The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 2, 1844.

into which a State might enter was of great importance to the
creditor, but it was of still greater importance to the State itself,
and he was delighted to think that in return for what they ha&
received from America, this passage would cross the At-
lantic, and be wafted over the same waves to that
country, in which it appeared that precisely the came
views were not taken of that important duty.—( Laughter. )
As the advocate of American interests for the last 30 or 40
years—an advocacy which Ind exposed him to mite hostility
than M. Guizot in pari materia had had to undergo—he hoped
this friendly remonstrance would have some effect on his
clients, as they used to be called. He declared it was far more
with a view- to their character and credit, it was far more with
a view to the character of republican institutions that he said this.
It was more for their interests than far the debt owing by rich
men to poor ones,for thatseemed to be the case; the repudiating
States said in effect, we are rich, our coffers are loaded with
money, yet we are determined not to pay our debts. It was for
the sake of America herself that he said this, far more than for
any party in England to whom the debt was owed, and with
whom, indeed, he had no acquaintance, with one ex-
ception, and he was very well able to plead his
own case.—(Great laughter.) He would relate to their
Lordships an anecdote which would illustrate this
better than a long speech. He was lately in the neigh-
bourhood of one of those great works carrying on in the centre
of France—the railway that was to join Paris with Orleans.
On asking who the workmen were, he was told they were
EngliSh and Irish. He asked if they found the Englishmen
sober? The reply was, not at all. He then asked how they
found the Irish? They said they were excellent people when
thee didn't fight. He said this was very painful, that he
could never hear of Irishmen but that they were quarrelsome.
nor of Englishmen but that they were drunkards. Alas 1 said
his informant, I am from Philadelphia, and at present an
American is ashamed to avow his country. He could hardly
think of a circumstance better calculated to sink deep into the
spirit of the Americans, and rouse them to a sense of their
duty. They would then find that, even putting it on no higher
ground than on that of interest on both sides of the Atlantic,
honesty was the best policy.
The Marquis of NORNIANBY said he thought the Noble
Lord bad misunderstood him in what he had stated with re-
ference to the relation between landlord and tenant in Ireland.
Lord BROUGHAM briefly explained, and
The Marquis of CL A N RICARDE said he could not take so
cheerful a view of the speech as the . Noble Lord who spoke
last. But, unfortunately, it had been said, that the speech
contained nothing but topics for congratulation. That was
because the most important topic to be considered had been in
the speech passed over with slight observation. He alluded to
the state of Ireland. With respect to the affairs of Sinde
the speech was also well and wisely worded, and
called for no observation. It would be necessary to
look - closer into the papers that had been furnished
before coming to an opinion. He perfectly agreed that, with
regard to the trials now pending in Ireland, it would be in a
high degree improper for any direct opinion to be expre•sed
with regard to them. But this he must say, that in the
speeches made to-night, and the speech made from the Throne
itself, the fault he had to find was this—that they looked at
these trials as if they were the only or main points of what
was, in general parlance, called the Irish question. The It ish
question did not consist of a struggle between the Government
and the Repeal Association—the question was, how to improve
and develope the resources of the country, and how to bring it
into that happy state, in which it was the duty of a Government
to bring every portion of her Majesty's subjects. He told them,
and it was his duty to tell them plainly, that Ireland had listened
too long to such language to be satisfied now with such assurances.
But that was, as their Lordships knew, most vague language.
Could they expect in the pressnt state of Ireland, he did not
mean in regard to any particular associations, but the state of
Ireland in the large sense of the word—the condition of the
people, the condition of the public mind,—dil they suppose
by such phrases as these, he said, that they would really ame-
liorate the condition of the country ? The people of Ireland
would naturally ask by what means were these resources to be
developed? He (the Marquis of Clanricarde) had unfortu-
nately learned from the speech of her Majesty, and from the
speech of the Noble Mover of the address, that the Government
had not in contemplation any measure whatever for the good
of Ireland during the present session. The only measure
which had been alluded to was that of the electoral franchise.
That was a grand subject, and one which required the greatest
consideration, but it was a measure which related only to poli-
tical liberty, but had nothing whatever to do with developing
the resources of Ireland, and the immediate condition of the
country. Another measure had been likewise alluded to in the
royal speech. He meatat the Landlord and Tenant Com-
mission. _ _

to investigate the question and to suggest remedies ; but
he much regretted the extent of time, during which public
expectation was to be kept in excitement. He thought that
some declaration ought to be made as to the specific points to
which the attention of the Commission was to be directed,
Something ought to be done to counteract impressions which
when once made it would be dangerous to disappoint.— (Hear.)
He was sorry to feel himself obliged to say so much. But he
thought that it was most desirable that something specific
should be announced upon a subject respecting which there
was so much misapprehension. He thought that in such a
country as Ireland, where the means of information were much
within the reach of the Government, no step ought to
have been taken which could have a tendency to mislead
the public mind. He had risen solely because he felt thet from
the situation which he had occupied in Ireland he ought to
state the grounds upon which he did not, on the present oc-
casion, enter fully into the case of that unhappy country. He
trusted that whatever evil might flow from present proceedings
in that—he would repeat—unhappy country,it was accompanied
with this good—that it turned the attention of the people of
England to the manner in which the sister kingdom had been
governed—( Hear, hear)—for he believed that up to this
time the people of England were more ignorant of
the actual condition of Ireland than of that of
any other country in the world.—(Hear, hear.) He believed
that there was no man of any country whatever who visited
Ireland, but returned with the most friendly feelings ; and he
therefore thought that the ignorance of this country respect-
ing Ireland was the more unfortunate, as it served to keep up
those distinctions which were the cause of all the discontent, to
allay which every expedient had been tried, except to do justice.
He might differ with the Noble Lord as to the terms. Every
other means had been tried, except that of doing strict justice
to Ireland ; hut he hoped those who had hitherto supported the
Catholic claims would now join in removing any invidious
distinction, religious or political, and endeavour to place the
two countries on the same footing. He had a little departed
from the strict line he had laid down to himself, of not giving
any opinion or raising any question in connection with Ireland
that might cause any difference, till the proper opportunity should
occur. He should, therefore, say no more on this subject ; but
being on his legs, he should merely say, as to the other points
of the address, that he was never one of those who despaired
of the resources of the country, though he thought that the
Noble Earl had rather unfortunately alluded to one explana-
tion of the source of the present excess of revenue over ex-
penditure. He should not venture on another question which
the Noble Lord had introduced, and which called a cheer from
some of their Lordships, and which subject had been carefully
excluded from the royal speech—he meant the question of
corn. On that question he differed from the Noble Lord, and
therefore he should not enter into any discussion of it then.
The speech, in reference to the affairs of Sinde, had been so
judiclously and carefully worded that they might concur in it
without expressing any opinion. He should only state
that he should join with great pleasure in any vote
of thanks to the officers engaged in some of the most distin-
guished feats of arms that !rad been performed in that part of
the world. He should do so with the more pleasure from his
personal acquaintance with the Gallant Commander, and with
Colonel Pennefather, of the 22d Regiment, who was, unfor-
tunately, disabled by a wound at an early period of these events,
He could not but feel gratified at the reference which was
made in the royal speech to the late visit of Majesty to the
King of the French. He woald yield to no man in his firm belief
and conviction, that upon the good understanding between Great
Britain and France depended the future well being of the relations
of the various European nations. It was unnecessary for him
to trouble their Lordships further on that occasion, but in
conclusion he would intimate that he should, probably cn the
13th instant, call the attention of their Lordshlps to the sub
ject of the present state of Ireland.
Lord BROUGHAM rose to express his great satisfaction at
the fact, as the Noble Lord the mover of the address had
correctly stated, of this being the first time within the experience
of their Lordships, that they had been called upon to present in
the language of truth to the House, an address which, from
the beginning to the end, contained nothing but congratula-
tion. He never recollected an instance when the state of the
country was such as to justify the Parliament in con-
gratulating the Sovereign on the fact, that no point of
the political horizon was at all obscured. He rejoiced
that the speech, and the consonant to the speech, the
address, abstained from entering minutely into a discussion of
the affairs of Ireland. However great might be his wish
to discuss that subject, he was restrained by his sense of
justice—by a sense of justice towards the Crown—the party
prosecuting on the one hand, and his sense, above all,
of justice towards the defendants, whom he was bound to pre-
sume, until a ver diet of their countrymen should have pronounced
them guilty, were innocent of the charge laid to them, from
entering into that discussion, without violating that necessary
principle of justice, which militated against all discussion of the
subject while legal proceedings were pending. Those proceed-
ings were inevitable—those .proceedings were taken in the dis-
charge of duty on the part of the Crown. He would not enter into
the question of whether it might be necessary for the Govern-
ment to take further steps, seeing that he could only do so hypo-
thetically. But that Parliament would do its duty, should the
law be found insufficient to support the Constitution as by law
established, he had no doubt—if the Government should be
found at any time not sufficiently armed with powers
to discharge their highest, their first; their most sacred
duty to preserve the peace of the realm, and to maintain the
Constitution committed to their care. In such ease, Parliament
would discharge that high trust faithfully, and under such cir
cumstances they would never be found wanting. Although
Parliament would not hesitate to arm the Government with
any power for the maintenance of the law, yet he would
much rather see the Government armed with power, not for
the purpose of displaying mere force and strength towards
the people of Ireland ; not with a view of coercing, compelling,
constraining, and forcing, but with a power and disposition to
better the condition of the people of Ireland—to improve them
in all those things in which they might be required to be bet-
tered—to gain them over, rather than force them to submission
—to show a parental and kindly feeling which a good
and beneficent Government ought to be inspired with
towards all its subjects, and perhaps most of all ought
to be inspired towards that part of its subjects
who were in a state of comparative ignorance and distress.
This was the power he would wish to see them armed with,
and he trusted it would be seen that they would show pre-
ference of attraction over compulsion, and of a desire to be
parental to all its subjects, of being
" To all their faults a little blind,
And to their virtues ever kind,"

A NOBLE Loan—That is not the Corami,sion.
The Marquis of CLANRICA RDE— Yes, that was the name
which had been given to it in the public newspapers, and that
was the name which its nature entitled it to. On that Com-
mission he held very strong opinions. He thought it was
the most mischievous and pitiable contrivance that ever a per-
plexed Ministry had recourse to. His conviction was, that
the Government had recourse to it as a mere clap-trap for de-
laying the.moment of difficulty, and to save them from looking
in the face the real grievances with which the country was
afflicted. The Commission had its origin in the agitation in
this country and in Ireland regarding the
,fixity of tenure.
Until that. phrase came into common use there was
not a word about a Landlord and Tenant Com-
mission. He would like to know what good this com-
mission would effect. All the information regarding the ldws
of landlord and tenant, and their operations, would be found
in their statutes and in their blue books. There was an
inquisitorial system practised by this Commission, which could
not be too jealously watched, nor too strongly declaimed
against. There were branch committees connected with this
Commission, which instituted the most rigid inquires of the
landholders, and if landlord or tenant refused to answer their
queries, they were pointed out to their neighbours in a manner
which, in the present state of some Irish districts, must be any
thing but safe or proper. He thought the Irish landlords had
been most unjustly consisted, and if inquiries were made into
their conduct, they would not be found worse than any other
class of persons, placed under the same circumstances. The
misery of the people, which had been caused by centuries of
misgovernment was most ungenerously and most unfairly
thrown upon the landlords. It did not require the Queen a
Commission to take away civil bill process, or to specify how
distraint should be made. It was in this respect perfectly
absurd, but it was dangerous, inasmuch as it seemed to in-
terfere with the right of property; and many districts, which
had been peaceable before the Commission was issued, have
since then been disturbed by outrages of the most serious de-
scription.—( Hear, hear.) It was not quite right that Par-
liament should be left ignorant upon these subjects. He by
no means blamed the Government, although, in doing their
best to put down outrage, they had not taken the course which
he might have considered the most wise. There were great
questions which the Government must take up, and if not Par-
liament must take up, or it could never receive the confidence
or the affection of the Irish people.
Earl FITZ WILLIANI said that he found a great
s
dis-
crepancy between the words used in her Majesty's speech, in
referenoefethtoe tdboecuLmaenndtloirtdsealnf dbyTewhnainct Co h
Commission mision, and
the
was the
lan-
guageap-
pointed.
He begged to ask the Noble Earl at the head of that
Commission on which of the authorities he might rely for the
objects of the inquiry ?
The Earl of DEVON was understood to say that he did not
perceive the discrepancy.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE said that the very terms
in which the Commission was issued showed that it was a con-
cession to agitation, made by those who pretended to despise
agitation.—( Hear, hear.
Lord CAMPBELL did not rise to disturb the unanimity
with which the House seemed disposed to receive the address;
although there were many topics to which he was inclined to
advert in relation to the perilous state of the country at this
moment. He would abstain at present frern observing upon
the manner in which the State trials in Dublin were insti-
tuted and conducted, but he thought it was necessary to refer
to the subject, and to intimate that he might think it his
duty to call their Lordships attention to it at another time. He
had also to advert to an omission from the speech, which was to him
discouraging. On former occasion,, it was usual, in the
speech from the Throne, when improvements of the law were
contemplated, to state what those improvements were. Last
session, a Bill was introduced for the improvement of the Ec-
clesiastical Courts, and another for the improvement of County
Courts, and these were dropped. He supposed that if there
bad been any intention to bring forward any of those measures
they would be mentioned in the speech. However, the speech
of 1842, and that of 1843, were full of promises which the
session did not realise. It might be the reverse in the present
session, which might be one of performance, although it corn •
menced without promise.—( Laughter.) The Noble Earl who
moved the address, had expressed a hope that something would
be done to put down the mischievous practice of duelling. He
(Lord Campbell) must infer from that remark, that the Noble
Earl had received an intimation that the Government intended
to bring in a Bill upon the subject after the conclusion of the
State trials in Ireland.—( Laughter. )
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that it was his intention
early in the present session to renew the Bill for the Improve-
ment of Ecclesiastical Courts, and a Bill for facilitating the re-
covery of small debts. A Bill would also be introduced for the
compensation of those who had been affected by the alterations
in the Court of Chancery, but he was not aware of any inten-
tion to introduce a tneasure relative to duelling.
Lord BROC GUAM said that his Noble Friend seemed to
be disappointed at the performances of the Government falling
short of their promise, but he would find that in this session the
performance would very greatly exceed their promises.
Lord CAMPBELL—That may easily be—the promises are
none.—( A laugh.)
Lord BROUGHAM said nothing could be more gratifying.
The address was then agreed to.
On the motion of the Duke of WELLINGTON the Earl of
Shaftesbury was reappointed Chairman of Committees.
Their Lordships then Adjourned at Eight o'Clock.

And placing their padlocks on the mind, and not on the limbs
of its subjects. This, lie felt, was the course by which the
peace and tranquillity of the empire would be secured, and by
which all parties in the empire would be conciliated, notwith-
standing public meetings, however numerous, or the arts of
men devoid of principle, or the sordid agitators, or the designs
of priests, who were alternately the dupes, and the tools, and
the tyrants, now of the multitude, then of the leaders. With
respect to that Commission to which his Noble Friend had re-
ferred, he must express his satisfaction. It was presided over
by a nobleman worthy of the office, but a most difficult investi-
gation had been entrusted to him. He ( Lord Brougham) did
not think there was any foundation for a hope which a portion
of his Noble Friend's speech was likely to create in the minds
of the inhabitants of the:sister country with respect to the re-
sult of the Commission. Property, it had been well said by his
lamented friend, Mr. Drummond, had its duties, as well as its
its rights. But the duties were imperfect obligations ; the
rights were perfect obligations. However he might la-
ment when he saw persons not disposed to perform
those duties of imperfect obligation, namely, kindness, long
suffering towards the poor tenants, yet any attempt to enforce
their right would only lead to worse evils. However much he
might lament seeing a rich man refuse to assist a person lying
before him in a state of starvation, yet he could not compel that
man to do so. It would unhinge society—it would destroy the
sacred, inviolable, and absolute right of property. He there-
fore could not see that much hope was to be derived in this
respect from the Commission to which he had referred, unless
means were adopted which would only lead to worse results.
He could not pass over in silence that part of her Majesty's
speech which referred to her friendly relations with foreign
Powers. Her Majesty justly expressed her confidence in the
continued friendly assurances of foreign Powers, and before all,
on the friendly intercourse and good understanding between
this Government and that of the French, and he would add,
between the people of this country and those of France. On
this subject he must be permitted to make a few observations,
because to improve that precious understanding tended
to promote the great and blessed work of peace.
He would begin by expressing, what he was sure all
who were acquainted with the late proceedings in France
must feel, his great admiration of the able, the honest, the
virtuous, and above all the unshrinkingly firm conduct of the
French Minister, M. Guizot. He was a man illustrious in
letters and science, as well as politics, and who appeared
fated in every year that passed over his head to add new claims
to the respect and affection of his fellow-men in France, in
Europe, and in the rest of the world—whose conduct was above
all praise, especially his unshrinking determination of pur-
pose when assailed by a more unnatural union of factions, or
the elements of factions, than had existed since the enormity
of the French Convention in 1794. Against them he had
nevertheless maintained his ground, and manfully and honestly
dared his enemies to attack him; but if he was to go a
step further and ask if this great Minister was also a great
friend to England, if he was to inquire whether they, as
Englishmen, had any particular reason to commend him or be
grateful to him, excepting as a friend of peace, he coulcinot
extend his panygeric to him by any manner of means. When
he said he was said to be an able Minister, firm of purpose,
of unshrinking determination, faithful to the French Crown
that he served and the French people whom he loved, there
he agreed with him, but if he was asked to add that he was a
Minister devoted to this country and adopting our
wishes, there he must demur. He knew not the. negociations
that had taken place between M: Guizot and his Noble Friend
opposite ( Lord Aberdeen), but he could form a pretty good
conjecture that his Noble Friend had never had to deal with
ally one Minister, either of France or any other country, with
whom he had more difficulty to deal, he being perfectly a good
Frenchman, zealously attached to the Crown and people, whom
lie served; but what should be said of those enemies of peace
who were seeking to stir up in the proud, the gallant. but sus-
ceptible people of France, or he should rather say of Paris than
of France, every slumbering ember of hatred to this country
which they could hope to fan into a flame. That people had
suffered tee much, and felt too deeply from the events of the
late war not to be susceptible. In those events they had no
share ; they were not to blame ; in them they had shown no weak-
ness but in which they were led on by a tyrant and a conqueror
almost to their ruin, though under that man they performed
all but miracles. That they should be susceptible beyond all
people of ancient or modern times was not surprising, but what
was the duty of honest men if they pretended to be leaders?
What was the duty of honest statesmen if they thought of their
country, of truth, and of humanity, rather than of their own
factious purposes? It would be to guide this susceptible people
to a better state of feeling—to soothe and calm those susceptible
emotions, and to inculcate every principle of peace, and to turn
them away from all those exaggerated feelings of hostility.
What did they do ? they did none of all this ; they even did
the reverse of all this ; they stirred up every sore place, and
inflamed every slumbering ember of hostility towards this
country. They degraded themselves by every species of mis-
representation, both as to this country and France ;
and all this did not arise out of hatred to peace or dis-
like of England—not from any ardent feeling of affection
towards France, but from contempt for the people who coull
be duped by such falsehoods, and out of hatred to the Govern-
meotif
n tunhGoet
edf
Great
oiwots
glory
hl
miyaki cueyol
gtroshthf hey
Fs—d.
England,roiadaf
nnnocdo e
Opposition
out
ufuobottsrui mtti
of
fromo aanannp
iaanerahat
ardent
nt
clsyttht
awat
nnhaadndes y naz:oedt,
aee
lrf
nor honesttou pmsdal
ianlsccol
doievkndeea-;
—no(t
zealous desire to be transplanted from that shade to the sunny
eminence of power.—( Laughter.) These were the motives of
that detestable party of intriguers, still more despicable agi-
tators, who had lately, for the thousandth time, endeavoured to
disturb the good understanding between the two countries.
But they did net know the people of France. That people had
far too much acuteness and too much reflection to be duped
and misled—that people knew its own glory, and felt proud of its
ancient renown—it remembered its great achienements in arts,
sciences, and letters—it knew that for ages it had counted by
i t s
ctriumphis
tsar yearsy a so f
l,i existenceasc
iaysi
la
gnlaotri.
yo t h
eFr Satiated,en
eh people
forwould not suffer themselves to be led in search of new laurels,
which to them would be as useless as to his Noble Friend the
Illustrioas Duke opposite. As he passed much of his time
amongst that people, he thought it his duty to give their Lord-
ships the opinions he had gathered from the public newspapers.
He would then refer to the paragraph in her Majesty's speech
referring to the importance and necessity of maintaining the na-
tional credit—it was a mostjust sentence that was so introduced
in the royal speech. An exact performance of all engagements

jesty, praying that her Majesty would be graciously pleased to
dismiss Mr. Bonham from the situation which he held in the
Ordniace-office.— (Laughter. )
EDUCATION IN IRELAND.

Mr. M. MILNE.S gave notice, that on the Bth of February
he should submit a resolution to the House, to the effect that
t is just and expedient that a provision should be made by law
towards the maintenance of secular Roman Catholics exercis-
ing religious functions in Ireland.
COMMERCE WITH TURKEY.
Dr. BOWRING gave notice that he should, on the 13th of
February, call the attention of the House to the operation of
the Turkish treaty of commerce upon the commercial interests
of this country.
POOR-LAWS (IRELAND).
Mr. F. FRENCH gave notice that, on this day fortnight,
he should move for leave to bring in a Bill for the more effec-
tual relief of the destitute poor in Ireland.
RAILWAI S. _ _ _

Sir T. FRENIANTLE, on the part of his Right Hon.
Friend, Mr. Gladstone, gave notice of a motion for a Select
Committee to inquire into the Standing Orders relating to
Railway Bills.

(Hear, hear. ) There were 3,000 more people Majesty's Plenipotentiary. By this treaty every nation we
employed than as the eonsmencement of lel2. with a prospect admitted to trade with our recent possessions in China. He:
of employment tor 1,000 more in three months. There thought this must praiseworthy, and an honour to the country..
were several large cotton-mills at work, and several had Ile Cdr. Hume) had propo.est an amendment to cue of the •.
been enlarged. The empty cottages were occui.ied, and par graphs of tee addlem, mbich wae to this. effect-7
the shop; which lied been closed for. years were re- " That whilst we acquiesce with your 'dliiesty in.
opinnine, and the appearance of the people indicated increased the commendations bestowed on the °Steers and. men employed
comfort. They we. e bets er clothed and better fed. There in our late military operation tin' Stride, we with-
was also a great increase in Ilse aliment of m iney deposited in hold any expression of opinion respecting the.. •
the savings' banks.lie knew whaS observations were Ire- political negotiations pending with, amd the
o.desthinrore.enz
„
quently made when an increase of deposits in the savings' ment and im risonment of, the let:veers f . _
banks was spoken of, hut when taken in connection with He found that before he came into the Hon se, a notice had
other circumstances which showed improvement, this in- been given, by which the subject would be breught beforerotest the, nie
crease was not altogether without its value. With regard to House on an early day. For his own
part he p
the dmol trade there were signs of improvement, though from against the whole proceedings that had been trisen against
the dearness of the raw artime the improvement vas more tardy. that unforeinate country.-( Ideate hear.) He thought Eng-
The wages of the labourers were also increased. There were land had diseraced itself in the eyes of the world by the pro--
also improvements in the trace in flax, which was so closely ceedings they had adopted in Sinde. The lion. Conk-
conneeted with the linen trade ; and he trusted that the linen man who had seconded the adodess had talked of thet
trade would als., advance, as it was the principal trade of peaceful progress of commerce; he hope ..1 in doing so he did note
the enterprising population of the north of Ireland. include India, where by armies conquests' had been effected in.
He hoped the House would agree with him in total violation of every engagement this country had made.
the hope that Ireland, in developing her great and fertile re- The Right Honourable Baronet ought to ;:ave come forward
sources, aided by the application of British skill and enter- ! with further information on this subject at the' close of the last•
prise, would not fail to recognise the benefits of her session ; and if he had done so, he would have eemoved a grteats
connexion with England. - (Cheers.) The trade in ! deal of the strife and bloodshed that had takt'n place in hat
iron he was afraid to speak of too sanguinely. The 1 eountrys-( Hear, hear.) Now it might be cm miou! for the
come-excessive excitement of past years had produced a House to know the statements that had been mare in King's
sponding and protracted depression, but he believed that even ' and Queen's speeches for the last twenty-five ear ; for that
there he could say that there were symp•oms of se- 1 time, both in war and peace, the same statement was mete
turning health.-( Odes of No, no.") He did not 1 with respect to the estimates. They were always told
deny that the patient was sorely diseased, but he 1 that they had been framed with strict economy, regard
thought that symptoms appeared of the crisis of the I being had to the public service. Now he thought
disease having passed He hoped and confidently anticipated the House ought not to take such a statement: from
that the iron trade would still continue to improve 1 a Minister of the Crown, unless they had a comtrol over
He held in his hand an intelligent and impel-taut the estimates, which they hail not. It was impossible for the
report from his friend Mr. Austin, in which he found that 1 House, or any other person, to believe that they would have
able-bodied paupers were no longer a burden on the poor .rates suitable estimates laid before them while these thing's core
of the unions of South Staffordshire. The furnaces which tinned, and, for the purpose of obviating such a state of ti.Ni!mse
as
had been blown out had been rekindled, and additional la- he should move an amendment.-( Laughter. Y. He han
banners had been employed. Could they hesitate to I doubt the adoption of such a course would net le every
draw favourable anticipations from the appearence of i
, pleasurable to many, for they thought, io, eg as they
the iron market, when they remembered the great number ! got money, or money's worth, it was 811 right.
of new railways for which plans had been deposited; or could 1 If once the money left the Exchequer it flowed through so
they hesitate to find consolation, when they remembered many rivulets that there was no knowing how many persona
that at the commencement of the present century this I enjoyed a share of the public money. It was the me tat
im
country imported iron from ~-wederi, white now we were portant duty of Parliament-it was the only duty that it'arlia-
sending iron ourselves to the Baltic ? The necessary , ment was capable of executing efficiently-(A laugh 1)-to
consequence of prosperity in regard to the market for cotton keep a guard upon the public expenditure. With regard tother
wool had been also felt by the manufacturers. He was not 1 estimates they ought to adopt. the plan which was at. (opted
able to trace any portion of that improvement to the Bill which lin France and Belgium. There every estimate was. s
passed that House in the last session of Parliament, but he 'Pitted to a Committee. The Committee had the head
had reason to believe that although that Bill had created 1 of the department before them, and called upon l,im for
considerable excitement and jealousy amongst the manufac- 1 any explanations they might require These explanations
turers of machinery in this country, yet that excitement and were laid before the Chambers before the estimates were ap-
jealousy had now been proved to be unnecessary. Could a 1 proved of or rejected In this country we had erred in not
more decisive test of the improvement and return to health of adopting a similar course. die was pleased to observe from the
the trade of the country be found than in the increasing traffic next paragraph that there was an improvement in several of
in railways ? That increase had not been counted by hun- the branches of the revenue. He admitted that' there had been
deeds of thousands but by millions of money. He, therefore, an improvement in some articles of commerce,
but he feared.
said that he had good reason for anticipating that evert the that that improvement was only partial. He bei'ieved
of China,
small pulses of the trade of the country unsold begin pended upon the opening of the port s
to increase in vigour. He would take the liberty of ad on the improvement in the trade c f America,
referring to one or two circulars which usually but he could not see any prospect of its continu tn ce. Bute
appeared at this season of the year from persons in trade to , whatever might be the improvement, it was impossild e to deny
their practical customers, from awn who could not be for a 1 the existence of great distress. and destitution. Caa it of the
moment suspected to have prepared those circulars for any I causes to which he attributed the evils of the country., was the,
party or political purpose. When he looked at those circulars, want of the means for the people to exchange the pr's ducts et
he could fancy that he held in his hand a manual of geography. their industry for the means of support. In short. h e
First and and foremost, he would refer to China. She had t ken buted those evils to our restrictive commercial policy. The
a great-a vast quantity of the products of this come- Right Hon. Baronet had very acutely left out of the ..sPec"
try.-( Cries of " Hear, hear.") He (Mr. Cardwell) seas all allu-icn to the corn-laws. Now when the Right Hon.
rejoiced at that part of her Majesty's speech which Baronet, in bringing tome and the tariff, had so ably an clearly
showed the great line of policy she had, and intended to, expounded the doctrines on which the commercial polio Hof this
sue towards China. 1-Li was sure that they would afford couiery ought to be conducted, he was either right or wrong'
a glorious example to that country, and would show to all He (Mr. Hume) believed that he was right, but he ask ed the
that the best source of wealth and competence was unlimited Right Hon. Baronet why had he stopped short? The con-
competition in commerce. The Noble Lord who had moved duct which the Right Hen Baronet was pursuing in t loin(
the address had reierred to what had taken place in France. so was sure to give general dissatisfaction. He was to gl 1d t°
lie trusted that the time was not far istant when the trade see opposite several eentienien who had taken pant in a r gt'
between that country and England would I.e such as to be in g got up to oppose the Anti-Corn-law League. They
worthy of each other,-( Hear.) It was of the utmost import- not be igeorant ef the operations and influence of the LeateSise*
ance that commercial interests between different countries They now admitted that the League was a great fact, end 04
should be fully considered, but it eas necessary that the home got up meetings to oppose it. The Right lion. Baronet b
ad
market sh .aid he considered.-( Hear, hear.) All practical admitted that the time might Cottle when the principles of the
men pointed at that as the only safeguard of the itish manu- League might be carried out ;he had never said that free traelle
facture:. It the statements the Noble Lord and himself had in core should never be granted. He had acted unwisely its
mede of the revised of trade were the r ght ot-es, which he he- thus leaving the subject in doubt and difficulty. Those lute-
keyed to be the case, the House would excuse him if he now , rested in support of the law got up meetings -to oppose the
turned to matters of congratulation in other respects. L••ague. One of them had been held at Steyning ;it had beets
lie was well aware that in all Gevernmen•s there called a meeting of tenant-farmers. Among the names of
would be a difference of opinion. The present Govern- this present he read those of the Earl of Egmont, the Eerier
nient had, in the late outbreaks that had taken place, been , Winchilsea, the Duke of Norfolk, Lord Gage, Sir Cle
able, by a temperate severity, to vindicate tne majesty of Clifford, Sir C. Burrell, Colonel Wyndham ; there wa's
the law, and had ensured the good teeing of the people. a whole page filled with the names of Noble Lords and Hose
The House would be glad to learn that a Bill which bad Members, and these were all tenant-farmers.-( A laugh.) Whys.
passed last session with their unanimous concurrrence, and ! had there ever before been exhibited such a farce 9-( A laugh.)
from which the most beneficial results had been antici- He accused them, at these tenant-farmer meetines, of abuse tits'
pated, had already produced tne most gratifying results. That 1 most foul, and of language the most discreditable. • Now, tit
was not the place in which to speak of individual munificence, I would venture to say, that in all the Anti-Corn-law meeting s
of the sacrifices which had been made by those who were 1 that had been held in England and Scotland-and t
possessed of patronage, but the House would be glad to learn . numerous they had been was known to all-( Hear, hear)
that there were already 150 applications from dif- -no language to be compared for its vulgarity an'•
ferent districts before the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, , discreditableness to that employed at the tenant-farmers' assess)"
and that in consequence of the Bill of last i blages had ever been uttered. But what he had to maintsie
session, means would be afforded to half a million of 1 was that the Right Hon. Bart. at the head of the Governmeett
persons, to enjoy religious advantages in connection was doing great injustice to these tenant-farmers in leavil
with the Established Church. There was another subject on 1 them in• the state of uncertainty which he did, an
which their deliberations in that House had been less 1 not telling them of his determination to prersB
I unanimous, but he was happy to say that the earnest a total repeal.-( Laughter.) Why he hoped he would do tbstdr
anxiety which had been exhibited by the House to for, from a proposal or an advocacy of a fixed duty he ;ha:
grapple with the subject of education had called forth I entirely precluded himself, as well by his votes as his speecne-
' a spirit and excited an energy on the subject in the He thought all classes, but more especially the tenant-farenerad:
• minds of the people at large. If they had not been had a right to complain of the Right Honourable 13aroe,:-
able to make united effor s thay had at least made simultaneous for riot mentioning the subject of the corn-laws in w"ee
efforts for the dispelling of igeorance ; and from the cat.did speech from the Throne. The question was, did the Rips'
spirit with which the subject had been discussed in that House, Hon. Gentleman mean to do something this session in refer'
and which had, he hoped, excited a corresponding spirit out ence to the corn-law, or did he not?-( Hear, and a laugh`)
of doors, he trusted that the result would be the establishment of a He (Mr. Hume) believed that he did not intend
system of education which might meet with the cordial concur- to do anything this session, for in the year 1841 be
rence and support of all moderate and reflecting men. had brought to book the Noble Lord near him (Lora
He believed that the people were sincerely grateful to the John Russell) because he had not introduced into Oil
Giver of all good for the return of that prosperity, the bless- speech from the throne the subject of the corn-laws, an
ings of which they appreciated still more from the yet, at a subsequent period of that session, he had brought it
recent experience which they had had of adversity ; under their consideration. He said, why not put that into the
and they looked upon that prosperity as but a type of that to speech from the throne as the advice tendered by Ministers,
which Britain was destined to attain hereafter. They looked to and then broach the subject afterwards? and from this he (Sir
the extent of her resources; they counted up the armies Robert Peel) had volunteered the expression of his cenvice
and the fleets of her commerce, which was bounded only by the 1 tion that the subject of the corn-laws was an after-though
habitable globe, and they felt that this anticipation of fortune of the then Ministers, and resolved suddenly upon by them•
and greater prosperity eas something more than the mere Though, then, the Right Hon. Baronet might have no intentiom
dream of an enthusiast. A century had scarcely of interfering with the corn-law, still the country had a right
elapsed since the empire of the East had been opened to them to expect him to say something in reference to them and to th;
by the. genius of one of the Noble Lord's ancestors.-(Loud Ministerial intentions. What said the Duke of Richmond.
cheers.) In the lifetime of their fathers their manufactures He said that they were entitled to know distinctly the iota
were yet struggling in their infancy. When they considered tions of the Government-that it was their duty to as!,
these things, and reflected on the accelerated motion which not in the language of threat, or even of reproach, what W.:
progressive improvements gave to the wheels of time, they could meant by them, and that they were entitled to tell the Ali°,l4
not but feel assured that there was a high destiny in store for ters of the Crown that suspense was the worst of all evils, tug
this country, the extent of which the boldest could not ven- cruellest of all punishments, and that they required to nee
tune to predict, and which yet those even now living whether the protection they Low enjoyed was to be eontinti,et
might reasonably expect to see accomplished. This was no idle or not. -( Hear, hear.) Now his (Mr. Hume's) comp 0°
dream ; it was merely an anticipation of what they might expect against the speech from the throne was, that in it ba"
to see realised from that union of energy and prudence which they notice whatever was taken of that important lee;
believed to be the fortunate peculiarity of the national character. rest. This course of conduct on the part of t" t
By the charter enjoyed by Britons it was their birthright not Government was mere to the detriment of the landed inter 4
to be denied any of the advantages to he derived from their than of any other. If the landed interest thought itself the
own well-directed industry and prudent conduct, and these great interest which it did-and that it was a great interest."„
were not to be hazarded by crude and precipitate legislation. was ready enough to concede-then it had a very J,,tr
They desired to be guarded by the recollection of ! ground of complaint indeed. He would refer to ot`';,
past successes against any rash and hasty interferences with 1 meetings of tenant-farmers-the one at NorthaetP„'Tsik
other interests, whose sympathy it was wise for all should " The Anti-Corn-law League," said Sir C. KniehtleY, )
be cultivated. They knew that when trade had been ! among them the whole refuse of mankind."-•( Caught but
brought to a happy meturity, as in this country, that to create ' The lleuse might suppose that that included everynhierd -
' differences between different interests was indiscreet such was not the case. " This League, called the Anti-Ctirt'
soeiet/
in the rx•reme-that from that inauspicious hour the decline law League, is, I think, the most pestiferous gu
of one would begin, and assuredly prove the Marie of all. Pru- ' since the Jacobin Club, in the days_ of the Fre°
dent men, such as these, weults. edit hazsrd, by talacious views 1 Revolution." - (Great laughter.) " object e SP.
and speculative theories, their well, rounded prospects of section of those gentlemen is to overthrow the present g
prosperity and suer-es. Adulation had likened the mer- vernment." He denied it.-(Laughter.) He did not het?.nize
chant of England no the Princes of Tyre; but he wisely to the Anti. Corn-law League, but he repelled that ella-ibe
rejected the comparison, for Tyre was a deserted place, mid with indignatioe. Of another section, the RadicalsL, lie
he had learned that purely commercial places, however they object is to overthrow the Constitutioe." He gave t",:see
may have risen for a time into wealth and renown, direct. to that. --( Laughter. ) lie was a Radical, he had he
have soon su k again into poverty and de'olation. The a Radical, and lie still avowed himself one ; se"resd
merchant here knew he never could be better declared that any man who stated what he had just be
off than under the advaetages he derived from the British Con- was a caiumniatiation of himself, and of all with when', ivs
stitution ; he liked far better that confidence and certainty acted-(Hear, hear.) He went on to say, " I CO,"eitol
which steadiness and sobriety attached to his pursuits, and there is about as much affection between the one Pe,,,r*Akees,
which were the sure signs that his efforts would be matured the other, as there was between Jonathan Wild and Jae' etstee
into the full fruits a a great and widely-spread pros- Ilene"- (Great laughter.) What was the affective that "'irons
parity.-(Cheers.) He could not but return his thanks to between the Right lion. Baronet and many of those ire,
the House for the indulgence he had experienced a'ter trey- whom he received support he would not then • inqu of
passing at so great a length, although he had precludee himself Sir Charles then went on to accuse the- . Leaguemeor
from many subjects, to which, fortunately, the Noble Lord, in ' issuing blasphemous publications, • and indecent publieag-ntie
his openieg- speech. had so ably alluded. The Hon. Member 1 and scattering them all round the country. Now the -
t el"
formally seconded the address, and resumed his seat amidstlLeague he Corn-law contained, believed, many of tha
ether
loud cheers. 1 who were more careful of public morals than almost any teie
The SPEAKER having read the address, • class in the country.--,(Cries of Oh, 'oh.") He thous; Kiley'
Mr. HUME, wino commenced in a very low tone, and was 1 attempt was highly discreditable to Sir Charles Kra' bee
scarcely audible in the gallery, said he could not quite unite and those with whom he was connected.- There were ilia
with the Honourable Gentlemen who had just addressed meetings at which the used, and the mode of spec els
the House in the glowing terms in which they had spoken of of particular individuals, were equally unjustifiable' to the
the removal of distress from the country-(Hear, hear)--but thought such things were in a great measure attributable e
bee
at the same time he must acknowledge, and he did situation in which theot
carryingßiht Honourableuthis
own o
Batenetintiee:
so with great satisfaction, that they met at that placed himself, y n
time under more favourable auspices as regarded tions. He was not ignorant; indeed, of the
the state of the population than they did in the last session ; culties of the Right Honourable Baronet's P°'"itlie"
and he thought there was also ground to hope for continued lie recollected a speech made in that House by the
(111 be.
improvement. He could not but think that the present mode Hon. Baronet opposite, in which he told the
of proceeding with respect to the address was extremely objec- low that if he knew any measures which he believedbeotto
tionable ; it was impossible under the present arrangement essential to the prosperity and welfare of the countr/'oath
that there could be due deliberation.-( Hear.) The speech bound, as a Minister of the Crown, having token an fore
consisted of twenty-three distinct passages, every one promote the interests of the country ,to bring ceo•` ;
of them containing matter of considerable importance; such measures; and if he abstained from d°'i et t t
and yet they were called upon, without having for fear of not carrying them, he ought not
Noble Lor I be
even a copy of that speech in their hands, which they ought to hold his situation a moment. Let the Right Hon• IMO"
have had before they came to the House, to vote an answer to a now do what he asked the Noble Lord to do. If the the
speech containing such various and complicated topics. He had on lion. Baronet believes that the principles of free tradesarie-'
former occasions protested against the present course of proceed- proper principles for a free country-and who can dot left
lag. Mary years ago, attempts had been made to alter it. It why. not propose them ?-( Hear, hear.) But "" .110 C,
could net be supposed, a hasty effusion like the address, drawn the country in a state of excitement-league i°Blesi
up by two Hon. Members, who knew as little of the subject league-while the country was torn in pieces. ou,
as themselves, could be looked upon by her Majesty in any it was the duty of the Right Hon. Baront to spec what
other light than as a farce. Twenty-two years ago, an Hon. and let the Duke of Richmond and Sir H. Verney
Baronet, who had lately departed this life, stood forward, in he intended to do. Commercial restrictions were the
to re-
conjunction with his associate in the representation of the distress of the country, and every person was. bwooutubttiotsese,
Westminster, and submitted to the Howe a most lieve that distress by contributing toremove theme_ e'derigm ant
reasonable alteration in the existing practice, namely, done last session, it was a mere blank. FauF ithe
that four and twenty hours. should be given to con- creased throughout t the -county, which wasp
eider her Majesty's speech, in order that the answer • relief. A recoil took place, hecause it was impolsesithelewtehttige:
to it might be entitled to due estimation. But now could go on as they had been going Thin
they were called oe to deliberate after two h b T *address alltio in
ours. etter. he Hon. Seconder of the a case of
He had no doubt that some parts of her Majesty's speech some instances of this improvement. One was number to
might have given offence to individuals. He would not dwell which a reduction had been made in the 112:12 000 ,it
s ere no"' to
however, on that which was omitted in the speech. There was persons receiving relief in one union, from set' D'enrome'e
one paragraph in it which gave him great satisfaction, namely, 4,000. But was- it not the duty Of
.a
_eut?ovr.l-4,°Uvpet.;
that whialmeferred to the ex stence of friendlyrelationsbetween to take care and provide the means of velloorkt.iinegr
pregg?sttubst
this country and France. He was aware how beneficial peace Being of opinion that the corn-laws, and a
was to the manufacturing and commercial prosperity of every laws, ought to be considered and amended, he regr,etttel but
country, and he would be therefore preparedi to go even farther the speech contained no notice on the . sulelfercoo;
sctibthe
than the words of the address with regard to the connection he trusted they would have a declaration
ee
between the two countries. The policy of her Majesty's Go Right Honourable Baronet, which -would do as") syer°
vernment in brineing about a good understanding etween. all doubt. He was confident that the cor,e• -tit:510101
France and Zngland, was - lie •
•ely to be more con- injurious to all classes in the community, even tore it
ducive than any other to the interests of the country. proprietors themselves ; and that they would become • thAt
he sato ere
The prosperity of the country was more likely to be promoted more injurious, and it was upon that account re lc •
by an intimate union with France' than any other, and while was the common object of all to remove them. Ttongetrolsl,
both those countries remained united the peace of' the world institutions for relieving the distress of the there we,
would be secured, and all the advantages which ought to be headed by Bishops and Mi • -ter of the Crown; ;besloe,
there were gistre,"
expected from peace-diminution of taxation and reduction 'of even two rival institutions for this purpose;
sh the e
expenditure-would follow. lie was sorry to say they unions in every parish ; notwithstanding la,' plac jog
did not enjoy all the advantages which a closer commercial in- continued. An increase of treble had takewnitbtrw,
tercourse would confer ; but he, however, repeated the the cotton, woollen, and hardware trades, but not _„,. coati;
eistre" ijg
expression of his satisfaction with that part of her this, and all their charitable institutions, the
~„, of hu 5 to
Majesty's speech which related to the amicable rela- nued, and they had daily reports of persons (IS h"smititirister
tions subsisting between those countries.-( Hear.) they ought, therefore, to call on her Majesty ,on but
Nothiegoef
The seconder of the address had painted in glowing terms the co-operate with them in removing all restriction
advantages which we may derive, and were already deriving, portat ions of food and every article of industryde
country.
ages,
from our commercial negotiations with China. When the ;sight employment would afford substantial relief to ti'
„Id lower r
Honourable Baronet and gentlemen behind him considered • had been told that therepealofthecorn-laws were 1°::, of
the tariff the Chinese had lately imposed, they could He considered that impossible, because wagearig,--(Cri et
not but feel ashamed of themselves for having allowed the England than in any country in the we
could then/rice?
Chinese so far to have out-stepped them in enlightened min- "Oh oh ") Yes, he repeated it--whereesbe same dons to
ciples of commerce. By the Chinese tariff, every article of a shirt made for lid. and a knife and fork for, been soil,t_gour•
food was admitted free of duty. Let the Right Hon. Baronet So great had been the distress, that many boos ih'ings?
and his colleagues follow that example. We had been called get a paltry sum of three halfpence for e'
tw,h a
state of t_.mg ;
barbarians by the Chinese, and he thought the Was it possible, he would ask, to conceive summ
wereill
i,iog
term was not misapplied when the principles of The truth was, in the country eluPeus, were sew mires
our tariff were considered. He would take that opportunity of the poor-rates, which hail been reduce,ci,,ira to thisetdag rig
referring to cue subject. which he thought was highly credita- rapidly, and paupers were increasing :
,ticoien cif bit
Isle In he character of this cuunory and honor .1 le to the in- 'were failing, :17,1fi V NO, ? why • • nr;iiirel• to
divitlual in whom it had originated. lie aliuded to the work by which they could get wit
doing
supplemental treaty which had been concluded by her opinion the House of Commons Wos