The Sun.
London, England, 1845-03-24 00:00:00

tbirt 'zilb-itton

£HE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES.)

ONE
PRICES OF BRITISH FUNDS. O'CLOCK.
3 per Cent. Consols ... 100 99% 1001,E
South Sea Stock
Ditto New Annuities
Consols for Account..... ......
Exchequer Bills, 1,0001., PAd 6O 58
Ditto 5001. .

CLOSING
PRICES.
100%

99%
10C%
pm. 60
pm. 60
pm. 61
Pm. -

61 -

Ditto Small
Ditto Advertised

CLOSING
PRICES.

ONE
rUICES OF FOREIGN FUNDS. O'CLOCK.
Brazilian Bonds
Ditto, New, 1829 and ]839 B9
Ditto 1843 87% 88%
Chilian Bonds 6 per Cent.... •
B•"'"___Ditto, Deferred
- Columbian Bonds, ex Venezuela 14% 15 15
Mexican' 5 per Cent. 1837
Ditto. Account ... ........... 3676
Ditto, Deferred
Peruvian Bouds, 6 per Cents 33
Portuguese Bonds, 5 per Cent
i. Ditto, Converted 67
Ditto, Account
Spanish 5 per Cent. 1840
Ditto Account
Ditto, Passive
Ditto Deferred
Ditto 3 per Cent.' ... .. ......
Ditto, Account —
Dutch, 2% per Cent .
Ditto, 4 per Cent., Certific 991A%
PRICES OF CLOSING
ram. AT ONE O'CLOCK.
II A HATA 'V SHARES PRICES.
Aberdeen
Binning. and Gloucesterloo 134 133%
Do. New
Ditto % Shares
—..
Bristol and Exeter 7O
Ditto New 2
Cal.:donian
Cambridge and Lincoln 1%...... 7 ti.i 714
Chester and Holyhead... 5
Cliurnet Valley
Disc, Beccles, Yarmouth 11,' 23/41/2
Direct Northern
Dublin and Belfast J unc. 21/2 6l/t 6
Dublin and Galway..... 2% 3
Eastern Counties 25 . 21%rs
Ditto Perpetual, 5 per
__. Cent, IN o. 1—.4/. 13s. 4d l%
Ditto ditto, No. 2. l3s. 4d . 0%
Eastern Union lO

Ditto Extension
Edinburgh and Glasgow 50
Ely and Bedford
Great Grimsby and Shef-
field
Great South. and West.
( Ireland)
Ditto Extension
Great North of England.. 100 192
Ditto New
Ditto New 2 22 23
Great Western ... 80 ......181
Guildford, Farn'm,Ports. 21,4 ... .. 5
Hull and Selby 5O
Do. Half Shares
Kentish Coast. 1%..... 21,4 1%
Lancaster and Carlisle... 15
Lincoln, York, and Leeds 1% lg
Loudon and Birminghm (5t0ck)...234
Do. New Thirds
Do. Quarters
-' London and Blackwall. 16/. 13s 4d —
London and Bright0n... 50
London and Croydon, 13/. 15s. :M —
Do. Guaranteed 5 per
Cent.
London and Greenwich 12115 s 4d...

De. Preference ...181 17s 2d 94IA 25
London and S. Western 4116 a 10d 80.
Do. New
London and York oi7
- /2 31/21/41/2
Lynn and Ely
Manchester and Leeds... 73 1471/2
Do. 1/2 Shares
Do. 14 Shares
Manchester and Birniin. 40
Do. Quarters
Midland . 100 14114016 14l1` 140
Do.. New
Midland, Birm., Derby...loo lOB
Newcastle and Darling-
ton Junction
Do. New Brandling... 10
Neweas.lt- and i:erwick 11/2...... 143' t/2
Newry and Eninskillen. 21A —
Newark and Sheffield ... 1% 3% 41/2
North British
Do. New
Northern and Eastern... 45
North Kent
North Waits .. lfit 2l/0
Norwich and Brandon... 10

Do., New ... ..... ..... 1
Preeton and \\Tyre
Richmond ind.ll'cst End _

,!unction
Rugby, Worstr, & "Ting 1
is coltish 'Midland 11:2 23/4
Sheffield and Lincoln ... 1% —
Shrews., Wolverhamp.,
Dudley, and Birm 2IA . .... 4% 5... ..... ..
South Devon... lO
South Eastern & Dover 331 2s 4d...
Do., No. 1 8
Do., No. 2.
,Do., No. 3
South \Vales 2l/2 6% 6
Trent Valley 2 ... 17%% 1;
Waterford and Kilkenny 1 .. ... 3%1/2
West Cornwall
York- and Noi th Midland 50 lO2 101
Do. Extension ll% 14:%14
FRENCH RAILWAYS.
Boulogne and Aio iens... 4
Bordeaux, Toulouse, and
Get te ..... .... .... ..... 2
Great North. of France.. 4 ...., 614 6 •
Lyons and Avignon
Orleans and Vierzon ... 2 ......
Orleans and Bordeaux... 2
Paris & Lyons, Laflitte's 2
Pans and Lyons, Gan-
neron's, ...
Paris and Orleans 2O . .. 52
Paris and Rouen
Paris and Strasbourg ... 2
• Sambre and Meuse .... 2
Tours and Nantes, Mac-
' kenzie's
Ditto, ditto, Levevres... 2
JOINT STOCK BANKS.
London & Westminster. 20

671%
...._
304

40%

31A-

10
7
8%

6%
23
21'

3%

1%

234
44%
31.1/4
621,4,
7N3
18 IA

1411/,
14%
108

1 lg

17

4%
21

83

11%

11%

521/2
454

2N

27%

DE

CONFERENCE OF TRADES'
LEGATES.-(THIS DAY.)
A General Conference of Trades' Relegates, from al
parts of the kingdom, commenced its sittings this morn
ing at the Parthenium Club-roams in St. Martin's-lane
It originaled in a meeting of delegates from the Londoi
Trades, held at the Bell Inn,
.Old Bailey, on the
6th of February, when resolutions were passe(
by which the present position of the trades was
described as " extremely perilous," and it was an-
nounced that a conference would be held at Easter, " to
devise means by which an effect.;al resistance may be
given to and: measure introduced in the present session
of Parliament, tending to impair the interests of the work-
ing abases." A hope was express( d in the circular issued
by the C ,mmittev appointed to prepare for the Confer-
ence, that it " would be all powerful in preventing the
ictroduction, or cluterrir,g the prosecution, of any mea-
sure in Parliament of a similar character to that of the
Master.' and Servants' Bill."
• Shortly after two o'clock the chair was taken by T. S.
Duncombe, Esq., M.P.
The Cneinmasi then proceeded to open the meeting in
the following words:—Gentlemen, in assuming the office
Which 3 our confidence rather than my own will or fitness
has imposed upon me. I feel some difficulty—a dif-
ficulty not arising out of any misgiving as to your ability
to devise and power to execute any plan that the
majority of this highly important assembly shall deli-
berately agree upon,
.but the difficulty of deciding
upon the most proper and apt machinery for
the purprse of giving effect to your judgment.
Gentle men, I learn that you have wisely de-
cided ujon excluding all political topics from your
consideration; but I feel convinced that, should the day
arrive when the English mind shall sic that " a fair
day's wages for a fair day':, work" can only be achieved
through the fair representation in Parliament of those
seeking their just rights, that then my countrymen will,
with their characteristic boldness, demand such a

change in the system as shall ensure to them not only
the pass: ssion, but the protection of the fruits of their
inclustry.—(Cheers.) It is wise, how vz.r, that you should
• first test the willingness of those who have the power
not only t) remedy your grievances, but to renderCany
greet tolitical change valueless in your eyes.—(Hear,
hear.) It is better to persuade Int n than to coerce
thew, and should your first move have been in a poli-
tical direction I fear that the vi7ried elements of which
this national assembly must naturally consist, would
have presented an appearance of internal contention and
strife, rather than of organisation and union, two inure-
thetas indispensable to the success of your project. Gentle-
men, although I am here rather to learn t: an to instruct,
yet I hope I may, without presumption, he permitted to
suggest such a course as I conceive best calculate d to in-
' sure success. You may, and most probably will, evince
great wisdom and astuteness in those several discussions.
bearing relatively or p,..sitiv: ly upon your several
.pos'tions, while the manifold interests which are re•
presented upon this occasion may lead some to suppose
that there is difficulty in combining those interests in
any one common plan. Such, however, is not my opinion,
for while there 'may appear no connexion between a
cotton-spinner and a shoemaker, nevertheless, we must
come to the conclusion, that that machinery cannot be
perfect which does not represent and equally
protect the interests of both.—(Hear, hear.) This,
then, is the important point to which I would respect-
fully direct your attention :—'lhe establishment of such
a devising and controlling body as shall give effect to,
and fully carry out, whatever plan the majority of this
assembly shall decide upon. You will have done but
little, if you meet and separate, after having merely pro-
claimed your wrongs and suggested your remedies. You
must do more—having the power, you must boldly pro-
claim your determination to redre-s yourselves ; and,
humble as I am, I shall have sufficient confidence in your
importance and integrity, when backed by y our concur.
rence, to declare in my place in Parliament, that the
hour has at length arrived when Englishmen know their
rights, and are determined to possess them.— (Cheers.)
In the debate upon the " Ten Hours' Bill," during the last
session of Parliament, when the House of Commons
stultified itself by preferring the ascendancy of a Minister
to the interests and even the well-being of the working-
etasses, my mind was for the first time directed to the
pr, apes principle of rtstrietion, and to
sblit;tjuesttrott rwotilcr tiow draw your most serious atten-
tion, You will naturally confider whether or no any,

or all the measures submitted by Parliament to the coun
try, are calculated to cause an equitable distribution of the
profits on trade between capitalists and labourers, and if
they are not calculated to do so, you will then, I hope,
enter upon the consideration of some well digeste plan
to effect an object of the most vital importance, one upon
which I do not hesitate to say the existence of the middle
classes and of the landed aristocracy depends, and for
this reason :—lf our mechanical powers of production
go on increasing according to well-founded anticira-
tions, one cf two results must necessarily follow, either
new markets must be discovered as consumers, or
the surplus of idlers must progressively. increase.
As then the discovery of new customers is at best
but problematical, we must look upon an increasing sur-
plus as the more rational result from improved machinery,
and how to deal with that surplus is the question of
paramount importance to those who are as yet allowed
to labour and to live.—(Hear, hear.) Whether this sur-
plus should be maintained by those employed to avert
competition, or by the Government—that is, by the
country, according to the rules of justice, is the grand
question. I hold that those at work cannot and ought
not be called upon to apply any portion of their earnings
to the support of a surplus created by the operation of
a new system, over which they have no control ; and I
further hold, that the Government has no right to tax
one portion of the community for the maintenance of
another portion, rendered dependent, while willing to
labour.—(Hear, hear.) Those who I.ave read the ac-
counts stated by me in the House of Commons, relative
to the effect produced by practising the principles of
restriction at Sheffield, must ce me to the conclusion
that short hours of labour do not lead to a reduc-
tion of wages, although it may tend to reduce
the inordinate profits of capitalists, accumulated rather
from their rower over the labour market than
from the just sources of trade or speculation ;—in fact,
that calculations of profit and loss are now based upon
the ability of the powerful to reduce the wages of the
powerless, rather than upon the ordinary rules by which
we are told commerce should be regulated. The reasons,
however, why your employers have been cnsbled to bold
your labour in complete subjection are so well known to
all who have taken part in strikes, whether just, unjust,
or speculative, that I should abstain from any comment
npon that part of the subject, were it not necessary for
the direction of your minds to the adoption of such
measures as would enable you in future to judge, first,
of the justice of a strike ; and secondly, of your effici-
ency to carry it out. In all cases where strikes have
taken place they have been for the meat part entered
upon rashly, though perhaps justly ; and the justice
of ye ur case has been lost in the rashness of your
measures. However righteous your claims may
aprear at first sight, it has too often happened that
your own rashness has enabled your masters to enlist
the power of the law to insure their own triumph, and
hence have been compelled to fight against the two-
edged sword of capital and legal persecution. When-
ever a strike takes pace the local authorities, who are
for the most part employers, have been able to warp
some enthusiastic and justly indignant minds from their
original purpose, to the adoption of what is easily con-
strued into constructive conspiracy or sedition, and thus
your imperfect ',machinery has beet, unable to con Pete
against the more perfect machinery of your opponents.
Through the legal acumen, perseverance, and steady
watchfulness of the miners' law adviser, Mr. Roberts,
that large body of men were enabled to continue what
I will call the most justifiable and extensive strike
upon record, for a period of many months, notwith-
standing that the vesgeance and tho power of their
masters was directed against them, and the power
of the law was at their commsnd, if the conduct of
the men had authorised its interference. This strike
failed, not because it was capriciously (sacred upon, but
because there was wanting a proper plan of national or
ganisation to insure its success. Gentlemen, tit's I un-
derstand to be a national body, and I must, therefore,
presume that one of your main objects will be the e sta-
blishment of some permanent machinery for the regula-
tion of trades' matters and trades strikes. That that

body shall be legally constituted, with power vested in
its members to hear all matters connected with trades'

business, and in all cases where the rights of any one
trade are threatens d or invaded, that that trade, if a
strike should be sanctioned by the governing body, shall
be sustained, upheld, and supported during the struggle,
however long it shall continue: the terms to be submit-
ted to, and agreed upon by a majority of the governing
body. I think that such a plan would divest a strike
of that local and personal feeling which is in general
attribute d to the prime movers, and would give protec-
tion to those who, if struggling alone, must necessarily
be subject to sll those disadvantages which unprotected
poverty experiences in its struggles with protected
wealth.—(Hear, hear.) Of course, in the formation of
such a body, you must take local machinery into vour
consideration ; ant is, suppose a strike takes place in
Sheffield or in Manchester, sanctioned by the ruling
body, in such case you i ut yourselves in communication
with the leenl delegates of that trade, appointed by their
body—who become honorary meml•err, for the time, of
the general body—and, if necessary, you appoint one or
more as commissioners from your permunent executive,
to re pair to the spot where the strike takes place, acre
to instruct themselves upon, and to inform you of, all
matters connected with the movement, and in such cases it
is my opinion that any excitement necessary to sustain the
strike; should be transferred from the place where it
occurs to the metropolis, where of course the governing
body will hold its permanent sittinge. By these means '
strikes, when just, would be of short duration, because
the united 1 ow er of the Rational trades of Great Britain,
when prop rly and justly directed, as I feel assured they
would be, would prove an tee er-match fur the poi% er of
the cal masters, or even the whole masters of the
kingdom, should a counter-organisation be attempted.
By systematic organisation of this kind the political
minority in each country has been enabled to hold the
ascendancy over the disunited and disorganised majority.
You will perceive that I have thought it necessary to
dwell more at length upon the description of machinery
by which your plans are to be carried out, than
upon the means you shall adopt for the adjustment
of the several differences that exist between you and
your masters, or that may hereafter occur. Gentlemen,
you will also observe that I have not only abstained from
comment upon all matters upon ee Ira you must neces-
sarily be better instructed than myself, but that I have
also abstained from noticing any political questions with
which, from my position, I might be supposed to be
more conversant than yourselves. I have thought this
the wisest and best course for the achievement of our
common object, which I understand to be " a fair day's
wages for a fair day's work."—(Cheers.) Gentlemen,
whatever view the curious, the idle, or the timid, may
take of this great movement, I assure you, it gives the
to very serious considerations in my mind. If this be in
truth, as I believe and hope it is, a fair representation of
that growing spirit of Englishmen of which we hear so
much, and to curb which i equires so much artifice and cun-
ning, its matured deliberations must go to the world with an
irresistible effect.—(Cheers.) You have looked with
anxious hope to each political party, and to every poli-
tical party, for that amelioration in your condition
which you have at length wisely decided can env to
effected by your own united energies. Gentlemen, those
who shall scan and criticise what may be decided upon
by this tepresentation of the industrious English pi eple,
should recognise in your intentions the practical carry-
ing out of their own theories. '1 hey one and all admit
the vast increase that has taken place in the national
wealth, while they are compelled also to seltnit your
legitimate title to a share of it, but by some inexpli
cable deficiency, in what may be called the
division of legislation, all have failed to put you
in posse lion of your admitted rights. If then, as
no man can deny, that the genius and industry
of our people have given rise to a vest accumulation of
national wealth, and if the principle of professing philan-
trophists be true, that you are pre-eminently entitled to
your share of this new-born wealth, I can characterise,
this assembly no otherwise than as the new-born genius
of England righteously, peaceably, boldly, and honestly,
looking for its share of the property that itself creates—
(Loud applause)—while your willing' ess to submit your
social claims to be arbitrated upon by others, must com
vince even your traducers that your demands are so
just that you are indifferent as to the character of the
tribunal to whose judgment they shall be submitted.
Gentlemen, it you see prudence, safety, and succees
in the course that I have pointed cut, as 1
never recommend what I am not prepared to attempt
and believing your cause to be just, your motives honour-
able, and 3 our objects desirable, I shall hold myself in
increased estimation if I cau be instrumental either within
ter without the walls of Parliament in advancing your in-
terests.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, however the self-
satisfied, or the expectant may ridicule this your peace-
ful cmleavour to achieve your right, I feel fully im-
preseed with the import:met of the working hand, and as
fully resolved upon persevering with you, until, we test
the value of English union, English organisation,
English justice, and Englishmen's bravery.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, cur cote cils must be so pure, that we may
defy the espionage of the Home Secretary, as well as the
legal lash of the Attorney-General ; what my judgment
prompts me to advise, my heart will encourage me to
support, while the justice of your cause and the strength
by which it is backed, will preclude the necessity of
other than perfectly peaceful, mild, and constitutional
means for its achievement. Gentle men—lf out of this
first important experiment in the right direction should
arise an annual repreeentittin of the industrious people
of England, and you de em it recessary to manifest the
outward and visible sign of your greatness and power, as
your several opponents have done by the erection of
club-houses as places of resort—(He ar, hear)—and as a
means of multiplying and
i concentrating your resources,
I shall be most happy to assist n any way that can tend
to the furtherance of that or any other object promotive
of the national cause.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen—Feeling
pride as an Englishman and honour as a man, in the
situation to which your confidence has this day called me,
and rejoicing exceedingly that my humble exertions in
your behalf should entitle me to your esteem. I shall
now conclude the remarks which I have deemed it my
duty to offer, and shall open what I proudly call
" Labour's Parliament"--(Cheers)—by inviting those de-
legates who have anything to urge to proceed to business,
trusting that your deliberations may prove beneficial to
yourselves and satisfactory to the country.— (Cheers.)
(The meeting had not concluded when our report left.)

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAN.
GLOBE.—The increased grant to Maynooth will be
propose d by Sir Robert reel on the 3d of April (to-
morrow wtt k), end not on the 3d of May, as stated in
our article of Friday—a blundur into which we were be-
trayed by adopting the erroneous date given by a
morLing journal, which we assumed to be correct.
The motion of which Mr. Ward has given notice,
" that all further money grants for the purpose of re-
ligion be made out of the funds appropriated for the
matotenar.ce of the Prot,,stant Episcopal Church," is
welt framed and well timed, It raises the whole ques-
tion in issue. It is the " appropriation clause" contro-
versy revived, It revives that controversy under cir-