The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-17 00:00:00

FRANCE.

CHAMBER OF DEPUTIES.—SITTING OF JAN. 15.
DERRYER'S DEFENCE OF THE OLD ROYALISTS.
The President took the chair at a Quarter to Two
o'Clock.

The attendance of Deputies was unusually great,
and the appearance of the Chamber was particularly
animated. M. Thiers, M. Odilion Barrot, and AI.
Berryer were present. After some preliminary busi-
ness, silence was called, and amidst marks of general
interest,
M. Berryer ascended the tribune. He had, he
said, asked for permission to address the Chamber first,
because he felt it necessary to speak on the journey
to London, previously to the discussion on the Ad-
dress. He could remain present for one single mo-
ment at the discussion --

A voice from the seat reserved to the Peers (said
to be General Excelmans) hero cried out, " Oh, that's
evident."

Great confusion arose, loud cries of " Order. order,"
proceeding from all parts of the Chamber.
The President, after some minutes' confusion,
called on the Chamber, on so important a conjuncture,
1-o hear all persons with calmness and attention.
M. I3erryer proceeded to say that it was not gene-
rous or fair towards them, to brand the party to
which be belonged by such a paragraph as appeared
in the address. What was their conduct for the last
few years ? Was it not well known that he, and
the other gentlemen of his way of thinking, were
the representatives of the legitimist party ? Their
sincerity was well known to their political opponents;
but their loyalty and honour had never been called
in question before the present time. In 1830 a great
struggle had come to an end, after it had continued
for a great length of time. Men strongly imbued
with particular ideas opposed to the Government
then existing had prevailed. He and the persons
thinking with him had not on that account thought
it necessary to quit France—they had thought that,
though in a minority, which might even remain one
eternally, they ought to remain in the midst of their
country and watch over her interests. They had
done this, with the full knowledge of the whole
world as to their opinions—they had discussed laws
since then in the Chamber, fulfilled their duties as
legislators and citizens, and all this with honour and
loyalty. They had trusted to the spread of intelligence
to have the country come round to better opinions.
With that idea had they remained faithful to their
oaths, and with that idea only had they gone to
England. It was because those sentiments were
generally appreciated that so many persons had gone
to London. M. Berryer then referred to what had
taken place in London, and declared that it was ridi-
culous to suppose that any attempt had been made to
treat the princely visitor there as a sovereign. The
Legitimists had gone to pay their respects to the Duke
de Bordeaux as the representative of their ancient re-
membrances, but for no other purpose whatever. Was
France; so powerful a nation, to be alarmed at the
proceedings of a few loyal gentlemen ? lie pro-
tested strongly against the paragraph, and declared
formally that there was no conspiracy— -no intention
to act against the existing Government in France—
nothing beyond the natural desire of the Legitimist
party to pay honour to the head of their opinions.—
(Loud marks of dissent arose here, and continued for
some time. In the midst of the noise the lion. Deputy
made two or three attempts to speak, but ineffectu-
ally.) When order was restored, be declared that as
the Chamber would not give him a hearing, he felt
himself obliged to desist.—(He then descended from
the tribune, amidst very general marks of disap•
pointment.)
_ _

The Minister of Foreign Affairs remarked that he
regretted that the Hon. Gentleman had ceased speak-
ing. The Chamber had listened to him, if not pa-
tiently at least attentively, and he called on him to
continue his discourse, as he might be assured that he
should be fairly attended to.—(Hetsr, hear.)
M. Berryer then resumed, and, with great anima-
tion, declared that the only conspiracy of London
was a wish, on the part of the Legitimist party, to be
useful to their country in every possible way. No
Deputy had betrayed his loyalty and faith in England
more than any person then listening to him. Their
principles might be opposed or rejected, but he could
guarantee the good faith and loyalty of every Member
of the Chamber who had visited London. Referring
to the sanctity of the oaths, which had been frequently
alluded to, the Hon. Deputy declared that he—and he
could also say the other Legitimists of the Chamber
—had never done any thing to lead any one to sup-
pose that they had been or ever would be violated.—
(Loud cheers from the Legitimist party.)
The Minister of Foreign Affairs rose to address the
Chamber. He was well pleased that M. Berryer had
spoken with full liberty, were it only for the honour
and character of the Chamber. With respect to the
paragraph of the address, the facts that had taken
place were a better reason for its insertion than anything
he could say. The meetings at London had been held
with the utmost seriousness and pomp, and it was even
deemed requisite to have the three orders of the king-
dom present.—(Hear, hear.) The parties thus meet-
ing had been actuated by very different motives from
those which had set in movement the various Cabinets
since 1830. The watchword of the men of the Revo-
lution was liberty and public order ; whilst that of
the Legitimists was a right which they said was
greater than all others—the divine right of Kings.
The Hon. Member then drew a striking picture of the
difference which was always perceptible in the conduct
of the present and former dynasties. He referred briefly
to the shock given to the nation and the Government
by the death of the heir to the throne, and the mea-
sures taken to obviate all inconveniences from
that event. He then observed that in order to attack
a Government some grievances ought to be observable.
What one could the Legitimists find under the present
order of things ? All was transacted with moderation;
and unless a decided intention was felt to act against
the Government, the conduct of the party that as-
sembled at London was inexplicable. The Govern-
ment had always acted graciously towards the Le-
gitimists, though well assured that such conduct
would not be attended with much effect. But that
party need not deceive themselves—their designs were
known ; and it was the duty of the Chamber to brand
them, in the commencement, with the seal of national
dishonour.—(Loud applause followed this phrase.)
Such was the intention of the Committee : and he
could declare that he considered their insertion of the
paragraph was fully called for.—(Loud cries of
" Hear, hear," and applause from the Centre.)
M. Berryer again ascended the tribune, but it was
some minutes before silence could be restored. He
knew, he said, that when he addressed the Chamber
his position was a difficult one. He was aware of the
situation of the minority. He had no intention of
endeavouring to
_place his principles in opposition to
those of others. He merely wanted, as a member of
the Chamber, to maintain his honour and dignity. He
should never have token, had he not been of opinion
that the Chamber was not bound to follow blindly in
the path pointed out by the Committee. He had al-
ready elected—both he andall who thought with him—
that they should always proceed in the career sug-
gested by national sentiments. The accusation made
against his party was unworthy and unjust.—(Cries
of " No, no.") He and his friends protested against
the sentiments attributed to them. They had gone
over to London to pay their personal respects. What-
ever else was alleged against them, he there declared,
in the most unreserved and formal manner, to be
false. He and his friends would never act in any
way against the honour, the institutions, or liberty of
France.—(Loud marks of disbelief from the Ministe-
rial ranks followed this declaration, with applause
from the extreme right.)
M. Dupin followed. He declared that the Legiti-
mist party was still what it had always been, impru-
dent and headstrong. From 1789 to 1830 it had al-
ways been tending towards the same point, and no
warnings or examples had been sufficient to turn them
from the faults that seemed inherent in its constitution.
The Hon. Member then spoke for some time against the
late manifestation in London, and concluded by main-
taining the necessity of inserting the paragraph in
the address which referred to the Legitimist party.
The Duke of Valmy next addressed the Chamber.
He felt convinced, he observed, that in what he was
about to say he should speak the sentiments of the na-
tion.—(Strong marks of dissent.) He denied
that the legitimacy was near its termination, as
was alleged. The Minister of Foreign Af-
fairs had spoken of the Government having been ge-
nerous towards the Legitimate party. They dis-
dained such generosity.—(oh, oh.) He maintained
that it was a mere farce to propose to the Chaml ers to
brand a minority with reprobation. The majority
only abused its strength in acting so. He rejected
with indignation the allegations of disloyalty, and
protested against the insertion of the paragraph.
' M. Bethmont, an opposition deputy, then ad-
dressed the Chamber, and entered into explanations
relative to his share in inserting the paragraph. He
denied that the address, in its totality, met with his

approbation.
M. de Saint-Marc Girardin, the reporter of the
Committee and drawer of the address, declared that

there had been the utmost unanimity amongst the
members of the Committee on every point that might
seem to refer to the question at issue. M. Beth-
mont had not made the slightest objection to the pa-
ragraph which ha then seemed inclined to oppose.
Every care had been taken to obtain information on
the journey to London, and it was only after consider-
ing the Legitimists as culpable in their proceedings
that they had determined to insert the paragraph.
They could not undoubtedly say how the Chamber
would look on the matter, but they had thought it
safer to insert the paragraph, deeming that the con-
duct of the Legitimists was opposed to the principles
of the revolution of 1830.

M. Lavy, a Legitimist deputy, entered into an ex-
amination of thst nature of the oath taken in the
Chamber, and declared that he considered himsQlf to
act correctly and faithfully as far as it was conceived,
if he obeyed the laws of the country.

M. llebert, the Procureur-General, gave some ac- T r
count of the views of the committee, of
formed part, relative to the drawing u of thet...!4,1-Ib,.-
M. Laroche Jaquelin spoke of the journeitto,l,;o7,.
don, and then, breaking off, touched on the Orntiktli
of Marshal Ney, which he proceeded to defepftik
The discussion on this subject termin-atect.lit.- ,
past four. The evident feeling of the ChanbeimilMi4;:k
that the Legitimists had offered no justiftcAtion to'
IC. warrant the rejection of the paragraph. .; r
alViajg
M. Thiers was expected to speak.

THE CAUSES OF THE DIFFICUL-
TIES OF THE COUNTRY BRIEFLY AND
PLAINLY STATED.

The country having contracted, chiefly in a paper
money at a high rate of interest, and with corn realiz-
ing in it 10s. per bushel, and labour ss. per day, a
debt of the fearful amount of 800,000,0001., the
Legislature decided, in 1819, that all money and all
past as well as future monetary engagements, should
be declared to mean, or be kept in subordination to
the part of maintaining for, a certain very scarce
article of foreign produce termed " Gold," the 'fixed,"
or " standard," or " monopoly " price of 3/.175.
per ounce.
The effects of this have been :-
1. To increase the fixed burdens and annual taxa-
tion of the country 66 per cent.
2. This increase, taking the said fixed taxation at
50,000,0001., amounts to no less than 33,000,0001., or
a total taxation of 83,000,0001. in paper money.
These positions I thus prove :
In this country, where there are no gold mines,
corn and labour form the true standard of all value.
This is a truth so universally acknowledged, that It
were almost unnecessary to repeat it. Apply it to the
case under consideration, and a few minutes calcula-
tion will suffice to show that the following is a correct
account of the different amounts of corn and labour
required under the two currencies to provide for
the said fixed burdens and annual taxation of
50,000,0001.:
_ _ _

Ur 10 1819. no 1843.
With corn at 10s. per bushel,' With corn at 6s. per bushel,
100 millions of bushels were 166 millions and upwards of
required. 'bushels are exacted.
UP TO 1819. I nq 1843.
With labour at ss. per day, With labour at 3s. per day,
200 millions of days were re- 333 millions and upwards of
quired. days are exacted.
Being a clear increase of upwards of 66, instead of
upwards of 66-i per cent., both in corn and labour—
the standards of all value. There cannot bonny argu-
ment advanced against this position that will bear a
moment's test ; for, the agriculturist must take to
market and sell, and pay over to the tax-collector the
proceeds of ten bushels at 65., in place of six bushels
at 10s., to discharge the same amount of taxation, and
in like manner must the working man give In the
ratio of twenty days' labour at 3s. instead of twelve
days at ss.
This virtual, actual, and appalling int-rease of
133,000,000/. per year in the amount of the taxation
of the country, together with the corresponding in-
crease in the calls of the mortgagee and annuitant
of every other public, as well as private, description,
has thus operated:-
1. Tens of thousands of persons have had their in-
comes so immensely augmented in value, as to be led
to pass their lives in idleness, and In merely con-
suming wealth, who would otherwise have been use-
fully occupied in producing wealth.
2. hundreds of thousands of the productive classes
have had to endure both the increased taxation, and
the increased privations, toils, and anxieties neces-
sary to support the system, and, at the same time,
to sustain a competition with the labour of compara-
tively untaxed countries.
This state of things, in due course, wrought a
fearful increase of misery and degradation and crime.
Additional police and gaols, and, with them, addi-
tional rates, became necessary. The productive
classes, finding trade unprofitable and their capital
disappearing, ceased to employ labour. Then came
loud cries of " Reform reform"—" The poor will eat
up the land." The Ministers were indignantly ex-
pelled from office. New ones were chosen.
Disregarding the cause, and essaying to remove
the effect only by an aggravation of the cause, the
new Ministers determined that they would prevent
" the poor eating up the land," by making them work
at whatever price for their labour they could get, or
to be subjected to the alternative of confinement in a
workhouse.

Not perceiving how both their tenantry and their poor
labourers, and all the other suffering productive classes,
were being wronged; nor, that it was a widely dif-
ferent class than the poor who were " eating up the
land," the short-sighted landed proprietors assisted
the Ministers to pass their " New Poor-kw Bill."
This Bill rendered necessary still more gaols, in ad-
dition to hundreds of huge buildings that very much
resemble them, called " union workhouses," where
married people are separated and kept in idleness.
More and more police, even a "Rural" one, and more
and more criminals, and county and other local rates
followed, as naturally as midnight succeeds the
twi-
light. The poor-rates, which in 1741 were 750,0001.,
became, in 1841, 7,500,0001. The taxes, which had
been only 2,000,0001. before a Bank of England mo-
nopoly was permitted, and which were only
20,000,0001. in 1797, were inadequate even at
.50.000,000/.
This horrid state of things drove the Whig Minis-
ters from office in 1841, in like manner that the
blighting and strangling effects of the measure of
1819 had been the real cause of the expulsion of the
Tory Ministers in 1831.
The Conservative Ministers, profiting not by the
lessons of the past, began to enforce even a still
further carrying out of the principles of 1819, by in-
troducing a measure to effect another reduction of the
value of every description of produce (and conse-
quently of labour, too), unless the farmer or manu-
facturer sacrificed the difference, not forgettlitg also
to add thereto another " touch of taxation.'

Scarcely had this taken full effect, than a general
rising took place throughout the populous and labour-
ing districts of the country ; and although this was
suppressed, and has since been providentially allayed
by the sudden and unexpected rise of a trade with
China, it has been only to give place to another of
still more alarming character. With the value of
their produce reduced to the extent of 30s. per acre,
although all the rent and tithe put together payable
to their landlord and clergy did not previously
amount to 253. per acre, the yeomanry and peasantry of
Ireland and Wales have been so far tempts(' or driven
to welcome and abet the instigations of sedition, that
the presence of an army of 30,000 men in Ireland,
and of a body of London as well as of rural police in
Wales, have been deemed necessary.
This again entails further expense. To the esta-
blishment of Poor-law Commissioners were subse-
quently added (very probably and naturally needed
too) Bankruptcy Commissioners. These are followed
by Commissioners to inquire into the state of the laws
of landlord and tenant in Ireland, and others to in-
quire into the laws respecting turnpikes in Wales—
commissions, in short, to inquire into every cause but
the cause itself !

From what has been said, it mist be pretty appa-
rent that the 33,000,0001. per year, or 825,000,000/. in
25 years, exclusive of interest, fortes but a very small
portion of the loss that has accrued to the productive
classes and tax-payers of the country, from the
memorable Bill of 1819.
In another communication I shall endeavour to
show, with the same brevity and plainness, the gene-
ral effects of what I hesitate not to term the present
barbarous and confiscating standard of value, and
Bank Charter; and I entertain no doubt whatever
but I shall succeed in showing, as clearly as I have
now done, the wrong of 825,000,0001., that the entire
loss that they have occasioned the productive classes
and the country generally, cannot be leas than
2,000,000,0001.

A CONSERVATIVE WHO THINKS WE MAY PAT 1150
DEAR FOR THE GOLD IVIIISTLE.
Chelsea, Jan.ls, 1844.

FULFILMENT or A DREAM.—A young man named
John Gray, residing at Cinderford, who for some years
past, since the death of his father, has been the support of
his sister and widowed mother, before he went to his
usual work, at the Crump Meadow Coal-pits, on Monday
morning last, told his mother that he had dreamed ho
was at his work, and that a large stone fell upon him and
killed him ; and though his mother made rather light of
it, it was with reluctance he went to his work, and that
not before he had twice returned to wish her good-by,
for fear his dream would come to pass. lie then wont to
his employment, but had not been in the pit many hours
before an immense block of stone, as much as four or
five men could move, fell upon him. On the removal of
the stone his body presented a shocking spectacle, being
crushed in the most frightful manner. lie lingered
somewhat less than an hour in the meet indescribable
agony, when death released him from his sufferings. A
Coroner's inquest has been held this morning, and a ver-
dict of " Accidental death" returned. Thus has an aged
mother been deprived of her only surviving son, having
had another killed in a similar manner about four years
since.—Bath Journal. _ _

STATE Or TRADE IN NEWCASTLB.—It is gratifying,
to know that the duties received at the Newcastle Cus-
tom-house during the last year have amounted to the'
unusually large sum of 494,5241., being an actual in-
crease of 61,737/. above the receipt of 1842. Could any
circumstance more strongly proclaim the growing pros-
perity of this important district ? It is also interesting
to learn that the quantity of coal exported in 1843 ex-
ceeded that in 1841 (the year previous to the duty being
levied) by 50,000 tons, the quantity in 1841 being
737,388, and that in 1843 787,379 tons respectively. In
the intermediate year, 1842, the quantity exported
reached to 848,971 tons, but it is right to bear in mind
of new ; that during the first six months of that year the
demand
was excessive in anticipati on
the
dutly t
we now fairly hope the depression in our loea commerce
theti
ursntegaddlyst irimrptsrowveimllebent
ahiarse seenady so its woible rst tn,
tahnedn:ahnautfac
speedily followed by corresponding effn th© banks
of the Tyne find Virear.--Netecasik Journal

THEATRE ROYAL, ADELPHI.
The Best Pantomime of the Season—Gorgeous Scenery.
THIS EVENING, JANUARY 17,
ne New Drama, embNovel racing Extraordinary Enacts, Powerful Cast,
and Scenic lled
THE BOHEMIANS; or, The Rogues of Paris. Principal
Characters by Messrs. Lyon, 0. Smith, Wright, Wieland, Maynard,
Mrs. Yates, Miss E. Stanley, Mrs. F. Matthews.
After which, a New Grand Christmas Pantomime, called HAIL
).EQUIN BLUE BEARD; or, The Fairy of the Silver Crescent.
traduced with Enormous Splendour and Wonderful Effects!
Volumbine, Miss BulleM Harlequin Quicksilver, by the inimitable
Wieland; Clown, by The Grimaldi of the day, Mr. T. Matthews,
'tom the Theatres Royal, Cprent.garden and Drury-lane; Panta.
Om. Mr. Johnstone.
Boaes "
1 Lls.; Pit, 2s. • Gallery, IL ; Second price at Nine. Doors
Wan at commences at a Quarter before Seven o'Clock.

PRINCESS'S THEATIIig_ OXFORD.STREET.
LESSEE, Mr. J 31. . MIN.DDOX.
THIS EVENING, JANUARY 17,
Will be presented for the first time at this theatre, the grand
rof the MAID OF JUDAH. Ivanhoe, Mr. Wood; Friar
la c, Mr. Paul Bedford ; Rebecca, Mrs. Wood.
To conclude with the New Musical Burlesque Spectacle, entitled
THE MAGIC MIRROR. Sing-Song, Mrs. H. P. Grattan; Poo.
poo, Mr. Paul Bedford ; Sloe.Leat, Miss R. Isaacs.

DAVIDGE'S ROYAL SURREY THEATRE.
.11.6 usual, the funniest and most successftil Eintornltne.
THIS EVENING, JANUARY 17,
win be repeated THE BOHEMIANS OF PARIS. Supported
by Messrs. Saville, Hughes, Hicks, ft. Honer, Johnson, Smith, Mrs
a Vining, and all the Members of the First Company in the Worlcl..
After which an entirely new Grand Comic Pantomime, with
Splendid Scenery, Superb Dresses, Inimitable Properties and Tricks
every thing new and of the most costly description, HARLEQU 114
URA MMAR, or, Lindley Murray and A EIO U. *Harlequin, mi..
W. H. Harvey ; Grotesque, Mr. Stilt; Clown, Mr. Fuller Pants.bon, Mr. Hawkins • Columbines (alternately) Miss ),L,R. Fair_
brother and Miss Sharpe.
Places and Private Boxes to be had of Mr. Kerschner, at the Box.
°thee, from Eleven to Four.

ROYAL VICTORIA THEATRE.
THIS EVENING, JANUARY 17,
Will be performed an entirely New Domestic Drama, entitled
POVERTY; or, Mary. Graham. Leonard, Mr. Freer; Jemmy
1112tcit, Mr. Nantz; Squire Graham, Mr. Dale; Patty Parrot, Miss
Arden; Mary Graham,.Miss Vincent.
After whith will be produced THE FAIRY LADY; or, the
Cabinet of Bronze.
To conclude with HARLEQUIN LINCOLN LUCKY OF LAM.
VETH; or, The Three Sisters of Witch Willow Dell. Hz.tquin,
Mr. Chapin° ; Clown, Mr. Scarbrow; Pantaloon, Mr.
M'Srelli;
Columbine, Miss M. Schmidt.

PAT AGAIN !—An Irishman having bought a
sheep's head, had been to a friend for directions how to
dress it. As ho was returning, he repeated the method
to himself, and holding his purchase under his arm, a
clog snatched it and ran away. " Now," says the Irish-
man," what a fool yoa make of yourself ! what use will
Übe to you, as you don't know how it is t 9 be dressed ?"