The Sun.
London, England, 1828-07-17 00:00:00

STATE OF PORTUGAL.

Lord HOLLAND said that the information he
'rose to move for related to the most important
branches of our foreign affairs; he meant those es e„
netted with the triple alliance, in which the 'situa-
tion of Greece, Turkey, and Russia, as 'well as
that which related to our Ally,-Portugal., were con-
cerned. To both these subjects, intssresting and im-
portant in themselves, the atter:cion of Parliament
was directed in the course of tbse gracious speech from
the Throne at the commencement of the present Ses-
sions. Their Lordshis,s' expectations were raised
as to the; result ssf what was going on in both
those, quarters, of the globe, et during the
`schole Sessions no further information had been laid
before the House, nor any notice taken, directly or
indirectly, upon the important events which had
since been occurring in both those parts. The chief
motive the Noble Lord had in submitting the mo-
tion, with which he should conclude, to the House,
was to correct that appearance of indifference which,
if real, was a great calamity to this country, and
in his humble opinion, would sltimately lead
to the loss of all the character and importance
this country bad ever maintained; and which, if
not real, but apparent, could not but be attend-
ed with great inconvenience to his Majesty's
Government, and the interests of the country. He
(the Noble Lord) could have wished that this motion
bad originated franc Government. It Would have
been much more welcome than from him ; and more
consistent with usage and the character of this coun-
try—(Hear, hear)—if that Government had granted
from themselves spontaneously same information upon
subjects upon which the Ministers must know, if Eng-
lishmen are Englishmen, anxiety must be felt. If his
Majesty's advisers thought the proper season of dis-
closure was not come, they would have done well to
have stated their reasons for entertaining that opi-
nion to the House. Their Lordships would under-
stand
that this motion was made in no hostile spirit
to his Majesty's Government : it was simply a motion
for information : it was not a motion of censure,
-nor of that constitutional jealousy and distrust, upon
which it was the intention of the mover to found
hereafter any expressions of disapprobation. At the
same time he would not be so disingenuous as
not to say, that looking at the importance of
the subjects to this_ country, and the late changes,
it was not to be considered an exception to
the general class of motions of this description.
He would attempt throughout, to keep the two
points distinct; and to state the condition in
which this country stood with regard- to those
subjects, and next, the appearance of the
changes which had taken place rtr Europe, and the
advantages which might be derived by his Ma-
jesty's Government and the country at large from
the adoption of his motion, or rather the disadvan-
tages that would be avoided clearly_ proving to the
country that this silence, so much calculated to
create alarm, would not not have the effect it.. might
first seem to convey. In a paragraph (the 11th
of his Majesty's speech), the House was told that
in maintaining the national faith by every tie; in the
Treaty of July 6th, his Majesty never would lose
sight of those great objects which induced him
to concur in the.treaty, namely, the pacification of
Greece, and the establishment of peace between
both parties, upon the principles and basis upon which'
the last treaty of peace was founded. The history
then, of this transaction was simply this, and he left
it to the independent judgment of their Lordships
whether it was not one 'that at least called
for explanation to the country. It seemed by papers
already communicated to the House, that as early
as April, 1826, a Protocol was signed .at St.
Petersburgb, by the Noble Duke opposite. On
6th July, 1827, Parliament yet sitting, the
treaty in furtherance of the objects of that
Protocol was also signed—a treaty which he felt
bound to say, was of as much wisdom and justice, and
as likely to produce as permanent advantage to this
country and Europe at large, as any treaty ever
signed, and not the less so because it laid the germ of
a long uninterrupted and glorious peace, by connect-
ing in it objects that must be ever dear to all man-
kind. This treaty was signed July 6th, 1827, Par-
liament yet sitting.
The Duke of WELLINGTON here corrected
the Noble Lord, by stating that Parliament was not
then sitting.
Lord HOLLAND having resumed, remarked that
their Lordships were then told that all the objects
of the treaty would be soon attained; that his Majesty
had great hopes of attaining all thcise objects with-
out further hostilities, and that he was acting in per-
fect concert and co-operation with his Allies for that
purpose ; and in order to lead their Lordships to
entertain greater hopes of the success of the representa-
tions made by his Majesty and his Allies, the Power
to whom those representations were made, and upon
whom the objects of the treaty were to be pressed,
was most ostentatiously termed; ` Our faithful
Ally," an expression, which the whole world had
since discovered, and which those who had coined
had since discovered, to be nothing less than a
modern blunder. He had not heard aay proposition
proposed; indeed, if such a proposition had been
made, it would have been scouted from one, end of
England to , the other; he had not heard that any
proposition had been made—that any attempt
had been made, to defend this " Ancient Ally,"
when attacked by an. enemy : he had not heard
of any treaty Great Britain was
bound to maintain the shameful, or, to use
the language 'of Mr. Burke " the hateful and dis-
gusting Empire" of the Turks; such were the ex-
pectations then held out, but what he would ask
had happened since ? In the first place this
" faithful and ancient Ally " had not likened to the
representations of this country, and he (Lord H.)
was much mistaken if this " faithful and ancient
Ally," did not imagine—(very unjustly he Lord
Holland must admit)—that every operation di-
rected against her interests had been at first fo-
mented, and at length directed by this country.
Turkey rejected our overtures, and what was the
consequence ? The Ambassadors of his Majesty,

and of the other Powers forming the Triple
Alliance, were recalled from Constantinople.—
What followed ? Soon afterwards, the Turkish
Government, unlike the British Government in
that respect, thought fit to explain to the subjects
of the Porte their motives and the state .of their rela-
lians with Foreign PoWers. Than statement was
contained in a proclamation, called a Hatti Scheriff,
and was afterwards defended , by the Turkish
Government, -upon the ground that it \vas ins
tended solely and merely for their own subjects,
—as if an avowal to its own sktlijeds, 'Of principles
the most base and perfidious Was such as ought
not so give offence to those persons whin thin
proclamation had intended to deceive; and against
whom it expressed the most nriftiunded suspicions.
kfter the publication of thi; Haiti Scheriff, Russia,
which had for a idit period of time, unparalleled in
history, forborne,notwithstanding the feelings and pre-
suditts of the Russian nation, to pursue the fair objects
of her ambition and direr justifiable policy, acted in
the most straight-forward and manly manlier towards
this country and her Allies ; when she was at last
provoked, by a series of unparalleled acts of per-
fidy and dins-simulation, to engage in a war which had
the wishes and feelings of that nation in its support,
and which, according to every principle of interna-
tional law, she had long a right to Wage. Russia
explained to her sweets her various motives,
and the state of her relations with foreign Powers;
France did the same; but the Government of
Great Britain stood like the dog in the Two Gen-
tlemen of Verona, and did net say a word. This he
was confident was net t (insistent with the true in-
terests of the country. Cordial co-operation, a con-
currence of views, and the pursuit of a common ob-
ject by the three Great Powers who were parties
to the treaty, he had always considered as a primary
object and advantage of the alliance. Lukewarm-
ness, therefore, on the part of this country, he could
not but es:Ashler as a departure from the obvious
policy of the treaty, and also a disadvantage to the
countsy. Parliament and the country had been told
at the beginning of the Session by the King's speech,
that, notwithstanding what had been termed the
untoward" event of Navarin, great hopes were
entertained that the objects of the alliance would be
attained without hostility. The King of France
land the Emperor of Russia it seemed considered
the event of Navarin in a totally different light. The
Emperor of Russia thought that if the victory had
been followed up in a spirit of cordiality and good
faith, it would have led to the complete attainment
of all the objects of the treats-. lie (Lord Hol-
land) believed that that would have been the result
of that action if it had been followed up. The
King of France; in addressing the French Chambers,
spoke of that circumstance in becoming language as
regarded the effusion of blood; but so far from
treating it as an " untoward" event, he characterized
it as an • event glorious to the arms of the three
Powers engaged in it, and one calculated to promote,
not to hinder, the fulfilment of the treaty. Early
after the alliance had been formed, France sug-
gested many things in the spirit of the treaty,
which were not acceded to by this country. He
• knew not why ; but this amongst other circum-
stances concurred to establish the notion that there
was a difference of views now where coincidence
was so desirable, and where a perfect understanding
did subsist with the late Government, arid with Mr.
Canning's Government. He had been informed
that an offer had been made on the part of the other
Contracting Powers to convey money to the aid of
the Greek Government. France concurred in the
proposal, but England refused. He thought England
acted properly, but it tended to raise suspicion. He
found, however, that half a million of livres had been
lately sent to the suffering Greeks by France. One
article of.the protocol stipulated that in case Turkey
should refuse the mediation of the Powers, Consuls
should he sent to Greece._ Turkey had refused the
proffered mediation. Russia and France had sent
Consuls to Greece, but England had not. Now, the
policy of engaging in this treaty might have been a
fair question before it was signed, but after it was
entered into, its objects ought to have been prose-
cuted by such means as were in the contemplation
of the parties at the time of its execution. (Hear,
hear, from the Duke of Wellington.) The Noble
Duke, he supposed, meant to intimate by that cheer,
that the only means contemplated by the contract-
ing parties were mediation and negotiation. At a
proper time, if the question should ever arise, he
would undertake to show that mediatiOn under such
circumstances must be followed by coercive mea-
sure's. The protocol, and lie defied the Noble Duke
to contradict him, was a just cause of war on the
part of Turkey;' and this country had once, under
analogous circumstances, declared war upon such an
instrument. How then could the parties to the
protocol have signed it without contemplating the
possibility of war as the ultimate result ? If it was
the intention of the parties to the protocol that
there should be no blows, then he would show that
they did not even understand the meaning and cha-
racter of the instrument by which they sought to
attain their end. It was an instrument of direct in-
terference with Turkey. Its object was to separate
individual from individual, to wrest the property of
that country from the Porte; it was for the purpose
of giving the Greeks the complete internal aaminis-
tration of their own affairs, the choice of their own
rulers, freedom of conscience, and freedom of
trade. And this we were to say to Turkey we
would do, with what she considered to be hey sub-jects, without incurring resistance. Such- a propo-
sition might perhaps be answered with soft words;
but he had not the least doubt that if the Noble
Duke would give them the despatches received by
the British Government at that time, he should
be able to show that Turkey was prepared for
coercive measures. If, then, the Government of
this country, on entering into the protocol, was not
prepared to follow it up by blows, their conduct
with regard to it -was most weak as respected this
country ; and, as to Russia, most disingenuous, dis-
honourable, and treacherous; for Russia gave up great
advantages for the sake of the co-operation of the
contracting Powers. It surely could not be con-
tended that the only mode of executing the treaty
in contemplation by the parties was, that we should
send what the Turks would call a Christian dog to
pay his respects to the Sublime Slave of the Otto-
man Porte, request that he would do him the favour
to emancipate the rebels of Greece; to force the
Turks of that country to sell all their property to
the Greeks ; to grant them freedom of trade and of
conscience, &c.; anti if these were refused, simply
to sneak away. like a dog, with his tail between his.
legs. If this were all we meant to do, he repeated,
it was unfair towards Russia, foolish as regarded
Turkey, and disgraceful to ourselves and Europe at
large.. Bat appearances certainly warranted the con-
elusion that a change of feeling had taken place upon
the subject. The unusual' reserve of his Majesty's
Government, contrary to the ordinary practice of
the Constitution of this country, and the example
of all the. best Governments we have had, although
it did not prove insincerity, favoured the suspicion.
For these reasons he. had framed a string of reso-
lutions for the purpose of eliciting information. The
first was not of much importance, and was solely
drawn up with reference to what passed on the first
day of the -present Seas*. Since Turkey and
Russia were both our Allies, and were now at war,
he wished to know how we stood in respect to them;
and,- therefore, should move for copies of all treaties
With Turkey since 1809. The second was, for
copies or extracts of all despatches from our Am-
bassadors in Turkey relative to engagements for mu-
tual defence contracted by word of mouth with the
Ministers of the Sultan since the same year. He
should have been. ashamed to make such a motion,
as though suc,h.important engagements could have
been contracted by word of mouth, and. dependent
on the accuracy of a • man's memory, had they not
been informed on the first day of the Session!, by the
Noble Viscount (Strangford), that such traditional
treaties and agreements did subsist between the
countries, and that a Mussulman's mere word might
be better trusted to than a Christian's oath. (A
laugh.)
•He certainly understood that the Noble
Viscount had had experience quite the other way-

he alluded to the case of M. Minziacisy, the Russian
Ambassador, whose return to Constantinople he
(Lord Btrangford), bad negotiated with the Reis
Effendi, upon the strength of certain expressions
of concession and apology on the part of that Mini-
ster. When, however, the Russian Ambassador, upon
seeing the Reis Effendi, began expressing his satis-
faction at the declaration
.he had made; the other,
throwing up his hands, regarded him with horror,
e.nd tried blit "Allah, ilia allah f I say such things!
Why, if I had said one-tenth of what you have re=
peatedi my head would have rolled in the gettets
of Constantinople long since."--(A laugh.)—
Taking this as a specimen of word of mouth treaties,
the sooner, he thought, they were put an end to
the better; and, therefore, did he wish to see the
despatches, in which no doubt they were contained.
He also intended to move for copies of all that had
passed with the Emperor of Russia, in reference to
his adherence to the stipulations of the protocol, not-'
withstanding the war in which he was enraged. He
now approached the other part of his subject with
unfeigned grief; he alluded to the state of our re-
lations with Portugal. He always had considered
that the existence of a cordial and well-cemented
friendship and alliance between this country and the
kingdom of Portugal to be most essentially important
to our welfare. In the sincerity of his heart he de-
clared that great had been the services of the Noble
Duke opposite in a military sense, and often in dis-
charging the duties of civil office, no benefit that
he had conferred on this country and posterity was
greater than that discovery which, by his great mi-
litary powers, skill, and wisdom, he bad made of the
means of defending Lisbon, by the lines of Torres
Vedras, against a world in arms.—(Cheers.)—He
regarded Lisbon, so long as we persevered in that
bad system of Government in Ireland (cheers) as a
place of the most essential importance to the inde-
pendence of this country.—(Hear, hear.)—He was
confident he could show that by alliances more
ancient than was generally imagined, we were bound
to maintain the Government of that country against
all foreign enemies and domestic insurgents. He
did not always approve of such interference; he now
only stated the fact. The Noble Duke might shake
his head, but he was satisfied that all our existing
obligations depended on the treaty with the House
of Braganza, in 1642, which renewed all the ancient
treaties as far back as Edward the Third. A
strong argument could be raised on two words of
that treaty, to the effect he had stated. He,
however, preferred putting the question upon the
interests of the country, and the affection subsist-
ing between the two people; and he maintained
that, in nothing was this country more interested
than in supporting the independence of Portugal. The
eleventh paragraph of the King's speech at the open-
ing of the Session, told them of his Majesty's satis-
faction at finding the purposes for which a military
force was sent to Portugal had been attained, that
the safety and independence of that kingdom had
been secured, and that consequently the troops had
been withdrawn. It might have been so then; but
would any man say so now ? Whether Miguel were
treated as an usurper, or his conduct defended by a
specious argument to which he would not then re-
fer, was he not necessarily the head of a faction
which was affiliated throughout all Europe; enter-
taining a rooted hatred for the institutions of this
country ? He asked this question not from any
suspicion of the Noble Lords opposite composing
his Majesty's Government, but as his right as a
Member of Parliament, of that Parliament which,
whether under circumstances of foreign invasion or
civil disturbances, had always felt an anxiety in the
welfare of the people of Portugal, as' great even as
in that of " England herself," according to_ the
words of the treaty of Charles 11. He put his case
on the high ground of the interests Of the people of
England, and upon that ground he felt it his duty
now to seek for information. He hoped to God the
Noble Duke and his colleagues would disclaim the
odious usurpation of Don Miguel. He wished to
know whether the late lamentable calamity at
Oporto had not occurred in consequence of the Go-
vernment placing confidence in parties not entitled
to it. It was said, he knew, that the course adopted
by this country was that of strict neutrality between
the contending parties in Portugal. Without ad-
mitting our right to stand neuter upon such an occa-
sion, he hoped it would turn out that the neutrality
had been strictly observed, and that no one had been
found to interfere so as to disturb the arrangements
of the British Government. He was the last man
that would presume to interfere with the private
correspondence of any individual; but it had been
stated that the correspondence of a Member of that
House had accidentally, • he had no doubt, had the
effect of giving the advantage to that party against
whose success the Government of this coun-
try was pledged. He knew not whether the
Noble Duke had seen all, or only one side,
of that correspondence. If it were pro-
duced, it would speak for itself, and that, per-,
haps, would be the most satisfactory course.—
Expressions in that correspondence were certainly
banded about in Lisbon, and must have produced
the strongest effect upon those who were disposed
to act in opposition to the Constitution. He must
say, that this was undoubtedly a most untoward cir-
cumstance. The Noble Viscount might be a
Miguelite, and he saw no reason why he should not
be a Miguelite.—But he only knew, that if lie filled
the situation of the Noble Duke at the head of the
Government, he would have felt:himself called upon
to prevent the views of the country
being frustrated
by the peculiar opinions, or dispositions, or public or
private. correspondence, of any individual hold-
ing office under him. With respect to the block-
ade of Oporto, he had no hesitation in saying, that
setting aside the principle on which it was recog-
nised, he disapproved altogether of the manner in
which it was done. The document was certainly
not happily worded, for in it his Majesty's Ministers
gave to Don Miguel a title to which be had no
right. He was still styled the Regent of Portugal,
though he had deceived his brother and betrayed his
trust; and this was by no means necessary, for he
might have been mentioned as Don Miguel, the se-
cond son of Don John VI. of Portugal and the
Brazils. He did not like a proceeding on our part
which should have in the slighteat degree the effect
of continuing or illustrating the authority and ty-
ranny of one who had sinned so grievously against
all moral obligation, and the more especially as no
positive plea of necessity could be urged. Besides,
it was openly stated and bruited abroad that this
blockade was searcely amounting to any such thing,
and there was strong presumptive evidence to this
effect to be found in the circumstance of ships hav-
ing passed and repassed without having met with
any opposition, or without- having been intercepted
by the ships of Don Miguel. He knew that a good
cleat had been said respecting the cowardice of the
leading individuals who advocated the Consti-
tution in Portugal. He did not for a moment
pretend to say that they
l%
but he begged of Noble Lords,'ere great heroes;
before they came
to a decision upon the subject, to recollect that they
had no clear view of the circumstances under
which these persons had been placed. The Consti-
tution was protected by all the influence of Don
Pedro, the Emperor of Brazil, and his daughter,
Derma Maria da Gloria, the rightful Sovereign of
Portugal ; but the question to the Constitutionalists
then was, whether it was or was not supported by Great
Britain. And when he looked to the words of that
Constitution, he found that a large portion of power
was conferred by it upon Don Miguel; s
and then,
putting himself in the situation of a Constitutiona-
list, and arguing upon the supposition that the Con-
stitution was not supported by Great Britain, he
should find that lie had only a choice of evils, and
must in all events be unfortunately circumstanced,
if he did not side with the usurper. For it was evi-
dent, that should he stir in favour of the Constitu-
fiSm, he would certainly be hanged, either if Don
Miguel became King, or if he were permitted to
enjoy those powers to which he was clearly entitled
under the Constitution. The natural determination
for a man to come to, tinder this supposition and
these circumstances, would be, not to take any part
in favour of the Constitution; but if be were as-

sured that it was the child of Great Britain—if he
were confident of shelter and protection behind the
shield of Ajax--he would step boldly into the field
—he would not hesitate to adhere to the Constitu-
tion. But the fact was, the Constitution came into
Portugal, so as to leave it a matter of extreme
doubt to the Constitutionalists what were the feel-
ings and intentions of this country in respect of it,
And he was convinced that there were many who
sided with it, because they thought it was devised
and protected by Great Britain ; and that there were
others who pursued a contrary course, because Great
Britain had not acted that open, ingenuous, and
manly part, which Portugal and all Europe had a
right to expect. With respect to our abandonment
of Portugal, he did not think there could be a se-
cond opinion. The French supported a faction and
had established an interest in Spain, and how much
the more incumbent was it on us to protect Portu-
gal and maintain our old connection with that coun-
try. He contended that we had erred in delivering
up Portugal to internal dissention or foreign force.
He regretted to think that England did not then fill
the same situation amongst the nations, which it had
done at the period of Mr. Canning's death. He did
not profess to explain how or why this had come to
pass, but such was the fact. He did not wish to
dwell upon an invidious topic, or to cast, even by
.
implication, the slightest reflection upon any . '
dual; but he felt certain, that matters were much
changed since the period to which he had alluded.
Mr. Canning—whether it was owing to his splen-
did talents, and sound, accurate, and comprehen-
sive views of foreign policy—or whether it was
owing to a fortuitous concurrence of happy circum-
stances—left this country in the highest and most
glorious situation in which it possibly could be
placed. Great Britain, too, was then connected
with the two greatest Powers in Europe in that im-
portant treaty to accomplish an object, than which
none was ever yet more holy, or more universally
popular; for there was no moral, no romantic, no
honest or honourable feeling, from north to south of
Europe, which was not enlisted in its cause. Mr.
Canning, too, had promises (not that he meant to
place great stress upon these, for he knew they were
too often found of but little avail where individuals
alone were concerned, and could be of but still less
weight in the affairs of Courts)—but Mr. Canning
had promises of sincere concurrence and co-operation
from the two most powerful countries in Europe, in
carrying his object into execution, in addition to the
military possession of that point of Europe which
would be most useful to England in preserving her-
self and her allies in safety and security, and maintain-
ing her honourable situation, in respect of the entire
world. Such was the situation in which Mr. Can-
ning left the country—in the full enjoyment of ho-
nour, power, and glory--and now, when they looked
around and saw that that situation was either not
maintained, or was, at least, considerably impaired,
he took it that it was not too nnich for Parliament to
require, at the hands of his Majesty's Government,
some information upon the catastrophe. He should
i.e told that in the present state of the country the
last measure in which we should engage was, one
which had a tendency to create a war—that in the
present despairing state of our finances we could not
face war. For himself, he believed that a war was,
generally speaking, the greatest calamity which
could befall a country, and especially Great Britain ;
but there was one calamity still worse, and that was
a dishonourable peace.--(Great cheering.) He
thought that the public creditor ought to be satisfied
—he would go as far as any man, in the principle that
good faith to the fundholder ought to be maintained ;
but when their claims were advanced, in op-
position to the independence and honour of the
country, he was ready to sacrifice both. In
his mind, therefore, those arguments which were
founded - upon the injury that might be done to
them were good for nothing. If we sacrificed
that situation by again entering into those vile un-
English treaties, blasphemously called Holy Alli-
ances—if we enter into compacts to support legiti-
macy and smother the rights of mankind—if we sa-
crifice that high and glorious situation which we had
obtained by throwing off the shackles which those
treaties had bound us in, we should inevitably sink
into insignificance :, we should sink into circum-
stances of disgrace and degradation from which there
could be no recovery. That such would never be
the case while the Noble Duke presided over the af-
fairs of State he was well convinced. Lie had the
highest respect and consideration for that Noble
Personage, but there was a duty which he owed his
country which was above all personal feelings, and
he could not, after what he sa a and heard, and had
reason to apprehend, he could not pay the compli-
meat to any man of trusting blindly, implicitly, and
in total silence, to his judgment and his fortune, and
not seeking for that information respecting matters so
interesting to that House, and to every individual
throughout the country. He should therefore think it
his duty to move for information respecting the affairs
of Portugal. The Noble Lord then moved for a
copy of the minutes of a conference held between
Prince Metternich, upon the part of the Emperor of
Austria ; Sir Henry Wellesley, upon that of his
Britannic Majesty; and Count Villa Real, upon
that of the Infant Don Miguel, second son of John
VI., of Portugal and the Brazils, on the 18th June,
1827, or of such parts of those documents as had
been officially communicated. Also, for a copy or
extracts of the protestation made by the Emperor of
Brazil, on his own behalf 'and that of his daughter
Donna Maria da Gloria, against the rights of Don
Miguel, or such parts of them as were officially com-
municated since the 21st of May last. Also, for a
copy or extracts of the instructions given to Sir W.
A'Court, in reference to the Charter of Don Pedro.
He would certainly look to the Noble Secretary for
Foreign Affairs for the correspondence on the other
side, but he did not wish to ask for any thing except
what had been communicated to our own Court, or
to other Courts of Foreign Powers. He also moved
for copies or extracts of the correspondence of Sir F.
Lamb, lately our Ambassador in Portugal, respect-
ing the usurpation of Don Miguel, and his non-ful-
filment of the engagements lie had contracted.
After the LORD CHANCELLOR had read the mo-
tion of the Noble Lord from the Woolsack.
The Earl of ABERDEEN rose. He proceeded
to say that some of the papers moved for by the
Noble Lord had no existence, others were published
and accessible to all the world—and others could not
be produced during transactions now pending, and
which the production of them would materially
affect. The Noble Lord had directed his observa-
tions to two great subjects—the affairs of Portugal,
and the provisions of the treaty of the 6th of July, '
and the conduct since observed respecting that
treaty. And he had been desirous, in attending to
the observations of the Noble Lord, to mark the
particular points with which he charged his Majesty's
Government, either with respect to what they had
done, or what they had left undone. In his expres-
sion of regret for the events of the last three months
in Portugal, the Noble Lord must expect the full
concurrence of his Majesty's Government; but when
the Noble Lord complained of the course pursued by
this country, he should beg leave to differ with him.
The Noble Lord had said, that while we professed
to observe a strict neutrality, we were, in fact, op-
posed to a particular party. The Noble Lord men-
tioned the blockade of Oporto, and even quarrelled with
the particular title given to Don Miguel in the notifica-
tion )1. it iii this country. The fact was, his Ma-
jesty's Ministers were called on to consider what
right Don Miguel had to make that blockade,
and if satisfied that it ought to have been per-
mitted, they ought also to have been satisfied that the
earliest possible notice of it should be given in Eng-
land. might have been inconvenient to have pub-
lished the circumstance but their duty lay in so
doing. The Noble Lord had alluded to our having
been left at a particular period in military possession
of Portugal, and he had referred to the position li
still maintained by other troops abroad ; but the
Noble Lord seemed to forget that our troops were
not sent to maintain a military possession of Portu-
gal, but in fulfilment of treaties to which we were
bound by the strongest ties. He would ask the
Noble Lord, whatever might be the feeling attri-

buted to this Government, if their practice had been .
in favour of Don Miguel ? He would just 'ask the
Noble Lord, what had been, their conduct in Portu-
gal ? Dorr.MigtieNVent trona:this country with as-
surances of ft supply of money through the interven-
tion of Government, but the. moment he displayed a'
disposition towards anise designs which he has since
carried into effect, that moment was he deprived of
the supply, a sixpence of which he had never receiv-
ed to that day. Was this then no advantage to
those opposed to Don Miguel ? Was this a neu-
trality expressed in his favour ? Had they not also
broken off all connection with the country in conse-
quence of the conduct of that person ? Was all this,
he would ask, reconcileable with a neutrality in his
favour ? He thought the feeling of the Noble Lord
upon the subject rested altogether upon an erroneous
notion of our relation with Portugal, and the obliga-
tions we had contracted towards that country. These
obligations were simply entered into with Portugal and
the House of Bragauza to guarantee Portugal against
foreign invasion, but the idea that it should be to
guarantee that family either against internal disputes
with each other, or with their subjects, was absurd
in the extreme. There would be no end to the
prospect of interference upon our part with the affairs
of that kingdom, if our armies were to be called in
upon every instance of a family dispute, or of a dis-
agreement between the King and his subjects. But li
that certainly never was or never could be the case.
Our obligations were simply what he had stated, and
no other. It was true that our troops did, through
a coincidence of circumstances, tend by their
presence most materially to the circumstance of the
Charter's being received and established in Portu-
gal ; but that any duty devolved upon us of main-
taining them there, for the purpose of protecting
that Charter, he disclaimed altogether, upon the part
of his Majesty's Government. In this respect our
obligations were none whatever; and this he thought
no man could possibly deny. If the Charter of
Don Pedro had found favour in Portugal, it would
certainly have been highly satisfactory to his
Majesty's Ministers and to the country at large; but
since it fared but unfortunately with the nation, we
might regret, but we could not interfere. The
Noble Lord thought it was not true that a disineli--
nation to that Charter did exist in Portugal. Of
this he could be himself no judge, but events certainly
did seem to speak rather against the supposition of the
Noble Lord; and he believed there was the best reason
to conclude that, if it had not been for the purely acci-
dental presence of our troops at that particular period,
the Constitution would not havelasted even solong as
it did. He thought that what Mr. Canning had
once said of Spain, upon the subject of the Spanish
Constitution, might with equal truth be applied to
Portugal. The Right Hon. Gentleman said that
the great majority of the people of the former coun-
try were indisposed to a Charter : and he believed
firmly that at the present moment this was equally
true of the Portuguese. The Noble Lord had ex-
pressed himself to the effect, that in not maintain-
ing the Constitution of Don Pedro, we were in effect
breaking up the connection between Portugal and
this country. Now in this he differed most com-
pletely with the Noble Lord, 'for he could not ima-
gine the possibility of any individual's being Sove-
reign of Portugal, who should not be found•anxious
to maintain the ancient national alliance with this
country. The strictest amity and closest alliance
had always existed between the two States, and it
should be recollected that even in time of great in-
ternal disputes in Portugal, there had been no inter-
ruption to the friendship between the kingdoms. Nor
did he think that the present situation of Portugal
would be productive of any such consequence, for
it should be considered, that many of the persons
most active in assisting Don Miguel, were sincere
friends of this country, or rather of its connection
with their own. It should be recollected, too, that
amongst the friends of her Constitution and liberty,
that there were not a few who were not only not
friends to the English party, or of England, but of
every good Government whatsoever. In short, he
was not aware what the Noble Lord would have
Government do; for it was a matter of -notoriety,
not merely that they were sincere in their neutrality,
so far as Don Miguel was concerned, but that if any-
thing, their leaning was towards the other side. He
said he would then come to the other topic dwelt
upon by the Noble Lord—the execution of the
treaty of July 6, 18,27. He should not say one
word of that treaty; at least nothing farther than
that, having found it in existence when he joined
his Majesty's Government, he should feel himself
bound to support the execution of it in its greatest
extent. It was the intention of our Government to
carry into effect the treaty in the same spirit in which
it was framed ; but the Noble Lord was tnistaken in the
nature of that spirit—it was not a spirit of interference,
nor was its object the destruction or dismember-
ment of the Turkish power in Europe. So far from
the downfall of Turkey having been its object, the
principle was rather a preservative of it. The Noble
Lord seemed to doubt the sincerity of the Govern-
ment in 'executing that treaty, and to ascribe the
delay to Ministers ; but the execution of it did not
depend on them. It happened by accident that at a
critical moment his Imperial Majesty issued a de-
claration of war against Turkey. Was not that, then,
a natural cause of delay and hesitation? And if the
Government wished to evade that 'treatY, as had
been asserted, was not that a favourable opportu-
nity ?. Yet his Imperial Majesty placed himself in
a situation which divested him of the character of
participating in the coalition, and which yet alloWed
the other parties to the treaty to eo-operate with
him in seeking a revival of the peace. This was
generous in his Imperial Majesty; for otherwise,
though they might each pursue the same object, it
would be by separate means, and a coalition was
impossible. As to the nature of our relations with
Turkey, and its apprehended downfall, it was but
truth to say, that Turkey had been long an ancient
and constant friend, against whom we never had
cause to complain, and now, certainly, no cause of
war; and when the Noble Lord talked of the ap-
proaching fall of that empire, he took a most erro-
neous view of the policy of Great Britain. The
existence of Turkey as an independent European
Power, was necessary to the balance of power which
it was the object and the wish of the great Powers to
uphold; and it was impossible that any material di-
minution of her power should take place, without ex-
citing the interference of the other Powers. One
of the objects of their. common plan of policy
was, that that empire should be upheld—and that
this object would be effected, he had reason to ex-
pect, when he remembered the declarations made
by his Imperial Majesty of Russia, of the disin-
terested nature of his motives in waging the
war—declarations in which he had every trust,
though the Noble Lord placed no confidence in
them, but rather considered them precursors to
the downfall of Turkey. As to the non-appoint.
ment of commercial agents or consuls to Greece,
he could assure the Noble Lord, that so far
from its arising from lukewarmness on his part, to
execute the treaty, he had anxiously sought, though,
as yet, • unsuccessfully, for competent persons to
whom he should entrust those important offices.
On the whole, the British Government fulfilled all
its obligations under the treaty with a religious and
honest sincerity. The Noble Lord had said that the
Government had deviated from their duty, and he
had sounded the note of warlike preparation as a
consequence of that alleged deviation. Now, on the
contrary, there existed the most earnest desire to
preserve the- peace of the world. There was -no
change in our relative position, either in Mr. Can-
ning's time or at present, which rendered war de-
sirable or probable. As to the Noble Lord's elo-
quent invectives, he should look on• them as mere
figures of speech, things
full of sound and fury

Signifying nothing.
The general object of our policy was a desire to
preserve the peace of the world,. and the same was
the wish of every Sovereign ir! Europe. This salu-
tary object would be best gained, not by vilifying
the institutions of other countries, though not so
liberal as our own, but by cultivating the good
will of all; for, after all, it must be observed, that

nations may. be happy. without that perfection of,
Constitution which we enjoy ; and it would be well
to extend to them a little of that toleration which
we boast to be a characteristic of our religion and ,
laws. As to the papers for which the Noble Lord
had moved, they would, even though produced, give
but an imperfect and partial view of the transactions
which they were required to explain, and the pub'
lication of them might, of course, be attended svit',
injurious effects. At another time opportunities
would arise for laying the entire series of paper'
before the House; but, for the reasons he had stated'
he should oppose the present production of them.
Lord GODERICH concurred in the objections
made by the Noble Secretary for Foreign Affairs t°
the production of the documents in question; yet
he was not at all surprised at the view taken by the
Noble Mover of them of the state of our foreign re'
lations at this critical moment : and he was sure thot
the influence of England would be diminished in al
eyes of Foreign Powers if her Parliament appeared
indifferent to the passing transactions of the Co'''
tinent. But though be concurred with the Noble
Secretary in objecting to the production of 0.11,
papers, he must declare that his Noble Friend do
not give the House a comprehensive account of the
state of t
it,
howeverlie casez
toi
sr
faaefftoorrdy
1 muchmight p t. e chi saev
have
faonrsr7etri eenon uj
the Noble Mover on some particular points. Havi4
listened with attention to the proposition of the
Noble Baron, it was impossible for him not to fee
interested, particularly on two questions alluded to
by him : the first, the condition of that unfort''
nate country, unfortunate so long; but henceforevara,
he hoped, unfortunate no longer, he meant Greece'
The real fact was, that the state of that country I°'
years had been such as to excite considerable alarto
among the Powers of Europe, and it clearly eqr
peered, that if that condition was not put an end t 6
the consequence would be universal confusion. The
object, then was, not 'to rescue Greece from the
thraldom of Turkey, but to prevent the explosion el,
a general war. As to Portugal, no man can look 0!
the transactions there without emotions which it
impossible to express. There is nothing in what 10'
occurred in that country which enables me, or those
,
who acted in the Government with me, to account
for the circumstance of Don Miguel's violating the
promises he made, and the oaths that he swell'
There is something in his tergiversation inexplicable
to me on any ground:—something which I can
neither reconcile with the general principles of h°:,
nour and good faith, or with his sense of
own interest and obligations to his brother a",',l
King. But as to the nature of our relations wit"
Portugal, he could not see that they were oi
fected by the character of the internal governme°l'
of that country, nor could he allow that we were
bound by an ancient treaty to defend its 0'
vernment against internal revolutions. Our Ocr„
vernment never acted on that principle. In 18.2''
when the authority of the King was destroyed bY.:
rebellion, we did not interfere to restore him to
power. He (Lord Goderich) did not love revolt!,
tions—that is, speculative revolutions—God for
he should not allow the people the right of seekil
a remedy for real grievances--but least of all did h,
like revolutions effected by the army; for it haroPe°
ed that the military agents in effecting a revoluti.oo,
were the first to help in putting it down. For Ol
stance, the revolution of Naples, which was caused'
by the military, was it not put down by them, eel
j
tainly abandoned by them, for they ran away 0,
refused to fight for it.—(A laugh.)—So the reeol:f
tion attempted against the Constitution, and.
the same nature, was the recent insurrection againi
Don Miguel. But after the. King of Portugal I'B4
suppressed the revolution of 1820, feeling uneasy "c
his situation, he applied to the British Governme°l
for military assistance, bat the Government refusedl;
declaring that though they were bound and ready
defend Portugal against external attacks, they Were,
not justified in interfering in internal dissensions be
tween the King and the people. Then, to come to VI,
Constitution, said to have originated with Englino,
when in truth, the English Government had no ine.r;
to do with it than they had to do with the Constitut?,
of China. No, it proceeded from Don Pedro 11'°' ~
self; he acted judiciously and wisely in giving rviii
tugal that Constitution. Portugal acted wiselY,,.
accepting it, and most unwisely in getting rid of
but when that Constitution arrived in Portur
though it proceeded from the most legitimate sours
—the King, by his own grace and favour,—it excitest
fears and alarm, not only in the Court of Spain, 1`„
in the whole Spanish people. The consequeoc;
was intrigue and the demonstration of force on Os
part of Spain against the Constitutional state o
Portugal. To protect Portugal against this menace,
attack we sent troops to Portugal—while there, the);
by their presence, certainly tended to uphold tbl
Constitution, and if they had remained there 1,
would be in existence still ; but then those troop'
being no longer necessary there for the purpose COoi
templated by the treaty, could not be left there 10:;i
longer without a breach of the general principles
international law ; and, however closely Elie°,
was connected with Portugal, the British Govell(1
meat could not in wisdom or justice depart from het
march of general principles on account of their pr
deliction for one particular State or in one particiA.,
case. There was nothing in the present position e;
England, embarrassed as she may be by some reee''‘
events abroad, to stain her honour, or lower
dignity in the eybs of Europe; nothing to tfilij 1
from that respect which the nations took ge;
care to feel and display towards her, because the
knew we were holiest and useful friends, such
they would be glad to have recourse to in the
hour of-reverses, nor is there any thing in our publelj
measures incow,istent with a more liberal and dignifi
policy.
The Duke of WELLINGTON—My LS'
though I am quite satisfied with the able and CO.i're
vi icing answer given to the arguments of the Node
Baron by my Noble Friend at the head of the Forel:3,
Department, and the Noble Lord who has last oat
dressed you, I cannot allow the question to be ei
to the vote without stating my sentiments on it.
Lords, I do not undertake to blame the Noble Leg
for exciting this discussion, but at the same
I must defend his Majesty's Government against 0.1
imputation of blame for not having originated
themselves. The only occasions on which we could
promote a discussion of the subject would be eithll
on calling on Parliament for a vote of credit, whlc.,
we did not want, or in making an exposition of 0.0
foreign relations, which we were not M.a situation 14
make. My Noble Friend who has just sat do%!,
has said that the Noble Baron has used a wise cll6
cretion in calling the attention of Parliament to the
subject, but I trust it will be allowed that the 9°le
vernment toe have under the circumstances, exercis.c,
a wise discretion iti having abstained from provokith'o,
the discussion. We had had no concealment to ovi,
serve upon the subject—we made no concealment
No Noble Lordever expressed a desire to know,
asked a question in this House, .zio more than stii
Hon. Member of the other House, respecting o'l
matter connected with it, which either I or any
my Noble or Right Hon. Colleagues was and were
not disposed to answer; and therefore if discussl°4
has taken place in your Lordships' House bete
now upon the subject, it is because no Norli
Lord thought proper to press it, and for whic,
omission 1 for one feel extremely obliged. It is Pfot
fectly true, as my Noble Friend has already stated,
negotiations are still going on, and that it would
exceedingly inconvenient that such documents Po,
those referred to by the Noble Lord should beylie
duced and published so extensively as the NO on
Lord desires. To supply one paper, or a selecti..e
of papers, would be doing nothing. What t.P.,
Noble Lord desires is, that the whole of the trial,
tions shall be disclosed, that your Lordships and.
fir,
public should be put. in possession of every t.to_Ve
bearing upon the subjects referred to in the I"_,.c,
Lord's motion. With respect to the first tralt!,lll
firm to which the Noble Lord alluded—that V/p!
is now passing in the East of Europe, 1.mu5t,!.317);
that in the whole of the time during which I 04rri,
been officially connected with his Majesty's a9vT,,,,,
ment, (now nearly nine years) I can aver that
not
utmost anxiety has been felt by this country, and °

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