The Sun.
London, England, 1828-10-03 00:00:00

UTTOXETER RACES.

MoNome., SEPT. 29.—A Purse of 50 soy& added to a
Sweepstakes of 3 gs. each, was won by Mr. Allsop's Jerry,
in two heats, beating Butterfly, Betsy, and Lavinia.

The Subscription Purse of 50 cove. was won by Mr,
Wilkinsen's Miss Mabella, beating Betsy and Marianne.

TUESDAT.,—A Purse of 50 sovs. with a Sweepstakes
added, was won, in two heats, by Mr; Jones's Lavinia,
beating Mr. Allsop's Jerry, Mr. Roper's Butterfly, and
Mr. Smith's Gilliflower.

The Ladies' Plate was won by Mr. Flint's Betsy, beat-
ing three others.

HUNTING INTELLIGENCE.

APPOINTMENTS FOR THE ENSUING WEER.

Mr. Lester's Harriers will meet on Monday, at Hatch
Pond Bay ; Wednesday, at the Shoulder of Mutton ; and
Saturday, at Parkstone, each day at 10 o'clock.
The Blackmoor Vale Hounds will meet on Tuesday, at
Sparkford Wood; and Friday at Plumley Wood, at 10
o'clock each day.
The Somerset Subscription Fox Hounds will meet on
Tuesday, st Bagborough House; and Friday, at Asholt
Wood.

The Anglesey Hounds meet on Wednesday, at Mona
Inn; Friday, at the Kennel; Monday, at the Star ran;
and Wednesday, at Llanbcdr, each day at ten o'clock.

THE RING.

NEAL Awn ROACII.—Last night a second deposit of 201.
a-side was put down by the friends of these men, at Harry
Holt's, the Golden Cross, Cross-lane, Long-acre, tbr the
pending match ; neither of the men were present.

BARNES AARON ANA HARRY JONES.-A depojt of
101. a-side was to have been posted at Tom Gaynor's, the
Queen's head, Duke's court, Bow-street, but poor Harry,
though a brave little man, was again left iR the lurch by
his friend. Harry had travelled up from Newbury in the
morning, in order, as he said, to jog the memory of his
patron, but the latter had gone out of town, and with him
Harry's sanguine hopes of a match with " the poy Barney."
He was obliged to forfeit the 5/. down; but there is still
hopes of a new match being made at Barney's crack display
of pugilistic talent on Tuesday next, at Howard's Coffee-
house.

BLISSET AND THE CHESHIRE HERO..—These meu were
to have met last night at Peter Crawley's, to make a match,
but neither attended.

• BRUNSWICK CLuas.—Tbe members already
admitted, are clone upon two hundred thousand, and before
the first day of November the Government may calculate
upon having at their command a force sufficient, were such
a measure necessary, to " drire the Papists into the sea."

SPIRIT OP THE LoNnos JOURNALS.

The measure of humiliation fills even to the
overflow, and England descends to what Buona-
parte in his insolence used to denominate her
" natural station"—namely, that of a third or
fourth rate power. Had the French Emperor
performed his threat, and, by the application of
force, to which no other state in Europa had
offered a successful resistance, plucked Great
Britain of her shipping plumage, and exposed
her naked unadorned dimensions to the world,
there would at least have remained to the people
ofo n s England the glory
that was inevitable. Not
of a gallant fight, and the
o
such, unhappily, are the nature and circum-
stances of that decline from primitive grandeur,
of which England has been recently exhibiting
c ation of a fall
the progress, of which she now touches the con-
' summation, and of which she almost at the same
moment begins to taste the fruits. Mean and
ignorant councils have accomplished, in one short
year of peace, that which the most gigantic arm
that ever held a sword was beaten to the earth,
after fiercely attempting by a war of '2O yearn'
continuance ; and since the accession of the pre-
sent extraordinary Ministry, that power which
was erewhile accustomed to raise high her crest
above all nations, and to move by a nod the
political universe, has now become a by-word for
treachery to friends, and for abject resignation to
the will of enemies, alike the formidable and the
feeble. The blockade of the Dardanelles by
Russia is at length officially communicated to
the merchants by the fitting authority of the Earl
of Aberdeen ; and, in passing, we may just ob-
serve, by way ofcommentar;', on some other com-
munications from the Minister, dizt the same day
which repels British commerce from ti;; Darda-
nelles,announces its expulsion from the port of Lis-
bon likewise—that capital of which the Govern-
ment is so " friendly" to Great Britain ! and so
worthy of panegyric from the noble Lord, whose
fellow-subjects it despoils and persecutes, and-
whose Sovereign and country it insults. But,
for the Dardanelles, and the notice of its block-
ade to our merchants. Bad as may be the mea-
sure itself; we protest that our mortification at
an event, under all the circumstances so dis-
graceful to the British empire, is almost lost in
wonder at the language in which it has been
promulgated. If the spirit evinced in Lord
Aberdeen's letter to Lloyd's be a trial of any
Englishman's patience, no human gravity can
stand the force of the noble Secretary's logic.
We have repeatedly dwelt upon the fact, that tire
King's speech had. announced to Parliament the
pledge received from the Emperor of Russia,
that " His Imperial Majesty had consented to
wave the exercise in the Mediterranean Sea of
any rights appertaining to his Imperial Maje4Y4
in his character of a belligerent power." This
sweeping pledge to abandon her belligerent rights
in the Mediterranean Sea by Russia, we treated
as ground sufficient either to disbelieve the
blockade, or, if authentic, to resist it ; and we
called upon Ministers two days ago to explain
in what sense they understood the pledge of
Russia, so as to reconcile—if reconcile they
could—their first insisting that Russia should
wave her privilege as a belligerent, and their af-
terwards submitting to her violation of the pledge
which they had boasted of obtaining. How,
then, does Lord Aberdeen get through the
pitiable task assigned to him ? The first
paragraph of his letter announces the
Russian design to blockade, and to limit that
operation to ships bound to Constantinople, and
laden with articles contraband of war. In the
second, his Lordship, finding that he could not
get over the Russian " waver" above alluded to
(which, indeed, we took proper care should meet
his Lordship full in the face), begins by guotiog
his Imperial Majesty's consent to wave, &c. ;
and then what follows ? Does he add that his
Majesty's Government has therefore taken "mea-
sures to enforce upon Russia the fulfilment of
her pledge, and to protect at all hazards the ho-
nour of his Majesty's Crown, and the commer-
cial rights and interests of his people ?" Doer
Lord Aberdeen, we say, subjoin to the notifica-
tion of a breach of faith by Russia (for towards
the conclusion of the same paragraph, lie ob-
liquely stigmatizes the blockade as such), a
manly and encouraging assurance to the country,
that the Government would not suffer its dignity
to be so insulted ? No such words, alas I can
be found in this characteristic composition of the
Foreign Secretary, and no such meaning ex-
tracted from him. The sense of the letter, on
the contrary, runs thus :—His Imperial Majesty
having consented that there shall be no war-
like measure carried on in the Mediter-
ranean against Turkey, Lord Aberdeen commu-
nicates with the least possible delay to the mer-
chants, that his Imperial Majesty has broken
his imperial word, and has not only commanded
a warlike measure, but that precise description
of measure which superadds an attack on British
commerce to hostilities "in the Mediterranean"
against Turkey ; and although such British iner-
chanclize as have already acted on the faith of
his Imperial Majesty's promise, are, in the
opinion of his Majesty's Government, not liable
to be affected by the blockade, yet as his Ma-
jesty's Government have consented that the
pledge of his Imperial Majesty shall henceforth
be good for nothing, the British merchants as
well as the Brtish Government must pocket the
affront as well as they can, and submit them-
selves dutifully, if not very cheerfully, to the
Imperial pleasure. All remark, after such con-
duct as this, would be irksome to ourselves, and
useless to the men who provoked it. The fact
is, that in the present condition of Ireland, there
is no foreign State so contemptible as not to
presume on the hope of bearding this country
with impunity ; and when a creature like Miguel
insults our pride, well may Russia venture to
.thwart our policy, and to obstruct our com-
merce.-- Times.

We trust that the overheated peasants of Ire-
land may yet be withheld by the more temperate
and sagacious of their brethren, from yielding to
the provocations which are hourly offered to
them by the sanguinary clubmen and their insti-
gators. If the Catholics have a true insight into
their own situation, and such knowledge
.as a
little calm reflection must give every man of that
which constitutes the real strength of their cause,
they must feel at once that their enemies are vul-
nerable only on the hustings, while in the field
they cannot :be resisted. The policy of the Ca-
tholics is peace. If the Government, in the ex-
ercise of a prudent foresight, under an apprehen-
sion quite naturally produced by the exasperated
spirit which reigns throughout Ireland, and
iThich the slightest incident may aggravate into
an unappeasable commotion—if they reinforce,
as we believe they are in the act of doing, the
military force under Lord Anglesey's command,
the Catholics ought at once to hail the event as
the accession to them of a more complete pro-
tection against the Orangemen's outrages. The
Catholics ought to be ruled universally by a de-

termination to seek no defence by arms, except
from the arms in possession of the King's forces.
Let them stand upon the law alone, and the
troops will take the field against the Orange in-
cendiaries in their favour. If Catholic blood •
should be iniquitously spilt by ruffians who pro-
fane the name of God by invoking it for the de- •
struction of his creatures, the law will bring the '
murderers to condign punishment, and the pre- •
text for a display of force to overawe the pea-
santry will be altogether got rid of. In the mean
time it rejoices us to learn from our private let-
ters that the anxiety of the leading Catholics to
restrain the peasants, has been attended in the
counties of Tipperary and Waterford with sues
cess the most gratifying and perfect. The
people, though assembling by tens of thousands,
gave up their preparations, and one and all went
home. Mr. Lawless, whose proceedings in the
North were distinguished by a zeal not unal-
loyed with vanity, has been, we are given to un-
derstand, recalled, and many frightful collisions
thereby, we trust, averted. A postscript to one of
our letters adds the consolatory words, that
" from this time forth, the processions will he
discontinued." God grant it : there may then
be reasonable hopes of a happy termination to a
crisis, whose aspect hitherto has been such as to
terrify the stoutest heart. But once for all, the
King's Government must do its part towards a
peimanent settlement of Ireland. We should
hear with pleasure, as in fact we have heard, that
the Duke of Wellington has conceived some
project of arrangement, if we could place any
confidence in the soundness or success of his
Grace's legislative enterprise. If the Duke of
Wellington undertakes a measure of conciliation
we would respectfully beseech his Grace to
mould it according to the spirit of Lord
Liverpool, who declared that if he could bring
himself to emancipate at all, he would do so
broadly, manfully, and liberally, without any
suspicious and offensive nibbling away the prin-
ciple, or giving it some wretched compromise for
a rider. if his Grace takes pride in the sugges-
tion of any scheme of pacification, as well he
may do if it lead eventually to peace, we trust
thatit will notsmell from the outset of any narrow
absurdity or inefficiency—that it will not tend to
irritate and expedite a crisis, instead of averting
one—that it will not be alike unsatisfactory to
every party, or expose the incompetency of its
author to the world ; or, being unfortunately all
these things, that it will not, like a child of his
Grace's old age, be petted and pushed forward
with the pertinacity which characterised him for
many years of his life, but that he will be found
as tractable by his own countrymen, and as
much indisposed to civil war, as certain Eu-
ropean cabinets have found him, when they
offered the alternative of a foreign contest for the
condition of refusing their demands. Should,
unhappily—in subversion of all our pacific
prospects—the Irish soil become a field of battle,
we hope that a well-known and somewhat med-
dling Marshal, who now parades the north of
England, sounding the praises of the illustrious
Miguel—(Reader, it is positively true
have the condescension to interfere so far on
behalf of Great Britain as to prevail on that
Grateful monarch, though he excludes British
ships from the once friendly port of Lisbon, not
to lend it for die preparation of squadrons des-
tined to land rebel stores, or arms, or troops in
Ireland.—lbid.
The blockade of the Dardanelles is now no
longer a matter of conjecture. In another part
of our Paper will be found a copy of a letter
from Lord Dunglas to the Chairman of the
Committee of Lloyd's, announcing that he was
directed by the Earl of Aberdeen to acquaint
him that his Majesty's Government had received
information that it was " the intention of his
Imperial Majesty, the Emperor of Russia, to
establish a blockade of the Dardanelles," but
that the blockade would be " limited to the
prevention of vessels bound to Constantinople,
and laden with provisions, or articles contraband
of war, from entering the Straits." It is well
known that the Turks have been abundantly sup-
plied from this country with warlike stores; and the
Russians, smarting under their recent discomfi-
tures, have determined to put an end to this com-
merce. By the Blockade Law recognised by
this country, they are warranted in having re-
course to such a measure. Unfortunately in the
Speech from the Throne, at the close of the last
Session, his Majesty was advised to say—" The
determination of the Powers, parties to the
Treaty of the 6th July, to effect the objects of
that Treaty, remains unchanged. His Imperial
Majesty has consented to waive the exercise, in
the Mediterranean Sea, of any rights appertain-
ing to _his Imperial Majesty in the character of
a belligerent Power, and to recal the separate in-
structions which had been given to the Commander
of his naval forces in that sea, directing hostile
operations against the OttominePorte. His 11Ia- •
jesty will therefore continue to combine his efforts
with those of the King of France and-his Im-
perial Majesty, for the purpose of carrying into
complete execution the stipulations of the Treaty
of London." In Lord Aberdeen's speech of
the 16th July, says ;—" His Imperial Ma-
jesty the Emperor of Russia, for reasons of
which we know nothing, thought it necessary, in
support of his dignity, to declare war against
the Porte. Now I must beg of Noble Lords
to recollect in what a situation this circumstance
placed the other parties to the treaty. It was
the wish of all the parties—their expressed and
declared wish—to execute the treaty without a
war. One of the parties became a belligerent.
Did not this at once alter the situation of' the
other parties to the treaty ? In this fact, my
Lords,- is to be found the cause of the delay
that has taken place. This fact gave rise to hesi-
tation and to explanations which I am sure that ,
the Noble Lord himself will not think unreason-
able. If there had existed any disposition on
the part of this country to evade the treaty, such
a situation of affairs might have furnished them
with a plausible ground for retiring from their
engagemeitt.
But, in order to show that it was
their intention that this treaty should be fully
executed, no time was lost in procuring those
explanations which were necessary for the execu-
tion of the treaty in the spirit in which it had
been framed. His Imperial Majesty at once
divested himself of the character of a belligerent
in the Mediterranean ; and I think, my Lords,
no one will deny that the sincerity and the gene-
rosity the Emperor of Russia displayed in doing'
this are entitled to the highest praise. But,
until that was done, it was impossible that the
two neutrals could co-operate with the bellige-
rent under the treaty. It is true that they might
all have pursued the same end by different means;
hut co-operation in such circumstances seemed
absolutely impracticable." Here we are told, in
language of the most positive import, that the
condition of our co-operating with Russia and
Franca, in executing the treaty of the 6th July,
was his Imperial Majesty's divesting himself of
the character of a belligerent in the Mediterra-

neat), and that without such divestment the co-
operation was impossible. The whole thing was
clearly a subterfuge, because, if the carrying on
war in the Mediterranean was objectionable,
while we were carryin,7, the treaty of the 6th of
July into execution, the carrying on war at all
was equally objectionable ; for the ground of ob-
jection in both was the same—the impairing the
means by which the Turks could combat Russia.
The difference was merely in the degree of injury
to Turkey, and not in the principle (for our inte-
rests as neutrals, trading with either of the belli-
gerents, were out of the question in a matter of
blockade law) ; and we regard, therefore, the de-
claration, respecting the waiver of the right to
attack Turkey in the Mediterranean, as a sort
of attempt to have it thought that we were not
duped by the Treaty, and that Russia would not
for the world do anything unpalatable to us.—
Who so generous as the Emperor of Russia ?
It would have been much more becoming, and
would have been equally politic, had we at once
said, when Russia declared war against Turkey,
" We have, it is true, no right to prevent your
invasion of Turkey, but as our object was not
to destroy or weaken Turkey, but to put an end
to an interminable war in the Mediterranean; that,
from the manner in which it was necessarily car-
ried on, gave third parties a right of interference
for the protection due to their own subjects, we
are bound to withdraw from an alliance, an ad-
herence to which would make us, in reality, par-
ticipatois in the war against our ancient ally. It
is not for us to calculate whether the giving effect
to the Treaty of the 6th of July, on the con-
dition of the waiver of the rights of a belli-
gerent on the part of Russia in the Mediter-
ranean, or the withdrawing from the Treaty,
and allowing Russia to carry on the war as she
pleases, would be most beneficial or most inju-
riousto Turkey. We have to consult our ONVII
dignity and our own honour. What has been
done under the Treaty at Navarin cannot be un-
done, though, had we been aware of a II ussian
invasion, that Treaty never would have been en-
tered into ; we have been unwittingly led to pro-
ceed thus far, in the hope of being able to
rescue a Christian people from destruction, and
put an end to a war destructive of our commerce ;
but the question assumes now a new com-
plexion, and to allow our fleets to remain one
moment longer in the Mediterranean for any
other object than the protection of British sub-
jects from piratical aggression, would be altoge-
ther unjustifiable." Such a straight-forward
course was nut, however, the one which it was
thought meet to pursue. It was deemed expe-
dient to make a boast of the great sacrifices to
which we had brought Russia to submit, as a
consideration for our aiding in the execution of
the Treaty. We could not have allowed our
fleet to co-operate with France and Russia on
any other terms than a waiver of the rights
of a belligerent ; not WC.---the thine was im-
possible. And How comes the 'blare' :—" His
Majesty having declared to his Parliament that
his Imperial Majesty had consented to waive
the exercise in the Mediterranean Sea of any
rights appertaining to his Imperial Majesty in the
character of a belligerent Power,' Lord Aberdeen
is desirous of making the above communication
with the least possible delay, for the information
of all whom it may concern ; and I am further
directed by his Lordship to state, that, in the
opinion of his Majesty's Government, such
commercial enterprises of his Majesty's subjects
as may have been already undertaken upon the
faith of his Majesty's declaration in Parliament,
are not liable to be affected by this blockade."—
We who could not possibly co-operate with
Russia and France in the Mediterranean, without
the waiver—we who blazon this faith in a King's
Speech to the world, when numberless com-
mercial speculations have been entered into on
the faith of the assurance so solemnly made,
now come forward and say, Russia, after
having by her generosity induced us to do
what it would have been impossible for us
otherwise to do, is pleased to be so ungenerous
as to withdraw her waiver. But then it is the
opinion of his Majesty's Government that such
commercial enterprises of his Majesty's subjects
as may have beets already undertaken upon the
faith of his Majesty's declaration are not liable
to be affected by this blockade. But what has
become of the generosity of his Imperial Ma-
jesty ? The generosity of his Imperial Majesty
and the opinion of his Majesty's Ministers must,
together, have been an admirable guarantee.—
What if the generosity of his Imperial Majesty
should not here second the opinion of his Ma-
jesty's Ministers ! Besides, most explicit of all
publicists, how do you and his most generous
Imperial Majesty limit • the commercial enter-
prises already undertaken ? The bombs, and
guns, and shells, and powder already in the
Alediterraneau, or shipped for the Mediter-
ranean, or ready to be shipped, or manu-
facturing ! It is but an opinion after all,
and his Imperial Majesty may not be of the
same opinion. Who is to indemnify his Ma-
jesty's subjects relying on the declaration, for
their total or partial loss, for the voidance of bar-
gains, the frustrating the numberless arrangements
made ill consequence ? We wish it to be un-
derstood, that we remain firm in the opinion that
the
Duke of Wellington has acted wisely' in not
embarking the country in war, notwithstanding
these affronts. We only wish he had not ex-
posed himself to them, by the wish to have it
thought that we could play the safe game of at-
tending to our own insular policy, and at the
same time influence all the Continental Powers.
The two are incompatible. Russia knows that
we are not in a situation to oppose her designs
ou without risking consequences which
the molt at present durst not attempt.
Turkey,tio (Government
rn
lately made. What we are not
We cannot blind her by such efforts to look
go through with we ought not to big, as we have
are idio.t arbiters
prepared to
it cannot
at-
tempt. We are ourselvets,:h!atetvccuwr'mee
secure, and
to re-
detract from our dignitY
of all the disputes of nations. Russia. and France
will,
ourselves.—m •
Or Milo'
perhaps,thei r proijici theprojects
gret
Chronicle.

We are glad to see that Mr. Hunt takes every
public occasion, as a member of the Livery, of
pressing upon the reluctant attention of the go-
verning powers of the Corporation of London
the abuses of the Secondaries' Office as to the
law of imprisonment for debt. Bad as that law
is upon principle, it is inconceivably worse
iu
practice—and nowhere in England are the vie-
, tams of that law made to feel so much of the bit-
terness of oppression and grinding exaction as
within the city of London, and under the juris-
diction of Sheriffs popularly elected. If the
Sheriff's• of London and Middlesex were appoint-
ed by the Crown, we should be told that the
abuse of their office was the consequence of the
people not having a voice in their appointment,
and that the selling of the place of Secondary
was gross Ministerial corruption, and, as it is an

@like " touching the administration of justice,"
ought to be made the subject of an impeachment,
or at least of a criminal information in the nature
of a quo warranto. But the Sheriff of Middlesex
is not, like the Sheriff of Surrey or Kent, ap-
pointed by the Crown. The abuse of the Se-
condaries' Office, and the sale of situations in
their nature judicial, have not grown out of what
is called " Ministerial corruption." Ihe " civic
patriots," the " liberal and enlightened Corpo-
ration of London, have the sole management
and controul of those things—they, and they
alone, are answerable for the evils complained
of, and certainly the shameful conversion of a
judicial office into ten thousand pounds does not
say much for the purity or virtue of a popular
Administration like that which is appointed to
protect the " Chartered freedom of the city.
But if the original abuse is shameful, how much
more so the conduct of the Committee of the
Common Council with respect to it ? That
Committee, as Mr. Hunt states, came to a reso-
lution last summer to report on the evidence,
and to report that the place ought not to be sold
again ; yet in the teeth of this resolution the
same Committee, or a snug coterie among them,
in the name of the whole, have come to a reso-
lution recommending the Corporation to sell it
again ! Here is civic purity ! Here is demo-
cratic virtue ! The Common Council have been
protesters against the " monopoly of a Corn
Bill ;'' they have been petitioners against the
trade in black slaves ; but they are not ashamed,
for the sake of bringing 10,0001. into the funds
of the Corporation, for feasting and drinking
purposes, to support a monopoly in illegal exac-
tions, and to perpetuate the miseries of tchitc
slaves ! It appears also that, in the City, the
Sheriffs' or rather the Secondaries' officers act,
in cases of arrest, in direct violation of an Act
of Parliament, which allows twenty-four hours
to the debtor, before confinement, to go with the
officer to his friends, to procure bail, or to the
plaintiff, to try and arrange the business; but
Mr. Hunt says the practice of the officer is to
demand a fee, and if he does not get it, to take
the debtor to a lock-up house immediately on the
arrest. We wonder some of the persons who
sufir from this exaction, or are dragged to
prison before the twenty-four hours are expired,
in consequence of not paying the illegal fee, do
not bring actions against those officers. The
first would have a good cause of action for mo-
ney had and received, the latter for the assault
or false imprisonment. Such- actions would
bring the petty tyrants to their senses.—Morning
Herald.

The formation of Brunswick Clubs proceeds
rapidly both in England and Ireland. In the
latter country, there is scarcely a district, or even
a parish, in which such a loyal and patriotic as-
sociation has not been established. One good
effect has already resulted from this Protestant
organisation in Ireland. The traitors of the As-
sociation have taken the alarm. The Papist
Leaders, laymen as well as priests, have begun to
tremble. The men who but the other day
boasted of the multitudes they would assemble
on their slightest signal, and employed every
excitement to stimulate the peasantry to gather
together in tumultuous crowds, for the purpose
of overawing the Government by this parade of
physical force at their command, now practically-
confess themselves to be overawed. Perceiving
themselves to be the weaker party, the coward
hypocrites now affect an earnest solicitude for
peace, and exhort the blind, and bigotted,
and barbarous hordes under their controul, to
skulk from the face of day. So far it is well.
The altered tone of the Agitators attests the
efficacy of the Protestant organization, and mum,
convince all the world, that in energy, spirit,
consciousness of right, and confidence in their
own cause, the Catholics of Ireland are as much
inferior to the Protestants, as the Roman Tiara
is inferior in splendour and in power to the
Crown of England. As might have been ex-
pected, however, the Catholic agitators and their
abettors are endeavouring to make a merit of
that new-born love of peace, which terror and
the consciousness of weakness only have inspired,
and to cast upon their Protestant opponents, by
.whose formidable aspect they have been terrified
into a momentary and hypocritical regard to the
peace of their country, the reproach of inviting
a sanguinary collision. This weak inven-
tion of the traitors can impose upon no
one, while memory holds its seat. The
man must be dipped, steeped, drowned hi the
waters of Lethe, who can forget the boasts and
threats of the Agitators, the Aggregate Meet-
ings, the Clare Election, the Catholic Rent—all
several parts of a system intended, avowedly con-
trived, to intimate to the Protestant Government
and the Protestant people of Ireland, that they
had to make their choice between the alterna-
tives of unlimited concession to the Papists, or
rebellion. This was the intimation given—stu-
diously and elaborately given—by the leaders of
the Popish faction—given with all the distinct-
ness that was compatible with their immediate
personal safety, and with so much distinctness
that it could not be misunderstood. Upon this
unequivocal intimation, a thousand times repeated,
and in every possible form, corroborated too by
every symptom of the times, by every passing
event, the Protestants have at length begun to
prepare themselves fk that alternative, which,
when compelled to choose, they could not he-
sitate to prefer. They will defend the Consti-
tution handed down to them by their forefathers ;
and if' the arduous and afflicting duty of quelling
a Popish rebellion is to be an inseparable part of
their task, as the Popish leaders have conti-
nually boasted and threatened that it must, for
that fearful struggle also they are determined to
be prepared. The Brunswick Clubs do not in-
vite rebellion, but they resolve that a rebellion, so
often and so plainly threatened, shall not at last
take them by surprise. Their object is purely de-
fensive. They will not surrender Ireland to the un-
mitigated dominion of Popery. They will not
prostrate the British Constitution, with all the
freedom it imparts, and all the happiness it is
calculated to produce, at the foot of an idola-
trous altar. Sooner than this, they will encoun-
ter a Popish rebellion, and will crush it. But
We may be assured that thc Brstish Govern-
ment will not, even in the event of the Papists
receding from the threatening position they have
dared to sssume, leave them in such a situation
now as will enable them to re-occupy them at
pleasure. It would be the height of injustice
towards the loyal Protestants of Ireland to suf-
fer them to remain for ever subject to the injury
and annoyance of having to buckle on and cast
aside their armour from time to time, as discre-
tion or intemperance, as cowardice or insolence
among their enemies, and the enemies of the Con-
stitution, may alternately prevail. And this
monstrous injustice would be committed, if the
slaves of the Popish priests were permitted to
retain the right of voting for Members of Par-
liament, or if measures were not taken to sup-

press the Catholic Association, and to prevent
for ever any similar confederacy from rearing its
hideous head.---illorning, Post.
The rumoured blockade of the Dardanelles,
respecting which we no later than yesterday ex-
pressed our decided disbelief, has at length as-
sumed a tangible shape—in other words, it has
been noted to the Committee of Lloyd's by
Lord Dunglass, as a matter of which they ought
to take notice. We say notified, because the
letter of his Lordship is so obscurely worded
that there is no possibility of knowing whether
the notification implies a recognition of the
blockade, or is merely a friendly warning to
our shipowners and merchants. \I; e much
fear, however, that it is not only, a notifi-
cation, but a recognition, that the British Go-
vernment will no more think of acting in oppo-
sition to the blockade and protecting British
ships from seizure, than it did in case of Oporto
and Madeira. One Evening Cotemporary, in-
deed, assures us that " we have not consented
to the blockade ;" and another informs us, that,
according to the best of its information, " the
most energetic measures will be resorted to by
this country, unless the Russians give up the
point ; that a strong remonstrance has been ad-
dressed to the Emperor Nicholas upon the sub-
ject, and that unless he is prepared to add England
to the list of his enemies, he will waive at
once the blockade of the Dardanelles." We
should be glad to find that such was the case,
and that the British Government had for once
shewn a determination to resist the unprincipled
designs of Russia ; but what is there beyond the
assertions of our two cotemporaries to justify us
in such belief ? In what other matter has the
Government of the Duke of Wellington evinced
a determination to maintain the honour of the
country ? Has it not bent the knee to Don
Miguel ? next to the King of France in the
matter of the Moreau expedition ; and ought not
the notification of the blockade of the Dardanelles
by Russia, to be taken in consequence as synoni-
mous with a recognition of its legality ? There
is one curious passage in Lord Dunglass's
letter in allusion to the passage in the King's
Speech, at the close of the Session of Parlia-
ment, from which, but for its junta-position
with another, specifying the terms of the blockade,
we should be apt to infer that the Duke of Wel-
lington had determined not to consent to it.
The passage is, " that his Imperial Majesty had
consented to waive the exercise in the Mediter-
ranean of any rights appertaining to his Impe-
rial Majesty in the character of a belligerent
power." Now the right of blockade is one of
the best known and most fully recognized rights
appertaining to a belligerent power; and it ought,
therefore, to be inferred that the Emperor of Rus-
sia having, after repeated remonstrances, consented
to waive this right, any infraction of the compact
could only take place with the full and voluntary
consent of those who received the pledge. That
the British Government viewed the matter in
this light there can be no doubt ; and as little
that it has remonstrated against it ; but what is
still unknown, and what is important to know,
is the extent of the remonstrance—whether it
has ended in a mere declaration of the incon-
sistency of his Imperial Majesty's conduct, or
been accompanied with a threat to exact sum-
mary vengeance for any insult or obstruction
that may be offered to the British flag. We
have no means of clearing up this point, and
we therefore leave it to be unravelled by the
better judgment of our readers. There is one
thing, however, which in this as in other parts of
the conduct of Russia, since July, 1827, is
abundantly manifest ; and that is her bad faith.
We endeavoured to put this matter in a
proper light yesterday ; and her intention to
blockade the Dardanelles furnishes another
example to the same effect. At the time that
the second Russian fleet was passing through
the English Channel, and obliged, notwithstand-
ing orders to the contrary, to repair to an Eng-
lish port to refit, we observed that unless his
Imperial Majesty had other views than merely
carrying the treaty of 6th July into effect, there
was no occasion to reinforce the Mediterranean
squadron ; and the justice of the observation is
borne out by what is now known. The squa-
dron was intended to blockade the Dardanelles !
and yet, at the moment that preparations were
making for this purpose, the Emperor was giving
assurances that he had waived all rights apper-
taining to him in the character of a belligerent
in the Mediterranean ! After this, what reliance
is there to be placed on Russian promises ?
Morning Advertiser.