The Sun.
London, England, 1826-04-17 00:00:00

PRTCE SEVEN PENCE.

united forces of Mexico and Colombia, is avowedly ameinit
the objects to be matured by the belligerent States, at Panama.. •
The convulsions to which;feont tho peculiar corerosifion of theie
population, they would be liable, in the event o Such an inva.
-lion, and the danger therefrom resulting of their falling ulti-
merely falling into the hands of Some. European Power other
than Spain, will not admit of
.our looking at the consequences
to which the Congress at Panama may leadt with indifference. .
It is unnecessary to enlarge on this topic, or to say more than'
that all our efforts in reference to this interest will be to pre. -
serve the etisting state of things, the tranquillity of the Islands,
and the 'peace and security of their inhabitants.
And, Intik, the Congress of Panama is belived to present a fair
occasion for urging upon all the new nations of the South the jest
and liberalprinciples of religious liberty. Not by any leterference
whatever in their internal concerns, but by Claiming for our citi- • .
zens, whose occupations or interests may call them to occasional
residence hi their territories; the inestimable privilegeof worship-
ping their Creator according to the dictates of their elm con- 4 ,
sciences. This privilege, sanctioned by the customary law of
nations, and secured by treaty stipulations in numerous national
compacts; secured even to our own citizens in the treaties with
Colombia and with the Federation of Centre! America, yet nis
• be obtained in the other South American Suttee and Mexico.
Existing 'prejudices are still struggling against it,. which may, '
perhaps, be more successfully combated tit this general m eeting
than at the separate seats of Government of each Republic. '
I can scarcely deem it otherwise than superiitietts to observe, ,
that the Assembly will be in itsneture diplomatic, and not legis-
lative. That nothing can be transacted there obligatory upon any
one of the States to be represented at therneeting, unless with the
express concurrence of its Own representatives, not even then, but ••
subject to the ratification of its constitutional authorities at home.
The faith of the United States to fereign powers cannot otherwise
be pledged. I. shall, indeed, in the first instance, consider the
assembly, as merely consultatitie and although the Plenipo..
tentiaries of the United States will be empowered to receive and
refer to the consideration of their Government, any proposition
from the other parties to the meeting, they *ill be authorized
to conclude nothing, unless subject to the definitive sanction
of this Government, in all its constitutional forms. It hes.„
therefore, seemed to me unnecessary to insist, that every oh=
ject to be discussed at the meeting should be specified With the
precision of a judicial sentence, or enumerated with the ex-
actness of a mathematical demonstration.- The purpose of the
meeting itself is to deliberate upon the great and common in:.
terests of several new and neighbouring nations. If the mea-
sure is new and without precedent, so is the situation of the' '
plains° it. That the purpOses of the meeting are somewhat
indefinitive, far from being an objection to it, is among the co-
gent reasons for its adoption. It is not the establishment of prin.'
ciples of intercourse with one, but with seven or eight „nations
at once. That, before they have had the means of exchanging
ideas, and communicating with one another in' common upon
these topics, they. should have definitively settled and arranged
them in concert, is to require that the etileit should precede the
cause. It is to exact as a preliminary to the meeting; that foe
the accomplishment of which the meeting itself is designed.:
Among the inquiries which were thought entitled to conside.
ration before the determination was taken to accept the inritas,
tion, was that, whether the measure might not lie e tendency
to change the policy hitherto invariably pursued by the Ut.iiß
States, of avoiding all entangling alliances, and all unnecessary
foreign connexions.
Mnulful of the advice given by the Father of our country, in.
his farewell address, that the. great rule of conduct for us in
regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial re•
lawns, to have with •theM as little political connection as pos
sible i and faithfully adhering to the spirit of that admonition,
I cannot overlook the reflection, that the counsel of Washing.
ton, in that instance, like all the counsels of wisdom, was found.
ed upon the fircumstances in which our country and the world
around us were situated at the time when it was given; that,
the reasons assigned by him for his, advice were, that Europe,
interest, which to us had none at a
laut‘d, e I ay
zseem• t
oot
ef
prrelTtaiorny. That hence ihe must be engaged in
frequent .controversies, the causes of which were essentially
foreign to, our concerns. That our detached and distant situa.
tion invited and enabled tie to pursue a different course. That .
by our union and rapid growth, with an efficient government,'
the period was not far distant when we might defy material ins
jury front external annoyance; when we might take such an
attitude as would cause our neutrality to be respected ; and
with reference to belligerent nations, might choose peace or
war, as our interests, guided by justice, should counsel.
Compare our situation and the circumstances of that time
with those of the present day ; and what, from the very words
of 'Washington then, would be his counsels to his countrymen
now ? Europe has still her set of primary interests, With which
we have little,
_or a remote relation. Our distant and detached
situation with reference to Europe remains the same. But we •
were then the only independent nation of this hemisphere, and
we were surrounded by European colonies, with the greater part
of which we had no more intercourse than with the inhabitants
of another planet. Those colonies have now be traniforrned
into eight independent nations, extending to our very borders—.
seven of them Republics, like ourselves, with whom we haye
an immensely growing commercial, an must have, and :•litive
already, important political connexions, with reference to
our situation is neither distant nor detached—whose political
principles and systems of government, congenial with Our own,
must and will have an action and counteraction tipoh is and
ours, to which we cannot be indifferent if we would.
The rapidity of our growth, and the consequent inmate, of
our strength, has more than realised the anticipation'af ifiis
inirable political legal legacy. Thirty years have needy .elap.
sed since it was written, an interval, our population', ouryteielth,
our territorial ex tension,our power,physical anti inorablitis deritly
trebled. Reasoning upon this state of thingit from the soundeind
jud ideas pi inciples of Washington,and must we not sity,that die
period which he predicted as then not far off' has arrived ? That
America has a set of primary interests, which have none or'a
remote relation to Europe. That the interference of Europe
therefore in those concerns should be spontaneously withheld by
her upon the tame prirkiplea, that we have never interfered with
hers ; and that, if she should interfere, as ahe may, by measures
which may have a great and dangerous recoil upon ourselsies,
we might be called in defence of our own altars and firesides, ton
take an attitude which would cause our neutrality to be Teepect-
ed, and choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice,
ahall counsel.
The acceptance of this invitation, therefore, far from 'con—
flicting with the counsel of the policy of Washington, la directly
deducible from and comformable to it; nor is it less con.
formable to the views of my immediatenredecessor' 44 des
dared in his annual message to Congress,.cit the std of Decem—
ber, 1823. -•
•
To the question which may be asked, whether this mat-
ting and the principles which may he adjusted A,pd settled
by it as rulers of intercourse between the Amerieen na•
done, may not give umbrage to the Holy Leagtie of
European Powers, or offence to Spain, it is deemed a -silt-
ficient answer, that our attendance at Panama can give no
just cause of umbrage or offence to either—and that the United
States will stipulate nothing there which can give such (twee.
Here the right of inquiry into our purposes and measures must'
stop.. The Holy League of Europe itself was formed without
Inquiring of the United States whether it would or would 'not
give uinbrege to them. The fear of giving umbrage to the 'Hay
League Of Europe was urged as a motive for denying tai:lhe
American nations the acknowledgement of their indepenfletige.
That it would be viewed .by Spain as hostility to her was
not only urged but directly declared by herself. The Congress
and administration of that day consulted their rights and datlee
and not their tears. Fully determined to give no needless dise
pleasure to any foreign power, the United States can tannic
the probability of their giving it, only by the right which any
foreign State could have, to take it from their measures. Nei.
ther the representation of the United States at, Panama, nor any
measure to which their assent may be yielded there, • wilt 'give
to
gthlt e take°llleY heretofore, frt
League,ebnre,. take counsel nm Ytohre its"
fromalnt'e theirhberdui United°t
ires7SetSeilerr 11,;I:uhalfnet
st
their fearree.
Such a the °bier% in which it is expected that the lAmipotesi-,
tiaries of die United State*, when commissioned to, intend the
meeting et the Isthmus, will take part; and ouch are the motives
and purposes, with which the invitation of the three Republics
was accepted., It was, however, as the }louse will peretiive
from the correspondence, accepted only upon condition AIM *it
nomination of Ceinmiesioners foe time mission,:
the advice andeonsein of the Senate. The toncurreneW of. the.
House to the pleasure, by the appropriations neceseary.ftecisr.
tying it into effect, is aiike subject to its free deeirtninanon,
and indispensable to the fulfilment ef the intention.
•
With this unrestricted exposition Of woh.loll
have been governed in this transaction; gl4 wen as of the niects
to be discussed, and of the ends, if p0*5ib101,!4,....bLIt
„tillel by
our representatiomat the proposed CootroN
priety of an appropriation to the candid consideration and. en.
lightened patriotism of the Leg), „strinzuwey
,• ;Ns • 1/4,