The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-15 00:00:00

Trir. SUN, LONDON, PRIpAr EVENING., MARC.: 15, 18,14.

fused by the Hon. -.Member, he would ask, where

the question would thCn be? The next best thhig to
a withdrawal, would be to vote with the Honourable
Member for Kendal (Mr. Warburton), and this, he
for one should do. The fact was, the law had done

all it could do, but society refused to act upon that
law.—(Hear, hear.) The opinion already expressed
in that House, echoed as it loudly would be by the
country, would be the surest way of rooting up this
great crime of society.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. TURNER, in reply, stated that he would be con-
tent to leave the whole subject in the hands of the
Right Hon. Baronet. He. trusted the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet would introduce a Government measure on the

subject, and would not let the heavy responsibility of
introducing a Bill on the subject devolve upon an indi-
vidual Member. If, however, the Right Hon. Baronet
did not introduce a Bill on the subject, he (Mr. Turner)
should feel it his.duty to do so. He wished to correct a
misapprehension under which some 'Hon. Members
seemed to labour as to a statement which he had made.
What he had said was that it was the law of Switzerland

that the man who killed another in a duel should be
liable for the debts of the deceased. He would at once,
seeing the general feeling -of the House, withdraw the
motion, and he took no merit to himself for so doing.

The mution was then withdrawn.
PROBATE AND LEGACY DUTIES.
Mr. ELPHINSTONE then rose to move—" That
his House do resolve itself into a Committee of the

whole House, on an early day, for the purpose of taking
into consideration the Acti 36 Geo. 111., c. 52, 45

Geo. 111., c. 28, 48 Geo. 111., c. 149, and 55 Geo. 111.,
c. 184, with the view of imposing the same amount of
probate-duty on real estate, as is now, in similar cases,
imposed on personal property ; and, likewise, of con-
sidering the expediency of imposing a probate-duty in
all cases, on the death of the cestui que trust (whe-
ther the trust property be realty or personalty); in order
to substitute such proposed probate-duty on real estate
for some of those taxes which now press most
heavily on the productive industry of the people."
In asking the House to take this subject 'into their
consideration, he hoped he should be enabled
to show to them that it was only just and fair
that the same taxes should be levied upon real property
which were levied upon personal property. As the law
at present stood, all personal property was liable to the
payment of probate duty and legacy duty upon the death
of its holder. Probate duty was levied upon the whole
of the property according to its value, whilst the amount
of legacy dutysimposed varied according to the degree of.
relationship. subsisting' between the party receiving the
legacy and the deceased. There was this difference
between the two duties—that while real property was in
no case liable to the probate duty, in certain instances,
annuities, rent-charges, and lands directed to be sold under
the provisions of the Act 43 Geo. 111. were liable to
legacy duty. With these trifling exceptions, it might be
assumed that personal:property was in all cases liable to
these duties, while real property was exempt.—(Hear,
hear.) Now this state of things was most unjust to the
trading and commercial classes of this country.—
(Cheers.) It exposed the Members of that and of the
other House of Parliament to most unpleasant imputa-
tions. It was known that the great majority of them
were landowners, and it exposed them to the imputation
of having passed a law, not for the public benefit,
but for their own private advantage.—(Cheers.)
When the imposition of the legacy duty was first pro-
posed by Mr. Pitt in the year 1796, he had intended to
impose the same tax upon real property, and although
the landowners were too strong for him, he told them
that he considered it would be unjust to lay a tax upon
personal property to which real property should not be
at the same time liable.—(Cheers.) Mr. Pitt, in intro-
ducing the Bill, said that he considered it but right that
property should contribute towards the expenses of a war
undertaken to defend the rights ofproperty,and that landed
property being the most permanent of all property ought
to be called on to contribute accordingly-(Cheers)—
but, continued Mr. Pitt, " I do not intend that the im-
position of the legacy duty shall be confined to landed
property. I intend that it shall be imposed on per-
sonal property also."—(Hear, hear.) Such were the
sentiments of Mr. Pitt.—(Hear, hear.) The exemption
of real property from those duties was not only unjust,
it was absurd. In cases of leaseholds held for a term
of years, the leasehold was considered as personal pro-
perty, and was liable to the tax, but when a leasehold
was held for lives it was considered as real pro-
perty, and was exempt. It so happened in the
borough of South Shields that one-half of the
town was let on leases for lives, and the other
on leases for a term of years, so that one-
half of the inhabitants of the town were liable to the
tax, and the other half were exempt. He would ask
the House how they could suffer the liability to a tax
to be regulated by these absurd technicalities.? (Hear,
hear.) Why should the leaseholder in London be sub-
ject to this tax, while the' eopyholder in the country was
exempt ?—(Hear, hear.) He would now proceed to
show, from papers on the table of the House, what
was the amount paid by the personal property of the
country from which the real property was exempt. It
appeared that, for the year ending sth of January, 1844,
a sum of 2,239,7681. 7s. 4-id. had been levied as probate-
duty and as 'legacy 'duty; while from the returns, as
regUlarly laid before the House, it would appear that
from the year 1797, when these taxes was first imposed,
up to the close of last year, a sum amounting to
66,835,9591. had been contributed to the revenue from
the personal property of the kingdom by these taxes,
for which the real property was entirely exempt. There
were no precise means of, getting at the amount which
the revenue would derive from the imposition of the
probate and legacy duties upon the real property of the
kingdom, but he thought they might arrive at some near
conclusion on the subject by a little calculation. Mr.
Gwynne, who had for years held a situation in the
Legacy Duty office, and who was a high authority on
the subject, estimated that one-thirtieth part of the per-
sonal property of the country was annually subjected to
these duties. The Right Hon. Baronet, in introducing
his measure for imposing the income-tax, had estimated
the gross rental of the kingdom at 39,400,000/. ; now,
estimating the value of. landed estates at 25 years pur-
chase, that would give 985,000,000/., as the landed capi-
tal of the kingdom. If they applied Mr. Gwynne's cal-
culations to this statement, they would find that
33,000,0001. would be liable to this tax, and
that a revenue of about a million and a
half annually would be , derived from this source.
There was another method of arriving at the
same conclusion. From Mr. Porter's valuable work on
the "Progress of the Nation" it appeared that there
were 46,000,000 of acres under cultivation in this coun-
try. If they took the rental at an average of 15s. an
acre, they would arrive atpretty nearly the same amount.
But whether his calculations , on that point made the
amount too large or too small, still the fact remained
the same, that the land was exempt from a tax which
personal property was called on to pay. What could be
more unjust than that a merchant or manufacturer leav-
ing a small piteince to his widow and family, should
have that pittance testened by the imposition of these
duties, while the landed proprietor, who inherited an es-
tate of perhaps half a million, went scot free.—(Hear,
hear.) What could be more galling than that land,
while it continued to be the property of a landed gen-
tleman, should not be subject to this tax, but that the
moment it should be employed for the purposes of
commerce, that moment it was purchased by
partnership capital, it became liable.—(Hear, hear.)
The moment it was directed to be sold to satisfy the
demands of his family it became subject to the legacy
duty. It was a great injustice that land ordered to be
sold should be saddled with this legacy duty, because
it was also at the same moment liable to other taxes.
It was liable to auction duty, and to the duty paid on
conveyances—such was the case with land directed to
be sold ; but land that was inherited was exempt. Taxes
on real property had been imposed in all civilized
countries, except England and Spain. The Romans
had levied a very large revenue from the levying of the
twentieth penny—the vicesima pars. France derived a
large revenue from the imposition of a tax upon real pro-
perty. The same was the case in Belgium, in Holland,
in Germany, in Switzerland, and in many of the smaller
States of Italy; and he trusted the time was not far dis-
tant when the same would be the case in this country.
When he brought this question before the House two
years ago he was met by two assertions—the first of
which was that it would be unfair to adopt this course,
because the stamp duties and the duties upon mortgages
were more than equivalent to any extra burdens which
might be imposed upon other classes. But he was able
to show the fallacy of this assertion by stating that the
whole amount derived by the revenue from stamps upon
deeds and other documents amounted to 1,600,0001., but
then, in that sum was included the stamp duty upon per-
sonal property, and he knew that only 400,0001. was de-
rived from real property, and mortgages, and settle-
ments, while the remainder of the 1,600,000 L was made
up out of personal property and bonds of every descrip-
tion. He was ready to admit that these stamp duties
were a heavy burden upon the landed proprietary, inas-
much as they considerably increased the expenses of the
transfer of property. He was fully borne out in bis views
upon this subject by the opinions of the eminent
conveyancers of the day. He found the same
principle of benefiting the rich at the expense
of the', poor, pervaded all those laws. He should
take the clislicHn mortgage, or transfer of property, un-
der 1001., and ilieltainp required for that would be IL,
whilst the amount of stalinp dtjty on a mortgage of
20,000/. bore by no means a relative,and proportionate
increase. If a poor man were to require.; to transfer
property to the amount of 20/. the stamp duty would be
10s., whilst the rich Nobleman, who would have to trans-.
fer property of the value of 20,000/, would pay 1,0001.
When a very large quantity of goods were to be sold,
those duties pressed much more lightly upon the large
salesman, and they made a distinction in his favour
against the small tradesman. Now he thought what
was fair in one case was, and ought to be applied to all.
He should, if the House went into Committee upon this
matter, be able to prove to their full satisfaction, that
the same principle should be in operation with respect
to both personal and real property ; and he thought
this was quite a sufficient reason for his making this mo-
tion. The people of this country, above all other things,
loved fair play, and they could not understand the .rea-
,.,son,for this unfair decision.
Mr. I'AELAWNEY seconded the motion. He did
not see how: glis motion could be opposed, because Hon.
Gentlemen oppbsite had said that it was necessary to
keep up the corn-laWs-,, in order that the landholders
should be enabled to meet the burdens imposed upon the
agricultural interest. It was tine that some of those
gentlemen had alluded to the necaWty
JO* upholding
those laws to meet mortgages, and enable iftera.to grant
marriage settlements. He denied that those 'burdens
pressed more heavily upon the agricultural than they did
upon any other class of the community. The former
paid quite as heavily as the latter for the support and
repairs of the highways. Again, the land and other
taxes were borne by the others quite as heavily as the
landholders. He utterly denied that the land bore
were them its (Or proportion 0 the burden* of the

•
State. In consequeiwe of thc' pressure of heavy excise
duties, the artizan now paid as much-for one pound.of
tobacco as would buy nine pounds, and the same was
applicable to a vast number of other commodities, so
that more than two-thirds of his labour went for the
payment of taxes.
'The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER would
ask whether, in point of order, this motion could be put.
The matter had been already twice discussed in this
House during the course of the last session. It was an
unusual course to make such a motion as this, which
affected the right of imposing new taxes.
The SPEAKER thought that the motion, as it stood,
was irregular. He:had considerable ',doubt as to the
right of the House to impoSe any tax on the people
without a direct message from the Crown.

The CHANCELLOR, of the EXCHEQUER thought
the motion ought not to be taken at present.
Mr. HUME submitted that the .House was perfectly
competent now to entertain the motion. The Hon.
Gentleman then read the motion. lie considered that
the motion was legitimate, inasmuch as it did not pro-
pose any new tax. The utmost effect of it would be to.
disburden one part of the community that was oppres-
sively taxed, and to compensate for that removal by
taxing those who could bear it. He hoped the day was
not far distant when the whole House wonld resolve
it-
self into a Committee for the purpose of considering the
general subject of taxation ; more especially the ques-
tion of equal and unequal burdens borne by diffe-
rent classes of the community. The Hon. Gentle-
man was about entering into the subject matter of the
motion when,

Sir R. PEEL rose to order. He assured the Hon.
Gentleman he would not have risen if he did not
consider that one of those safeguards against entering
too hastily into the subject of taxation was about being
invaded. The question then before the House was, not
whether the Hon. Gentleman's motion was politic or im-
politic, but whether or no he was in order in making
that motion. The Right Hon. Gentleman the Speaker
seemed to be in doubt upon the matter, but expressed
an opinion that the present motion was, at all events,
an evasion of the established rules of that House. Now,
be (Sir R. Peel) considered all interference with the
rules of the House as most dangerous, but evading them
worse than any other species of innovation. If the
Hon. Gentleman were allowed to persevere in this mo•
tion, it might form a very dangerous precedent.
Mr. HUME said the Right Hon. Baronet need not
be under any apprehension that he would at-
tempt to evade any of the rules of that
House. He believed there was no Honourable
Member more anxious to maintain the rules of that
House than he was. TICe fact 'Was, he considered that
the opposition given to the motion by the Right Hon.
Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was an
attempt to smother the motion, and as such be opposed
it ; but if there was any doubt that the motion was not
in conformity with the rules 9f the House, he would
have recommended his Honourable Friend.to withdraw

the motion. •
Mr. BARING thought it would be very wrong in the
House to decide without due consideration. He agreed
in what had fallen from the ,Right lion. Baronet as to

the propriety of preserving the of the House, and
that they should be particularly cautious in everything
that regarded taxation. The Hon. Gentleman might
have been guilty of some irregularity in bringing the
matter before the House, but he was sure the Hon. Gen-
tleman would not persevere in it contrary to the disposi.

tion of the House.
Mr. ELPHINSTONE was' willing to withdraw the
motion, but he hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would
allow him to fix some day next week for the considera-
tion of the motion.
Sir R. PEEL—Yes, Tuesday or Thursday.
Mr. ELPHINSTONE hoped the Right Hon. Baronet
would allow him to fix on a Government night.
Sir R. PEEL could not consent to that proposition.
Mr. WARBURTON would suggest to his Hon. rela-
tive that the debate should be adjourned, and he thought
no objection could be made to'the motion.
The SPEAKER said he could not at that moment Re-
collect every precedent which would apply to the present
case. He thought it was a case in which the House
ought to pause before it came to any decision.
Lord J. MANNERS thought it would be much better
to adjourn the debate to another evening.
Sir A. LEITH HAY objected to the adjournment of
the debate.
After a few observations from Mr. EWART and Sir R.
PEEL, the motion was withdrawn.
POST-OFFICE. _

Mr. WALLACE, pursuant to notice, moved—" That
full effect be given to the Act, commonly called the
Penny Postage Act, by the issue of postage free
stamped paper, without restriction as to size or quality,
—in addition to the use of labels, postage free envelopes,
and prepayment at post-offices, as at present."
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER trusted
that the Hon. Gentleman would not persevere in his
motion, as its adoption could not be attended with any
good.
Captain BERNAL said he was desired to express, on
the part of several stationers, their dislike of this mea-
sure for stamping half sheets of paper. They believed
that the Government had the same security in the
present stamped envelopes. He believed, too, that the
people were perfectly satisfied with the present plan,
and he could not understand why the Hon. Member for
Greenock should be so anxious to press his proposal on
the Government, and he hoped that the Government
would give him (Captain Bernal) an assurance that these
sheets would not be issued to any great extent. He un-
derstood that a considerable quantity of a peculiar kind
of paper had been laid in by"the Government to the
amount of hundreds of tons, at Is. ld. per lb., and that
they were afterwards obliged to get rid of it at a loss
of ninety per cent.
Mr. F. BARING stated that the late Government
had contemplated an issue of Mr. Dickenson's peculiar
paper, but had not done so from an apprehension of
creating a monopoly. He hoped the Government, is bile
consulting the convenience of the public, would be care-
ful not to create a monopoly of that kind.
Sir GEORGE CLERK said it had been considered
worth while to try the experiment of the half sheets
stamped for writing inside. Not a day passed by but
suggestions came to the Treasury of improvements in
the postage plan, but he did not think that any sugges-
tion had been made of any advantage to the public
arising -from the issue of stamped sheets.
He believed the public found as much or more advantage
in writing on common paper, and affixing labels to it.
Much inconvenience might arise from the stamped sheets,
especially to the poor, if they went to the expense of
buying stamped sheets, if they should spoil the letter in
writing, as it would be impossible to recover the penny
stamp from the Post-office. He could assure the Hon.
Gentleman that they were trying the experiment on a
very small scale. A small quantity only of stamped
half-sheets were to be issued, in order to ascertain whe-
ther the plan would afford additional convenience to the
public.. -
Mr. WALLACE still remained of opinion that the
penny stamps on full sheets of pppaper would be a great
Convenience to the public, especially to the poorer classes.
He .was of opinion that the plan of the half-sheets would
be a failure ; but evidently seeing that the House was
against his proposition, he would withdraw his motion.
The motion was then withdrawn.
FOREST OF DEAN.
The Earl of LINCOLN moved for leave to bring in a
Bill to extend the time within which arrangements may
be made on behalf of the Crown, of encroachments on
the Forest of Dean.—Agreed to.
LAND-TAX COMMISSIONERS NAMES BILL.

On the motion of Sir. GEORGE CLERIi, leave was
given to bring in the Land-Tax Commissioners Names
Bill.

GAME LAWS.
Mr. WALLACE called the attention of the House
to the petition from the counties of Lanark, Ayr, and
Renfrew, respecting the inefficiency of the law forbid-
ding the going armed by night for the purpose of de-
stroying game ; and moved for leave to bring in a
Bill to extend the provisions of the Act 9 Geo. IV. c. 69,
to similar offences when committed on highways, and
other public roads and paths, during the night, as when
those offences are committed upon inclosed or open lands
through which highways and other roads and paths pass.
Leave was given to bring in the Bill.
Mr. FRENCH moved fur a return of the names of all
persons who 'have been appointed to command vessels in
her Majesty's service, from the Ist dar of October, 1841,
to the Ist day of March, 1844 ; specifying whether each
person so appointed be a native of England, Ireland, or
Scotland.
Mr, S. HERBERT had no objection to grant the re-
turn, provided the specification of country was omitted
by the Hon. Gentleman, which, being agreed to, the re
turn was ordered.

JUSTICE TO IRELAND.

MEETING IN C OVE fT-
GARDEN THEATRE.

Last evening a meeting of the friends of Ireland was
held in Covent-garden Theatre, for the purpose, as ex-

pressed in the advertisement convening the meeting, of
affording to the middle and industrious classes an op-
portunity of mingling:their feelings with, those of the
higher classes, so unequivecally expressed on a late oc-
casion, in sympathy for the sufferings of the Irish people,
and of their illustrious leader, in whose person the

dearest right enjoyed by the subject under the consti-
tution of this country has been grossly infringed.
Long before the hour appointed for taking the chair
had arrived, the theatre was densely thronged in every

'part, and the pit so much se that it was found necessary
to admit a large portion of its occupants upon the stage.

There were stationed in various places throughout the
house, but chiefly around the chair, several men, some
of whom were dressed in frieze coats—the dress peculiar
to the Irish peasant—and who wore upon their hats

slips of paper, having inscribed the words, " O'Connell's
police?! Judging from the boisterous good humour of
the mighty mass, their exhibition of mirth, and
the evident determination which they evinced to

have as much " fun"
_among themselves as possible
before the commencement of the business of the meeting,

we should say the vast majority were natives of " the
Green Isle." The dress circle and stage boxes were
occupied by persons of both sexes, who belonged, ap-
parently, to what are conventionally termed the better

classes.
Shortly after seven o'clock the cheering from with-
out heralded the approach of Mr. O'Connell, and im-
mediately on the entrance of the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman upon the stage, the vast assemblage rose en
masse, and the scene that ensued baffles description.
The ladies waved their handkerchiefs, the gentlemen
their hats, and both cheered and hurraed, again and
again, with an earnestness and enthusiasm which were,
perhaps, equalled, but only equalled, on the occasion of
Mr. O'Connelrs reception at the banquet on Tuesday
evening last. When the cheering, which was prolonged
for several minutes, had somewhat subsided,
WILLIAM J. O'CONNELL, Esq. (Grand Repeal
Warden of England), was called to the chair, amidst
most enthusiastic cheering. He said he was sure that
they would believe him when he said that he considered
that moment to be the proudest of his existence. lie
believed that he had been called upon to preside, be-
cause he bore the name of their honoured and esteemed

leader, who sat on his right hand.—(Loud cheers.) He
believed that they all appreciated the merits of that
powerful body whose exertions were destined to
restore peace, happiness, independence, and na-
tionality to Green Erin.—(Great cheering.) That
cheer convinced him that it was unnecessary
_ _

to mention the name of that body, but still he would do
so, it was the Loyal National Repeal Association.—
(Great cheering.) He had witnessed an assemblage in
that theatre on Tuesday last which did honour to Old
England.— (Cheers.) He would ask what it was that
brought together the Noblemen and men of influence
that were assembled on that occasion ? Why, they as-
sembled together with the same object for which the
present vast meeting had been called together—to ho-
nour, to esteem, and to love the great Liberator of Old
Ireland.—(Tremendous cheering.) The sympathetic
feelings which had been exhibited on that occasion would
never be obliterated from the Irish breast.—(Great and
enthusiastic cheering.) It was glorious, indeed, to find that
feelings of amity and brotherly love had so suddenly
sprung up between the Irish people, and the English people.
Englishmen now found that they could understand the
Irish character. He hoped that every Irishman present
would do all in his power to cultivate that friendship which
had been expressed and exhibited on Tuesday night
last.—(Renewed cheering.) Englishmen were their
brothers and fellow-subjects, and they had been perse-
cuted by the same class of persecutors. He hoped that
the anniversary of last Tuesday would be kept every
year, and that upon that day Englishmen and Irishmen
would meet together.—(Great cheering.) The Hon.
Gentleman concluded by calling on
Mr. HYDE, of St. John's-wood, to move the first
resolution. He came forward to do so as an Irish Pro-
testant.—(Great cheering.) It had been said that the
objects of the Repealers was to dismember the empire.
He emphatically denied this, and he declared that if such
was the purpose of the Repeal Association, to which he
was proud to belong, he would not for a moment allow
his name to be connected with it. He had much plea-
sure in moving the following resolution:—" That we
yield to no class of the British people in loyalty to our
gracious Sovereign in our respect for her public and
private virtues, and in our determination to maintain,
unimpaired, her supreme authority."—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. O'LEARY seconded the resolution, which was put
and carried unanimously, amidst much cheering.
Mr. M'LEoD moved the next resolution, " That the
sympathy for the sufferings of the Irish people, which
has been so nobly displayed by large bodies of English-
men, on late occasions, is gratifying to all lovers of
peace and good will, and must afford, if any such were
required, additional motives for exertion, and that we
are determined to struggle peacefully, but untiringly, for
the regeneration of Ireland."
Mr. M'LEAN seconded the resolution, and in doing so
_ _

he said that he had been driven from his own country to
this to seek employment, because a system of bad legis-
lation had deprived him of the means of subsistence at
home. He hoped ere long to see meetings upon this
subject held, not in theatres, but in such places as Ken-
nington-common, where they would raise a shout whose
echo should be heard within the walls of the House of
Commons and the House of Lords, and which should cause
those imbecile Lords to tremble in their seats, and make
them say to themselves " the Agitator has got not only
the Irish people with him but the English people also."
The resolution was then put and carried amidst en-
thusiastic cheering.

Mr. G. FALL, an English Protestant, and a member
of the Loyal National Repeal Association, moved the
next resolution—" That Daniel O'Connell, Esq., is de-
serving of our unlimited confidence for his unparalleled
services in the cause of Ireland, and for his persevering
exertions to promote the rights and liberties of man
without distinction of 'class, colour, or creed, and the
persecution to which he has been subjected, serves only
to raise him in the esteem and good-will of all friends
of constitutional freedom; and that an address, in con-
formity with the foregoing resolution, be presented to
Daniel O'Connell, Esq."—(Groat cheering.)
The resolution, having been seconded by Mr. Barden,
was put and carried unanimously.
Letters of apology for not attending the meeting were
then read by Mr. Dunn, the Secretary, from Mr. Shar-
man Crawford, M.P., Sir De Lacy Evans, and Sir John
Easthope, Bart., M.P.
The CHAIRMAN then read the address to Mr.
O'Connell, which was one from the Repeaters of London.
No copies we were informed, on our application for one,
had been prepared for the press.
At the close of the reading of the address—

•
Mr. O'CoNNELL advanced to the front of the stage,
and was again hailed with the most enthusiastic cheering,
which was prolonged for several minutes. When order
was partially restored, he said—After all I have to com-
plain of you. Perhaps you will think me ungrateful
when I begin by telling you that you have taken an ad- .
vantage of me—not an unfair advantage, but still an ad •
vantage, because you have anticipated me in what
I had determined upon doing when I left Ireland.—
(Hear.) I left 'lreland with the full determination of
calling a meeting of the Repealers of London. I determined
to address them at some length, and I considered a
good deal where it was I should call the meeting to be
held. You have, hovirever, anticipated me. You have
spontaneously called a meeting, and I glory in the im-
mense assemblage you have brought together.(Cheers.)
Repealers of London, I thank you.—(Cheers.) I have
come here to address you as Repealers.—(Cheers.)—
[Here the Hon. and Learned Gentleman apologised for
wearing his hat, which he said the cold wind that blew
from behind him rendered necessary.] (A voice,
" Take care of your health.") I want to take care
of it, continued the • llon. and Learned Gentleman,
I know not how long I may be locked up.—(Cries of
" Never,") When I left Ireland, I felt it would be my
duty to address the Repealers of London, and to express
to them the gratitude of the humble individual now ad-
dressing you—my own personal gratitude—the gratitude
of the Loyal National Repeal Association—the grati-
tude of the entire Irish people, for, the patriotism and
perseverance which the Repealers of London have evinced.
I rejoice in the manner you have conducted yourselves.
Unaccustomed to so large a combination,'little differences
arose from time to time amongst you, but they were all
amicably settled amongst yourselves in the spirit of good
fellowship, and one of the most important branches of
the Repeal Association were found located in London.
Repeaters of London, I thank you—heartily thank you.
I pay a debt of national gratitude in thanking
you, and it gives me great pleasure to tell
you that the contributions from London have
exceeded, by four times the amount, anything we
expected.—(Hear.) Having told you now what I in-
tended to speak of, I tell you now what I did not think
I.would have to tell you when I left Ireland. I then
had no notion that one of the topics upon which I should
have to address the Repealers of London would be
the English sympathy and the English support which
I have received since my arrival in England.—(Cheers.)
In every crisis of the fate of Ireland—looking
back at her history as I have done with
anxious and persevering' eye—estimating the facts that
have preceded us, with a view to know how I should re-
plate those that were to approach—with the most
anxious solicitude to understand the history of our coun-
try, I made myself familiar with its details, and lam
able to say these 'two things—first, that at no other
crisis of the fate of Ireland, was the Government divided
from the popular voice in. England—unhappily the
English people were deluded into joining their
Government in for Mer oppressions of Ireland. In
every other phasis of Irish history, the people
and the Government of England went together in
oppressing Ireland. Blessed be God I we have arrived
at a time when the .wise and, the good of the English
oration range themselves on our side, and condemn as
emphatically as we condemn, the misconduct of a base
and paltry. Governinent.—(Loud cheers.) Yes, I had
no notion of meeting with so much 'sympathy and sup-
port. The cheers of the men of Birmingham are still
ringing in' my ears.---(A voice from the gallery, "You
shall have' more of them.") I wish somebody would put
a wisp of hay in thatcalf is mouth.—(Roars of laughter.)
Yes, the cheers in the milder, but not less sincere accents of
what are called the- better classes of society are still
present to my mind.' Eight and forty hours hare not