The Sun.
London, England, 1828-10-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS.

We have elsewhere inserted an extract from the
Supplement to Me Prussian States Gazette, which,
if genuine, goes to settle the question of the fall cr
no fall of Varna., It is almost verbatim the sreacie ac-
count as that published yesterday from the
burgh Papers; and again we say that no rnruerial
have yet reached England on which to ground a fai
suspicion against the truth of the intelligence. A
decently conducted Evening Paper—but one which,
from an unlucky taste for arbitrating on all sorts of
" prop ieties,"
and for lecturing the company instead
of conver,,.!ng with- them, reminds its of a pedagogue
out of school hours—has thought fit to distort the
obvious meaning of a passage in our leading article
of yesterday, relative, to the fall of Varna. The
fortress, bee
Globe assumes us to have said or inferred, that the
German Papers ought to be believed, when they
stated
Papersdthehad, in fm
surrender of
former
rinstances, assuredartb,t
m
falsely, of facts which would have been irreconciie-
able with the surrender. Then conies a prim sort
of argue-lent about the expediency of exercising ad-
ditional caution in one case, from having been de-
ceived in another. Mighty correct, no doubt,
though rather stale, as a general maxim ; but in ire
application to our reasoning, or insinuation against
it, very particularly pert and childish. The obser-
vation of the Times went plainly to this—that if the
retreat of the whole Russian army from Slitimla to
Bazardjik (as asserted in the German papers) had
been true, the intelligence of the fall of Varna
(communicated by the Supplements of, the Ham-
burgh papers) would have Leen hardly credible ; ht:t
that the news of such retreat having already turned
out to be fale, the • inconsistency of the facts was
thereby removed, and the surrender of Varna net
longer in itself an event unworthy of credit : this,
moreover, without any specific reference to the char-
nel through which the information had been received,
but to the already ascertained progress of the be-
sieging army from other sources. We repeat that:
there does not yet appear any substantial reason for
rejecting the intelligence, although it unquestionably
calls for confirmation.—lmes.

A singular circumstance is mentioned in our ar-
ticle from the City, which is, that without any sus-
picion of the general solvency of the chief concern,
a run has taken place against a branch of the Bank
of Ireland, established at Wexford, because .the
manager of the provincial establishment is a Bruns-
wicker, an anti-Cathelic. Thus it is that this fatal
question of emancipation, which imbitters all the
relations of social life, opposes itself to the extension
of trade, and the improvement of commerce. It
thought that the example will be followed against
other branch banks. This, no doubt, is an act per-
formed by the Catholics, and the friends of Cathc-
lies ; but is it an unprovoked act? Would it
were! It might in that ease be speedily redressed.
The Brunswickers may, perhaps, tfaie the vengeance
into their own hands, and proceed to aggrc6-
sions. Thus provocation follows provocaiien :
till
the end comes.—lbid.

Among the many voluminous documents, printed
in the well-known shape of blue books, by order of
the House of Commons, we have seldom if eves
seen one of deeper interest, or more idnquestionable
value, than that on the " American Tariff's," com-
prising an active correspondence between the Foreigr
Ministers of thin country and her Ambassadors it
the United States, as likewise-an immense body ef
official papers published in the United States them-
selves, on the important subject of the fiscal policy
proposed to Congress early in the year 1824, and
after various modifications adopted by that body.
We shall return hereafter to the relations established
between Great Britain and the United States by the
system of tariffs in the latter, and of restrictions' on
the trade with her colonies by the former Power,
only quoting at present one short sentence from an
able letter of Mr. H. U. Addington to Mr. Can-
ning, bearing date May 30, 1824, wherein he ac-
counts for the tariff policy of America in the follow-
ing terms, which we trust will not be wholly over-
looked 'by the landed oligarchy of England :—" I
have only to add, that had no restrictions on the int-
portation of foreign grain existed in Europe gene-
rally, and especially in Great Britain, I have little-
doubt that the tariff would never hare j)iiised
through either House of Congress, since the great
agricultural states; and Pensylvania especially, the
main mover of the question, woulel.have been indif-
ferent, if not opposed, to its enactment."
.Upon
this official assurance from a British Minister on the
spot, we leave his Grace who rules the Treasury to
chew the cud for a little.—Aid.

The Duke of Wellington, as a Commander, was
celebrated for confidence in his own judgment; for
it is now understood that his plans were seldom cam-
municated even to those who were most intimate
with him, till the moment of execution. It would
appear that he carries with him the same closeness
into civil affairs; for we are inclined to believe that
all that has yet been advanced with regard to his in-
tentions, amounts at most to guess. The present
posture of affairs leaves abundant room for guessing,
and where men are left to guess, we are not to be
surprised that different constitutions of mind should
lead to different anticipations. There are some who
are always seeing finesse in every thing, that will
have it the Duke is at the bottom of the Brunswick
Clubs, that he may hare a justification in the joint
clamour of the Ultra Tories and the rabble, for re-
fusing to acoede to the demands of the Catho-
lics.. Others again will have it, that though he
has not . openly countenanced the Brunswick
Clubs, he has had some hand indirectly in the
origination of them, not with the view of finding
in them a justification for refusing to enter on the
settlement of the
Catholic Question, but in order
to awe the Catholics, that when they see the
-
array of bigotry in England, they may be more
ready to come into his views. That the display
of Orange feeling in England may be serviceable
to the Duke of Wellington in this last respect, we.
are disposed to believe; for though he himself may
entertain the most profound contempt for the actors
in this harlequinade, and may estimate their power
at its proper value, the calculating portion of the
Catholics might apprehend that, however contemp-
tible the Brunswickers may be in themselves, and
so long as the Duke trims as it were between the
silence
whichee
two parties, yet, were he to throw the weight of
Government influence into one of the scales, the
union would become formidable. But we are rather'
disposed to conclude that the display of Brunswick
or Cumberland, or Orange feeling, is the natural re-
sult of the suspense in which all parties are kept with
respect to his Grace's intentions, than that it has
be
may mayavehaivtes
causebeen preSCribed to him by an authority he is not at
haerty to neglect, and the wish to ascertain how far the
Catholics can, consistently with theirreligion, as ex-
pounded by the recognised authorities, take such' oaths, and comply with
such
arrangements as he
may deem indis
Pens)•bl
e from the circumstances
en anticipatedina nature
by
thenre hoifm tH
terms is
l
above mentioned. That the Duke -
of W e ingtou
must be anxious, above all things, to have this ques-
tion settled in . such a manner as shall make one
people of the inhabitants of the three kingdoms, is
what in charity we are bound to believe. No man
knows better than himself the danger of the situation
in which we are at present placed. He is riot the
'dupe of the silly vapouring of the Irish Orangemen ;
and is fully aware that if the Irish, who now enter-
tain no hope which does not repose on the
permanence of their connexion with this cowl.
try, should be driven
ill treatment to
listen to the suggestions of passion, tiv.y might
succeed in establishing their independence. if
/rebind were a separate kingdom, with a separate
Legislature, we have no doubt (and this opinion we
hue more than once advanp, d) ) that matters would
go on more advantageously for both islands, and that
:he intercourse between them would be as great as
~d; present, without requiring. any exrence for its
maintenance; but then this is not the opinion gene-
rally entertained by any great class in Laulann 6;.d
he resources of England would unquestiouably be
!rrialieri in art attempt to reduce Irriand at %%114a.111

east. Knowing the dreadful consequences which
-must result to both islands from an attempt at sepa-
ration, that man must be a weak as well as a wicked
Minister, who does not exert himself to the utmost,
when a crisis is inevitable, to put an end to the
cause of contention. The Winchelseas, the Knatch-
bulls, et 'hoc genus omne, may rave as much as they ,
please, safe in their insignificance, and indebted for
their importance only to the absurdity of their con-
duct. They can call for blood, like Mr. Horner,
because the responsibility of that blood would
attach to *very different persons. But the Duke of
Wellington is answerable for the peace and tranquil-
lity of the nation, and were he to allow citizen to im-
bue his hands in the blood of citizen, his name would
go down to the latest times with an execration which
would far outweigh the reputation he has earned for his
services against a foreign enemy. We alluded yes-
terday to the attempt of a contemporary (the
Standard) to represent the agricultural population
as constituting alone the military strength, and fur-
nishing alone the resources of the State ; and the
inhabitants of cities, and manufacturing population,
as the dirt of the State, as serving only to deform
it; and we observed, that, on the supposed supe-
riority of an agricultural population to a manufac-
turing one, the soi-disani Colonel Philip Roche
Fermoy had founded his opinion of the superiority
of Ireland to England in a military point of view.
This writer, taking the last census of Ireland, finds
1,660,000 of age and constitution capable of bearing
arms, of whom 415,000 are Church of England.
men, Presbyterians, and other Dissenters, leaving
1,245,000 Catholics. This may be correct enough,
but founding on some rash opinions delivered in
debate, or in oratorical effusions, as to the unhealthi-
ness of manufacturing occupations, and not being
aware that of the occupations, not agricultural, the
greatest portion are not manufacturing in the strict
sense, as masons, carpenters, shoemakers, &c. &c.,
he absurdly limits the military population to persons
employed in agriculture to 1,613,887, and arrives
at this ridiculous result:—" By the calculation of
the Irish population above-stated, the gross military
or agricultural population amounts to 3,328,874.
No that the military population of Ireland exceeds
the military population of England by the difference
be: ween 3,328,874 and 1,613,887, viz. by
1,714,987, or nearly one million." If the ma-
nufacturing population be not military, it is odd
enough how dining the last war our army was
thr:..e to one at least composed of the inha-
bitsiits of towns. We have heard it stated
asion and again, by military men of exp,...ience,
that the very finest regino-nts in the service
re raised in the m ,n.:fmc:arCrig diarists, and thlt
Glasgow and NI-trioh.sqer have sent !Pout• men to the
:trey than tigrietilturai di-triet-i of te7, times their
r,pillarmn. The truth ia, that peasantry are not
tdventurousi and iti-e -Almost always itragzed into the
army, and recruiting. goes on slowly amongst them.
We sn,peet, ton, that a peasant becomes sooner
rigid than an artisan or manufacturer, and that the
milit,ry age with him is shorter. It would he ra-
ther a melanchely snbject of reflection, if the spread
of our manufacturing industry, which has covered
the face of the country with towns to a greater
extent than even in the Netherlands, should have
wrought such havoc in the population, as to render
only a small fraction able for military service.
But the whole is a gross absurdity. The London
apprentices in the days of Cromwell were
soon taught to heat the Yeomen ; and the fine
Highland Regiments, which, for spirit and discipline,
distinguished themselves so much in the Peninsula,
were almost exclusively composed of men raised in
Glasgow and Belfast. A country is powerful in
proportion to the extent of its town population; and
it is precisely because Ireland is without towns, that
it is so much less powerful than England, the pro-
portion of the populations being considered. The
strength of man is seen in combination ; and it is
only in great towns where combination to any extent
can be realised. In one sense, however, what Col.
Roche Fermoy says is true. The nation, which is
powerful to attack from the general industry, is not
powerful to defend. Prussia is weak compared with
England, for attack ; but though Prussia has a small
standing army, she can in a trice put,500,000 men
in the field—such men as gained the battles of Den-
newitz and Katzbach. It was long ago ob-
served by Sir John Dalrymple, with riference
to 1689, on the retreat of 1,500 Scotch to their own
country, The panic which they raised wherever
they came, and much more where they did not come,
exhibited an example which England has'often seen,
but never believes until the moment she sees it again,
how weak against an attack in her own country is
the wealthiest of nations." In 1745, after a resi-
dence of six weeks in Edinburgh, 2,000 ragged
Highlanders marched to within a hundred miles of
London without opposition, and nearly overturned
the Government. England is, of all countries, the
weakest for defence at home, relying exclusively on
a standing army. Ireland, both in its situation and
the character of its population, could, without any
sacrifice, be made infinitely more strong for defence,
by a militia, than England. An unoccupied people
may as well be soldiers as any thing else.—Morning
Chronicle.

We are by no means surprised at the virulence
kith which all the partisans of the Catholic Faction
continue to asail the public meetings and expressions
of opinion into which the Protestants have been im-
pelled by the alarming attitude assumed by the
Papists. The Catholics and the Whigs have ever
been consistent in their end, however they may hare
occasionally varied the complexion of the mean; by
which they hoped to attain it ;—with their eyes
steadily fixed upon one object—the
possession of
political power—they never turn to the right or left
for the sake of a principle, to skew fairness to an
antagonist, or to reject an adherent. They can
discern no merit in the liberty which differsfrom
there, nor any crime in the licentiousness which is
is exercised in their favour. The ravings of a.
rebellious mob, if in opposition to the Govern-
ment and the Establishment, are extolled by
them as the overflowings of a generous patrio-
tism ; and the manly and temperate expression
of opinion, if on the side of ancient institutions,
is petulantly blamed as the offspring of bigotry
and persecution. This sort of cry is not with-
out its effect on that large mass of mankind who
think little for themselves, and are inclined to
believe what is frequently told them with vehemence
and perseverance; both Whigs and Catholics hare
often found their account in it ; and it is therefore
perfectly natural, though at first sight it might not
appear so, that the same men who upheld the con-
stitutional propriety of the meetings of Spa!elds
and 'Manchester, should attempt to ridicule and
decry the more orderly and temperate, the glorious
and happy assemblies of Maidstone and Penenden
Heath, as the result of ignorance or faction. It is
precisely whet we should expect—we had almost
said, what we should wish for. But it is not with-
out surprise and regret that we have observed
some p-rson, whops we really believe to be friendly
to the Protestant cause, and to wish for the pre-
servation of a Protestant Church Establishment in
these kingdotni, take up a tone on the subject of
thes me.-rings wh ch is much more unfavourable to
the interests which thy have at heart, than all the
rancour of sheer enemies, other damping these laud-
able ouilne.des of an attachment to our pure reli-
gion by the " faintness of their praise," or damping
the ardour with which they should be exhibited, by
the expression of a " hinted fault, and hesitated dis-
like." Now we wi!l tell these over-cautious and
delicate friends of our institutions that this is precisely
what their antagonists hope to bully them into.
Their grand object is to have all the clamour and
vociferation one way ; they wish to make it appear
that one sentiment only finds vent, and then they
call-if:public opinion; they desire to stifle all de•
claiitio'n of feelings on the other side, and then they
will boldly procluim that there are no feelings to
declire; they hope either to terrify arc Protestants
by bluster, or to wheedle them into silence by
ringing changes en the terms " irritation," " con-
ciliation," and the rest of the canting vocabulary
of pseudo-liberality, and then to pretend that the
tse—Ht: