The Sun.
London, England, 1828-02-07 00:00:00

SALE OF GAME.

Lord WLIATINCLIFTE said, that in the course of last
Session there was a Bill on their Lordships' table, respect-
ing the Sale of Game, which he bad thought it his duty to
oppose. He had thought that a Committee ought to have
been appointed f-r :a.quiry into the state of the taw, as it
affected the sale of Game, and that the result of such an
inquiry would have led to the bringing in of a Bill that
would have met with the approbation of the House; this
opinion he still entertained, and he therefore begged to give
notice, that on an early day he should move the House to
appoint such a Committee.
The House adjourned at a few minutes past five.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, FEBRUARY 6.

The House met at four o'clock.

Mr. HE ARIES, Mr. M. FITZGERALD, Sir JOHN
BEctcrr, and another Member, took the oaths and their
Seats.

Mr. GREEN brought in the England and Wales Tithe
Commutation Bill, which was read a first time and or-
dered to be read a second time on Thursday the 14th inst.

CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION.

Mr. A. ELLIS presented petitions in favour of Catho-
lic Emancipation from Naas and New Bridge in the county
of Kildare, and from a parish in the county of Kilkenny.
Major General KING, in presenting a similar petition,-
said that he entirely differed from the sentiments it ex-
pressed, but as it was respectfully worded, and respectably
signed, he felt it his duty to present it to the House—he
also felt himself called on to say a few words respecting
the subject of it, as he was one of those denounced by au
illegal association as an enemy to his country, because be
supported the present Government. The Catholic Associa-
tion might continue their denunciations ; but of this he
was certain, that he would never be intimidated by any
men, or by any party, from prosecuting that line of
conduct which hie conscience pointed out.—(Hear,
hear, hear. )—He placed the fullest confidence in
the distinguished individual now at the head of his Ma-
jesty's Government, and he was convinced that ke would
be as tenacious of the interests of his country in the Ca-
binet as he was of glory in the field, He had been a witness
to his valour; he had served under him, and observing
the energy and coolness displayed in the midst of danger,
it was but fair to conclude that the Noble Duke would
anxiously exert himself to preserve his country in that happy
state which his own achievements had procured for her.
The Gallant General did not see how the statements in the
petition could be entitled to any credit. How, for instance,
could the violation of the Treaty of Limerick, entered into

140 years back, reduce Ireland to her present distressed
state? or how could the establishment of a Popish
Supremacy spread the blessings of contentment and
civilization throughout her laud.—(Hear, hear.)—After
alludinv to oso tLe isailent
Member said that he utterly diszegarded the menace and in-
timidation resorted to by the Catholics, echoed as they were
by Members in that House, who, with fire in their eyes and
paper in their hands, delivered such violent and astounding
speeches. For his own part he would not for the fee simple
of the county which he represented, yield to demands
urged in such an unwarrantable manner.
Sir JOHN BRYDGES was as much opposed to the
measure of Catholic Emancipation as be had ever been, and
if he had not been hostile to the demands of the Catholics,
the debates in their Association would made him so. Their
friends must admit that their cause is the cause now pur-
sued by that body. The measure so earnestly urged by
them, had, in his opinion, but little to do with the state of
Ireland, which wanted employment only to fill the pockets
of her inhabitants.

Mr. LEYCESTER rose to present a petition from a
parish in Ireland, in favour of the Catholic Claims.—.
He (Mr. Leycester) did not consider the army the best
school for a constitutional Minister. It was said the Duke
of Wellington possessed decision as a General, and therefore
it was inferred that he must possess decision as a Statesman.
As to his decision as a Statesman it was yet to be proved,
for his conduct on the Corn Bill last year, and the treaty
of Petersburgh were no great evidence of Statesmanlike de-
cision. With regard to the expression which had been
so much talked of, he did not think that it was a happy
selection. The phrase " untoward " was doubtless an am-
biguous one ; it was . " hinting a fault, and hesitating a
dislike ;" but it was not only awkward and ambiguous,
but in the highest degree unjust. So far from being an
untoward event, the battle of Navarin was a very " to-
ward " and auspicious event. It was likely to lead to a happy
arrangement in that part of Europe, and if the present Mi-
nisters should be able to arrive at that happy consummation,
their success would be in a great measure owing to the battle
of Navarin. There was another objection to the Duke of
Wellington, he was anti-catholic--he prevented Catho,
lic emancipation, and by so doing he prevented, capital
from flowing into Ireland, and thus perpetuated the poverty
of Ireland. Shoals of Irish came over in every steam-boat,
and threw themselves on the parishes here for subsistence.
Ragged legions of Irish actually invaded this country—their
rage were their armour—their poverty was their sharp-
edged sword, and by their miseries they invaded this
country, and waged war against its finances.

Nos saevior armis
Panperies urget miseramque uleiseitur Erin.

The petition was then brought up.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT said that the compliment paid
to the Duke of Wellington by the Hon. Gentlemen
with respect to his military character, was in accordance
with the feelings of the whole Empire. But, lie would ask,
did the Duke's military renown entitle him to confidence
as a Minister? Military and political abilities were two dis-
tinct things, and seldom found united. It had been thrown
out, however, that when Irish Members talked of the de-
gradation and distress which afflicted Irelanl, they attri-
buted too much to the effect produced by the remnant of
the Penal laws which remained tinrepealed. He (Sir
John Newport) had spoken so often on this snbject
within the last twenty-five years, that he was almost
ashamed to trouble them with the repetition of an
oft told tale ; but he was convinced—and the more he
thought on it the more convinced—that Catholic Emanci-
pation was of paramount importance to Ireland, and that
all the degradation and distress which existed in that
country, might be traced to the reluctance which was felt
towards a satisfactory adjustment of that question.
Sir T. LETHBRIDGE could not help directing the at-
tention of the House to the self-constituted body whichexisted in Ireland, issuing summonses and mandates to the
people of Ireland, and assuming all the formalities of a
Parliament. Latterly this body had taken the measure of
imposing a regular weekly assessment on the people of
Ireland. It was not yet known bow the fund thus 001-
lected would be applied, but he (Sir T. L.) thought it
wouldnot be long were the House would see that this
fund was applied to purposes to which this House could
not assent. Whilst this
illegal body existed, bullying the
g
Government, and threatening
and denouncing all those
Members who should support the Government happily
formed under the Duke of Wellington, he (Sir T. Leth-
bridge) thought that the Irish Members, for their own
consistency, were bound to vote against the Catholic Claims.
Whilst the system of intimidation was persevered in by the
Association, he trusted no Gentleman in that House
would be found to propose concession. As the
present Government had been spoken of by different
Gentleman, lie (Sir T. Lethbridge) took occasion to re-
mark, that he expected the most signal service to the coun-
try from the Administration lately formed. He prophe-
sied that the Ministry formed under a lamented statesman

could not stand two years ; and if it could not stand sup-
ported by that great man's tact and talents, of course i t
could not have stood without his aid. The Hon. Member
for Westminster (Sir F. Burdett) said the other night, that
the late Ministry had broken in pieces from its own diffi-
dence, but he (Sir Thomas Lethbridge) thought it was
broken in pieces by its own imbecility. From the present
Ministry, however, he expected that great advantages would
flow to the country.
Mr. SPRING RICE was willing to acknowledge that
the Honourable Baronet, who bad just sat down, was a
fair opponent of the Catholic Claims. Indeed, he was
willing to believe him the embodied opponent of those
claims. Great as was his respect for the Hon. Bart. and
the Gallant General, he did not believe them to be the best
judges of what was law. The Hon. Baronet seemed t,
think that the Catholic Association was illegal. In answer
to that proposition he (Mr. Spring Rice), would cab
up as a witness a Right Hon. Gentleman who, he was
sorry to see, had not yet taken his place in the House—
he meant the Right lion. the Home Secretary. The
Catholic Association had existed for years, whilst that Right,
Hon. Gentleman was at the head of the Irish Government ;
and if it were an illegal association it would have been his
duty, and no doubt he would have performed that duty, of
putting down that illegal association. There was Lord Man-
ners too.-- the late Chancellor of Ireland—would his Lord.-
ship, residing in Dublin, have allowed the Catholic Asso-
ciation to persist in its meetings, if it could have been put
down by the existing lass's. There was another ques-
tion in which the Honourable Baronet (Sir Thomas
Lethbridge) was deeply interested, generally called the Corn
question, and the Delegates from the agricultural counties
held their meetings in Palace-yard and discussed their
grievances, yet no body presumed to say that their meet-
ings were illegal. He asked for the same measure of
justice for the Catholic Association, as he was ready
to give the Hon. Bart, and Mr. Webb Hall.—(Laughter.)
He did not mean to defend the Catholic Association—he
deprecated the proceedings of that body ; it had a tendency
to produce a separation between the two countries, and, in-
deed, to produce mischief in every possible way. This lan-
guage was not new to him ; he had made use of the same
language at all times; even when abusing and opposing
that absurd and useless Act, which was passed for the pur-
pose of putting down the Catholic Association, and which
he supposed it was the intention of some Honourable
Members to press the Government to revive.—He
was for putting down all demagogues and agitators,
whether they held their meetings in the Palace Yard, or in
Dublin, but he was by no means certain, that this was to he
effected by coercive laws, which had frequently been tried,
but had never been found availing. The Government
might come down for leave to bring in a new Act
to put down the Association ; they might bring in an Act
to prevent reading, writing, or expressing opinions, but
they could not prevent thinking and feeling. He
was, indeed, a bold man, and an unfeeling one too,
who would refuse the oppressed and suffering the
power of making their complaints known. He wished
to deal courteously with his opponents, and he expected
the same courtesy in return. There had been one ob-
servation made, to which he could not but reply. It had
been suggested, that there had been a disinclination on the
part of the friends of the Catholic question to press it on
during the present session. This charge was, as regarded
both himself and his friends, entirely void of foundation ;
and they should be unworthy of their seats in that House,
if it were not so. He would appeal to the whole House,
whether the conduct of the party with which he acted had
not been uniformly the same, whether in office or out of
it? His feeling upon the petition presented to the House
would have been exactly the same, had he sat on the oppo-
site benches when it appeared as it was at present. The
question, indeed, of Catholic emancipation was too large
and too pressing an one to be made a question of party.
And God forbid that there should be a man in that House,
far less a Member connected with Ireland, who could make
any question in which the peace or interests of that
country were concerned, the means of annoying an admi-
nistration, or acquiring for himself a transient popularity.
it ii a 4 been urged by.those who twos.' ....ancipation. that
the remedy for the evils of Ireland was employment. But
as long as this grievance remained in issue, employment
would produce fresh opposition, and fresh resistance, rather
than peace. Reports were abroad, that the present Minis-
ters were to be neutral upon the Catholic question—that
the Administration had been formed upon the understanding
that they were to be so. The question would shortly come
before the House, which would then have an opportunity
of judging whether this neutrality was to be real or affected.
For himself, he stood there disposed to serve the country as
far as he could. He would support the new Administra-
tion in any measures which he believed likely to tend to
the common advantage ; and after this declaration, his
voice, perhaps, would have more weight in resisting those
of a contrary character, than if it were supposed that he
had fixed himself in downright uncompromising opposition;
Mr. FERGUSSON would give his cordial support to
those who advocatedCatholicEmancipation, &measure which
was in his opinion every thing to Ireland, and every
thing to England.—He would not have trespassed on
the House on the present occasion but for the feelings ex-
pressed by the Gallant General (King) who believed himself
to be one of those attacked by the Association, and who,
therefore, took the pains to dispute every allegation in the
petition which he had been entrusted to present. The
Hon. Member implored the House to grant now, whilst
they could do it with honour, what might be hereafter
wrung from their fears.
General KING explained—He begged to add the ex-
pressions of his satisfaction at the return to office of the
Right Honourable the Secretary of State for the Home De-
partment, who, he was stye, would not have accepted of
an appointment from any personal motives, but only with
a view to promote the advantage and prosperity of his
country. He (General King) might not be able to give a
very acute or correct opinion as to the legality or illegality
of such a body as the Catholic Association—but he would
leave it to the House to judge whether any body of men
should be tolerated in denouncing as enemies to the country
any Members who should support the Administration
formed by his Majesty.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT also explained.

Mr. LEYCESTER said that he had treated the sub-
ject as one of pounds, shillings, and pence ; and if he could
only matte that apparent to the people of England, he was
convinced that they would to a man become advocates for
Catholic Ewancipation.—(A laugh.)
Mr. FERGUCSON felt quite sure that no threats would
intimidate the Hon. and Gallant Member, (General King)
from the performance of that which he felt to be his duty.
For the Catholic Association, he thouglit, than its conduct
generally, no course of proceeding more destructive to the
Catholic cause could be imagined.
The petition was then ordered to lie on the table.

Mr. W. SMITH, in presenting a petition from Kil-
mayne, in the county of Mayo, in favour of Catholic claims,
adverted to a paragraph which had appeared in certain
newspapers, stating that the Dissenters of England had
formed a union with the Catholics of Ireland, for the pur-
pose of procuring the removal of religious disabilities. This
was not the case, no such union had been entered into.
Those who thought the Dissenters hostile to Catholic
emancipation would be mistaken ; the Dissenters were
friendly to that object, and he (Mr. W. Smith) had con-
stantly voted in favour of it. But the Dissenters wished
that each cause should be aided and promoted upon ita owi
merits.
The petition was then read, r.qici ordered to lie on the
table.

Sir G. COCKBURN laid upon the table the Navy Es-,
timates for the present year.—Ordered to be printed.
Mr. HUME presented a Petition from Mr. Robert
Gourlay, on the subject of Emigration.
TEST AND CORPORATION ACTS.

Mr. DENISON presented a petition irom;heDissenters
of Clapham, for the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts. The Hon. Member for Norwich, (Mr. W. Smith)
had stated, that there was no union formed between the
Catholics and the Protestant Dissenters. He (Mr. Deni-
son) wished that there were a general union of all the
talent and strength interested in the question, to procure
the removal of all religious disabilities.
Sir M. W. RIDLEY presented a petition from the Dis-
senters of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, praying the repeal of the
Test and Corporation Acts.

ABOLITION OF MESNE PROCESS.
Mr. HUME rose for the purpose of bringing a subject
before the House upon which he had made two motions in
the course of the last session—the abolition (upon mesne
process) of imprisonment for debt. The alteration which
he proposed upon the present system—that of increasing
the power of the Creditor over, the property of his debtor,
and limiting the opportunity to confine his person, was not

founded upon any vague or untried theory, but on a prac-
tice which had, for a very long time past, been the law o'
Scotland. In Scotland, no man could be imprisoned un-
less under the verdict of a court ; and yet, in Scotland
the amount of money recovered frcm bankrupts and per
sons similarly involved, was, in the proportion of OIL
pound to ten, greater than in this country. As the
law stood, every man in England was liable to be arrest,-
and carried to prison, on the mere oath of an individual
who might, or might not, have a just claim against him, an,
who might possibly be a person utterly unworthy of credit
Peers, and Members of Parliament, it was true, were ex-
empted from the scope of this enormous and unconstitu-
tional power, but upon grounds which to him (Mr. Itlume,
were by no means satisfactory. Imprisonment for del .
could under no circumstances be productive of advantage.
A man's body within Ibur walls could pay no debt, no,
raise the means of paying any debt. The right law wa
that, therefore, which gave the most complete power over
his property. From the present system followed Bankrup
Courts, Insolvent Debtors' Courts, and the like, that
which nothing could be more detrimental to commerce.
The Hon. Member then proceeded to read, from the re-
turns which .were last year laid upon the table of the
House, the number of persons then confined in the differeir
prisons, and contended it to be clear from these returns,
that arrests effected nay thing but the proposed end.
via. the payment of debts. It was absurd to sup-
pose that by confining a man within the walls of
prison was the way to make him pay his debts. Our
of the most glaring instances of the folly of this pro-
ceeding was the case of Mr. Haydon, who was prevented
by imprisonment from exercising his profession, for whom
a public subscription was entered into, and who, at a pub-
lic meeting, showed how short-sighted the persons were
who placed him in such a situation. He (Mr. Hume;
wished Hon. Gentlemen would apply Mr. Haydon's rea-
soning to the cases of others in a similar situation, hav-
ing professions to follow, and yet deprived of their
only resource, by being shut up in a prison. He
thought the subject in every point of view so ex-
tremely important, that sinless it were included in
the motion which the Honourable Member for Win-
chelsea was to bring forward to-morrow, he should cer-
tainly move for a Select Committee to inquire into it.
He would rather leave it in such hands than take it up
himself; and having said thus much he should content
himself with moving that there be laid before that House
a return of the number of prisoners committed to the pri-
sons of the King's Bench, Fleet, Whitecross-street, Mar-
shalsea, and Horsemonger-lane, in the year 1827 ; distin-
guishing those whose debt amounted to above 1001., to
between 501. and 1001., between 20/. and 501., and to
less than 201. Also, a return of the number of warrants
to arrest, granted by the sheriffs of London and Westmin-
ster and the Sheriff of Surrey, and the number of bailable
processes executed by them in the year 1827.
The motion was then put, and agreed to.
PUBLIC INCOME.

Mr. G. DAWSON moved, that there be laid before
the Mouse an account of the net public income of Great
Britain and Ireland, and also an account of the balance of
public money now in the Treasury.—Ordered.

COMMITTEE OF SUPPLY.

The House having formed itself into a Committee,

Mr. G. DAWSON moved that it appeared to the Com-
mittee, that a sum not cxeeeding 23,900,000/. should be
granted to his Majesty, to make good the Exchequer-bills
of last year.
Mr. HUME wished to know what these bills were. No
account of them had been laid before the House.

Mr. HERRIES said it was very easy to understand
the nature of these Exchequer-bills. The House had last
year allowed a number of Exchequer-bills to be issued in
order to pay off others. This vote, therefore, was only
carrying into effect what had been allowed last year.
Exchequer-bills to this amount had been allowed to be issued
last year, and of course they must be provided for. The
present vote merely said that tiloy should he charged upon
some aids : what these aids were to be, would be of course
settled in the Committee of Ways and Means.
lie. HUME protested that still he was unable to under-
stand the nature of the vote, and must beg of the Hon.
Baronet (Sir J. Wrottesley), and the Hon. Merchant (Mr.
Alderman Atkins) near him, whose votes were asked in
support of this resolution, to rise and tell him if they un-
derstood, what the meaning of that Right Hon. Gentle-
man's explanation was. If they voted the issue of bills,
they must either be paid in money or bills,—that was quite
clear. That he could understand. But he thought that
they ought to have a statement of the bills—of their dates_..
of the time at which they were to come due.

Mr. Alderman ATKINS thought the Hon. Member had
very clearly shown that he stood in need of no assistance
upon the subject.
Mr. HURST perfectly understood the nature of the
resolution.

Mr. HERRIES said that an account of these bills had
been laid upon the table, but that it had not yet been
printed. By the time they went into a committee upon
the ways and means, the account would be in the hands of
every body.
After a few words from Mr. lliaarcamt, which were
inaudible in the gallery,
Mr. HUME said, he thought that such large issues of
Exchequer bills was extremely dangerous.
Mr. HERRIES said this vote gave no power of issuing,
but of paying hills already out.
Mr. MABERLY agreed with his Hem. Friend (Mr.
Flume), that this species of debt by Exchequer bills was
extremely dangerous.
Sir J. WROTTESLEY (as we understood him, but he
was very indistinctly heard in the gallery) wished the
Right Hon. Gentleman to inform him if the Exchequer
bills now out had been issued for the purpose of meeting
the deficiency in 1826'

Mr. HER.RIES said, that papers would be laid upon
the table, he believed, that night, which would explain the
whole acconat. He did not exactly understand the Hon.
Baronet's question. There bad been no increase to the
unfunded debt last year. The papers, which would be
laid upon the table, would show the amount of the un-
funded debt. He believed it was about 27 millions.

Mr. MABERLY objected to the system of leaving the
sinking fund as a kind of permanent charge on the conso-
lidated fund. It had been held in that House, and very
justly, that a sinking fund ought to consist of our surplus
revenue ; and he had no doubt, at least so he hoped, that
it would be considered in that light by the Committee of
Finance about to be appointed.
Mr. HUME observed, that the practice hitherto adopted
with respect to the issue of Exchequer Bills was extrava-
gant. in 1825 eight millions of Exchequer Bills were
funded, to lighten the unfunded dt:bt. That was with the
understanding that the amount of unfunded debt would not
be increased; but since then we had by our extravagance
got back into debt as much as ever. Upon Bull a course
some effectual check should be established.
The resolution was then put and agreed to.

Mr. DAWSON next moved, that a sum not exceeding
734,200!. be granted to his Majesty to pay off and dis-
charge Exchequer Bills, advanced for public works, carry-
ing on fisheries, and building churches.
Mr. HUME said this vote was one example of, if he
might so call it, the folly of that House at a time when the
country was in debt and difficulties, in borrowing money
for the purpose of building churches, for people who, if
left to themselves, would make ample provision for their
wants in that respect. The million and a half thus voted
was no vote of his. He had not consented to any part of
it, hut he wished some means might be found to pinch
those country gentlemen who had consented to that vote,
and to make them feel the effect of such extravagant ap-
plications of the public money.
Mr. HERRIES said the sum granted for the purpose
mentioned by the Right Hon. Gentleman was limited, and
part of the sums now voted was the last of it.
Mr. DAWSON then moved that a sum not exceeding
5,000,0001. be granted to his Majesty, to discharge the
amount of supplies granted in the years 1823, 1821, 1825,
1826, and 1827—Agreed to.
Mr. IIUME asked (as we understood) when it was in-
tended to move for the vote of seamen, of which notice had
been given last night.
HERRIES answered on Monday..

Mr. HUME said that no vote ought to be asked, not only
until the estimates were in the hands of members, but until
sufficient time bad been allowed for their examination.
The House now resumed, and the report was ordered to
be received to-morrow.—Adjourned.

The workshops erected in the Green Park,
during the building of York-hone, have been pulled down.

Mr. GLADSTONE came forward to address th
freemen ; bat during the greater part of his addre,
he was inaudible where our reporter sat. We un-
derstood him to recommend again to their notice
Mr. Huskisson, who had ever been their
zealous advocate, and who, with soundness of
intellect and integrity of purpbse, had pursued
his liberal and enlightened views, confined
to no party; who had been ever attentive to their
interests, and anxious to promote their welfare. On
some of his measures, he (Mr. G.) had looked with
much jealousy, but he was satisfied that the Hon.
Gentleman, in fearlessly and independently, and from
a knowledge of the facts, advocating them, aimed
only at the good of the country ; he had gone into
neither of the extremes, he had not followed those
who desired the removal of all restriction, nor had
he given way to the fears of those who had from
constitutional adherence to custom, opposed all inno-
vation ; but with a just view of the state of the
country, and rightly weighing the claim of all parties
he had formed and brought forward such measures
as he thought beneficial. Mr. G., after some re.
marks upon the restrictions on the trade with China,
and other countries, concluded by proposing Mr.
Huskisson.

Mr.Tuoreen said he hoped he would be allowed
to come forward to address the Freemen, but was
for some reason or other prevented.
Mr. W. CURRIE said, as some difficulty had oc-
curred as to the right his friend had to address the'
freemen, he would take his place. Like him, he
was a Whig of the old school, and was one of those
who had given the Hon. Gentleman his vote at the
last election; he was also one of those who had
signed the requisition which was sent to the Hon.
Gentleman in September last ; he was also at a
meeting of that gentleman's friends, and had himself
proposed the resolution absolving the Hon. Gentle-
man on account of his state of health, and the im-
portant business he bad on hand, from appearing at
the hustinge to solicit their votes. He had been
much blamed for doing so ; he had been told it was
an infringement on an old constitutional principle,
which made it necessary for any candidate to appeal
before his constituents to undergo the ordeal of a
re-election ; but in doing so he was prompted by an
impulse which he feared not to avow. A short
time before that meeting Me. Gladstone had me.
tioned the very precarious state. of the Hon. Gentle-
man's health, and that was a sufficient reason fol.
not requiring his presence. The resolution was I
passed unanimously, and he was prepared to prove its
propriety. Since that time, however, circumo-..,,,
had alterediwithin the last month occurrences hadtaken
place, which rendered it imperative on the Hon.
Gentleman, both for his own credit and for the sa-
tisfaction of his constituents, to appear before them
(Cheers.)—He did not mean to say that there was
any want of confidence in the Hon. Gentleman's in,
tegrity ; he himself had not attended the two las
meetings of the friends of the Honourable Gentle-
men, but it was not that he thought the Hon. Gen-
tleman incapable of satisfactorily explaining his
conduct; but he did not wish to commit himself by
expressing any approbatiou of conduct which he
might afterwards find it his duty to condemn. He
would ask the Hon. Gentleman how it was that
those men, with whom he had been associated it
the Ministry—in that. Ministry without a part of
which no new Ministry could be formed—how it
was that those men had been allowed to fall to tit.
ground without any opposition from the Hon.
Gentleman. The measures which the Hon. Gen-
tleman had brought forward had been uniformly op-
posed by the men who stood in their shoes, and by
these men he had himself been called a rash inno-
vator. He thought the freemen of Liverpool hat'
a right to express a desire that such condue,
should be explained, on account of the gen-
tleman's own character ; and he expected that
the Hon. Gentleman came there prepared to
give such an explanation as would place him as lug,:
as ever in the estimation of his constituents.—
(Cheers.)—Whatever explanation might be given.
he assured the Honourable Gentleman lie woult
offer no opposition to his election; but he ryas anxi•
ous that it should be explained—though it might,
perhaps, be called a mere point of feeling, and In
was glad to know that there was some dissatisfac-
tion manifested amongst what were called the Ultra
Tories, as this gave some guarantee that the talents
of the Honourable Gentleman, the anxiety which,
he always had manifested for the good of the country.
his correct views on most subjects, had produced
their influence, and he would be permitted to pm-
sue the bright course be had hitherto run. (Cheers.)
One point on which some explanation was required,
was the Corn Laws. They had heard that the
Premier had stated, that a Bill was to be brought
forward in the present Session—not the same Bill
as the last, but on the same principle. But, if not
greatly altered from the last, it might as well not lat
brought forward; for as long as cash payments were
made, and be hoped any other mode would sever be
resorted to, the bill would be altogether inoperative.
The opinion of many who ought to know best was,
that the pivot would very little exceed fifty shil-
lings. He thought the Corn Laws would be as well
to remain as they were, for in a ease of emergency
the Minister might remove the restriction without
calling together the overgrown landlords. Another
subject he would like to have some information re-
garding, was whether any retrenchments were to be
made, the necessitfof which was evident, and the
country had a right to expect something to be done
to alleviate its condition. There was another sub-
ject, a local one, which he would just allude to be-
fo-e he concluded, and that was a species of blister
—(Loud laughter)—in the shape of au assessor or
taxes. In his remarks he did not mean to say any
thing personal of that gentleman, he was only a ser-
vant of the Commissioners, and he believed was
only doing his duty. It it were found necessary to
increase the the funds of a declining revenue he
would not object to the rigorous exaction of taxes;
but Liverpool had for many many years laboured
ender the burden of a partial assessment ; he would
not complain if their neighbours were subjected to
an equal taxation. The rack rent was, he
i
not, the most correct method, as it left nothing,
either to the discretion of the Commissioners or tin
favour of the assessor. He might recdto the recol-
lection of their late, and he doubted not he douhted
would
soon have to say their present Member, that Lov
Goderich, four years ago signified a suspicion
that the country was not equally assessed, and said
he would give orders to that effect; this declaration
was heard-of with much pleasure in Liverpool, but
nothing had since been heard of it: he hoped thh,
would not escape the Hon. Gentleman. As to the
duration of the present Ministry there were ccnsi-

nation, to express my unfeigned and sincere regret,
at finding myself' again beforej you a candidate for
those honours which you before conferred upon me;
and that regret is certainly more sincere because I
was anxious to avoid giving
you the trouble of a re-
election. It was no fault of mine—it wee no wish
—no seeking of mine, that I find myself deprived of
a seat in Parliament, and am again j obli_ ed.
to solicit the honour of your suffrages. When the
,administration of Lord Liverpool ceased to exist by
the unfortunate visitation of Providence which bcftl
that nobleman during the last spring, it was in my
power if I looked to personal gratification, or to ob-
jects of personal ambition, to have asked and ob-
tained from my late much lamented friend, who wag,
then authorized by his Sovereign to frame a new
j Adroinisteetihn, a higher situation, at least a situa-
-1 don higher in public importance and estimation, than
that which I then held ; but I felt that in the
sTitrtaiadtei,otnhaest•hlichhadl
Ihmedldtha
es Presidentpodfortui(f
fortune, by
diligence, iijo,igrreneco,f
by assiduity, and by a laborious dischaose of the
duties of my office, to merit some degree of approba-
tion from this enlightened community, and to afford
some satisfaction to the community at large. At
the same time that I met with the encouragement
to which I have adverted, I also met with much
obloquy and opposition, and I was anxious to clear
myself and those measures which I had advocated
from the imputations which has been cast upon nee
and them, and I was anxious to repel those impute-
dons, and to stand forward,not only in support of the
measures themselves, but in support of my public
character ; and I may say my personal honour.
therefore declined making any application to my
much-lamented friend for a higher situation, and re-
mained at the post in which I was then placed.—
Among the other reasons which influenced my coo-
duct in not soliciting any higher office, I can assure
you that the reluctance which I felt and feel at all
times to put this town to the inconvenience of an
election, and thereby to interrupt tIo industry which-
the people of Liverpool, with so much benefit to
themselves and the country at large, are habitually
engaged in, was not the least ; and I therefore hope:
that no one will doubt the truth of my assertion,
because I happen afterwards to be called by the
occurrence of lamentable events to a higher station,
that I never sought or foresaw such an occurrence.
It is, I trust, unnecessary for me to claim your indul-
gence upon the present occasion, but / do so with
unfeigned regret ; first from being in a bad state of
health and net able to address you as fully as I could
wish ; and secondly, I can assure You, however
much I may endeavour to steel myself against the
imputations which have been east upon my
character, I feel myself overwhelmed when
consider the place from which I address you,
and the occasion en which you are assembled, and
that the voice, which years ago from this busting&
aroused you to exertion, was listened to with plee--
sure and admiration ; and allow me to say, with bene-
fit and instruction—is now mute for ever—that that
heart-stirring power, which, in the moment of difficul-
ty that surrounded the country, aroused the energies,
not only of Liverpool, where that power was more
ely displayed, but of the whole country, to
meet the dangers, and to overcome the difficulties
which seemed ready to overwhelm us—that
power which called forth the energies of the
mpire, invigorated the weak, confirmed those who
suggestions,
euisr
nlgaetingi sense of
stateo rl
s , the people of
were hesitating, and doubting the possibility of
bringing the contest in which we were then engaged
ehpfbrnaleoatdime(
e:aeap3rt:tpipsaeeril
ianednllseeysdadu
rasteitottoot
fathhhti
iseteohrt
to a successful issue—which encouraged the timid,
England, against the insidious designs of men who
Yt
to ifit
the threatshie s ,one,
then then considered an irresistible foe ; and if we
and peace, but a state of security and peace with
o".f. e e mighteurit
the loss of national honour—that power is lost to
the country for ever ! That persuasive eloquence
which, when disaffection to the law presented itself
in various shapes throughout the land, inculcated
reverence to the law, attachment to constitutions;
freedom as contra-distinguished to licentiousness
And wild innovation—that constitutional freedoms.
,vhich is the best bond of union between the
Crown and the country, and the best security for
the maintenance of their respective rights.,
that constitutional freedom which gives a pre-emi-
nence to this coiffure. :n the councils of civilized
Europe, and gives us tight to insist that no com-
bination of great Sover.._ms shall prevent the im-
provement of mankind—(cheers)—gives us a right
to insist that all institutions, having for their object
:he welfare of our fellow-creatures in this and all
ether countries, shall be respected—that constitu-
tional freedom, which has enabled this country to
maintain a high character in war, and after the
war to maintain the character of the arbiter
of peace and distribution of happiness to mankind.
can never more be heard.— (Loud cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, you are all aware of the long political and
private friendship which subsisted between 'hat
highly-gifted and esteemed individual and myself,
end you are all aware that the principles upon which
he conducted himself in public life have been the
4uide of my political conduct, and I can only say
now, that the public is prepared to do ample justice
to his memory; and the exertions which he made
for the benefit of mankind, that if the freemen of
this town should think me not determined
in the maintenance of those Pri"eiPles, Or if
they should think those principles wrong, and
ought to be no longer adhered to, you ought
to dismiss me from your s"rvices for I am no
longer fit to be your representative. (Loud cheers.)
But I know, Gentlemen, that the principles to which
I advert, are those which animate the great mass of
the population of this country ; which are felt by all
enlightened classes of
this enlightened community,
and those principles must be the guide to the future
councils of tale country, if this country wish
her
to maintain present station among the
Nations of the world. (Loud and reiterated cheers.)
When, by the dispensation of Providence, to which,
however grievous, we must all bow, the Sovereign
and the people of this country were deprived of the
valuable eee,,,ioes my much-lamented Friend, I
*vsa endeavouring to recruit my impaired health in a
Idistant part of the world; and although I could not
witness, I weil knew the general sorrow and regi et
which pervaded this country, from the highest to
the lowest—from the Monarch on the throne to
the peasant in the cottage, at that lament-
able circumstance. My own personal regret it
hiegt
iet,oo.mpyi

would be idle and presumptuous in me to
mention or. this occasion, but the necessity impo-
sed upon me to return to .y.,ngland grew out of the
commands of my Sovereign to come and fill a higher
situation, at least one of greater weight and respon-
sibility in the Councils of the country ; but I can-
not pass over the melancholy summons without say-
ing, that in the foreign countries through which I
was obliged to wend my way, the same sympathy,
the same regret which was felt in this country, ac-
tuated the bottoms of the untutored peasants of

the Continent, es if by accord mankind felt they
had lost an ornament and a benefactor.—(Cheers)
This, gentlemen, brings me to the period of my re-
turn to England, and I then found that it was the
anxious desire of the Sovereign, that the councils of
this country should be conducted in the same spirit,
and ,t's much as possible by the same men who pre-
sided over them before the demise of my lamented
friend, and the illness of his no less lamented prede-
cessor, the Earl offtiverpool. If, upon that eccesion, I
consulted that which I hold no public man is at liberty
to consult—if I consulted my owe comfort, or that ease
and comfort which every man in a bad state of
liealtie and wisich regard for his own life compels
him to sock, and wbielt the prudence and admo-
nitions of my own faittily and of others urged upon
me, I should ;;lien have retired from public life. 1
say it witiw,ut fear of contradiction, that in. order to
discharr my public duty I disregarded those fears
which i myself entertained, and which my debili-
tateck state of health crave good grounds to my
faraily to entertain, and those fears were not di-
minished by the consideration that within the
six previous months I witnessed the fall of
two of the greatest men that this country had ever
produced—at least in our time, who had been
prematurely carried off by
the anxieties end labour of
public life, and that they-had been both my juniors,
certainly only by a few Monthe.. Under such cier
camstances, it c.-rtainly Nvonl.o, have been gratifying
to me, having obtained same credit and approbation,
however little deservitee of it, for my services to toy
country, to have roured upon the tittle stock of repu-
tation which I enjoyed, rather than have encountered
the storms of public life, with a frame enfeebled and
a mind, the energies of which must have been more
or less enfeebled, in proportion as my physical
strength declined,--(Cheers.)—But I was told from
a quarter and authority which made the conclusion
irresistible, that if I refused to lend my poor aid ee-
der the then circumstances of the country, there
would be no possibility of accomplishing that which
was the wish of the Sovereign, and which, in my judg-
ment, the best interests of the country required that
the direction of public affairs should be guided in
the same spirit, and as much as possible by the same
men, who had before presided over t tern. such,
gentlemen, being the fact, I did not resitate a mo-
ment to obey the commands of my sovereign, for 1
think the man who embarks in publ, c life, and who
receives the assurance of confidence, which has ben
coonferred upon me by my constitutents at Liver-
pool, and which I may say has been manifested by a
large portion of the country, is hotted to hold by his
eovereign and the nation, and except upon questions.
of principle or personal honour not to shrink into
retirement, and to avoid those difficulties which a
public man must expect to meet. When, by the
acceptance of office oil my pale, I vacated my scat
jai Parliament; I received a requisition, unparalleled
I believe in the respectability and number of signa-
tures, requesting me to continue the servant of
those who for years I have been proud to call my
constituents. (Loud cheering.) I well knew,
Gentlemen, the nature of the arduous duties I
was called upon to perform, and I was also
aweee of the nature of the additional duties which
must be performed •by any one who represents so im-
portant a part of the empire, as the town of Liver-
pool ; but when I recollected the kindness I have
received at your hands, the partiality with which you
have overlooked my defects, and that you did not
suffer me to feel the i tom easurable distance between m v
humble abilities and the splendid talents of him whom
you were in the habit of hearing—who, superintended
your interests in Parliament, and who so frequently
commanded your approbation. 1 did not hesitate
to obey tee call of my constituents, and acid at
once, i shall add to my official labours the additional'
labteur of endeavouring to do justice to the interests
Q;iLiverpool.—(Cheers.)—Upcn that occasion some.
1)i my friends were kind . epougit to express a wish •
I should not be called upon to attend during
the election ; but my friends must do me the
.justice
to admit that I never made such a request, ant I.
felt, that if I should not be prohibited by my medical
adviser from taking the journey, that I owed it as a
'positive duty to attend upon these hustings. That
is nothing more, in my opinion, than the duty which '
every man, who aspires to the representation of a
large bOdy, owes to his. constituents; tied I think,
that duty more imperative, in proportion as the corn-
munity which be seeks to represent is enlightened—
and a community more enlightened, more de-e
serving to be informed of the character and
principles of the Representative, cannot exist, than
those to. whom. I have now- the honour to address
myself. Circumstances of recent occurrence ren-!
tiered it the more necessary that I should present;
Myself to you on this occasion, and I am sure that •
my Hon. "Friend, who has done me the honour to'
propose me, and every gentleman who hears me,;
must feel the difficulty in which a man is placed who
stands before you in the double character of Can..;
didate and Minister of the Crown, In the latter
character, I cannot go farther than my duty to my
Sovereign will permit; but in the former character
you are entitled to receive at my hands as unreserv-
ed and explicit communications as I can make, and
in the statement which I am about to make I shall
endeavour to steer such a course as to reconcile those
conflicting characters, I have no hesitation in saying,
that when the. airainistration of Lord Liverpool
was brought to a close, difficulties which I shall ever
deplore, and which my lamented friend had not fore-
seen ; difficulties which ought not to have been
thrown in his way, some of which may, perhaps, have
originated in personal considerations, and some from
other causes, which I do not know—difficulties arose
to the formation of the new Government, and my la-
mented friend was therefore placed under the ne-
e,essity of departing from that which was his
first intention, and which was in fact the
command of his sovereign to form a new govern-
went upon the same principles, and, if possible, of
the same individuals who served under the Admi-
nistration of Lord Liverpool. In the difficulties
in which my Right Hon. Friend was then placed,
he found it necessary to apply to a distinguished in-
dividual, who had been connected, during the whole
of his political life, with a party in the state, which
differed upon many questions front my Right Hon.
Friend, but who since the restoration of peace, since
the abatement of those differences which a state of
year created had directed their attention to those
measures which a state of peace affords leisure to
•oursue, and to which I have directed my humble
attention to renovate the strength of the country, to
husband her resources, and to enable her again to
take a proud station,
in case war ehould arise.
Those differences had in a great degree subsided
and disappeared, 'and the ease of the country
allowed them to ase into a state of abey-
ance—l say a
state of abeyance, for I shall not
do these gentlemen
the inUstice to say that they
changed their opinions u
ojii Parliamentary Reform
and other questions which have been so frequently,
eloquently, and firmly opposed by my Right Hon.
Friend. When my Right Hon. Friend applied to
the individual who ,3413 one of the earliest
friends of his youth, who,
ewe been their
-
in all the vicissitudes
of life, whatever may have
political
differences, was his private friend and
esteemed by him—l mean the Earl of 'aar-
Fele ;—a communication_ was made
through him
of L.ale-sdod‘ivsitiien atllid ethers.
to the Marquis I say,
it was upon
princp Gentlemen,cyuriderstood. and
openly avowed by those that their tune
tion with my Right Hou. Friend teas to take place •
: on their part, without any departure from those
principles which they a
ad-
s that
"cated, and with an understanding
the Government was to be conducted without any
departure from those principles upon
which
under the
the
affairs of the country were conducted
Earl of Liverpool.—That the Catholic Question,
was to remain in the same state as before, free and
open in the Cabinet,—and that upon all other points
those Gentlemen who took office were at liberty to
accede to the Government, without any departure
from their principles. It was considered that
those questions upon which a difference might
arise, were either in abeyance, or not likely
to be called into action. I hope I may he

allowed to say, without contradiction, that on the
part of my Right Hon. Friend at the head of the
Administration—on the part of myself and of those
other Honourable Gentlemen who had formed a
s
part of Lord LivqrPOor administration, and had
continued the services unto the administration of my
Right Hon. Friend, that there was not the smallest
departure in any one respect from any of those
principles which we had previously advocated,
that there was not 4.11,' ,-11ghtest change of views,
and that in thy. new Administration I found myself
in precisely the same situation as I was when Lord
Liverpool was at the head. Soon after the acces-
sion of those Noble indiViduals to the counsels of
the sovereign, I was obliged to leaVe this katritry, i
and I returned, after the loss of the lamented indivi-
vidual
at the head of it-ss=after the administration was
I reconstrucred—diat still there was no departure from
the policy Which regulated the foreign relatiana of the
country—no, departure from the measures - carried on in
1 the East of Europe—that every thing remained the same,
1 and that, in sliest, no part of the system was changed. It
would he baseness, it would be injustice. it assan-ili be
something revolting to my feelings arse. 'disposition, if I
were not explicitly to declare, that from the mo-
silent of my return to this country, I never sat in
! any Cabinet With snore satisfaction to myself, I never
knew Cabinet in which there was lees of differ-
stee, less of wrangling, indeed. wrangling their_ seas
none—a Cabinet in which 1 found men more anxious to
cultivate a spitit of cordiality and harmony with myself
and thane who belonged to the former Administration ; and
I must say that men more desirous to cultivate rnoderion
and to promote ;the substantial interests n 47 t'ac country—
man of more spotless integrity, isialme honor, of mom loyal
principles, of more straight'.forward policy than Lord Lans-
downe, Lord Carlisle, and Mr. Tierney, I have never had
the honour to know.—(Loud cheering.)—l Ea.'s, this tar:
more willingly now, and I am glad to have the Opportunity
na'xing this declaration before I am called upon to give
an explanation elsewhere ; and, tyliatever misconstruction
may have been put upon shy conduct by others, and what-
ever obloquy and atimadversion I may be subjected to, no
provocation shall ever tempt toe to conceal the truth, to
shrink *mu the declaration, that while I acted srith My
Noble Friends in the Councils of the 'cat:arty, I had no
reason to feel otherwise towards Meth than as I now ex-
press myself.—(Loud„elanstring.)—Gentlemen, I feel strongly
the difficulties of stating as forcibly as I am impressed with
them, the circumstances which led to the unfortunate sepa-
ration of the late Cabinet. Events took place in the
course of the month of December last, fur Which neither
my Noble Friends, to whom I insist heeesaarily allude,
I nor myself, are in any degree reaponsible—for which I
blame no one—which t impute ao no one—but which had
a strong tendenay to impair the confidence of the public
in the rawer of the head ()Nile Administration to perfosin
the great trust committed to his charge. I shall only
state, that in the course of December his Majesty had rea-
son to call upon a Noble Lord who had retired for
years—partly through ill-health—and it was proposed
to place him temporarily at the head of affairs,
and it was impossible that the circumstance of his being the
temporary head should Mit, isa some degree, weaken the
character attic Ad Ministration. I need not state to any
loan who hasastaterved the state of this country at that time,
that nothing could have been more unfortunate than the
event ; and it was desirable that the Government
of the country should not, at that moment, exhibit
t ) foreigners a character of weakness and uncertainty
and therefore that project was abandoned, and Lord Gode-
rich continued at the head of the Administration. Not•
withstanding, `however, those unfavourable contingencies,
it was ow anxious wish, my firm determination, as one
charged with a laborious part of the councils of the coun-
try, to endeavour to vindicate the Government, and to up-
hold it in its then state, and if unable so to do, I would
rather fall in the attempt than at such a moment have
withdrawn invself irons the situation in which I was then
Plactal,---{Loud cheers.) But there were symptoms of
difficulties which rendered it necessary that the Government
should be settled upon a permanent footing, and Lord Gode-
rich determined to retire, (and Lord Goderich than whom
a man of more spotless worth and integrity does not exist)
anxious that the interests of the country should take no de-
triment in his hands, laid before the. King the difficulties
and embarrassments which beset the Administration 'in
its -then shape, and upon that occasion I feel per-
fectly satisfied that that nobleman acted from a
sense of public duty, and .none who knows the sin-
gleness of hie heart, the. :integrity of his mind, the
straight forward views on which he has acted in his public
life, can doubt for a moment that he formed his judgment
without reference to any motive or a vasaate sa re, n........ 1
nature, but solely with reference to the interest of his
country, and the stability of her institutions. • What passed
between the Sovereign and Lord •Goderich upon that occa-
sion, is matter which, if I knesi, I should not disclose; but
the result was, that his Majesty felt that he•owed it-to his
people—that he owed it to the great interests of the
c sentry, and the preservation of the peace of Europe, not
to lose a moment in presenting to the world a government,
possessing a more stable, more 'permanent, and more
vigorous character, and his Majesty accordingly sent his
commands to the Duke of Wellington. The Duke of
Wellington most reluctantly accepted his Majesty's com-
mands, and I can say ihat his earnest wish was to re-
main in that situation and the important duties of
which he has so impartially discharged for which he felt
himself competent by all his previous habits of life; and I
know that no exclusion of any man or mere, who before
presided over the affairs of this country, was proposed on the
part of the Sovereign, and the Duke of Wellington was at
liberty to form an Administration of inch materials, and
such persons as might answer the purpose. It happened
that the Duke of Wellington, after communicating with
another individual, of whom, no man who judges him
fairly can say otherwise than I do,—that by his talents,
his, industry, and his assiduity, he has rendered greatbenefit
to the public—l mean Mr. Peel—the Duke of Welling-
ton, after consulting with that Right Hon. Gentleman,
and offering him a situation in the new Government, the
next person to whom he sent to snake an offer was myself,
and I shall not disguise from you that this communication
to me was made in the most general terms. I was asked
if I entertained any opinions, or HI had:any motives, which
would preclude my taking a part in the new Government.
To an application sa general, I could only say that, if the
new Government were constructed upon such public prin-
ciples as to satisfy my mind that what I considered the
best interests of the country would be Frornoted, and if
such arrangements would be made as would give me a
pledge and guarantee that the policy of the Pate Govern-
ment would not be departed from, I stood free from any
party engagements which would prevent my taking a part
in the new Administration, and that I could not give a
more explicit answtr to the question. The next morning
Lord Lansdowne came to town, and I told him what passed
between me and the Duke of Wellington, and asked him if
any communications were made to him on the part of the
Duke of Wellington to consider it well before he gave any
answer. What passel between Lord Lansdowne and me is
too long to be made matter of statement; but the
result was, that he stated that if any communications were
made to him; he felt insuperable difficulties to accede to it ;
and I stated to him, that I felt that, upon the nature of the
application, and the principles upon which the new Go-
vernment were determined to act, would depend whether
or not I would accede to the proposition—and we parted
on the understanding, that if he were bound by pecu-
liar circumstances not to accede to any application, I, on
my part, was bound by none, and that I should be at
liberty to join the Administration, if my public character
and personal honour were attended to in the arrangements.
As I was not charged with any commission from the Noble
Duke, I cannot say to what persons he made any offers, or
why I was selected rather than any other Member of the
Government; but this I do know that his Grace wished
Lord Carlisle to take a share in the councils of the coun-
try, and that he should much lament the loss of his ser-
vices. Lord Carlisle having from his earliest appearance
in public life acted with that party, some of whom had '
come into office under the former Administration, and
having feelings which party create, and which I should
not wish to be forgotten, refused to stay in if all those with
whom lie acted did not continue in the Administration. I wish
adWherenhtaovfethiadtepnatirfit:,l
eve could forget those terms Whig and Tory, but as I never did
ebeepanrtayllliv,liisiclliifeias
steady
yd
laig, and as Lord
he retired, because the Whigs retired. That could form
Carlisleuelolgtohatihi
the
no reason for my retirement---
Carlisle,
lifsl hadld retired upon
If with a which I did
party to not belong and should
myself
ted myself from men with whom I had acted
sanic ground as Lo
have separated
throughout
my political life. Let rue not be misunder-
stood in saying feelnot
this, that I do deep regret that
Loral Lansdowne and Lord Carlisle are not members of the
Cabinet —I should have been most happy to have seen
them there, and my most anxious Wish was that they
should have remained ; for I know no two men in
their respective spheres of usefulness, whom I
should be more happy or proud to co-operate with
in any Cabinet. In the progress of my interviews with
the Duke of Wellington, I felt myself bound to look to two
things—first to the measures, and secondly to the guaran-
tees which the new Administration would give that those
ineasureg, would be carried into effect ; and a third object,
which I had as much at heart as any other, was, that no •
thiaptlald, bt_d9u9 by illsoyhich could in PIPPOW t 9

diminish my respect, attachment, and fidelity to
those measures and those principles which I had the
good fortune to vete for with Mr. Pitt and Mr. Canning
in succession. (Loud cheers.) As to the measures I was
bound first to ascertain whether the foreign policy of this
country was to undergo any Change, or whether it was
meant there should be any departure from, or condemna-
tion of, those Measures originated by my much lamented
friend ; fiet. if thotight that ?::at tiee,S in thie Conteropla-
tion of the Government, I should have saved all discussion
and explanation--have made by bow and retired ; for I was
bound by those opinionS upon which I have acted for years,
that no change should take place which could, in the
slightest degree, haVe the effect of making those principles
of cothMercial, cathrliai, and fo'reign policy acted upOn by
my rate lamented friend, retrograde. If any min be sci
charitable as to doubt my Sincerity and coilisteticy, and
to suppOse that I*, for the :saP-e bf oil'lCe, haVre
sacrificed thy Ii:--s6nal honour and character, I ask that
man can hetk that a Nobleman of such high honoiir
and character as Lord Dudley; who has accepted office as I
have, would, for the sake of emolument, have forfeited his
character and ecnsistre'.cy ; or that he would have remai-
ned a moment in office, if he had reason to suppose that
system of foreign policy acted upon by his and my much
lamented friend, or that the treaty which bears
Lis signature, would not be carried into effect.—
Is it possible that Mr. Grtatt,-=lin aMiable and enlightened
ma h, cf refined good sense, and frank and bland in all his
actlons,—is he, too, a conspirator ? I might go further.
I must touch upon that delicate ground, the Administra-
tion of Ireland, and ask those who slanderously talk of con-
spiracy, is it likely that Mr. Lamb would consent to con-
tinuo i the administration of that country, in which he
had already acquired such just and deserved reputation, for
the fidelity, diligence, and impartiality of his conduct,
he were not sure that Government would discotinteeatace
party, and maintain dac strictest neutrality, onlytakinglcare
that strict justice should be done to Catholics as Al as
Protestants, and the ascendancy of the law held evenly be-
tween them ?—(Hear, hear. )—Whatever may be thought
of me for my conduct, surely no man can fairly or honestly
impugn the conduct of those to whom I haVe alluded. None
can be found, I am sure, to chink So badly of human nature
as to believe it these slanders; Let the publii: believe it,
thin of character will not easily degrade themselves for the
mere tenure of office. Let any man who thinks so badly
of his species, go through the labour, the anxious cares,
the responsibility of office, and if he will not wish to be
relieved from its cares and einbarkaseinente, he mitst be
differently anititiated from the bulk of his own species,
(lleat.)---AS to myself, I have no desire to retain it, ex-
i-ept inasmuch as I may still be useful to the public, in the
promotion of measures which they have stamped with their
approbation. I say, then, for the security of these I have
a guarantee ; they are to be followed up as far as possible,
in the manner in which Mr. Canning would have sanc-
tioned and promoted them.—(Hear.)--I have obtained
the best guarantee, I repeat, for these, or I should not ap-
pear here as a member of the Government..—(Applause. )
Could I, then, with such a pledge, have hesitated to give
effect to my own avowed principles? If, indeed, the sys-
tem were changed—if my measures or those of my friends
were vilified, then I should have retired, and happily for
lily private feeling and convenience would that retirement
have been hailed by those who are dear to me. I could, I
hope, have retired into private life, without being embit-
tered by any recollection of having betrayed any trust, or
abused any confidenee which my countrymen may have ge-
nerously bestowed upon my feeble efforts in their service.—
(Cheers.)—But could I with honour have retired, when
the option was offered to me of having a guarantee for the
due execution of those measures which are associated with
the memory of my lamented friend (Mr. Canning), and
upon which are built Isis claims upon the honour and re-
gard of his country? The value of his measures must
depend upon the result of their operation on the interests
of his country : he was unfortunately snatched away at
the critical time when they may be said to have been in-
terrupted in their progress. Ought I, then, at such a
moment, to have fled from seeing justice done to his memory,
by deserting my post, when the means were at any
disposal of realizing the liberal policy of my lamented
friend ?—(Applause.)---I have made my election, I
will abide by his principles to sanctify his memory.—
(Cheers.) I might, I know, have retired; but without
flattering myself too much with any idea of importance
which your generous attachment, and that, I believe, of
the other enlightened classes of my country, may have led
me to believe I possessed, must I not have retired to leave
the Government less powerful, and the principles of my
lainented friend less in that train of eventual success which
I think will and must belong to them? I have, I repeat
assurances from the new Government that these princi-
ples are unchanged; to hesitate with that assurance, world
5.„,- tuac ou.etu-
ment, and at a moment when most eventful questions were
in agitation which seriously involved the peace of Europe;
(Hear, hear.) Looking then, at so critical a period, and
judging of what might have been the effect of instability
in the Government, I felt I could not look either to the
right or to the left, but was bound by my principles to
maintain them, when I found it in my power to secure
their efficacy. These were considerations which every
public man was hound to attend to. Ile was not
sure, that if the Minister of Foreign Affairs in this
country had been changed, the consequences might
not have been a general war in Europe. The Right
Hon. Gentleman then praised highly the military and
political character and general reputation of the Duke of
Wellington, and asked if any individual could be found
possessing higher advantages, in the opinion of the world
at large, for the head of the Government. He now came
to the questions which had been put by his Hon. Friend
Mr. Currie : and first with regard to the Corn Bill. This
was, no doubt, a difficult and complicated question, but it
was most assuredly his intention to adhere to the prin-
ciples of the Corn Bill:oflast year, and to introduce such a Bill
as should satisfy the just wishes of the country, and at the
game time not prejudice the lawful interests of the land-
owners. Further than this he could not now in prudence
say. In respect to the assessed taxes, he might state that
in the year 1824, an attempt was made by the Chancellor
of the Exchequer to introduce one rule for levying those
taxes throughout the kingdom. So active an opposition
was raises to that proposal, that the measure was abandoned,
though the principle was still held to be good, and he (Mr. IL )
should certainly feel it his duty to bring the subject under
the consideration of Government, to obtain an equalization
of the assessments. In regard to the Finance Committee,
it would be one of the first duties which would devolve upon
him, if he should have the honour to be returned by them
to Parliament, to give his vote for the formation of such a
Committee, and to take care, in conjunction with his col-
leagues, and especially Mr. Peel, that the members of it
were selected from all the great parties, looking only to
those who had shown the greatest aptitude for business, the
greatest attention to the public interest, and the greatest
desire to bring down the expenditure of the country to the
lowest possible amount.—(Cheers.) His Honourable
Friend who had seconded the nomination, had alluded to the
two subjects of the renewal of the charters of the two lin-
' portant companies, the East India Company and of the
Bank of England. To these subjects he should endeavour to
apply the general principles which he had long professed,
at the same time considering the claims which those great
companies fairly had upon the country. He was strongly
opposed to monopolies of any kind, and thought it highly
proper that institutions which had arisen up under differ-
ent circumstances, should undergo a change with the
' changing circumstances of the country, and that the sin-
mense capital, skill, and intelligence of the people should
have a fair field for their employment. (Cheers.) He
feared he had detained them far too long ; but it was much
better that he should trespass on their patience, than that
he should labour under a suspicion of having violated his
principles. Lie was now in an advanced period of a life
spent diligently and laboriously in making himself use-
ful to the nation to which he belonged. He had en-
deavoured whenever it was in his power, and especially
since the conclnsien of the war, to advance gradually the
interests of the country, not by rash innovation, but by
steady and sober improvements. There remained still
errors to correct, and imperfections to palliate or remove.
He should bear in view the principles by which he had hi-
therto bees governed ; if he were successful, he trusted he
should not forfeit their good opinion; if he failed, it was
only because failure was in human infirmity. It was his
desire not to withdraw from the public service whilst the
little lie possessed of political experience, and his long
habits of business, might be of any utility; nor should he
wish to retire, until his health compelled him to do it, or
till he had no longer the power to bear up against the ob-
loquy and clamour which, from those interested in abuses,
improvements never failed to meet. (Cheers.) Ile had
only one word more to say to them. He trusted that,
amongst the many public avocations which claimed his
time and attention, he had not been unnecessarily deficient
in attention to their local concerns, and to the great interests
wlliac,ihwea.oncitoencsteisdtetnhtewliotc,hel his principles
of this town with
the general interests of the country. He had endeavoured, as
far
principles and duty,to follow up
the views which they themselves entertained. He should
continue so to do if they honoured him with a continuance
of their confidence, with the same impartiality he had
hitherto endeavoured to preserve : and he trusted, with the
diligence, and assiduity, and assistance of his Hon. Friend,
Mr. Wainewright, to whom they had committed the task
of helping him, he should continue to discharge his duty.
Lie had only to thank them for the patience with which they

had listened to him. How far his address might be satis-
factory, he could not anticipate ; but if he had forfeited his
claim to their confidence and support, however mortified he
might be at the circumstance, he should withdraw from
public life, and enjoy, in Peie..! of fl-:oneciettce, the opportu-
nity of recovering that health which his Hon. triend
Currie had been kind enough to wish him. —( Three cheers.).
The Rev. W. SHEPHERD said he had listened with tke
most, anxious attention to the speech of the Right Hon.
Gentleman, in the bope,uf eax;itig from him a complete
and satisfactory justificati6li of raCept egnduet acid he
was sorry to say, that all that the Right fiC'il; C4et,..tternall
had said produced so little of satisfaction to his mind that
he could not,. consistently with his sense of the duty lie
owed to himself and his brother freemen of Liverpool, re-
frain froth entering his protest against the re-election of
that Right Hon: Gentlettiana by nominating another per-
Son a more fit Representative a this ii6rOligli in Parlia-
ment. 'the Rev. Gentleman their proceeded to addtese
Mr. Huskisson and the meeting at some length, appealing
to, them against die inconsistency of the former in accepting
odice in conjunction With the -I•eviierd of Mr. Canning, and
of the latter, in returning to Parliament, as their
sentative, a gentleman who had so treated the memory of
their late favourite. The Duke of Wellington and his
friends, he said, had declared then selves the antipode of
Mr. Canning, and had treated his administration as dan-
gerous to hali Church and state, and yet Mr. Huskisson
had united himself with those men. in conclusion, the
Reverend Gentleman warned Mr. Huskisson that lie
would, when hiS charaCter Was &triaged, be given up by
the aristocracy, which hated him; and Warning him of
his danger, he said,

" Incedis per ignes
Suppositos cineri doloso."
The Rev. Gentleman then named Lord Molyneux as a
candidate.
Mr. liusrcissOw hoped he Should not be trespassing upon
their patience, if he took ti snort time in a brief reply to
two gentlemen whom he must consider as his opponents.
The Gallant Colonel (Williams) had told them that he
objected to his return as a member for that town, because
he did not advocate the same principles as himself; and the
Rev. Gentleman (Shepherd) pursued the same course, on
the ground that he had joined himself with those who had
reviled, and abased Mr. Canning, On these matters be
had but little to observe. He found that the latter still re-
tained his old radical,prineiples.—(No, no)--and that the
two gentlemen agreed on the same points. Mr. Canning
was at one time the object of their political abuse, just as
much as he was now of their praise and admiration. The
principle argument of the Gallant Colonel was, that no
Minister of the Crown ought to have aplace in the House of
Commons, because there was none in a Republic—in a
place where there was no crown ! It bad, however, been
found highly expedient that Ministers should have a place
in the meeting of the representatives of the people, and he
challenged his opponents to show bins any country on the
face of the globe where there existed equal protection for
life, for liberty, and for whatever was dear to man.—(Ap-
plause.)—lThe doctrine that a placeman should not sit in
the House of Commons was monstrous.

Colonel WILLIAMS,—It is the language of the Act of
Parliamstot.

Mr. Husxissore.—l know it is. It says that he must
be re-elected. We will read our statutes each in our own
way. The Gallant Colonel has alluded to some circum-
stances which occurred a few years back—(the dispersion
of a Meeting at Manchester, in August, 1819)—and to
certain Acts of Parliament which were passed at that time,
as supporting his position. If any man recollects what the
state of the country was in November, 1819, and what it
was a few months before, he will at once be convinced of
the inutility, for the country was restored to a
state of peace, and the people, who had
been incited by an incendiary press to acts of
treason, and almost rebellion, were: once more restored
to their wonted allegiance. The Hon. and Rev. Gentle-
man he found had placed himself under a new tuition ; he
no longer found himself in the ranks of the old, but of the
new Whigs; he had said much of Mr. Hyde's surcharges,
but if Mr. H. had surcharged the Reverend Gentleman
as an apprentice to some of the modern Whigs, and if
his case had been sent for the opinion of the
twelve Judges, he (Mr. Hutchinson) bad no doubt it
would have been confirmed.—(Laughter.)—The Rev.
and Hon. Gentleman asked him if he could recollect
the opposition which had been made to him in Parliament,
when he proposed an alteration in the Silk Laws. 'He did
very well remember it—and what was it ? He had been
exposed to much vituperation ; but no appeal what-
ever had been made to the sense of the House. His opponents
on that occasion were, Mr. Ellice the member for Coventry,
who acted from the instructions of his constituents ; of
Mr. peeing the member for Callington ; and of IVrr_
illac member fur (1,.. Pr...turk or Lincoln....
These gentlemen constituted the whole of the opposition
in the House, and they opposed to him, not fair and candid
arguments, but mere vituperation against the measure.—
The Hon. and Rev. Gentleman had expressed himself
anxious to warn him (Mr. H.) of the danger lie was
placed by his present connections in the Cabinet ; he hoped
however, that he would allow him to take the keeping of
his character into his own hands, and not require him to
put it into that of himself and his Gallant friend. The
Rev. Gentleman read a paper, in which it was stated that
Government had interfered in the matter of the editorship
of the Courier newspaper ; that, in fact, the editor had been
dismissed to suit the purposes of the Administration. He
(Mr. H.) most solemnly denied the truth of the allegation,
let it proceed from whom it might. Not one member of
his Majesty's government had ever attempted an influence
of that kind. On the contrary, when the statement was
first seen, it was a matter of deep regret. He regretted
very much that when the Rev. Gentleman had so repeatedly
alluded to the sacred volume, he had failed to imbibe a due
share of its wholesome spirit, by alluding far beyond the
necessity of the case to the angry contentions of individuals.
Did the Rev. Gentleman mean to say that personal diffe-
rences were to be eternal ?—(Hear hear.)—And when
he dwelt upon the personal enemies of Mr. Canning in the
present Government, why not state who they were ? for
he (Mr. Huskisson) knew if none. Surely the Rev.
Gentleman had mis-read the history of the country, when
he fancied that points of personal disagreement were for
ever to estrange men from acting in the councils of their
country, when the questions connected with those points
had passed away. From the American war downwards
had not men met in the government who had previously
contended with warmth at adverse sides? Did the Rev.
Gentleman allude to Mr. Peel, because, if he did, he would
quote an opinion, to which he was sure he would pay defe-
rence, namely, that of Mr. Brougham, who had said, that
if he and Mr. Peel were separately interrogated upon their
respective opinions on fifty questions, he was sure they
would be found to agree on forty-nine ofthem.—(llear.)
Why should I then, continued Mr. Huskisson, who only
differ with Mr. Peel exactly in the same degree, that is,
upon one, the Catholic question, who never had a personal
difference with him, who believe Mr. Canning never had—
why, I say, should I be taunted with a junction with him?
—(Hear.)—During the whole time that I have acted in
the Cabinet and in Parliament with Mr. Peel, I have uni-
formly (save upon that one question) had, not his luke-
warm and cold and reluctant acquiescence, but his ready,
warm, and most cordial support upon every measure which
it was my lot to originate. I maysay the same of Mr. Peel's
connexion with Mr. Calming—where then is this talked •
of compromise of principle ?—(Hear.)—l know there was
an unfortunate difference of opinion between the Duke of
Wellington and Mr. Canning, but I also know it was not
upon any point of principle, and had only arisen out of a
misunderstanding respecting the construction of a phrase
in a letter, and I further know, that so transient was the
personal feeling of my lamented friend on the occasion,
that he had no hesitation in recommending to hie Majesty
the replacing of the illustrious Duke at the head of the army.
—(Hear.)—Now that I have named the Duke of Wel-
lington, I beg permission to say, that I have sat with him
for four or five years in the Cabinet, and can safely say, it
is not true he ever thwarted any measures of mine or Mr.
Canning's.—(Loud cries of " hear.") As to our foreign
policy, there never was a difference between the Duke of
Wellington and Mr. Canning—that I positively assert.
Away then with this language of there being men in the
Government who had persecuted my lamented friend unto
death. I know and lament the warmth of party feeling in
this country, I can speak of it perhaps freer than other
public men, for it was my good fortune to be less mixed
up with it than others were. I never was tied down to
and looked
okled
to
these hereditary connexions of great families with politics,
and the animosities that sprung out of them.—(Hear,
havenamesndlieleugraesrdeodnityh,eandin
of Whigs and Tories,
n potfirsteriitnhgerthpaemrteyo,ugbuht
what I believed to be for the conjoint good of both, and att
not the particular aggrandisement
the same time the common benefit of our country.—..(Ap-
plause.) If ever there lived a warm-hearted man, who
could overlook private animosities, it was the late Mr.
Canning, and I should be unworthy to call myself, as I am
proud to do, his friend and sincere admirer, if I were,
in his valued name, to perpetuate enmities which I know
his heart disdained to cherish.—(Loud cheers.) If the
Rev. Gentleman, in allusion to our foreign policy, meant
to insinuate there was to be any departure from that laid
down by Mr. Canning, he was grievously wrong—the
same spirit to support liberal institutions was abroad, and
he would be unfit and unworthy to be the Minister of this
great country who would not support the cause of liberty.
_.(Cheers. )..When Mr, Calming made that master-stroke

of policy which preserved the free institutions of the legi-
timate sovereign of Portugal from the machinations of un-
principled aggression for purposes of base aggrandizement,
the Duke of Wellington was in the Cabinet, and an assent-
ing party to that measure of conservative interference.—
(Hear, hear. )—God forbid that, under such circnmstauces,
sly British Minister could permit a weaker ally to be in-
sidiously Deer-114 .tlate; the settled national policy,
on which the peace of tuiop'e rested, disturbed by
armed combinations. But then, sei:ce Rev. Gen-
tleman, why did not the Duke of Wellington interfere to
prevent the atrocious treatment of the provinces is Niemes
and I.'',footauban ?, I will tell him why—because he knew
that the French Government was in itself interposing, and
because he likewise knee; thi.i if h'e ventured to interfere in
a question so purely domestic, he would leave defeated his
own purpose, and raised a spirit of resistance which could
not easily have been appeased. Why, the lowest and hum-
blest country in the scale of nations would not have tole-
rated Buell an interference, much -less the proudest and
most sensitive people in Europe.—(Hear, hear.) I should
like to ask the Rev. Gentleman what he thinks the people
of England would say if France interfered in the unhappy
concerns and feuds which so frequently arise out of the
condition of Ireland, and attempted to justify that interfe-
rence upon the Bound of the oppression of their common
religion? Would they not scoff and acotn such meddling?
and what reason have we to think that France is less sere.
sitive upon similar points of national independence ?
(Hear, hear.) This is not the principle upon which
Great Britain has interfered in the concerns of foreign
states. (Here the Right Hon. Gentleman described
the principle upon which Mr. Canning had founded his
right of interference in the divisions of other na-
tions.) It was a principle always sanctioned by inter-
national law, that where a measure was taken fraught with
danger to the interests of other allied states, those likely to
be affected by it were empowered to interfere. It was this
principle which Mr. Canning had acted upon in Portugal,
and also in Greece. In conclusion; he put it to the Rev.
Gentleman's good taste and discretion, whether he would
persevere in unnecessarily going to a poll for Lord Aloly-
neux, Who was most probably anaware of such an inten-
tion, and for Whom he entertained feelings of respect and
esteem, which would render it a matter of regret to him
that they should meet on those hustings in any ether posi-
tion but that of concurrence. (Applause.)
The Rev. W. SHEretExp consented to the withdrawing
of his nomination, and Mr. Huskisson was accordingly de-
clared to be duly elected. The Right Hon. Gentleman
briefly returned thanks, and begged to be allowed to retire
without the delay of the ceremony of chairing. The meet-
ing then dispersed.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

FRENCH PAPERS.

(From the Gazette de France, dated Tuesday, Feb. b.)
PARIS, FEB. s.—The following is an official copy
of the Speech of the King of France, delivered this
day, on the opening of the Session of the Chambers':
GENTLEZIEW,

It is always with the same satisfaction that I see you
assembled round the Throne, and that I come to make
you acquainted with the situation of France.
My relations with the Powers of Europe continue to be
amicable and satisfactory. The affairs of the East alone
present some difficulties, but the Treaty which I have
signed with the King of Rngland, and the Emperor of
Russia, has laid the ground-work for the pacification of
Greece, and I have in addition reason to hope, that the
combined efforts of myself and my Allies will overcome the
resistance of the Ottoman Porte, without having recourse

to force.
The unexpected battle of Navarin has been at once an
occasion of glory to our arms, and the most distinguished
proof of the union of the three flags.
The Peninsula has been for a long space of time
a source of sacrifices ; these sacrifices are approach-
ing to a termination. Spain, secure upon her frontiers,
occupies herself with perseverance in stifling in her bosom
the germ of civil discord ; and every thing announces that
I shall be very shortly able, in conjunction with the King,
my nephew, to restore my soldiers to their country, and.
to relieve my people from a painful burden.
A rigorous blockade, which will terminate only on that
day when I shall have received the satisfaction which
is due to me, restrains and punishes Algiers, and protects
the commerce ---
Our flag has been the object of some aggressions in dis-
tant regions, under the uncertain domination of infant
Governments; but I have ordered that just reparation
should he required, and I have prescribed measu,res which
will shelter hereafter the fortunes of my subjects from all

injuries.
If thus, Gentlemen, I can look upon external affairs
dwoiesthnost offeratisfa mection less
satisfaction, the
of
iorcosnecduitri
jot.ny of my Kingdom
You will see by the documents which will be laid before
you, that if the produce of the different taxes has suffered
some diminution, the sources of public wealth have not sus-
tained any durable injury. Extraordinary circumstances
have occasioned an excess in the expenditl:re for which it
will be necessary to provide. I have ordered my Minis-
ters to make you acquainted with the necessary details,
and I have instructed them to found their measures con-
stantly upon severe and well-judged economy.
I have called my son to take a part in the direction of
Military Appointments. The Army will find in this new
disposition the most certain testimony of my good will
towards them.

The progressive developement of commerce and enter-
prise, the glory of pacific States, has increased their wants,
and requires more numerous outlets for consumption. I
have thought proper that a Minister created for promoting
their interests, should receive a special mission to propose
to me everything which may second their constantly in-

creasing activity.
Whatever may be the intimate connexions that ought to
exist between the religion and the education of mankind,
the direction of public instruction, and ecclesiastical affairs,
appear to require to be separated, and I have ordered it to
be done accordingly.
Wishing to consolidate more aid more in my kingdom
the Charter, which was granted by my Brother, and which
I have sworn to maintain, I shall take care that every ex-
ertion is made, with wisdom and deliberation, to make our
legislation harmonize in accordance with it.
My attention has been directed to some great questions
of public Administration. Convinced that the real'
strength of thrones, under Divine protection, is in the ob-
servance of the laws, I have ordered that these questions
should be properly sifted, in order, that their discussion
should make the truth manifest—the first want of princes
and people.
Gentlemen,—The happiness of France is the object of
all my desires, and of all my thoughts : to insure it I shall
know how to maintain the powerful and guardian autho-
rity which belongs to my Crown.
I rely much, Gentlemen, upon the assistance of your
wisdom, and upon the harmony of our sentiments. The
voice of your King, which calls for the union of men of
worth, cannot but find hearts disposed to listen to it and to

respond to it.
After the King had delivered his speech, the new wade
Peers took the oaths.

TRIE 6TE, JAN. 22.--We
learn
from
Malta,and
t pirate
The Russian Ambassador had arrived at Egina, but had
immediately left it.
It is said that the Americans have destroyed Carabusa.
The last letters from Constantineple of the 27th of De-
cember, say that that city was still tranquil, though great
military armaments were making. Immense chains were
preparing, to close the entrance of the Dardanelles. Thirteen
ships of the line and some frigates were fitting out in the
arsenal; two ships of the line and one frigate are already
in the port between Tophana and the Seraglio, and a
squadron of large and small vessels is in the Dardanelles.
The cargoes of corn of 88 Russian, English, and French
vessels have been landed for the account of the Porte, which
not only took them at a very low price to the great loss of
the owners, but has not even appointed a short period for
the payment, so that the captains were obliged to content
themselves with mere receipts. The Austrian and Sar-
dinian veeeele have, indeed, been hitherto allowed to peas

the Channel of Constantinople, but have not obtained
firmans without difficulty.—Augsburgh Gazette.
(raost A LETTER.)
" ST. PxTERSBURGH, JAN. 12.—When it was known
that M. de Ribeaupierre had sailed for the AreLeipelago,
the Emperor, it is said, gave orders to send a courier to
Trieste, commanding him immediately to return to Corfue
to join Messrs. Guilleminot and Stratford Carrilng, and in
uo case to return to St. Petersburgh before the develope-
, ment of the events depending on the Greek question. It
is inferred from this, that joint declarations are going to be
made by these Ministers before the executive measures ate
carried into effect." —Augsburgh Gazette.
(From the journal des Ilebats of Tuesday, Feb. 5.)
LeGnoms-, JAW. 20.-:-We learn from Zante, that part:
of the Egyptian vessels which remained at Navarin sailed
on the'2oth January for Alekandria, with a great number
of Greek families. Il;rahim Paella remains in the Mores,
with the greater part of his troops, waiting for his father's.
orders. It is added, that a di; ision returning to Alex-
andria has been attacked on the way by a Greek squadron,
but that it repulsed it. Lord Cochrane is preparing- to
blockade Patras. Captain Hastings blockades Alissolongki.
It is said that he has taken possession of the island of
Vassiladi, and that he has put in it a garrison drawn from
the troops of General Church, who is to a.:t against Mis-
solonghi on the land side. The Turks have no longer any
naval force in the Mores, for which reason the Greeks hope
that the fortresses which they still hold will successively
capitulate for want of provisions. M. de Ribeaupierre-
was expected at Trieste, and at Ancona. It is now known
that he has gone to Malta to confer with Admiral Heyden.
Mr. Stratford Canning, after performing quarantine at
Corfu, has taken up his residence with his family at the
Lord High Commissioner's.
WARSAW, JAN. 10.—The corps of General Rosen has
quitted its camtonments in Volhynia, to enter the kingdom
of Poland. All the civil and military authorities are or-
dered to give the Russian troops a good reception, and
punctually to supply them with what they want.
(From the Constitutiannel of Tuesday.)
(enost A PRIVATE LETTER.)

CORFU, JAN. S.—lbrahim Pacha has 'now shown the
intentions which he has long cherished. It seems that his
secret intentions were to send the inhabitants of the Pelo-
ponneaus to Egypt. He has collected the Greeks who
were in Castel Tornese, those who have been confined since
the beginning of the revolution in Coron and Modon, and
the others who have fallen into his power, and has em-
barked the women and children on hoard two vessels, to
convey them to Egypt. Thus they are going to end their
days in slavery, far from their native land. We are assured
that wii;.'n this news reached Malta, the Commanders of
the Allied fleets instantly ordered their forces to steer
towards Nayari D.
FRENCH Ftniriti, FEB. 4.—Five per Cents., 104 f. sc. ;
Three per Cents., It,f. ; Bank Stock, 1,911 f. 25c. Ex-
change on London, one month, 25f. 15c ; two months, 25f.

Lettere from Vienna of the 26th say, that M. de
llffnllits, belonging to the Russian Embassy, left that city
OD the 23d, for Trieste, with despatches from St. Peters-
burgh for M. de Ribeaupierra.—Note of the Auyaburgh.
Gazette.