The Sun.
London, England, 1844-08-17 00:00:00

E SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY, E,VENING, AUGUST 17, 1

DEPARTURE OF ROBERT OWEN

affection, is in your case no subject of anxiety. But
'if fortune can be influenced by our hopes, you will
not only reach them in safety, but return in health
to witness the realisation of those plans of human
progression with which the name of Robert Owen
will, through future time, be associated.
GEORGE JACOB HOLYOAKE.
MALTUS QUZSTALL RYALL.
Mr. Owen replied at considerable length to these
addresses, in topics principally relating to the policy
and general affairs of the Socialist body, and gave
earnest advice as to the manner in which they should
be conducted during his absence from England, which
he stated would be from eight to nine months.
Several leading members of the Society also ad-
dressed the meeting, and after a sitting of nearly four
hours, the meeting, which exhibited in the most un-
equivocal manner the esteem and strong affection in
which Mr. Owen is held by his disciples, separated,
highly satisfied with the proceedings of the morning.

FOR AMERICA.

Lint Sunday morning the Socia'ists of London
gave their leader, Mr. Robert Owen, a public break-
fast, in the hall of the Literary and Scientific Insti-
tution, John-street, Tottenham-court-road, in anti-
cipation of his approaching departure to the United
States of North America, on a visit to his family.
Upwards of 350 persons sat down to breakfast, and at
least 200 more, who could not be accommodated at
the tables, witnessed the proceedings from the gal-
leries. The following addresses were presented to
Mr. Owen, by different sections of his disciples :
ADDRESS TO MR. ROBERT OWEN FROM
BRANCH A I OF THE RATIONAL SOCIETY.
Revered and beloved Sir,—The President, council,
members, and candidates of Branch A 1 of the
Rational Society, take occasion, from the announce-
ment of your intended voyage to the United States,
to give public expression to the respect and affection
with which they regard you as an individual, and of
their devotion to those principles of which you have
been the unwearied and consistent propounder.
These principles preclude the ascription of merit
or demerit, praise or blame, to individuals, but it is
at the same time instinctive in humanity to love and
reverence goodness and greatness; hence these are
our feelings towards you. Your long life has been
an undeviating exhibition of the purest benevolence,
the most generous disinterestedness. Your faculties,
fortune, and time, have been entirely devoted to the
task of regenerating society, and thereby reforming
the human character, so that in thought, word, and
act, all might at all times be guided by the dictates
of reason, and manifest that comprehensive charity
which is the inevitable deduction from the first prin-
ciples of the rational system of society.
A change so great—so radical—in man and his in-
stitutions, based upon principles so demonstrable and
consistent, has never before been propounded to the
world. At the commencement of your labours you
stood alone—now your disciples are to be found in all
countries and climes—the impress of your mind is
visible in every direction, and time, as it rolls on, will
only the more evidence the depth and extent f the
influence which you have exerted over this and com-
ing ages. Every improvement in our literature—
every attempt at improved social and educational in-
stitutions—every effort to apply the theories of mo-
dern science to the multiplication of the material
means of happiness, is but aiding, directly or indi-
rectly, the great social revolution you have ori-
ginated. This is a great work to have accomplished
in one lifetime ; it is the best return you could possi-
bly have for your labours ; and we may be permitted
to rejoice with you in the contemplation of past
efforts, in the exultation over hopes for the future.
We had hoped that, at your advanced period of
life, you would tranquilly and usefully, as usual,
have passed the evening of your days among us, with-
out exposing yourself to the risks of such a long
voyage and journey as that you are about to under-
take. You are, however, the property of no parti-
cular country or nation. The friend of mankind,
your mission is to reconstruct society, and to so form
the human character everywhere,
" That man to man, the world o'er,
Shall brothers be." _

TIIE LEAGUE and ITS ADVISERS.
Sundry parties have been seized with a mania for
giving counsel to the Anti-Corn-law League. This
is very courteous of them, especially as no advice has
been called in, and no fee been tendered. The great
Peel principle is thus violated ; for we all remember
the Tamworth doctrine, that for the physician to
prescribe before he is feed, amounts to arrant
" quackery." Nor is the League convinced, by such
testimony as has been offered, of its own failing health
and energy. We believe ourselves to be as vigorous
as ever, and moving onwards, with firm and steady
pace, to the accomplishment of our object. The vo-
lunteer doctors of the League must first demonstrate
its disease. The pilots of party should have waited
for the signal slag of distress before they put out so •
hastily, some from a Whig, and others from a Tory
port, to assume the guidance of the good ship, and
tow her like a wreck out of the reach of storms. We
Will not, however, be so unthankful to our admo-
nishers as utterly to neglect their counsels. They
shall each he heard in turn ; and, first, the Morning
Chronicle, as hoisting, in its professions, the broadest
flag of friendliness.
The leading article of the Chronicle, on Saturday,
the 10th instant, commences with what it terms a
frank confession of inability to comprehend the policy
of the League "in sending candidates for the mere pur-
pose of experiencing a certain defeat at elections." The
Dudley contest only served, as our Contemporary
thinks, to expose the nakedness of the land, and make
apparent the fact, which might not otherwise have
been so clear, how " completely in a minority" were
the conscientious free traders of that constituency.
Now, if the leaders of the League had any parti-
cular apprehension about being " completely in a mi-
nority," the Anti-Corn-law agitation would never
have been commenced and continued; nor any other
movement for obtaining justice from a predominant
class interest. It was the very fact of being in a mi-
nority that rendered agitation necessary, and that
requires its continuance. To transform an electoral
and, through that, a representative minority into a
majority, is the very end and aim of our exertions.
We shall not accomplish that by false appearances.
To acquire a fictitious prestige by only fighting when
sure of winning may be clever tactics for a faction,
but is not the simple course of honest men working
out an honest purpose. Our defeats are the seeds of
future victory. They excite local discussion. They
of the subject, more en-
lightened increased
pearisnen d
in men's minds. They leave the conviction of truth
and justice, which, with deference to our counsellor,
we hold to be a more efficient thing than "the repu-
iple, knowledge
and
dst stimulated
repu-
tation of power" founded upon the dexterous avoid-
ance of collision.
To ascertain, by actual experiment, the fact, as to
such a constituency as that of Dudley, is a portion
of the pledge under which the League has laid itself
to the public. Its course of operation, distinctly
marked out, and not that we remember condemned
by the Chronicle when promulgated, is to appeal to
the constituencies of the kingdom on the free-trade
question. Into that court the cause was carried,
when petitions to Parliament were abandoned. Now,
such a town as Dudley, by the occupations of its
inhabitants, the amount of its population (which is
about 30,000), and the number (600) of its regis-
tered electors, is fairly marked out for a voice in
the verdict asked for by the League from the elec-
tors. We cannot pass it by. We desire not to
blink the truth. Is Dudley for trade or for mono-
poly ? Let the world know its answer. The League
is bound to put the question. For the character of
the reply, the Dudley constituency is responsible.
That reply may not accord with public opinion ; it
may have nullified the voices and crushed the wishes
of their non-voting neighbours, as expressed on the
day of nomination but that is the business of the
Dudley electors. They have their consolations—they
have pleased Lord Ward; and we wish them joy of
their bargain.
Those who are toiling for truth and justice through-
out the country, should see what they have to con-
tend with. The full extent of difficulty and obstacle
should be before them. Not only should they be
aware of the sixty or seventy close boroughs, com-
pletely under aristocratical and monopolist control ;
as entirely nomination boroughs, as any that existed
in the days of Gatton and Old Sarum ; but they
must also be made to perceive the amount of un
due influence over the larger constituencies, the
wide-spreading malignity of corruption and intimi-
dation, the gross ignorance in some cases, and the
base unprincipledness and spontaneous servility in
others, of the electoral system ; and the ever-di3-
turbing power of party spirit. Instead of forgetting,
palliating, or glossing over such elections as those of
Dudley, and yet more, of Birmingham and South
Lancashire, we Would fix the gaze of the public
upon them; just as we lead a startled horse up to the
object that annoyed him, and walk him round and
round, till he recovers the alarm. In these chapters
of defeat, free-traders find the texts of their work
and duties. It has long been understood and pro-
claimed that our agitation involves an electoral puri-
fication, the raising of voters' minds to a better con-
ception of the sacredness of their trust, a diffusion
of knowledge and principle amongst those with
whom political power is deposited ; and who could
ever dream of achieving this task without encounter-
ing, again and again, the I risk of being left at the
poll " completely in the minority ?" And who would
not brave this while the corrective fact remains
unquestionable, that we never are so left in a minority
at a fair open meeting of the people, whether of a
borough or of a county?
The obvious truth is, that the Chronicle fears we
are damaging the Whigs by these contests. It wants
to sink the League into a section of the Whig party,
not " inclined to pursue its own particular object,
without co-operation with others." But the League
is so inclined. It exists • for that very purpose. A
Whig may be " an open enemy of our cause," not
less than a Tory, Whether Ministry is to be
a
"turned out of, or maintained
in, office on one single
question," is no concern of ours. The adoption, by
whomsoever the country may be governed, of a dis-
tinct principle and policy, in commercial matters, is
our object. In causing should th e defeat, we chance
to cause it, of that curious • • 1
anima a monopolist Li-
beral, we lose no friend. Nor' is • it true, as
the Chronicle insinuates,that the
thrust candidates forward to the inj • ury of
those who were partially with us, as opposed to
candidates who were entirely against us. IN either at
Hastings, nor at Exeter, did the free-trade candi-
date prevent " any other kind of Liberal candidate"
from offering himself, and t • • aseer aming his better
chance of success, if such
chance existed. The field
was perfectly open. The Whigs ran away, and we
fought. It is rather too much for them now
to cry
out that their glorious victory was obstructed by our
not running away also.
The article on which we were commenting is not
very erroneously estimated in the assurance of another
of our counsellers, the Morning Herald, that "the
Chronicle backs its friends of the League in a style
more hostile than we (to abuse whom meetings have
been expressly called), have ever adopted." When
and where these meetings were held is not specified
by our venerable Contemporary. Of course they
have been reported in the journal interested : but
that ensures no very large publicity. How large,
or how limited, the friends of "the speculation" in
office seem averse to letting the world know, as
we are not to be favoured in future with the
usual stamp returns, indicating the number of stamps
bought (whether used or not) by the different
However, the fact
newspapers.certainly is, as the
Herald confesses, that the mere " mention" of itself,
and " such newspapers is generally very "productive
of merriment in the intelligent audience at Covent-
garden," and we may add, in any other intelligent
audience throughout the country.
But our most solicitous counsellor is—who would
believe it ?—the Agricultural Protection Society,
" Richmond, President." A circular from this for-
midable body, with the above august signature, de-
scribes the League to be in a " fearful state, and one
requiring the greatest skill to remedy." Such kind-
ness, from such a quarter, quite melts us. We must
take till next week to show our gratitude. We trust
we are not beyond the skill which can grace the
Duke's name with a prize for a thoroughbred
stallion from the judges of the Royal Agricultural
society by a "roarer" to which his steward after-
wards confesses ownership.
To return to the Morning Chronicle. The writer
wishes us to be one with the Whigs, both in our
object and in the means adopted for its attainment.
That object would then become such as he states it;
the practical result to be, " the transferring political
power from the aristocratic faction now predominant
to more liberal statesmen," i, e., Lord J. Russell and
his colleagues. Now, for making this the object of
the League, the writer has no better warrant than his
own wishes, in defiance of repeated declarations to the
contrary. On such ground we should confess the
League at fault most grievously. And the admis-

It appears to you necessary, in the performance of
the duties of this mission, that you should visit Ame-
rica; we feel too deeply interested in its fulfilment,
to speak of regret at your decision. The individual
pleasure arising from having you among us must give
way to the general benefit.
We are, however, encouraged to hope that you will,
if life and health be spared, return to us next spring ;
and fervently shall we welcome you back to your
rightful position of Patriarch to our Society—gladly
renew that intercourse with you, which is to us so
invaluable. _ _

In your absence we will do the best that our ex-
perience and means will permit, to promote the spread
and influence of the benign principles of which we are
the disciples ; and we cherish the hope, that ere many
months have elapsed, we shall meet again under even
more favourable circumstances than the present.
Your appearance among the Social Reformers of the
United States at this period will, we trust, be pro-
ductive of great benefit, and give an increased impe-
tus to the rapid and wide spread social movements
now going on in that Republic.
We trust, also, that during your absence, you will
have ample opportunities of conferring with those at
the head of its affairs, and of impressing them with
a sense of the momentous and important nature of your
views in the present excited and unsatisfactory state of
the world.

May that happiness which it has been the labour
of your life to bestow on others, continue to be richly
enjoyed by you wherever you may be; and may we
speedily again enjoy the pleasure of seeing you
among us.

ROBERT CLARKE, President.
ADDRESS TO MR. ROBERT OWEN FROM THE
UTILITARIAN ASSOCIATION.

Respected Sir,—Permit the members of the Utili-
tarian Association to join with their fellow members
of the Rational Society in expressing their hopes,
fears, and good wishes, concerning yourself and the
benevolent work you have in hand.
We feel we would be guilty of ingratitude towards
you, and unjust to our own feelings, were we to allow
the present opportunity, perhaps the last in our lives
of addressing you, to pass unheeded.
We regret that England is not prepared to test by
practice the truth of the principles and plans you have
so ably developed, and unceasingly taught, during a
long and useful life; but hope that the country
you are going to may give the everlasting truths of
which you are the bearer a more attentive hearing,
and means more commensurate to the speedy and
successful reduction of them to practice than has been
given to them in the land you are leaving.
When we reflect upon the almost superhuman
efforts you have made to awaken this country to a
sense of the dangers of longer continuing the present
chaotic state of things on the one hand, and to an
appreciation of the beauty, truth, and consequent sim-
plicity, of the system of society of which you are the
founder on the other, we feel that England's best
friend is leaving her shbres, and are strongly reminded
of the beautiful yet mournful words of Jesus, the re-
former, when he exclaimed—" Oh ! Jerusalem,
Jerusalem, how often would I have gathered your
children together, even as a hen gathereth her chickens
under her wings, and you would not."
While, for England's sake, we regret your de-
parture, yet have we reason to rejoice that the
country you are going to is the one we have chosen
for our future home ; and although we may never
meet, there will be some consolation in knowing that
we are co-labourers in the land that is destined to
lead the nations of the earth, by her example, to the
adoption of the rational system of society.
In conclusion, respected friend, we wish you a safe
and comfortable voyage across the Atlantic, and a
hearty welcome to the Republic, and hope, ere long,
to be able to invite you to our home in the West;
but should we, by the unrelenting decree of nature,
be denied that pleasure, may you live as long as ex-
istence shall be pleasurable, and no longer, is the
sincere desire of the members of the Unitarian Asso-
ciation.—Signed on their half,
T. be
C. SMITH, Chairman.
ADDRESS TO ROBERT OWEN, ESQ., ON HIS
DEPARTURE TO AMERICA, FROM THE CON-
DUCTORS OF THE " MOVEMENT."
The persons whose names are appended to this ad-
dress, may be taken as representing a party, who,
though belonging to the Society of which you are
the acknowledged head, are considered somewhat in
the light of dissentients; for this reason, they have
sought this opportunity of assuring you that what-
ever may be their difference of opinion, there is no
difference in the affection they bear you.
In you they recognise the benevolent sculptor,
who, out of the mis• shapen block of society, had
hewn the beautiful and breathing statue of co-ope-
rative humanity. A moral Euclid, you have done
for society what that mathematician did for geometry
—collected the scattered wisdom of earth's sages, and
given to it order, system, and practical utility.
Other philosophers had pointed to what should be
done—it remained for Robert Owen to propose to
do it. For half a century humanity has known you
as its friend. In both hemispheres you have borne
witness against sectarian error, and in the retreats
of grandeur and the humble haunts of poverty, you
have gone, like the herald of happiness, and pointed
to the equality of mankind. By your writings wealth
has been taught its true office, and enslaved industry
the means of emancipation ; human nature has been
made the popular study of the multitude, and thought,
both in the Old World and the New, has received a
lasting impetus.
On all these accounts we naturally congratulate you,
because, in whatever adds to the independence of hu-
manity, perhaps, more than other men, we are deeply
interested.
As recipients of those great metaphysical truths,
which you have been instrumental in disseminating to
the world, we are your debtors. That it is our good
fortune to seek the fabled blessings of religion only
in the practice of morality, and to anticipate the
pleasurescience,a m
having
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ticulars,
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respect individuality of sentiment is the proud cha-
racteristic of Socialism. To have broken in the
blindness and bigotry of the age, and stimulated a na-
tion to practical and liberal thinking, will ever be
reckoned among your most honourable triumphs.
It is not necessary that we wish that your visit to
your family, to whom we desire our regards, may be
a happy one. Whatever pertains to the province of

sion would establish a charge of unprincipledness and rised to except by this Act,ll and that the same is avail-
deception against its leaders which the whole his- I able for the benefit of his creditors.
tory of the agitation rebukes and repels. The writer §That your petitioner submits to this honourable
knows better. Ile is aware that what he assumes Court the proposal for the payment of his debts con-
to be our end is only his own. He complains of tamed in the said schedule.
f hat -our petitioner is ready and willing to be exa-
mined "erroneous impression" of the leaders of the
mined fro time to time touching his estate and effects,
League " that they are going to carry all before
them, merely by the strength of their own and to make a full and true disclosure and discovery of
great principle." Why, then, should he affect to the same.
Your petitioner, therefore, prays such relief
try their conduct by his own little principle ? Why in the premises as by the statutes now in force
urge the objection that might equally have been for relief of insolvent debtors, may be adjudged
made to Clarkson in his warfare against the slave by this Honourable Court.
trade, and to the Parliamentary Reformers anterior to And your petitioner shall ever pray, &c. &c.
Signedd by the said petitioner on the
1829 ? Why treat the assertion of a principle, as if
it were only a trick of party policy ? And why mis- 184 ,in the pre-
lace of
o
state some facts, and suppress others, to drive free-
, attorney or agent in the
traders into the ranks of Whiggery by the penalty of matter of the said petition.
being deemed impracticables ? A writer who as- Any friend who takes charge of the petition may be
sumes to be so well informed about Hastings and the agent and sign as a witness.
Exeter should also be aware of the mode in which - • --
m

ost of the late vacancies have occurred, and of the
previous arrangements between the retiring and
succeeding parties. The monopolists, as at Devizes,
Cirencester, Dudley, &c., have chosen their own
opportunity. Yet our " friend" makes the most
of defeat, just to submit the charge of wrong-
headedness if we do not consult the policy of
the Whigs. And there is also a practical mis-
representation in his mode of isolating the
League from the constituencies in which these
gallant, though unsucceszful, efforts were made.
Why, they, these minorities, are the League too, as
much as those of us who, being its members, live and
vote in London or in Manchester. They profess its
principles, aid its funds, and teach its doctrines.
Where has the League fought an electoral battle but
as the ally of its own members upon the spot ? Where
has it not left them the initiative? Where has it not
deferred to their opinion, when decidedly opposed to
putting a candidate in nomination? Is it then for the
Chronicle, or for any party journal, whether Whig or
Tory, to revive the calumny and cant of last October,
and talk of "strangers whose homes are in Lan-
cashire ?" We thought the citizens of London had
abolished that nonsense for ever. The Chronicle pro-
fesses to desire our " complete success." Let it help,
then, not by striving to link us to the fallen fortunes
of a beaten party, but by advocating principle para-
mount to all party ; and secure of eventual success,
not by dexterity and mystification, but by the inevit-
able though progressive enlightenment and determi-
nation of pnblic opinion.—The League.

(A. No. 2.)
AFFIDAVIT VERIFYING PETITION AND SCHEDULE.
In the Court of Bankruptcy, London.

In the District Court of Bankruptcy.
A. B. of the petitiouer named
in the petition hereunto annexed, [if the petitioner
affirm, alter accordingly], maketh oath and saith, that
the several allegations in the said petition, and the
several matters contained in the schedule hereunto an-
nexed, are true.
Sworn, &elf.

* Insert at full length the name, address, and quality of
the petitioner, and also the description of the trade or busi-
ness, or (if more than one) trades or businesses, which he
carries or has carried on during his twelve months' residence
within the district of the Court.

t If a trader strike out the word " not," and add after the
word "bankrupts" the word, "but owing debts, amounting
in the whole to less than 3001."

$ Insert the places and periods of residence.
11 He is allowed to except clothes and tools to the value
of 201.

§ Omit this paragraph if no special proposal.
IL It may be sworn before a Master Extraordinary.
NOTE.—The Commissioners of the Bankruptcy Court, and
of the District Courts are bound, in the discharge of their
duty, to be at all times ready to receive petitions and grant
protecting and liberating orders. No vacation can dispense
with this imperative duty. If one is absent for any cause
another must be on the spot.

s U N
1111 r. LESLIE te
E said that x„t
t u d
go on with his statement.
The CHAIRMAN would °IA cV the
Hon. Commissioner. If h twits. in ler tood
rightly, he averred that th e a rtii- com-
mitted on the public. Was 114Xt491%giltfiEfroCillaed up
with that fraud?

Mr. LESLIE had told that Court over and over again
that a fraud had been committed somewhere, and that
the only names -
➢Sr. Leslie was interrupted by Mr. BROUGHTON. who
said he could see no object in continuing the discussion.
He would intreat Mr. Leslie either to admit that the
Chairman was no party to a fraud, or at once enter a
notice upon the paper, and have the subject thoroughly
investigated on a future day.
After a stormy discussion, during which several reso-
lutions were put, but which either fell to the ground for
want of seconders, or were afterwards withdrawn, the
Chairman, with the sanction of the Court, vacated the
chair, and Mr. Broughton was elected to that office
pro tern.

Mr. LESLIE again made an attempt to be heard, but
was interrupted, and after a scene of indescribable con-
fusion, which lasted for a considerable time,
It was at last moved by Mr. WlLLoucllnY, and
seconded by Mr. J. WHITE—" That that Court still had
unbounded confidence in their Chairman, Thomas Lever-
ton Donaldson."

After some desultory discussion the resolution was
put from the chair, and carried unanimously.
The Court was then declared adjourned.

FRANCE AND MOROCCO.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAT.

TIMES.—The news of the bombardment of Tan-
gier by the Prince de Joinville will cause some ex-
citement in this country, especially under the present
somewhat ticklish relations in which we stand to
France. There is not, however, on examination, much
to create apprehensions in this fact. It appears that
the Emperor of Morocco has for some time past been
constantly allowing his territories to become the re-
ceptacle of Ahd-el-Kader and his bands. Abd-el-
Kader makes irruptions into Algeria, burns, pillages,
and devastates ; and then, when the French forces
come up to him, retreats into the territory of Mo-
rocco. The French retire ; the chieftain remains
upon the borders, watches their departure ; and when
it suits him, out he sallies again, and commits his
depredationa. The Emperor of Morocco is a quiet
man, and indisposed enough to hostilities in his own
person. Any warlike chieftain, however, who will
take the trouble off his hands, and give the French
intruders a dressing, he is ready to patronise. And
Abd-el-Kader only does what the Emperor himself,
if he had the spirit, would like to do, and so meets
with this tacit encouragement. This conduct on the
part of the Emperor has been remonstrated against by
the French ; and the demand made of him from that
quarter, either not to admit Abd-el-Kader into his do-
minions at all, or, if he did, to keep him away from the
border, and prevent him from being in a situation to
make these hostile sallies, seems reasonable enough. It
was considered a fair one by the British Government,
and Mr. Drummond Hay ws dispatched to act as
mediator, and if possible bring about an accommoda-
tion. It was thought at one time that this had been
effected, but the negotiations appear to have broken
off. In this state of things the Prince de Joinville
gave out his intentions of bombarding some town on
the Moorish coast, and forcing the Emperor to come
to terms ? and Tangier has been bombarded accord-
ingly. In all this there is not much that we see to
alarm our national jealousies. France and Morocco
are two independent Powers, and may fight if they
please without being subject to our interference.
The Prince de Joinville delayed his bombardment a
fortnight, in order to give time to the British and
European residents in the town to withdraw them-
selves and their property into a place of safety. And
although the actual time when the bombardment
commenced was not communicated to Sir Edward
Owen, it was known that the Prince was only wait-
ing for a decisive answer from the Court of Morocco,
and that when that answer came he would com-
mence hostilities. The only cause of complaint
perhaps worth noticing is the fact that the Journal
des Debats, the organ of the French Government,
gave a sort of promise some time ago that Tangier,
as being a semi-European town, would not be se-
lected for the bomhardment. The selection of this
place has doubtless caused great inconvenience to
the foreign residents there, the majority of whom
are British, but the attack was purposely deferred
until all these were out of danger, and even then the
quarter they inhabited was spared. John Bull is apt
to be horrified at hearing any other shot fired in the
Mediterranean but his own. Still there is not much
to alarm him here, so far as present signs go. It is
the duty, however, unquestionably of this country to
be on the alert on these occasions, to see that no un-
fair advantage is taken, and that France does not con-
vert a piece of fair retaliation into a means of aggres-
sion and conquest. Attacks like the present have be-
fore now ended in the complete occupation of a coun-
try by a foreign Power ; and the French are probably
not so entirely satisfied with the advantages they have
derived from their possession of Algeria, but that they
would be well content to have a slice of Morocco in
addition. This cannot be submitted to. The French
navy has been on the increase now for some time, and
the activity and spirit of the nation has perhaps at-
tached itself to that department now more than it has
ever yet done. We should not, we have all along said,
be sorry to see a little more activity shown in the same
direction among ourselves, and a considerable rein-
forcement equipped at sea. The fleet is at present
hardly worthy of our maritime supremacy, and cer-
tainly insufficient to maintain it.
HERALD.—The vigilant activity of our Paris
Correspondent enabled us to communicate yesterday,
in a very early second edition, the fact of the bom-
bardment of Tangier by the Prince de Joinville's
squadron. At present we have nothing before us
upon which to reason except this naked fact. That
fact is, however, an important one, because it proves
that France has, in good earnest, commenced a war,
from which she cannot now honourably retire without
obtaining concessions, which as yet the obstinate Go-
vernment of Morocco has shown no disposition to
yield; but a war which, if prosecuted to its probable
results, can scarcely be regarded with indifference by
any of the Great Powers of Europe, least of all by
this country. Meanwhile it is no more than justice
claims, to acknowledge that the act of aggression has
been forced upon the Government of France by the
infatuated stubbornness of the Moors.
CHRONICLE.—The first blow has been struck in
a new contest. France and Morocco are already at
war, and the news of a bombardment at Tangiers
will arouse the attention of many to the state of our
foreign relations, who, so long as peace remained un-
broken, might have been content to leave the subject
to Lord Aberdeen and the Cabinet. At such a time,
the sentiments recently expressed by a man of
Lord John Russell's sagacity acquire a new title
to consideration. The views contained in his
last speech, of our relations with France, were those
of a pacific but intrepid statesman. They stand in
marked contrast to the feeble course pursued by the
Foreign-office, and indicate the true mode, and, in
our judgment, the only mode, by which peace between
England and France can ae maintained. Nothing
could be less embarrassing to an honest Government,
which wielded with firm hands the destinies of Eng-
land, than the speech of the Noble Lord. There was
not a particle of faction. What effect this speech
may have produced on the public mind in France we
cannot yet say; but when a statesman so averse from
war, so temperate and fair in all his views of the re-
lations of one country with another, has spoken out,
as Lord John Russell did the other evening, Lord Aber-
deen should take from it an assurance of the cordial
support of all parties here in his demands of adequate
reparation for the injury which- has been inflicted on
Mr. Pritchard, and adequate security that, in their pro-
ceedings against Morocco, the French will no+ convert
due chastisement for injuries into undue "grandise-
?heirment ; or, under the guise of vindicating
terri-
tories from outrage, place themsr ives in a position to
exercise an influence,
other maritime States
can never acquiesce, n
in
wth ti
l;;:southern coasts of the
Mediterranean. It t, well that this determination
should There is no use in ambiguities.
aaa lornw iei. t. I
'-r was i
ranean as not made for Marseilles
and France
be
pp
ope and America TheNinvho
irce hands than one. ll
ques-
tion between the two nations aie
an noble
must separ,estehreveshoirnesfaorf
the thatcoast the
of
Africa
will be brought to a
satisfactoryTestill hopeon
solution. It is for
the interest of both countries that such should be the
case. No persons can wish less for war, or wish more
for peace, than we do; but there is one thing worse
than war, and one thing for which no peace can com-
pensate a people; and that is, loss of honour. France
is strong and powerful: not stronger or more
powerful than ourselves ; but strong enough
to know how strong we are, and powerful enough
to feel that British power is not inferior to hers.
The cardinal error of Sir R. Peel is to consider M.
Guizot the only possible French Minister. The
latter is his own double at the Tuileries. It has be-
come a sort of habit with our Premier to consider
himself indispensable, but not much more so than M.
Guizot. Whether M. Guizot returns the compli-
ment we cannot say, but nothing can lead to worse
results than these international flirtations. jt
makes an unpopular Minister do harm abreAd a,
well as at home. It gives a Minister in a fter.:country
two troubles—one to support himsr,if in the
House of Commons, another to support his
friend in the Chamber of DeFaties. Gibraltar
is as dear to us as Guizot. We are quite
willing to prop the latter, but we cannot afford
ee
Akg r
ddde, tAwo
untbhAiegi
ran.nytpi;pr. oibtdeuehtsa.trbd:
atwniosdr
sat
tov
ofme r
mitigate
to lose such props as Tunis and Tangiers to the former.
mater
r also,at tohi ns
at stroke
things is, will d
that some other foolish agent do some
other foolish thing, under the belief that some other
foolish Minister will let him off as easily. No, it.
must come to this, that they who violate proprieties.
must not do so with impunity.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—We never could quite understand Mr.
Goulburn's reasons for refusing to publish the evi-
dence taken before the Commissioners of Revenue
Inquiry, concerning the conduct of the members
and officers of the Board of Customs. Probably
Mr. Goulburn, not the clearest of thinkers,
did not understand his own reasons. The report
of the Commissioners, which is published, dis-
closes all the charges made against the different
members of the Board of Customs and Custom-house
officers ; gives the circumstantial denials—which
must be satisfactory to every one who reads them—
of all the persons accused, and absolves them all.
The evidence can contain nothing material, in addi-
tion, in the way of charge—certainly no more
serious charges than what are given in detail in
the report, and answered. The only effect of with-
holding the evidence can be to excite suspi-
cions that the Commissioners doubt the conclu-
sions of their report; and are unwilling to let the
public test those conclusions for themselves. The
evidence might have been published with the omission
of names, if there were any object in such omission ;
which, after what we have read in the report, we cannot
conceive there could be. The public would have seen
the nature of the evidence as well as if the names were
given. This, however, seems the very case in which
the House of Commons should have exercised the
power for which it has so lustily contended, of publish.
ing names and everything. The conduct of the mem-
bers and chief officers of an important public board is
directly in issue. Charges against individuals are
the very matters inquired into and reported upon ;
and it greatly concerns the public to be able to
satisfy itself whether the charges are true or
false. The House of Commons claims immu-
nity in the courts of law for libel in its pub-
lished reports ; on the ground, that the public
cannot be placed in a position to judge on a sub-
ject of public inquiry without the publication of libel-
lous matter. This is just one of these cases. The
libels are here material. We find that the House of
Commons uses no caution about publishing charges
against individuals with their names, in other cases,
where no object whatever is to be gained by ex-
exposing the names of individuals. For instance :
in the published Minutes of Evidence taken before
the Select Committee on Gaming, we find Cap-
tain Rous expressing opinions about a person
whose name is given, but which we shall withhold.
Captain Rous may, or may not, be justified in his
opinions ; but the person whose character he impugns
has no opportunity of clearing himself, as the
members and officers of the Board of Customs
have had; and a knowledge of the character of
this individual was utterly immaterial to the ob-
ject of the Gaming Committee's inquiry. The
minutes of evidence taken before the Dog-stealing
Committee contain a number of choice com-
pliments to individuals who are named. The publica-
tion of the name of the party whom Captain Rous holds
in such contempt was unnecessary for the purpose of
describing turf malpractices. But dog-dealers, and
the individuals attaeked by' Captain Rous, are persons
of a humble condition in life ; and of course no one in
the House of Commons troubles himself about their
feelings, or the injury which may be done them in
business, by the publication of these attacks upon
them. The members of the Board of Customs,
on the other hand, are all fine gentlemen, many
of them aristocratically connected ; and worthy,
therefore, of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's
protection. But they are unfortunate in hav-
ing a blunder-headed protector, who only in-
jures them by his protection. The Commis-
sioners of Revenue Inquiry have pronounced the
charges unfounded. The only effect of withholding
the evidence will be to excite suspicion that Mr.
Goulburn, the protector of the Customs Board, fears
to let the public judge for themselves between the
evidence on the one side, and the other—the answers
of the parties accused and the report of the Com-
missioners.
STANDARD.—There is no doubt that in the long
run " honesty is the hest policy;" but they who look
merely to temporary objects will sometimes see great
advantage in expedients deflecting considerably from
the rule of right; and of such expedients perhaps
none presents a stronger temptation than to misrepre-
sent the principles and designs of a political opponent.
You have only to impute to a public man, or to a
party, principles and designs odious from their in-
justice or extravagance, and you succeed at the time
in heaping unpopularity upon the object or objects of
misrepresentation, and lay up a good opportunity for
imputing tergiversation and inconsistency, when the
facts prove that you have been dealing out falsehoods.
It is not you who have been lying, but the men who have
deserted their principles. This convenient channel of es-
cape, too, is very much favoured by the fact that there
are dependent upon every leading statesman, attached
to every political party men who mean more than they
say, expect more than they profess to look for, and
some of these, when disappointed, will be always sure
to justify the charge of inconsistency brought
against their late political patrons or brother
partizans by affirming that their extreme
views were the understood, though not ex-
pressed, views which all held in com-
mon. The Opposition journals are just now
very freely employing this reaction, as it were, of
their own falsehoods, poured forth when the on-
servatives were in opposition. For nearly eleven
years those journals described the Conservative
party as, by their selfish desire of monopoly and
by their religious bigotry, unfit for the admi-
nistration of the government—three years' ex-
perience of a Conservative Ministry, supported by
a great Conservative majority in Parliament, has
however proved that the Conservatives are neither
monopolists nor bigots, and now the Whig-Radical
press turns round and charges the Conservatives with
apostacy, appealing to the poor Morning Post as the
only remaining type of true Conservatism—" the
faithful found among the faithless," though it would
be difficult to show what useful light our melancholy
Contemporary shed upon Conservative principles
during the eleven years of the party's eclipse. We,
for ourselves, can only recollect that it abused us
with much regularity for the shortcoming of our
Conservative notions. Now, the true test of consis-
tency is surely not the exaggerated imputation of
enemies, or the absurdities promulgated by
very slightly regarded hangers-on, but the
former professions and the previous acts of the
party against whom the charge of inconsistency is
alleged ; and, tried, by this test, the Conservative
party generally, or its distinguished head, has little
to tear—neither the one nor the other professed
monopoly or bigotry, or any opinion or design that
could be properly described as monopolist or bigoted.
if either did let the proof be advanced. We do not
affect to conceal that both enemies and hangers-on
have, in the practice of former Tory Govern-
ments, an apology for imputing to the pre-
sent, an under system of policy, very dis•
tinct from that which is professed. The re-
cently published "Life oe Lord Eldon" proves
that, from whatever course arising, the administration
of Lord Liverpool, and the latter part of the admi-
nistration of Mr. Pitt, had generally two faces, one
to the public, one for the Cabinet, and sometimes
(when it was convenient to keep the just and vigilant
sovereign in the dark) even a third face for the King.
A letter of his father, lately read at a repeal meeting,
in Dublin, by Mr. Henry Grattan, presents a curious
picture of the Protestantism of even Lord Sidmouth's
Government. The letter from which we are about to
quote was addressed to Mr. Fox, and bears date
Dec. 12, 1803:
" All the subjects you mention—Catholic emancipa-
tion, for such I must call it—payment of the Catholic
clergy by the State, and perhaps some little improve-
ment regarding our Church, and, above all, a faith-
ful and cordial execution, by the executive magistrate,
of' :he laws in favour of the Catholic—their appoint-
ment io a share in offices to which they are now
qualified (7. believe there are scarcely any
.of them so
advanced) withdrawing from any intrigue to
exclude them fromt the corporations to which they
are admissible, but Occluded by a faction—the im-
posing silence on any Govrtiment press who would wish
to sustain a religious war—the withdrawing of the coun-
tenance of Government from all sue who are notoriously
and inveterately foes to the Catholic body—the gracious
reception of their persons (it was so in the time of Lord
litzwilliam)—these things, the manners of the Court as
well as their measures would be absolutely necessary for
that security and unity which
.you desire. Legislative
provisions are not enough ; it is necessary that the
Minister should love those provisions "
The writer of this letter was, at the very time of
writing it to the great leader of the opposition, the
adviser—we should rather say the master—of Lord
Sidmouth's Viceroy, the Earl of Hardwicke, and con-
tinued to really exercise the Irish Government until
March or April, 1806.

COURSE OF EXCHA:
Amsterdam CF. 12 41
Ditto, at sight .....•••• 12 2
Rotterdam 2U. 12 5
Antwerp
Bamburgh M.B. 13 131
Alton l3 14
Paris, 3 days' sight 25 60
Ditto, 3 months 25 85
Marseilles
rourdeaux 25 90
Frankfort on Maine l2l
PeterOmrgh, 3-Us 37
Berlin 7
Vienna, elin. 11. 3 M 952
Trieste, ditto ~ 9 53
Madrid ~, 37
Cadiz
Bilbao 36
Barcelona
bevilhe —

KGE.—(YESTERDAY
Gibraltar ..
Leghorn
Genoa 25 85
Milan —
Venice ..
Naples .......... - 39 i
Palermo, per oz llBi
Lisbon 4 i
Oporto
Rio Janeiro
Bahia 23

Buenos Avres
NewYor k,2l(lys sight
Philadelphia - -
PRICES OF BULLION, PER OZ.
Foreign Gold, bars £3 17 9
Portugal Gold Coin 3 17 5
New Doubloons..... 0 0 0
New Dollars 0 4 10,i
Silver in Bars 0 4 111

Camels are the only animals that cannot swim. It
an extraordinary fact that the moment they lose their
footing in a stroam they turn over, and can make no
effort t() prevent themselves from being drowned.