The Sun.
London, England, 1828-07-04 00:00:00

FOREIGN ENLISTMENT BILL.

Mr. LAWLEY presented a petition from the
Manufacturers of fire-arms at Birmingham, against
so much of the Foreign Enlistment Bill as prohibited
the exportation of arms and warlike instruments.
Mr. LITTLETON complained that the Hon.
Member for Surrey (Mr. Fullmer) gave notice of a
motion for a Repeal Enlistment Act ; but after the
' notice had beep on the paper for two months, it was
dropped at so late a period of the Session as to
prevent any other Member from
.advantageously
,taking it up. The Foreign Enlistment Act was of
the greatest.possiblo injury to commerce, far it pre-
vented us from carrying on a trade in. those articles
in which we could cornimm,!:a preference. Yet the
despotic Government of Austria, and the enlightened
Oovernment of France, permitted this trade to be
carried on.. lie was sorry the .Hon. Member for
Surrey was not in the House to explain why he "had
abandoned the Bill.

Mr. BARING could not conceive why every
state in Europe should allow its subjects to supply
foreign countries with ships and lire arms, whilst the
inhabitants df this country were alone shut out from
this profitable exercise of industry. He did not,
think it was too late to introduce a short Bill to
place our manufacturers of arms and the ship-build.
.ing trade on a level. with those of other countries.
With respect to the Foreign Enlistment Act, he could.
not anticipate any ill effects to this country from oc.,
casionally permitting half a hundred spirited and en-
terprising young men.to emter foreign service, if it
should suit their inclinations.

Mr. HUSKISSON. said, that the year this
Enlistment Act was passed, this country was under
an absolute pledge not to interfere between Spai►►
and her Coloniesi :,The Hon. Member who pre-
sented the petition seemed to mistake the law. At
the period alluded to, his Majesty was advise,' to
issue an order, prohibiting the importation of warlike
stores. That order was repealed in six. months, and
stores of this kind might now be exported. 13y
the Act,, however, we were prohibited from fro -
nishing foreign powers with vessels which niighr
be used as transports ,or ships of war. This, lte
thought, might have been a very wise .provision
when it was passed, but he slid not think•it ought to
become the permanent law of the country. A
ship might be converted into an article of war,
but it was not. necessarily so.- Our artificers were
not fully employed, and he thought this part of the
Act might be advantageously repeated. It was
closing up one source of British industry, and
therefore he did_ not conceive that it was at
all necessary. He' should therefore join his Hon.
Friend (Mr. Baring) in requesting his ilviajesty's
Government 'to modify the • existing 'law, so as to
give facilities to our shipping trade. •
Mr. LAWLEY said the petitioners-.were awvar►.
t hat the Order of Council was repealed, but they
understood that ships carrying articles of war into,
port might be seized.
Mr. HUSKISSON explained. •

Sir R.• WILSON said this law was passed at the
instance of the King of Spain ; and irr proof of this
assertion he mentioned what fell from Mr. Canning
when the Hon. Member for Montroe proposed the
repeal of the law, in order to enable our subjects t(1
enter into' the service of Portugal.. The Right Hon,
Gentleman then said, that such a repeal would be
but an act of political justice. This being the case,
it was. clear that the . Bill was originally in.,
tended, to be. merely a temporary measure, and it
was'unjust towards the South American States, and
other States on the Continent of Europe, to allow
it to remain a permanent part of our law.
Mr. PALLMER expressed himself favourable to
a repeal of this law in the form in which it notes
stood.

Mr. Secretary PEEL did not at that late period
of the Session think it prudent to make any declara-
tion as to the policyintended to be purstted by his Ma-
jesty's Government upon this subject,but he had given
the subject sufficient consideration to justify him
expressing his doubt as to the propriety. of the line nZ
policy pointed out by the Hon. Member opposite,
who thought that every subject of this realm should
be at liberty to enter into -the service of a Foreign
State, without any restraint, save and except the
dower •of the Crown •to recall such person. lli
Hon. Friend had shown that, by'the present state of
the law, the free export of military stores was
permitted, and the only restrictions left were that,
Aritisbsubjects should not be at liberty to enter int('
the service of Foreign States, and that ForeignPowcrs
should not be at liberty to retort to this country for the
r re permission uerpoeseofbur to do eitherildingshipso of v
which wouldtNarinourports---flit-
in
his
(Mr. P.'s) opinion be highly •inexpedient._ He put it
to the House whether it would be .wise, whether
it would be decent, to allow British subjects to .-erve,
for instance, in the Turkish or Egyptian fleets in
theLevant,whilst our fleets were employed in block-
ading those ports, some of which those fleets wished,
to enter and depart from. With respect to the Un-
limited right of foreigners to build vessels of war in
our harbours, lie wished to know -whether
ought to be allowed, when the probability was rlt
ships so built would be employed in' annoyis and
committing depredations upon our commerce ? Alt
nations had, under the present state of the law,
the right of building in our ports ships for
commercial purposes. He now conceived that
the right of restraining them from building ships,
for other purposes than those of commerce, ought,to be allowed to remain in the Crown, the more.,
especially, as the House must be satisfied tbai meth
right would never be oppressively exercise

Mr. P. THOMSON stated acme wbich occurred.
not long since. A large order for military eqnipme*tsf,
had been sent from Egypt to this country, btAt the.
law prevented the execution of it here, anal it was,
taken to France. At to the argument which the,
Right Hon.Gentlemanhad founded upon the piracies
in the Levant, it appeared to him that they had been
liable to all the loss that had resulted from those
piracies, without being ollowed the small counter-
balancing advantage of blinding the vessels of the
countries whose pirates infested the :;eas.
Mr. BARING sAid, viewing the question as a
commercial question, there could not be two opi-
nions upon it : and if it were only a part of the ACI
which the Hon. Member' for Surrey intended to re-
peal, he was not sorry.
fired.
that the motion of that Hon.
Member had been defe
WYNN could not see on what principle
the conduct of men could be justified who, leaving
their wn country, hired. themselves as soldiers -to
foreign powers. To him such a practice appeared
little short of hiring murderers.--(Cries of " Hear.")
it was his opinion, that when two states were at war,
Ihe subject of another state, who allowed him-
elf to be hired
by the one party to fight against
:he other, 'was, if he raised his weapon in 91101
:I cause, guilty of murder.—(Cries of " Hear.")—
Etnope had never been visited with a greater curse
than those hired bands -of soldiers, who, after the ter-
mination of the wars between England and France,.
..vent about Europe, ready to fight on any side, and
in any cause, if the wag4of the service were sufli,
cleat to make it worth their while. These, he would
contend, deserved no other term than that of mur-
derers. s It was their trade to slay all whgm they
were paid to oppose. With respect to the law be
fore them, it merely changed the penalty of the
iminer law, which was death, into a fine. (The Hoe.
Amber added some further observations, but we
,vere unable to catch the purport of them.)

Sr R. WILSON was not at all surprised that
(tie Rif;-lit Hon. Gentleman (Mr. W. Wynn) had
ntered into a defence of the Bill, bevatne 'he be-
,:eved that Rit'ht Hon. Gentleman to have !seen one

of the most active agents of the King of Spain,—
to have done all he could to get the Bill passed.

Mr. W. WYNN rose to order. If this were in-
tended as a bad and miserable attempt to joke he did
not care for it; but if not, he would say that, to
call him an agent of the King of Spain, was a foul
and libellous imputation. (Cries of " Order.")
Sir R. WILSON wished to be allowed to explain.
If the Hon. Member bad been in the House during
the discussion, instead of coming in at the end of it,
he would have heard him state this fact,—that Mr.
Canniag had declared this Act to have been passed
at the desire of the King of Spain ; and with this de-
claration before him, he was justified in calling all
those who had acted in conformity with the desire
of the King of Spain, the agents of 41)e King of Spain.
He (Sir R. Wilson) did not wish to say any thing
that might give rise to unpleasant feelings ; but
when the Right Hon. Gentleman was so ready to
complain of language that had been used towards
him, he might have been a little more cautious in
the language which he had used about men who
were quite as honourable and quite as generous as
the Right Hon. Gentleman himself, and whom the
Right Hon. Gentleman had branded with the terms
" hired as•sassins " and " hired murderers."—
(Cheers.) He would tell that Right Hon. Gentle-
man, that persons had from the most generous mo-
tives drawn their swords iu the good cause in
foreign service, because they had no opportunity of
doing so in the service of their country.--(Cheers.)
Me was the best judge of his own honour. With
regard to the present law, he would say that it was
a disgrace to the Statute-book.
Mr. W. WYNN said when any Hen. Member
told him he was an agent of the King of Spain, that
Hon. Member asserted what was not true. He felt
himself bound, in defence of his own honour, to say
that the charge was most unfounded. There was
one point, however, on which he felt it necessary to
offer explanation. He did not apply the term
murderer to any person who engaged from . zeal in
any contest whatever.—(Hear.)—He applied it to
those who were hired, and to those young men who
entered foreign service as an amusement, and as the
best way of seeing the world. He would not detain
the House further. He did -not think there could
he any harm in an individual entering foreign service,
but he did think there ought to be a power to pre-
Tent numbers of the subjects of this country doing
the same. _ _ _

Mr. PEEL regretted very much that the discus-
sion had given rise to any warmth on either part.—
It was fortunate, however, that the warmth had
existed where it had, for a world of explanation must
be sufficient to allay it. No individual could have
been named who was less likely to draw his sword
11 a cause of which he did not highly approve, than
G-Alant Friend; and, on the other hand, he did
sincerely believe that there was no one more unlikely
to support the interest of a foreign power, to the
*lisadvantaae of his own country, than the Right
Hon. Gentleman.
,Nr. R. GRANT contended, that whenever the
subject was further discussed, the military branch of
the question ought to be distinctly separated from
that whieh was merely commercial.
Mr. HUSKISSON said that Mr. Canning had
acted, not upon the requisition of the Crown of
Spain for the adoption of the specific course- in
question, but upon its application for the perform-
ance of a previous engagement.
_

Dr. LUSHINGTON, as the conduct of Mr.
Canning had been alluded to on this subject, would
just state a very few facts by which he thought all
doubt richigiat he satisfactorily concluded. He him-
self had been one of the most strenuous oppponentc
to the Bill; but nevertheless he was bound to do
*dee to the motives which induced its enact-
ment. In 1814, the late Marquis of London-
derry had entered into a treaty with the Crown
d Spain, one article of . which had been, that
England should give no assistance, lay arms or
:. mmunition, or in any other. way, to the rc-
*mired Spanish colonies. Afterwards, when the
apOication came from Spain for ..the execu-
atm of this treaty, in ordei to check the levies which
o.vere ,going on in Ireland for ails service of South
America, * discussion had arisen, whether-we were
bound to enact new laws fer the purpose otWfilling
it, of whether ,we might not refer the Spaniards to ,
the laws already exieting on the subject, and deny
that we had ever any intention of ever going farther.
)I,ekv this might eertainly be called in one sense a
0" sevisition from the Xing of Syain; but then it
-yeas nee a requisition that England s,bould adopt any
new measure, but merely that she shouid ;hide by
*ter engagement of 1814.
After a few words from Mr. LAWLEY and Dr,
3..tlstiliaaToN, the letition was ordered to be printed.
Mr. MAXWELL presented a petition from the
working sawyers of 11,11.502, complaining that they
were ,ruined by the intreduct4 (nf machinery.
Sir J, GRAHAM presented a petitien from Mel-
ton, agaioat the Small Notes Bill.
Dr, pHICLIMORE presented a petition 6;; 1
the vicar, churehwardens, and trustees for building
churches, ,f the weieh of St. Pancras, against the
new Additional Citutreliss Bill. The petitioners
stated that the parish had si.rody laid out 100,0001.
for building churches, and had is iiied their church-
rate as 'nigh as &I in the pound.
Dr. LUSHINGTON presented a petition Ppm
the churchwardens of the parish of Camberweil, 44 I
favour of the Additional Churches Bill.
Mr. HUME was not surprised at the church-
wardens petitioning in favour of the Bill, because it
gave them the power of tuzing the parisi: without
its own consent.
The CHANCELLOR of the E.VeCHEQUE4O
intended to give abundant time for the etenzideration
iof all its provisions by the House.
Mr. HUME moved the printing of a petition
which bad been presented ea the 20th of June, pray-
ing an i uiry into the state of the Birmingham
Court of 4 1/4
nests.
Mr. BRO - OHAM said, that there W 44 some
objection to printing the petition, as it attackw
eeveral individuals rather violently by name.
Ir. HUME would look over the petition again;
but he Wished it to be printed, as the abuses of the
court in question called loudly for referm.
Mr. HUME presented a petition from the Rev.
Peter Ferry, a clergyman of Devonshire, praying
an inquiry into the fees and Administration of the
Ecclesiastical Court; of Exeter.
Mr. BROUGHAM presented a petition from
Colonel Bradley praying for xelief. The petitioner
had been deprived of his commission after 20 years`
t:ervice in the West Indies, and was nen- imprisoned
under a sentence of the Court of Kir.g's Bench for
libel, almost reduced to beggary.
Aftcr a few words from Mr. Hume and {rte Eir
H. HARDINC; in answer, which were not distinctly
heard in the gallery. The petition was ordered to
.3ie on the table.
UNION WITH IRELAND.

Mr. MAURICE FITZGERALD, in rising to
maws copie; of the correspondence between the
English and Irish Governments at the period of the
Union, observed, that before stating the reasons
wbidb, as he conceived, iiPtAeditim in calling the
Attention of the House .to 0141 particular branch of
the genexal uuestion affecting ,tite 1101111ot Catholics
of Ireland., kri begged to say, once ft.: r.,11, that it
was not his .intentiog on that occasion to re..c.4-4-;;,;!ie
subject of the Catholic Claims. For years he'hati +
proposed to make this subject A distinct subject of
di3cussion. It waR necessary to 44... e character of
persons who had .6114 olevated stations n ae coun-
try, that the question should be set fit
did not pretend to take any partiaar interest in the
character of Mr. Pitt, whose political sentiments
were so different from his own, and who 4ad be-
longed to the other side of the Douse; but withoup
reference to Mr. Pitt'o-gene,ral ,character as a Mini-
ster, he was quite .ready to pay a full tribute of ad-
miration to the large and statesmanlike views with
which he (Mr. Pitt) had contemplated the Union
between thig country and Ireland. The Sight
Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Secretary Peel)
„stated, that " he denied that Mr. Pitt, I.crd Cas-
tlereagh, or Lord Cornwallis, ever gave any pledge

to the Roman Catholics at the time of the Union,
with respect to the concession of their claims, or
any expression that implied a pledge, by which word
he meant not a written pledge, or solemn and offi-
cial promise; but such an understanding or assurance
as would be equally binding in honour and justice."
Now he was at issue with the Right Hon. Gentle.;
man in this point, and should resort to the best au-
thority—that of Mr. Pitt himself—to prove that
the contrary of the Right Hon. Gentleman's asser-
tion was the fact. He took the word " pledge"
in the sense attached to it by the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman himself, lamely, as an assurance held out by
the Government of England to the Irish Catho-
lics, to the effect, that if the Union between the
two countries should take place, the concession of
the relief which they sought might be expected to
follow that Union; and looking at the matter in this
way, he considered it to be strictly binding. upon the
national honour. In 1799, Mr. Pitt introduced the
question of the Union in the British Parlia-
ment, trod in doing so took occasion to advert
to the then condition and future prospects of
I eland, and to the circumstances which had forced
the Union upon us. To effect this object the Le-
gislature of the two countries passed a formal Act,
but the policy of the measure was to be deduced
from the speeches and explanations of Ministers.
Except it was meant to contend that engagements
might be entered into and assartiaces given without
any necessity existing for their fulfilment, he thought
it impossible to get over the ease made out by the
words of Mr. Pitt upon this occasion. It was true
a pamphlet had been published by a person who ge-
nerally prepared a pamphlet for every fresh discus-
sion of the Catholic Question; and on this publica-
tion the Learned and' Very Rev. author alluded to
the opinion of Mre Pitt in rather an extraordinary
manner. Mr. Pitt had said, " No man can say,
while Ireland remains a separate kingdom, that a
full concession of all the claims of the Roman Ca-
tholics can be made with security to the country."
" Reader, gentle reader (continues the Right Rev.
author), this is all the evidence of Mr. Mitt's pro-
mise to the Roman Catholics; what Mr. Charles
Butler has been able to discover in all the speeches
ever delivered hy that Statesman, .and on this small
scrap he bears his inference that after the Union it
was intended to make full concessions to the. Roman
Catholics." This was the Very Rev. Gentleman
who made charges of double dealing against the
Jesuits, and a more Jesuitical passage he (Mr. M.
Fitzgerald) had never read in his life than the one
just quoted. After treating Mr. Butler with this
levity, the Very Rev. author proceeded to treat Mr.
Elliot, whose name was closely connected with this-,
subject, in a similar manner. Mr. Elliot, who might
he supposed, by means of his official knowledge,
and his intimate acquaintance with Lord Castlee
reagle to be well acquainted with the subject, had
expressed a strong opinion on the question,—" It is
true, indeed, that no bond exists, but expectations
were held out to the Roman Catholics, and some-
thing like a promise, which in my mind ought to be
more binding than a formal bond." • This was the
importaut declaration of Mr. Elliot, and the com-
ment of the very Rev. Divine was, " How some-
thing like a promise can be more binding than an
actual promise or bond, and that not so much upon
the party making it as upon. others, is utterly beyond
my comprehension." Now, this was a suggestio
falsi. Mr. Elliot had riot said that the promise was
not more binding on others, than on the party who
used it. There was nothing more indecent than this
attempt to misrepresent the sentiments of Mr. Elliot
for the purpose of sneering at,them, and nothing more
presumptuous than this attempt to get rid of his au-
thority. No one was less disposed to treat subjects with
an. unnecessary display of pedantry than himself, but
when he had to deal with big-wig authors like the
Very Rev. Pamphleteer, who pretended to so much
research, he hoped he might be excused for attempt-
ing to prove, that the great• writers and jurists,
without exception, laid down principles to his view
of the question ; and he hoped the House would
pardon him, if against these insolent sneerers he're-
ferred to the highest authorities. The opinion of
Puffendorf on the subject was so precisely stated
that lie hoped a reference to it would not offend even
his Hon. and rustic Friends, and if the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman, the Attorney-General, were
present, he would appeal to him as to the propriety
of quoting Puffendorf. The Right Hon. Gentle-
man proceeded to quote the authority alluded to in
the promissio impellecta, and among others read a
passage stating that in the case of -a contract be-
tween two states, which .had been confirmed, and in
which, some formal technicalities were omitted, the
promising party was compelled to perform them in
equite, though not compellable by law. With re-
spect to the obligation of a promise upon the suc-
cessor of the party originally making it, the same
authority laid it down as a rule that a contract en
tered into by any state, where the supreme power
was in the hands of more than one individual,
continued valid, even though the persons exercising
tl?e Government when the promise was given were
elniege4, because it was always considered one and
the same state. That was the spirit in which Mr.
Elliot had answered Lord Castlereagh, and he evi-
dently thought that the obligation rested not only
on Mr. Pitt, bet on his successors. In proposing
the Union with Ireland Mr. Pitt distinctly held out
expectations to the Roman Catholics, that Success
heir claims would result from the Union. Mr.
Pitt, in inproducing the subject to the British Par-
liament, went into the existing dangers of Ire-
land, and explained at length the general policy and
enlarged views with which he contemplated the
Union between the two countries; and if lie never
left any other record of his ability behind, his
speee4 ?pen
.that occasion would have been suffi-
Aeee ..4torip him as a great Statesman. It should
be abserve4 t,bct *r, Fox had previously assented
to the principleof preeming the connection between
the two countries, and Mr, Pitt aelpowledged, and
thanked his political opponent for that concession.
" He cordially agreed with hint (Mr. Fox) in that
qinion, but would add, that he did not barely wish
for dig *tvomplishment of the Union, in order to
preserve the g•elnaaetion between the two countries,
or to increase the germer4 strength of the empire;
but mainly with regard to lep.O. interests of
Ireland; and for • the purpose of giving it flue
importance as a member of the United Kingdom,?
In inakiiai these statements of the uniform language
of Mr. Pitt, he a'i'r, F.) should have thought it all
surplusage to dwell at 44ei-Oli
.upon time subject, if •it
had not been for the extreme /4eiqieis advocated by
the Right Hon. Gentleman. On toet weeount,
it
might be necessary to quote anotker paeseg; kq
prove that Me. Pitt not only contemplated um his
own mind the
.admiseioel of Roman Catholics to the
privileges of the State, but 42-9 meant to convey
that impression to theirs. In reference to tI role
feeling ,existiag in Ireland among persons of erent
religious opiaiene, Me. Pitt said—" If struggles of
this sort, on account of religiren, were allowed to
cone;rree, the worst dangers must recut Tien) them,
Srarl sittatiGLlS reipht arise when the same ,me,atte of,
relief aus were axoNv appiigalole might not be an opr
power."—(Propliege wo,r4)-.•:" The only sound
remedy, according to the liestsaeaY!,,4,e reason and
i
policy, was to identify the nhahltenes iht
country with ourselves, by imparting to them 4 Share
of those blessings so generally diffused throughout
great Britain. This plan was equally necessary
witia esfe,eppee to , the removal of the existing evil,
and for the kwiecey. pf guarding against future
danger." Such were taie reiieeiced expressed.opi-
nions of Mr. Pitt.- The faCtrafas; kmea ,tlys kaeg;
Limns were properly united, any attempt to make re,.
golatiene with respect to the internal state of Ireland
was a ViCliatiO4 of her independence. Mr. Pitt was
aware that the peon-ion enemy eensidered Ireland as
the weakest part of our Empire, and eddt-lb " that
whoever reflected on that amid other ctrettnistancea
must at orate perceive that there was no cure fee the
mischief but by the formation of a General Imperial
Legislature, which, unintioenced by party prejudice
.arid remote from local animosities, might take into
consideration measures for the general good ;" and
larther this great statesman added, "that it was
necessary for the roithiry's good to guard against tbf

continuance of the present evils by the adoption of
another system." Did Mr. Pitt mean, nothing by
this ? If on such a subject he had used such ex-
pressions without a meaning, then was he the silliest
of men. He was ashamed to quote further, but this
one passage was too important to be omitted : Mr.
Pitt said," The consequence of the great leading dis•
tinctions subsisting in religion in Ireland, and of the
hostile feelings arising out of theni among the
professors of each, was, that the Protestant feared
that any further extension of privileges to the
Catholic would overthroW his ascendancy, while' the
Catholic felt the existence of the Established Na-
tional Church as a grievance ;" but here Mr. Pitt
went further, and ventured to say, "between these
two it was matter of difficulty to say, whether as
thingsthen stood, it was better to comply with the
fears of the former,' or to grant the claims of the
latter!" These circumstances were considered
Mr. Pitt as evils, and for these he proposed a cure.
Had it taken effect ? Had not this evil rather aug-
mented ? Mr. Pitt said that he looked to the Union
as the cure, and added, " that no man could enter-
tain a doubt as to the question respecting any at-
tempt at religious regulation in Ireland being more
satisfactorily settled after the adoption of that re-
medy—that no one could believe that full conces-
sions could be made to the Roman Catholics, while
Ireland remained a separate kingdom, without pro-
ducing general alarm,: and giving rise to conse-
quences that might endanger the State." This was
the passage referred to in the pamphlet of the Very
Rev. Divine, to whose performance he had already
alluded, and what he asked was the meaning of this
passage? Could there be a doubt as to the infe-
rence to be drawn from it, that Mr. Pitt intended to
concede the claims of the Catholics, and make that
concession a consequence of the Union. Let it be
recollected, that the expressions referred to were
those of a man so accurate in his language, that it
had been said of him, he would be able to speak
King's speech off hand. That speech of Mr.. Pitt
was printed by the King's printer, and several co-
pies of it were given, to hien (Mr. Fitzgerald) by
the Irish Government, for the purpose of having
them generally circulated throughout the Catholic
counties. The Catholic Question was, for some

time after the rebellion, so unpopular in Ireland,
that no one dare mention it in the Parliament of
that country ;' for Mr. Pitt, therefore, to hold out
any distinct pledge to the Catholics, would have
been madness ; it would have roused the appre-
hensions of the high church party, and most
probably have altogether prevented the Union.—
Lord Cornwallis was sent to Ireland in the
course of the rebellion, not only with the confidence
of the King, but expressing in the fullest man-
ner possible the sentiments of the Ministers—
No sooner had he avowed his opinions, than he was
opposed by all the strong Protestant interest, who
calculated that they would be'able to drive him from
Ireland, as they did in the case of Earl Fitzwilliam,
and Sir Ralph Abercrombie. It was a fact that
they had actually forced Sir Ralph Abercrombie
from that country, merely because he had put a stop
to the licentiousness of the soldiers. .It was his
(Mr. M. Fitigemld's) happening to he high in the
confidence of Lord Cornwallis's Government, and
from his own knowledge, he could most distinctly
state that the violent opposition offered by the Pro-
testants had such an effect upon that Nobleman, as
to induce him to contemplate leaving Ireland. The
Right Hon. Gentleman well recollected that Lord
Castlereagh came to him one day with, if not a rnes-;.
sage, at least an intimation from Lord Cornwallis,
that it. was his fixed intention to resign the Lord
Lieutenancy; in consequence of the faction formed
against. him ; and at the same time, it was further
communicated to him, (Mr. F.) that that faction
had resolved to re-enact a great portion of the
penal laws from which the Catholics had been re-
lieved. The Right Hon. Gentleman was naturally
struck with dismay at the fate which appeared to
await his country ; and Lord Castlereagh having as-
sured him that the'only condition upon which Lord
Cornwallis could consent to remain in Ireland was
this, that them should be some expression of public
approbation of the principles of his Government ;
Lord Castlereagh at the same time suggested, that
he (111. Fitzgerald) who was not then in office, and
who was,- therefore; less likely to be influenced by the
Government, should get up in his place in 'Podia-
meift and express his approbation of the conduct of
Lord Cornwallis, and it was also Arranged that
upon this Lord Castlereagh should, on the part of
the Government, say, that Lord 'Cornwallis would
adhere to the principles which he hitherto adopted,
and declare his determination not to be dismayed by
any faction. This expedient was resorted to, and it
had its effect. The Right Hon. Gentleman, after
alluding to the letter written by Lord Cornwallis to
Lord Fingal and Doctor Gray, said, that all doubt
of the support which the Catholics had given to the
Government-at the time of the Union, must be re-
moved by the following letter of Lord Cornwallis to
the Duke of Portland, then Secretary for the Home
Department
(Private) " Dahlia Castle, Dec. 1, 1800.
" My dear Lord—The tune is now approaching when
the Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Ireland is to assemble, and the people of Ireland, who
have long suffered all the horrors that treason, rebellion,
and sectarian rancour could produce, look forward at pre:
sent to that meeting with composure and confidence. 1
am too well acquainted with the spirit of benevolence and
liberality which actuates his Majesty's Councils, to doubt
the earnest desire of the Cabinet to apply the most effi-
cient remedies to the evils which have brought this Island
to the brink of ruin, and to which (notwithstanding a
degree of temporary remission that has been obtained by
the exertions and the modificaton of the Government) no
permanent or radical cure has been hitherto applied. And
I feel it to be my duty, in the station which 1 hold, to lay
before your Grace such opinions as an anxious and an at-
tentive observation during the eventful period of my Lieu-
tenancy have enabled me to form.
" Although other causes of much less importance have
occasionally contributed to increase the discussions which
have agitated this country, no man who is acquainted with
Ireland can deny that the violence of -religious animosities
has been, and still continue to be, the principal source of
all its miseries.
"-The tract which Lord Castlereagh submitted. to your
Grace on the great Catholic Question is so clear and able,
and so entirely comprises every material argument that can,
in my opinion, be urged on that important measure, that I
,phall not trouble your Grace by any farther reason_ rugs a
sOjector Iyhich you are fully in possession.
" It will, I am iorst4o, be equally unnecessary for me
to express my apprehensions that the qi;cston, if unnoticed
t:.e by Administration, will, in all likelihood, be taken up
by the Opposition in England 'oon after the meeting of the
Imperial Parliament. As the probability of such an event,
and the mischievous consequences that will attend it, must
so forcibly occur to your Grace and his Mjesty's other
'confidential seevant.F, as to induce you to take any means
in your power to prefer your claim in time, . and to secure
to Government the mansgeniept and the ultimate credit of
the measure, whenever Parliament shall think fit to take
Oil business into its serious consideration. I am aware
that the sentiments pf a man, who came so lately, almost a
stranger, to this country, will be received with diffultmee,
3
and that it may he proposed to consult the more ell e-
-ienced Irish politicians before it is absolutely determine)
that any decisive measure shall be adopted.
ie
That there are wen of !rest talents who have bug
held high stations in Ireland, I will readily adFrit ; but on
certain points, lam afraid that the strength of ancient, apti
ntay sa' hereoail prejndices will warp their judgment,
;4;47,0 better of theirunderstanding;
6' They assert? 444 ; fton) high authority 01.1000
them, that the Catholics of Ireland, of
lotion of this country, never can be good subjects to a Pro,.
testant Government. • What, then, have we done? We
have united ourselves to a people whom we ought to have
destroyed.
eseertion, however, is not warranted by the con-
duet bt. Thk VatiintigP ;;; the late political contest on the
n:.easnre of the Union,' when tber Certainly hid it in Fl,e;;'
power to have frustrated the Views of Governinent, anq,
throw tie country into the utmost confuson; and'l have
dotik even if the Protestants have hitherto, with justiCe,
accused there of obstinate and irreclaimable disaffection,
acco. .
that the gro-tinds of these charges will lie completely done
31,:ray when the former feel tileurze;s"es no longer the object
of suspicion, aq are relieved &on! thei-t: present mortifytlli
and degrading exclusloni. I have the honour to be, St.
c.
" His Grace the Duke of Portland. " COM•INVALLT§:'
" Dec. 1, 1800."
After SQMe further remarks the Right Hon. Gen-

demon concluded by moving, " That an humble
Addressbe presented to his Majesty, praying him to
give directions to lay before this House extracts of
the Correspondence between the English and Irish
Governments, relating to the Roman Catholics, at
the period of the Union."
The motion having been seconded and put,
Mr. Secretary PEEL rose. He should not enter
into -that part of the Right Hon. Gentleman's
speech relating to the pamphlet .of Doctor Phil-
potts, or his quotations in opposition to the Doctor
tiom;Grotius and Puffendorf. With respect to pam-
phlets generally upon the Catholic question, if they
must be alluded to in debates in that House, perhaps
the most convenient course would be for Hon.
Members to compose one themselves.—(A laugh.)
He did not mean to deny that Mr. Pitt was a friend
to Catholic emancipation, provided it were accom-
panied with the securities he might think the relative
conditions of this country and Ireland, and of the
Catholics and Protestants might require. The only
point at issue for the purpose of this night's debate
was, whether Mr. Pitt, and the persons who acted
under his authority, gave either a distinct pledge to
the Roman Catholics, or held out expectations tan-
tamount in noble minds to a positive pledge that,
by promoting
.the Union, they would obtain Catho-
lic Emancipation. When lie denied that such a
pledge was ever given, or such assurances held
out, lie did so from positive documents, and
the authority of the individuals themselves.—
He (Mr. Peel) was ready to grant to the Right
Hon. Gentleman, that he believed Mr. Pitt, Lord
Cornwallis, and Lord Castlereagh, entertained ex-
pectations that carrying thUnion would facilitate
Emancipation, for they could not fail to see the dif-
ficulty that would lie in the way of that' measure,
with a Legislature to deal with constituted as the
Irish Parliament was. It was well known that Mr.
Pitt retired from office shortly after the Union. The
Right Hon. Gent, had referred to three individuals,
certainly the most important that were concerned in
that transaction. He had referred to Mr. Pitt, who
was at the head of the Government; to Lord Corn-
wallis, who was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; and
Lord Castlereagh, who was the Representative of
the Government in the Irish Mouse of Commons,
and the principal agent in bringing the Union about.
Indeed, lie might say, that he did not believe that
there was any other man in the British dominions
who could, in 1799, the period when the Union
was first proposed, have succeeded in the manner he
did, for there was not one who possessed in the
same eminent degree, the combination of ability
and temper by which he was distinguished.—
heers.)—lt was such a man only that could have
overcome the monstrous opposition with which he
was met in the Irish Parliament.—(Cheers.)—Before
.he went farther into this question, he• would first
beg to inform the House that, during the last two
or three days, he had referred to the whole corre-
spondence, extracts of which had been moved for.
As he meant to oppose the motion, he did not think
himself at liberty to make use of any of the infor-
mation he thus acquired; but he could not help
saying that however favourable the opinions enter-
tained of Lord Cornwallis might be, these documents
would. entirely confirm them. The Right Hon.
,Grentleman here alluded to the .retirement of Mr.
Pitt from office, not, he alleged, in consequence of
his having pledged himself to the Catholics, but
merely because he did not carry a great public ques-
tion. The Right Hon. Gentleman went on to say,
in 1805 Mr. Pitt returned to office, and the Roman
Catholic Question was brought forward in that
House; and of all the speeches he had ever heard made
upon that question, splendid as they were, he never
heard one which made so great an impression on him as
that of Mr. Fox on that occasion. Dr.Duigenan followed
him, and Mr. Grattan, he believed, spoke afterwards,
but never charged Mr. Pitt with a breach of faith. How
came it, if he had given a pledge, that Mr. Grattan
did not call upon him to redeem it ? Mr. Grattan
must have known all the facts that attended the
Union, yet in 1805, sitting in•that House, he had
not called upon Mr. Pitt to vote with the Catholics.
Cie would now beg to ask, what were the expres-
sions of Mr. Pitt himself at that time ? The Right
Hon.• Gentleman would find that, although they
established the importance Mr. Pitt attached to the
question, yet that they also showed that he did not
conceive that he had entered into any obligation
towards the Roman Catholics, which prevented him

from re-entering office without making the Catholic
Question a sine quit. non.
' [The Right Hon. Gentleman here read a part of
Mr. Pitt's speech, denying that he had given any
pledge, and asserting that he came to the discussion
perfectly free and unfettered.]
These words were conclusive, and if he (Mr. Peel)
placed the same confidence in the character. of Mr.

Pitt that the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite pro.
fesserl to do, it was impossible for him to say that

Mr. Pitt was fettered by any pledge.
[The Right Hon. Gentleman here read an extract
from Mr. Fox's speech, to shew that he agreed with
him in opinion.]
There was one correspondence to which the Right
Hon. Gentleman had not alluded, to which he

begged to call the Right Hon. Gentleman's atten-
tion. There were two papers circulated by Lord
Cornwallis in Ireland, one sent by Lord Castlereagh,
and the other, having been drawn up by Mr. Pitt,
was sent by Mr. Dundas. Those papers explained
the views of those in power. to the Roman Catholics,
and recommended them not to seek to effect their
object by violence, for that Mr. Pitt would certainly
in that case oppose them. These papers were, how-
ever, misconstrued, and Lord Castlereagh wrote to
Lord Cornwallis in 1801, before the question of re-
signation was thought of, to explain those papers,
and place upon record what passed previous to the
Union.—(The Right Hon. Gentleman here read
Lord Corawallis's statement, from which it appeared
that he considered no favourable answer had been
given to t);re Catholics by Mr. Pitt.)—This was a
very material authority to spew that no pledge was
given. The. only. other authority which he had to
refer to was, that of Lord Castlereagh. That indi-
vidual challenged any one to come forward to say
that pledges were given the Catholics. On the
25th May, 1810, Lord Castlereagh said, in the
presence of two of. the Right lion. Gentlemen who
bad brought forward this motion, .
Lord Castlereagh next proceeded to complain of the
insinuations too often falsely and ignorantly thrown out,
of given to the Roman Catholics on this subject at
the time of the Union, He condemned the practice of
idly imputed breaches of faith on loose grounds, which
tended to excite a sense of injury, as well as disappoint-
ment. It was singular if such pledges bad Ever been given,
or promises made, that none of the patties to whom they
were addressed should have come forward disCnetly to
claim their execution ; he asserted that none such existed,
to his knowledge, and he could venture to mike the same
assertion on behalf of those with whom he had acted.
" lie did not mean to say, that many of the Roman Ca-
tholics did not form, and naturally form, sanguine hopes
that further political indulgences would follow the Union,
founding such expectation on several of the speeches de-
livered in Parliament at the time, and on the general lan-
guage held,,-that their claims would tw discussed in the
united Legislature with less prejudice, and that the ques-
tion itself would then come forward, stripped of many of
its local difficulties; but these speeches could only conclude
the indiridtials Who
mit the partiqine,4, pv
spade them, They could neither co —)m-
tht governmeut, whose tannage
4nif9rlPli Mrt that it was a question which must remain
for the unfettered wis4pni of the United Parliament to di*-
pose PC; and to pqinto.y Ives Mr. Pitt's language
on this gulled, that,
When opening the measure, after
setting forth el the immediate advantages of • union, be
expre•sly argued, that it would be more safe, in an united
Legislature, either to concede, or to refuse the Roman Ca-
tholic claims."
Ile t,h2upl•it that the extracts he had read of the
.ls. themselves, were speeches th,e individua
e of •Oe''question.' -(ThF Right Hen. Gentle-
man here referred to the letter of Mr. Analas,
alluded to in the speech of time Hon. . Mover, which
a partial noise rendered almostipaudible in the
gallery) He had no besitatiAn, no difficulty, in
saying
shouldtlte bite i gehatr r
do, hn . gentleman, that if his
motion —e copld not 'produCe the
documents in question. Mr. Dundas had not been
• Secretar7 of State for the Home Department, but

for the Colonial Department, and taking for granted,
because stated by .the Right Hem' Gentleman (Mr.
Fitzgerald) that it bad been written, he must, never-
theless, declare that he feared it was impossible to
produce it, for there was no record of it in the Home
Office—no record 'of it in the Castle of Dublin—
none in the Colonial Office—(hear)—and, after all,
it was not of very great importance, for it professed
not to speak the sense of Government, but merely
Mr. Dundas's. own views. He must say, that in
relying on reports of Parliamentary speeches, and
upon public declarations of official men, the Right
Hon. Gentleman had laid no foundation for the pro-
duction of the private and confidential corres-
pondence of Ministers. Should the motion of the
Right Hon. Gent. be agreed to by the House, he
(Mr. Peel) should certainly feel it big duty to com-
ply, but it would be with, extreme reluctance. He
believed he could• satisfy the Right 'Hon. Gent.
that nothing could be -no inconvenient, nothing So
unwise, as to recall the expressions and feelings of
parties at such an unhappy period.,... (Cheers.) He
thought it would be a matter of little difficulty. to
convince the Right Hon. Gentleman that it would
be better even for the interests held in view by the
Right Hon. Gentleman himself, that his motion
should not be carried. The published correspond-
ence was within the reach of every man. Govern-
ment had no right therefore to be called upon to
produce it, and the private portion of it could not
certainly be produced without the risk of reproducing
all that excitement which he was sure the House
would agree with him it was highly expedient should
be suffered to remain at rest. (Cheers.) 'These
were the grounds on which he opposed the motion
of the Right Hon. Gentleman. (Cheers.)
Mr. O'BRIEN supported the motion.
Earl JERMYN supported the 'clause at con-
siderable length, but .in a tone of voice so low as
to be almost wholly inaudible in the gallery. We
understood the Noble Lord to say that the Catho-

lies might be divided into three classes—the Nobility
and Gentry, and the agricultural population. Now,
he would contend, that to these three classes did
Mr. Pitt hold out specific expectations.
Sir J. BRYDGES opposed the motion.

Mr. RICE rejoiced, from the admissions made,
and the information it had elicited, that his Right
Hon. Friend had brought forward his motion. The
Right Hon. Gent. (Mr. Peel)• had relied as an
argument against the motion, upon the ignorance of
Mr. Grattan of any pledge or expectation. But of
all men Mr. Grattan was the last in Ireland who
could he expected to hear of it. Not only was Mr.
Grattan opposed in Parliament to the Union, but he
had actually placed his life in jeopardy in conse-
quence of the demonstration of his enmity to that
measure. Could it be believed therefore that Mr.
Grattan could have been cognizant, much less the
confidant, of any such treaty or understanding
(Here the Hon. Member, to shew that expectations
had been excited, referred to certain declarations of
Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Elliott, in one of which
the latter had said that "something like a promise
had been held out to them (the Catholics) which
was in his mind even more binding than a bond."
He (Mr. Rice) nevertheless advised his Right Hon.
Friend not to press his motion to a division, not
because he doubted the importance of the documents
in question or their bearing on the subject, but that
the result, should the motion be negatived, would
be received in Ireland as a defeat of the Catholic
Claims, which question the people of that country
would consider was 'the. real topic then under 'dis-
cussion.

Mr. Secretary PEEL and Mr. RICE mutually ex-
plained.
Mr. M. FITZGERALD, yielding to the reason-
ing of his Hon. Friend (Mr. Rice), should beg leave
to withdraw his motion.

The House assented, rind the motion was conse-
quently withdrawn.

SAVINGS BANKS' BILL.

The House then resolved itself into a Committee
of the whole House on the Savings Banks' Bill.
Mr. F. LEWIS objected to the clause restricting
the amount of the annual deposits in the' savings
banks to 301., and the total amount to 2001. He
should therefore move, as an amendment, that when
the total sum of the deposits in savings banks should
amount to fifty millions the Commissioners of the
National Debt should lust be allowed to invest any
more of that fund in the Public Securities.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER
defended the restrictive clause. .

Mr. HUME concurred in the sentiments of the
Hon. Mover of the amendment, but wished him to
withdraw it, ,s he then would propose that the in-
terest on the deposits in savings banks should be
2d. per cent. per diem.
Mr. ROBINSON expressed his concurrence in
the vietvs of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen.
Mr. F. LEWIS agreed to withdraw his amend.

ment.
Mr. lIUME then proposed that 21d. instead of
2id. be the interest allowed, id. per cent. per diem
to pay the expences.
After some conversation, Mr. HUME withdrew
his amendment, and the other clauses were then
agreed to, with some verbal amendments.
The House resumed, the Report was brought up,
and ordered to be taken into further consideration on
Monday next.
The Committee on the Additional Churches' Bill
was postponed to Tuesday.next.
The other Orders of-the Day were then disposed
of, and the House adjourned at a Quarter to Three
o'Clock.

?LIVERPOOL, ATLI( 2.—The sales of Cotton
to-day, amount to 1,000 bags, and no change in the prints.

No less than three rats were catght in a trap
at Cowfold a few days ago at one time, being probably an
almost unprecedented occurrence.—Brighton Gazette.

The Marine Artillery stationed at Portsmouth
have received orders to proceed up the Mediterranean, to
take possession of a Turkish Island.—Brighton Gazette.

RETAIL BREWERS.—SeveraI persons are
going through the country informing against the retail
brewers for supplying their customers with beer, after
nine o'cicck in the evening ; the same being contrsry to
the Act of Parliatment (5 Geo. 4, cap. 54, see. 11) which
inflicts a penalty of 20/. for each offence.— Chelteoskam
Chronicle.

A new mail coach from this city to Chelten-
ham is to start on the sth July, going add returning on the
same day.--Bath Chronicle.
PHILOSOPHY.—If you wish to know whether
any body is superior to the prejudices of the world, ask him
to carry a parcel for you. DIOGENES LAERTIUS INN us a
story of his great namesake, that being once requested by
a certain young gentleman to teach him philosophy, he
gave him a piece of cheese to carry ; upon which the
other immediately declined to receive his instructions.
It is a common practice amongst farmers to
allow a half-starved cat the shelter and range of their gra-
naries and out.houses, for the sake of the services she may
perform in keeping in check the surplus population of rats
and mice. The desolate and neglected state of these crea-
tures tends in many instances to render them very fierce
and voracious. An agriculturist in the vicinity of Ker-
i, which of
two
had iligi
been'tl' by* tan n
iit atenrilma tol takeof the
up
inine,ton, Lit,colnshire, a short tinie since, had nine
p
chickens, and six or eight flue (lucks, destroyed in the
course aibt: tveluadreteer'siPin
the form-yard and stables.—Hull Packet. -
t

A Russian man-of-war left Spithead last
Thursday, which during her stay there ex.eited consider-
able attention. She was seven feet clear between decks.
All the iron stantions and knees were kept highly polished,
and she was altogether in the finest state of equipment.
imilitec'e of her retreat, it returned home for
Two of the men who were punished aboard, received the
lashes without taking off their shirts. :eßekriy:
greyhound
lToz cttiej
SINGULAR l'ApT,,--I.iast
bitch, in the possession of Mr. Ruts AIAJOIt, of Muston,
whichfiordhic.h hadon been miwssatc
ingliefudr stoornteheti
a yard deep, where she had pupped eight whelp.. In one
was discovered she had scratched a hole iota q, I,,;ik above
of her journeys Iletwe.en the hale 4Pd the farm-house, she
had wiro a hire, and eaten a pat t °fit, when Mr. Mason,
jun:, disc Overing it to be with young, took it from her, and
liberated tour young onus by opening it; they were alive,
and are now likely to live, as they continue to feed very
heartily upon new milk,--4inii packet,

THE MARKETS.

COUNTRY CORN MARKETS DURING THE WKKIC,

';* ' ,

NV heat. Barley. Oats. Beans.
____--- ---- ---/
Per Utiarter. s. to s: s. to s. s. to s. s. to I*, NOTIC
Blamiford
Brigg.
Cambridge—. 59 30 14 31; ~„44e on SA
Chard --... 56 66 32 38 24 30 42 4,„' • .r...VE1., 0,
Huntingdon
Long Sutton.-- 42 55 17 23 37 4, - ta ''"riiiion
Louth.. - st) 54 24 30 14 20 38 t 'jilt shall„
Lynn 44 56 30 32 16 24 34 :I°. , 7,18.
Newark .............. 51 56 27 33 18 27 41 4b
Nottingham IS 62 35 42 30 44/ 41 5./ • ~,, khibitors
Peterborough*.,... 40 60 26 30 18 25 - llitesthi,„•ohlii
Plymouth —........ 54 61 27 31 19 23 "' - ~,--_---
Pontefr act — 53 23 4' l'ittNiNi
Sleafor‘l .—......—.. 50 53 17 20 40 4 ii,., s-T.,
Uppingliam
Wisbech _ ~ 46 57 25 27 ,16 23 38 42, 44„ p' L
LIVERPOOL CORN EXCHANGE.—JuIy 1. Filitr "•(
At this day's market we have had a thin attendanr6, it NOV(
and very few sales have been made of any description 63089 isia
.. "lir
:Norfrio,,ottt:turkeene,sp,:trEihniudissct
(c,
Grain, although a decline of fully 2d. per 701 b. on WbrA L'AtWItENC.
and -d. to ld. per 451 b. on Oats, was submitteel to. /0 Artists, bat
.s.
all other articles no decided alteration can be noticed, Frappe.
„
WHEAT, per 701 b. 3. d. 's. ii. Upen.dai
Fine Sweet Old English & Welsh, white and red 86 to 1.1 4 ----........_
.--.. New (crop 1527)
Fine Old Scotch and 'Alaux
Irish, Old
-- New red...6,10d. to 7s. 66 sup. white 7 6 8 I)
~wEs
Canadian, fine qualities
Foreign (duty 'raid) superior white
tine high-mixed
red
" 8 0 4144, at the
Rusaidn and mild. qualities 7 9 8 - on T
Foreign (in bond), imported since July 1, 1827... 4 6 4 8 ..... ;Anti% Y
OATS, per 451 b. "C/C/Si-N(
Fine sweet English, Scotch, &c.
Irish, 1826 0 0 0 2 b
Middling and ordinary ditto and Welsh 2 7 ' 2 8 ), totition ;
Irish, (crop 1827) •
Foreign (free), trench, &c.
Foreign cap it
mg the :,'.
BARLEY, per Imperial quarter.
Fine Malting
____

Grinding, per 6011 m.
Foreign (duty paid), ditto
PEASE, white boiling, per Imperial quarter
---.-- grey 'l2 0 33 U
Foreign, in bond
BEANS, Fine English per Imperial quarter...— 42 -0, 44 0
-- Scotch, Irish, Dutch, &c. 4B 0 42 0
Egyptian and inferior Foreign 37 0 39 0
MALT, Fine 'Norfolk and Suffolk, per Imp. qr 5B 0 61 0
Middling and interior qualities ....... 52 0 44 0
Irish 52 0 56 0
FLOUR, English, fine and superfine, per 2901 b 42 0 • 43 0.
Irish ditto ditto ' 39 0 *4'l 0
Amer., supf. sweet (in bond) per band 22 0 95 t) •
-- Dantmc ditto ditto
------- Canadian (duty paid) 32 0 31 0
Foreign, soar
OATMEAL, English (MIN.) 245. to 265....... Old 21 0 23 0
Scotch
Irish
Rys„ per Imperial quarter, English and Foreign 32 0 34 0
INDIAN CORN, white, per qr. of 48olh.
yellow and red
RAPESEED, Irish, per last l9l. 0 201. 0
IMPORT OF GRAIN for the Weox ending June 30. •
Wheat. Oats. Barley. I Malt. I Beans. I Pease. I Rye. 10404
Ors. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs. Qrs.Loa&
;819 5,753 415 125 25 35 2013'
flour, 2,333 sacks, barrels.
EXPORTS.
ley, o—Beans. o—Pease, 0 qrs.—Flour, 1,50 g bap

THE
TION of
NEY PII
ROME.
Chimney
at the Loa
also tray
•very des
Patent La
Martyr az
Dish Covi
•

Bun
pul
the dame
GESS at
best actin
tronage o
all elimal
foreign on
aommend
pveventin
been MO
with thei
their sign
JOHN
taueb-eat
to be pre
given the
Wareb
London.

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