The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-17 00:00:00

MEETING

AT COVENT-GARDEN THEATRE

Owing to the press of matter last evening, we could only give
a mere outline of the speeches. We now give a full report.
The usual weekly meeting of the League was held on Thursday
night,io Covent-garden Theatre. The attendance was as large as
on previous occasions. ,st seven o'clock the Chair was taken by
the lion. C. P. Villiers, M.P., when the following gentlemen
were on the platform : —W. J. Fox, Esq., Joseph Parkes Esq.,
W. A. Wilkinson, Esq., Ralph Ricardo, Esq.. J. P. Burnard,
Esq., \V. D. Christie, M.P. , P. A. Taylor, Esq., Dr. Cooke
Taylor, T. F. Gibson, Esq., .S. G. Hall, Esq., Patterson,
Esq., Preston, Esq , W. S. Burton, Eq., Henry Keeling,
Esq., William Clay, Esq., Arthur Pattison, Esq., W. T.
Hodgkin, Esq., Pennock Tigar, Esq. (of Beverley), Jabez
Johnson, Esq. (of llanchester), John Bell, Esq., M.P., Thos.
Wakley, Esq., M.P., Charles Williams, Esq.' Dr. Simpson,
T. Mason, Esq., D. Aumonier, Esq., T. Ruston. Esq., J. Phelps,
Esq., G. Ridout, Esq., Wynn, Esq., Sir Valentine Blake,
John M'Leod, Esq., J. Cox, Esq., Dr. Hitchman, Summers
Ilarford, Esq., F. Roe, Esq., M. Thackeray, Esq., J. Dyke,
Esq., W. A. Thomson, Esq., Wm. Edgar, Esq., George
Lambert, Esq., Thomas Bateman, Esq., John Thompson,
Esq., J. Anderson, Esq., George Osborne, Esq., Richard
Lloyd, Esq., Samuel Drewell, Esq., Wm. Reynolds, Esq.,
Thomas Harbottle, Esq. ( Manchester), W. J. Scott, Esq.
( Manchester), C. 0. Boyce, Esq., John Yardley, Esq., John
Burtt, Esq., E. Jackman, Esq., Grant, Esq., R. Harrison,
Esq., Mark Perkins, Esq., J. D. Gaskell, Esq., Joy, Esq.,
Sir William Baynes, Bart., F. H. Toone, Esq., W. Roberts,
Esq., John Chadwick, Esq., F. Scheer, Esq., N. Overbury,
Esq. (Westbury, Wilts), R. Overbury, Esq. (Westbury,
Wilts), W. H. Birchall, Esq. ( London), H. Birchall, Esq.
(Leeds), M. H. Basnett, Esq., Michael Stocks, Esq. (Hali-
fax), Henry Edwards, Esq., Fullerton, Esq., Joseph Ro-
binson, Esq., Richard W. Cole, Esq., James Harmer, Esq.,
Professor Key, &c., &c.
The CHAIRMAN on coming forward was received with re-
peated rounds of applause. On silence beieg restored, he ob-
served that his esteemed friend, Mr. Wilson, who commonly
presides with so much ability at these meetings, was he re-
gretted to say, unavoidably detained in the country; and he
had requested of him to occupy the chair in his absence, though
he felt himself incompetent to discharge the duty with any-
thing like the ability of his esteemed friend. Yet he readily
complied with the request, as he was unwilling to urge on
others the discharge of those duties which he was not ready
to perform himself ; and the time was come, when every friend
to this great cause should come forward, and by all and every
constitutional means, promote the views of this important, this
necessary Association. The objects of the Nati.nal Anti-
Corn-law League are, as they believed, identified with the best
interests of the kingdom at large; but unfortunately a selfish
interest, reps esented by adverse majorities in both Houses of
Parliament, frustrates those beneficial objects, and therefore it
became necessary for them to exert themselves the more ;
for we live in times when the "force of enlightened public
opinion is all-important, and the League represents that
opinion."—( Hear, hear.) The gross misrepresentations of
the objects of the League, which have been made by their oppo-
nents, exhibit at one and the same time the alarm of their op-
ponents in the wsakness of their cause, and the force and power
of the Anti-Cern-law League in the soundness of their views
and the « xcellence of their objects. The objects of the League
at e to demonstrate to the people, and the nation at large, the
benefits of those great principles applied to trade which have
been recommended by the wisest and best minds, and which
are now so loudly called for by the necessities of the country—
principles which have been advocated and recommended by
men of the highest eminence for talent and ability, and of the
greatest praseical knowledge in this country. Therefore it
was, that notwithstanding what their opponents may allege, he
said that i• was for the promotion of these principles, and on
these grounds alone, that the League claimed the support of all
sensible and right-hearted men.— ( Loud cheers.) Since the
last meeting of the League in that place, he had heard that a
word now so common in stifling the cries of an injured people
in the sister country—( Loud cries of " Hear, hear,")—he
meant, " Conspiracy"—(Laud cheers)—had been applied to
the meetings of that Association in that theatre.—( Laughter. )
How far the word was justly applied to their assemblages
there he could not pretend to say--(Renewed laughter)--but
certainly it was no wonder when they considered the objects
they had in view that their opponents should be alarmed, for it
stands upon the high authority even of an eminent Secretary of
State, that the doctrines they contend for are the doctrines of
common sense—and anything more likely to be dangerous to
the power of their opponents than the prevalence of common
sense he could not conceive. Whatever misapprehensions may
have gone abroad regarding the proceedings of the League, it
is certain notwithstanding, that the League is making great
progress, and that common sense is about to prevail—( Hear,
and laughter)— for something like common sense is required to
oppose the views of the League, and to satisfy them that misery
is not now increasing with increasing numbere, and that those
evils are not fostered by those who have an interest in main-
taining them. When common sense sees that the progress of the
League is opposed by vulgar abuse, when it sees industry denied
its proper exertion and rewards, and the necessitous unem-
ployed, then will common sense prevail.—( Cheers.) When
capital shall be entitled to its fair profit without the mischievous
intermeddling of a one-sided law, when the rich and idle shall be
content with their own ; when such doctrines prevail, then will
common sense and common honesty prevail.
—(Cheers. ) Then
will all those in authority be seeure, happy, and content in the
midst of a thankful people. These were the results they
looked for, and therefore it was that he gave his humble efforts
in promoting the objects of the League. As he had just seen
one of their veterans come on to the platform, he would not ,
detain them longer. They would be addressed by one who was
always at his post—ever steady at his gun—ever to be found
when wrong was to be plat down and oppression opposed—he
meant Mr. Hnme.—((;heers.)
Mr. Hume, M.P., then came forward, and was received
with great applause. He said, that however too complimen-
tary may have been the remarks of his Hon. Friend, he had
stated one truth with respect to him—it was true he was a
veteran in the cause—he had been for very many years an
anxious labourer in promoting the great objects the Anti-
Corn-law League has in view, It was with great satisfaction
that he and they must look back at the progress they had made,
and the converts that had joined them, for he remembered that l
when he proposed a fixed duty on corn only fourteen years ago,
out of a House of 600 Members, he could get but thirteen
Members to vote with him. The present salutary change had
been brought about by setting forth the objects of the League t
and the more those objects were examined and discussed, the
more would their views be promoted and adopted.—(Loud
cheers.) He came in late to that meeting, but he de-
layed to see enter the House one who was indeed
a veteran in the service of the people.—( Loud
cheers, and cries of " O'Connell, O'Connell.") He
assured the meeting that one of his great motives in coming
there that evening, was to express his public opinion as to the
principles on which those gentlemen in Dublin were put upon
their trial. The same may be applied to this country, and no
one is safe if they dare to push such principles.—( Hear, hear.)
So it was most desirable to promote the great objects of the
League, and it was therefore particularly incumbent on then)
to see how other public meetings had been interfered with.—
( Hear, hear.) A great change had taken place in the opinion
of their opponents ; formerly it was held that the foodof the
earth was for the benefit of the labourer, but their opponents
seem to thing that it was only fit to be taxed to keep up their
rents , but a great forward step has been made. They can
now ask them, " What right have you landlord! to claim a
greater protection and a higher interest on your capital than
any other set of men in the community ?" It was for the
people alone to say how long such an injustice, for injustice
it is, will be permitted to continue. Mr. flume then pro-
ceeded to contrast Sir Robert Peel's recent declaration in re-
ference to the corn-laws with the Right Hon. Baronet's pro-
fessions on introducing the Tariff Bill, and deplored Sir Robert
Peel's want of firmness in allowing himself to be dictated to
by the monopolists, and the Honourable Member then went
on to expatiate on the anomalous condition of this country,
which, with such incalculable resources, still abounds with so
much misery among the working population ; and the reme-
dies for such a calamitous state of things would, he contended,
be found only in the exertions of the League—in the abolition
of monopolies of every kind and description ; and he
knew of no reason why every honest Englishman should not
join them ; and so long as they violated rio law, use their
most strenuous efforts to rid the country of these obnoxious
monopolies ; and he knew no reason why the capital of the
landlord should have more protection than the capital of the
manufacturer or the merchant, and he pointed out the fallacy
of the doctrine that you are not to look to foreign importa-
tions, but to the home market alone, for the food of our great
and increasing population.—( near. hear,) And where, then,
he asked, are you to get an outlet foru ofour manufactures which
give employment to the great
a free trade had, said, now become
'sr had thehe working populas
tion I The qualm
humblest the important question with the highest and the
in-
dividuals in the country, and he portended the greatest cala-
mities, if the principles of free trade were not soon adopted, so
as to give emyloyment and food to the working classes, and he
deplored that the energies of such an enterprising and indus-
trious people should not have an enlarged field and free
scope. He called uneststbiss l'l-'''OPN be prepared at the next
I
dissolution of Parliament to send 'n free-traders ; it was there
the great battle was to be fought, and he apprehended but
little good would result from the proceedings of the present
House .sf Coseris oq, in ti'
t 0 e direction of free trade. He
ti. issOuld sievee water,. when
then said, he hoped the
we should be confined to the produce of our own land,
for the support of our increasing population, as it was
most peeps:pry, es that population,. increased, to procure
for them isicreased eFtployFeq ad ,1,,CP,4 from abroad. At
the same time, let no' man Pe_P,f F, ;at Ipe 'Veigri market
in the best maart, for; in spoimli 9,, It In ene senaes there
niarket, If a
for his goods at home,
is no difference between the home aril foreiga
man thinks that he will get more money
he will dispose of them at home , and also, if he thinks he will
tell them better in a foreign market; he will not yell them at
twine: 'He (gr. 1-leme) helieved that it via:, for the interest
of every usan'that the reei46r4s FOOSed -i4y ik•••,', 4iiii-con-livr
League were constructed, and that there was wiser adopted a
course more beneficial to ever), class than that adopted by the
League, and in that course they would continue.—(Clieers.)
it was tise business of every. marl—there was no mein' from the
beggar'to the Peer, whose aitereets were not nivtilved In it;
and he believed,!in his conscience, that tine 'I Ae A
.anoe proprietors
have suffered greatly, and will suffer more, by the continuation
of these laws. He was informed that in iteland already the
grating .sands were immense's, ressuceo, to eo t-
irseqisesiee 'of the
Enklish not 'hating napital enough to 'purehase I, .'s
qp.ei. cattle.
There ought to be no prohibition to the fruit of the labour,
inienuify; and industry of the Englishmen --s(Cheers.) The
objent Of Site Antistorn .law League in seekiilg for a repeal of
dig 'corn slaWs, 'Wde not only to Obtain a free qadesin corn, 'bit
i
to obtain free trade in everytilipg else; they put food Palm'

in this instanee on account of its great importance, knowing
well that free trade in everything else would speedily follow.
He would express a hope that every person who was present
listening to him would consider that it was for his own indivi-
dual interest that ha was seeking for free trade in
corn, for in twelve months afterwards they would have free
trade in everything. Follow down even to the beggar in the
street, and 'they would find that they were looking to his interest
also. The time, he hoped, would come when all parties would
agree on this subject ; at present their opponents were strong
in wickedness, and they were strong in truth.—( Loud cheers. )
'The Hon. Gentleman then thanked the meeting for the kind
manner in which they had received him, and resumed his seat
amidst loud and enthusiastic cheers of applause.
Mr. VILLIERS then introduced to the meeting Mr. William
Dougal Christie, the Member for Weymouth, and took occa-
sion to say that he was one of the few Members who during last
session of Parliament had the courage to take an independent
part on the subject of the corn-laws. After load cheering,
Mr. CHRISTIE, M.P., addressed the meeting. He congratu-
lated the meeting on thefact, that againotthese meetings no Go-
yernment proclamation had yet been issued, no new-fangled line
of conspiracy had yet been invented.—(Hear, and laughter. )
Two nights ago he had heard the Secretary of State for the
Home Department utter a sentence, which he accompanied
with his most significant look, and on the words of which much
study had been evidently bestowed, which, if it was not intended as.
a mere clap-trap, to raise a party cheer, or to insult by a dark
insinuation what he dare not openly attack, must have been
meant as a warning to the Anti-Corn-law League.—( Laughter. )
After saying that the altered circu nstances of the times re-
quired an alteration in the law of conspiracy, and quoting a
maxim of Madame de Steel, which he and the Duke of Wel-
lington thought most profound, he said, that " now-a-days
leaguers held their meetings in theatres, and conspirators build
Conciliation Halls to disseminate sedition."—(Cheers, and
laughter.) All that he could say in answer to that was, that
the Anti-Corn-law League had not as yet frightened the Home-
office with any sham military proclamation ; the Council of
the League eontineed to addi-ess in plain terms, men of plain
understanding ; and Mr. Cobden headed no Anti Corn-law
cavalry.—(Laughter.) It was not from Sir James Graham
that this declared, n against the Anti-Corn-law League might
have been expected. The League without taking any par-
ticular trouble to ascertain his opinions, had had hitherto one
reason fur thinking that they were honoured with his confidence
and good opinion.—( Laughter.) When, last year, the League
began to hold its meetings in theatres, those who conducted
the arrangements unexpectedly found, that the police force
which always attended the theatres when they were opened
for the purposes of the legitimate drama, were not to be allowed
to attend on the occasions when the League met there, in con-
sequence of a special order of the Home-office to that effect.
( Great laughter.) Mr. Wilson made particular application to
the head of the metropolitan police for their assistance, but it
was refused in consequence of the order in question,
and up to that day there had not been a single
policeman present at their meetings. From this it was to be
inferred that he who presided over the Home-office was satis-
fied of the legal and orderly character of the meetings of the
League.—( Great laughter.) The Government appeared to
be exulting over the success of their proceedings in Ireland,
but it would be better for them to wait to see that success,
instead of boasting of it in the absence of that great man before
whose power they quailed when they granted Catholic Eman-
cipation. Before they sung their song of triumph they should
_wait for the final issue of their proceedings.---( Hear, hear.)
At all events, if they now prepared another indictment against
the League, and endeavoured to apply their new doctrine of
conspiracy, founded nn Madame de Steel's maxim, to the altered
circumstances of the times, why the League might call Sir
James Graham and the superintendent of police to speak to
their characters.—( Laughter. ) The apostate Baronet.—
( Loud cheers which prevented the remainder of the sentence
from being audible.) The Anti-Corn.law League made it its
object to act upon the House of Commons. It acted upon con-
stituencies by endeavouring to make them act upon
Members, in order that Members might give good votes.
If they were to be proseutei, so also ought their opponents of
the pro-corn-law associations, whose strong speeches, signifi-
cant hints, and bold declamations were much more dangerous.
Their opponents
and
the constituencies, jumped over
the Legislature. aspired to keep the Government in order,
to add to the riches of the wealthy, and compel the poor to pay
a disproportionate contribution to the revenue. The pretext
was proteetion to agriculture ; but where were the proofs
that such protection had been afforded ? The corn-laws only
served to—

" Stun with false care what else would flourish wild,
Or reek the cradle till they bruised the child."—( Laughter. )
I f humanity were to be the motto of any party it should be in-
scribed on the banners of the League. If any one doubted
the ultimate success of their efforts in achieving unconditional
repeal, the speech of Lord Morpeth, who declared that if the
sliding-scale were not abandoned in a twelvemonth he would
join them, ought to dispel that doubt. If, when his Lordship
made that declaration, he doubted that the sliding-scale would
be preserved another year, Sir Robert Peel came in oppor-
tunely to make a declaration of his determination to
preserve the sliding .scale, thus dispelling in his Lord-
ship's mind all doubt as to his intentions for the fu-
ture.—( Hear, hear.) Other great conversions, other
important declarations would undoubtedly follow. He did not
despair of seeing the leader of the Opposition a convert to the
cause of free trade. It would be just what might be expected
from one who belonged to a family which was so great in the
country's history. Their enemies called the League " a great
fact," and the services which it rendered would hereafter cause
the period of its exertions to be considered a great era, and
whoever might carry the question in the House of Commons,
the pioneers who cleared the way would not be forgotten. He
could not conclude without expressing his conviction that no
man who hereafter shall lay a plentiful meal before his children,
could ever forget the skilful, the eloquent, and the high-toned
advocacy of Mr. Villiers, any more than he could forget the
exertion, the almost superhuman energy, that unison of true,
simple, and manly character, with an intellect of extraordinary
breadth and vigour, which have placed Mr. Cobden in the
front rank of public men, and established him far beyond the
reach of the calumnious and dark insinuations by which un-
scrupulous men have endeavoured to defame him.—(Cheers.)
Mr. W. J. Fox then came forward and, after being greeted
with tremendous applause, spoke as follows:—If there be upon
the two Hon. Members of the House of Commons who have
addressed you this evening the doom which used to be much
more frequently on judges' lips than, happily, it is at present,
and if they are about to be taken to the place from whence
they came, I hope on their arrival they will report there that
the Anti-Corn-law eague is still in existence—( Great
laughter, and cheers)—for it was announced in that House no
longer ago than last night, that since the declaration of Sir
Robert Peel, on the first night of the session, the Anti-Corn-
law League had dwindled into insignificance. Yes, it has
dwindled from a revenue of 50,0001. a year to one of 100,0001.
It has dwindled from small local meetings' to such gatherings
as I now behold around me ; it has dwindled from the humility
of petitioning the House of Commons to the masters of the
House of Commons—(Cheers)—and what a strange, what
an imperfect, what a confused and ignorant notion must any
man have of the Anti-Corn-law League, wh: supposes that the
breath of a Member of the House of Commons, or of a Minister
of the Crown, can cause it to shrink and shrivel up into insig-
nificance. Why, he takes it to be some petty intrigue, some
party manoeuvre, something to which the Members of the
House of Commons are much more accustomed than they are to
the grand principles of truth and justice, and to the great
movements of national opinion. And of all persons, too, one
whose breath has so often blown hot and cold on this subject,
who has aforetime denounced as destructive of the political
Constitution and of the religious Establishment of these
realms, the very measures which he has submitted to introduce,
of all men his words are not the words before which such a
body as this is to stand appalled, or at whose com-
mand it will shrink into annihilation.—( Great cheering. )
Neither on Sir Robert Peel, nor on any other leader of party,
does this League depend for the success of those objects which
are marching on towards their accomplishment.—( Hear, hear. )
It has been made a boast of late that even rich Whig Lords
are joining the Anti-League movement. Let them join. S
much the worse for the Whigs, but not for the Anti-Corn-
law League.--( Hear, hear.) Our atrength is in the prin-
ciples we hold. It is written down that free trade is an im-
portant step in the progress of nations. It is a fact that
claims founded on eternal justice, as is the claim of industry
to a free market for its produce, may be violated for time,
but can never permanently be refused to the demands of hu-
manity.—(Loud cheers.) Their dicta, on whatever side of
the House they may be, or whatever parties they may lead—
their dicta stop the progress of this League, or prevent the
accomplishment of its objects !---why we may as well suppose
that the coming of the approaching spring will be retarded or
prevented by the bellowing of the bull in Tamworth Park !
( Great laughter.) But what monopoly cannot effect through
the medium of ancient institutions anti legitimate fofirkg,
it seems, to be effected by voluntary combination and effort.
Not content with the great Corn-law League of the House of
Lords and the House of Commons—not content with the
command of the Cabinet and of its coercesispokesman—rat
content with all this, we find a number or little " associa-
tions" springing up here and there all ever the country, cry,
ing out as it were to these leviathan powers—
" 0, let our little barks attendant sail,
Pursue the triumph, and partake the gale,"
—( Cheers and laughter,) Being imitative bodies, these asso-
ciations, they have taken to copying from us. We have
left off petitioning Parliament, and they are just going to begin.
—( Hear.) I hope the cast-off clothes will fit thins? grape-
fully.—( Renewed cheering.) They deriotinee our agitation ;
the Duke of Richmond says that our agitation is immoral, and
forthwith puts himself at the head of another agitation.-ma
(Continued cheering.) In looking over the various resolu-
tions and proceedings of these corn-law meetings, I have
endeavoured to ascertain what are their most important
features, what they are driving at; and of the two
things which stand ont most boldly in relief, one,
I find, is hatred of the League.—( Hear.) They do not
exactly knew what they are about to do, but they must oppose
the League, they must stop the League, they must put 09.yiv,
the League. And so, to de all this, thoe begin to praise the
very thing oi. which they have been complaining ;
they enlist themselves as supporters of the Prime
Minister, by whom they have been betreyed ; they
evince their consistency, scarcely knowing what else
to cloyp agreeing._ to support "a. law which
they have denounne'd, and a -Premier whom they despise.—
( Hear, hear.) And by declaring that we are liable to the
penalties of the law, what do they but put themselves in a
position to shield us, if there be any impartiality in time sdini
nistration of the iaFy, cfo4l s.4ch ? If: We hkil
muchof-16re are they, wi`th`ihcir corresponding societies, mak-
ing their conspiracy not constructive, but open and apparent
to all the world. Not that I care about that word.—( Hear,
hear.) I should as soon, if not sooner, have addre;sed
meeting by the term fellow-conspirators than by afiy 'othbi
designation.—(f.otsd cheers.) It would be no 'disgrace, When
the pit4u4 or is law lul object by lawful mead's can bring men
under pains and pematies. And I must say that, whatever
might be the business of the evening, I should have felt
ashamed of myself and of you, if the privilege of free meeting
and of free speech could be used here Tit out the OA-
pressiun of sympathy for those who are to punished
for its Use in the sister Loud '' and' long-eon-
tinuect applase, accompanied by 'cries of S' Bravo,")ss,y
sympathy for' our own: sakes; tzqt" theits, tor, 0,1 all men, I
taite him to hate the feat fiee'd of sympathy, who, even in a
dungeon, if he is sent to 'a clungeon; will rule in the thoughts,
and hearts,' and devotion, of the nation whom he serves.—( isp-
plause. ) It is mine to o'srselaes, it is due to the best and dearest
right which the people Of' ihMa count'' y p?sseis.:Lthe' right of
publicly' Meeting, and if it be. a great griOance, n4n b-sra
proportioned to the greatness of the grievance—(Crie s of

" Hear, hear")—to declare their wrongs and to demand
redress. That right should never be touched in any locality,
or in the case of any party, without the protest, the
strong and heart-felt protest, of every one who values
public freedom, and the privileges of a nation, only procured
by the boldness of its speech and by its spirit of independence.
—( Hear, hear.) But to return to our associations. The eli-
mination of the League seems to be the first, great,
prevailing object. This •is the most intense. feeling
in their hearts, this the first idea to which they
give utterance. And for what do they criminate
us? Of all the petty, paltry charges ever scraped
together, some of those which figure in the "very
head and front" are the most pitiful. The first resolution of
one agricultural meeting states it to be a most intolerable thing
that the League sends paid lecturers about the coun try. —( Hear.)
They charge it as a crime upon us that lecturers are sent
to such public meetings—( Some interruption was here caused
by some person in the meeting, and the [lon. Gentleman eon-
tintied)—but even they have not the impudence to charge it
upon us, that in some instances ruffians are sent to disturb
public meetings.---( Hear, hear, and cheers.) They forge .•
too; that the great teacher and lecturer of the League is one
that is not paid—and cannot he paid, by human agency. Its
greatest and most efficient Lecturer is an invisible power--a
missionary from Heaven, speaking to the heart of humanity—a
Lecturer that speaks to the minds of th .se who listen, as well
as with the voice of him 'who addresses an as .embly—an un-
dying power, but everywhere pledged to spread free-trade
doctrines and to put down oppression, and the name of this
ummidlecturer it the Love of Justice.--(Applause. ) A num-
ber of stories were told by them, amongst which was that of a
man having forged to a petition, but they slid not accuse us of
forging names to a monopolist candidate to come for-
ward and stand for the representation of a county.—
( Laughter.) Do they say this man entered a churchyard
and copied a number of names • from the grave stones, for the
purpose of attaching names toms Anti-Corn-law petition? Why,
if the person whom they employed did this, there must have
been some shrewdness about him, and had their perceptions
been morally acute. I think they would have abstained from
selecting this particular illustration of the charge from the
graveyards of this country, for in those of both crowded towns and
remote villages, how many of those senseless inhabitants are
there who have been brought there—indirectly, hadeed, but not
the less certainly—by the operation of those accursed restric-
tion laws.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Could they interfere
in our transitory occurrences, they would have a right to
petition upon this matter. They had been the victims
of the system under which the living are yet suffering
and 'writhing, and were their power to reach their inanimate
dust, and could their old thoughts, and feelings, and reminis-
cences be gathered together, could they come from their
graves, to which so many have been carried with but limited
rites—the shortened removing—the little bell tolled heavily at
the pauper's funeral—could they be gathered together from
their resting-places—could they be assembled iu the neigh-
bourhood where that body met tolegislate:on life and death—
oh, there would he such crowds, that the avenues of the Houses.
of Parliament would be so choked up, that it would require a
large army of horse and foot, with a Wellington at their head,
to cut a passage through this multitude, and the result would
be, that the chaplain of the House would preach his sermon on
the occasion from the text, " Your brother's blood cries to me
for vengeance."—( Loud cheers.) Next to this unwise disposi-
tion to vituperate, he found most prominent in the proceed-
ings of those bodies, was the immensity of the professions of at-
tachment to the labourer. This was prominent in every string
of resolutions and in all their speeches.—(Hear, hear.) The
food of the labourer and the work of the labourer seemed to be
their being, their aim, and their end—it would appear as if the
landlords were only born in order that they might ex-
ercise their love for the labourer. (Cheers and
laughter.) He did not suppose from such expressions that they
would never meet again at their festivities, but that the toast of
Church anti State, and its usual accompaniment of the glee of
" A Jolly Good Bottle" then would follow the toast of the la-
bourer; and after a description of his Arcadian bliss, there
would be a song in character, to the words of " What a
Beauty he did grow." They love their labour so
dearly, that they take care that the fine proportions of his
form shall not be spoiled by too much rich or ample living--
that it shall not be obscured by too great an abundance of
clothing.—( Laughter.) A curate, the orthodoxy of whose
faith was doubted, once said that he could not be expected to
believe very largely, for he only believed at the rate of
80/. a year, while the Bishop believed at the rate of
15,0001. a-year, and so it seems to be with respect to
the great Lords and landed proprietors ; they loved their
labour at the rate of their 30,000/., 40,000/., 60,0001., or
even 80,0001. a year, while the poor labourer in return,
stinted in his means, can only love at the rate of Bs. or 9s. a
week.—( Cheers and laughter ) There has been nothing like
this wonderful attachment since the days when King Cophetua
loved the beggar-maid ; but lie did not first make her a beggar
that he might love her the more ; and in this respect the re-
semblance does not hold good. We have often heard of the
lass who loved the sailor, but what is that to the affec-
tion of the lord who loves the labourer ; they love the
labourer so dearly that for their sakes he would even
injure the rest of the community and degrade their characters—
and pervert the powers of their station and their legislative Tune-
tions; they love them so dearly, that for their sakes they will take
out of the pockets of the public any amount of rent which they
can get by the taxation of food.—( Cheers, and laughter.) The
labourers are told that they must have work, and if free-trade
principles are to prevail, it is said, that the land will
go out of cultivation anti the poor labourer must starve.
Now, what is the meaning of all this? for even love itself—the
love of the landlord for the labourer—must sometimes be sub-
ject to analysis.—(Laughter.) The owner of 50,000 acres
says, that if one party prevails, his land will go out of cultiva-
tion, and England will become a desert. Does he mean that
land itself will take wings and flee away? And if he can get
any rent for it, does he mean that land will yield no produce to
any one who may till it ?—(Hear, hear.) There it is, and no
alteration in the law of the land can annihilate the soil, or blast
the power with which Providence has endowed it, of bearing
ample fruits in return for the seed which man deposits therein.
—( Hear, hear.) And why let him throw it out of cultivation ?
If there are 50,000 labourers' life on that property—if it is al-
together abandoned by him, there will be nice squatting there
--(Laughter)—for those who remain.--( Continued laughter.)
I think it will go hard but they will manufacture bread and
cheese out of it.—(Laughter.) And since we hear that the
hares and rabbits on some estates require a very considerable
reduction—(Laughter)—they might live on them till harvest
time came round.--(Great laughter. ) Thus, with a little in-
genuity, weuld those 50,000 be covered with industry, and
persons would get food for their support, and
would have some surplus to spare to find them-
selves in clothing. Thus, what becomes of the cant
phrase of throwing land out of cultivation ? ( Hear,
hear.) If this were to happen the labourer would think it
the happiest day of his life when the landlord was " crossed in
in love. '—( Hear, hear.) And if the thing went on, and the
comfort of this little society increased, it is much to be feared
that, after a time, the landlord would come back again. There
would then be a repetition of the scenes which had so disgraced
Scotland and Ireland. There would be notice to quit served
on those who had taken possession of the abandoned property.
There would he the horrors of a clearing, in which whole fa-
milies would be sent to lie down in the ditches, and have to
find refuge from the pitiless elements to which they would be
exposed by the equally pitile;s landlord—( Hear, hear)—and
the enactment of a tragedy, too often performed, would end the
farce of " The Labourers' Love."—Great cheering. ) When
did this love commence ? What is tlel history of this most
fond and affectionate care of one class for another ? How old is
it? Does it belong to those anaient times in our history when
slaves were fattened here anti sold in Ireland, to the litAritirent
of the home market there, till it was glntteei With a surplus
population ? Was it in the 14th tiry, when pestilence had
ravaged the country—vehea. the number of those who tilled was so
reduced, that they claimed as a right a higher rate of wages
for their work—when the statute of labour was passed (which
some have praised even in this qv day), enacting that they
should be flogged to their work, at the wages they had before
the pestilence came ?--. ( Hear, hear.) Was it in the 15th cen-
tury, when it was the law that if a man had been for fifteen
years a labourer he must follow the drudgery fcr life, and net
apprentice his sons in towns, lest the lr,edioree of the sail should
lose the services of hi; s:.•rf.; i 3—( Hear, hear.) Was it even
in the sixteenth century, when a man, catching any idle
atrollor on his grounds, might force him to work, ~nd feed him
with the offal of his table, and brand him, that he might be
known to belong to his service Hear, hear.) Was it at
the period whim manufacturing energy commenced—when the
wages of the labourer, as measured by wheat, fell wore than
one-half, and the price of wheat was more ihati double ? Was
it under the old poor-law, or n,:v.• i,oei-law, which sometimes
subjected the lallgliTer (.G the degradation of being mid big
honestly:earned wages out of the parish fund, f,t, another time
turning the screw upon him, telling him he is a late corner to
natures table, and bidding, him, in lAls rags and starvation, be
independent ?—(Hearl hear..) is it now that he is gifted
with twentmenec a-day if the weather be fine, to lose it if the
chiy be wet ? Where can we find the origin—where true the
hietory—,where see the marks of that paternal care, which one
special class now affirms to have.tahen of the labourers of this
country—( Hear, hear),,sinee they had them` under their fond
protection? If such be their feelings for the labourers, why do
they not bestow more exclusively their attention to them? It is
the tendency of the Legislator; of this class to meddle with any
business rather than thew own ? They are very 4nalous about
factories: where persons are paid higher by far than any which
agricultural labourers receive hi the employ of tenant farmers.
—(Hear, hear.) They are for making regulations about
selionla they are for interfering with cotton, snd silk, and
woollen manufactories ; but there is the labiatier, whom they
love so well, the most unprotected, the
boost unhelped,i being in
the country.—(llear, hear.) Now and then, perhaps,
they 44y0 given him some sort of a prize for a
twenty years'_ service in some family—(Hear)—but even this
has been coupled of late with an gdmonition that he must not
listen to persons who were given to change—(Laughter)--kw
the si, l teachers that there must always be poor in the
iand.—(Great laughter.) And what is the assumption of be-
ing agriculturists on the part of tba landed proprietory ? What
is it but _ part et the same cant which we find
"extended tbrbnghout the whole of their proceedings ?
Why, the use of a man's property dues not affect his character
or his occupation ; being the owner of a library does ecit mehe
a man learned. As Mr. Cobden often pithily f,Ati a wan is
not a sailor because he is a shipowner netther arts the owners
of great estates entitle() tg
'not
the hLuourablo appellation of
agriculturists. Pity are nei the cultivators of the round,
tttey are only the recipients of its fruits, taking the lions ?st.law
of the profits." If this language were allowed in reference to
other matters; if it were to designate the csocupations of people by
the use which they make ref their property, it would follow thgt
a Noble reember, of thls'League (the Marquis of Wettitkater)
is the' greatestbricknaaker in the country; that the Duke of
BedfOrd is the most distingi.lizhed dramatist and mu-
sician ; anti that the clergy of Westminster Abbey
are prOfessiirs of prostitution.—(Great laughter. l Mr. Fort
then went on to say that the question spa,. whet* the landed
proprietors were to be " nation," the entire nation? for
that was the object kr- which they were (Lieu, and '
cheeri.) They' acknowlegjed it ; they;,oknowledged
; bet the i !ice one }loose idfluencing another.—(l-lear.)
They acknowledged the manufacturing classes, but they AO 411
ftleW'poicer to oppress them ; they acknowlAge the working
classes, but they tax the bone ;„i--.4 sinew, of
Fit
tl
iatnbiloo,ulrE
they tax the very br?ad of their er,aterice.—(
plause,l giaiiied that they w.ere
there was a time when' (he latOrd w,tts;*4l"S"%asq7Z nation;
butr'sviiat-sOi:i of time vs/a; it A time when tIIF people of
this country ware dogged, branded, arid sold. There was a
time when they were a nation, when they rode down Bog
helpless opponents, and were only found caste of being put

z
V N
Atq
rty • 0
„
• ,
•
hors de combat by being cracked likg lobsters in theje; ittiebie
—( Cheers and laughter.) Yes, they were a natlikr,",hut '1 °'"-s`'
when they were, it was a nation not worth living in • and to
that time would they again bring the people back.--('Never.)
They were not, however, he would tell them, the nation;
but the hard-working, industrious, productive classes of the country were the nation.__( Hear, bear.) It had been often
said, and there was much truth in the statement, that " Eng-
land was the paradise of landowners;" but her industrious
sons, was not the land theirs? The landowners, however,
called the land theirs, as if they were " the gods" who made
it ; and were not content even with that.-4 A laugh. ) They
talked of their estates; but they got them not by industry,
hut rather by sword and rapine.—( Hear, hear.) They talked
of the heavy burdens which they say are on the land, arid
yet there was no property which was less burdened than this
land. " Free markets" was the cry of Wat Tyler ; and the
dagger which stabbed him then was still stuck in the arras 4f
the City of London Corporation ; and the cry which was raised
then was raised now. Yes, " free markets," not in England
only, but in all the world.—(Enthusiastic cheering.) They
demanded for al} markets the same freedom as they looked
for themselves.—( Hear, hear.) They demanded "free mar-
kets"— free as the air of heaven, free as the billows of the sea,
free as the aspirations of the soul of man.—( Great cheering,
and loud cries of " Bravo.") What, he would ask, had not Oa
wisdom and industry of man done for labour ? It was said in
a newspaper, a fee days back, that the price of corn was only
the same now that it was in 1791 ; but the fact was,
that, while the price of corn was the same as in 1791, the
rent of land in this country was double, and snore than double
what it was then ; and it was that that crippled the farmer,
and rendered him unable to compee with foreigners.—
( Hear, hear.) There were they (the Anti-Corn-law League)
in their voluntary gathering, and yonder Here their oppo-
nents in their set meeting by Royal mandate ; there were
they (the League) in their open proceedings, while yonder
also were their opponents in their seclusion. There were
they (the League) in the open way, and they took up the-
gauntlet which their opponents had thrown down, and
hurled defiance in their teeth.—( Loud cheers.) "We
advance to the conflict," eontioued Mr. Fox, " which they
brave—the conflict of public opinion against power, break-
ing no law even oftheir making. In the spirit of that peace-
ful morality which they profess, and have made part and parcel
of the law of England, we carry out this great cause, and we
will win even for them deliverance from the curse wl.ich the
oppressor brings on his own head; for ourselves, emancipa-
tion from the disgrace of being plun:lered and enslaved; and
for our country, deliverance from the prospect of confusion,
from the endurance of wretchedness, from anarchy, and from
desolation. The age of feudalism is past, and the spirit of
feudalism cannot govern this country. It may be strong
in the prestige of the past; it may glitter in the splendour
which it has won from the toils of industry;
it may fortify itself in the bulwarks of institutions ; it may
surround itself with a servile multitude ; but the spirit of feu-
dalism must suceemb before the genius of humanity ; the
spirit, the principles, and the power of feudalism, must stand
by and make way for the rights of industry, anti for the pro-
gress of nations towards commercial, political, and intellectual
liberty."—(Tremendous and long-continued cheering followed
the conclusion of the above speech.)
The CRATRMAN then stated, that Mr. O'Connell had ccu-
sented to attend the next weekly meeting, an announcement
which was received with vociferous applause.
'1 he meeting then dispersd.

THE COMPLETE SUFFRAGE
.MOVEMENT.
The Council of the National Complete Suffrage Union
met at Birmingham on Monday ; the President in the
chair.

Most encouraging accounts were read from different
parts of the kingdom, regarding the rapid and. satis-
factory progress which the Supply movement is making
in the public mind.
LETTER FROM MR. W. S. CRAWFORD.
Mr. STURGE then read the following letter Prom Mr.
' W. S. Crawford, which he had that morning received:—
" London, Feb. 10, 1844.
" Respected Friend,—l think it right to submit to you
a few observations on the present position of the move-
ment, which has been commenced in the House of Com-
mons, with a view to pressing forward the consideration
of grievances on motions of Supply. By a reference to the
division lists you will find that 40 Members voted in sup-
port of that principle of action, taking the two divisions
conjointly. Out of these 40 Members you will observe
that three, who voted in favour of the first motion, voted
against the second motion; but, eve.* if we are to suppose
that these gentlemen are:no longer to be included in our
lists, still there remain 37 Members, and there are some
Members whose support might be expected. It should
always be kept in mind in this movement, that a minority
cannot be justified in any course which would indicate
a determined opposition to a majority, unless it is based
on the position that the minority do truly represent the
people, and that the majority do not ; and this can only
be evidenced by the constitutional expression of the
people's voice in the form of petition, and by the com-
munication of the sentiments of constituencies to their
respective representatives ; but in such communications
allow me to add, that it is not right to ask them to sup-
port the detail of proceedings which any particular
Member might suggest or adopt ; but the constituencies
should insist on the principle that the complaints of
the people should be inquired into before the/Supplies
be voted, and that each Member should make such mo-
tions and take such steps, as in his judgment would be
most effective for the purpose.
" I had written so far before I was aware that notice "
had been given by the Governinent to bring on the
Army and Navy Estimates in Committee of Supply
on Friday next. This is, I believe, a rapidity most un-
usual, if not unprecedented. The estimates are not
yet delivered, and cannot be in the hands of the
Members for some days. It is obvious thit by this
course any possible expression of public opinion on the
subject of the movement now commenced will be fore-
stalled ; but if, it be supposed that the fixing of this early day was done with that object, it will be a proof
of the importance of the movement, and a stimulus tc)
greater exertion in carryine. it forward. In order to •
meet this proceeding of the Government, I have this
day given notice that I shall on Friday next a move an
amendment on the motion of' Supply, to the effect that
the consideration of the estimates be postponed ;' this
motion will of course be lost, but it will be a stronger
foundation for a contest on the estimates, if the
Members representing popular constituencies feet
so disposed, In the meantime, I shall, as an
individual Member, keep up the system of ro-
ceeding to such extent as prudence and utility shall seem to me to warrant. But I must remind you that
there is an obstacle to a single Member, or a few Members.
pushing a proceeding of this kind to any great extent,
without a sufficient weight both of internal and external
support, lest it might be made a plea by the majority.to-
swamp those privileges of the Commons which are in-
tended as the best securities of the rights of the people.
At the same time, I am convinced that if a body of
Members, to the. number which the late divisions show
were determined to act together, and were backed by a
sufficient power of the public voice, no Government could,
stand against them for any length of time and refuse re-
dress of grievances ; and I am equally convinced that
there are no other means in prospect by which that re-
dress can be obtained.
" Believe me, with the highest respect, your Friend,
" WM. SHARMAN CRAWFORD.
" To Joseph Sturge, &c. &c."
Mr. STURGE expressed his high satisfaction with the
prudent and persevering exertions of Mr. Crawford.'
with the conduct of those who had supported him, and
the healthy state of public feeling on the subject. He
traced the history of the movement, and expressed his
anxious wish that the friends of the cause would feet
that the good work was but a beginning, and that they
would continue to agitate until the opinion of the majo-
rity of the people were distinctly known.
Mr. J. C. PERRY moved, and Mr. W. MORGAN se-
conded, the following resolutions, which were passed
unanimously.--
I, That this Council congratulate the friends of com-
plete suffrage upon the remarkable success which has
attended the introduction into Parliament of the pro-
posal for redressing the grievances of the people before
voting the:Supplies, and they derive great encouragement
from the fact that forty Members have recorded their
votes in favour of that proposal.
2. That this Council have read the letter of Mr. Shar-
man Crawford to their President, dated the 10th inst.,
with great interest, and beg to assure that gentleman of
their unabated confidence, and the deep gratitude they
entertain for his faithful services in the cause of the
people, and advocacy of their claims, and they rejoice
that an instrument for enforcing those claims is now in
the hands of the patriotic Members of Parliament who
really represent the people.
3, That this Council look forward with the deepest
anxiety to the discussion about to • take place on the
Army Estimates, and in anticipation of the amendment of
which Mr. Crawford has given notice being defeatedb
trust that the friends of the people in Parliament will
use every means which the forms of the House will per.
mit to resist the grant of Supplies even for a limited
period, until an assurance be obtained that the master
grievance of non- representation shall be considered,
with a view to its complete redress.

FIRE IN LAMBETH,—On Thursday afternoon an
extensive fire was discovered in the melting department, be-
longing to Messrs. Ogilvie and Co., tallow-melters, Paradise-
street, Lambeth. From the premises being very nearly
situated to many poor families who were severe losers by
the late fire which occurred a few months ago, the greatest
excitement for some time prevailed for the safety of
the neighboiu'hood; however, in a short time, Barrow and
Hamhleton, with the West of England and Waterloo-
road engines arrived, and a good supply of water being sup-
plied, the firemen soon obtained the mastery over the
flames, not, however, until the roof of the melting-house had been destroyed, and other serious damage done.
STRANGE OCCURRENCE.—MiSS ---, whose death
appeared in the Mercury of Friday last, was cousin to her
employer, Mr. —. Confinement had wrought so unfa-
yOUrably upon her health that last summer she went to the
country. Having been there some time, she received a letter,
stating that unless she returned immediately, her situation
would not be kept for her. She did return, and gradually
grew worse. On the day of her death she appeared to be
labouring more severely than she had before done under the
influence of her malady. Her cousin desired her to go homes
' but she was too unwell, and died in her clothes. Her
mottim a poor woman, was sent for. She wished the corpse
to remain there until a coffin could be obtained, but Mr.
would not consent, saying, "Do you think I would
have a, corpse in my house?" "Well," replied the
distressed mother, " let me go first and inform tnir,
people I lodge with of poor —'s death."
and scarcely had she entered the house, _
led out, "I
than a'ev cab
stopped by the door, and the cabman
and
opened
have a passenger for
when
He then descendedcj
the door of the cab, a sight presented itself which made The corpse
him " blush ibr them," to use his own words.
much disfigured
had &lien from the seat, It its nose wa
ben cut open, to allow the
poor girl breeth;ngroom,
The front part of the di
whenand the corpse was seen in
the cab, She dress, from above to the waist, had dropped
down,
so that the upper part was literally naked! Thud
unfeeling wretch re/Wed to assist the poor mother with the
loan "of t.ee means to bury her, although the poor girl 1.44
Bry-ided for that before hand, 'but the party who had the
money was not in town at the thue. And she was heard_
to say, "I can die happy, because I know I have money to
buryime with !"-7,116 tibove has been communicated freen
a highly respectable party, but we think It only justiw
say that we have heard a somewhat different statement of
the same case, though, we fear, the main incklgat is only too
true.—."-Lieerpoo/ Memory,

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 16

Lord DENNIAN, in the absence of the Lord Chancellor, took
his scat on the Woolsack at Five o'Clock.
THE MARQUIS OF NORMANBY'S PROTEST.

The Marquis of NORMANBY moved that leave be given
to Peers to sign, on Monday next, the protest of the Marquis
of Normanby against the decision of the House, negativing the
resolutions proposed on the subject of Ireland.—Agreed to.
COLONEL VERNER.
The NOBLE MARQUIS then said, that he had to address one
word of explanation to their Lordships on the subject
of a mistake which had been made in the usual vehicles of
public information in giving a report of his speech
of last night. He had been represented as saying that
the dismissal of Colonel Verner had not been his own act,
but had been the act of the Lord Chancellor ( Lord Plunket).
Now what he had said was, that the allegation against him,
that he had dismissed Colonel Blacker and Colonel Verner, was
incorrect. That the dismissal of Colonel Blacker had taken
place during the Government of the Marquis of Wellesley, but
that with regard to the dismissal of Colonel Verner,
he (the Marquis of Normanby) took the whole responsibility
un himself. He had afterwards communicated on the sub-
ject
by letter with the Lord Chancellor (Lord Plunket), who
entirely approved of the course which he had adopted.
THE CHARLENIONT HOUSE PETITION.
The Marquis of WEST ME NTH asked the Noble Marquis
(Normanby) when he intended to present the petition which
he had stated to have been agreed on at a meeting at Charle-
mont House, respecting the imaginary grievances of Ireland.
The Marquis of NOUN' A NBY had never stated that the reti-
tion was in his custody. It was in the custody ofhis Noble Friend
the Marquis of Clanricarde, who had left town that morning. He
had no doubt, however, but that his Noble Friend would pre-
sent the petition immediately that he retarned. The petition
would probably be presented during the course of next week,
when the Noble Marquis could satisfy himself as to the respec-
tability of the petitioners.
During this discussion the Loan Cif ASCELLOR entered the
House and took his seat on the Woolsack.

POSTPONEMENT OF THE BISHOP OF EXETER'S

MOTION.

The Bishop of LONDON said that in consequence of the
indisposition of his Right Rev. Friend (the Bishop of Exeter)
he had been requested to state that that Right Rev. Prelate
would put off the motion of which he had given notice for that
evening to Friday next.
POOR-LAW—MOTHER AND CHILD.
JUDGMENT OF THE COURT OF QUEEN'S BENCH.
Lord DENMAN rose to request their Lordships' attention
to a subject which bad occupied a great deal of space in the
proceedings of the other House of Parliament—which had also
been made the subject of discussion in the other House
of Parliament. There had been standing upon the Orders
of the other House for several days past this notice—" Mr. Fer-
rand to put the following question to the Secretary of State for
the Home Department : "that as Lord Chief Justice Denman
bas declared it to be the unanimous opinion of the judges of the
Court of Queen's Bench, " that there are come cases in which
it is necessary to break in upon an Act of Parliament, arid upon
that which may have existed from all time ;" and has also de-
clared that " it is the mother who is the proper party to have
the custody of all her children under seven years of age, and
that it is not for the benefit of the mother, but for
the protection of the children ;" and that he thinks
that " the judges ought to crush the first attempt
to depart from that principle, and it is of the highest impor-
tance that it should be considered the undoubted law of the
land,"—whether the Government intend to insert a clause in
the New Poor-law Bill, for the purpose of prohibiting the sepa-
ration of mother and child, if they should become the inmates
of a workhouse.' "—(A laugh.) It appeared from this that the
Chief Justice had been represented as having declared, that it
was of the highest importance that what the judges considered
right should he adopted and adhered to, although it might be
contrary to statute, and to the written laws of the land. This
was a most extraordinary position to be announced, especially
by the judges. The subject had been discussed ; and
a Right lion. Gentleman, in another place, had answered in
in the name of the Court, and upon authority, that no portion
of the statement was correct. He however found that there
was still a strong disposition to assume the accuracy of the
statement. There was an article on the subject which occu-
pied three columns of the 1 imes of this morning, and which
asserted the.correetness of that report. Much evidence had
also been produced on the subject, and it had been stated that
at the time the judgment had been delivered, one of the re-
potters had turned round to his neighbour and said, " Den-
man has blurted out a great truth."—( A laugh.) Now he (Lord
Denman) was willing to receive the commendation of any in-
telligent person ; and' if he had uttered a great truth he was glad
of it. Ile had been told, for he had not read it, that this
judgment had bean the subject of a leading article shortly
after the time when it had been delivered. Now, could
it be supposed for a moment that 'the judges, of
all eople in the world, had said that it was sometimes
necessary to break through an Act of Parliament?—(Hear,
hear.) The circumstance of one reporter turning round to
another and making the observation to which lie had alluded,
reminded him of att anecdote which he had heard of an ancient
orator, who did not hold the people in that respect which he
( Lord Denman) did, and who, whenever he was applauded
by the pe pie during the course of his addresses to them, asked
whether lie had uttered any very great nonsense to draw
forth such commendation. He had the greatest deference for
public opinion, awl lie entertained the greatest respect for
those who were the organs of it ; but he must own that it
was with the utmost astonishment he found it stated in a
paper of great intelligent e and talent, that it was said by any
one in that establishment that when one of the judges uttered
some very eminent nonsense, he (the reporter) turned round
tos another and said that " Denman had blurted out
great truth."---( Laughter. ) The case was this, a child had
been removed from its mother by the justices, the mother hav-
ing given her consent to the removal. Now what the judges of
the Queen's Bench held was that the mother was bound to protect
her child, and no consent from her could authorise she justice
in removing it from its natural protector. The case quoted in
the course of the argument was that of
which it was decided that the mother could be passed to Ire-
land, although the child could not, having been born in Eng-
land, and obtained a settlement. The facts of that case were,
that the statute compelled the justices to remove the mother,
bat gave them no authority to remove the child ;
which was a settled person. The case was ar-
gued before Lord Ter,tcrden, and that great judge
said, that " although there was great inconvenience in sepa-
rating the mother and child, yet that could not be avoided, if
it was specially provided by an Act of Parliament. The sta-
tute was imperative. It ordered the justices to remove the
mother, but gave no authority to remove the child." In the
same spirit, he (Lord Denman) had slid that the ancient
rule of law might be set aside by an Act of Parliament,
and the Court would be obliged to rule in support of
the statute, against the expediency and authority of
the common law ; but he said further, that in the case before
him, no such necessity existed. There was 110 necessity to
set aside the old law. lie had communicated with the Se-
cretary of State, and with his brother judges. But one of them
had told him, that the Secretary of State had applied to him
on the subject, and that he had stated that the idea was a per-
fect chimera, and that what he ( Lord Denman) had said only
referred to that case which was before the Court, and in
which there was no ii cessity imposed by statute far the re-
moval of the child ; and for them to decide in favour of it ;
was so abhorrent to the spirit of the ancient law, whatever
might be said on the subject.—( Hear, hear.) lie had re-
ferred to a learned and able friend of his, Mr. Adolphus,
who reported the decisions in his Court ; and that gentleman
wrote him an account of what was said; stating that he did
not give all the words, but those which he gave were the
principal words used, anti in the order in which they had been
used. And Mr. Adolphus added, that if the judges had said
that there were cases in which it would be necessary to break
in upon an Act of Parliament, he, Mr. Adolphus, would not
have required a note to enable him to remember se remark-
able a dictum.—( Hear and laughter )
LORI) DUNDONALD'S PATENTS.
Lord BROUGHAM rose to present a petition, the presen-
tation of which he had announced for last night, but had post-
poned it to this evening in consequence of the pressure of busi-
ness before the House last night. It was the petition of his
Noble and Gallant Friend, Lord Dundonald. Although that
ingenious and able person laid his claim before their Lordships
in respect to his own inventions enly, yet with the most
natural pride and veneration for the memory of his late father,
he wished to rest his claim to their Lordships' consideration,
not on his own merits alone, but on the great merits of the
deceased Earl, his father. Therefore, he (Lord Brougham)
should not be performing his duty to this petition, if he did
not, in the first place. state what those extraordinary merits
were: The late Earl had not been an officer in the service of
this country, excepting its the earlier part of his life, but he
had devoted the greater part of his life to chemical and
mechanical psi:suits, and with singular success in
those studies. He applied them in a greater degree
than any other person not excepting the professors
ei these sciences, to various useful objects, amongst
others to the highly useful application of coal tar in cover-
ing palings, gable ends, and other parts of barns and buildings
exposed to the injury of the weather. The introduction of
this invention was opposed at first, as was the ease with all new
inventions, unfortunately for the inventors. But, after the
prejudices agains'• the first introduction of a novelty had worn
away, and experience proved the value of the invention, the
public reaped the benefit, and the public alone. It was an un-
fortunate law of our nature, anti it worked great hardships
upon learned and ineenious men, that the mass of the public
treated with prejudice and distrust every new invention, how-
ever important anti promising it might be. One powerful
objection to the coal tar. at first, was that a mephitic: gas,
hydrogen, sulphurated and carbonated gases, were evolved
from it, bet atter a time these gases were dissipated, and the
fixed liquid becoming -solid, was totally free from smell. When
this was found out, and that the residuum became a most use-
ful protection to the timber and buildings to which it was ap-
plied, the valuable product was by degrees universally employed
over the country for the ',reservation of bailtlin s in &fiance
of time and weather. But what was the case with Lord Dun-
donald ? For the first fourteen years he had the protection of
his patent. Parliament gave him a protection of fourteen
years more, without producing any beneficial effect upon his
fortunes. For, after these twenty-eight years, when he had no
Act or patent in his favour,:t he public reaped the entire benefit,
and had continued to do so for fifty years. Ile would not
occupy more time than the importance of the subject re-
quired. He must state, however, one important benefit
which the world had derived front this invention.
In the course of the process for manufacturing
.eoal-tar upon Lord Dundonald's factory, it was found
carbonaceous anti sulphureous gases, evolved in the process, were
applicable to the process of giving light, and these gases were
accordingly burned in his works, so that the first use ofgas for
giving light was made by Lord Dundonald, in his factory,
thirty or forty years before Wilson'. patent. So much for the
first of these inventions of Lord Dundonald. He would not
dwell on the next two inventions, the productions of alkali and
ehrystale of sods, from common salt,, by a most ingenious mode.
`The purity in which they produced by that process ren-
dered them of the greatest value in the manufacture of glass,
and also in the manufacture e-rt
articles, as his Noble Friend near
snap.
These were all important him (Lord Monteasde) knew very well, as he had thern:ri lo;nigateuT o der his hands.—
t the applica-
tion Laughter.) The next invention
related
tion of alum and other substances to the
'of agriculture, the great benefit of which inventiimm improvement
a twas now
acknowledged over the country, although LordD nidonald
derived no benefit from it.
The result wa„sthati4esdeied
:poor, having been long supported by his friends.
'the whole of his fortune in bringing these inventions to Ppernt
—feOhin, and lie lived in the strictest economy and self-denial
'to eke out his moderate weans for the attainment of
those noble and useful objects to which his energy,
and learning, and unceasing industry were devoted.
: With all this industry and perseverance, the result was the loss
of his whole fortune, and leaving uo more behind him to his
his family than his fame, and affording to his country the be-
nefit of his splendid scientific discoveries, from which he
reaped not the slightest benefit. Ile felt confident, that in
some of those countries where an absolute Government pre-
vailed, that a man of such high scientific attainment, and who
proved himself to be such a benefactor to the world as the
late Noble Earl had done, would have been amply remune-
rated. In this country, however, where free institutions
were recognised. a different system prevailed, and it was left
to the great body of the people to hold out inducements to
scientific men, and then to reward them after their merits
had been called forth. But still he thought they, as represent-
ing the people, ought to be ready to hold out that recompense
which they were now called to do by his Noble Friend. His
Noble Friend's exploits as a naval commander were

such as to earn for him the brightest example of courage and
daring. He (Lord Brougham) thought there was no brighter
example of courage and daring than that exhibited in an act
which had been performed under Gambier. He recollected
well the night when the thanks of the House of Commons
were voted to him, and he (Lord Brougham) then heard many
circumstances which proved his almost miraculous courage,
which had never been excelled before, and most certainly had
never been since eclipsed. Lord Cochrane, for (Lord Broug-
ham) would call him by that name, instead of that with which
he signed the petition—had displayed almost incredible valour
by his act upon the coast of South America, when he cut out a
large ship of war belonging to the enemy with only, compara-
tively speaking, a handful of men, and brought her in triumph
to his fleet. His merits were of the highest order, and were
fully appreciated by the Sovereigns of Europe, and in France
the effect was most marked on the Sovereign and Court
of that country when the name of Cochrane was an-
I nounced. Again, the arts and manufactures of the country
were most deeply indebted to the Noble Lord for his discovery
of a most important principle in the steam engine, namely, the
application of the rotatory motion principle. That eminent
man James Watt had devotesi his deep attention to this subject
but without success, and so had several other eminent men.
Upon the perfection of this invention he had expended upwards
of 16,0001. , while he had never reaped the slightest pecuniary
benefit from it. The Noble Lord at the head of the Admi-
ralty had borne testimony to the merits of this invention from
his personal inspection, and he ( Lord Brougham) dare to say
that he would bear him out in his statements. Although he
thought that the Bill of 1835 had effected much good, still he
should say that the right during seven years only would not, on
account of general prejudices, be sufficient in this case. He
was sure that their Lordships would be glad to do justice to
merit, which was so useful to mankind. The prayer of the
petition was, that Parliament should grant to Lord DundotaldParliament
a further time of fourteen years, or some other term of years,
or that Parliament would pass an Act to enable the petitioner
to go before the Judicial Committee to obtain from them that
extension of time. . .

-................. ..... ...
The Earl of HADDINGTON expressed his entire con-
currence
in what had fallen from his Noble Friend. It
was perfectly true, that instead of the late Earl of Dundonald
reaping the fruits of his exertions during his life, he was d -
pendent on the dutiful and affectionate support of his gallant '
son. With respect to the character of the Earl of Dundonald, 1
as a naval officer, there could be but one opinion. He was
one of the most gallant, daring, and skilful officers that ever
walked the quarter-deck of a man of war. His character was
known to every person who had read the history of the last
war. The invention to which the petition referred was likely
to turn out a most important one. In carrying that invention
out, Lord Dundonald had had the full assistance of the Admi-
ralty. It was evident that unless an extension of time were
given, that this invention would prove a great loss to the pa-
tentee. It was a beantiful and promising discovery, and the
present Board of Admiralty had shown their sense of it, and
also their sense of the science of the Noble and Gallant Admi-
ral, by allowing him to build a ship, which was now in the
course of construction, of which the Gallant Admiral had laid
down all the lines. His engines were to be put into that ship,
and it was to be ealled the Janus. He (the Earl of Hadding-
ton) hoped that justice would be done to that Gallant and No-
ble Admiral, by a prolongation of the term of his patent.
The Marquis of NORy,IANBY said, his Noble Friend
having alluded to the professional distinction of Lord Coch-
rane, in connexion with his employment under his (the Mar-
quis of Normanby's) father, he might be permitted to state,
although at the time he was too young to form any judgment of
the matter, that he had often in after years heard his father
express his admiration of the conduct of that Gallant Officer,
and that it was on account of the great ability he had displayed,
that he had been employed in the gallant and brilliant action at
the Basque-roads.
The petition was then laid on the table.
The Bishop of SALISBURY presented a petition against
the union of the two sees of St. Asaph and Bangor.
RELIGIOUS INSTRUCTION IN IRELAND.
Earl FITZ WILLIAM said he had moved for a return of
the number of troops in Ireland, and he understood that those
returns had not been laid on the table of the House.—( The
Lord Chancellor here intimated that they had been given out.)
—lt was important that the people should know a little about
the expensive mode by which it was necessary to govern, or
rather to occupy, Ireland. Their Lordships and the public at
large would soon have very good reason to consider that sub-
ject. However distasteful it might be to the public at large—
however peculiarly distasteful to their Lordshtps—however
distasteful it might be to the other House of Parliament—it
was a subject which must, at no very distant period,
force itself on their Lordships' attention. His Noble
Friend the President of the Council had long ago dis-
cussed this subject in that House, and with reference to
the modes proposed for the settlement of the question, stated
his objections to one mode, his objections to a second, and his
objections to a third mode. From this he (Earl Fitzwilliam)
concluded that the Government was in difficulty with respect
to every mode proposed. The conclusion he always came to
when lie found persons striving to discover great difficulties in
the accomplishment of any object, was, that they were deter-
mined that such object should not be accomplished. One of
the first objects that mast press upon their consideration with
respect to Ireland, must t e the want of spiritual comfort for
the people of Ireland. No person could deny that the first
duty of Parliament was to provide for the administration of
spiritual comfort to the people of that country. The Govern-
ment of England did not provide spiritual instruction for the
people of Ireland. The Government, it was true, provided
instruction for a small portion ; they provided instruction for the
Noble Marquis opposite (Westmeath), but they did not provide
instruction for the people of Ireland. It was his ( Earl Fitz-
william's) conviction that the time had arrived when the con-
sideration of the public of this country should be turned to the
pi °vision of spiritual comfort to the people of Ireland. As long
as there was ecclesiastical property in that country, out of that
ecclesiastical property ought to come the fund to provide that
spiritual instruction for the people. That was his belief ; and
he al4o believed that it would be necessary for the Govern-
' ment ere long to consider this question.
The Earl of DEVON presented a petition from a poor-law
union in the county of revon, praying for alteration in the
bastardy clauses of the New Poor-law Bill.

LAWS RELATING TO GAMING.
'the Duke of RICILMOND said that the Committee ap-
pointed to inquire into this subject had found that they could
not proceed with their investigation, in consequence of its being
necessary to warn the witnesses that they were not bound to
criminate themselves. To obviate this difficulty he had now
to submit to their Lordships a Bill to indemnify any witnesses
who might be examined, against the consequences of the evi-
dence which they gave.
Lord CAMPBELL concurred in the object of the measure,
and said he anticipated great public benefit would result from
the inquiries of the Committee.
The Bill was then read a first time, and ordered to be read
a second time on Monday next.
METROPOLITAN IMPROVEMENTS.

The Duke of BUCCLEUCH brought in a Bill, the object of
which was, lie said, to carry into effect certain projected im-
provements in the city of London.
Lord MONTEAGLE said that though he objected to the
principle involved in the Bill, of allowing the Bank of Eng-
land to grant money on mortgage, as being a dangerous one,
the object of the measure was so good, and the amount re-
quired so small, that he would waive his objection.
lie proposed that the Commissioners of Woods and Forests
should annually lay before Parliament an account of the sums
advanced. lie had drawn up a clause to that effect, which he
would hand to the Noble Duke, as he wished it should be in-
troduced into the Bill.
The Duke of BUCCLEUCH believed that the Commis-
sioners already made returns to Parliament, which would fur-
nish the information which the Noble Lord was desirous of ob-
taining. If there were no technical objections to the clause,
he would have it introduced on the third reading of the BM.
The Bill then passed through Committee, and their Lord•
ships adjourned.

ROUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 16.
The SPEAKER took the chair at Four o'Clock.

POOR-LAW RETURNS.

A clerk from the office of the Poor-law Commissioners pre.
rented certain returns.

COMMITTEE ON STANDING ORDERS.

Mr. ESTCOUR T moved the appointment of the Select
Committee on Standing Orders :—Mr. Estcourt, Mr. Wilson
Patten, Mr. Pendarves, Mr. William Miles, Mr. Cumming
Bruce, Sir Robert Ferguson, Mr. Ord, and the Chairmen of
the Committee and of the Sub-Committees on Petitions for
Private Bills.—Agreed to.
REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE.

Mr. iI:77ViELTAmS presented a petition from Bridgewater,
praying the House not to consent to any increase in the mili-
tary establishment until the people should be fully represented.
Mr. SCHOLEFIELD presented a petition from Birming-
ham with a similar prayer.
LIN ERPOOL GAS BILL.
Leave was given to introduce the Liverpool Gas Bill.
STOPPING THE SUPPLIES.
Dr. BOWRING ',resented a petition, signed by 2,300 of
the inhabitants of Bolton, complaining of the state of the re-
presentation, and praying that the supplies might not be
voted till the grievances of the people were redressed.
Mr. STANSFIELD presented a petition with a similar
prayer.
Lord MARSHAM presented petitions from places in Kent,
praying that publicans might be placed on the same footing
with shopkeepers with regard to the window duty.
Mr. WALLACE presented a petition from Mr. Cadogan
Williams, complaining that Railroad Companies acted upon a
system which deprived the working classes of those benefits
which railroads ought to confer upon the public generally, and
that the proprietors acted exclusively for their own benefit
without reference to the public. The petitioner expressed his
opinion that the poorer classes were stowed away in third class
carriages, with straw, canvass, and leather, which were thought
of equal value.--(Laughter.)

PROTECTION TO AGRICULTURE,
Sir J. TROLLOPE. presented a petition from Spalding,
and several petitions from other places in Lincolnshire, praying
for a continuance of agricultural protection.
THE ARMY.

Mr. 'VILLIERS presented a petition from Liverpool,
praying that no supplies should be granted until the military
force of the country had been reduced, as the petitioners
stated that a standing army was a great temptation to a
Government to rule the country in a despotic manner.
NOTICES OF MOTION.
Mr. WALLACE gave notice that. on Monday, he should
move for a return of the names of the Commissioners of her
Majesty's Customs, the ago of each, and the period at which
they entered the service. He should further move, on
Monday, for a return to show the number of
actions that had already been commenced, and what informa-
tions had been filed with respect to the frauds on the Customs.
He also gave notice that on Monday he should inquire of the
Under-Secretary of the Treasury at what time the free postage
writing paper would be issued, and what the cost would be to
the public.
Colonel RAWDON gave notice that on Monday he should
move for a return of the naval force that had been employed on
the coast of Ireland from the year 1834 to the present time.
ARMY AND POLICE IN IRELAND.
Mr. W. WILLIAMS moved for returns relating to the
number of the military and police employed in Ireland during
1815, &c., to the present year ; also, for a
certain years, 1810,
return of the amount of money voted in the years named re-
spectively, for the maintenance of the police force in that
country.—Ordered.
Mr. BARRY BALDWIN moved for a return of the
amount of stock transferred from England to Ireland since the
Ist of January, 18.11.—Ordered.
Mr. Alderman THONIPSON moved for returns relating to
the foreign wines in bond, in the years from 1828 to 1838 in-
clusive.—Ordered.

PUBLIC SALARIES.
Mr. WILLIAMS,seeing the Right Hon. Gentleman the
Secretary to the Treasury (Sir. George Clerk) in his
place, begged leave to ask b
part of last session, he (Mr. W.) a question. la an early
the moved for a return of
the number of persons receivingpublic money in salaries
or pensions, to the amount of 1,0001. and upwards.
iot f This
h o
re-
turn was presented to the Treasury on the February.
Now what he wished to ask was, when the return would be
laid on the table of the House ?
Sir G. CLERK said that the Report had been prepared
for some time ; but before the returns could be presented it
would be necessary for the Hon. Member to give a fresh
notice and to alter the form of his motion, as there were several
offices included in the return, which were not comprehended
in the Hon. Gentleman's motion.
Mr. WILLIAMS then gave notice that on Monday next
he would bring forward the motion in an amended form.

ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.

Sir G. CLERK moved that the House, at its rising, do ad-
j ourn till Moriday.—Agreed to.
ESTIMATES.

111 r. WILLIAMS begged to ask the Right Hon. Baronet at
the head of the Government, whether he ►ntended to take the
Army or the Navy Estimates first, in the Committee of Supply.
Sir R. PEEL said, the Navy Estimates would be taken
first ; but,for the convenience of the House, he would move that
the Order of the Day for going into Committee of Supply be
postponed till Monday neft.
The Order was then postponed.