The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-08 00:00:00

THE SITN, LONDON, FRIDAY MORNING, MA RCH 8, 1844.

recommend a reduction of the sugar dot ies, why not recommend
it in plain terms in his resolution ? He said that unless they
placed the duty on Brazilian sugar on the same footing as co-
lonial sugar, he would offer opposition to the sugar duties on
every stage, on every line, and on every word. He did not
apprehend that the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Milner Gibson)
would meet unqualified support even from his own side of the
House ; they were not pre' ared to adapt. the principle that
Brazilian and Cuba sugar was to be treated in
the same manner as colonial sugar ; they would
discriminate. Nothing could be more unjust than to
impose the same rate of duty in foreign countries in which
slavery existed, and in our colonies where slavery was not tole-
rated.—( Hear, hear.) The Government were accused of en-
couraging monopoly, but the Government would not, notwith-
standing those taunts, disregard the condition of their colonial
dependencies, nor would they act without taking into aceount
the sound considerations connected with them. It was very
well for the Lion. Member for Durham to say that no question
should be considered but the interests of the consumers, and
that what most tended to cheapen the price of sugar was
the only real question. Now, he doubted, after
all, whether that was the most economical view of the subject.
Suppose the course recommended by the Hon. Member were
pursued, and that our colonies were in consequence involved
in distress and anarchy, he doubted whether they could release
themselves from the moral obligation at present connected with
them, and whether in so doing they would be consulting true
economy. The Hon. Gen Leman said that the interests of the
consumer and the promotion of commerce were the two only
objects which the Government should regard. If these opinions
were acted upon it was vain to look for the extinction of slavery.
If the cheapness of sugar was the only thing to be sought after,
why had they gone to so much expense for the purpose of
putting down slavery ? Why not permit slavery in our own
colonies—why not give them the power of supporting 'slaves,
when they would be enabled to produce sugar cheaper ?
( Hear, hear.) Before the abolition of the slave trade in the
West Indian colonies they produced much more sugar than
they did since—they were able to supply not only this country,
but they had a surplus. The Government were now about
to adopt a much more effectual plan than any hitherto
resorted to for the suppression of the slave trade. Slaves were
still imported into the Brazils by thousands and tens of
thousands ; and the local autherities of the country, he was
sorry to say, connived at this odious traffic. It was suggested
to the Government by Captain Denman, an officer who deserved
the thanks of every true philanthropist for his exertions in sup-
pressing the slave trade, that our naval force should be in-
creased on the (yeast of Africa so that they could act with com-
plete efficiency. They were to keep censtant guard on that part
of the coast, and the utmost vigilance to be used. By thus
watching evey port on the coast for 600 or 700 miles, Captain
Denman believed that much more would be done than by any
treaties or stipulations to check the trade, and prevent the
horrors of the passage. The Government were about to give
this plan a trial. More steamers would be employed, and no
precaution or exertion would be wanting to carry out the ob-
ject, and ho trusted in God they would be successful.—
( Hear, hear.) But, according to the Hon. Member's doctrine
to make sugar Id. cheaper was a sufficient justification
of the toleration of slavery. He trusted that the House of
Commons would he influenced by higher feelings than those
expressed by the Hon. Member for Durham. Twenty millions
had been granted by this country for the purpose of abolishing
slavery in our own dominions • and he trusted that the House
was not prepared to follow in the wake of the Hon. Gentleman,
for if so, they Could admit !hat they had not been justified in
the expenditure of a single shilling of that sum, which had
been allocated for the mitigation of that great moral evil.—
( Hear, hear.) There was a time when the persuasion
to which the Hon. Member belonged would not have
advocated such sentiments.—( Hear, hear, from the Ministerial
benches, and cries of Oh, oh, from the Opposition). They
would rather have made a sacrifice for the abolition of slavery.
Last year, they had passed an Act, prohibiting the employment
of British capital in producing those articles in which slave
labour was engaged. They were now about making a great
experiment, fur the purpose of preventing the importation
of slaves ; but if they abolished the duty on Brazilian sugar,
they would be giving a fresh impetus to slavery. He
agreed with the Right Hon. Gentleman in thinking it unwise,
inexpedient, and improper to interfere with the domestic Legis-
lature of another country, but he did not agree with him is
thinking that no measure could be carried out which would
effectually prevent slavery. If the Brazilians agreed for in-
stance that in future the children of the African negroes should
be burn free, or that after a certain period the slaves should be
set free—these things would have the desired effect, and such a
result it was not impossible to effect. He deprecated all in-
terference in any matter connected with this treaty which
would have a tendency to encourage the Brazilians in demand-
ing from that House any concession likely to prevent the
House &rani exercising that independence which all Executives
should have in negotiations with another country.—( Cheers. )
Lord PALMER.STON said he should not, at that late
hour, detain the House long. He did not think that the Hon.
Member for Durham had been fairly dealt with.—(Cheers.)
The Right Hon. Baronet had wished to pay a compliment to
the Right Hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer,
but he (Lord Palmerston) thought that the compliment might
have been well returned to the Right Hon. Baronet himself.—
( Laughter.) He asserted that this question had been put
upon a narrow basis. In reply to the statement of the Right
lion. Baronet with respect to the admission of sugar, he should
ask him whether the supply should not only be as great as that
required for the consumption of the country, but
also whether there would not be a great impulse
given to the trade of the country ?—( Hear, hear.)
He thought that this question assumed quite a
different shape when it became sine of negotiation. In a
speech from the Throne, the Government announced its inten-
tion of departing front its usual cu.torn, and that totally diffe-
rent persons were to be entrusted with their negotiations. He
said that he never yet knew the powers with which these ne-
gotiations were carried on, nor their results. The Right Hon.
Gentleman opposite had stated, in answer to his (Lord Pal-
merston's) Right Honourable Friend, that these arrangements
were most difficult of accomplishment, and that there should be
o' commereial interests between the two countries. But his
Right Hon. Friend's query was, how these negotiations were
to be carried on, and, therefore, it was quite a different question
from that touched upon by the Right Hon. Gentleman oppo-
site. It had been stated that the Government of Brazil had
made some most unreasonable proposals. The Right Hon.
Gentleman was right not to accept them. If the matter had
been carried on as it should have been in 1841, they would have
been enabled to gain better terms now, It was not a mere
question as to whether slavery in Brazil should be abolished or
not. It was a well known fact that the Brazilian Goverument
agreed on terms with the representatives of the Crown of Great
Britain, that persons engaged in the slave trade should be treated
as felons. On the showing of the Right Hon. Gentleman op
posite, it was quite cleat that the Brazilian Government had
rot fulfilled the conditions of the treaty of 1826. If the
Brazilian Government had faithfully executed the
conditions of the treaty, there would be no necessity
for an Act of the British Parliament to protect
Brazilian produce against that of free labour.—( Hear, hear.)
It was notorious to all the world that thousands of slaves were
annually
; and he would put it to the
housen whether which was shown was not a zeal
anua importedthe into
great Brazilzeal
to favour those who favoured the Government.—( Cheers.
The whole object of the Government was to serve the West
Bmroanzoilpiaonlys emancipated their slaves, or
India interest.—( Cheers.) The whole object of the measure
of the West Indies.—(Hear.
Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir R. Peel),
ultsfnattsihil
:oyamsua.saiuni
gttegadei rsiuttie,htdei
isbu)tg.htae,
hr e
they appointed a time after which all children born of negro
slaves should be considered free, in his ( Lord Palmerston's) ap-
prehension no person in that House would live to see theday when
foreign sugar would be admitted into this country.—( Hear.)
The Government were always very liberal in their speeches
and declarations, but when called upon to put those principles
into effect, then they fell back into their old and usual do-no-
thing habits.—(Hear, hear.) They told the House and the
country that the principles of free trade were the principles
of common sense—they told the merchants and manufac-
turers of the country that their true policy was to
buy in the cheapest, and to sell in the dearest market—but
when they were asked, even in a modified degree, to apply the
rule either to corn, or sugar, or coffee,
or.anything else, then
they ran back for support to the monopolists upon whose
shoulders they came into power.—f Loud cheers.) The Right
lion. Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) objected to the motion be-
cause it related exclusively to Brazil, and might, from its sole
and direct application to that country, have an injurious ten-
dency on•any future negotiations that might take place between
that Government and the English Cabinet.—( Hear, hear.)
This might be remedied ; and he was sure his Right Hon.
Friend (Mr. Labouchere) who proposed this address to the
Crown, in his tie:ire to conciliate opposition and to meet the
views of sll parties, would meet the Right Hon. Baronet (Sir
R. Peel) half-way, or even entirely, by leaving out the
word Brazil altogether and generalizing the verbiage
of the motion so as to include our trade and com-
merce with all foreign States whatever.—( Hear, and loud
cheers.) In his (Lord Palmerston's) opinion it would be
better not to single out Brazil, but to make the address appli-
cable to every country in the world, and he was sure his Right
Hon. Friend the mover, and his other Hon. Friends around
him, would cheerfully support any amendment to that effect,
which either the Right Hon. Baronet himself (Sir R. Peel)
or any of his supporters on the Treasury benches might think
proper to propose.—( Laughter and loud cheers.)
Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the House
divided, when there appeared—
For the motion
Against it

lajurity again:t the motion -73
MOST-OFFICE.

Mr, HAWES asked when the returns respecting the Posy
office, which he had moved for, would be laid on the table.

Sir G. CLERK said that those which were ready would be
produced immediately, and the others as soon as possible.
The House ►hen adjourned at a Quarter to One.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.
110 USE OF LORDS, March 7.

The House sat to day at ten o'clock to hear appeals. The Peers
present were Lord Cottenham (who presided in the absence of the
Lord Chancellor), Lord Campbell, and Lord Sudeley.

FAIIRELL V GLEESON.

The arguments in this case, which came before their Lordships
upon appeal from the Court of Exchequer in Ireland, occupied
their Lordships the whole morning.

COURT OF CHANCERY, March 7

The Lord-Ch;;;ellorsatiniincoln's Inn.had and heard appeals
to-day, but nn case came before his Lordship having interest suffi-
cient to warrant a special report.

VICE-CHANCELLOR'S COURT, March 7.
100 LE V. LANGDON.
The Vice-Chancellor of England was occupied the whole morn
ng with the further arguments on this part.heard case.

CENTRAL CRI VEINAL COURT.
OLD COURT.
(Before Lord ABINGER and Mr. Justice WILLTAMS.)
REVOLT ON BOARD Slur.— William JP Gregor and Marks
Lambert, two mariners, were put to the bar, charged with en-
deavouring feloniously and piratically to make a revolt on
board the brig Esther, upon the high seas, within the juris-
diction of the Admiralty of England.
Mr. Clarkson and Mr. Ballantine conducted the prosecu-
tion ; the prisoners were without counsel.
The case having been stated by Mr. Clarkson, the follow-
ing witnesses were called :
John Whitehead sworn—l am clerk to the owners of the
brig Esther. Here are the ship's articles, signed by Bl‘Gregor,
whose signature I attested.
Moses Nathan—l live at 192, Ratcliffe-highway. I attested
the signature of Lambert to the ship's articles now produced.
James Taylor—l was the second mate on board the brig
Esther, Richard Lucas Williams, master, bound to the island
of Desolation.. The brig registered 280 tons. Including
first, second, and third mate, there were twenty-fonr hands on
board. Three weeks after we sailed, and when off the island of
Madeira, we got a whale. Soon after this happened, there was
a good deal of bad language used towards the captain by
the prisoner Dl‘Gregor, and by another man named Griggs.
Griggs d-- the b— ship, and wished her bottom would
fall out. The captain desired him to use better language,
and Griggs replied that his language was good enough both
for the ship and the captain. M‘Gregor then said if every
man was like him, they would not be humbugged by such a
captain. This he said direct to the captain. Other bad lan-
guage was used. The captain said the man was speaking
against his conscience ; and the other said he was not, for he
was humbugged bybeing always
.
watch. He complained of the boilers for boiling the blubber
being placed in the forecastle. Other him hittl ceroplained