The Sun.
London, England, 1828-02-02 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF Tlll UDLiC JOURNALS.

Reports are various as to the manner in which
the Command-in-Chief of the Army, recently vacated
by the First Lord of the Treasury, is about to bss
filled up. Many persons have said that a cornms
sion will be appointed, and that it will consist of
Lord Hill, Lord Fitzrssy Somerset, and Sir Herbert
Taylor. It must be some bitter enemies of the Duke
of Wellington who have circulated so seandalous
report. If his Grace was called upon, as he himself
admitted, by the unanimous voice of his colleagues,
and (as he did not think necessary to 'acknowledge)
by the loud and eager remonstrances of the people,
to release them from the chains of a military-govern•
ment, it could not be meant either by those of die
Ministers who declarssi their real sentiments, or by
any man in England who was not a Minister, that a
merely nominal surrender of the command in chief
would suffice to satisfy the country, or that the Duke
of Wellington would have one jc less controul over
the army, and less military patronage at his disposal,
daring the ostensible Administration of Lord .H;11,
the Noble Duke's former Lieutenant and protege,
and of Lord Fitzroy Somerset, his Secretary to in a
very hour, than while the latter Officer bore only
the tide of Secretary, and his Grace that of Chief
Commander. It is impossible, we repeat, to believe
that the Duke of Wellington can lend himsef to so
complete a fraud upon the nation, when such h:air
claims, and just ones, as we are anxious to in
them, have been made by his Grace's Parliamet try
advocates, for manly, upright, and straight:tin d
proceedings, on the part of this successful
.Officer.
We repeat once more, that such a trick is now in-
credible, as if actually attempted would be into-
lerable, viz. the putting of two men of straw to exe-
cute under his eye, but on their own responsibility,
the Administrative manoeuvres which he was to dic-
tate, and for purposes of which he only, their patron
and commanding officer, was to judge. No, we
cannot . believe that even if the Duke of Wel.
lington were so little scrupulous with regard to
principles
(a suspicion which we disavow and depre-
cate), he could, even for the sake of appeal antes, be
so incautious as this paltry subterfuge would suppose
him. He is told that the military position w high
he had chosen is at once dangerous and indecent,
while he has certain duties to discharge in Downing-,
street ; and his Grace, in a panic of decorum, does—
what ? Does he bond fide withdraw his person
from the Horse Guards ? No, never an inch, say
his calumniators; but instead of standing
front" as heretofore, he turns simply to the right-
about, and exhibits his hinder parts to the public in
the shape of a pair of military ptoxies. New, we
protest.against the imputation of meaning any slight
to these gallant and distinguished gentlemen. No
men have behaved better in. their respective stations
before an enemy, than Lord Fitzioy Somerset and
Lord Hill; but we put it to their o,.vsi common
sense, whether they arc not the last men in the
kingdom to be intrusted with a power which the
Duke of Wellington ought not to exercise ? There
seems, however, besides the reasonableness of the
thing, good ground for suspecting that no such ar-
rangement as that to which we demur has been roe
ditated, much less actually settled. More than one
high independent name has been mentioned for tl]e
office. But if Lord Donoughmore be too indolent,
and rather too much advanced in years; and if Lord
Rosslyn should object to its bringing him into a
closer contact than might be desirable with ;:o mixed
a Ministry, what objection could be made to such a
man as Lord William Bentinck, provided his Lord•
skip would, for so great a public object, forego his
lucrative but irksome Government in the East
• Lord William Bentinck's appointment to the contra
mand of the army would, we make bold to say, he
esteemed alike honourable to the Duke of Well ng-
ton and to himself, and would inspire the country
with confidence.—Times.

It affords us much pleasure to hear,—but to sea
it will be doubly gratifying,—that the gallant Duke
at the head of- the Treasury has determined to
smash all political jobbers, and to cut away, with a
bold and sinewy arni, the whole vile system of cot-.
rupt merchandise in places of trust, and in honour-
able as well as lucrative promotion. Let him, like
the great and Noble Lord St. Vincent, but fairly
by this enterprise, and his fame for moral courage
will soon eclipse the brightest radiance of his mili-
tary renown. Let-him succeed in it against an in-
triguing Court (all Courts are so),—against an aris-
tocracy at once greedy, haughty, intolerant, and
supple,—against the importunate remonstrances of
friends, the ungrateful sneers of neutrals, or oi'mar-
ketable enemies, and in behalf of a suffering, but dis-
criminating, and honest people,—and no reputation
that ever adorned the page of English history can
stand a comparison with that of Arthur, Dule of
Wellington,. for the good which he will have
achieved, and for the glory, both individual and na,
tional, which future ages will associate with his
name, to the most distant generations. In the
mean time,—to descend to a more ignoble, though
not an irrelevantsubject,—is it true that ilMr. Basil
Montagu has been put in nomination for the vacant
Welch Judgeship ? We ask the question, beaus,
it leads to a second, viz.—is this appointment aob ?
And if so, whose job is it ? Not Lord LyndhurX3
—not the Prime Minister's own job, we are sure.
Can we go higher ? or ought we ? Odd stories are
about, concerning amiable but somewhat oldish re-
collections, not perhaps quite giave enough to jus-
tify such a promotion of such a barrister, who, we
are informed, never went a circ:iit in his life. Would
it not excite a curious mixture of emotions, to see
an illustrious personage give way to histrionic syto-
pathies of such ancient standing as 1790, and re-
suming the once-loved attributes of " Hal," pro-
mote an old Hinchinhroke comrade of the buskin,-
after thirty-eight years, into " Mr. Jusiicc. Shal-
low?"—lbid.

We are glad to see the regret expressed by nearly
all the Provincial Papers of character, at the seces-
' sion from the Government of the Whig Members.
A general apprehension in entertained, that those
Members of the Government who entertain more
liberal opinions than their collj?agues, will be enabled
to give etfect to them, on account of the preponde-
'
ranee of the others. " Who does not know well,"
says The Scotsman, " that all which was accom-
plishedortwo
moderatecountryfortheNl,higs into 'ts a
the
cab ii; admissionof a
oe
v
Tories, to enable them to stand their ground against
an apparently infuriated band of Ultra Tories ?.......
The Whig infusion is again thrust out—which is not
inl of
e'
r oneat
discreditable to them, since it seems only to prove
their sincerity and consistency." Tlte Dublin Even-
ing Post, in •like manner, regrets
" the secession of
give
those Members who could to Mr. Huskisson's
principles effect and support. We think, in fact,
Lord Lansdowne, Lord Carlisle, and Mr. Tierney
Ns'ould do more for the cause in which Mr. tltr.i-,
kisson has laboured 6,
strenuously, than Lord 13a.
thurst, Lord Melville, and Mr. Henries. Agreeing,
as the medera te Whigs and liberal Tories did, on all
f
principles. o commerce and of foreign and domestic
polio', it is yet to be explained why there was a se=
paation between them. Again, it is yet to be ex-
t,p,ined why Mr. H 1,- us -isson, even on personal
go"nds) coalesced with the bitter enemies of
his late friend Mr. ithdrew
tanning, and w
from that party who came to the aid of
that friend in his hour of trial, and sus-
stained him against half the Aristocracy and ail the
Tories of England." The same Journal, in an article
in a former number, seems to think that the seed.,
ing Members have riot been properly supported b 7
the Press on this occasion. The Whigs, says our
Contemporary, " have been described, we shall not
say how truly, as a. party that have short memories
as to their friends, and long ones as to their eilmie3.
It is certain, we believe, that they have not the in.
clination, even if they had the means, of attracting
personal friends. They are said to be haughty and
:epulsivc, and aristocratic in the most unple,isant ac-
.:.eptation of the term." The great fault we find
.with the Whigs, is their want of knowledge of the
strong hold they have of the country. We ha-..e
more than once stated, that the Newspapers through-
out the country, takinL, the Dumber circulated, are

ten to One in their favour. The Tory. Papers are,
in fact, confined to the agricultural districts, and are
chiefly supported by county advertisements. But
wherever there is a dense population, the News-
papers are liberal ; and, in fact, the middle orders
are nearly all in their favour. Bttt the. Whigs act
as if they Were unaware of this. But.' they who
wish the end should 'wish also the means. The
Press dare not desert those who do their duty to the
people ; and the people are too enlightened in the
present day, not to be able to distinguish between
their real and their pretended friends.—Morning

The Cblnch of England. comprehends somewhat
between one-third and_ one-fourth of the inhabitants
of the United Kingdoms ; but, strange to say,
those constituting this fraction of the population,
are the only persons admissible by law to offices of
trust under Government. The Dissenters of Eng-
land, as well as the Irish Catholics, and the whole
Scotch nation, are a sort of half-aliens. The Dis-
senters and Scotch, it is true, are only stigmatised
as unworthy of admission to offices under Govern-
ment, for in practice they are admitted to serve
their country, and condescendingly screened by their
superiors every year from the consequences of vio-
lating the law. Orthodoxy is an excellent thing no
doubt, and if the Church.of England can bring over
all the people to a right way of thinking in spiritual
matters, so much the better. But if the Dissenters'
are as good citizens as their-brethren of the Esta-
blishment---nay, if, as was attempted to be shown
some years ago, by a Mr. Israel Worsley, we owe to
the Dissenters the establishnient of almost all our
successful manufactures, that is, all which give us a
superiority over other nations, there seems no good
realion why their notions with respect to another
world should be made a handle for oppressing them
'in this. We trust the Dissenters will see the ne-
cessity of making common cause with the Catholics,
with a view to' obtain the repeal of the laws which
seek to humiliate and degrade them. The Test and
Corporation Laws, and the remnant of the Penal
Laws, rest on the same foundation. The Dis-
senters suffered themselves to be excluded in their
anxiety to exclude the. Catholics from power ; and
as long as the enemies of both can keep them di-
vided, neither will succeed in the oltect of obtain-
ing the repeal of the obnoxious laws. We believe
both the Dissenters and Catholicsate,, now fully aware
of this truth, and that, with the exception of a few
men who may be said to dream rather than live in
our times, retaining the prejudices of their great
grandfathers, the Catholics and Dissenters perceive
that they have one cause and one enemy. We have
heard, from what we consider good authority, that
it is in contemplation to attempt a Bill, incorpo-
rating the claims of the Catholics and Dissenters,
and that the Miirquis of Lansdowne, Mr. Spring
Itice, and other individuals enjoying the confidence
of both, have expressed themselves strongly in fa-
vour of such a measure. Lord Rossmore, whose
powerful speech at the Meeting of the British Ca-
tholics created so great a sensation, has also warmly '
recommended the measure.—lbid.

It would be seen, by the debates in the Lords on
Thursday, that his Majesty's Ministers do not intend
to bring in a bill to alter the laws, that affect tin
Catholics. This disclosure, on the part of the Duke
of Wellington, accounts, we think, for the dissolu-
tion of the late loinistry. .Buf probably. the Minis-
ters wait to see what sort of propositions the Catho-
lics themselves will make, before they decide on
what they mean to do. It is not impossible but
that, if the Catholics should ask for something of a
reasonable natures—something would be done to re-
lieve them, something that should admit Messrs.
O'Connell and others into Parliament, and the
highest offices in the State. In fact, all that the Ca-
tholics want is an alteration in the present oath,—
which oath, in order to enable any man to take his
seat in Parliament, is to the. effect thit 44-the Cacho-
lie religion is idolatrous and damnable." This is the
sum and substance of what by the Catholics is
called a denial of civil and religious liberty and
certainly civil liberty is denied, if by civil
liberty is meant a denial of the competency of
Catholici to become Members of Parliament, &c.
As to religious liberty, the Catholics cannot pretend
►hat they want that. We would recommend them,
in their speeches, to leave out the word "religious,"
when they use the phrase " civil and religious li-
berty," for they, in common with everybody else in
the United Kingdom, have a complete liberty of re-
ligious worship. And, as it regards civil liberty, the
great mass of the Catholics arc no worse off than
the great mass of Protestants; for.to how very few
Protestants is either the Parliament, or the highest
effiees in the law open 2- But then the Catholics say,
if you have a, lottery with a few prizesdou should
make us eligible to the prizes'as well as the blanks.
There may he something in this.—Morning Herald.

Mr. Brownlow said the other night. that two-
thirds of the people of Ireland were unemployed.
Then why do the Irish landlords absent themselves ?
Why do they not reside on the demesnes, and
employ the people, and spend what money they
receive among them ? Why do they not give these
unemployed people some of the uncultivated land,
of which there is plenty in Irehmd, to cultivate 'as
their own? Or why not let them have it at little or
no rent? 'Why wall in their extensive demesnes,
and not suffer a person to walk through them without
I.!ave, or to pick lip so much as a loose stick to
bith ? Why are such mountains and bogs unin-
h tbitcd ? because they will not let the poor unem-
Plevel live on or cultivate theta. Suppose, an
absentee, possessed of 50,000/. a-year, lived on his
demesne, and spent his 50,000 i. a-year among those
who paid him his rent, would not that expenditure
alone cause a village or almost a town to arise ?
And yet, for the want of such expenditure, no vil-
lage or town does arise ; no middle men, as grocers,
bakers, butchers, fishmongers, ironmongers, &c. &c.;
if the 50,000/. a-year be spent in France or elsewhere
it is no wonder that in Ireland there should be a
w int of villages, towns, and middle men. In all
pats of Ireland we have seen extensive demesnes
walled round, into which no one could enter without
an order from the owners. We should say to the
Irish orators, " Live at home, and spend your money
at home, and be the cause for the ri:e oi middle men,
aid see raised around you towns and villages. Do
this, and lOse not your time, your money, your repu-
tation, your honesty, and health, in either Paris orl
London, at such places at Crockford's. Do this,
and then Mr. Brownlow would see whether two-
thirds of the people of Ireland would-be long unem-
ployed."--/bid.

:
We have always been. ed to consider that it was
one of the principles of the Constitution that the
appointment of Judges was vested in the Crown as
a pledge and the responsibility that none but comp&
tent persons should be in situations to dispense the
laws, on the due execution of which the lives and
liberties of so many of the
_dependS.
King's subjects
If the fact, however, were inquired into, it would be
found that nine-tenths of the persons tried for crimi-
nal offences have their cases adjudged by persotts
over whose appointments and. whose competence tlif
Crown has no control ; and we believe it would alsp
.turn out that no small proportion of
the apPlicatiotis
which are made to the Crown, through the Secre-
tary of State for the Home Department, for the re-
versal or modification of sentences, is from the ad-
judications of persons who ought never to be Judges
at all. In corroboration of this opinion we need only
appeal to the multitude of prisoners tried at the dif-
ferent. Quarter Sessions throughout the kingdom, b,
what are called the Chairman, chosen by the Magc_
strates, and by the different Recorders, of the nume-
rous borough towns, many of whom are appointee
for mere election purposes. Strange to say, too, in
the very metropolis of the empire, the same, if not
a greater proportion of the criminal cases, are tried
by persons over whose appointment and competency
the Crown has no manner of control. In the me-
tropolis, where, generally speaking,
the most imporr
tant criminal cases occur, much fewer criminals are
tried by the T iv elve Judges thanin any other county
of the kingdom ; while a great majority are consigned
to the adjudication of persons nominated by the

Common
.couneil of the City of London. Without
meaning in any degree to question the competence
of persons so appointed, we cannot help thinking
that the whole of this practice, both as regards the
City of London and the Recorders and Chairmen of
the Sessions throughout the kingdom, is one of those
anomalies and abuses, which those who are taking
in hand the reform of the Criminal Law would do \yell
to.pay attention to. It seems a monstrous absurdity
that a few tinkers and tailors, or the Parliamentary
patron in a borough town, should be empowered to
name a judicial officer, vested with the highest pre-
rogative of the Crown; and still more so, that a cor-
porate body, famed for no mighty share of wisdom
in its own Contracted sphere, should be able to ap-
point the Judges to_preside over the criminal cases
occurring in Middlesex and Westminster, to
which their charter, beyond the election of She-
riff, in no respect, extends. At present, the
attendance of Judges at the Old Bailey Sessions
seems little more than nominal. Though three
of them, it is true,- attend each Session,- in ro-
tation, they seldom try more than one=tenth of the
prisoners ; while the rest are tried by persons very
competent, probably, • to the duties they undertake,
but deriving their appointments from a quarter which
does not give that assurance to the country which
it would receive were it derived from that source
which can alone be looked up to as conferring au-
thority, and ensuring due responsibility on so mo-
mentous a subject. But if the practice we allude
to is objectionable in the metropolis, how much more
so must it become in the provinces, where, removed
front the seat of Government, and that watchffil eye
which the Press keeps over abuses, • even Justice 'it-
,:elf may run riot if so inclined ? Though we are' no
advocates for,extending the influence or the, patron-
age of the Crown unnecessarily, we cannot help
thinking that it would add greatly to the improve-
ment of the criminal law if no one were allowed to
exercise its highest judicial functions without a di-
rect authority front the Crown hell., If there are
not Judges enough to perform the King's service,
let more be appointed ; but do not let us see their
places in the country supplied by 'the mere nominees
of the Lords-Lieutenant and great landowners,
.or in
the. Metropolis by the Caprice of the Middlesex
Justices, or the Absolute Wisdom of the not .very
wise Corporation: of the City of London.--/bid.
Lord John Russell has given notice of a motion,
on the 21st instant, for the repeal-of the Corporation
and Test Acts. It is not becauseour fears of his
powers of conviction are very alarming, that we ad-
vert to this attack on the integrity of the Church.—
We believe the House is not disposed to be corn-in-.
ced, and we know that the country will not be per-
suaded, by any arguments or exhortations which he,
and those who think as he does, are capable of em-
ploying, to overthrow one of the bulwarks of our
Establishment. But we think the best way to meet
this, and all similar attempts, is by fair, open, and
undisguised opposition in limine, to show those who
make the, attempt that they can as little hope to
steal.upon us by surprise as to beat us down by force.*
Wlien observing on the petitions for the repeal of
those Acts last year, we said that it would be
to us a most strange state of affairs to have a
national church, and, at the same time, to grant to
it no distinctive preference. We are still of the
opinion that to keep up the form of an- establish-
ment, while no preference should be shown to its
adherents over those who are its most inveterate
foes, would be a most grievous absurdity. If the
politicians who move for the repeal of the Test Act
would speak oat—if they would honestly confess
that their design is ,to destroy the Chinch of Eng-
land—we should know how to encounter them. But
while they are labouring heart and hand for that ob-
ject, they are offering up, at the same time, the
most zealous lip-service to the purity of her doc-
trines, to the dignity of her service, and to their
perfect accordance with the sacred volume whence
they are derived, and with.the wants of the people
of England- for whom they are maintained. By
placing sectaries of. all classes and denominations—
Roman Catholics excepted—on a footing of equality
with the Established Church, we are saying in so
many words, that every form of Christianity
from that which differs but by a few slight
'shadings from the Established Church, to that ,
which is wholly oppoSed to her principles and prac-
tice, is equally entitled—not to the toleration which
They most amply eifloy—not to the protection which
is most cheerfully accorded—but to the encourage-
ment of the Civil:Magistrate, which neither reason
nor scripture, any more than. the present laws, de-
dare to -be ieir due, and which the Magistrate, if
he listen to reason or religion,.must, in proportidn
as he is an honest and pious man, feel disposed to
withhold. Holir' we would ask, could Parliament,
having abolished all distinctions between the Unita-
rian and the-Bishophaving said that the one was
as deserving of the favour of the people cf England
as the other—how could it avoid the conclusion
which the Unitarian would, in that case, most na-
turally and logically draw, that he was equally en-
titled to the revenues of Episcopacy as to its ho-
nours ? In all concessions there is a point where a
halt must be made—where prayers and petitions, how-
ever fervent, must meet with a decided, steady nega-
tive. If it can be shown that the religious freedom
of any sect, whose opinions are worthy of regard, is
trenched upon by the present laws, we should be
most willing,. in such a case, to grant all practicable
relief. If this cannot be shown, we say to the advo-
cates of the Dissenters, the point where concession
must end has been attained ; you pass no farther., A
great deal has been said about the perseverance of
these petitioners;' that it will wear out opposition;
that we must yield at last ; and that it is, therefore,
useless to contend. To the assertion that we must
yield, there is no replying; we cannot oppose our
destiny. But even if it be so, let us hold fast our
birthright while we may ;.let us yield on necessity
only. That necessity may not come very soon;
perhaps it will tarry all our time; and when it does
come, it will bring its rule of action along with it. Our
task is to provide against the probable in human
events, not against the possible.—New Times.

Very little business was transacted in Parliament
last night. In the Lords, the Marquis of London-
derry called the attention of the House to the late
intemperate and reprehensible proceedings of the
Irish Catholic Association, which, in defiance of an
Act of the Legislature, continues to meet and propa-
gate its mischievous sentiments. He had said on a
former occasion, that friendly as he was to the cause
of the Catholics, if he found them resorting to any
attemptao furthur that cause by means of intimida-
tion, he for one should feel it his duty to desert it.
That declaration he must now repeat. The re-
solution of the. 'Catholic Association which had
extorted thise observations froth him, was to the
effect, that they would consider as an enemy
'of Ireland, any Irish Member who should di-
rectly or indirectly support an Administration
having the Duke of Wellington, or any man of
similar principles, at its head. Now he considered
this as a complete attempt at intimidation, and cal-
culated or intended to answer no other purpose than
that of exciting the passions and producing acts of
violence among
an ignorant population; and he
therefore felt it his duty to deprecate such conduct,
as the friend alike of -the tranquillity of Ireland, and
of the cause which must sustain extensive injury
.from it. We have ourselves already called the
serjous attention of the public to the inflamma-
tory and outrageous proceedings alluded to by the
Noble Marquis; and have now only to offer our
thanks to his Lordship for having brought the sub-
ject under the view and consideration of Parlia-
ment. In, the commons, Sir John Newport pre-
sented some Catholic petitions; and Lord Palmer-
stun gave notice that he should, on Monday, move,
in a Committee of the whole House, for a special
grant of Supply ; but observed) in reply to a ques-
tion by Mr. Hume, that he should not enter into
any details in the absence of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. lhe disftppointment to the Opposition
must have been extreme, when they learned that
the Duke of Wellington had never, for one moment,
entertained the intention of retaining the command
of the Army, together with the exalted political

office of First Lord of the Treasury:.. So confidently
had they calculated upon this, as a fertile topic of
factious declamation, that we find their Leader in
the House of Commons clinging to it, not as a
drowning man will snatch at a straw, but rather as
an insane man will sometimes grasp at a sha-
dow, long after it was universally known in every
third-rate political circle in the Metropolis, that
the Duke of Wellington had actually resigned
the office of Commander in Chief, and about
fourteen days after we had announced by authority
that the duties of this important office were to be
executed by Commission. The idea of the union
of the two offices pervades every part of the Learned
Gentleman's speech on the opening of the Session.
He felt, no doubt, that he could not do without it,
and that his—even his—ample resources and.abuti-
dant experience in the arts of faction would not suf-
fice, if deprived of this darling theme, to enable him
to get up any thing like a decent speech in opposi-
tion to the present Administration. But the out
of doors adherents to the Opposition have an inge-
nious arriere pensee upon the subject, upon which
they are instructed to insist : and this brilliant
thought is, that the command of the army is still
substantially to be in the hands of the Duke of
Wellington, or that the patronage connected with
the office of Commander-in-Chief, which these pre-
tended Liberals very naturally consider as the most
important and valuable adjunct to the command,
is still to be at his disposal. That promotion
in the army is to be the reward of political subser-
viency to the Administration—that Parliament is to
be corrupted, and the Army degraded by means of
the union of Powers in the person of the Duke of
Wellington—are the opinions which these emissaries
of faction are obviously striving to diffuse throughout
the country. The people of England, have how-
' ever too much good sense to believe this factious in-
sinuation, and their whole indignation will be reser-
ved for its authors. The Coinmission to which the
command of the army is to be entrusted will of
course consist of the friends of the Duke of Wel-
lington and of the present Administration; not be-
cause they are expected to abuse
.their high powers
for political purposes, but because men worthy to be
entrusted with such powers are not to be found, who
are not. the friends of the Duke of Wellington,
and of the present Administration. The posi-
tion which the adherents of the Opposition
have thought fit to occupy in relation to this subject
is one which every man of candour and good sense
throughout the country perceives at once to be not
only factious but ridiculous. It is one, however,
from which they know they cannot be dislodged;
and this is much to them, unless by the appoint-
ment of a Royal Duke, which they believe to be at
present impracticable ; or perhaps, and it is to this
point their efforts probably are directed, by the re-
storation of Sir Robert" Wilson" to his former rank,
and by his appointment as one of the Commissioners
for the command of the British Army. Neither of these
expedients to secure the confidence of the Opposition
will or can be adopted, and they must therefore be left
to rail and to suspect, to their own entire satisfac-
tion. The British people will not, however, rail or
suspect in compliance with their desires, and' under
the influence of their slanderous insinuations. It
will quickly be perceived by the nation that the
Administration of the Duke of Wellington is too
strong-to need the aid of any sinister or unconsti-
tutional influence; nor will the nation easily forget
that the Duke of Wellington has already held the
command of the Arniy, together with a seat in the
Cabinet, and that during this period no suspicion was
ever breathed of the patronage of the Horse Guards
having been prostituted to political purposes, or of
any thing having been done or attempted which jus-
tified the idea that it might have sprung from any
other motive-than a sincere desire to promote the
welfare and the perfection of the military service of
Great Britain.—Mo.rning Post.