The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-06 00:00:00

ought to be recollected that, in addition to the advantages
which would result to trade and commerce from the universal
prevalence of free trade, there would also be the advantages
which always followed a free commercial intercourse between
nations.—(Hear. So long as that freo and close commercial
intercourse which might be produced by the abolition of the
corn-laws existed, there would be no danger of such nations
going to war with each other, and he, therefore, looked upon
the establishment of free and unrestricted intercourse be-
twee' nations as the best mode of preventing all the evils of
war. He firmly beliffed that if they could effect the abolition
of the corn-laws, tllty would, in addition to those blessings,
increase the wealth and commerce and foster the industry of
the country, whilst it would remove the evil which Lord
John Russell had complained of in the House of Commons by
preventing the poorer classes from every day becoming poorer.
—(Cheers.) If they had a free commercial intercourse, un-
restricted by any corn-laws, he was convinced that the condi-
tion of the working people would be rendered better than ever
it had been at any former period.—(Cheers.) They ought to
remember what Mr. Cobden stated at Bath last night—they
ought not to suppose that the question could be settled, un-
less through influencing the registration ; and he hoped that
with such a knowledge of the position of the cause of free
trade they would not neglect any opportunity of securing to
themselves a favourable position on the registration. He
would not detain them any longer, but would conclude by
proposing the first resolution, which was to the effect " that
the meeting felt thoroughly convinced of the injurious effects
of the laws which restricted the importation of corn on the
prosperity of the country, and on the morals, the health, and
the lives of the people, and that it highly approved of the
plan of purchasing freeholds in order to secure a favourable
position on the registration list, and earnestly recommended
its adoption in order to assist willing or influence unwilling
ministers to abolish the mischievous and injurious cons-laws."
The resolution having been seconded by Mr. G. Joys, was
earned unanimously.
Mr. COBDEN then rose, and was received with most en-
thusiastic and reiterated bursts of cheering. As soon as the
plaudits which greeted his appearance had subsided, he
said,—My Lord and Gentlemen, I do not know whether
this Is my three hundred and sixty-fourth or my three
hundred and sixty-fifth speech on the corn-laws—but it
must be one or the other.—(Cheers.) I could speak on this
subject almost at any time with great facility; and so long
as I felt that I had a new audience, who had something to
learn, I enjoyed a satisfaction in speaking on this subject-
But we have come to that point now, that I almost have a
feeling that it is a work of superojogation to use any new
arguments on the subject of free trade ; and I find my
difficulties somewhat increased, when I discover that at a
moment when my arguments are least required, I see a
greater desire than ever on the part of that portion of the
press which has so ably advocated our principles, to give
publicity to my speeches.—(Cheers.) I see around me
gentlemen connected with that portion of the press to
which we are so much indebted for its able support of
our exertions.—(Cheers.) I see some gentlemen whom I
met at the meetings in Yorkshire within the last ten days
(the reporters of the Chronicle) and others (the reporters of
the Chronicle), whom I have met at every meeting which I
have since attended, and I must now repeat the request which
I made more than once in private to all those gentlemen, that
they will not on this occasion give my three hundred and
sixty-fifth told tale.—(Cheers.) And yet, although I make
the request, I feel a propensity to go again over my old argu-
ments, for I believe they are the best—(Cheers)—they have
stood the wear and tear of seven years, and after such good
service as they have done us it would be wrong and ungrate-
ful to throw such trusty companions aside.—(Cheers.) Here
we are again met to confront our old foe monopoly.—(Cheers.)
You live not far from Wales here, and I will tell you an
anecdote illustrative of the nature of monopoly, the scene of
which was a district in Wales.—( Hear, hear.) A lecturer
upon the corn-laws was addressing an audience in Wales.
and in the course of his speech he felt it necessary to trans-
late the word monopoly into Welsh, but he found no little
difficulty in- the attempt, for the ancient Britons,
it appears, would not stand monopoly—(Cheers)--they fled
to their mountains from those old monopolists, the Romans,
and they have no language to express monopoly.—(Laughter.: )
The lecturer was so much at a loss that he applied to a very
clever Welsh scholar for aid, and the way in which lie ex-
pressed the idea in Welsh is so perfectly descriptive that I
will repeat it for you. The way in which he rendered it
was, " A one-handed bargain."—(Laughter and cheers.)
Now I don't think that a bad definition of monopoly. It is
something like the definition which Colonel Thompson some-
where gives of it : serving oneself with a bucket and another
with a spoon.—(Renewed laughter.) And yet it has not
proved all profit with those who n'iade such a bargain.--( Hear,
hear.) That one-handed bargain was a bad bargain. It was
made from a desire to get high prices, but those who made
the bargain thought only one way, and their conduct in mak-
ing that bargain was as unwise as the conduct of the Dutch,
when they formerly burned half their spices, in order that they
might get a higher price for the other half.—(Hear, hear.)
It never occurred to those Dutchmen that they could have
made infinitely greater profit by increasing the market for
their spices, by trebling the number of the consumers of
spices, than by burning one-half to enhance the price of the
other. The argument with which we meet the monopolists
on that point is this :—if the wealth, and commerce, and ma-
nufacturing prosperity of this country are increased, then
their chances are better for getting a price for their pro-
duce, than if the prosperity of the country were decreased,
and the manufactures depressed.— (Hear, hear.) What is it
which makes the price of corn higher in this country than
in Poland or in Hungary ? It is the superior wealth, intel-
ligence, and manufacturing industry of the people—(Hear,
hear)—and let us do anything to check the prosperity of our
manufactures, and we thereby strike at the root of agriculture,
and tend to bring its products on a level in price with those
of Hungary and Poland. I want to show the friends
of monopoly, that they have been wrong in the policy which
they have hitherto adopted. I want to show them that
" honesty is the best policy."—(Loud cheers.) It is a
very simple way, and it is perhaps too natural a way for
getting wealth -to put a man's hand into his neighbour's
pocket. He may think that an easier way than obtaining
money by the slow process of persevering industry, but it
will be found that when such a course is adopted, the police
will be after one set of prigs, and the Anti-Corn-law League
after the other.—(lmmense cheering and laughter.) We
must be prepared to maintain our doctrines to their fullest
extent, and if it be charged against us that we require a
monopoly for our manufactured productions, we must, in
order to support our case, come into court with clean hands,
and state that we abandon all idea of protection for our
manufactures.—(Hear hear, and cheers.) We again and
again have declared this, and stated that whilst we seek the
abolition of the corn-laws, we require no protection for any
class of manufacturing industry.—(Cheers.) The agricultu-
rists who advocate monopoly must, under those circum-
stances, see that they have not the slightest chance of a con-
test with men who set out with that proposal. We com-
menced with it, and we now repeat that we are resolved, if
possible, to have no law on the statute-book which shall
have for its object the benefit of any class of the people, by
giving them a monopoly in the article in the production of
which that class may be engaged. There are people, how-
ever, and perhaps there are some in Bristol, who are so ob-
fuscated, that they do not understand this, and who say that
we are desirous on the same principle to abolish all customs'
duties and do away with all indirect taxation. That is not
the object of the League—it may be the object of a future
League—(Cheers)—to do away with indirect taxation, and
adopt the simpler. and, I think, the more effective, plan of
direct taxation; but it is not our business, and we shall
leave it to our children to accomplish by a league of their
own.—(Cheers.) We are not monopolists, and we do not
profess to cure everything, but we do profess to put an end
to the system of monopoly which enables the Duke of Rich-
mond and the Duke of Buckingham to instal themselves in
certain offices in the Custom-house, and levy duties on the
whole country for the benefit of a class.—(Cheers.) There
may be duties, such as the revenue duty on tea, which are
not for the benefit of a class, but which nevertheless operate
against the importer, but the duty on corn is levied altogether
for the benefit of a class. The desire of the Government
would naturally be to bring as much tea as possible into the
country to increase the revenue, but the object of the duty
on corn is to keep as much as possible out of the country,
and its object is not accompl:hhed unless it is kept out.
Those who were in favour of monopoly created all sorts-of
chimeras to support it, and amongst other things they say,
the cannot carry on their business if the corn-law be re-
ed. To that we answer, "Yon can as well then as now,
t
t whether you eau or not, we mean that you shall try."--
(Loud cheers and laughter.) Seeing that manufacturers, or
those-engaged in other departments of industry, do not re-
quire exclusive protection, they can only be looked on as
paupers, literally paupers, who require this protection at the
expense of their fellow-countrymen. The Times once gra-
phically 4eacribed the corn-law as an extension of the pen-
sion-list over the whole agricultural community.—(Cheers.)
If they are to be paupers, then let them take the sum which
they require directly from the Exchequer—let the commu-
nity pay that sum, but let trade be free.—(Cheers.) I put it
la that way, in order that you may understand their posi-
tion, but we don't intend to let them have it, mind you—
(Laughter and cheers)—in one way or the other.—(Cheers.)
It was not to be wondered at when we consider the nature of
this protection, that high-minded Nobleman, like our Chair-
man—men like Lord Radnor and Lord Kinnaird, who knew
what land could do if properly cultivated, should leave us
alone. This conduct is highly to their credit, and we
ought to pay every honour to our Noble Chairman
for having been one of the first to come forward and
repudiate such elemosynary support. (Loud cheers.)
I am, you perceive, anxious not to forget our old friends
now, when we are daily obtaining many new ones.—(Cheers.)
They were the first to step forth from their ranks to take a
prominent part in this movement. Honour be to them for
it.—(Loud cheers.) They will find in less than five years
everybody to agree with them, and they may well congra-
tulate themselves on being the first to leave their order in
common sense and common honesty. And when I speak of
distinguished politicians, I must say that, though no one
can appreciate more than I do the manly, straightforward,
candid, and honourable adhesion of Lord John Russell—
(Cheers for some time)—and though no one can appreciate
more than I do, who have lived some time among York-
shiremen, the accession of Lord Morpeth—(Loud cheers
again)—the man who, of all others I should say in the
kingdom, lives especially in the hearts of Yorkshiremen,
and wherever he is known in every other part of the
country ; though, I say, nobody values more than I do
such adhesions, I can never forget the noble services ren-
dered us by the present Lord Grey.—(Loud cheers.) Now
I think those members of the aristocracy have shown a wise
y
discretion in the course they have taken ; for I defy the
aristocracy, if they valve the
in
continuance of their order—
I defy them to take up, the face of the world, so dis-
advantageous, es perilous
a iirsition, as when they enter
into collision with the
and industrious classes
on the most odious, contemptible, ble, and meanest of all
battle-grounds--the bread-tax.—(Loud cheers.) It is really
surprising that men of large property
should ondescend, in
the face of the world, to appear as 11 taxers of the bread
of the people, for their own emolument, that
thesh men should
be found to filch a third of his loafhalf-starved
hand-loom weaver,—(Shame)—and that theyad
sharing
notu
find any shame in going down the area steps,
perquisites of grease and lard with the cook.—(Great laughterg'e
and cheers.) You all recollect, I suppose, the lard and r
debate—(Yes, yes)—that celebrated night when thog
great
ea
landed proprietors of this country came out in such glorious
and distinguished characters. lam not surprised to find than Englishmen, wearing coronets, should beedisi:igna
;ill;
ashamed of this kind of conflict, and who ha'- -"artily
enough to see that if thesristocracy is to be:prese.AC'
Of its privileges, it cannot be_ prese,rved do long as it attemp4
to maintain the bread- tax.: Now, I i:hink the reason we hive
preserved our aristocracy in its ancient privileges longer
than in any Other county, is simply because there
have always been found a select few, like the late Lord
Durham, hke Earl Grey in by-gone times, like the Russells
in all times—(Loud cheers)—who
ea lhavealways stood out
from their order immediately thee unfurled their banner
even in the face of their own order,p
providedp only justice and
Bound principles were inscribed on it, and that the object of
the movement was to obtain the legitimate and constitutional
rights of the people.—i(Loud cheers.) It is such men as the
tenors, the litiwill ams, the Greys, the Russells, and the
Ducks, that have saveda the aristocracy of this country. We
are now appe •
time, as I told my friends at Bath, the
:ilou%
wpheri..lo,tua
,eii gm- aOtation. I never despaired of our
!".g+4,.(00., ntenaWra of 01_0 League mid go into a