The Sun.
London, England, 1826-12-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Tbe. highly, important intelligence from Paris, of
which this paper was yesterday the exclusive channel,
gave added force to the belief, now general amongst
the people of this country, that those just, prompt,
and vigorous measures, for the defence of our ancient
ally, which the Times was so earnest in advising, and
which the King's Ministers (to their pi*) were not
slack in adopting, will eventually prove, themselves to
have been the fittest imaginable for preserving some
tune longer the peace now existing among the great
Powers of Europe. The speech of M. llamas, trench
Minister for Foreign Affairs, is not, as a mere official
explanation, at all secondary to that of Mr. Canning.
So far as words go, the discourse of the French Mini-
ster is not less explicit or satisfactory than that of his
English brother ; and we are firmly persuaded that the
Cabinet of his Most Christian Majesty cannot pursue
more directly or more honourably the best interests of
the nation for which they act, than by fulfilling to
the letter the promises and assurances thus put on
record by their Foreign Minister. ft is pleasing to
see throughout the speech of M. Damas a manly
testimony borne everywhere to the wrongs which our
Portuguese ally has suffered—to the mean and mu-
lish dishonesty of the Camarilla—to the positive ne-
cessity under which England
,stood of coming for-
ward to the protection of her injured friend—and
to the strict and conscientious good faith with which
she had previously discharged time obligation of for-
bearance towards the Spanish Court, contracted by
her at the instance of his Most Christian Ma-

jesty. At a moment like the present, when there
are bad siririts at work in France, which would be
read-
/ enouelt to stimulate the Minister to language of
a more pernicious tennency, or to be instigated by him
(were he less wisely disposed) to any the most destruc-
tive extravaganceove can affirm, that it argues a digni-
tied and toffy spir;t in the Drench Cabinet to express
themselves with such perfect equity end candour; and
may, 'indeed, be taken as an-evidence of the full secu-
rity with which the advisers of Charles X. feel that
• is
Ins monarchy is surrounded, since for none it so
natural or so simple to bOjust, as for him who, con-
, scious of his own spirit and power, is aware that his
homage to the cause of truth can never be ascribed to
ignoble motives.. Nothing in words can be more clear
than the disposition of France, as represented by
.M. Dames, to co-operate with this country in every
measure the best calculated to preserve Portugal from
molestation by the despotic Court of Madrid ; and in
policy there is nothing more self-evident than the
paramount interest which the French Government
holds in enforcing that duty upon its Spanish de-
pendent. It is, again, of immense value to France,.
to , England, to Portugal, to Spain herself, and to
Europe, that the Government of his Most Christian
,Majesty sees the base conduct of the Court of Ferdi-
nand:in the light in which it has been placed by the
following true and upright expressions of the Secre-
tary for Foreign Affairs:—
However, at the very moment when that Cabinet gave its
sassurance that the arms taken from the refugees should be given
tap to the Portuguese Government, at the moment, when orders
were given that the refugees themselves should be removed from
the frontiers, these men have entered Portugal in arnis ; and this
• sudden attack has been accompanied by circumstances which leave..
:no doubt as to the cu-operation of some of the Spanish autbori-
, ties, whO bad been charged with the execution of the order to
disarm and disperse the refugees among the interior provinces."
Now, the inferences to be drawn from the above
' passage of the Ministerial apecch are of incalculable
moment, because they establish it as a fact that no
promises---nor assurances—nor ostensible measures
of any sort, offered or employed by the existing
Spanish Government can be relied upon ; that, in
truth, it is a Government utterly faithless and unprin-
cipled, as completely incapable as that which once
reigned at Paris, of "; maintaining the relations of
amity' and good neighbourhood with surrounding
States. What, then, can be done with such a Govern-
ment? What verbal or written securities can it furnish?
None. Ferdinand will yield, as a thing of comae, in
the first instance. lie will now be thunderstruck, or
affect to be so, •by the bold measure of the British
Cabinet, and by- the avowed indionation'of France.
The creature will deny his own deeds. He will finial-
low all manner of reproaches. He will take every man's
kicks... -Lis will, hang publicly, for obeying his orders,
those very same Captains, Generals, and other official
wretches, whom, three weeks ago, he would have eon-
' dived at assassinating, had they possessed the courage or
virtue to disobey him. Nay, further still, if &gland
should be weak ,enough to inform this heartless being,
that she will be satisfied with kis formal recognition of the
Constitution of Portugal, provided he follows up that act
by the establishment of a nominal Constitution in Spain
itself, what will be the eonsequente? Why, Ferdinand
acknowledges the Constitution ostensibly, and secretly
protests: against his own aCknowledgment, as having been
extorted from him, and the monks and servile: go on with
their intrigues against Portugal as before, knowing that
the' Court is with them.. So, demand a Constitution for
the Spanish people—and,' to ! you have it for the asking.
Ferdinand will swear, that it was what he always intended.
He Will suffer France- or England to make as many Spa-
nish
Constitutions
as you like; ay, and he will swear to
abide by them, too ; but what does that signify ? lie
`win, as in the ease of recognizing Portugal, consent in
'public, and protest in private. Ile will treat a Spanish
ConStitirtion like the Spanish Bonds—declare that he
" signed under coercion." If Ferdinand pretends to
.give a Constitution, it will be with the firm determination
. to use:the portion of sovereign power which he retains for
no end but the recovery of that portion which he affects
to sacrifice. He will, in short,
.produce no guarantee for
his good.fitith, its any foreign Government, or any
rinse of his own subjects (except the Priests), with the
least share of prudence eau rely upon. This circumstance
it is which ha:hides within it the whole difficulty 'and, un-
certainty of the present question. let. Can Ferdinand
bear to see Portugal free, without secretly and treacher-
ously working t'or her annoyance, so long as Spain coati-
lines Subject to arbitrary power.? 2d. Will Ferdinand,
t:eting a Constitution to Spain which comprehends even
shadow of pplitical liberty,: not mamauvre everlastingly
e
for the destruction of that liberty? En land and her ally
Must :le wise, as well as tit/arena, .to &feat the slippery
motions and machinations of a person who seems to love
treaChery for its own sake, and Who has never kilt a wil-
ling ear, except to those whose counsels are as treacherous
as his own heart, Such a Sovereign must be beund by
securities which he cannot violate—by motives whiCh he
dare not retiist. Force and fear are the only guarßia.
. tees which run ensure a probable fidelity to his engage.
irients,;Tintes..

The Law of Libel becomes less reconeileable to the

principles of justice and common sense every day. It
is easy to discover why vicious and immoral characters,
in all stations of life, should dread and abhor the
press. The emphatic language of scripture explains
the reason ' and, adopting that language, we say, such
persons " love darkness more than lipt, because they
deeds are dark." But it is more difficult to account
for the jealousy, or rather the vehement prejudice,
which the judicial power entertains towards the press.
It would seem, by the opinions that constantly fall
from the Bench, as if the Judges regretted that the art
of printing—that great art, which has done more to-
wadi) the diffusion of knowledge, and the advance-