The Sun.
London, England, 1821-03-03 00:00:00

f his Noble Friend should move for the appoir

meat of a Committee, and should make him
one of its members, he would do his best to in-
quire into the causes of distress. But whilst
he thought it was his duty to make every prac-
ticable inquiry, he contended that nothing could
be more mischievous than to hold out hopes that
its results would produce relief.
Lord ERSKINE said that he should certainly at
a future period move for the appointment of such
a: Committee.
The Earl of DONOUGHMORE was aware that the
agricultural farmer was in the greatest possible
distress, but he was not prepared to assign the
state of the Corn Laws as its cause, or to say
that any alteration in it could put an end to that
distress. If the averages were wrongly taken,
the mode ought to be corrected ; but to tell far-
mers that any alteration could restore ,them to
the state which they formerly held in society,
would be only to abuse and deceive them. The
state of the Irish farmers was most wretched,
and he must say, in justice to his country, that
its endurance of that distress had been wonder-
ful, and did it the greatest credit.—(Hear !)
Lord CALTHORPE said, he was not before
aware of the circumstance alluded to by the
Noble Earl (Liverpool), of the investigation re-
specting the warehousing system ; still, however,
he' thought that material improvements might be
made.—The Petition was ordered to lie upon
the table.
The Duke of DEVONSHIRE presented a similar
Petition from the Owners of Land, in the neigh-
bourhood of Whitford, in the County of Not-
tingharn.—Laid on the table.
OUTRAGE AT KILMAINHAM.

The Duke of LEINSTER presented a Petition
from the Nobility, Clergy, Gentry, and Free-
holders of the County of Dublin, complaining of
the conduct of the Sheriff, and the calling in the
military. His Grace stated the substance of the

Petition, the particulars of which have been al-
ready stated. • •
The Earl of BLESINTON; on rising to second

the motion, said, that his Noble Friend had re-
quested hith to make some observations on the
subjeci to which it referred, as he was more ac-
customed to public speaking. With respect to
the Amendment proposed by Mr. Burne, at the
public meeting alluded to, he could state, that so
long as Mr. tine, who was a Most respectable
character and a King's Counsel, confined himself
to expressions of attachment to the Sovereign,
so long he was heard, but the moment he began
to speak disrespectfully of the Ministers;. the
moment he began to speak of the propriety of
their dismissal; he could be heard no longer.
The High Sheriff in that country was not ap-
pointed in the same way as in this country ; he
was there nominated by the Viceroy ; he held his
situation therefore by the choice of Government;
and that he should dictate to the people at a
public meeting was absolutely ridiculous. With
regard to the admission of soldiers into the Town-
hall, the Sheriff had no such, power under the
Constitution. In County Meetings the custom
was to call the Sheriff into the Chair, but he had
retired from the Chair, and as soon as Lord
Cloncurry had taken it the soldiers were intro-
duced. Lord Cloncurry was then handed out of
the Chair by. the Officer, with civility it was true,
but still in violation'Of all law and justice. It
might be asked, why he did not defend himself if
he was satisfied as to his right to remain, but that
was not a fair way of meeting the merits of the
case. What he would contend for was, that a
great public wrong had been committed, and
that Parliament ought to apply the remedy. It
was not by acts of violence, nor by reference to
Courts of Law, as had been said with respect to
the Manchester business, but by Parliament itself.
He would say, that the People had been insulted
by the conduct of the High Sheriff, and that the
Government had sanctioned that insult by not
removing him from office. For these reasons he
should second the motion.
The petition was then ordered to lie on the
table.

HOLY ALLItVSCE.-NAPLES.

The Order of the Day for the Lords to be
summoned being read,
The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said he rose, pur-
suant to the intimation he had given, for the pur-
pose of bringing before the notice of their, Lord-
ships the transactions that were now carrying on
upon the Continent of Europe. However strong-
ly he felt on this subject, he hardly knew
whether, after what had lately passed in the
other House of Parliament, he ought now to call
the attention of their Lordships to it. However,
in the present general feeling of the public, he
did not think he should perform his duty if he
declined to attend to that feeling, and give it
the most authentic record which it could receive
in that House by the motion he was about to
make. If he had before felt it necessary to call
the attention of the House to this question, how
much more necessary must it be now, when the
most extraordinary delusion existed as to the
events in Naples, in consequence of the circular
issued by the Ministers of this country. He
would now call the attention of the House to
the subject, and be asked them to express their
opinions upon it in a way which could be no longer
misunderstood. In doing so, he should be neces-
sarily obliged to refer to the past conduct—or,
rather, the past omissions of conduct in Mi-
nisters; but he declared he would take no
other advantage of these omissions, than pass-
ing a censure on them for suffering so many
months to elapse without declaring their- opi-
nions in a clear manner, upon a subject that
was so vitally interesting to this country and
to Europe. To proceed, then, he should divide his
observations into two parts; first, as to what the
principles were which the Allies proclaimed, by
,their declaration, to be the ground-work of their
future proceedings ; and, secondly, what would
be the probable consequences of their continuing
to act upon these principles. In setting out, he
was bound to state, that whilst he spoke of the
parts severally taken by the Courts of St. Peters-
burgh, Vienna, or Berlin; in these transactions,
he should guard himself against using the most
disrespectful hint as to the policy of these Courts,
in the government of their own states ; nor should
he take any objection to that preponderating
situation whVi they filled on the continent of
Europe—a situation to which, from their power
and respectability, they were justly entitled, and
which they had, on some past occasions, exer-
cised for the general benefit and general tran-
quillity. But his exceptions were directed against
these Powers, because they professed, in theory,
an universal equalizing system of which he could
not approve; for he knew it was the character
of man in society to have different—nay, jarring
principles of legislation and government in action
in different countries, at the same time : he ob-
jected to them, because he saw them now attempt
to carry into effect a scheme hatched in the very
heat of the French Revolution, and by men
falsely called philosophers—that chimerical im-
practicable scheme of reducing the whole world
to an uniform system of government. It was on
these grounds he took exceptions to their conduct,
and he would tell them that, whether the scheme
was to set all free, or make all slaves, it was, and
he hoped it would he, equally impracticable
and impossible to be carried into execution,
—.(Hear, hear.) —What was 'the difference
between the declarations of the French Revo-
lutionists and that of the Allies ? Only this, that
one contained principles of general liberty and
universal equality, whilst the other contained a
certain ideal standard of a monarchical govern-

ment, with a fel*, grains of liberty in it ; and so
absolute was this that that only was to be tole-
rated. It was with the principles disclosed in
• _ •_ .

this declaration of the Allies that he had now to
deal—principles Iyhichwere said to be contrary
to. the fundamehtal laws of this realm, and yet
which, the *ate Paper to 114-I,igh he referred now

said, were in conformity with the feelings`of the
Government of this country on the subject:—
(Hear, hear !)--That paper certainly stated, that.
though this Government did not agree upon the
exFediency of the measures at present pursuing
by the Allies, yet, on , general principles, and in
the general..view of affairs on the continent, they
were entirely agreed with them. It was upon
this account, and because the country was so
pledged, that he called upon the House to exa-
mine with Win what these principles were. He
regretted that a docunyent which bad already ap-
peared in all the public prints did not lie on the
table of that House. The document to which he

alluded was, the Declaration of the Allies, which

e would now use from what he believed to be .a

faithful copy of it, namely, the second copy which
appeared in the public Newspapers. In that
Declaration there was an expose, or, rather, ar►
exposure of the motives which induced the Go-
vernment of Austria to march its armies upon
Naples. It set out by saying, that unexpected
changes had taken place in that kingdom, in con-
sequence of the influence and interference of a
certain sect. As to changes having been effected
by a sect, he would contend, that of whateVer
nature these changes were, or by whatever party
brought about, it mattered not to Austria—as
a foreign State, Austria could never be justified
in interfering with the internal concerns of
another State under any circumstances whatever.
—(Hear !)—Yet this was one ground taken by
her as a justification of its outrage on Naples.—
Another was, that the objectionable sect took its
measures in secret. As to the existence of poli-
tical sects generally, living in a free country such
as this, he (Lord L.) would say that he had a
great objection to their existence ; but was he
,therefore to say, that there were no cases—no
Governments, under which they could not be
useful and necessary ? He was not prepared to
say, but that if he lived under a despotic Go-
vernment, which did not protect his property, or
revere his liberty, he would not countenance and
foster a private sect, whose objects would be to
attain the accomplishment of both these. In des-
potic Governments 'it was the only way of at-
taining any improvements. The sect alluded to
here, was called the Carbonari, which, though
said to be. of recent origin, yet he had good au-
thority for saying, existed in Italy since the time
of Leopold, under the name of " Charbonois ;"
that they subsequently assumed other names and
characters, and that at the time the tyranny of
Buonaparte extended itself over ail Italy, they
were cherished and encouraged as the only party
that could rid Italy from French influence. The
next excuse in the Declaration was, that the
changes in Naples were not only brought.aiwut

by a political sect, but that this sect took.all its

measures in the dark. This was a strange accu-
sation in a country where the smallest act of a
set of men would draw upon them the immediate
interference and vengeance of the constituted au-
thorities. Could a change be possibly effected
in the Government by any other than secret
measures ; Did the Emperor of Austria think
that the Neapolitans ought to have given
notice of their intention of a change in a
country where there was no Assembly to dis-
cuss or relieve their grievances ? Were the
Carbonari to post up on the turnpikes and on the
doors of the Churches their revolutionary inten-
tions, and serve notice regularly of such inten-
tions upon the Courts of St. Petersburgh, Vienna,
and Berlin ? Was that the way to bring about a
change in Naples ? Could it be done otherwise
than by secret measures ? Yet' this secrecy, this
unavoidable mystery of proceedings, was made
the corpus delicti of the charge against the Nea-
politans. But the declaration went on to affairs
of which it could not possibly have any know-
ledge. It presumed -to say, that the Govern-
ment which had been displaced at Naples was
the best the people could have ; that it was its
object to reform abuses and concede improve-
ments. One of these improvements would have
been to extinguish the Carbonari. The Austrian
Government complained that the tranquillity
which reigned at Naples for the four or five years
preceding had been disturbed. What had pre-
served that tranquillity ? Was it not the pre-
sence of an Austrian army, and could popular
feeling find a vent under such circumstances ? It
was said the old Government of Naples were
ready to listen to the complaints of the 'people ;
why did they not then remit the taxes—those
taxes which pressed so heavily upon the people,
after a season of war and exertion. But why
did not the Government give to the people that
greatest of boons—Personal Liberty ? There
were few, he believed, who would deny that great
abuses existed in the Government of Naples,
though he did not now mean to connect these
abuses with the Ring. He could also assert,
that no disposition was shown by Government to
reform these abuses. One instance within his
own knowledge he would state, principally to show
what little regard was paid to personal liberty
Under the old regime of the kingdom of Naples.
Four or five years ago, there was great distress,
approaching to famine, in that country, and a
Minister of the Crown at the same time bad a
share in the monopoly of Corn. It happened
that an English-general-officer lived then Li Na-
ples, and he had an application made to him from
a quarter to which he was bound, from a know-
ledge of the person, to pay attention, to come