The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-26 00:00:00

classes out of that servility to the aristocracy which had too
long characterised them.—( Cheers. ) Let them stand by their
orde,', and they wauld compel the aristocracy to surrender their
unjust pretensions, and that very speedily.—( Cheers. ) Let
them instruct their Members to approach the Legislature, not
--4, With bated breath
And whispering humbleness,"
but to speak in the spirited tone of fi. rn remoestrance, and
their power would ere long nuke itself felt. —(Cheers. ) They
would find that it would befelt even in the present House of
Commons. They would observe a marked difference before
the close of Parliament in the tone and speeches of Hon.
Members. Such was always the case when gentlemen knew
that they had soon to meet their constituents.—(Cheers and
laugliter.), It was remarkable how the tone of their speeches
altered when they knew that a general election was at hand.
If they began the pressure now, and increased its activity
and its force, as the time for a general election approached
they would increase immensely the number of those Members
who would vote in favour of the motion of his distinguished
and Hon. Friend Mr. Villiers.—( Hear, and loud cheers.)
The Queen's speech would soon be presented to the nation.
He feared that there would be nothing in that speech to
give hope to the mercantile and trading population of the
country. It would, no doubt, be full of congratulations, and
he admitted that the peaceful state of our relations with diffe-
rent foreign Powers was matter of congratulation, but he be-
lieved that there was no efficient guarantee for the continuance
of those peaceful relations, but the extension of commercial
freedom.—( Loud cheers.) Nothing would so much tend to pro-
mote the peace of the world as the free interchange of thoughts
and commodities, and the abolition of that selfish protective
system which created divisions among nations, and embittered
hostilities. Every philanthropist, who wished for the spread
of peace and civilization amongst distant nations, should, as the
best means of promoting those objects, endeavour by every
means in his power to establish entire commercial freedom.--
(Loud cheers. )
The Rev. J. BURNET agreed entirely with the Hon. Gen-
tleman who had just sat down, that the great object of the
League should now be to consider in what way they could
best carry out their great purpose —( Cheers.) There had
been a time when meetings, such as the present, would have
been dismissed at the point of the bayonet, or by the staff
of the constable, as calculated to bring the Government of
the country into contempt. Now, however, such meetings
as the present were actually assembled in order to prevent,
if possible, tkie Government from bringing itself into con-
tempt.—(Cheers and laughter. ) They, however, behaved
better to the Government than the Governments of former
times would have behaved to similar meetings. They used
no violence towards it. All they wished was to throw such a
light upon the proceedings of the Government as to enable the
members of the Government to guide themselves aright. Refe-
rence had been made to an opposition that was forming to the
Anti-Corn•law League. He should much like to see that op-
position join the League and make the discussion a club busi-
ness. They could have the League one evening, and the Anti-
League the next evening, and so on until the community at
large were made fully aware of the bearings of the question ;
and if the Anti-League could show that the League had been
really misleading the country, why they could put it down at
once, and the corn-laws would flourish for ever.—( Cheers and
laughter.) It was said that the Anti-League embraced all the
wealthy, and noble, and talented of the land, and that the
League was composed only of insignificant individuals. If so
why did not the Anti-League come in the mariner to whirls lie
had alluded? What kept them in the back-ground, except
the conviction that they should die in the fore-ground ?
( Cheers.) It seemed difficult to comprehend what was meant
by protection, and against whom the landowners sought to be
protected.-,.( Hear, hear.) Those who sought for pro-
tection were generally considered as helpless indi-
viduals, who could not protect themselves.—( Hear.)
The landlords then, meant to say that they were so helpless
that they were incapable of competing with the foreigner ; so
ignorant of the science of farming, as to be incapacitated for
doing so; and so devoid of genius as to be incapable of even
improving their knowledge, that they rushed down to the
House of Commons, and cried out for protection. Why, that
was not the cry of men of influence, of property, and of power
—it was the cry of the helpless; it was the cry of weakness ;
and yet this exhibition of weakness was moat grotesquely mixed
up with an appearance of exultation in their strength. They
boasted that they could put the League down, and yet they
told the Legislature that they could not keep themselves up.__
( Cheers ) It was difficult to find out against whom
this protection was sought ; but the truth was, it was against the
manufacturers of their own country.—( Cheers.) The agri-
cultural interest sought for protection against Manchester and
Liverpool, and Birmingham and Glasgow. They were afraid
that the manufacturers would go to the cheapest market to buy
their daily bread. "If you allow that," they said to the Legis-
lature, " we shall be ruined ; save us from them."—(Cheers
and laughter.) It was not against the foreigner that they
sought for protection. Their nearness to the market, their
practical skill, their knowledge of the science of agriculture,
all these were protections against the foreigner. The sea
was their natural protection. The foreigner had the ex-
penses of importation to pay before he could bring his
corn into the market, and beyond that protection
the agriculturist had no right to seek for anything further.
The protection sought by the landlords was against the poor
and needy of their countrymen, to prevent them from going to
the cheapest shop to purchase their daily food. How low had
the aristocracy sunk, when they were seen rolling in their
carriages, and revelling in splendour and wealth, and yet ask-
ing for protection against the poor widow who has jest strength
enough to earn her daily food—to ask for protection against
her, to prevent her being able to purchase more bread for her
penny, than she could do at the present moment ?—( Loud
cheers.) What a degradation was this for the proud lords of
the soil—(Loud. cheers)—and whenever the word protection
was mentioned, let it ever be remembered that it
was against the widows and the orphans that the
landowners called for the protect ion of the corn-
laws. It was the landlord only who called for this pro-
tection, for it was to the interest of the agricultural labourer
and of the tenant farmer, that there should be freedom et
trade in the articles which they produced. Was there any
interest in the country which really and permanently derived
any advantage front this protection against the poor and mise-
rable? Could the lords of the soil really feel comfortable in
the enjoyment of their property, while they suffered their
tenants to become the victims of the gambling of the corn-laws ?
—( Cheers.) The farmer, under the existing system could
form no idea as to what probably might be his
returns—he risked his capital on the gaming-table of the
corn-laws, and he knew not what might be the result.
The consequence might easily be foreseen. They saw farmer
after farmer break down, and the landlord did not rise up.
If trade were free everything would be settled.—( Cheers.) A
fixed trade would be better than a fixed duty.—( Loud cheers.)
It now became one of the great obligations of the League to
take care that their opponents should perceive that, although
their power hail increased, they had nothing to hope from their
indolence.—(Cheers.) If Sir Robert Peel should slide out on
the sliding scale, it behoved them to take special care, that
Lord Jahn Russell should not slide in on the fixed duty.—
( Loud cheers.) Men in power had been sliding and shuffling
long enough.—( Loud cheers.) But they should give those
men clearly to understand that they would have no man
sliding, whilst the people were neglected. —( Loud cheers.)
Let the League show that their determination was fixed and
settled, and there would be an end to sliding and shuffling
legislation, and an end to the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) What
right had the agricultural interest to claim particular advan-
tages ? He would compare the community to a great machine ;
all the wheels were properly set, and when the combined power
was set in motion, woe he to the feeble hand that should at-
tempt to stop it—it would inevitably be crushed. So was it
with the community. The various interests were but one wheel
of the great machine, and if one of them attempted to step out
of its proper course, and to take upon itself the control of the
mighty movement, that interest would bring upon itself inevitable
destruction.—( Cheers. ) Although the corn-laws had been
productive of much evil to the country, yet they had not been
altogether unproductive of good. They were indebted to the
corn-laws for much discussion. They had brought the people
together, and in the course of the discussions to which those
laws hail giver, rise, they had been called on to consider prin-
ciples involving the well-being of the great body politic of the
empire. Those' discussions had been as a school, to form
the minds of the rising generation—as an arena, wherein the
men might try their strength and vigour—(Cheers)—and when
the corn-laws should have passed away, every corruption which
clogged the motions of the State machine would be removed
by the same energy, the same resolution, and the same perse-
verance, which had been employed in the annihilation of the
corn-laws.—(Cheers.) The corn-laws had taught them how
the evils of a nation were to., be grappled with.—( Hear.)
They had taught ihe country its own strength, and that too at
a time when it had been reduced to the lowest point of
weakness. They had taught the country to know its own
moral power—not physical, but moral power—that power
which could alone be wielded with safety both to those who
felt and those who guided it.—(Cheers.) They had de-
termined not to petition. That was right.—(Cheers.)
There had been a time when it had been considered an honour

,o receive even a nod from a Member of Parliament, and that
even upon the eve of an election, and when to have been spoken
to by one, was an honour to be transmitted down to one's grand-
children.—(Cheers and laughter.) At length people got a
little more courage, and ventured to become acquainted with
their Members ; further than that, they petitioned them on the
subject of their grievances. First they ventured to
writs a letter to the Members, and then they
asked him to present a petition to the House, and when
that had been done, and the poor people saw
an account of it in the newspapers, they thought that all the
evils of which they complained were to be removed at once.
They then went a little further, and asked the Member to sup-
port their petition; and going still further, they at length ven-
tured to find fault with him* if he did not support it. Then
they called upon him to make a motion upon the principle of
the petition, and examined the votes to see it he had supported
similar motions of others. They then took him to task in pri-
vate on the subject, and at length ventured to catechise him
on the hustings.—(Cheers.) Thus they went on, until they
were thought of more and more in the House, and Mem-
tiers, when speaking, would suddenly see the face of some
one of their constituents appear before them, and would stam-
mer and hesitate, or wrap up the meaning in such perplexing
phraseology, that it was impossible to detect their falsehood,
and in phrases so obscure that they would admit of any inter-
pretration they might choose to put upon them.—( Cheers.)
At last deputations began to wait upon them, and Members
found themselves in the greatest possible dilemma betwixt the
petitioners and their patrons—betwixt those who made them
and those who paid them.—(Loud cheers.) They had now,
however, to get rid of the difficulty, established themselves as
a great and mighty party, which, ashamed of the old term
Tory, called itself Conservative.—(Loud cheers and laughter.)
The present Parliament had been chosen when it had collected
all its strength and vigour to resuscitate Tory influence. Its
grasp was powerful—like that of a drowning man—and the
League had done wisely to let it exhaust its unnatural strength,
without coming to blows with the giant, which would exhaust
itself by its expiring efforts. They did wisely to let it die
peaceably.—(Cheers.) But they had been threatened with a
resurrection. Sir Robert Peel, it was said, would come round
to the opinions of the League.—(Cheers and laughter. )
Well, let him do so. He despised no man for changing his
opinion. Hedespised the man who changed it often, and without
sufficient cause, but not him who changed it for the love of
truth, and because he was convinced by evidence.—(Cheers. )
Sir Robert Peel was, it was said, a servant of all work, and he
admitted that the Minister did look narrowly arid watch atten-
tively the spirit of the times, and shape his course accordingly
He did this well. He did this cleverly. He did this wisely
To be sure nothing could be said in favour of the moral gran
deur of his conduct ; but still he managed matters very cleverly
Now if he were a servant of all work, all the League had to do
was to compel him to occupy himseli in their vocation
to make use of him.—(Laughter.) In political movements
they were often obliged to work with most contemptible tools,
all they did in using such instruments was to take care that 'the
did not permit themselves to be degraded, whatever might be
the depth of degradation of the tools they were compelled to
use. He w ould not occupy their attent'on longer at that late
hour of the evening. They had no wish to keep late hours,
he left that to the aristocracy.—(A laugh.) Before separating
however, he would urge them not to let their exertion flag—.
to let no circumstances throw them off their guard—to main-
tain their position not only by being always ready for battle, but
by always fighting—not only by being prepared to take advantage
of whatever circumstances might arise, but by moulding cir-
cumstances to promote their purpose. Let them go on, and the
corn laws could not long remain. Let them go on with manly
hardihood, and the day was not far distant when they would
rongratulate each other on the success of their efforts to secure
the rights of the children of men.— (Loud cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN gave notice that this was the first of those
meetings which it was proposed to hold weekly in that theatre