The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-25 00:00:00

COLNE RAILWAY.

The Committee reported in favour of this line. It will form
a junction with the Manchester, Bury, and Rossendale Rail-
way, near Haslingdon, and thus connect the towns of Black-
burn, Burnley, Accrington, Clitheroe, Cohie, and Whally with
the town of Manchester.
CHESTER AND HOLYHEAD RAILWAY.

This Bill is intended to enlarge the power already possessed
by this Company. The line commences at Chester, crosses the
Menai Straits by means of a two-arehed viaduct, and terminates
at Holyhead. It forms a junction with the Chester and Crewe
and Chester and Birkenhead Railways, and passes through
Flintahire, Carnarvonshire, and the Isle of Anglesea. The
present Bill is to enable the Company to construct a branch
from Llanellechid to Bangor, crossing the Menai Straits, near
the Britannia rocks, and terminating by another junction with
the main line, in the parish of Llanfair Prall Guyngyll, in the
town of Anglesea. The Committee decided that the standing
orders had been complied with.
BIRKENHEAD DOCKS.

The Committee decided that the standing orders had been
complied with by the promoters of this undertaking. The Bill
is introduced into Parliament for powers to con<truct docks on
the Cheshire coast, opposite Liverpool, which docks form a
continuation of the extensive works commenced last year be-
tween Woodside and Wallasenpool, on the same shore. The
Birkenhead Docks, however, will be built by a distinct company.
SHREWSBURY AND BIRMINGHAM RAILWAY.
Mr. HAYWOOD appeared in support of this petition.
Mr. BuRKE appeared to support several petitions against the
proposed railway.
The Committee did not go into the opposition to the peti-
tion to-day, but adjourned till twelve o'clock to-morrow.

HORRIBLE MURDER and HIGH-

WAY RUBBERY.

LATEST PARTICULARS LAST NIGHT.

THE THEATRES.
HAYMARKET.
A new and original comedy in three acts, so styled in the
bills, entitied, The Sheriff of the County, from the pen of our
old friend Peake, was produced here last night, with the most
deserved success. In the olden time, when there were such
things as three-act farces, this would most probably have
been called a farce, but we will not dispute about names—
farce or comedy, it is a most agreeable, lively, bustling affair,
and kept the audience in a constant titter for more than
two hours, and Peake may boast that he has done more
than Majesty itself can do, created a high sheriff who does
not, either by himself or his deputy, cause a moment's heart-
ache to a single individual. Mr. Hollylodge (Mr. W.
Farren) the high sheriff of the county, is the most amusing
of officials—a retired country gentleman, devoted to his
garden and his poultry-yard. He eschews notoriety
—he seeks retirement—how comes it then that
Mr. Hollylodge is made high sheriff of the county ?
Mr. Hollylodge has a:wife (Mrs. Glover), bustling, ambitious,
purse-proud, to whom her neighbour, Lady Winkleworth
(Mrs. W. Clifford), a high-bred aristocrat, is even as Mrs.
Grundy was to Dame Ashfield, and Mrs. Hollylodge has a
brother, Smirker (Mr. Strickland), a shrewd country
attorney, who has an itching palm for the fees which fall to
the lot of deputy-sheriff. "What would Lady Winkleworth
say if I were the lady of the sheriff of the county ?" quoth
Mrs. Hollylodge. " What sums could I not realise if 1 were
deputy.sheriff," calculates Mr. Smirker, and accordingly
Smirker goes to London, and by intriguing with the subor-
dinates in office, manages to get his brother-in-law nomi-
nated sheriff of the county. Poor Mr. Hollylodge stands in
the last category of Falstaff's men of honour, and equally to
his surprise and his annoyance, hears of the honour which
has been thrust upon him. At first, he is inclined to pay the
fine, but as Smirker kindly undertakes to perform all the
duties of the office, in fact, to be the factotum, Hollylodge,
much ts the delight of the ladies, consents to serve. The
whole house is in a bustle; Nonpareil (Mr. Webster), who
has been footman to three Lord Mayors, is brought down
from town to drill the servants, Andrew ( Mr. 11. Widdicombe)
a plain clodpole, and Pansy (Mr. Buckstone), a gardener,
much addicted to the study of the History of England, and
who is particularly anxious to know whether Jane Shore
would be a proper person to undertake the office of governess
in a respectable family. Banners are painted ; new carriages
are built ; splendid liverieries are ordered, one of which is
donned by the high sheriff himself, as his official
costume, much to the amazement of Lady Winkle-
worth and the confusion of Mrs. Hollylodge. Par-
ties are given, and the high sheriff is completely put
out of his way, and is in the high road to misery in conse-
quenee, when, fortunately, the intrigue of Smirker is dis-
covered. Smirker himself is struck off the rolls. Hollylodge
is superseded, much to his own comfort; and the husband of
Lady Winkleworth is appointed in his stead, much to the
discomfort of Mrs. Hollylodge. These are excellent ma-
terials for the production of fun, and Peake has
worked them up with the hand of a master.
Puns, some excellently good, some ludicrously bad, but none
indifferent, are bandied about in all directions. Hits at the
prevailing follies of the day—all of which tell—occasional
flashes of genuine wit, and frequent bursts of the most hearty
and unctuous humour. abound in this very amusing piece,
in the composition of which Mr. Peake seems to have con-
sulted the taste of all classes, for there is a sentimental un-
derplot, in which a young soldier is sentenced to death for
having struck his superior officer, who had been offering an
insult to his (the soldier's) sister. The soldier and the sister
turn out to be the nephew and niece of the high sheriff, and
of course the soldier is pardoned. The piece was evidently
written for the Haymarket company. Peake has taken the
measure of each member of it concerned in the production of
the comedy, and has exactly fitted every individual. The
comedy, therefore, goes admirably. The mise en scene is per-
fect, and at the conclusion it was announced for repetition
every evening amidst the loud applause of a crowded house.

In accordance with the request of the Coroner, Mr. Perry,
the surgeon, immediately on his retiring from the inquest-
room, took steps for making a minute examination of the
injuries which the unfortunate Mr. Delarue had sustained,
and, the hair having been removed from the head, wounds
were exhibited of a much more frightful character than they
were first anticipated to be by that gentleman, and which he
reported to the Coroner and jury prior to the adjournment
taking place.
The large wounds mentioned by Mr. Perry in his evidence,
it appeared, on opening the head, had fractured the skull to
a considerable extent, and had produced internal injuries
exactly corresponding with the outward appearance. There
was a great deal of coagulated blood near the place where
this, as well as the wound on the right temple, was inflicted,
and both had produced extensive extravasation of blood upon
the brain. Mr. Perry states that either of these wounds are
quite sufficient to have produced death, and that he still
adheres to his previously expressed opinion that the wounds
were inflicted by some blunt cutting instrument.
Mr. Smith, carpenter, of Hampstead, stated that a few
minutes before the unfortunate deceased must have passed,
he was walking along Bellsize-lane, when he was met by
three men, dressed as labourers, who demanded his watch
and money. He proved to them that he had neither, and
was permitted to go on.
At an after period, Mr. Symonds, of Norfolk Cottage, De-
vonshire-hill, was stopped by three men, corresponding in
dress to the description given by Mr. Smith, who requested
him to purchase a hone, and, finding some hesitation on his
part, compelled him by threats to do so. This was in the
very same path in which the body of Mr. Delarue was
found. His impression is that the men were dressed as rail-
way labourers or navigators generally are.
The principal matter of inquiry during the secret pro-
ceedings was to ascertain how far the evidence in the de-
ceased's lodging would connect the female whom it was sup-
posed he had met by appointment, with the supposed mur-
derers. The police said that the privacy of the deceased
gentleman's papers proved nothing. Evidence was certainly
given of certain prints, which the constable considered highly
indecent (we have heard an inspector term a Bacchante, by
Poussin, which had once figured in a Police court, indecent),
and of 10/. in gold, as also letters, part of a correspondence
with a young lady in a boarding school in the neighbourhood
of Hampstead, supposed to be one of his pupils.
The CORONER, at some length, spoke of the necessity for a
reward being offered for the apprehension of the murderers,
and the jury, coinciding in the views of the Coroner, drew up
a memorial, which he (Mr. Wakley) undertook should be
delivered into the hands of the Secretary of State at the very
earliest opportunity.
The excitement that prevailed in the neighbourhood of
Hampstead may be inferred from the fact that considerable
sums were offered by " curious gentlemen " for the privilege
of being summoned on the jury.
IMPORTANT PARTICULARS.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 24.
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack
shortly after Five o'clock.
SCOTCH BANKING.
The Earl of ROSEBERY presented two petitions—one
from the Chamber of Commerce and Manufactures of Edin-
burgh and the other from the provost, magistrates, &c., of
the royal burgh of Haddington—against any alteration in the
Scotch currency. The petitioners viewed with alarm the in-
tentions of her Majesty's Government with respect to banking
in Scotland.

CHURCH-RATES.
The Earl of RADNOR presented a petition from a Dissen-
ter in Chester, complaining of the course pursued with respect
to himself, in consequence of his refusing to pay church-rates.
The Noble Earl also moved for certain returns relative to the
importation of corn, &c., which were agreed to after a few ob-
servations from the Earl of Dalhousie.
TEMPERANCE.

ADELPIII.
Mr. Morton is the most indefatigable of farce writers. He
seems recently to have taken a vast liking to infantile heroes :
A short time since he produced Young England, at the Ifay-
market ; and last night he produced a farce at the Adelphi,
which he might have called Young Jamaica, but which he
does call Mother and Child are Doing Well. In the Young
England, Buckstone is the victim of the " horrid child." In
Mother and Child are Doing Well, Wright is the unhappy
individual who is called upon to take arms against a sea of
troubles, brotight on by having a mysterious infant forced
into his arms. Of the two we think the sorrows
of Wright are the more amusing. His Felix Huffy
is admirable. He is a Cheapside grocer, suddenly
transported to Jamaica, who cannot for the life of him see
why he should not do exactly the same thing, at exactly the
same times, between the tropics that he did in London ; and
who, having heard a negro speak of the mudder and the
piccaninny, has awful misgivings as to whether he has not
been unwittingly made the depository of a dreadful secret
relating to sonic mysterious murder perpetrated in Piccadilly.
Then the child is brought and left with him in a mysterious
way—secrets of divers sorts are half-confided to him by divers
persons of whom lie knows nothing—until at last he is
obliged to adopt a series of numbers, such as secret number
one confided by mysterious stranger number one ; and even
with the help of the numbers he gets involved in inextrica-
ble confusion. There was a rich and unctuous stolidity about
Wright's personation of this character, which reminded us
strongly of Liston. He has more of the quiet Listonian
humour about him than any actor at present upon the stage.
He was called for at the conclusion, and announced the
piece for repetition in a strange sort of mysterious confiden •
tial way, that set the House in a roar. The House was
crammed.

Earl FITZWILLIATIpresented a petition from Wellingbo-
rough, Northamptonshire, praying their Lordships to adopt
some measures to prevent the growth of intemperance, and the
sale of spirituous liquors on the Sabbath day.
Lord SUDELEY gave notice, on behalf of the Earl of For-
tescue, of his intention, on the 27th of next month,to present
a petition from Exeter and South Molton, praying for a revi-
sion of the laws relating to the rubric of the Church.
RATING. _ _

Lord BEAUMONT wished to put a question to the Noble
Lord opposite, and at the same time to draw attention to
a very important document which had been laid on their
Lordships' table. The question he wished to put was,
whether it was the intention of her Majesty's Govern-
ment to make any alteration this session in the law
of rating. The document to which he wished to direct
attention was the report of the Poor-law Commissioners on
local taxation. In this paper it was statel that the almost
incredible amount of eleven millions sterling, was annually
disposed of by local authorities, and, moreover, that there
were twenty-nine different rates, every one of them raised
on a different system for various and different purposes.
So complicated was the law that it was totally impossible
for them to conform to any general rule or law.—( Hear, hear.)
In the same document it was stated that there were no less
than 250,000 levies, none of which were subject to any law or
regulation, and the property on which they are levied differed in
nearly every case.
Lord WHARNCLIFFF: was understood to reply that the
matter would be dealt with in the law of settlement.
The Earl of FITZWILLIASI said the law of settlement was
a very different question to that which had been discussed by
his Noble Friend. There were no less than twenty-four of
these different local Acts, all of them founded on different cir-
cumstances. He thought it would be exceedingly advisable il
the whole of these rates could be amalgamated. It caused a
great deal of inconvenience to be obliged to sub-
scribe one shilling and sixpence for this, and one shilling for that,
paying first on the Monday, then on the Tuesday, again on
the Wednesday, and so on. It would be much better if the
whole of these rates were abolished, and one general rate
established, empowering the authorities to appropriate it to
general purposes. He conceived this would be a great improve-
ment on the present system of levying local taxation. The
subject then dropped.
LAW OF DEODAND.
Lord CAMPBELL, in pursuance of a notice he had given
on a former occasion, laid a Bill on the table for abolishing
deodands. The Noble and Learned Lord characterised it as
a foolish and absurd law, and expressed his surprise that it
should have been allowed to exist from time immemorial to
the nineteenth century. He would briefly state what the law
was which he wished to abolish. By the old common law of
England, which was still in force, it was provided that all per-
sonal chattels which should tend to the death of a human being
should be forfeited to the Crown, no matter whether the owner
of the chattel was concerned in the affair or not, because in
that case it would become murder or manslaughter, and the law
of deodand would not apply. Now, he thought it extremely
absurd that if a man took his sword and slew another, that
his sword should be forfeited to the Crown. He could give
various instances illustrating the absurdity of the law, but he
thought one or two would be quite sufficient. If an ox gored
a man, the ox was not forfeited ; but if a man fell from the
horse of another, and was killed, the horse became a deodand.
The law of deodand, however, did not apply if the chattel were
not in motion at the time the accident occurred ; thus, if a man
climbing up a waggon fell from the waggon, the waggon was
not forfeited ; but if the waggon is in motion, the ease became
different. As the law now stood, if a person on the top of a
coach being intoxicated, fell asleep, tumbled from the top of
the coach and was killed, the coach and everything in the coach,
including the luggage of the passengers, would be forfeited.
The law made some very absurd distinctions ; thus, if a man
fell from a ship into salt water, there was no deodand ; but if a
man fell from a ship into fresh water, then the ship and cargo
became forfeited to the Crown. The ancient law provided

in the course-of last evening the most important informa-
tion was received by the detective force, that. the parties
have been heard of, and no doubt is entertained of their being
now in custody. From what has been communicated to the
officers of police, little doubt exists that the three individuals
mentioned in the first account of the horrid affair, one of
whom is believed to be a deserter from the army, were the
actual murderers of the deceased.

that the chattels should be sold, and the proceeds applied to the
performances of mass for the salvation of the soul of the de-
ceased. Now, he felt that this ought not any longer to be the
case. It placed the coroner in a peculiar position. and imposed
upon him the duty of inflicting a punishment—for he was, in
fact, the instrument of the jury—when, in fact, be was only
engaged in making an inquiry. He thought that the imposi-
tion of a deodand was, at least, contrary to the spirit of the
law. The power, his Noble Friend said, was definite and in-
dependent ; but he (Lord Campbell) doubted whether the
imposition of a deodand might not be revised by the Court of
Queen's Bench ; and of the whole of the law of deodands he
would not hesitate to say that they were a clog on the adminis-
tration of justice, and that, too, in cases where the application
of the principle of recompence was sometimes the most ap-
parent. He (Lord Campbell) had on this subject consulted a
most intelligent coroner—he meant Mr. Wakley—on this
point, and he quite assented to the view he had taken. In
many cases no cause of action could lie. In others
the principle fell with peculiar force on the proprietors
and directors of railways. The law in France, and most
other continental countries, and, he believed, also in Scotland,
avoided this abuse. In Scotland, however, the law was any-
thing but correct. In that country, if a man was thrown
from a coach and was killed, no deodand could be imposed.
because there was no one who could claim a pecuniary right in
his services. While in another case, if a boy was thrown
from a coach and injured, his father could claim recompence,
though he believed that a case had occurred the other day in
which a boy had been injured, and then a deodand was im-
' posed.—( Hear, hear.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he believed the
case to which his Noble Friend had referred, in which death
had ensued, the individual who suffered was the man's wife and
not his son.
Lord CAMPBELL said, the correction of his Noble
Friend was immaterial. All he was anxious to show was, that
no cause of action would lie in many cases in which a deodand
was imposed. This was evidently an absurdity whieh ought
to be amended, and he therefore hoped that no opposition
would be offered to the introduction of the Bill which he was
desirous of laying on the table of the House, and which he
should beg to move might ba read a first time that night. He
believed his Noble Friend (Lord Littleton) had a measure of
something similar character to lay before the House.
What were the precise provisions of that Bill he was not
aware, though he believed they were in many respects
similar to those of his own Bill. He was, however, ready to
meet any proposition of his Noble Friend, either to amalgamate
the Leo Bills, to introduce such clauses of his own as might be
necessary to render the Bill of his Noble Friend complete, or
he would take the contrary course, and introduce such provi-
sions as the Bill of his Hon. Friend contained, but in which his
own Bill was deficient. Or he would, as a third course, be
willing to introduce the two Bills pari passu, and leave the
House to deal with the clauses as they might deem best.
The LORD CHANCELLOR did not wish to oppose
the proposition of his Noble Friend (Lord Campbell). The
system of deodand presented many instances of absurdity, and
he thought that opportunity for them ought to be abolished.
There were, however, some points which he wished to bring
under the consideration of his Noble Friend. His Noble
Friend was aware that deodands were considered to form a por-
tion of the extraordinary revenues of the Crown, and that pre-
vious to the introduction of any measure for abolishir g the im-
position of deodands, he thought that it would be necessary to
obtain the consent of the Crown before the passing of the
measure. He thought it would be better to obtain this con-
sent before the introduction of the measure rather than
apply for that consent when the Bill was in its last step. There
was also another point which he wished to brine under the con-
sideration of his Noble Friend, and that was—that as this was a
Bill whichreferred to money, whether it was competent for the
House of Lords to entertain the question of the abolition of
deodands. He repeated, that he did not wish to oppose the in-
troduction of the measure of his Noble Friend, but merely to
draw his attention to the points which he had submitted.
Lord CAMPBELL said that so fully aware was he that the
- consent of the Crown was necessary to the measure he had to
introduce, that he had sent notice of his intention to bring in
his Bill to her Majesty's Ministers, with a view to obtain
their consent. With respect to granting compensation to those
individuals to whom the value of the deodands had been granted
by the Crown, he could not see how they were entitled to any
recompence for the loss of a thing which was only of value so
long as it had existed, and as a property in the nature of a
deodand was always of uncertain value,and might subside by other
means as well as by an Act of Parliament, there could be no
vested interest in it, and therefore the claim to compensation
was a groundless one. Another consideration which his Noble
Friend on the Woolsack had brought under his notice was the
impropriety of originating a measure of this character in the
House of Lords. Had his (Lord Campbell's) Bill been a
money Bill, there would, doubtless, have been an obstacle.
But he (Lord Campbell) conceived that there was a material
difference between this and evnoney Bill. A deodandwas im-
posed in the nature of a politalty for an offence, an not as a
supply for the Crown. Deodands were instituted rikiginally,
not for the sake of revenue Out Wets !given to pay foetnsuring
;1
the rest of the soul of the oaseds Iscrthat thouggstiis mea-
sure was introduced wit t consent; he shodkr:;not, he
conceived, be infringing on , eirig.of the Crown. '.Several
measures analogous to this hadel4o9o4titrOluced "into the
House of Commons during the Vreiiilendy,o# his 'Noble Friend
Lord Canterbury, who had just enteredithOlduse. With the
zeal of his Noble Friend all were acquainted, and all were ready
to allow his great knowledge of the forms of the House, and of
the extent of constitutional privileges. Yet he had never ob-
jected to the introduction of those measures, and he (Lord
Campbell) therefore felt justified in bringing his measure be-
fore their Lordships, and moving the first reading of the Bill.
Afer a few observations from Lord MONTEAGLE and the
Loan CHANCELLOR the Bill was laid on the table.
RAILWAYS.

COWES, ISLE OF WIGHT.
FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.)
OPENING OF THE STEAM-FRIGATE DOCK.
This splendid dock (the foundation-stone of which was
only laid in July last). was this day opened, and the Oriental
Company's steam-ship Braganza docked, amid the hearty
cheers of the assembled multitude; the Cowes band playing
.4 Rule Britannia."
The following are the dimensions of the dock :
Feet.
Length from head to gate 257
Breadth 62
Dept of water on the sill at spring tides
Ditto at neap tides
Height of block, 5
The dock is very substantially built with massive stone
piers; it resembles in shape the interior of a ship ; the bottom
is a solid mass of timber, resting on a bed of blue clay, at
least 200 feet in depth; the entrance is completely sheltered,
and so accessible that the Braganza was only one hour and
twenty minutes from her leaving the wet docks at Southamp-
ton, to her being hauled into and squared in the dry dock at
Cowes ! The largest ships may lay afloat off the entrance to
the dock at low water.

DEATH OF WILLIAM HEARN, ESQ.
NEwronT, FEn. 22.—Many in our town were grieved at
hearing of the death of this gentleman ; he had been ill a few
days—was seriously so yesterday—this morning a corpse.
He was town clerk of the borough, and to his exertions our
present representatives are indebted for their seats; he it
was who formed our famed borough boundary, he fought
all the battles in the registry courts, he was the slave to his
party, and they were slaves to him. He it was who saved
the Tory corporation at the passing of the Reform Bill ; he
saw they would stand no chance if left to the support they
could obtain in Newport; he therefore introduced in his new
boundary his Tory friends at Cowes ; he not only constructed
the machinery but worked it afterwards. Whatever may
be said about trickery, that he had both talents and tact
cannot be denied, nor that he was a sound lawyer, an un-
tiring advocate, but a slave to party. Over-exertions of body
and mind have killed him in his 55th year, leaving a wire
and twelve children to deplore his loss. Mr. Hearn was one
of the executors under the will of the late George Ward, Esq.,
to his vast estates in the Isle of Wight, to which the Rev.
William George Ward, of Balliol College, is heir presumptive.

NARROW ESCAPE AND FORTUNATE RECOVERY.—
On Saturday afternoon, about a quarter-past three o'clock,
the Sunbeam, Putney steamboat, was leaving Nine Elms
pier, when Mr. llawkins, a collecting clerk, in the firm of
John Mills, Thorne and Sons, ale brewers, Nine Elms, who
had paid his fare by an iron boat, stepped on board the ves-
sel by mistake; discovering his error, he attempted, without
the crew's knowledge, to regain the pier, but the boat was
already on the way, and Mr. Hawkins, instead of landing on
the pier, fell into about thirty feet of water. The captain of
the Sunbeam immediately stopped, and reversed the engines,
until he had brought his craft near to where the gentleman
had sunk, when he again stopped. Every hand on board
was supplied with a hitcher or line, and the piermen were
similarly provided, awaiting his re-appearance above the
water. Presently Mr. Hawkins rose close to the pier, and
his clothing being caught by a hitcher, he was rescued, but
in a very exhausted state. Mr. Hawkins, at the moment of
his immersion, had a blue bag in his hand, containing nearly
400/. in gold and silver, which he was intending to take to
the bank. This, it is almost unnecessary to state, was left
at the bottom of? the river. When Mr. Hawkins had in some
degree recovered the effects of his immersion, he employed a
number of dredgermen to search for the lost treasure. These
men's operations were superintended by the Thames police,
and after working the whole of Saturday night and Sunday
morning until one o'clock, the bag was brought up, with its
contents, all safe. Mr. Hawkins, who states that he is alone
to blame for the accident, rewarded the parties concerned in
saving him and recovering the money with the sum of 201.
REPEAL OF THE WINDOW-TAX.—Last evening a
meeting of the delegates appointed by the different metro-
politan parishes, to assist in agitating for the repeal of the
window-tax, was held at the Marylebone Court-house, for the
purpose of hearing a report from Lord Duncan of the state of
the question. Aout forty delegates were present. Lord
Duncan said that, on Thursday last, a petition had been
placed in his hands signed by ninety-one respectable practi-
tioners in two days, who gave a decided opinion as to the
injurious effect of the window-duty on the sanatory condi-
tion of the people. Ile intended to bring on his motion in
the llouse of Commons on Thursday or the next convenient
day, when he was fully prepared to be beaten, but that would
not discourage him.—(Hear.) If he failed to-day, that was
a greater reason for renewed exertions.—(bear.) Messrs.
Gresen, Hewitt, Norman, Gomm, and others addressed the
meeting, and a resolution was adopted, expressive of the
pleasure of the meeting at the increasing favourable pros-
pects of the agitation. The meeting was then adjourned
until Saturday.
BROAD-STREET WARD.—EECTION OF A COMMON
COUNCILMAN.—Yesterday, at two o'clock, a wardmote of the
ward of Broad-street was held at the New Ward School,
London-wall, for the purpose of choosing a Common Coun •
oilman to fill up the vacancy occasioned by the death of
Mr. G. Hastings Heppe], who has been thirteen years a re-
presentative of the ward in the Court of Common Council.
Mr. Alderman Musgrove, the Alderman of the ward, pre-
sided, when Mr. Barton proposed, and Mr. Simpson seconded,
the nomination of Mr. Thomas Willoughby If oster as Com-
mon Councilman for the remainder of the year. No other
gentleman being named for the office, the resolution-was put
and agreed to unanimously. Mr. Foster returned thanks.
Mr. Abrahams then moved a resolution, which was carried
unanimously, expressing the high opinion entertained by the
ward of the deceased, and that the ward condoled with the
family at the loss they had sustained.
MONUMENT IN MEMORY OF THE LATE GENERAL
SIR WILLIAM NOTT.—A numerous meeting was held at
Carmarthen, at which the mayor of the city presided, to
adopt measures for carrying out a project entertained by a
numerous body of the most influential and respectable in-
habitants of the above place, to erect a monument in me-
moryme of the late General Sir William Nat. During the
Easettlinntiiitt
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DEATH OF VICE-ADMIRAL
Died
on the 10th inst , at Bury St. Edmund'hs,is
age.
laston, in the seventy-eighth year of This
officer entered the navy in the year 1781, was made irLiaeunt-
tenant in 1790, Commander 1796, Captain 1801, Rear-Ad-
'miral August, 1840, and Vice-Admiral of the 'Blue at the
fast promotion in November, 1841. lie was midshipman of
the Formidable in Rodney's actions.

The Earl of DALHOUSIE laid on the table the report of
the Railway Committee of the Board of Trade, with respect to
the Manchester and Leeds and other railways.
Earl FITZ WILLIAM did not wish to impugn the conduct
of the Committee of the Board of Trade, as be thought the
public were deeply indebted to them for the trouble they had
taken. He was induced to take this opportunity of making
these observations, because it appeared to him tkat that Board
of Trade had not been fairly dealt with in other places.—
( Hear, hear.) He was himself clearly of opinion that it.would
be better that Parliament should not entertain any of these
Railway Bills until the opinion of the Board of Trade had been
given upon it. He thought that the Government ought origi-
nally to have issued a Commission to inquire into the best
mode of railway communication over the country. He
did 'not mean to say that the opinion of the Board of
Trade ought always to be adopted, but the greatest
deference ought to be paid to it. He thought when
the opinion of the Board of Trade was against a measure
it would be conclusive, but he did not think it should be so
when they reported in favour of the measure. He believed
that the whole course that had been adopted by the Board of
Trade showed the pure,t motives. He thought the traffic in
railway shares ought to be put an end to, either by legislative
proceedings or the conduct of the Executive Government.
This was a subject worthy of the consideration of Parliament.
It had been said that railway Bills were private Bills. Now,
he thought it was a perfect monstrosity to say so, when it was
considered that those very measures were the means of afford-
ing communication through all parts of the country. He was
sorry that the authority of the Board of Trade had not been
more looked up to than it had been in certain quarters. He
trusted that their Lordships would lend their assistance to up-
hold that authority. He felt bound, however, to say that he
considered the Board had not been properly constituted, to
make its authority acquiesced in. He trusted that an efficient
body would be formed, to take this important subject into con-
sideration. •
_ teen
be Earl of DALHOUSIE said that the power that had
t thee
Boardßo a Board
ofof
Trade
Trade,a d
u with
po
n R
Railways
respectwa yhad
railways,been
e 4
had been
given as an experiment. During the last year the
tComamn givenitte to
Committee of the

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 25 1845.

ceedingly pressed in consequence of the great number of rail-
way Bills that had been brought forward. He thought, there-
fore, the greatest latitude ought to be given them in preparing
their reports. The whole of the proceedings of the Board
would be before Parliament in a short time. The Committee
of the Board of Trade had been treated as culprits, and as cul-
prits condemned. Now, all he asked was, not that they should
receive pardon, but that they should be put again upon their
trials.
Lord CAMPBELL thought the Board was not supported
by any authority. Certainly it rested upon the resolution of
another House, but he believed their Lordships had come to no
resolution whatever. It could not, therefore, be expected that
the decisions of the Board should be acquiesced in until the
reasons for them bad been laid before the public, and the matter
had been examined in a Select Committee. He most distinctly
and strongly protested against the report of the Board of
Trade being looked upon as an absolute decision, for it was im-
possible the Board could havein every case been supplied with
sufficient information to enable them to form a correct judg-
ment as to the merits or demerits of any particular scheme.
Indeed, the Noble Lord himself had admitted that in some in-
stances they were groping in the dark ; and he therefore did
not think it right that the decision of the Board should disturb
the interests of persons who had invested in some of these
railway speculations to the amount of several hundred thousand
pounds. --(Hear, hear. )
The Earl of DALHOUSIE reminded the House that a
Committee of the House of Commons had sat for a long time
considering this question—whether there should be any parti-
cular inquiry into railway schemes by a Board in connexion
with the Government, and this Committee discussed the matter
in all its bearings. The decision they came to was—that there
should not only be a Board of Inquiry of this nature, but that
it should be entrusted to the Board of Trade, and not only to
the Board of Trade, but to the railway department of the
Board of Trade, to form this tribunal. Not only did they do
this, but they explained what should be the functions of this
Railway Board, the precise manner in which it should be regu-
lated. and, in order that there should not be the slightest room
fur objection, the Committee stated what the Board should not
do. They, therefore, not only defined what were the functions
and the particular points to be discussed by the Board, but
they went further, and detailed what were the points on which
the Board should not be permitted to inquire. How could
Noble Lords after this assert that the Board had been founded
without due and sufficient authority?
The subject then dropped, and their Lordships immediately
afterwards adjourned.

ROUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 24.

The SPEAKEE took the Chair at Four o'clock.
The Manchester and Leeds Railway Bill (Burnley Branch
and Oldham and Heywood Branches Extension) was read a
second time.
The Hull and Selby (Bridlington Branch) Bill was read a
second time.
The Leeds and Bradford Railway Bill was read a second time.
The Manchester and Birmingham (Ashton Branch) Rail-
way Bill was read a second time.
The Leeds and West Riding Junction Railway Bill was read
a second time.
The Lancaster and Carlisle Railway Bill_was read a second
time.
LONDON AND SOUTH-WESTERN METROPOLITAN

SUGAR DUTIES.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice of a motion on the sub-
ject of the differential duties on slave-grown and free-labour
sugar ; but the Noble Lord read his motion in so low a tone,
that scarcely its scope could be guessed at in the gallery.
WAYS AND MEANS.

On the reading of the order of the day for going into a
Committee of Ways and Means,
Mr. MILNER GIBSON said ti.at he rose to move the
amendment on the order of the day, of which he had given
notice. If the House would give him its indulgence for a short
period he would endeavour, as briefly as was consistent with a
clear exposition of the views he entertained, to explain the grounds
why he thought proper to move the present amendment. The
amendment was a resolution, and was as follows :—" That no
arrangement of the sugar duties will be satisfactory and per-
manent which does not involve an equalisation of duty on fo-
reign and colonial sugar." lie was aware that there was an
objection entertained by many Members of Parliament to
the moving of what were called abstract resolutions ; and,
certainly, if he were asked the question whether it were a de-
sirable course to move an abstract resolution without any prac-
tical result, he would answer that such a course would not
be the wisest for a Member of Parliament to pursue, and in-
deed it would not at all be necessary to ask the assent of the
House to what would be termed the " abstract prin-
ciple" contained in this resolution, because he believed
that that principle had already received the full and un-
qualified concurrence of the Ministers of the Crown,
and, as he believed, the great majority of the
Members of that House. But it was because this resolution
was a practical resolution, and indicated a mode for arrang-
ing the sugar duties on something like a permanent footing,
that he undertook to submit it to the House. The course he
had taken was sanctioned, fully sanctioned by precedent, be-
cause it would be in the recollection of the House that when
the Noble Lord the Member for Liverpool (Lord Sandon) had,
when a mode of arranging the sugar duties was brought for-
ward by the late Executive Government, submitted his view in
the form of a resolution, and in that resolution he indi-
cated what he conceived would be a fitting mode of
placing those sugar duties on a permanent footing. The point
to which he drew the attention of the House was the neces.
sity of maintaining a distinction between sugar the produce of
slave-labour and free-labour in the markets of this country.
The Noble Lord contended that it would be consistent with the
course hitherto taken by Parliament with regard to the
slave trade so to arrange the duty on foreign produce
as to give a direct encouragement to one or the other. But
though the Noble Lord invited them to take that course, as
something like a permanent settlement of the sugar duties, ex-
perience had proved that no gain was effected for the country
in the nature of a settlement, for the question of the sugar
duties was in a state of constant suspense ; and since that period
the sugar trade was in a state of uncertainty and depression, and
they had already had to pronounce their opinion on several dis-
tinct measures for arranging the taxation on sugar. And they
knew well that nothing was so prejudicial to the sugar trade of
the country as to subject the duty by enactment to continued
alterations, because no person would engage in a trade which
was subject to the continued alterations of the Legislature.
The question which was to be introduced that night was, in his
opinion, a strong argument for something which should lead to
the permanent settlement of this question. His Hon. Friend
the Member for Coventry had called the attention of Hon.
Members, in consequence of a petition which he had pre-
sented to the House, to the loss which must be sus-
tained by the dealers in sugar, from the rise of duties
on that article, by the influence of the alteration of duties
on the stock in hand, and asking for some recompense for
that loss. The Hon. Member for Norfolk had put questions
of a similar tendency. He did think that when petitions of this
character were presented to the House, that common sense re-
quired that the question should be so entertained as to place it
on a permanent basis, and thus leave this great interest in
such a position as to preserve it from continual changes. He
was aware that in the course which the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was obliged
to take, he could not obviate the difficulty by a
permanent Act of Parliament for the assessment of the sugar
duties. He was also aware that this was contrary to the eon-
stitutional principle, but at the same time he thought that this
interfered in no way with the necessity imposed by a great
public principle ; on the contrary, he felt that this was in itself
an argument for some measures by which the dealers in that
great article of sugar should be saved from the continual
changes to which they were subject. Though it was impos-
sible to pass an Act for the permanent settlement of these
duties, yet there was a great argument afforded
net only by the existence of this constitutional obstacle, but
also by the peculiar condition of colonial property, for the
settlement of the impost to which sugar was subject. If they
would not pass a permanent Aet, they could at least so settle
the question as to put every one dealing in this article in such
a position as to know to what they would in future be subject.
They might pass such a measure as would be agreeable to
the common feeling of the House, and thus place a regulation
on the hooks that might be renewed from year to year.
The Right Hon. Gentleman had invited them to a Committee
of Ways and Means to vote a supply to her Majesty. He had
no objection to accede to that invitation. If a tax wasto be raised
in an indirect manner he thought the duty on i
sugar was a
very reasonable duty. There could be no fair objection to t ; but
to a different rate of duty between foreign and colonial sugar,
a duty having reference to the place of growth, and the ii hole
of that tax being paid by the consumer in this country--to that
course, he said, he entertained an insurmountable objection. No
doubt such a result might come from the measure
based on the principles which the Right Honourable
Gentleman had submitted to the House. Nothing was
more clear than if they imposed different rates of duty,
upon sugar, with reference to its place of growth, or upon any
other such principle, the difference between the rates of duty
went not into the Exchequer but into the pockets of some par-
ticular class. Two descriptions of sugar were in bond, say it
equal value. It was necessary perhaps to define
what he meant by equal value. He meant what it
would sell for in the markets of the world. Take that
value to be 245. : to the one sample apply a duty of 28s, to the
other apply a duty of 14s. Now, what is the consequence ?
It was quite clear that if the sample of sugar at the duty of 28s.
be sold in the markets of this country, it must sell for 525., 525.
being the total of 28s. the duty, and 245. the supposed
original cost. This was a sample of what is termed slave-
grown sugar. Now the sample, when brought into our mar-
kets, fetched but 425. Now where did the difference go ? Not
into the Exchequer, but into the pockets of the colonial grower.
He would take a sugar worth 245., and a sugar worth 15s.—
the two extremes. He would apply the 28s. duty to the sugar
worth 245., when it became in the market .525. ; he would ap-
ply the 143. duty to the sugar worth 15s. ; and he contended
that the sugar worth 15e, whatever the duty applied to it, would
always maintain its relative value to the other. Just in the
same manner that sugars of equal value must sell for the same
amount in our markets, so sugars of different value would
always maintain the same relation towards each other.
Applying the duty of 28s. to the sugar worth 155.,
it would sell for 435. Deducting 14$. from 435.,
295. would remain, and thus 14s. had been pocketed by the
colonial grower, which ought to go into the public revenue.
Whether, in fact, they took sugars of equal or sugars of unequal
value, if they applied to them a different rate of duty, they put
into the pockets of some particular individuals in this country
the difference of duty, and prevented thewhole amount of taxation
paid by the consumer from going into the Exchequer. The
question which concerned the interests of the people of this
country was not whether the identical duties taken at the Cuse
tom-house went into the public exchequer, but whether the
additional price paid by the consumer did so, and if it did not, then
a gross injustice was perpetrated against the people of this country.
He did not know whether Hon. Gentlemen would dispute,
that if they imposed differential duties they attached to every
description of colonial sugar the full amount of the difference
of duties. If the amount of protection were 10s., they
put 10s. into the pocket of the colonial grower over and
above the addition made by the duty of 14e. He
would take the duty at 14s. upon colonial sugar. First,
14s. was added by the duty ; and, secondly, 10s. by the pro-
tection, with respect to every description of colonial sugar.
And what was the effect of such an addition to the price ? What
was the extent of the fraud thus practised upon the revenue ?
The Right Hon. Gentleman had told them the other evening
that he expected that there would be 230,000 tons of coronial
sugar admitted next yeas —at 10s. a cwt., or 101. a ton, that
would amount to the sum of 2,300,00(1. That was the sum
which they were invited to take out of her elafesty"a ,Eas
chequer, and to pay to the West Indian and the east
proprietors. 2,300,0001. was the sum which it was'proposed to
take out of the pockets of the people and to give it to the colo-
nial producer.—( Hear, hear.) This was a monstrous act of
injustice upon the face of it.—( Hear, hear.) He knew that
there were Hon. Gentlemen who would contend that there was
good reason why the colonial proprietors should be en-
titled to demaud this 2,300,0001. from the public
exchequer. But, as a Member of Parliament repre-
senting the public interests, and not the interests
of any particular class, he was certainly entitled to ask why
the community should be called upon to pay this sum to the
West and East Indian proprietors? He was entitled to ask
that at least a ease should be made out, and that they should
not be called upon to rush blindly on, as her Majesty's
Government would have them do, and transfer this
enormous sum from her Majesty's Exchequer to the
pockets of individuals. He had no notion of any reason which
could be adduced to justify the transferring of this enorinouvum
of 2,300,0001. from. her Majesty's Exchequer into the iiockets of
the East and West India proprietors.—(Cheers.) Why had it
sot been mentioned in the first instance'—( Hear, hear.) Why
had not the Right Hon. Gentleman given notice of it when he
gave notice of his proposition ? They were called upon to:vote
taioney for her Majesty's exchequer, not to vote money to go
into the pockets of private individuals.—( Hear, hear.) He
would be the last to advocate the principle he was advocating,
if he thought it was a principle of injustice, and he hoped Gen-
tlemen opposite would not affix to him a charge, that because he
was advocating the great principle, that national taxation should
be levied solely for national purposes; that, therefore, he was
actuated by any personal motive to any class of her Majesty's
subjects.—( Hear, hear.) No man could be more glad than
he would be to see the colonial interests prospering ; but
he could not reconcile it to his conscientious sense of
duty as a Member of Parliament to consent to the mea-
sure which the Right Hon. Baronet had proposed ; and if any
one duty was more incumbent on a Member of the Legisla-
ture than another, it was to take care that a tax on the public
should not be imposed for the mere benefit of
private individuals. All taxes imposed on the
whole of the nation should be devoted exclusively to defraying
the national expenditure, and he hoped that he might be per-
mitted to advocate that principle firmly and boldly, without
laying himself open to the charge of being actuated by peculiar
animosity to the West Indian or the East Indian producers.
It had been said that there were grounds for transferring that
2,300,0001. during the next year to the colonial proprietors.
It had been alleged that by the legislation of this country at
former times they had acted towards the colonial proprietors
in such a manner as to give them a just and equitable claim on
the Exchequer. If that were so, he confessed that he would
prefer a more direct mode of meeting that claim than giving it
to the West India and East India proprietors in the form of
monopoly: He believed it would be more satisfactory to
the public, for there was nothing which the British public
wished so much to see as a balance with debtor and creditor
fairly set forth, in a clear and perspicuous manner. He be-
lieved that if a just claim was made out, that the British public
would not object to it, or object to give a fitting sum from the
public exchequer. But he contended that no such claim had
been made out ; and he also contended that no such claim
could be made out. He contended that if a difficulty had been
caused by the legislation of this country, compensation
had been given in the shape of a grant for 20,000,000/. The
Right Hon. Baronet opposite had, on a former occasion' dis-
tinctly stated that they were entitled to deal with the West
Indies in the matter of duties, as they had purchased that right.
He (Mr. Gibson) presumed that on that occasion the Right
Hon. Baronet alluded to that grant of 20,000,000/. But
with regard to that difficulty, which it was alleged had been
created by their legislation, and for which 2,300,0001. were to
be given to the colonists at large, be would ask any man in
that House whether it was reasonable to give that compensation
to other parties than those who complained of the grievance?
Was there not a complaint from the East Indies or the Mauri-
tius, sr some of the West India islands, that they had suffered
from a want of labour by the legislation of that House, and yet
they proposed to give this sum of money, indiscriminately
divided amongst a number of parties, none of whom ever
pretended to have any claim to the protection of that House.
If they were to vote that 2,300,0001. in an indirect and un-
satisfactory manner, let them, at any rate, vote it to those who
pretended to have a claim ; and do not let them give it indis-
criminately to parties who had no claim whatever,
beyond their being West Indian proprietors. It was
well known that labour in British India—and his Hon.
Friend the Member for Finsbury would concur with him in

the statement—that in no part of the habitable globe was
labour more abundant or more cheap than in British India;
and he believed he was equally correct in saying that
in the Mauritius there was also a surplus of labour, and
that, in fact, the labourers were wandering about
there in search of employment, so great was the
number of coolies imported there. This was a point which
was not to be lost sight of in the event of the House deeming
it right to vote this large sum of money to those West India
propri, tors, en the grounds of reimbursement. would not
be right to vote any portion of this sum to the East Indies, be-
cause there was abundance of labour to be had there. The
island of Barbadoes was actually overflowing with labonr,
and, therefore, it would not be right to grant any portion
of the money to the growers of that island. Neither were the
growers in British India, or in the. Mauritius, or in Antigua,
entitled to any share of it. And what portion, then, was left
amongst whom it was to be shared, if those were left out ? They
were reduced to very few indeed ; and even reduced
as that number were, he would ask the House
to consider whether ever they would be entitled to
any portion of those two millions. What was the
alleged grievance of which those growers complained, in refe-
reuse to this deficiency of labour? They contended that they
were entitled to it because labour was not abundant ; that the
cost of the produce of sugar was increased by the difficulty of
procuring labour, and the high prise of labour in consequence.
Now, how stood the fact? In the first place the House
should receive very cautiously the statement of in-
terested parties, when they come to consider the sues-
lion of the cost of producing sugar; and, therefore, if they were
to hear evidence on this point, he should suggest that it'should
be relevant and important, and should emanate from persons of
authority and intelligence, and who were disinterested. He
would then ask the Rouse to consider what was the cost of pro-
ducing sugar during the time of the existence of slavery, and also
at the time when no very sanguine hopes were entertained as to the
emancipation of the slaves. He would first take the cost of the
produce, in the year 1828, of one hundred weight of sugar,
with all the advantages of slavery in its most unmitigated form,
and without the apprehension that slavery was about to be
abolished. The authority he wished to quote on this point
was a disinterested authority, was an authority that Parliament
was entitled to receive with respect, an authority to which
Parliament was entitled to pay the greatest attention. That
authority was that of one of their own public officers,
a perfectly disinterested man himself, who had writ-
ten a work on the sugar-cane and the cultivation of
sugar—Mr. Porter of the Board of Trade.—( Hear, hear. )
What does he say in that work on the cost of producing a
hundred weight of sugar during the period of slavery, previous
to 1828 ? He says that the cost of producing it was about
9s. 10d. per cwt. But he would take the liberty of reading
an extract from 11r. Porter's work, which would perhaps be
more satisfactory :—" In the ten years from 1819 to 4828, the
whole expense of a sugar estate attending its cultivation, in-
eluding salt provisions, provision grounds for the negroes,
stores, repair of buildings, medical attendance, the
salaries of overseers and attorneys, cost of planta-
tions, and stores and clothing sent from England,
was 26,8511. ; the number of slaves was from 127 to 142,
the average number 140. The produce consisted of 29,492
cwts. of sugar, and 164,285 gallons of rum ; now, if they
valued the rum only at Is. 6d. per gallon (the price
is now 2s. 4d. ), this would give 12,3211., leaving a
balance of 14,5291., being at the rate of 9s. 100.
per cwt., as the cost of the production of the suear." He was
aware that there were statements from interested parties, that
made out the cost of producing one hundred weight of sugar
to be now materially increased, and that even at the time he
mentioned, that it was much greater than the sum he had
named. But he contended that in Parliament, if they were to
have authorities, let (hem have that of experienced men, of
Parliamentary Papers; let them not have merely the authorities
that might be quoted from the loose and random assertions
made before Committees of that House by parties who
had a particular object to serve. The gentleman he named
was incapable of any misrepresentation, and entitled to their
respect. He was one of their own paid officers, and had had
experience to guide him in making the statement he had pub-
lished; therefore, as a witness, he was worth five hundred fold
more than any interested parties they could bring as having
made assertions before Committees of that House. Now, he
had given the cost of raising a hundred weight of sugar during
the period of slavery, upon this authority. Ile would now give
them the cost of producing a cwt. of sugar on authority that
he thought must have great weight at the present time. The
cost of 1 cwt. of sugar at the present moment, on two estates,
subject to to all those difficulties which were now complained
of, and which were looked upon ae forming a grOund for the
protection, was 10s. 6d. The quotation which he was about to
read was from the Jamaica Royal Agricultural Reporter. That
question had appeared in an ingenious periodical which he was
sure her. Majesty's Government must generally peruse, the
Economist—(Laughter)—to which he was indebted for his
attention being called to the facts ; and it was to fact, and not
argument, he irould now call the attention of the House. The
Jamaica Royal Agricultural Reporter of the 20th of January,
1844, contained a statement that the Royal Agricultural So-
ciety gave a prize of 20/. or a piece of plate of
that value, to the manager of any estate in mak-
ing the greatest quantity of sugar at the smallest
cost, from the Ist day of January to the 3lst of Decem-
ber, 1843, " all things considered." He begged the
House to attend to the meaning of those words " all things
considered." By those words it was meant that allowance
should be made to those managers who should make sugar at com-
paratively the least cost. For instance, if a manager were subject
to a greater deficiency of labour than another competitor for the
prize, then the greater cost of production necessarily occasioned
by that deficiency, would be taken into consideration in award-
ing the prize. What, then, was the difference of the cost of
production? On one estate it was 10s. 6d. per cwt., and in
another 6s. 9Ad. So that they had what appeared to
be good authority for stating that the cost of producing
sugar was, in the island of Jamaica, since the period of
slavery, from 6s. to 10s. per cwt. ; and, at this present mo-
ment, it was about 10s. 6d. He asked whether
that could possibly be a ground for giving thesis a
bounty of 10s. on every cwt. which they produce ?—( Hear.)
Why the protection was greater than the cost of production.
But rumour said that, in reality, the protection was more than
10s.—( Hear.) He asked what possible ground, after the
authority lie had cited, there could be for giving an
additional 10s. for every cwt. which was produced in those
colonies?—( Hear, hear.) If the Brazilian could produce
sugar without any cost—if it were rained down from heaven—
from the skies—without any effort of human industry—
he would still be at a disadvantage is competing against
this protection of 10s. per cwt.—( Hear, hear.)
No person could deny the truth or justice of that argument, or
that he had not based his farts on competent authority. If
that were so, he would ask if they were, without further in-
quiry, without an attempt to resist this obnoxious tax, calmly
to consent to and allow its imposition, and not call on the Go-
vernment emphatically, and in the spirit of remonstrance, to
give them a clear and satisfactory account of what it was they
meant by that 10s. protection. But then, with regard to the
deficiency of labour in the West Indies, he would ask, was it a
fact that such deficiency existed ? Would any member of that
body get up and state there that any difficulty arose from the
scarcity of labourers? Why the Noble Lord, the Secretary for
the Colonies, and now a Member of the other House, had
stated, :a year or two ago, that the number of labourers in
the West Indian colonies was sufficient, and all that was ne-
cessary was, that their labour should be properly applied.
and they themselves properly used. He thought he could show
from the words of that Noble Lord that it was owing to the
Emancipation Act not being carried out with true spirit that
any difficulty at all arose in procuring a continuance of labour.
The Noble Lord said:—" He would venture to say that with
regard to the expense of cultivation, there was no single instance
in w hich this natural consequence did not follow as effect and
cause—viz., that where they gave the negro labourer an interest
in the amount of work to be performed, or in the amount of
produce raised, then they would obtain constant and industrious
labourers, but when they did not give that interest, then they
would not obtain them. The amount of competition carried
on there at present was ruinous, and the planters competed
with each other in such a way by employing the labourers at
certain periods, and paying them accordingly, and not giving
them an interest in their work, and rewarding them according
to that work, that he thought that was the cause of the enormous
expense the planters were now subjected to in the West
Indiese" That was the reason why they did not
get`' the negro freely to give his sinews in their
service.=( Hear, hear.) If that were true, and he
had the authority of Lord Stanley for saying that it was true,
that Noble Lord, who was the great advocate for paying the
20,000,000/. compensation to the West India interest, how
could they expect that the negro would work continually for
them ? Why, if the same principle were applied towards the
British labourer, he very much doubted whether they would
not find the same result, and many branches of their industry
failing for want of continuous labour. It was stated at a pub-
lic meeting a few nights ago that, notwithstanding this com-
plaint of the deficiency of labour in Jamaica and other islands,
there was another most anomalous complaint. They complained
that they suffered from the number of able-bodied paupers.
Here was the same most strange anomaly. One party stated
that they had not a sufficient number of workmen to perform
the necessary labour, and other members of the same party
complained of the expense they incurred in maintaining a num-
ber of able-bOilied paupers.—( Hear, hear.) Able-bodied
pautiers and protection seemed to have the same affinity as
some' chemical bodies. Monopoly and pauperism seemed
inseparable.—( Hear.) He could not account fur it in any
other way than when the greatest amount of protection was so
destructive of industry, that pauperism ensued. He defied any
one to show him where a great protective interest was main-
tained, that there were not great numbers of able-bodied pau-
pers. He believed able-bodied paupers must exist from the
nefarious system in the West Indian colonies. It created a re-
pugnance on the part of the proprietors to make free men, and
free men, as they were called, were, in point of fact, to a
great extent, slaves. He very much doubted whether the con-
ditions implied in the servitude of the West Indian negro was
not inconsistent with the spirit of the Emancipation Act, and
at variance with the rights and privileges which that Act gave
the negro a right to claim. Another reason assigned by the
Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies for the present de-
pression in the West India colonies, was absenteeism on the
part of the proprietors. He said that the system was going on
to such an extent, that it was in vain to hope for an improve-
ment ; and he further said, that these colonies would not be
productive under any system of protection and monopoly. The
great bulk of the West India proprietors lived away from
their estates—they were perfectly ignorant of all the branches
of industry, and who had been employed in the cultivation of
their estates. They knew nothing of their own interests, and the
poor negroes were left at the mercy of heartless overseers,
and attorneys, whose only desire was to get as much toil out of
the poor wretches as they could. Manufacturers, agricultu-
rists, distillers, and chemists, are all connected, in a great de-
gree, with the growth of the sugar-cane. He would ask his
Hon. Friend the Member for Stockport whether, if he:were
to reside in Vienna, and leave his print-works to be conducted
by some overseer or attorney, he would not find it impossible,
however favourable might be markets and prices, to secure a
proper return for his capital. Such, he said, was the condition
of the ‘4 est India planters. They levied money from their
estates, and unlike the English landed proprietors, they did nut
place those estates under the superintendence of a tenant who
felt an interest in its prosperity. In their case the same per-
son was landlord, tenant, manufacturer, distiller, and in
many instances merchant ; and then they came to that
House and told them that their business was not
profitable, and asked them to levy a large con-
tribution from the great body of the people, for the
purpose of enabling them to meet the deficiencies which had
been created by this absurd and injurious management. No
man could deny that there was considerable force in this ob-
servation; and he would not claim for it that force if he had
not in his favour, amongst others, the Noble Lord the Secre-
tary for the Colonies. He should be sorry to see the Hon.
Member for Weymouth (Mr. Bernal) obliged to change his
agreeable house in Eaton-place for a residence in Jamaica ; he
should regret the loss of his society, and his being subjected to
an unpleasant climate ; but he confessed he saw no hope for the
West India body, unless those who were the owners of estates
either attended to them themselves, or leased them to those
who would have the same interst in them as tire proprietors.
If no tenant could be found to act as a substitute for the pro-
prietor, there was then no hope for a better state of things
unless the proprietor girded up his loins, and went
out to his own property to manage his own busi-
ness. —( Hear, hear.) It was of no use. to bedancing
attendance on the colonial-office, to be pi apng for thispribvi-
lege and that favour.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing remained but
to adopt a better system of r.nauagemesit,a more
cultivation.—
(Bear.)
application of labour, and an improved system,had stated that ;he.
adoption( He a r . )
even Lord
ofElgin,
such
a
the plough would
make a difference of fifty per cent in the amount of production.
venrm-aGcehlineeraas

_ -
-( Hear, hear.) Yet the) were still to be told that there Via
nothing to be done for the West India colonies except throaant
protection and monopoly. Where was the use of an abutl(fra
supply of manual labour, if that labour was not made aroducwt,...a°
by the us of machinery ? It was the argument of those
undertook to regulata be hours of labour in the manufacturola
districts, that if they could not obtain the use of manual lab.,e eura
for so long a period as they had been accustomed to do, te.
must make up for it by an increase:l use of machinery
The English manufacturers were enabled to maintain theiryea
sition in the markets of Europe, not by the extent of tbea,
manual labour, but because they brought machinery, to thaat;
of labour, so as to make that- labour more productive. 11P,sa
they must do in the West lndies-( Hear, hear)-and heOf
observed in the Jamaica journals a very sensible speech- the
Captain Dillon, who had endeavoured to inculcate into
minds of his fellow-colonists the doctrine that it would be
advisable for them to expend the colonial revenue in lurch eo :
.
Mg, steam-engines and machinery from England, than 10
deavouring to promote the immigration of fresh labou)
He believed that that was the most sensible course that tbee
lonists could adopt.-( Hear, hear.) For the last three cetiaT,
ries there had not been the slightest improvement in the e._"„
vation of sugar in the colonies. He believed that the stearn ah"B
gine would be found to be a most beneficial aid to labour inlet
West India colonists-(Hear, hear)---for at present lthaei
adopted precisely the same system of cultivation whiebas io
had adopted three centuries ago, when the slave-trade was
I
existence.-( clear. ) He was afraid that the West n"00,
were not inclined to adopt the principle of the British Maliag
facturers, and to apply machinery for the purpose of 11' loco
labour more productive.-( Hear, hear.) He bad lately rest
an excellent article on this subject in a colonial paper loot
merit and influence-the West Indian, in which theieets
said that it was the duty of the West India colonists teo,pr the
their attention to the introduction of machinery l'sae•
purpose of rendering labour more productive. This was
lie:ed.
ciple which the West India colonists too much neg 040
To show how averse the West India proprietors were to
sii,
their industry productive, he would mention one fact. "aata
way had been projected between Kingston and Spataish the
It was well known that a great portion of the labourers e'aro.
West Indies were employed in transporting-in conveyingi3,eh
duce from one place to another. When the railway n'h aid
he had referred was proposed, not a single gentlenianW;tlst
been protected, who said that protection stimulated in°lll .
not one gave their countenance to the proposal for thesitot
way. Who were the parties who took up the P',;,r°,,6 seer!
and who found funds for making the railway ? "'looks'
persons who had no confidence in protection, but who
_.41 to
forward to the adoption of free trade. Who looked for
exposing the West India proprietors to a free conaPetitlebobsi
the produce of the world-those were the parties wt to
' found the money to make the railway from King:ha/Ili
Spanish-town. Why, if the West India proprietors h tatais
in their principles, they would have come forward tosuPPhe tate
railway. Perhaps they believed that protection was;: etre,
cease, then why not give it up at once, instead of keeP; 130t9.
and manufactures in a state of suspense and anxiety. Oki
believed that the West India proprietors were enealejeet
protection. He believed that the only reason that tha's it left
was not adopted by colonial proprietors, Pe thel
#o free traders to accomplish, was, that
t.t
were enervated by monopoly. He thong" be for'
was a most important fact, and one that oueht not 1010aeri
gotten. There was nothing which told so much witb,l%tabb°lll
of Parliament and the British public as plain and stbe
facts ; and he thought, from the facts he had stated, oe- rtioa
lie would see that there were some grounds for the 004
which had been made on that side of the House, that in. 10
had enervated the West India proprietors, and it reallasal:arit/'
the solid principles of competition to give them Prr.; (IOC!'
Now, he would not dwell longer upon this branch a
tion, because if the position he maintained werea good ea,,01(11;
thee araument would be unnecessary, and the House eft
convinced that the importers in this country had as g° the stp
to every advantage in this trade as the growers dpi
Indies. His plan he rested on the broad basis of justice:ea.
would say that this House could n t interfere with °J
o, Pa
justice with this trade or continue this protective sote.ithara
would contend for it that the Government should notl,
this protection, in order to do equal justice to all her 0,
till
subject's. But he knew that this doctrine was not %bed!
latable to many Members of that House, although :he fre;l-0
not appear upon the face of it an act of injustice 10,04, of bit
trader of this country. But let him take a short 'el to gip
case. He would ask, did they increase the ingeajet? eta
country by this continual protection to the West 111" late ros
should limit himself to the West Indies, because tlie/000artid
sident of the Board of Trade, in answer to the aao,
ray
that for Taunton, on the Brazilian Onestbe rim
that his plan of protection was not intended r t
ritius or for British India, but for the °the to
therefore he would confine his argument to
cd? the
Indies, and he would ask have the imports incresetriea ofila
would take the period previous to the emalleiPaoa 000
slaves, and he would contend tor it that the prodileat,344
creasing bop
for many years previous to I ced,
the emancipation took place. It al)Pearaycle9-
that imports from the West Indies had been gradaa
ing though the growers had all the advantages of the cargos',.
and slave-labour.-( Hear, hear.) For it must not betbei
that these protective duties were enacted when tore
owners of slaves themselves, and when their cold t 5 tbess
players of slave-labour; it must not be forgotten
or of sti
tective duties did not originate from the new theortaor sof
that had been laid down, that they were to cense' 0001
philanthropic considerations when regulating their, 0001
du ies. He repeated that these dillies were enactsa the 1
were slave owners themselves; and at that time, w e-os°l,se.
India colonies had all the advantages they the
ad e
their imports were gradually falling off. And wha` trir
the case since? Notwithstanding the vast increase ia
pulation, notwithstanding the great augreentatiof t of.da
mand for sugar, in order to insure the colltteroti°'be
working classes, the imports had been neal n t be if,
It might have varied from year to year, 'og,
lieved he was correct in stating that the cla.o3elriot
ported in 1834, the very year in which they ePiatkerd tta)
their slaves, was greater than in the year 1844, ebreliel
year in which the account was made up. He -Ile C;(1'
Right Hon. Gentleman, the first Minister a t
_ass'
stated there had been no material increase in thetae
sugar. When they considered the vast increase iaaairlealiolt
la tion, what a deficiency there must be when thel".• trar,
limited supply among the greater number of perseebliee°,/
much smaller a share fell to the poorer classes of thus/
nity ? Those who were in the enjoyment of iadePsooltall,
comfortable incomes would not diminish their eea„g s6:1•01t1
sugar, but in the division of a smaller quantity ataking tt
number, depend on it the comforts of the wParie 01,0,1 b)
must be materially diminished. How unreasons.oool#
doubt that a great evil was inflicted on the e°„10001
confining the supply of sugar to their colonies '''satiiass'
with the exception of a small quantity, ibethe
was consumed last year was supplied from la cellat
But the consumption of this country was tnaii:i'„ the per's
the produce of our own colonies. Accordinotha CAtitaga
Price Currents, the average price of sugar 00,45,0111,00:
was 21s. per cat., whilst in this country it was far eno
difference of 13s. per cwt. The quantity of '„cegreoce t tif';
here was '207,000 tons per annum. But the di'''. d Whet
per cwt. made a difference of 13/. per teal, an soil >o"
207,000 tons amounted to 2,600,0001.-(llettar't)par-00
sugar consumed in„this country last year cost ai
emote% Po
than the same quantity would have cost if 14 legist.s4oo
Continent.-( Hear, bear. Did they call this ja seryottal
the poorer classes ?-( Hear.) Was this actingeaab faaelioaa
with the recommendation of the Queen in her 11; agrlcerapa;
throne, that they should consider the wants oloatbeife.,,v
labourers and the poorer classes ?-( Hear.) 131' to
the doctrine that the British artisan must paywisi
upon his sugar because we had large hr the Ivo'
lions in the West Indian Islands ? He thoeFj were
mocking the sufferings of the working classes, alies,a)ria,
Bating themselves in the eyes of the world.---k raitfain
were always professing sympathy with the Arto4.oo'lo,
and talking of cutting down the public exnen" tlO ea,
wise doing everything to relieve the tax-payers stbstr:era tt's4e,
and then upon a vague statement that certain
ope aeol )
sitions could not be practically applied, they af tbe itesf;st
selves to the charge of mocking the miseries alest:abat'a/
whom they professed to be anxious to relieve.
01 rtto
eap
He would contend that protection had not bents tot oo
wer
benefit to the manufacturers. Why the
Indies were greater twenty years ago than thrkaatall
1794 the exports to the West Indies were /-:;‘,.;81,1','"(1
In 1804.
........... 3,0
In 1629 ......... ••• 2taplatsio a a
In 1842 elor
In 1843 . ..... ...... •:a thitee it; til-tier;
If they compared the exports of 1804 aa aOOO/. i4bels,ea
would appear that while they were over 4,00 ',Jaw, in '0,0! be
suer year, they were only upwards of 2,00 't7t-e eti° calteP
-( Hear, hear. What benefit, then, was
West" of
0)
Why should they pay more to the We,sl" oa ur
did not pay more for his bale llea le
Manchester than tbe Brazilian ?- (Cries ?
_eaoe,
He asked whether he had not made out of the rev tbe ever
fir 01 ott
shown that this tax was not for the bene burden h
siauiterilesrts,theenyty
eta of
chequer, and another portion into the P reaene'via oo
aw ere
portion inflicting
of t e at
agar isevveollut
therefore that could not be said to be for thehad 00 a Dis for
point of fact, defrauded the revenue. Ibl_e_ause it o°t the
not for the benefit of our import trade, ot.es it ,Ass,;eseit!ea,
means increased under it. He had shown ta"ur ao 4;1101
the advantage of our export trade, becaura'd showaatatal eaet
colonies had been a stationary trade, an't Ple hod; 13...aar
sition to favourably influence productiotne Bight'-orele'boser
it was not far consistency, because all. some port,fip
choaldo,naialf eiwooeveningsto,
ba,(letinribetaed,vvrto.:,Prosl,ll:ll_,..ol:eist;tf.
them that the present system was at by thrtbe 0:0V101'
ciples-principles admitted and recognised
thagees'ampreepteersemds.
Commons, and which were laid down lay the
Pon
retie asp the o
statesmen and the ablest and most p
°sod ut: Oat ctie"
of the Crown, which had received the s_aneLi7noetissa,P:ehailrea'°';
mists. It was an arbitrary taxation inlP.abers in 0 yrs do
of this country by
ado uate real sob
teat
and for which they received no a
r•'') this ci
o Hear, ea take on talla t
explanation.-(Cries of , to 'B`. were g 5
position which he was entitte.
argaments bari tree'
unless it could be proved that his.eusta_, he
was die
the mere force of ntl.# tnaan 00
.00
And if his reasons were fallact h
which esied--heoot,°t
anything-if he had assumed anythingn
way nlii_ar.) dor)
titled to assume-if he had been
nt and 1019aastit
upon his opponents for a refutatto ;.iterl a large.
_1'414005:0,, tut
a Member of Parliament, represen sa she icor
afoot, sr
this r` Hear' (le'
f they failed in Keats o
he was entitled to ask them,
of legislatio ask the,' 0000
desist from this unwise systemher entitled to
.r, thenlit vie.„
d he would be further
"cafe time `" rerne''
cheers.) An appropa
manufam in
district, a grea.t body ot L..
hear./ by t'"
could not be desired.-( Hear, t and viherestrained 1.0,
The Gavct.. APthetes
•ordinary suppor e
mere alike f
bound by their Tory, hear.) ) The Rigel °av
sist at once, because a more
' tration were Whig or hear.
she dicta
_atas
great monopolist interests.- (-#a
act according to el, of Pa'ro;tara;
Baronet should, however,
cast aside the oink forwa,.oolo,o,
own mind
; he
ought
te
cselfdesertedin br.t
_7:be sugaritghellt
though he might findhime , ,
h final settlement pence 0 she
and permanent plan for
byte
virtue and in.tala";tie, the i°'
and permanent plan for the fina '
s'ce o 0 dePCI
he would he applauded
_t_neiediet any )
"'slightest tea.rotars,;,
try. He was unwilling 10
oral had the /wit, priart` heceof
India interests- If his p p.
•retice on West ward ; b,esereitiata
wards inflicting any injus
brought it for the o resett 56
declared he would not have
of the producetr.,
of
the of the
he believed that the interests
the mterchael'aboliti° Ihbort
the interests
b the tota , motion'. et- 11
the consumers, benefited y
rd his tricot t s
of all classes, would be
e torvia
rn re re' flees
differential duties, he
hretOteMtries were - r saeria sto,
rea e d the/ trilyi
had been told that foreignh.
es
would be a g
inane, art
owe
hs
Great Britain, and that t
thet for the ht be s yam s
events, the sacrifice of butde; There lnl,g-ng, the sly tpol
Thee dung the
to oce
do what foreigners had not
risers ,tuen da 'o'
whatever forelb . ble arb not abe s
in that ; but
was a rresera roe
Gover bou. ',-
broken in upon us, and it
minded foreign entry s
ad the/ the
because some narrow-mii
t commercial co, But 101 T
ept O! ,he
restrict ion, that this grelea._( Hear. hTeafr:gieiriers
fluenced by their exarap
trary atiwno reseatre thejace
some examples of th n content.. At the pod °Pei; Pr this
case of the Dutch Govaet.ttng
sugar
witted
top
of
to
Dutch Government were a
terms as they d
aractie3l lalare•
duce of Java, on the same_
what was the p_ed by fl.e_ed of
of Brazil and Cuba. And
roclui,; ert".6 tow-tidh
competition ? That the sugaring a I°llo °'-altitfaeo4
fair
increasing.d that, 00 tolitgaarsalaalst
Java was gradually
cumin, al) 00040 of aa atm.,
under the influence of coirp
•• tons to 1, sager hieb
• d from 29,227 with me case w", with ete
it had increase
full competition
„g a note • all at
it was exposed to , That % ld caP'r th° pine
of Cuba.-( Hear, shear.)
eaar tiow °Oofer
free-labour s neipa ,e
satisfy them that e the "II and bite
grown. He wished to se
the oalui -
curled out in all Part 5