The Sun.
London, England, 1845-11-08 00:00:00

triening

LONDON, SATURDAY. NOVEMBER 8, 1845,

We have every reason to fear that there are but small
hopes of a peaceful settlement of differences between this
country and the United States of America. We pretend to
ao superior information on this important question, but judge
from circumstances and for reasons which may enable any
one, tolerably well-informed, to come to a conclusion.
Arrangements have been in progress for some time, and are
now nearly completed, for embodying the militia whenever
it may seem fit for the Privy Council to issue an order to that
effect. This measure, we are inclined to think, depends
entirely on the result of negotiations now going on, both in
London and Washington, respecting the Oregon territory
and the recent occupation of Texas; and should it be un-
favourable, a trial of strength will be the only resort. The
policy of the Cabinet has led the public, or ought to have led
them, to such an alternative. Last session, on the motion of
Sir ROBERT PEEL, large sums were voted for increasing the
strength of the navy, building steam-boats, and fortifying
the coasts. The activity exhibited in our dock-
yards since the vote was agreed to, and even before,
shows that there must be some strong cause for
this new ♦igour and warlike display ; and on looking
at our relations with all the nations of Europe and America,
we find only one against which these preparations can be
directed. England is on the most amicable terms with
France ; their fleets are operating together in the New World,
their policy with regard to the occupation of Texas is the
same; there is not, in fact, one point of difference or one
ground of quarrel between them. All the other States of
Europe, we rejoice to say, are either well- inclined towards
England, or are so insignificant with respect to power, that
they can afford no grounds whatever for these demonstra-
tions. With America, however, there are serious matters of
dispute, and from the deliberate and official declarations of the
representatives of the two countries, we can hardly see how
they can be settled amicably. Both TYLER and POLK have
declared to Congress that they claim the whole of the Oregon
territory, and, not satisfied with that, recommended therepre-
sentatives of the people to lose no time in voting supplies
and adopting measures for putting an end to all doubt on the
question, by establishing stations and forts on the route
across the mountains, and taking possession of the whole
of the Columbia river. Sir ROBERT PEEL and
the Earl of ABERDEEN were no less explicit in reply
and in their places in Parliament announced that they could
admit no such occupation; that their resolution to resist it
was formed, and that they were prepared to maintain it.
Their brief addresses were loudly cheered by all parties in the
Lords and Commons. They cannot recede, for the nation is with
them, and after such a display of vigour would be denounced
as poltroons and betrayers of the rights of England, if they
should yield one inch of territory either to the diplomatic
skill of Mr. LANE, or the lawless aggressions of a fierce and
unrestrained democracy. But neither nation is disposed to
yield. There are old recollections as well as present quarrels
to foster a hostile feeling. In the wars England has waged
with America she has little to boast of. She was shamefully
defeated in the war of independence; she obtained some
trophies, brilliant we admit, in the war of 1813 and 1814;
but she was sadly humbled in her encounters with America
on the Canadian Lakes. The army of Sir GEORGE PREVOST
was uttlerly defeated—he died of shame and in dis-
grace on his voyage home, and a peace was patched
up which reflected little credit on England, exalted
the vanity of the republicans, and made both the naval and
military services of England dissatisfied with the result, and
anxious for another opportunity of vindicating their honour
and bravery. The Americans believe that they ban beat us
as they have hitherto done. We, on the other hand, are
confident of our strength ; we have no victories to boast of
which can allow us to show magnanimous indifference; the
inroads of the sympathisers on the peaceable inhabitants of
Canada, the deceitful occupation of Texas, and the threatened
I occupation of a territory long in undisputed possession of the
North-West Canadian Company, together with threats of
seizing other vast tracts, to which the Americans have no
right whatever—all combine to put this country on her right,
and compel her to fight for every inch of bare rock with as
much determination as for the most valuable possession. But
there are other circumstances, too, that add to the difficulties
of the crisis. If POLK and his Cabinet were inclined to yield
to reason, and settle the dispute on amicable and

honourable terms, they have not the power. They,
in fact, have little or no influence on the Western
States. These are beyond their reach, yet they
can influence their decisions ; they are resolved
to ,4 go ahead" at all risks, safe alike from the armies and
fleets of England, unrestrained by laws or treaties, or the
usually admitted compacts of civilised nations. They care as
little for the Congress of Washington as the Parliament of
London, and will go on in their course until they meet with
a power that can bring them to reason. For men of this
stamp the River Columbia is an acquisition of the first im•
portance, since the trade with China has been thrown open
by the gallant achievements of British soldiers and sailors.
They could thus monopolise the whole of the fur trade with