The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-28 00:00:00

'f-4 Talbttion

OSING PRICES

THE FUNDS-(C

FUNDS. ,
Indian Stock 278 pm
Ditto Bonds BB pm.
Ditto Old Annuities
Ditto New Annuities.., 96%
Ex. Bills, 1,000/. 130 7O pm.
Ditto 5601. (49 pm.
Ditto Small 7O pm.
Bank Stock for Acct 195
India Stock for Acct 2783{,
Consols for Acct. .....
N FUNDS.
Austrian, 5 per Cent — Portuguese,s per Cent 75%
Belgian, 5 per Cent 105% Ditto, New Ditto
Brazilian Bonds
Buenos Ayres, 6 per Cent... 353( Russian, 5 per Cent. .....
thilian, 6 per Cent lO5 (Ditto, Metallic
Colombian, 6 per Cent
Ditto, 1824 Ditto, 3 r Cent 35%
Cuba Bonds, 6 per Cent 93 !Ditto, Defpeerred........ .......... 13%
Danish, 3 per Cent
Greek, 18 5, 5 per Cent...... (Exchange
Mexican, 5 per Cent
Ditto, 6 per Cent., 18i7 Dutch, 2% per Cent 54%
Peruvian, 1225, 6 per Cent... 31 x Ditto, 5 per Cent ' lOl%
SHARE
Birmingham and Derby (100 paid) 56
Ditto Thirds (25 paid)
Ditto Eighths (I/. lOs. paid) 3%
Bristol and Exeter (:0 paid) 68%
Chester and Holyhead ( 5 paid) 54
EasterniUnion ( 5 paid) 5%
Edinburgh and Glasgow (50 paid)
Gravesend, Rochester, and Chatham (2% paid) ssi
Orcat North of England (100 paid) 96
Great Western (75 paid)
Ditto Half Shares (50 paid) ......... . ...... .., tB
Ditto Fifths (12 paid)
Hull and "elby (50paid) 6O
Ditto Quarter Shares ( 6 paid) 7
London and Birmingham (Stock)
London and Greenwich (Lt. 15s. 4d. paid) —
Ditto, Preference or Privilege (13/. 17s. 2d. pd) 17%
London and South Western (41/. Os. 10d. paid) 77%
London and Croydon (Trunk) ... 16%
Manchester and Leeds (70 paid) lO9
Midland Counties (100 paid) B7
Norwich and Brandon ( 2 paid) 5%
North Midland (100 paid) 87%
Paris and Rouen (20 paid) (2
Rouen and Havre ( ti paid)
South Eastern and Dover (50 paid) 353(
Ditto Scrip (25 paid) 36

BRITISI
Bank Stock
3 per Cent. Red 9B
3 per Cent. Cons
3% per Cent. Red ......
New 3% per Cent. 102%
New 5 per Cent ..... ...„ —
Long Annuities to expire
Jan. 1860 l%
Oct. 1859 12%
Jan. 1860 l2 9-16
FOREIG

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAT.
ADVERTISER.—We are surprised to find that some of
our Liberal Contemporaries imagine they can discover ground
of hope for Ireland, in the speech of Sir Robert Peel. They
must be persons of quicker discernment than ourselves. We
can discover nothing in that speech, lengthened and varied
as it was, which affords the slightest foundation for
any such hope. It bears on its face the impress
of cunning and deceit. Its conciliatory expressions are
only intended to mislead. No distinct avowal is made
of any intention to abandon that oppressive and
insulting policy which has has driven Ireland to the
verge of rebellion. Now, can any one who knows the cha-
racter of the Premier, suppose for a moment that had he
contemplated the adoption of a conciliatory policy, he would
not have taken care to make an explicit avowal of his inten-
tions ?On all previous occasions—his tariff, for example—
when he intended to introduce measures of concession, he has
not only proclaimed his purposes in terms which could admit
of no misconception, but with a pompousness of manner pe-
culiar to himself, and which was almost as significant as the
language he employed. If Sir Robert Peel had intended to
alter the course of his procedure in Ireland, he would not have
studiously abstained from all reference to Mr. O'Connell's
thrice-repeated question—" How are you to govern Ireland ?"
In his silence as to his future policy we clearly discern an in-
tention to pursue the perilous path which he is now treading.
Instead of intimating his purpose to relax the severity of the
law, he avows his resolution to uphold it. No one can mis-
take the meaning of this. In the Premier's vocabulary it
signifies that, while he is in power, Ireland will continue to
be governed by military force. But we are not left to mere
inferential deductions respecting the future Irish policy of
Sir Robert Peel. We have sure grounds for our conviction.
One unguarded expression escaped Sir Robert in his late
speech, which indicates, in a manner not to be mistaken, that
a policy of coercion, not of concession; is that which Ministers
have determined to pursue towards Ireland. Sir Robert
avowed his intention to uphold the Protestant Establish-
ment as it now exists in that country. On this point he
was more explicit than we ever remember to have heard
him. He did not qualify his language in any way. The
determination was proclaimed without any conditions.
He left no loop-hole, no back-door, through which, in case
an emergency should arise, he could escape from his
pledge. No measure which can in the slightest degree in-
terfere with the Irish Church, can ever be proposed by him.
Nor, if any such measure be proposed by others, can it re-
ceive his sanction. With that Church he has inseparably
identified himself: with her he is prepared to stand or fall.
Rather than touch her most trivial privilege, or suffer another
to do it, he would see his Administration perish before his
eyes. Now, if, as is admitted on all hands, the Protestant
Church in Ireland be, in her established capacity, the monster
evil of that country, and if the Premier has declared his deter-
mination to uphold that Church at all hazards—must not
they be credulous persons indeed who expect any measures
of a conciliatory nature from him ? His speech, as before
remarked, does not afford the shadow of a ground
on which to rest any such expectation. But even if it
did, even if he had given an explicit pledge of his inten-
tion to do justice to Ireland, we would have reposed no
faith in his word, after hearing him proclaim his reso-
lution to maintain, under all circumstances, existing
and contingent, the Protestant Establishment of Ire-
land. So long as the Irish Church is suffiared to exist,
Ireland cannot know what peace or prosperity means. She
is not only the crowning evil, but the parent of nearly all
the other evils which are felt in that country. It is not
merely that, being the religion only of a few hundred thou-
sands of her peopl, she constitutes a standing insult to the
millions who are of a different creed, but these millions,
while maintaining their own ministers, are ground to the
earth by the heavy imposts laid upon them for the support
of this Church. It were bad enough that they should be
obliged to support this Church, even did they conceive her
doctrines, her discipline, and her conduct to be harmless ; but
it is a double act of injustice and oppression, when they con-
sider her creed to consist of most perilous errors, and her con-
duct to be dangerous, if not destructive, to the souls of men.
Nor, insuperable as are these objections in the eyes of the
Catholics to the Protestant Establishment of Ireland, are
they the only ground of their hostility towards that Esta-
blishment. 'Their aversion to the Church is deepened by the
fact, that through her door all must pass who are am-
bitious of sharing in the honours, and partaking of the
advantages, which the State holds out to distinguished
talent and meritorious conduct. The avenue to civil dis-
tinction and civil emoluments is shut against the Roman
Catholic. His talents may be of the highest order, and
his conduct invulnerable to the shafts of calumny, and
yet, because he is a Catholic, he is ineligible to any civil, ju-
dicial, or political office of any importance. Let us not be
told that the Relief Bill of 1829 established civil equality
between Catholics and Protestants. It did no such thing.
In appearance, or in theory, indeed, it may be said to have
done so ; in reality it has not. What is the existing state of
matters in Ireland? What has been the state of matters in
that country since the aceession of the Tories to power? Are
not the Catholics a proscribed class? Are they not studiously
excluded from all offices of emolument and trust? Is not the
brand of degredation prominently and permanently impressed
on their brow? Are they not insulted in every conceivable
way—grossly and gratuitously insulted by the ministers and
members of that Established Church, to the maintenance of
which they are compelled to contribute? And yet, though Sir
Robert Peel avows his determination to uphold a Church
which is thus proved to be the monster evil of Ireland—an
evil which converts a country, which would else be a paradise,
into a political and social pandemonium—there are persons—
persons in the ranks of the Liberals, too—who are credulous
to believe that he contemplates a conciliatory policy towards
Ireland. We are of no such easy faith. We will not believe
that any man can entertain the intention of doing justice to
Ireland, who does not commence the work of conciliation by
abolishing the Protestant Establishment in that country.
CHRONICLE.—So, it appears that M. Guizot flings all
the blame of the non-ratification of the treaty with Pomare,
Queen of Tahiti, not upon her Majesty's repugnance, but
upon the Admiral Dupetit Thouars ; and the Moniteur Orders
the Queen's restoration. It is evident that Lord Aberdeen,
though he admits the French protectorate in Tahiti, refuses
to recognise the sovereignty, which, for a pacific Minister, is
strange enough ; for it means neither more nor less than this
—he adjourns the question of sovereignty to a future war.
He denies the right of the French to levy duties, prohibit
ships touching, and to exercise rights of sovereignty. Yet
the real influence, the practical exercise of sovereignty, he
admits. We have no hesitation in saying, that such a state
of things is as unsatisfactory as can be well imagined ; for
one more likely to produce collisions, and differences, and
jealousies, could not have been established. The protectorate
ought to have been opposed and prevented in the first in-
stance. For now, the whole current of rancorous opposition,
greedy of a subject that stirs national pride, will clamour for
the full sovereignty of these petty islands, denounce every
Minister, like Guizot, as a poltroon that shrinks from offend-
ing England in the enforcement of rights upon them, and
end by making it a sine qua non with any new Minister, that
he annex the Friendly Islands in name, as well as in reality,
to the French Crown.
FROM TUE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—The Custom House frauds, which have
already excited so much attention and surprise, were on
Monday again the subject of inquiry in the Court of
Queen's Bench. The form of the proceedings were in this
instance different; but the facts adduced in evidence were
nearly similar to those elicited on former trials. The
mode of procedure was by indictment; the charge was
conspiracy to defraud the Crown of certain duties upon
goods imported by the fabrication of false entries, and
the insertion of the leaves on which these false entries
were made into the Blue Books, in which the " sight
entries" were made by the landing-waiters, and on
which the duties were charged. By the connivance and
aid of Homersham and Burnby, oof these officers
(the former since dead, the latter the principal witness
against the defendants on this trial), Messrs. Mottram
and Williams, who carried on business in Wood-street,
Cheapside, as silk-merchants, and their clerk, Horsley,
indicted with them, had carried on a course of fraud
on the revenue for a considerable time, and to a large
extent. The present indictment was, necessarily, limited
to one transaction—the fraudulent entry upon two cases
of goods imported by the ship Belfast, from France; and
by which the Customs branch of the revenue was de-
frauded of the difference between 4171. 15s. and upwards
of 1,1001 Williams pleaded guilty ; Horsley had ab-
sconded. The other defendant (Mottram) was convicted.
The facts elicited by the examination of the witnesses
exemplified most forcibly the oft-repeated observation,
that the public business of the country is worse con-
ducted, and that protection against frauds upon its
revenues is far less effective, than those of private
Commercial establishments. The Attorney-General
in his opening explained the course pursued at the
Custom-house ; and, certainly, had the Honourable
Commissioners desired to afford facilities for fraud, they
could not have invented a practice better adapted for the
purpose. The importer «ho contemplated fraud,
had only to come to an understanding with one or
two landing-waiters, and, by purchasing their aid with
a share of the proceeds, he was secure. The Cus-
tom House authorities, by their mode of transacting
business, had done the rest ! " Landing-waiters,'
said Burnby, in his evidence, "were stationed at cer-
tain quays ; and the importer might land goods where
he pleased." The officers of the Government, employed
and paid by the public to prevent fraud, perverted into
the hired agents of the fraudulent traders, were sure to
be in their places. No interchange with officers on other
stations; no checks upon the old jog-trot mode of doing
business ; no special examination of the " Blue
Books," in which the entries were made, to
ascertain their genuiness—nothing of this kind
was ever thought of. Had not Mottram and
Williams become bankrupts, and certain entries of a

snspielOtis7appearance in their books excited-the suspi•
cion of the accountant employed to prepare their balance-
sheet, led to inquiry,. the system,- which had been so
productive of fraud, would have probably continued to
diminish the receipts of the Exchequer, and to swell the
gains of the fraudulent importer. The fair trader would
have still found himself undersold in the market ;
would have witnessed his gradual decline of business,
until insolvency and ruin overtook him ; while his dis-
honest neighbour would have risen, from one step to
another, in the scale of what the world calls " respecta-.
bility," until he retired with an immense, fortune, to
chuckle over the .clumsiness of the Castom House,.
which had ministered to his dishonesty and success.
The witness Burnby stated, as a fact, what will ex-
cite general suspicion. "He made certain disclo-
sures to the Commissioners"—not, however, until some
inquiries were being made in consequence of the mys-
terious entries in Mottram and Williams' books. " His
disclosures were•not caused by remorse. If the' Com-
miisioners have represented that the disclosures ema-
nated from remorse, they were in error." And—
deeply steeped in villany as he was—this avowal may
be safely credited. He was absolutely frightened at
the extent of his transactions—terrified at the amount
of his success. Business increased upon his hands to
such a degree—his clients were so numerous, and his
1 profits so large, that he became tired of the trade:—" My
motive was to stop the frauds when I found they had
arrived to such a pitch as 400,000/. or 500,0001. a year
—that was my motive. I had no fear of being dis-
covered. I could have carried it on to this day ; but
when I saw the frightful extent of the fraud, I deter-
mined to stop it." Another part of his evidence was
equally astounding. The public ought to know whether
it has been plundered by wholesale, in the way de-
-scribed :—" It is a common practice of all landing-
waiters to purloin what they can get from the
docks. They have large coats for the purpose.
I hal a large coat with very large • pockets."
There are two circumstances connected with the
witness Burnby, which will strike every one who
reads the report of the proceedings of Monday with sur-
prise. The first is, the very large pecuniary allowance
paid to him by the Customs in the lieu of salary :—" I
am not now in employment. I am living on my own pro-
p:•rty, and on 15s. a-day allowed me by the Customs. I
made these disclosures in November, 1842. I have had
15s. a-day since." Five guineas a week, in addition to the
interest derived from his own property, the produce of his
frauds, seems rather like a bounty upon guilty participa-
tion in the transactions he described, than anything like
forfeiture of pecuniary advantages, as a punishment for
crime. The other circumstance was the protection sought
' to be cast around him by the Attorney-General, by
which the fellow might obtain impunity from punish•
ment for imputed perjury. Two indictments for perjury
had been returned " true bills " by the grand jury ;
and the Attorney-General applied to the Court of
Queen's Bench for permission to enter a nolle prosequi
in each case ; and thus stray all further proceedings
against him on those indictments. For the credit of
our judges we are happy to add that this extraordi-
nary application was refused, and Burnby will have to
answer the indictments in the ordinary course of law.
The proceedings of Monday were, as we have said,
by indictment. The conviction will, therefore, be unpro-
ductive to the Crown, so far as restitution of any part
of the duties of which the revenue has been defrauded
is concerned. The witness Burnby, estimated the amount
of the fraudulent practices at from 400,000/. to 500,0002
annually; and from 1837 to 1842, as the extent of time
over which the' transactions spread. Several verdicts
for large penalties have been obtained by the Crown in
the Court of Exchequer; but, if report speak truly, the
proceeds derived from those verdicts will be miserably
small. It is worth while for some Member of Parlia-
ment to move for returns upon these cases, as well as
for all papers likely to cast light on these extraordinary
transactions.

STANDARD.—Among a variety of notices of mo-
tions given last night, by different Members of the
House of Commons, is one by our old friend Mr.
Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, representative of the
borough of Finsbury, io which the .Standard is concerned.
The motion is for a return of all money paid to the
proprietors, the managers, conductors, and agents
of the Morning Herald and Standard newspapers, for
the information furnished by them in reference
to the late agitation in Ireland. How the Ministers
may treat that motion, we are, of course, unable to an-
ticipate ; but we could most earnestly wish that her
Majesty's servants may feel justified in granting the re-
turn. It is true that, in every case in which we have
been in possession of information that it might be im-
portant to the public service to place in the hands of the
Vovernment, whether such information related to foreign
or domestic affairs, we have been careful so to place it,
without a moment's delay, because we consider that our
connexion with the press does not in any manner re-
lease us from the duty common to all subjects. While
important events were occurring on the continent
of Europe, and during the troubles in Canada,
we had, by means of our expresses, frequent oppor-
tunity to render this service, and we always rendered it
promptly and cheerfully, without the least regard to the
political party to which the Ministers might belong.
Of this we have abundant proof, in many courteous
letters of acknowledgment from Lords Glenelg,
Palmerston, and other Whig Ministers. Of late our
opportunities have been much less frequent, for the pre-
sent Ministers are wonderfully sparing of the materials
upon which newspapers exist—war and commotion ;
but, whenever we have had the opportunity of commu-
nicating information to the government of Sir Robert
Peel, or of facilitating its acquisition of information, we,
it may be easily believed; have as cheerfully rendered
such assistance to the present Government as to the
Government of Lord Grey or Lord Melbourne.
This is one side of the account. Now for the
other ; and before presenting it to Mr. 'Thomas
Slingsby Duncombe' we warn him that it will gratify
him as little as a bone fide balance-sheet presented by
some fashionable persons that we could name to their
too long expectant creditors, or as the answer to the
bearer of a cheque, the effects to meet which had been
previously taken out by the drawer. The debit side of our
account, then, with all the Governments that have existed
since the Standard has existed, is nil, nil, nil Whatever
we hate done for the public service, we have never re-
ceived one farthing for it, and in justice to all the
Gov, rnments of the last seventeen years, we gratefully
acknovv ledge that not one of them ever insulted us
by the offer of one farthing, or one farthing's worth.
This may astonish Mr. Thomas Slingsby Duncombe,
but let him quit his present party, and he
will learn that men may be zealous and sincere,
may be honest and independent, without eternally
mouthing Liberal common places—may even wish to save
their country without a corrupt consideration. If we
had been in possession of information which could aid
in suppressing the treasonable agitation in Irelond, any
government might have had it upon the cheapest pos-
sible terms—had it for nothing— had it pressed
upon them ; or if we saw any way to
such information we should not have delayed
one moment to look for it—and still the return would be
payment nil. Our readers will excuse our saying so
much, as this may be our last fitting opportunity-; for it
is by no means improbable that, having used his privi-
lege of Parliament to insult persons connected with the
Standard, as he has done on the average twice a year
for the last five or six years, Mr. Duncombe may, as he
has found it convenient to do before, withdraw his
motion.

FASHIONS FOR MARCH.
(From the "London and Paris Ladies' Magazine
of Fashion.")
Under the name of robes de chambre, very pretty
morning neglige dresses are made, of plain cachemire
lined with gaufre satin, which is a pretty novelty for
this purpose ; they are ornamented by two biais, one
matching the lining and revers, the other of dark velvet,
with gimp between ; they are also made of printed or
Braganza velvet, closing from top to bottom with bran-
denbourgs • the sleeves are wide and long, with cuffs or
a l'Orientale to the elbow, and tight under ones of the
same material, lacing up so as to show the one of mus-
lin ; the open sleeves, with under ones, are so generally
in use now, that much attention is paid to the make of
these white ones ; some are of guipure or rich lace, but
many are made of inlets, one row of which is almost
tight over a ribbon, the other row forming bouillon ;
the caps fashionable with this toilette are of em-
broidered India muslin trimmed with Valen-
ciennes lace, having double brides of ribbon, one
pair tying, the others loose, or of guipure lace,
the only ornament being lappets of the same. Gimp
and braid are still much used, as well as embroidery,
on dresses ; there is a new style of braid, with the
edges pearled, which has a richer effect ; some
indoor redingotes are made with revers, showing
the chemisette made of inlets anp colonnes of
work; the shirt is also with revers, which if not
joined shows the under shirt full trimmed. For
carriage dresses the high bodies are ornamented
with braid or brandenbourgs. Walking dresses are
generally plain in the skirts, though fashion tole-
rates a double flounce of moderate width, or a
plisse of ribbon down the front, the corsages high
and tight, as well as the sleeves ; the principal
thing observable in ball dresses is, that the cor-
sages are worn higher, some even what. are termed
half high ; drar es and Grecian corsages are
fashionable, the sleeves are short, and frequently entirely
covered by Oriental sleeves of lace, and the berthes are
worn so deep as often to cover the sleeve ; for dancing the
skirts are rhorter, ethers continne long, doiible and treble
skirts continue in favour, but the newest style is a single
skirt en biais for tulle, white, pink, blue, green, &c. The
hair is much ornamented by flowers, mounted either en
couronnes, with bunches forming diadem, or twisting
round the coiffure ; ringlets or bandeaux are equally
fashionable. Many resilles of gold or silver are twisted
round with gauze or velvet, in the turban style ; some
fauchons of caehemire or crape lisse with silver fringe
are merely fastened on the head with two diamond
pins. Press hats of black lace, with bugles, or of
blond, or pearls, or pink crape, have a bouquet formed
of the the tips of feathers, fastened by an emerald brooch.
The spring bonnets have not yet appeared in great
variety; the forms continue of moderate size, one of the
newest trimmings is fluted ribbon round the front,
which is frequently lined with guipure on the
capotes, with wide runners ; lace often replaces the
ribbon. Capotes of pale-coloured satins are often covered
with black lace, and ornamented by a drooping marabout.
A ted 11:

_ man, natm ilasse, sixty-four years of age, the
owner of a house in which he lived at Comcourt, in the Oise,
set fire, a few days ago, to the house, and, whilst it was
burning, went to an adjoining barn, and also set fire to it,
immediately' after which he hanged himself to one of the
beams. lie had previously barricaded the door, which, being
broken open, his lifeless body was discovered. It appears
that Mass had been compelled, by his improvidence, to come
to an arrangement by which the property was to gofrom
him to his children, and that, to prevent their enjoyingit, he
had committed this diabolical act. It is reported that some
time ago he poisoned his wife and another female, and one
of his children, but escaped punishment by the want of legal ,
evidence of those crimes.— Galirani,

IMPERIAL -PARLIAMENT:
- —HOUSE-OF-LORDS, Feb. 27.
The LORD CHANCELLOR- bOttk -his seat on the Wool-
sack at a few minutes after Five o'Clock
The Earl of YARBOROUGH presented petitions
from Wisbeach, and other places in Lineolnshire, against
any alteration in the corn-laws.
RELIGIOUS TESTS IN; THE UNIVERSITY OF
GLASGOW.'
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE presented a petition
from the Lord Provost, the magistrates, and Town
Council of Glasgow, with reference to the imposition of
religious tests upon professors in the University of
Glasgow. The petitioners stated that the im-
position of these tests in many cases was
unjust. The petitioners, however, were not desirous
of abolishing thole tests, in so far as they related to
professors of theology, but they thought them unneces-
sary with respect to the profession of philosophy, che-
mistry, and other sciences. The petitioners stated that
many excellent and competent men had been prevented
by these tests from giving their services to the Univer-
sity, and therefore prayed that in such cases the tests
should be abolished.

Lord BROUGHAM said, that having had the honour
of filling the chair of Rector of the University alluded to
in the petition, as had also his Noble Friend (the Mar-
quis of Lansdowne), he had had communications with
that body upon the subject, and he would say from them
that they did not wish for the relaxation in the case of
theological professors.
Lord CAMPBELL concurred in the prayer of the
petition, and he hoped tho Noble Marquis would bring
in a Bill to carry it into effect. In truth, the law was in
a great measure obsolete in the four universities of Scot-
land; and if it had always been observed they could not
have attained their present high position. Some of the
most eminent professors of languages and science-had
been persons who could not subscribe the Confession of
Faith.—(Hear, hear.) If the law had been enforced the
Marquis of Lansdowne, Sir Robert Peel, Lord Stanley,
and Sir James Graham could not have filled the office
of Lord Rector.— (Hear, hear.)
Lord. BROUGHAM said that those eminent and
most useful professors, Sandford, Moore, Young, and his
own distinguished and revered relative, Dalziel, were
Episcopalians.—(Hear.) In fact there was no end to
the number of such names which he could repeat.
After a few words from Lord HADDINGTON, in
favour of the petition, the conversation dropped, and the
House adjourned at Half-past Five o'Clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 27.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour.
CORN-LAWS.
Col. SIBTHORP presented twenty-five petitions from
places in Lincolnshire, praying that no alteration might
be made in the existing corn-laws.

ST. ASAPII AND BANGOR.
Lord OLIVE presented a petition from a plane in
North Wales, against the union of the sees of St. Asaph
and Bangor.

•.
SUPPLIES.
Mr. BLEWITT presented a petition from Newport,
in Monmouthshire, praying that the supplies may be
withheld until the grievances of the people shall have
been considered.

POOR-LAWS.
Mr. WILSON PATTEN presented twenty -petition
from Garstang and other places in Lancashire, praying
for an alteration in the present poor-laws,
CANADA CORN BILL.
Mr. HUTT presented a petition from the Chairman
and Directors of the South Australian Banking COM-
pany, stating that they had invested a capital of
230,000/. in their business- with South Australia, and
praying that the provisions of the Canada Corn Bill
might be extended to that colony.
TOBACCO..
Mr. SHARMAN CRAWFORD presented a petition
from Rochdale, with 525 signatures, praying for a reduc-
tion of the duty on tobacco.
CORN-LAWS. •
The House having remained some time without busi-
ness, the Speaker proceeded to the notices of motion,
and first called the order No. 7 on the paper, which was
the notice of Mr. Cobden, of a motion for a Select Corti-
tnittee to inquire into the effects of the corn-law protec-
tion upon the tenant-farmers and agricultural labour-
ers.—(Loud cries of " Cobden, Cobden.") No answer
being given for some time, the Speaker then called on
No. 8 upon the paper, which was Mr. Ferrand's
notice of an amendment on Mr. Cobden's
motion, the amendment being to the effect that
it be an instruction to the Committee to inquire also into
the effect upon the condition of the manufacturing ope-
ratives by the immigration of agricultural labourers into
themanufacturing districts, and the treatment ofsuch im-
migrants by the master manufacturers who promised
them employment. No answer to the Speaker's call
being given, the cries for Mr. Cobden were renewed. At
length
Mr. COBDEN postponed his motion till this day fort-
night.—(Hear, hear.)
EDUCATION IN IRELAND. •
Mr. WYSE gave notice that, on this day fortnight, 'he
would bring forward a motion for the purpose of pro-
moting the universal education of the Catholics' of Ire-
land, and especially of those who were intended for the
priesthood ; also, for the purpose of rendering the
honours and advantages of Trinity College equally ac-
cessible to Roman Catholics with others of her Majesty's
subjects ; and of elevating the College of Maynooth to
the rank of a theological collage, with the power of con-
ferring degrees.
STATE TRIALS IN IRELAND.—SECRET SER-
VICE.—THE PRESS.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE gave notice that, on reading
the Order of the Day for going into a Committee •of
Supply on Friday next, or on the first Supply day after
Friday, he would move for a return of all the moneys
paid to Frederick Bond Hughes, Charles Ross, and John
Jackson—(A laugh)—on account of any communications
made by them to Government relative to the Repeal
agitation in Ireland, distinguishing the amount paid
to each ; also the dates of the several pay-
ments, specifying the respective periods at which
they commenced; together with copies of every instruc-
tions given to the above named F. B. Hughes, Charles
Ross, and John Jackson, with respect to the duties to
be performed by them in Ireland.—(Laughter.) Also
a return of the amount paid for expenses during their
attendance at the trial of the Queen v. O'Connell
and others. Also a return of all moneys paid to.
the late proprietor, or proprietors, managers, con-
ductors, or agents of the Morning Ilerald and
Standard newspapers, or any of them—(Laughter)
on account of communications or information made or
given by the said parties, or any of them, to the Govern-
ment, in reference to the repeal agitation in Ireland, dis-
tinguishing the times at which the said communications
or informations were furnished, and the period at which
the several sums of money were paid ; also the name
or names of the short-hand writers appointed to furnish,
the Government report of the proceedings of the trial
of the Queen v. O'Connell and others.—(Laughter.)
POSTAGE.
Mr. WALLACE gave notice of a motion fora future
day, the object of which would be to give full effect fa
the Act called the Postage Act. He also gave further
notice that when the Lord Advocate brought forward
his motion on the subject of prisons, and prison disci-
pline, he should move an amendment to it.

TURKEY.
Mr. MONCKTON MILNES gave notice of a motion,
for the Ist of March, on the present state of criminal
jurisdiction over foreigners within the dominions of the
Porte.

CANADA.
Mr. LEADER moved for the' following Returns;
which were agreed to :—" Return of the charges incur-
red upon account of the Canadas, in respect of the army,
navy, ordnance, and commissariat, in each of the years'
1835 to 1843 inclusive, and the amounts granted by
liament, from the year 1837 to the year 1843 inclusive,
in consequence of the insurrection in Canada. Copies of
the Address of the House of Assembly of the Province of
Canada to the Governor-General,respecting the Civil List;
regulated by the Act for the Union of the Provinces of
Upper and Lower Canada ; of the Message of the Gt:w
vernor-General in reply to the said Address, and dated'
the 16th day of October, 1843, together, with the me-
morandum alluded to in the said reply, and pre-,
seined to the House of Assembly by the com--
mend of the Governor-General ; and a copy
of the Address to her Majesty the Queen,,passed in the
last session of the Provincial Parliament by the House
of Assembly, respecting the said Civil List. Copy of
the Report and evidence presented by the Commissioners
appointed, pursuant to an Address of the 7th day
of September 1841, of the House of Assembly of
the Province of Canada, to inquire relative to
the seignioral tenure existiwg in Lower Canada.
Also, extracts of any correspondence of the Governor%
General of Canada and the Colonial-office respecting
the repeal of the Act of the Imperial Parliament, in..-
tituledr The Canada Tenures Act.' Return of
the -names of persons who are or were in the
receipt of public moneys in Canada, who were de-
faulters on the Ist day of December, 1843 ; stating
the office held by them, the name of the Governor--
General by whom they were respectively tippointed, and
the amount due by them respectively. ' Report of the
Select Committee of the House of Assembly of the pro.,
vince of Canada, appointed in the last session of the
Provincial Parliament, to inquire into the effect of the
British Copyright Act, and the policy of excluding from?,
the province American reprints of British publications."
Mr. numE wished to know from the Noble Lord the
Secretary for the Colonies whether he had any objection'
to lay before the House a statement of the number of
Canadian exiles now in Van Diemen's Land? Hewes
aware a pardon had been given to several of these un-'
happy persons, but the Noble Lord perhaps would have.
no objection to give a return to the House in reference*
to them.
Lord STANLEY could not at that moment state the
precise number of persons who had been pardoned ; but
he could state generally that every case which was not'. • marked by aggravated circumstances had been mercifully considered by the Crown.
As Mr. HUME wished to know if the Noble Lord wits
willing to give to the House the instructions to Sir C.
Metcalfe, which bad induced that functionary to refuse
his consent to the Secret Societies Suppression Bill?
Lord STANLEY said, that Sir Charles Metcalfe, in • •
the case alluded to, had not acted upon specific direc-
tions, but on general instructions given to all governors :
of colonies. The Bill itself he had received, but the
report of the Governor-General's reasons for not sanc-
tioning the Bill he had not yet received.
POOR-LAW- (IRELAND).
Sir DENHAM NORREYS rose for the purpose of •
putting to the Right Hon. the Secretary of State the
three questions of which he had given notice, with re-
gard to the poor-laws in Ireland. Before he did that,
however, he would ask the Right Hon. Baronet whether
the Government would, or would not, object to the 8,p.-
pointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the •
operation of the• poor-laws in Ireland ?He there put
thbeene three following questions :-I.:Whether any steps had
taken by Government to carry into' effect

--

a general revision of the valuation of poor-law unions
In Ireland ' • and if so, how soon the revision will-be
commenced. 2. Whether it be still the intention of the
Government to appoint an Assistant Poor-law Commis-
sioner for the superintendence of such revision. 3. Whe-
ther it be still the determination of the Govern-
ment that the valuation of property for the purpose of
county assessments in Ireland (Called the Griffith's
valuation) shall be continued, notwithstanding the com-
mencement of a general revision of valuation, for the
purpose of poor-rates • or, whether it bo proposed by
the Government to introduce any measure for the conso-
lidation of the several valuations, so that county rates,
pohr-rates, and other local taxes, may be levied on one
uniform scale of valuation ?
Sir J. GRAHAM said, with regard to the appoint-
ment of a Select Committee to inquire into the opera-
tion of the poor-laws in Ireland, he adhered to the pro-
mise made by the Government at the close of last ses-
sion, that if a desire was evinced on the part of Irish
Members to have such a Committee of inquiry, the Go-
vernment would not oppose it.—(Hear, hear.) With
respect to the first question of the Honourable
Member, he thought he was under a misapprehension
with regard to the valuation; where a valuation
was unduly made, there was a power given to the Com-
missioners to raise the valuation. As to the second
question, respecting the appointment of an Assistant
Commissioner for the superintendence of such revision,
it was necessary to appoint one for that purpose.
With regard to the third question, we understood the
Bight HIM Gentleman to say that it was intended that
there should be a revaluation.
Sir D. NORRBYS then gave notice that he would
move for a Select Committee on the Poor-lawain Ireland,
unless the Government took the subject into their con-
sideration.
STATE OF PAUPER LUNATICS IN WALES.
Mr. W. 0. STANLEY said he wished to put a ques-
tion of great importance to the Right Hon. Baronet
the Secretary of State for the Home Department, re-
specting the state of pauper lunatics in Wales.
There were 157 pauper lunatics in Wales, and only twenty
of them were in any asylum or licensed house.
There were 31 pauper lunatics in the county which he re-
presented, not one of whom was in a proper place of
confinement ; and, in many instances, they were treated
in a most improper manner. The question he wished
to ask, was, whether the attention of Government had
been called to the treatment of pauper lunatics, or
whether any compulsory steps could be taken to make
several counties join together to support pauper lunatics,
which they were enabled to do under the Act of the
9th George IV?
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that he quite agreed
with the Hon.. Member, that it would be desirable if the
smaller townships combined together under the Act to
which he referred, for the purpose of erecting lunatic
asylums. No object could be more important; but, as
at present advised, he was unwilling to render it com-
pulsory upon them, and he was not prepared to say that
he would introduce any measure on the subject.
Mr. W. 0. STANLEY then gave notice that he
would, on a future day, bring the subject under the con-
sideration of the House.
THE LATE OUTRAGE AT BRIGHTON.

Captain PECHELL begged to put a question to the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite the Secretary at War,
respecting the outrage which had taken place some
time since at Brighton, and with regard to which he
put a question on a previous occasion,- when the Right
Hon. Gentleman acknowledged that an outrage had
been committed by the troops, but that it was provoked
in consequence of an attack upon a soldier by some of
the inhabitants. A trial was then pending, and was
now over, the result of it being that the soldiers were
convicted. Lord Chichester, who was chairman at the
sessions, in passing sentence upon them, said that
they had been guilty of a very serious of-
fence, and that be would punish them to
show that the peaceable inhabitants of the town
were to be protected from the soldiers, who
had been placed there for the ' preservation of the
peace. The inhabitants of Brighton felt that a stigma
had been cast upon them by the Right Honourable
and Gallant Officer. He now wished to ask the
Right Honourable Gentleman whether he had
made such an inquiry as would remove this
impression from the people of the town, that the inha-
bitants brought the outrage upon themselves, and
whether the officers of the regiment intended to remune-
rate the parties whose property had been destroyed?
Sir H. HARI)INGE said that it was an erroneous
impression to suppose that in any statement, of his
he cast any stigma upon the inhabitants of Brighton.
Be was led to believe at the time that the
soldiers had received an insult, but from the result of
the trial, it appeared that they had received no previous
provocation of any kind. He had stated before his opi-
nion that the regiment had misconducted itself in break-
ing the peace; it was a serious offence, and he hoped
the sentence they had received would teach them in
future, to observe the laws of the land. They had
been each imprisoned during a period of ten months,
with hard labour, for the assault. What he stated with
regard to compensation was, that the soldiers of the
regiment, and not the officers, were ready to subscribe
to compensate for the injury which had been done. An
order had been issued by the Commander-in-Chief pre-
venting - any soldier from entering the town unless
accompanied by a non-commissioned officer.
TAHITI.

Mr. HINDLEY said, that having seen, by a second
edition of the, Times, that the French Government had
disapproved of what had been done in Tahiti by Admi-
ral Thouars, and that it was their intention to adhere to
the Protectorate treaty, he wished to know from the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (the First Lord of the
Treasury) whether he had received auy official informa-
tion on the subject ?
Sir R. PEEL said that be had not received any in- ,
formation on the subject beyond what had appeared in
the second edition of the 7 Imes, and which had been
received by express. He had no reason to doubt the
authenticity of the information which appeared
in that journal, for it gave the quotation
from the Moniteur, which was the official organ
of the French Government, to the effect that
it was the intention of the French Government to adhere
to the treaty of 1842. He said he deprecated hasty
questions on the subject, and he had a strong and con-
fident impression that the French King and the French
Government had- acted on the impulse of their own
feelings--(Hear, hear)—and he was rejoiced that they
had acted in a meaner which was so satisfactory
to the feelings of many persons in this country who were
interested in the welfare of our missionaries. He be-
lieved the statement in the Monitear was perfectly
correct, and that the act of Admiral Thouars
had Snot been ratified by his Government ; and he
was bound to add, in justice to the French Government,
that this act was the voluntary act of the French King
and the French Government, and that it was not neces-
sary that any communication should be made- on the
subject by this Government.
On the motion of Mr. DUNCOMBE,
A return was ordered of cases of insanity which oc-
curred in the Pentonville prison.
GAMING TRANSACTIONS BILL.

. M. GIBSON wishecl to know whether it would
not be desirable that the Gaming Transactions Indem-
nity Bill, which stood• for a second reading, should be
printed,in order that the House might judge of its pro-
visions before it sanctioned the second reading ? He
Would also express a hope that the Government would
not bring on the third reading of the Horse-rachig Bill
at a late hour. , „

Sir R. l'Btl;said that the Hon. Member for*Man-
cheater seemed to have a most curious notion, of what
were measures of the Government, and what were not.
The measure he had last alluded to was not brought
forward by the Government, or • any person connected
with it. •He thought it was but reasonable that the
Gaming Transactions Indemnity Bill should be printed
before it was read a second time:---(Hear.)
Mr. M. GIBSON wished to know What Hon. Mem-
ber had the conduct of the Bill ?

To this question no answer was returned, and after
some further discussion it was agreed that the Bill should
be printed before it was read a second time.
FACTORIES BILL

Mr. BRIGHT wished to khow from the Right Hon.
Baronet opposite, the Secretary for the Home Depart-
ment,' when he intended to proceed with the Factories
BilL At present, he believed, it was fixed for Friday.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, that it was intended
on Friday to proceed with the Committee of Supply ;
but, on that day, he would state when he would bring
the subject forward.

NEW POOR-LAW.
Mr. BORTHWICK wished to put a question to the
Secretary of State for ' the Home Department.
He understood, that in another place, of which
they often heard, an -imperttuit conversation had
taken place between a /tight Rev. Prelate, and one of the
Members of her Majesty's Government, from which it
was to be presumed that the Government would, in the
course of the amendment of the Poor-law Bill, adopt
some measures for the religious instruction of the poor in
unions, by chaplains of the Church of England
only. He wished to know from the Right Honour-
able Baronet whether it was the intention of the Go-
vernment to introduce any such provision ?
Sir J. GRAHAM had no hesitation in answering
the question put to him by the Hon. Member, or in
stating what the decision of the Government was upon
the point referred to by him. Her Majesty's Ministers
were perfectly satisfied with the exercise of the dis-
cretionary power vested in the Poor-law Com-
missioners wi th respect to the appointment
of chaplains its workhouses ; he was sure that
they would appoint persons according to the
necessities of the different localities in which these ap-
pointments were to take place. He was not prepared to
propose any alteration in the law. As at present ad-
vised he was perfectly satisfied with the state of the law,
and in any discussion that might take place on the sub-
ject he would be prepared to show to the satisfaction of
the House that the discretion placed in these responsi-
ble officers had been exercised in a most proper manner. ,