The Sun.
London, England, 1821-05-12 00:00:00

trade with all the world, the eohtinent of Eu-
rope is supplied -by them with Sugar at a much
less.price than our West Indies can afford to sell
it for. The cultivation, therefore, of the British
West Indies, must be reduced to the demands
of the Mother Country and her possessions.
Every hundred weight of Sugar brought from
the East, and consumed in the British dominions
must inevitably displace the same quantity from
the West, and, pro canto, diminish their culti-
vation. After having ruined the West Indies,
by encouragina-c' the competition of the mawkish
Sugar from the_ East ; and when we some day lose
liindoostan, Great Britain will see herself under
the necessity of paying Foreigners for a part of
the Sugar we must consume. We shall then have
to thank the advisers of new-fangled notions and
untried theories, for our altered situation in re-
spect to this important branch of commerce, and
for the loss of a part of the large advantages
which our trade and naval strength at present de-
rive from our Colonies in the West Indies.—
But when we consider the Dbligatiens of the
double monopoly under which the West India
Colonies were settled, we are not at liberty to
-take this strict, but satisfactory view of our own
interest, which fortunately here coincides with
our duty. We must perform our engagements,
by which we received advantage for advantage
granted by us. They have been acted upon for
a long period of time, and are therefore as bind-
ing upon both the parties as long, at least (as
all pretend to honour and justice), as if the com-
pact had been written in the most formal lan.
guage, and with the most indelible materials.

[THE TIMES.
From the Paris Papers of the Bth, which ar-
rived yesterday, we learn, that the Chamber of
Peers had, on the day preceding, formed itself
into a Court of Justice for the trial of the per-
sons charged as parties to the conspiracy of the
19th of August, 1820. The accused were 34 in
number, of whom 24 were charged with being
principals in " a plot against the person and life
of the King, and of the Members of the Royal
Family ; the aim of which plot would be to de-
stroy or change the government and the order of
succession to the throne, or to excite the citizens
to rise against the Royal authority." Five of
these appear to have fled from justice : the re.
maining ten were accused of being " privy
" to the conspiracy, and not revealing it."—
The list of names and description of persons
were followed by a statement of the case drawn
up by the Attorney-General, and read by the
clerk, which occupies nearly four columns of the
Monitcur. The doubt entertained by some per-
sons on which side this'conspiracy was formed,
whether actually by the. Buonapartists, or the
Police, has, together with the gravity of its im-
puted objects, attracted to the result of the trial
an intense curiosity and solicitude.

[BRITISH PRESS.]
We must take the liberty of expressing our
total dissent from one of the principles laid down
by the Earl of Liverpool in the discussion of the
Grampound. Disfranchisement Bill, in the House
of Lords, on Thursday evening. The Noble
Earl said, that the two houses of Parliament, in
depriving the borough of Grampound of the elec-
tive franchise, ought not, in their Bill of Disfran-
chisement, to select the place to which the right
of electing two Members should be transferred,
but that they ought to repose the right of selec-
tion in the Crown, and empower the executive
authority of the State to grant the charter of
electing Members of Parliament to whatever
county, town, or borough, it might be
pleased to select. This power the Noble
Lord claims for the Crown as a continu-
ance of the ancient prerogative, not re-
flecting upon the vast changes introduced in the
very principles of our Constitution, and in the
spirit of our Government, by improved political
science and a long train of events, since the time
when this branch of the prerogative was last exer-
cised in the reign of Charles 11. It cannot be
denied tleit in the olden time of our history, pre-
vious to the Revolution, and when the value of a
seat in Parliament, and the importance of the
House of Commons as a branch of the Legisla-
ture and as a check upon the executive authority
were not sufficiently appreciated, the inhabitants
of boroughs used frequently to apply to the
Crown by way of petition, praying that they
might, for their poverty and inability, be relieved
from the grievous burden of being required to
send representatives to Parliament, to whom, in
those days, the constituents were bound to pay
certain daily wages, sufficient, when first rated,
for the decent support of the Members. The
Crown used, on such ,applications, to investi-
gate the truth of these pleas of inability, and
either condemn the petitioners, if there were
good cause, to endure the burden, or transfer
the charter to some other borough better capa-
ble of enduring, it ; or, as it sometimes hap-
pened, suppress this portion of the national ra-
presentation altogether. Increased knowledge
has since taught us to deny to our Kings the
exercise of so dangerous a power, and the circum-
stance of its total disuse since the time of Charles
11, proves that in the sense as well of the Go-
vernment as of the People, the Revolution was
supposed to have wholly superseded this portion of
the ancient prerogatives.

PROVINCIAL JOURNALS.

[FROM THE HULL PACKET.]

THE TRUTH, THE WHOLE TRUTH, AND NOTHING BUT

TILE TIIIITH.

The domestic news of this week is barren, and the foreign is
not important. This leaves us at liberty to comment on a sub-
ject which should interest the public attention more than any
other, either foreign or domestic--we mean Agriculture.
It has been remarked, that there never was an inquiry more
important than that in which the Agricultural Committee are
now engaged • but that, nevertheless, the public expects no=thing from its labours.' This is in part true, for the nation is
not yet prepared for the only remedy which can be suggested,
the remission.of a considerable amount of taxes which press
upon industry, and consequently the necessary composition of
others to, we fear, an equal amount. For although The Times
asks with great! simplicity, if it would do no good to take off
five Millions of taxes ? it has not shown how a fifth part of the
same could .be saved, with due attention to the security of the
public creditor, and without manifest injury to the general
good.
In the Mean time, various modes of robbing the Fundholder
are talked of, as if the-public mind were to be prepared for the
adoption of some one or other of them; and although one of