The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-02 00:00:00

UN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 2, 1844.

to investigate the question and to suggest remedies ; but
he much regretted the extent of time, during which public
expectation was to. be kept in excitement. He thought that
some declaration ought to be made ai to the specific points to
which the attention of the Commission was to be directed.
Something ought to be done to counteract impressions which
when once made it would be dangerous to disappoint. (Hear.)
He was sorry to feel himself obliged to say so much. But he
thought that it was most desirable that something specific
should be announced upon a subject respecting which there
was so much misapprehension. He thought that in such a
country as Ireland, where the means of information were much
within the reach of the Government, no step ought to
have been taken which couhl-.kave a tendency to mislead
the public mind. He had risen sinellebecause he felt that from
the situation which he had occupied hi; Ireland he ought to
state the grounds upon which he did not, on the present oc-
casion, enter fully into the case of that unhappy country. He
trusted that whatever evil might flow from present proceedings
country, it was accompanied
iwnitthhatth—ishgenwado—ulttihraetpeitat—turunnehpti
turned the
attention of the people of
England to the manner in which the sister kingdom had been
governed—( Hear, hear)—for he believed that up to this
time the people of England were more ignorant of
the actual condition of Ireland than of that of
any other country in the world.--( Hear, hear.) He believed
that there was no man of any country whatever who visited
Ireland, but returned with the most friendly feelings ; and he
therefore thought that the ignorance of this country respect-
ing Ireland was the more unfortunate, as it served to keep up
those distinctions which were the cause of all the discontent, to
allay which every expedient had been tried, except to do justice.
He might differ with the Noble Lord as to the terms. Every
except that of doing strict just ce
tothose who had hitherto supported the
othlerrelamre,dan ; shhuatdhe been
hoptardietl
Catholic claims would now join in removing any invidious
distinction, religious or poleieal, and endeavour to place the
two countries on the same footing. He had a little departed
from the strict line he had laid down to himself, of not giving
any opinion or raising any question in connection wih Ireland
that might cause any difference, till the proper opportunity should
occur. He should, therefore, say no more on the; subject ; but
being on his legs, he should merely say. as to the other points
of the address, that he was never one of those who despaired
of the resources of the country, though he thought that the
Noble Earl had rather unfortunately alluded to one explana-
tion of the source of the present excess of revenue over ex-
penditure. He should not venture on another question which
the Noble Lord had introduced, and which called a cheer from
some of their Lordships, and which subject had been carefully
excluded from the royal speeeh—he meant the question of
corn. On that question he differed from the Noble Lord, and
therefore he should not enter into any discussion of it then.
The speech, in reference to the affairs of Sinde, had been so
judiciously and carefully worded that they might concur in it
without expressing any opinion. He should only state
that he should join with great pleasure in any vote
of thanks to the officers engaged in some of the most distin.
guished feats of arms that had been .performed in that part of
the world. He should do so with the more pleasure from his
personal acquaintance with the Gallant Commander, and with
Colonel Pennetather, of the 22d Regiment, who was, unfor-
tunately, disabled by a wound at an early period of these events,
He could not but feel gratified at the reference which was
made in the royal speech to the late visit of her Majesty to the
King of the French. He would yield to no man in his firm belief
and conviction, that upon the good understanding between Great
Britain and France depended the tuture well being of the relations
of the various European nations. It was unnecessary for him
to trouble their Lordships further on that occasion, but in
conclusion he would intimate that he should, probably Gn the
13th instant, call the attention of their Lordships to the eub •
ject of the present state of Ireland.
Lord BROUGHAM ro-e to esrpress his great satisfaction at
the fact, as the Noble Lord the mover of the address had
correctly stated, of this being the first time within the experience
of their Lordships, that they had been called upon to present in
the language of truth to the House, an address which, from
the beginning to the end, contained nothing but congratula-
tion. He never recollected an instance when the state of the
country was such as to justify the Parliament in con-
eratulating the Sovereign on the fact, that no point of
the political horizon was at all obscured. He rejoiced
that the speech, and the consonant to the speech, the
address, abstained from entering minutely into a discussion of
the affairs of Ireland. However great might be iiis wish
to discuss that subject, he was restrained by his seinse of
justice—by a sense of justice towards the Crown—the perty
prosecuting on the one hand, and his sense, above all,
of justice towards the defendants, whom he was bound to pre-
sume, until a verdict of their countrymen should have pronounced
them guilty, were innocent of the charge laid to them, from
entering into that discussion, without violating that necessary
principle of justice, which militated against all discussion of the
subject while legal proceedings were pending. Those proceed-
ings were inevitable—those proceedings were taken in the dis-
charge of ditty on the part of the Crown. He would not enter into
the question of whether it might be necessary for the Govern-
ment to take further steps, seeing that he could only do so hypo-
thetically. But that Parliament would do its duty, should the
law be found insufficient to support the Constitution as by law
established, he had no doubt—if the Government should be
found at any time not sufficiently armed with powers
to discharge their highest, their first, their most sacred
duty to preserve the peace of the realm, and to maintain the
Constitution committed to their care. In such ease, Parliament
would discharge that high trust faithfully, and under such cir
cumstances they would never be found wanting. Although
Parliament would not hesitate to arm the Government with
any power for the maintenance of the law, yet he would
much rather see the Government armed with power, not for
the purpose of displaying mere force and strength towards
the people of Ireland ; not with a view of coercing, compelling,
constraining, and forcing, but with a power and disposition to
better the condition of the people of Ireland—to improve them
in all those things in which they might be required to be bet-
tered—to gain them over, rather than force them to submission
—to show a parental and kindly feeling which a good
and beneficent Government ought to be inspired with
towards all its subjects, and perhaps most of all ought
to be inspired towards that part of its subjects
who were in a state of comparative ignorance and distress.
This was the power he would wish to see them armed with,
and he trusted it would be seen that they would show pre-
ference of attraction over compulsion, and of a desire to be
parental to all its subjects, of being
,"To all their faults a little blind,
And to their virtues ever kind,"
And placing their padlocks on the mind, and not on the limbs
of its subjects. This, he felt, was the course by which the
peace and tranquillity of the empire would be secured, and by
which all parties in the empire would he conciliated, notwith-
standing publie meetings, however numerous, or the arts of
men devoid of principle, or the sordid agitators, or the designs
of priests, who were alternately the dupes, and the tools, and
the tyrants, now of the multitude, then of the leaders. With
respect to that Commission to which his Noble Friend had re-
ferred, he must express his satisfaction. It was presided over
by a nobleman worthy of the office, but a most difficult investi-
gation hail been entrusted to hint. He ( Lord Brougham) did
not think there was any foundation for a hope which a portion
of his Noble Friend's speech was likely to create in the minds
of the inhabitants of the:sister country with respect to the re-
sult of the Commission. Property, it had been well said by his
lamented friend, Mr. Drummond, had its duties; as well as its
its rights. But the duties were imperfect obligations ; the
rights were perfect obligations. however he might la-
ment when he saw persons not disposed to perform
those duties of imperfect obligation, namely, kindness, long
suffering towards the poor tenants, yet any attempt. to enforce
slttat wenonfl
d starvation,
unhinge
society—it yet h e could I
wouldd not
destroy nipel thatth e
m
their right would only lead to worse evils. However much he
might lament seeing a rich man refuse to assist a person lying
beafnor
teohim
do s too. a
sacred, inviolable, and absolute right of property. He there-
fore could not see that much hope was to be derived in this
respect from the Commission to which he had referred, unless
means were adopted which would only lead to worse results.
He could not pass over in silence that part of her Majeste's
speech which referred to her friendly relations with foreign
Powers. Her Majesty justly expressed her confidence in the
continued friendly assurances of foreign Powers, and before all,
on the friendly intercourse and good understanding between
this Government and that of the French, and he would add,
between the people of this country and those of France. On
this subject he must be permitted to make a few observations,
because to improve that precious understanding tended
'to promote the great and blessed work of peace.
He would begin by expressing, what he was sure all
who were acquainted with the late proceedings in France
must feel, his great admiration of the able, the honest, the
virtuous, and above all the unshrinkingly firm conduct of the
French Minister, M. Guizot. He was a man illustrious in
letters and science, es well as politics, and who appeared
fated in every year that pased over his head to add new claims
to the respect and affection of his fellow-men in France, in
Europe, and in the rest of the world—whose conduct was above
all praise, especially his unshrinking determination of pur-
pose when assailed by a more unnatural union of factious, or
the elements of fictions, than had existed since the enormity
of the French Convention in 1794. Against them he had
nevertheless maintained his ground, and manfully and honestly
dared his enemies to attack him; but if he was to go a
step further and ask if this great Minister was also a great
friend to England, if he was to inquire whether they, as
Englishmen, had any particular reason to commend him or be
grateful to him, excepting as a friend of peace, he could not
extend his panygeric to him by any manner of means. When
he said he was said to be an able Minister, firm of purpose,
of unshrinking determination, faithful to the French Crown
that he served and the French people whom he loved, there
he agreed with him, but if he was asked to add that he was a
Minister devoted to this country arid adopting our
wishes, there he must demur. He knew not the' negotiations
that had taken place between M. Gthzot and his Noble Fr:end
opposite (Lord Aberdeen), but he could form a pretty good
conjecture that his Noble Friend had never had to deal wills
any one Minister, either of France or any other country, with
whom he had more difficulty to steel, lie beieg perfectly a good
Frenchman, zealously attached to the Crown and people, whom
he served; but what should be said of those enemies of peace
who were seeking to stir up in the proud, the gallant, but sus-
ceptible people of France, or lie should rather say of Paris than
of France, every slumbering ember of hatred to this country
which they could hope to fan into a flame. That people had
suffered toe much, and felt too deeply from the events of the
late war not to be susceptible. In those events they had no
share ; they were not to blame; in them they had shown no weak-
ness but in which they were led on by a tyrant and a conqueror
almost to their ruin, though under That man they performed
all but miracles. 'That they should he .&uscept ible beyond all
people of ancient or modern times was not surprising, but what
was the duty of honest men if they pretended to be leaders?
What was the duty of honest statesmen if they thought of their
country, of truth, and of humanity, rather than of their own
factious purposes? It would be to guide this susceptible people
to a better state of feeling—to soothe and calm those susceptible
emotions, arid to inculcate every principle of peace, and to turn
them away from all those exaggerated feelings of hostility.
What did they do? they dil none of all this ; they even did
the reverse of all this ; they stirred up every sore place, and
inflamed every slumbering ember of hostility towards this
country. They degraded themselves by every species of mis-
represetitation. both as to this country and Fiance ;
and all this did not arise out of hatred to peace or dis-
like. or England—not from any ardent feeling of affection
towards France, but from contempt for the people who cowl t
be duped by such falsehoods, and out of hatred to the Govern-
ment of which they did not form a part. It was not from con-
tinued dislike of England, but from a hearty and honest dislike
of the gloomy shades of Opposition in which they were placed.
—( Great laughter)—and out of an ardent and zealous love,
not of glory or of France, but an earnest, an ardent, and a
zealous desire to be transplanted from that shade to the sunny
eminence of power.—(Laughter.) These were the motives of
that detestable party of intriguers, still more despicable agi-
tators, who had lately, for the thousandth time, endeavoured to
disturb the good understanding between the two countries.
But they did not know ;he people ,if France. That people had
far too much acuteness and too much refieetion to be duped
and misled—that people knew its own glory, and felt proud ofits
ancient renown—it remembered its great aehienetnents in arts,
sciences, and letters—it knew that for ages it had counted by
its triumphs its years of existence as a nation. Satiated, there-
fore, with military, as well as civil glory, the French people
would not suffer themselves to be led in search of new laurels,
which to them would be as useless as to his Noble Friend the
Illustrious Duke opposite. As he passed much of his time
amongst that people, he thought it his duty to give their Lord-
thips
the opinions he had gathered from the purilie neesisapers.
He would then refer to the ppkgraph in leer Aiaj..cly'‘ speech
referring to the importance and necessity of maintaining the na-
tional esedit—it was a most just sentence that was eo introduced
in the royal-epee& A; exact performance of all engagements