The Sun.
London, England, 1828-11-25 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS,

In Ireland, as has been already stated, the
iCfuthmabtefrulaenidbesiploirtit burns over a gradually con-
tracting surface. It
suppliedgo
bovu
somet r
dwantsoc
rfeftiimoe
of the Catholics. We yesterday thought it right
to offer a remark or two, as to what consequences
must inevitably result to the Catholics of Ire-
land, from that species of conflict with the King's
Government, supported by the people of Eng-
land, of which one of the Catholic leaders ap-
peared, in utter forgetfulness of the public cause
and of its interests, to speak with so much need-
less levity. To the present generation of Irish-
men, Catholic as well as Protestant, a civil con-
test, we repeat, would be irrecoverable ruin. For
the acting chiefs of the associators, destruction
would overwhelm them, one and all, before the
armed struggle began. In the end, it is true
that England might feel the misery of being
compelled to garrison a desert ; but, in the mean
time, what must be the judgment of that man
who, on either side of the question (and this
applies Loth to Orangemen and to their oppo-
nents), could seek to perpetuate an exclusive
privilege, or to get rid of the exclusion, by means
which would level all political institutions in the
dust ? The moderate and well-considered lan-
guage of the Catholics had for some time exhi-
bited a very favourable contrast with the head-
long fury of their adversaries. The advantage
was inestimable. Why, then, should they not
strive to maintain it ? They are notiess power-
ful, but more so, than they were when, in spite
of the trafficking landlords •of the country, they
engaged the 40s. electors in the public cause, and
returned in the north, and south, and west, so
many liberal members of the House of Connnons.
We say that by their more established union, their
better organization, their augmented funds, and
the general intelligence produced throughout the
body by their, system of open and free discussion,
the Catholics are, in a constitutional and politi-
cal sense, Par 'More' powerful, than ever. As
they free themselves of their early weakness, so
ought they to lay aside the impatience natural to
such a condition. We have told them a bon -
dred times that they arc strong enough to hr.
calm ; that by the employment of a force which
has its foundation in the law, they may become
the most formidable Parliamentary patrons in
the empire, and so •Corittnaio the Minister ; that
-by'eniplOying;' .and "threatening to employ, no
other force, they must everyday command more
and more the sympathies of the English people ;
and that by abandoning this sure course of
po-
licy, they must create, both in Government and
people, a reaction fgal to themselves and to the
public peace and freedom. Upon the question
of 40s. freeholders, we agree in one point with
our Dublin correspondent., that to touch them
now would producee no statistical benefit, but
mucht
qu political
o oiltiti cati
the co
a
gross assault upon the Constitution, to deprive
half-a million of subjects of a franchise which
they had exereised,as their consciences directed ?
vil.
Buenstirdye, s the
wouldi nilti.)ief. not to b
e the
Would it not be monstrous to tell these free-
holders—" We disfranchise you, because you
have employed, as freemen, a power which
given you in your character of slaves." In a
few years, if' this franchise be left untouched by
Act of Parliament, it will be severely enough
modified in practice. The ascendancy of, the
landlords will be resumed and retained, while
that... of time Association - must relax in
time, and vanish with- the crisis. A topic
has been raised which might perhaps have been
suffered to lie dormant until a attire opportunity;
for, handled as we find it is, 'between the Eng-
lish Catholics and the Irish, it has in some -de-
gree embarrassed the general question of -own-
cipation. His Grace the Duke of Norfolk, as
head of the lay Catholics of England, and a re-
spectable ecclesiastic, whom we must suppose to
be a representative of their church, announce- in
the most public Manner their willingneSs to-ac-
cept emancipation upon terms—that is to say,
tha.t•they are willing to offer such securities as
the state may deem it necessary (and no other
will be thought of) to demand from them. We
cannot avoid suspecting that the above declara-
tions were made in consequence of some pre-
vious understanding with his Majesty's Govern-
ment, and se -heartily trust that such has been
the case. If the English Protestants arc more
conscientious than the Irish in their reluctance
to admit the profesSors of Catholicism to power,
so, We are compelled to say, do the body of English
Catholics appear to us more frank, more liberal,
and honest, m their pursuit of emancipation,
than many, at least, of those who take a part in
the measures of the Irish Catholics. 'While the
Duke of Norfolk says, " emancipate us, but
secure yourselves as you think -fit," we learn
from Ireland that. emancipation must be given,
but given without securities of any kind, or that
the Irish will not accept it ! So we are told
that the
fromeßritistl the
eGopvopernem, ebnutthasthastoliilciisteidioalicnoers,
(whence he has received his' cue is not men-
tioned) three times over refused to grant any
concordat until the political emancipation of the
Catholics should have been effected. Upon this
fact so stated we shall first observe, that,
if Government condescended to make the
Bri-
tish Court
Parliament
a mßomeetmtnoihltetfahet:ttahißrnal
epeedrr-i
eV:0:
eiasitalssiirillttoeiyltncG:
olaerKobel
vfearliietilsiltrtutvgi;elkliii.seenniettelycoistl
sfitat.ltio.tebNl‘i
jivvldesoects, it
(the Government) was treated quite as well as
it deserved. What business, in the ninne of
th tlx:
o
elling-
readed
bt:l
hee Heaven,
Bishopinvie6aetns BritishPfkohnhpooßaepwsa empires
-
The
of Catholic from. Protestant in this king-
dom ; because the moment in which the British
and Irish Catholic has one • temporal interest
vplwci
ireieaext
IthdvihoihisivProtestant
timthe
n oa4brother,p o n inhe same moment
puts a final end to all (but his nominal) con-
k was in this
. Milner
octlaiectdi religion sfife:al downfall
.rocaortr
y:telialeatritlleialitseei:cD3aasl.rsl
England" (meaning thereby
the Catholic church")
a,sing the
proposed, to the best
bofillooufr
So we
may be satisfied that. there are.those in Ireland
--none, .we hope, but priests or bishops—who
look to the actual accomplishment of emancipa-
tion as the downfall of their own 'importance.
Carr we wonder, then, that if, from the feelings
of English Protestants, it is clearly impossible
to carry emancipation without what are termed
securities, there are individuals who will aflect
to spurn at securities for the sake of rendering
emancipation unattainable? But whether the
objection comes from Italian Jesuits
.or from
Irish, a bold and enlightened Statesman has
but one course to pursue. Let him pro-
pose to Parliament a Bill for admitting the
lay Catholics of the empire to the Constitution,
and embody with the measure, or introduce by
itself, a provision for averting any danger to be

. . . .
apprehended from the reLtio„ in which the 1 itigatiotl. have known a taw-stiit for the value 1 One word more on this subject. Our contempo_
priesthood would then stand towards the state, lof rather better than t liOOnd sterling last for i rary's incautious confession has exposed the true
and, ,g a golden sceptre to a brass pin," he • three years ! Stilt the inhabitants were comps- ' character of those would,be patriot§ who profess to
would have no further trouble. if the Catholic i ititiely haPPy ; the Government had no opposi- advocate the cause of the Catholics. A false friend
laity were oboe taken care 'Of, little would they 1 tion from theme, and- had little came to I's a despicable creature, and withal morel dangerous
think about the priests.. If the laity weft- once ; controul - a people naturally stihotdinate to thanati openil enemy.i The L, us aile false
clothed with constitutional priori eh the sympa.7 i its dictates ; they had no means, indeed, friends,'
confidence
yhe lcavaethow_orcsm d
Catholics, under themselvespretence onfitboeitnhe
tires of foreign nations would I.;e satisfied.. No !of heconiiiig more enlightened." The Clergy men of liberal and enlightened views, and advocatesg
Frenchman, for. instance, would step across his ft4tein to have a tolerably clear conception of universal liberty. Alas! how miserably have the
chamber to revive in Ireland the domination of lof the fotnidation oh which their empire ought Irish been gulled. When the truth is known-, it
that encro.acWv.ig hierarchy which is the object at 'to rest. " Before my, time there had been an turns out that these " Patriots " care not a straw
a about the friends Who have confided in them. Al-
once of htf, contempt and horror at home. -No ; Englishman of' the name of Peal, who had
though they make a great noise about their fiber-
makc allies of the laity, and set the priesthood at ribbon manufactory at Leiria, but failed, and left . ' f‘ .
~ ality—altheugh they support Emancipation, they do
defiance. But, above all things, Ithe the I- - I
et nut
so, not for the sake of the Catholics," but in order
British Government perplex itself by negotiating much it was to be lamented that he should have to forwardtheir
personal interests. Is ll-
.
‘ .
is not t 16
Val
a body of men, among whom there are failed, as sits an establishment wOuld have been meanness exemplified ? Yet it the vaunted
t•onie who seek in emancipation only a personal of great service to Leiria. • His answer was Lib • * lt • P
eraltsm of modern times !---2 orntng ()et.
triumph, and others whose most glorious triumph highly 1 ••tri t 1 ..f t'principlesof the C
c tarac e s. c o mire
Amoeg the subjects which have lately attracted
Would be in its: rejection. As for a Catholic tholic Cleigy. ' No, I was gladwhen he 4:1-(1
. i
no inconsiderable portion of attention, that of the
saying that - lie would ~ not -accept etnancipa- fail ; his manufactory did more harm than aood •
, b • ' coal trade stands pre-eminent; a trade in which, if
tion" but on his own terms, we do not believe it encouraged people, instead of cultivating the
he Surre • Iklegis-
ehdit, to
such preposterous nomense, let it cOme from ground, to learn the weaving and spinning, and r";e•tegsivewiciric
appeared dreal ) foer %tv fiClualyns tago in ourpaper,-
where it will. lf a.1...:0rd, wilt he not take his many persons working together corrupt each morea 'abuses haved been committed, than are
seat in the House of Peers, because the Priests others' morals.' I observed that many persons heard of even in, that land of rogues, ycleped Botany
choose to be refractory ? .If a Commoner, will must have been deprived of employment ; to Bav 1 Of the malpractices which have been brought
he refuse a seat for Clare ? If an ambitious which he replied, ' There is plenty of ground, to light, we shall say nothing, because they will be
Barrister, will he prefer a stuff gown to a silk and let ta I m till that ; they will not starve ; and found fully-detailed iii the report to which we allude;
one ?or kick the offered bend' from under him ? besides, the less intercourse we have with strati-
but there is no one, we think, who has perused that
Until such things happen, let us hear no more gers the better. " The priests are not simple- report, who will not be inclined to ask " Why these
about a not accepting emancipation ; and if.such tons ! Yet it appears, knaves as they are, the -av,b,eurseesnoift they
soonerhave
bieoxistiend
to
the
.e2:c,tent stated,h
things should happen, wily then we have only to people are happy under them ; while under the •
of all other merchants or lighto
tradesmen, cOoarl-wmeyr-,
laugh at the idiots who refuse to take the prof- enlightened Protestant Government of Ireland, chants only should have inspectors dmeters,
an
fered benefit. • But the supposition is too ab- the people are very unhappy.—Bid. ' - and official spies placed over them ? If such a
surd for discussion.—Times.
It is impossible to mix in society, or read the Practice be good in the coal trade, why should it
- •
The failure of the banking-house of Messrs.not be carried into every other branch of business ? public journals, without being struck with the
why notrs applied to the butcher, the baker, and the
Fry and Chapman, in St. Mildred's •court, Pout. • • • •which ' •
very trifling matters continual! y engage the grocer :. There are no inspectors, no meters or
will not, it is supposed by those wh
_try, . ... 0 are public attention. As a specimen of this, an weighers placed over Ahern ; end yet we hear of no
best acquainted with commercial limiters, have
abuses or impositions on the public. In the coal
Hon. Baronet, who is said to be attached to the
any very serious effects in thc metropolis. The British Embassy in P • has travelledall tl
arts, the trade, however, where every chaldron and bushel is
result has been, we believe, anticipated for some w. t England
measured, where the law has appointed ari offieer to
)14,y.t 0
.. t') publish a very insipid pam-
guard the public from imposition, it would appear
time. Indeed, the in.tent to which the firm was
kvt,t,
Winchester
to the expulsion of his brother from that fair dealing is wholly out of the question,
implicated with so limey of the unfortunate ape-
im; ester • School. This, like other public that a system of fraud is regularly carried on, and
eulations of the Joint Stock and Foreign Loan
bi schools, is a little republic, where, under the sem- that the public is cheated out of what it pays dearly
period, must also have tended not a little to iii_-
mice of liberty, a great deal of tyranny is exer- enough for. The plain remedy, we think, for such
lure the 'house, by impairing the confidence in •
cased, and where future men learn, in their boy- evils is to leave the coal merchants to themselves—
ofits resources. The credit of' a banking-house is
to abolish the metage altogether, and to leave the
•
hood, first the subjection, and then the domi-
so delicate a nature, that it 'cannot survive the
public to guard itself against fraud. The present
!leering saint, often sticks to them through
faintest breath of suspicion. We are by '
system throws the public off its guard, and by lead-
-110 life. Whether the system pursued at most of
means apprehensive of any thing like a panic at ing it to confide in the. honesty of the coal-meter,
these places be altogether a good one or not is With what propriety has been shown in the Report,
present, for the best of all reasons, becatise there not probably, investigated for, as
very closely ; destroys that vigilance which it would otherwise
never perhaps Was a'Veriod- When. there was so 'll. 1 1
esta )is let grades and rules of government exercise. This is a simple remedy, and the most
little over-trading as , a present. Profits fora
among the boys themselves saves the mss- efficacious, as well as the cheapest, which could be
long. time, in most -branches of business, have
been such as to hold out little indueiment for tors a -reat deal . both of trouble and res- adopted.--M -

over-trading. Tht ' failures in Glasgow, o).
latina chiefly inl over-tradiln, are connected
with the only lx

-Y - ,e way in whici
Lie usurpation of their authority is exercised,
One thing must be admitted, viz., that, judging
from its fiuits, this system appears to work well.
There is no sort of comparison between the
young men who have been educated at public
and at private schools. Indeed, every statesman
of any note for the last fifty years, if we except
Mr. Pitt, may, we believe, be classed among the
former ; a circumstance which ma) be attributed
not merely to the education obtained there, but
to the manly mode of thinking which the system
of public schools induces. At Winchester,
however, it seems the system of fudging, as it
is called, has been carried further than sonic
of the juniors chose to submit to ; and
their resistance to it was displayed, not
by any appeal to the master, but by a for-
cible attack upon their superiors in the
school, whose authority, thus. assailed, Dr.
Williams, the master, deemed it necessary,
to maintain by the expulsion of the rebellious
juniors. Against this Act it is that Sir Alex.
Alallew has thought proper to appeal in the
pamphlet we have alluded to. If' schools, how-
ever, cannot be managed without this sort of
reference, we shall soon have sons writing
pamphlets to complain of their fathers ; and the
whole economy of private life will be laid open
to the revision of the press. such appeals are
extremely silly, and can answer no good pur-
pose. There is fie pul'lic school which has not
visitors, or governors, 'appointed by its statutes
or founders, quite adequate to the correction of
all that is amiss ; and there is no nonsense
which might not be foisted upon the public, as a
matter of interest to them, if such a trumpery
affiiir as this were really allowed to occupy its
attention.—Morning Herald.
We copy the following curious paragraph from an
article in yesterday's Times :
" Our policy is Emancipation ; not for the Sake of the
Catholics, whose religion we dislike, but, for that ofjustice,
and of the Protestant Faith itself, whose enemies would
thus be weakened and disarmed."
The latter portion of this paragraph is sensibility
itself; and we beg leave to congratulate our contem-
porary on his important discovery in the art of war.
The idea of disarming an enemy by increasing his
means of resistance is not more novel than it is in-
genious. We ivonder that this plan was not
adopted on the plains of Waterloo ; it would
have saved a great deal of trouble and expense.
Had the Duke of Wellington presented the
arms of his troops to the French, there can be
no doubt but that Napoleon, completely " weak.
cued and disarmed" by this act on the part of the
Noble Duke, would have retreated without firing a
shot! We hope and trust that the country will
handsomely reward the inventor of this simple and
effective mode of warfare. Our contemporary's in-
ventive powers are not, however, equal to his sim-
plicity. He says, " Our policy is Emancipation,
not-for the sake of the Catholies,but for that ofjustice,
ahlaalsof
th ql.
Protestant Faith its" Here the writer
betrayed the, whole secret of that faction of
which he is at once the advocate and the organ. If
his assertion be strictly true, then the Liberals have
acted in the 'basest manner towards their oppo-
nents. They have sneered at the Protestant
Tories—they have called them "bigots and
"blood.thirsty miscreants;"—and
oppose Emancipation for the
brutes" and
why ? Because they
laottte7
sake (y. the Protestant Faith. But we contend
osureppionrttolreriannatuctilpiaartiiottle;
are to believe their own confession, they
that in thislchueey, arete
attachment to an enlightened
pdbLoouiltbisceoiyit:,Blv:liel'oott ffrrootuni aall'oyve of civil and religious liberty,
not for the sake of the Catholics, but for the
sake If the Protestant lf, then, the
con-
fession of the Liberals worthy of credit, how
can they represent the policy of the Tories as
inure bigoted, or more brutal, or more blood-thirsty
than their own ? When two political parties pre-
fess the same object, one cannot be denominated
on enlightened, and the other an intolerant party.
One of the two may certainly uphold erroneous
doctrines ; but every one knows that an error of
doctrine is not intolerance, but a want of know-
ledge. It is the object of a party that marks
its moral character; and consequently, we repeat,
when two parties aim at the same object, however
they may differ in talent or in the method to be
adopted, they cannot djir in their mom-al character.
The thing is impossible. If one be intolerant the
.other must be intolerant, and vice versa. Thus
it will be perceived that our contemporary has
placed himself in a difficult 'position. Either his
position is fiilse—either the Liberals do not sup-
port Emancipation, " for..the sake .of the Protes-
,"—or if they really support it in order
tont Faith
to strengthen their Church, then their hostility to-
wards the Protestant Tories, who desire to arrive
at the same end, though by a different road, is at
once unjust, .ungenerous, and. disgraceful. The
writer may choose which alternative he pleases.

pousibility, the latter are too well pleased
to be eased of so much of their burden, to
squire too minute!' into th hich

y branch of trade which held out the
temptation—the exportation of yarn to India.
The returns in this branch' were at first enor-
mous, but, as.wer.-hase-.4readY 4tated, it is im-
possible that any one class of trade will be long
suffered to enjoy enormous profits, where the
general rate of profits is low. Hence the rush
of competitors for the prize ; glutted markets,
partial bankruptcies, depression, and ultimately
the ordinary level. But the trade of the coun-
try has been generally of a different description.
—Morning Chronicle.
We have always maintained that the feeling of
the people of England, where it could be ex
pressed freely, was not hostile to concession to
the Catholics. We yesterday gave a proof of this
in an extract from The Leeds Mercury, as far
as regards that gieat,e,pitah of the woollen-ma-
nufacture. We this day &ive an. additional proOf
in an extract from The Manchester Guardian,
as to the prevailing feeling in that great capital
of the cotton-manufacture, The Requisition
for a Meeting to oppose iinther Concessions to
the Catholics, had 128 names to it on Friday
week, and on Saturday last, the number of sig.,
natures was 506. But of these, says the Man-
chester Guardian, " there is a very large pro-
portion whom we with a very extensive know-
ledge of the inhabitants of Manchester, hear of
for the first time. These names will certainly
convey no definite idea to the public generally."
Again, the very form of the Counter Requisition
had not even been agreed on, when the Requi-
sition was in circulation, with between one and
two hundred names to it. No particular exer-
tions have been made, and the number of names,
with the residences of each attached, is 431.,
" Of their property . (says The Manchester
Guardian), we should think three millions
sterling would be an adequate estimate." It
preponderates greatly over that on the other side.
As an instance of the preponderance in the edu-
cated classes, The Guardian remarks " that
the Anti-Catholic requisition contains the names
of one Barrister and two Physicians. The
Counter Declaration has two Barristers and
eleven Physicians." Can there be a stronger
proof, that as
the same intelligent Journal-
ist observes; cc. among the wealthy, intelligent,
and educated Portion of the community in
which we live, there is a d
decid e preponderance
in favour of the settlement. of the Catholic
Claims ?" The same paper.. observes of the
Clergy; that it considers them as of no „cei,rizt
throughout the countrywhatever. The Clergy
have chosen as a body to espouse the side Of
hostility to the settlement of the Catholic
Claims. We 'perceive that. individuals of the
body have no choice—that when at any meeting
a Reverend Orator does not go the whole length
of his brethren, he is viewed by them as a traitor,
and reproached in no very measured terms for
his backwardness. Under these circumstances
a man must have a strong relish for persecution
to expose himself to the enmity of those • with
whom he must wish to be on good terms.
Hence our Manchester Contemporary is per- •
fectly justified in setting the.,Clergy aside whem
ascertaining public (Tinton on this question.
There is 110 doubt, however, that from the in-
fluence of their characters, the power which the
law gives them in the collecting their revenue,
and the moderation with which, generally speak-
ing, they exercise that poWer, to say nothing of
the connection of many wide Aristocratic fami-
lies, they can at any time, in country parishes
and small towns, bias
ti considerable portion of
the population. It is
only in cities and large
towns, that
independent opinion can be
main-
such tome: as Leeds and
fested ; and if in
Manchester, we have so decided a preponderance
in favour of eoncession, we ca n be at no loss ae
to pronouncing what the opinion of the nation is
on this subject.--Ibid.
Mr. Young, respecting whose imprisonment
in Portugal so much was said in the Newspapers,
has published a narrative of his imprisomnent
and trial, preceded by a view of the present
state of the country. From the length of time'
Mr. Young has resided in the country, he must
be intimately acquainted with the manners and
habits of the people.- He has resided at Leiria,
where he was ariested, since 1814. He describes
the people as completely Priest-ridden, but ge-
nerally happy before the recent changes. " I
must say the time passed pleasantly enough, and
the people were, generally speaking, friendly to
each other ; the only dissensions among them
being occasioned by that pest of. society—legal

rorning Advertiser.

LAW INTELLIGENCE.

COURT OF KING'S BENCH, Nov. 24.
• E Xzl'A RTE ROW.

Mr. BROUGHAM moved for a rule nisi for a writ of
habeas corpus directed to Henry Winchester, of
Iluckinghtan-street, Strand, commanding him to
bring up the body of Sarah, his daughter, the, wife
of W. Row, the party on whose behalf the appli-
cation was made. It appeared by the affidavit that
Mr. Row married the daughter of Mr. Winchester
in 1815, and subsequently became a partner in the
house of W. Row, Sons, and Co., of St. Thomas
Apostle. On the 10th of October last, Mrs. Row,
who had lived very happily with her husband, went,
with his consent, to pay her father a visit. She left
home on an understanding that she should return on
the 14th of the present month, and Mr. Row re-
ceived several affectionate - letters from his wife, ex •
pressing her intention to do so; but her father had
prevented her from leaving his house, and even re-
fused her husband's seeing her. Mr. Row was wil-
ling to allow his wife to reside. with her father, on
condition that he (Mr. Row) was permitted to see
her for a certain time every day, if he thought pro-
per.—Rule nisi granted.

EX-PARTE NUNN.

Mr. PLATT moved for a writ of habeas anpus to
bring up the body of a person of the name of Nunn,
in order that he might be discharged out of custody.
He had been committed on a conviction of smug-
gling.—Rule nisi granted.

TRIAL AT BAR.

ROWE V. Bit ENT0N,.....D0E V. BKENTON.......THE KING V.

ROWE. AND BILENTOIc

The evidence for the defence was now proceeded
•1

with.

Stephen Pearce was the first witness. called, and
his examination, interrupted on Saturday on the ob-
jection taken by the plaintiff's counsel, was tesumed.
He stated that he had received toll of copper, lead,
and iron, from other assessionable manors besides
Tewington. In some cases where he granted sets
he did not take toll, but dues only. In some instances
he gave sets for trials where no metal was found.
His father and himself accounted fur the dues to the
executors of Sir William Lemon, a lessee of he
duchy lands. Several books were here produced,
and the witness identified them as being in the hand-
writing of his father and himself. They contained
entries relating to the tolls
.taken and accounted for
to the lessee under the Crown.

The books of the steward of Lord Barrymore, a
lessee of some of the duchy lands, tvere produced for
the purpose of showing the uninterrupted enjoyment
by the Dukes of Cornwall of the several dues.
Richard Penrose, in 1822, wrought a copper mine
in Ty warne-hale manor, by license from Mr. Charles
Carpenter, to whom he paid dues. Some of the
lands were enclosed, and some were in waste. He
also wrought mines in various other parts of the duchy.
He was never interrupted by any of the tenants of
the surface, and never paid them compensation,
though he had spoiled some of their land by sinking
shafts and erecting buildings. His family had been
nitich employed as adventurers in these mines, and
paid many thousand pounds as dues to Mr. Donni-
thorn and-Mr. Smith for tin, and to Mr. Carpenter
for copper. Those persons were the lessees of the
duchy lauds. Mr. Carpenter was lessee of all the
minerals except tin and royal mines.
John Stevens had lived in Tywarne-bale. manor
for 50 years, and had worked mines there. He had
raised copper from enclosures in ancient duchy land.
He sunk a shaft at Trevisicks, and paid dues for the
ore which he found there to Stephen Pearce, the
toiler for Sir W. Lemon. The land was ancient
duchy land. No obstruction was offered by the
tenant to the digging in his enclosed land.
John Oaks held a tenement in Tywarne-hale, in
duchy-land, and had wrought mines there for twenty
years, under the authority of Sir W. Lemon, to
whom he paid dues. Since then he had been
licensed by Mr. Carpenter. There were two mines,
partly in duchy land and partly. in free land, be-
longing to Lord Fahnouth. Dues were paid for
them, partly to Lord Falmouth and partly to Mr.
Carpenter. Witness had never been interrupted in
his working of the mines by the tenants of the surface.
Thothas Williams had been captain of several
mining adventures for eight years. Wheal Phcenix,
Wheal Calstock, East Crinnis, and Gunner's Lake,
were in the manner of Ca!stock, and were duchy
' lands. Seine tin was got in Wheal Phcenix, and
witness paid the . dues to the agent for the duchy
lessee. J. Williams became proprietor of the
Pilo:mix in 1821. Prior to that time, the Earl of
Mount
Edgecumbe:had it. Part of these lands were
enclosed and partly waste. Some of the owners of
the soil resided close to the shafts, but they never
offered any interruption to the working of the mines.
It was the duty of the captains of the mines to
walk at out and see what was going on.
John Pearce confirmed the testimony of the last
witness with respect to the payment of the dues to
Mr. Williams, the lessee under the duchy.
Williams Johns had been a joint adventurer about
50 years ago, in a lead mine in duchy land in the
manor of Elston. The land in which the shaft was
sunk was partly enclosed. The dues were paid to
Stephen Pearce, the roller for Sir William Lemon.
Samuel Lisle, a mining adventurer, and in 1813,
18;4, and in 1823, 1823, had been purser of the 4'