The • Honourable Meinbee next adverted to the Court of
Policy, which, he said, had no more power to make
• laws for the regulation of their own slaves, - than for a
neighbouring island. if the Court of Policy were, of their own
authority, to pass a law for the amelioration of the condition of.
the slaves it would be competent for any contumacious slave to
refuse his obedience ; and there would be no mode to compel
submission, but by resorting to the Authorities in this country.
Hence it was, that it was only now, at the end of three years, that
we were beginning to reap the advantages of the orders which
were sent out, lie believed, in May or June, .1823, and which
nothing in the world but the refractoriness of the Colonies could
have prevented their carrying into effect two years and a half
ago.—( Hear, hear !)—With respect to the insurrection at Deme-
rara, that subject had called forth discussions in that House which
would not soon be forgotten. The trial of one most cruelly in-
jured—he had almost said, murdered—individual, remained
deeply impresned on the minds of thousands. In the year 1789,
an insurrection broke out at Demerara ; he would not shock the
ears of his hearers by recording, the details of the sufferings, of the
unfortunate Negroes, as described by. Mr. B. Edwards, and other
historians of the West Indies. He would not go into the history
of the execution of those times, which would snake the blood of
Europeans run cold, and that of Negroes boil. But in adverting
to • those transactions, there was one important lesson to he
drawn from them ; namely, that the Missionaries had so far in-
uced the minds - ften of the unhappy Negroes as to make tI•on
avoid their former cruelties, their attacks and murders of the
whites, the burning of their houses, and the destruction of their
plaittations. At the period to which be had alluded, there were
no Missionaries amorist them, and in consequence, the most dread-
ful cruelties were. perpetrated. During the last insurrection they
but Missionaries, and by their means all the former cruelties were
prevented—not a single white's life was lost. The ill-treatment'
which the slaves experienced was amongst the principal of the pre-
disposing causes to their conduct. From some passages in the
Journal of kept by Mr. Smith, it appeared that there were other
circumstances much more likely to produce insurrection and- trea-
son than the acts, or conduct, or influence of-the Missionarics..-.-
In looking over the complaints preferred by the unfortunate Ne-
groes, he found but one matonce in which a master was punished
for cruelty; indeed for an effence, somewhat more tangible than
mere cruelty—it was for-not supplying sufficient or adequate food;
but to make up for this deficienty, there were ample instances in
• which the poor alms had been unjustly punished. There was one.
case so strikingly remarkable, that he cloultl not • forbear stating it
to the house. Felix, a negro,. complained that the manager of the

estate on which he lived wanted to seduce from him his wife, al-
though the manager had a wife of his own. The manager ivas
always striving to takeaway the negroes' wives, particularly the
wile of Felix. The manager had a child by the woman, and ever
since that he was alWays punishing Felix and his wife on the pro-
tenets that they did not do their work. Felix was brought befOre the
Fiscal, and, was eentenced to be punished; and mark the result.
The Manager was severely repritnunded t for hnving taken impro-
per liberties with the female slaves, and was recommended to Dr.
Brewer .as -a tit subjed for diamissal... But although he was Ilia-
missed for a short time, it appeared that he was afterwards em-
ployed. In another ease, where an individual had beets guilty of
several barbarities in his conduct towards the slaves under his
martial, the sentence upon prosecution and conviction, was only'
three.. months' imprisonment, and a fine of twenty-five pountk To
ba sure, there was in that case, too, a recommendation to- distills,
'him► from exercising any further .controul over the slave popula-

; ,bnt, no in the caw; with Dr. Brewer, to which he-hzi-41

lulled, the moment the, time of imprisonment expired, he was
again employed as before. It was a rule of philosophy, which
had his full concurrence, that when there was sufficient for the
support of a cause, it would he an unnecessary waste of labour
to go further. That he had stated enough in proof of the veld..
tions he had advanced, he was fully satisfied, and he would now
revert to what was more immediately. connected with his pre-
sent motion. his Majesty's Government have intimated it to
he their intention, • it' they have not already carries! such inten-
tion into execution, of alyointing .a Protector or Protectors of
slaves in the Colonies. Now, although heSipproved must heartily
of the principle of such a theasure„yet he Would contend, that un-
kis they carried that principle murh further, and absolutely pro-
hibited all such .inspectors from being in any way connected with
the employment or employers of shaves, they would do little or
within by such appointments towards those objects which he be-
lieved his Majesty's Government to be as sincerely interested in
as the Abolitionists themselves. lie had proofs in abundance,
if they were necessary, that in the Colony of Demerara, of which
he was about to speak, particularly nine out of ten of the persons
appointed to guard against abuses in former times, were themselves.
the most interested in their continuance. The burgher Captains,
the persons who decided the disputes between slaves and freemen,
were theinielves the owners of slaves.;' and the. friends, .compa,
aim, and connexions, of the whites. Upon what principle of
reason Or common !ipmcei then, could it be supposed, that they
would decide impartially in those wises which were brought before
them? The very idea of such authority being a protection to the
:Jaye, we an 'absurdity. Mr. Henry, who had published some
curious statements with regard to the. Island of Berbice, repre-
sents the criminal and civil law of that Colony, and of all those
Islands which once belonged to the Dutch, as being a Matter of
extreme nicety,--the code of laws left by that nation to their no-
was like their own, chiefly founda on the old Boman
law ; 'and Mr. Henry observes, that both in its method of taking.
examinations, and in the whole of its proceedings, it involves great
lei al niceties and subtletim; and that it. was both difficult to ac-
quire,and...very little understood by those who were called upon
to decide according to its dictates, and that. the Burgher Cap

tains in particular knew little 'or nothing about it. Ile did not
mean to censure any men, or body of ;nen. It could not, per-
haps, be expected, front their situation in life, that these persons
should be profoundly versed in legal technicalities; hut it was,
11,3 thought, obvious, that if they were totally unfit to administer
justice among the whites, they were not fit to be instructed with
the protection of the blacks ; and when it was recollected, as he
observed before, that they were in every instance the friends,
companion:4,, and even relations of those who might be 'supposed
the aggressors, it could not be expected that the slaves would
derive much benefit from their interference. Now it was pro..
posed, he understood, to send out only one principal InSpector,
who was to be in every instance a man as impartial and as free
from alt local prejudices as huthan nature wauld admit ; but be
distinctly laid it down as beyond contradiction, that unless the
minor inspectors were equally impartial,' and equally free. from
the operation of local interesta, there could be no protection to
the slave. It was impossible for any MU, however endowed
with bodily or mental energy, to he present in every place where
persecution and cruelty might be practised ; and. unless they made
the subordinate impeder" as free from interest at the principal,
the whole end of their labours would he defeated. They declared,
itcthis country, by their adions, and: by their expressions, that
atISI)4I, Catlinlies were incapable, by their religious tenets, of un-
sltwstauding or practising the relations enjoined .1w civil society;
but it was something strange, that in every colony which had been
sobject to Itoma.n Catholics, the laws were more faVoureble to the
of effects infinitely more beneficial to their
Slaves, and productive
interests, than in those belonging peculiarly to those Who were
styled the liberal Protestants. In Demerara, it was one of the
great objections to the missionary Smith, that he had gone about
asking questions with regard to the condition of the Slaves, Mr
the purpose', Let was alleged, of ingratiating hituself into their
favour ; but his astonishment may be conceived,.wbeuhe found that
what was objected to the Missionary Smith, by peote„,timt, and
rcntowed in such unmeasured terms, was one Of those things en-
joined and commanded by Roman Catholics. In the Spanish
Colonies, the Roinan Catholic Priests ware conunanded to go about
*MI visit, and comfort, and inquire into the wants and complaints
of the Negree. Was it not. astonishing that those who had first
imported the Africans and worked up the Aborigines, should have
left thein'the Model Alpert which they had since framed their reso-
lutious ? The Orders in Council sent to Trinidad were M part, if

' not wholly, founded on the old Spanish laws ; and waa.it not dis-
graceful in the highest degree, as Protestants, that they should thus
adopt so tardily the measures left them by Roman Catholics ; and
that, adopting them, they had tint more speedily carried them into.
execution, 'to , their full extent ? It was certainly said that the
negroes were not in a tit state to be emancipated. This he believed
most truly, and sorry, very sorry, should he he to see any order
prontulgated for their immediate freedom ; but if they were not fit
for the enjoyment of freedom, to whom was that to be attributed
but to the masters ? 'They had brutalized these unhappy beings, and
deprived them of the capacity ,to appreciate the advantages which
might be- conferred upon them. They had left them in that state
which would make it dangerous to entrust them with liberty.
Bryan Edwards, whom he loved to quote upon the subject—for
he desired no more concessions than were to be found in his book
in that time, for there had been no improvement since—,saye, that
1 " from the example set the blacks by the white proprietors, it was
not to be wondere4 that they woro,what they, were found to he."
How, indeed, could it be otherwise,when nothing was ever attempt-
ed by the slave proprietors in the way of education or religious
instruction? Except a law, passed ages ago, he believed in
1669, for building churches and educating slaves in the Island
of Jamaica, and which law wits almost a dead letter, nothing
had beeen done to make the slave acquainted with his moral or
religious duties... There was an old story told of the King of
Prussia, a martinet in his way, but a great pretender to philo-
sophy, that when a soldier ' was brought before him for some
offence committed against good order, he asked if the man
was a good soldier ; and upon being laid that he was a very
good one, he replied, " Then what have I to do with his nm-
rids?' So it was with the slave-owners;, provided a negro
worked well, they did not consider they had any thing to do with
his moral or social duties.. It was, therefore, very true, that the
negroes were not fit for deliverance from thraldom ; but what
could be said of those who had for forty years—from the first
time when his valued friend, Mr. Wilberforce, sounded that note,
which had been,repeated Still fonder by Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox
afterwards—what could be said to those who had neglected every
opportunity of providing for that crisis, which they saw must
come, and shuffled off every recommendation which was offered
them as . a provision against the danger? Indeed, of all the
charges he had to make against the Colonists, none was so
heavy, in his opinion, as their neglecting so wantonly those
signs of the times, which were so distinctly apparent, and
which not only reminded them of their duty, but also point-
ed out. the path to its performance, and the consequence of
their neglect. Speaking,. however, of those duties Which, as
men and as Christians, they were bound to fulfil, what terms were
strong enough to express their sense of such gross neglect and in-
difference ? IT slavery was only a civil crime, a tnalum prohibi-
turn, the slave-owner might have considered he did all that was
required, when he evaded the commission of a felony or a piracy,
and virtually 'obeyed the injunction of the Legislature ; but he
knew, that when he took upon himself the right to the labour of
the slave, he also took upon himself duties of a higher and more
sacred character, than any which were either enjoyed or claimed by
the laws of his country; he knew that he took upon himself duties
which existed before the 30th of Geo. 111. was ever contemplated;
and though the penalty of the omission of one kind of duty may
depend on the statute, he knew that an attention to the other
was more iniperiously, though perhaps more silently, demanded
from every, man who 'intended to he worthy of an admission
within the pale 'of civilization, or to have made himself ac-
quainted with the precepts contained in the Book of the Chris-
tian Word. There was only one point now to which he would
advert; but he thought it came so home to the question of the
humanity of the Sieve Trade, and was so highly deserving of their
serious consideration, that he could not avoid troubling them with
a feW observations upon it. It had very recently come to his
knowledge, that the cultivation of sugar was more injurious to
human life than any other of the West India prodUctions. The
assertion had been made before, but he was now possessed of a
proof upon the point, which must be considered conclusive. A
C'ommission had been sent out from St. Christopher's to inquire
'into the state of the Island of Anguilla, and the reporter states in
these terms the result of his investigation ;—" The ground is poor
—the slaves have no cattle—they acknowledge no government—
criMes are left Without punishment. They have no sense of mo-
rals to act as a restraint upon their actions—the slaves are few,
and totally destitute of clothing. :They have no food; and, to sum
up all, it is impossible to conceive a system more ruinous to the
master, or more degrading to the slave." But let the House bear
in mind this picture of misery, said consider how it was to be com-
pared with the state of those in snore favoured soils. In the four
great sugar islands there was a decrease of human life, varying,
according to the production of sugar, from S cwt. per man down
to 2*. In these Colonieisand they were the richest in soil—
when about '7 or 8 cwt. of sugar per man was produced, the de-
crease of the number of slaves averaged from 2 to 3 per cent.—
In Colonies where the production was 3,4, or 5 cwt. per man,
the number of slaves remained nearly the same ; but in Barbadoes,
and some other islands, where the quantity of sugar produced was
smaller, there was a entail annual increase. But the great and con-
clusive confirmation to this theory was to be found in Anguilla ;
where the slaves, living on a poor soil, without clothing, food,
,
morass, or governmsnt, are—as the Reporter states—vigorous,
healthy, and increasing rapidly ; and yet they produce only 2 cwt.
of sugar each. Was not dila an establishMent, beyond all question,
of the truth of the principle, that the Cultivation of sugar was per-
nicious to human life? The Hon. Gentleman concluded by ob-
serving, that he did not 'mean what he had stated as a reflec-
tion upon any body of melt ; he merely pointed . out these fads
as proofs of the evils of the system under which the negroes suf-
feredevils which, he trusted, would not new long remain with-
mit reinedy. He would. not trespass further upon the attention
with which 'they had so kindly favoured him, but conclude by
reading the Resolution he had to propose, and which, he believed,
would be found to contain recommendations of the utmost im-
portance to the success of those measures which Parliament had
had pledged itself to carry into execution:—
" Resolved, That from the official documents laid before this
House, and: other authentic information respecting the Colo-
nies of Demerara and Berbiee; it appears that although protec-
tion has been affected to be afforded to the slave population in
those countries, either by the Fiscal or Chief Judge, in the ca-
pacity of Protector of Slaves, or by some other person acting
in that , character, yet that the slaves have been, and still re-
main, expOsed to numerous vexations and grievous oppressions,
demanding effectual relief; and that this House has, therefore,
had great satisfaction in observing the declared determination of
his Majesty's Ministers, to promulgate in those Colonies an Order
of Council on this important subject, to which unqualified obe-
'Renee Will be required. But that, from all reasoning and expe-
rience, this Hinise is led to conclude, that no legal enactments,
however well devised and strongly framed, can prove sufficient
for the effeetual protection of the slave, unless the officers, both
principal and subordinate, to, whom the execution of the law is to
be entrusted, Wadi he appointed and supported by the Government
at home, and absolutely prohibited from possessing or employing
slaves in any capacity, eithsr priedial or doniestic."
The Hon. Member, after having read the Resolution, observed
that the language on the subject ofuncputlified obedience, was pre-
cisely the seine at that used by Lord Bathurat when the two co-
lonies 'bet been in vain urged to adopt those Orders in Council
which had been transmitted with the approbation of the House.
He did not Asan the Resolution in censure of the conduct of Go-
vernment; but, unless they adopted them, it was vain to expect any
good from the appointment of inspectors.

- Mr. W. HORTON maid, that a great portion of the speech of
the I hal. Gentlemen Was so little in keeping with the Resolution
be bad ended !iv proposing, that he felt himself very much at
loss to know to which he was to addreas his observations, the
speech or resolution. He would first, however, object to that
part of his speech in which he alludes to abuses existing in De-
merara, and where he declares that those abuses anima be re-
MAW without the adoption of the Resolution. At this very mo-
meta, the Orders Of Council, which had been carried into execution
iu Trinidad, were in full operation in Demerara, and would be, or
perhaps were, at that moment, introduced into Berbice;. and he
thought it would be but fair to wait the effect of those Orders,
before they expressed any censure of the course which lied been
pursued. It would be, indeed, in his opinion, more fitting to ruse
how the remedies which had been applied Were operating, and how
they could assist that operation, than to look back to what had not
heel done, and censure unavoidable omission'. With reference to
the Inspector, he could say that en individual had been selected to
fill that office, of the strictest integrity, of known experience,
of unquestionable impartiality ; he defied, indeed, any man,
on either side of the House, to point out a person better qualified
to fill that situation, or More likely to carry into the strictest exe-
cution the do sires of the Government, or the wishes of the friend's
of Abolition. The instructions which were given to the Inspec-
tors, were such as inculcated a mild treatment to the slaves ; but,
at the same tittle that that mild treatment was inculcated on the
Ill.,Wctot's it was also recommended that no impctlitnent should
be thrown in the way of the existing regulations for the treatment
of the slave population. The prescribed rules were enjoined to
atrketiy *been-ad, with a due attention to the just coMplaints of
aclote;),,tiignatsinwstbtileiifrroot.awntehrt%
twoittililutmetigtetritavinnitiolget,hose frivolous
Altogether,
the instructions were of the most lenient eharaeter, and such as
Wo tend
wdte agreed that
itild uuitn,ameliorat ion of the slave popidation,
which,all
i
benefit of the slaves themselves should owurd mostado:i'xltedwdin f
.The instrtheuct
ions
a
which had been sent out were carried into execution in Demerara,
and were on the eve of being carried into execution in ilerbice. He

(Mr. W. II.) would not follow the Honourable Gentleman over
• whole range of detail of abuses into which he hattgotle., ;It ivas
far better to look forward to a period of future improvement
than to one of past exasperation; and the interests of the slaves,
and of general society, in which their interests were involved,
required that they should not dwell too anxiously on those ex-
asperating topics, which were too frequently adverted to, and
introduced into discussion. The Honourable Gentleman (Mr.
W. Smith) had said that it was desirable that the principal
officers in authority, and that even those in subordinate situa-
tions, should not possess property in slaves. Ile was ready to
admit the propriety of the principle, as fur as related to the
principal officers, and thought it was right that the Governors,
the Chief Justices, Attorney-Generale, and other principal Offi-
cial functionaries, should not have such a right of property. But
the same observation he by no means thought applied with equal
force to those engaged in the subordinate machinery of Govern-
ment. In their regard, the opposite principle should prevail;
and instead of their possession of such property being an injury
or greater degradation to the slave, he thought many advan-
tages were derived to him from his being the property of per-
sons of some consideration and influence with Government. As
to what had been said with respect to the right of property in the
slaves, he (Mr. H.) would be always regulated by the Resolutions
of that House; and when he saw, in the Resolutions of May
1823, that " an equitable consideration should be paid to the rights
of property," he was of opinion that that consideration should be
attended to, whoever were the persons in whom such property was
invested. There was one subject on which he was unwilling to
dwell, both as' it was one which involVed some delicate and
difficult considerations, and because it had been the subject
of specific reference and discussion before in that House
—he alluded to the insurrection at Demerara. It was said
by one class of the advocates of the emancipation of the
slaves, that they were naturally actuated by a desire of oh- ,
telling the freedom which obtained in this country. It was
Said he remembered, at the time, that the insurrection of Dome-
rare did not proceed from any such general movement as the at-
tainment
of such freedom, and that it arose solely from local
grievances. He could not exactly see how these two points could
be reconciled—how they were likely to be instigated to insurrec-
tion from a love of freedom ; yet that, when insurrection arose,
it was not at all to be attributed to an anxiety-to obtain that free-
dom. From the dispatch of Sir B. D'Urban it appeared that the
slaves were actuated by a desire and a hope of obtaining those
rights to which, from some representations, they thought they
were entitled. He writes thus upon the subject
" I can have no doubt that the opinion I expressed to your
Lordship on the 6th was well founded, and that many of the slaves
had still continued under the delusion which I then described ; in-
deed several of them avowed it, and evidently took leave of the
hopes they had so long cherished, with strong feelings of sorrow.
Their eyes, however, are opened now; and they will no longer
have that strong excitement to revolt, which arose from the belief
that they were contending for rights (and by that belief they were
unquestionably actuated in the late revolt) which they supposed
had been granted them in the Mother Country, but suppressed by
the Colonial authorities. At the same time that they have been now
made aware that freedom, in the manner they had anticipated, is
out of the question, they have also learned that many real wlvantages
are preparing for them, i f they deserve them by qUiet and subordinate
behaviour, and I have assured thorn that as on the one hand the severe
punishment of any disorder among them will be certain, so on the
other, if any individual shall at any time think himself oppressed or
ill-treated, I shall always be ready to receive his complaint per-
sonally, and redress it if it be well founded."

From this dispatch it appeared, that a better disposition pre-
vailed amongst the live population, and he should . be sorry that
any thing should occur to interrupt its prog-ress. - The avoidance
of such interference; and such exasperation, was necessar:„ in
order to give effect to the plans of amelioration which the Go-
vernment had intended--;-(lkar, hear, hear!)--.As to What the
Honourable Gentleman had said respecting Anguilla and the culti-
vation of sugar, he did not think that any:unfavourable itiference
should be drawn against the Proprietors of West: India pro-
perty, from the circumstance of the cultivation of sugar. being
attended with more. extensive mortality. Tha same argument
migth apply in this country, where the collierieS were sverkul.-...
111ortality was much more general and extensive in the mitwries
from fire-damp—from the greater labour undergone there, and
from various other circumstances, than perhaps in. any other occu--
pation. This was owing to the unhealthy description of the labour,
and which, in some employments, was greater than in others ;
but it was a consideration altogether distinct from, and unconnect:
ed with, the .maltreatment of the slaves.,(Hear l)—lndeed, as to
the charge of maltreatment, front the varieus,reports, reports which
hehad no reason to doubt, the statements which were neale of the
cruelty and hardships of the slaves were greatly exaggerate,;.
And he would take this opportunity of animadverting upon those
efforts that were made to work upon the feelings of the country, by
inducing them to believe that the condition of the Slaves was
more intolerable than it really was. Government were disposed to.
do'the utmost to ameliorate the condition of the slaves—they
were must desirous for the efficient discharge ,of this 'duty; and
it was more injurious than serviceable tti the cause which they
professed to support,' for Gentlemen to work upon the feelings
of the people, and induce the . country to go beyond, the
vernment in their plans of progressive amelioration,--(Hear,
hear 0,--The Resolutions which had already passed the House,
pledged the Government and the Parliament to, certain mea-
sures-.-these measures had already taken.place Mime Colonies,
and Demerara sad Berbiee
,were on the eve of. reaping an the
advantages of them. That the property of slaves should not
be vested in the high functionaries in the Colonies he had already
conceded ; but that the 'subordinate officers should be trusted with
the posse4sion of attek property, from the instance that-had been
afforded, as an example, be was not disposed to condemn it. Under
these circumstances, and under the progressive imerovennent of the
slave population, he felt himself called upon and justified in mov-
ing the previous question. _

•itlr. It. ELLIS expressed his approbation of the plans of ame-
liorating the condition of the slave population. . He wished, how-
ever, to observe, that although the proprietors of West India pro-
perty might not be -entitled to compensation from the Government
pursuing plans of general amelioration, if those plans should inter-
fere with-their interests, yet, if the slaves were to be' emancipated,
or if, by any sudden measure, the proprietors were to be deprived
of their property in their slavN, that then their claims to remune-
ration were undeniably just.—(Hear, hear would ~be but
right, he thought, in whatever changes that might be introduced,to
convey to those whose interests might, be most affected by them,
an assurance that their interests would be duly attended to.
He had taken some pains to make.. an . atudysi3 of the cases
which had been contained in the Report from Berbice ; and fawn
that Report there was nothing to warrant the strong imputation
which had been thrown out, as to the manner in WhiCh cases
were disposed of in that island. Taking, as a period of reference,
the space of thirteen, months, which comprised 43 cases ; of these
cases, 27, which was in the proportion. of three to five, were
judged to be totally unfounded; and with regard to the remain-
ing sixteen, in eight of them, both parties were found to: be
wrong ; and in the other, eight only were of either party found
to be right. The Hon. Gentleman- entered into a detail of the
cases which had been entertained, and concluded by expressing
a wish that the Governors of Colonies
.should. no longer. be ar-
loWed to preside In the Courts of Chancery, as they were gene-
rally military men, and persons unacquainted with the profession
of the law. He truged also that the appointments to judicial
and other legal offices in the Colonies, would be hereafter filled
by persons of profAisiottal character ..and experience; and that
the planters might be relieved from the duties, in the performsoce
of which -they were viewed • with jealousy and distrust by persons
at borne.

Mr. RICHARD MARTIN said, that he hoped the Honour-
able Member would withdraw his motion, for if it were tote car-
ried in the affirmative, it could produce no good result; and if it
were to be 104 in a division, it would create infinite mischief
Mr. DENAi AN could ut,lt conceive that the carrying of the
present motion could lead the Colonial Legislatures to think
that they were in a better condition to resist the English
Government in their
.measures to abolish slavery. If it were
right that an effectual reformation should be matured by the
Government of this country and the Parliament, the only
question was, in what terms it could be best done, and what lan-
guage could make it loe felt by the Colonists that the Parlia-
ment and Government of England would not be trifled with on
the subject ; but that they were determined to see that the re-
formation should be complete, effectual, and speedy. The pam-'
plilet alluded to in the debate was as much entitled to confidence
as any document ever laid before the public. The resolution
did not contradict the proposition that all the evils complained of
originated in the principle of one human being possessing
his fellow-creatures as a dimposeable property. The wishes
and fltatexuent4 of those with whom he agreed upon this
subject, were constantly met by the Gentlemen opposite,
by a denial of facts; and no sooner were these statements
proved to be true, than they were declared not to hear upon
the subject. AU the crimes proved in the management and
treatment of -slaves were declared to be of old date; so that
his Hon. Friend (Mr. Smith) very justly observed, that the pre-
sent tense of the verb seemed to have no place in the. West In-
dian's grammar. It appeared to him that the Hon. Secretary op-
posite wished also to strike out the future tense, and to defeat all
inquiry, Confining the House to points already forgotten.. Did no
abuser still exist ? Was it nothing that n slave should be seen
looking through the bars of a prison, being seized like cattle or

furniture, because his master bad not paid his taxes ? Did not
such occurrences appear often in the Colonial newspapers.—(Hear,
hear !)—These were evils of a most serious nature, and they un-
avoidably arose out of the very principles of slavery. The cruelty
of branding slaves had not been suppressed by any particular law.
Mr. ELLIS stated, across the table, that it was abolished by
the general law against cruelty.
' Mr. DENMAN thought there could he no possible objection to
the present motion, for all that it required was, that the owners of
slaves should not be allowed to fill those offices which were men-
tioned in it. He was surprised that such a motion should in any
manner be considered as an attack upon Government.
Mr. W. HORTON said, his objections seemed to be misunder-
stood. He objected to the Resolution as unnecessary, because all
that was recommended by it had already been carried into effect.
Mr. DENMAN certainly had not the means of questioning the
Right Hon. Gentleman's statement ; but if that Was the fact, all
be could say was, that he was not alone in his error.

Mr. ROSE ELLIS explained. With respect to branding,
there had been an instance in which a conviction for that offence
was followed by punishment.
Mr.. DENMAN explained. He was not aware that that had
been the case. There certainly had been one conviction, but that
was where the 'inadmissibility of Black evidence was supplied
through the accidental observation of a White man.

• Mr. W. HORTON repeated his former objection.
Mr, BARING said, the simple questionlefore the House was,
whether the Executive Government was the proper department
for the management of the Colonies ? He thought it might be
observed with great propriety, that while, on the one side, it was
dangerous for the House to interfere with the management of the
Colonies in opposition to Government, on the other hand, their
interference, if in favour of what Government had already done,
was little less than utterly useless--indeed, he was prepared
to go further, and to say, that not only might it be useless,
but even dangerous. There were examples of this in the Colony
of Demerara. The Honourable Gentleman who pro-
posed this Resolution ought to state distinctly what he meant,
for experience had shewn, that no greater danger could
exist in the Colonies than that which was produced from
the vague reports that reached them, respecting the intentions
of Parliament to this country. No sooner had they been tran-
quillized by the assurances of Government, conveyed to them
through their . local Governors, than they were regulated by
the motions which were made in this House, and which gave
the people of the Colonies a false idea that the Government was
behind Parliament in their intentions, and required to be stimu-
lated to effect the amelioration of the Colonies. He believed
that most of these proceedings were caused by a Society in this
country, of whose course he could not approve. He believed
that their proceedings were not only totally irreconcileable
with common prudence, but that they were opposed to the
true interests of those people for whose advantage they were
intended, and that they were calculated to produce irremediable
mischief and most extensive confusion—(Hear, hear, hear ! from •
the Ministerial Benches).—He had not wasted his time in
reading the pamphlets issued by this Society, but he thought he
had not been mistaken in his description of them. The Mem-
bers of this House, who concurred in the proceedings' of the'
Society to which 'he had alluded, in some measure followed up
the example, by frequeiit notices on this subject. An Honour-
able Gentleman near him had given, on the first day of the
Session, a notice of a motion with respect to the state of
Slavery in the Colonies. That motion had since been post-
poned, but in the mean time, the paper had been crowded
with incidental notices upon the same subject, one of which
had been given by the Honourable. Member for Weymouth.--
He should say that their ~ object was obvious, if he could
reconcile their conduct with the honourable principles which
he knew) they possessed; but from what he knew of them,
lie must say, that their conduct was totally irreconcilable with
their principles. As the Honourable Member who proposed this
Motion did not require the inunediate emancipation of the negroes,
he could not possibly understand what could be his object. He
trusted that these Gentlemen would see that the steps of Govern-
ment could not be accelereted without the greatest danger to the
Colo pies. It was already on record, that the partial insurrection
which had taken place in Jamaica had been caused by the same
means. The negroes laboured under the most complete deception.
They believed that there was a conflicting power at home, acting
in opposition to the Government under which they were living.
This belief led them into those errors so dangerous to the peace of the
Colony. The negroes of the best conduct and characters were the most
deceived. Their masters had so described them in their account
of the insurrection. He trusted that this instance of the effect
of unnecessarily agitating the Colonies, would serve as a warn-
ing to lionourabl Gentlemen.' He believed that the Me-
thodists had attempted more to introduce moral and religious
instruction amongst the negroes than any other set of men, but
even they had come to the resolution that the state of slavery in
Jamaica had nothing in it repugnant to Christianity. He should
prefer their opinions to those of people at home, who spoke with-
out such means of information. He had no doubt that the
state of slavery formerly existing in the colonies did require
interference ; that interference was now in a state of pro -
greie ; and if the country was satisfied with the course now
pursued, we' should arrive many years sooner at the object of
the wishes of. all classes, than if we attempted to attain it Ly
goading on the .Government to greater and more dangerous
exertions.

Mr, BROUGHAM said, that after what had fallen from the
Hon. MeMber Who had just resumed his seat, the House would
feel he could not sit still and listen quietly to the gross misre-
presentations of that lion. Member. He assured his Hon. Friend
that he did not speak this with a view to accuse him of wilfully
misrepresenting
.any thing, but merely to state, that he had
done so from mistake and ignorance of the facts. Yet that
mistake ought to be corrected ; and he repeated, he could not
sit still and listen to the most gross misrepresentations, founded
entirely as they were upon the most entire misapprehensions
that he hail ever yet heard, and which, iu the coarse of this dis-
cussion, had fallen from his Honourable Friend with regard to
the conduct of the Honourable Mover, of the Members of that
House, and of the persons forming the Anti-Slavery Society.—
He should conic at once to the charge against the Anti-Slavery
Society, because the Members of that Society out of the House,
and the supporters of their principles in it, were charged with
having agitated the country, and with having been the whole cause
of exciting the feelings of the country—those feelings which he
knew did exist, and in the existence of which he rejoiced—(hear !),
and which, he sincerely trusted and believed, would continue to
exist until it hadproduced its effects on the deliberations of that
House, if necessary, and on the conduct of the Government, if re-
quisite—and, though last, not least, in the scale of difficulty, even
On the conduct of the West Indian Legislators themstdves.—(Hear,
hear!)—tie denied, however, that this feeling was to be attribut-
ed to the exertions of that Society, or to their pamphlets, or to
the speeches at their meetings ; at least, if by their pamphlets and
speeches were meant misrepresentations of facts and appeals to the
passions, and not appeals to the reasons of their readers and auditors.
declared that there had been no misrepresentation—no ap-
peals to excite this feeling; but that the West Indians had been
allowed to tell their own tale, and,on the facts which they had dis-
closed had the opinions of all impartial men and the feelings of the
people been unanimously roused. He had been told of the pamphlets
of the Anti-SlaVery Society, and with respect to thme,ha 1 every
advantage over his Honourable Friend—a
,circumstanee which
fully accounted for his Honourable Friend's misrepresentation of
them; he had • read them.—(Hear ! and a laugh.)—Now, his
Honourable Friend had admitted that he had not read these pam-
phlets ; in filet, that he could not waste his time in reading them.
It was well that his Honourable Friend could bestow his time
so'much better ; but all lie (Mr. Brougham) would ask was, that
if the Hon. Gentleman had not time or inclination to read them,
he would not manifest so strong an inclination in that House to
condemn publications, which he had not read, and to stigmatise,
as false, statements of which he knew nothing, and to describe, as
foul and e,erous dealers in facts, and as exciters of passion, those
penons whose speeches and whose writings he had never read, and
to condemn the conduct of those in that House whom, though he
might not have the inclination, he must have the time to hear,—
(Hear ! and a laugh.)—For himself; he could say that, except in
one or two instances, he had attended none of the meetings of this
Society; but of the speeches of the members of the Society at
those meetings, as well as those of its supporters in the House,
he must that though they were discussing a
most
though they were handling a most
in
important justie
le nat say,ter ,
delicate subjeet—indeed; one of the most delicate and difficult
to handle, and one, a mistake in the handling of which, there
might be consequences of the greatest danger, not only to co-
iienhstwaimra(shhe,
lonial affairs, but to national policy—yet, making all the allow-
ances for die difficulty, the delicacy, and the danger of the
. .
in
n) had such a measure been recom-
mended sudden,, or an humediate emancipation had been advocated by
in
question, he bad not observiiesel.roenpeeaitnesit,atihicielt
the most ardent friend of the negroes, by the most vehement
e
or declaimed on by way
y of negro
of raising the passions of the auditors. He had conversed with
%ri':eoelii d esenlxat,c;P'o' suggested in advice,
persons NOW were familiar with this subject, and with the man-
ner in which it had been treated; from them he had inquired
whether anything was out of joint ; and he had uniformly found
that the Society had taken the tone of lamenting the existence
theret reatbmeeen been any
an of
y the
speeches
necegrhoes.
made
of slavery in its present state, and of urging the necessity of
atbu puroovneemoefnt
tihnethAereoeatnindgits hationand i

which had not exhibited a due re and 'Ad' the vetted interests'of
the slave owners. If any such instance -did' exist, he was not
aware of it ; he should be glad to bear of it; but he must say,
that if he did hear of it now, it would be.for the first time. He
need not dilate upon the importanceof the question as regarded
the claims of 800,000 of our fellow-subjects. Such a .question,
considering, too, the nature of the claims to be discussed, needed
no efforts to excite passion ; it related to the. condition and suf-
ferings of eight hundred thousand of our fellow-subjeets, who
demanded, and who had a right to deinand, that their state should
be duly considered, and their condition, if possible, amelio-
rated and improved. He, hinuself, hid been alluded to; be
was charged with having put a ragas= on the book, and with
having afterwards withdrawn it. Nov the truth of the matter
was this--he had come down to the House with papers in his
hands, fully prepared to discuss the motion, but before it came to -
his turn to bring it forward, an Honourable Friend of his (the
Member for Weymouth) had presented a netitianwlaich bad caused
a conversation that had anticipated .hisproposed discussion, and
in the course of which opportunity was given for a speech made by
the Honourable Secretary for the Colonial Depertnient, containing
a detail of filets with which that Honentruble Gentleman alone could
be acquainted, which it was not possible for hies to dispute or to
answer. To that statement he was bound to give credit, at
least for the moment, and he did so, though lie was now
convinced that the Honourable Secretary had been deluded.
He had put one or two questions, to sift as far' as he could the
accuracy of his statements, and this was all that could be done
by him on the sudden ; in consequence of. which be had taken
the only course he could take--which be had adopted, not with-
out hesitation, and which, after impressions had. converted into
the certainty that he had done wrong in adopting—but he could
do no better at the time. He had now papers and documents, from
which he could distinctly prove, that the Hon. Secretary for the
Colonies had been actually deluded, though at the time the state-
ments of that Hon. Gentleman hail led the Houk, the country,
and him (Mr. Brougham), to believe that something had been
done, whereas he was now ready to state that nothing bad been
done deserving of consideration, or to redeem the pledge of the
Government ; or indeed, which merited any other description
than that of a mock and evasive compliance on the part of the
local Government, with the desire of Parliament and the country.
However, he bad been obliged to postpone his motion, and the
postponement of one day made a postponement of six weeks necro-
vary. It no* stood for May 11, the last day to' which it could be
postponed, and if. could not be brought on then, he would like
some Wednesday, for the purisme of discussing it, although that,
course might be in some degree inconvenient. In the mean time
he was of opinion that all the incidental notices should be gone
through in detail, reserving for the last the more general and en-
larged view of the subject. The Hon. Member concluded by say-
ing, he had heard nothing to-night which would prevent him
frdm giving his vote in favour of the present motion ; more
especially as the Hon. Secretary for the Colonies had not said
that Government had done all that was the object of that motion
to effect.
Mr. Secretary CANNING.—In the view, Sir, which I take of
this question, it lies in a narrow compass.; and I shall not, there-
fore, find it necessary to trespass long on the attention of the House.'
If the motion were made with the object of throwing suspicion on
the intentions of Government, either as they were originally con-
ceived, or as they have been carried into 'execution—if it were
thought necessary to arraign the Government before Parliament,either for departing from the pledge now given, or for having ne-
glected to enforce the system, resolved op by Pe liament, by all the
means in its power, there would be sufficient reason for rejecting
the motion, when I should, as I easily Might, have disproved the
allegations on which the suspicions were founded. But the singu-
larity of the present motion is this, that it professes, as many other
motions of the same kind have professed, to be brought forward
with the object of furthering the views adopted he Govern'
meat, and of supporting its efforts in attaining that common
object, in which the Parliament and the Government' concurred..
On a motion so founded, if I were to venture to give
,an opinioa,
I should say that it was both inanspiciouls and unpopular,
professing, as it does, not to oppose but support--net to at'
raign, but encourage, the Government. . I midi doubt, Sir,
whether it answers this professed purpose. The present is not
the only motion made, with the' same professed object; it is but
a series or part of a system--a specimen of the whole. No man
can look at the great question to which the motion refers, with-
sewthoihul
out being sensible that it is involved in an infinity of difficulties.
The question which, in its first and principal characteristics;
is so plain, that no man can consult his own bosons, and u?
come to the conclusion of those who have expressed themselves
in
pttil:artemiit:
warn
in its favour cannot examine the conduct of G'overnment, and
hetolkint,-
who
warmness or insincerity. At an early stage
d emphatic
a not7nebitemellts permittedo f
action,l bya havetmis :ays:ens ,foc.:tyhutee.,,t ttio;:shsoefte:
:teni:thois;rtel
nd
foveae of
vernment had the good fortune to propose Resolutions ill .
which the House came to an unaninunts conclusion. s From that time
forward the proceedings of the Government were not to be judged o
by any preconceived principles of action, but by those Resolutions,
and by the conformity of its conduct to them. It was not to
be
judged of by the opinions of any individuals; for they bad, br_
the common consent of the 'louse, been overruled; but the
conduct of Government was to be judged of in reference to those
Resolutions ; and the only question which could be raised wfi
whether the Government, in sincerity,, And lona fide, to the
_,
best of its judgement, ent, and the means in its power, had itsela,ll
these means to carry the Retalutions of the House into effect?''
With the exception of the threatened motion of the Honey?
able and Learned Gentleman—and I. do not mean to bind hal,
to terms of his promised Motion—but. with the exception :p!
that, I must say, that all the motions which have been brought
f ,nyard, or threatened to be brought forward, are hazardous le,
adopt, not tit for discussion, and all calculated to retard, eel
accelerate, the purpase for, which they are professedly brought
forward. They are not judicious, ems they disturb the tempe
—and they are not fair, as, under the pretext of aiding the 0-1"
vernment, they interrupt its course, and break down into area,l
and insignificant details—they divide into fractions what le'airo
liament has resolved to treat and promote as a whole.
Han. Membv says he !brings forward his mot'on to aid the cole
vernment. Sir, I tell him the Government does not want
aid. It is an aid which rather adds to our incumbretZ
than increases our power. What, Sir, let me . ask, are
e 0 er-
difficulties in our way? On the one part, we /la" vof
weaning expectation of too, sudden results the liopc
wrong-placed enthusiasm, inculcating impracticable saeatair',
What are the difficulties on the other ? Obstinate roe,'
ante to the projects of the Legislature, impeding all our
ration e. Are these two classes of difficulties lessened by
course of proceeding? Resolutions, Sir, are brought s
ward at Public Meetings—l do not by any meane wifb to sPeisht
disparagingly of Public Meetinge—bur Resoltitions are b!,.:lij,
forward at them, which only add to the enthusiasm of te
_ready enthusiastic; and when they are known and promulgte
ed to the world, threatening those at as distance, they
obstinacy more obstinate, and apprehaision more feareefuejLe
(Hear, hear !)—lf the object of such motions as that redly
Honourable Member were to condemn us, we -must r" /be
ourselves, or submit to 'condemnation. But they are brist4ie
forward to assist us ; and every motion is all IMPedinlentAlC
our way, and makes more difficult of execution the 0,
imposed on us. I say, that these statements and these r°°t'r.
throw enormous difficulties around the object, and that'aii,ig
pursue haps, against the wishes of those who this coarse, T epe
it less practicable, and postponing final euccess. On the
the
hand, by all such appeals enthusiasm is augmented;
other, the angry passions are aroused, and the alarms emc n
ed, of those who -believe they are to be the victims. . New o} p"'
)rea-
sltion is engendered, new difficulties created, the old ones ao.ge L
rated, and all the obstacles which Ile in the Way of attaiMe=efeotee
common object are multiplied. It ie said, here are tie
which ought to be known, end cruelties which ought to
stated, to excite the abhorrence they :.deserve. You ties;
annihilate these facts. You amnia annihilate these ere lees
they are atrocities which cry for retribution—they IV, '
on record, and cannot be defined. It is right that seril„3"--
strous cruelties should be stated, and known to the Ivor'
the question now were, Sir, whether this system should be up'
held, or not—if there were any lingering reluctance to ael!tioo
ledge its enormities—if-nay attempts were made in this nr
om
to uphold the system—the object of bringing forward such w she
be fair, just, and necessary. I can understand, if such were
,j
mce, what what would be the logical object in bringing fors'a
en
such statements ; and I can understand the logical e°ol.
sion which might be drawn from them. But this is not
.. zo,,t?e,
ject to be obtained. No man upholds the system. !y mare eye
that it is necessary to amend the system ; arid these teeime
only brought forward, odioszes, to excite osthusiasol ;we
that rnquires controul, and which can lead to no praceae
good—(Bear, hear !)—and excite in the Colonies deterla",';
resolution, that must be overcome &fore the purr'ele on
be carried into effect. On this ground, Sir, and ,on this the
alone, I am inclined tooppose. this motion. This is .110; vet
first or the second motion which lies been made, and it are
the last, by five or six, that are threatened to he made, viduit;ree
intended, as it is said, :for the purpose of strengthening
mitiee_a
went, and which arc only calculated io augment its
difficotion of
(Hear, hear !)—For these :thane !shell concur in the nt the
my Honourable Friend, and propoee to the House
motion by, moving the previone question. Before I.eft
oniee,
if the opinions or intentions of Government d