The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-08 00:00:00

k*.:l, THE THREE PAPERS, Morning Noon, and Night, thereby insuring a TOWN and COUNTRY CIRCULATION, at ONE CHARGE.

I,p 0t AL P( )I,ICTEOFINIC INSTIT (IT/ON.
It 'l4, Christmas llolidays. One of the brilliant novelties is
CIIItOMATROPE, New Subjects in Nature and
Art -or the PROTEOSCOPE. The PHYSIOSCOPE. The first Ex-
hibiti,n of a series of beautiful DISSOLVING VIEWS. On the
Evenings of Tuesdays and Thursdays Mr. C. E. HORS lectures on
the USIC of DIFFERENT NATIONS. Dr. RYAN'S and rro-
fessor BACHHOFFNER'S varied LECTURES da ly. Dr. RYAN
also Lectures en the Evenings of enday, Wednesday. and Friday.
The whole of the Lecthres ahoumi in interesting Experiments.
SUBMARINE EXPERIMENTS by means of the DIVING-BELL
and DIVER. The COLOSSAL ELECTRICAL MACHINE.

,scfluoiy,
A New Editiou of the CATALOGUE, containing Tbree Hundred
it.ldit:onal ',Yorks of sine: the WA rcvisal, is just pablish4d.
price Is.

REEMASONS' AND GENERAL LIFE
A'ASSURANCE COMPANY.

DIVIDENDS.

Notice is hereby given that from and after the 9th instant the
HALF-YEARLY DIVIDEND to the 31st ultimo will be in COURSE
of PAYMENT to the respective Shareholders.
JOSEPH BERRIDGE, Secretary.
11, Waterloo-place, Pall-mall, Jan. I, 1645.

SCOTTISH EQUITABLE LIFE ASSUR-
ANCE SOCIETY,
Incorporated by. Royal Charter. Established 1831.
Head Office, 26, St. Andrew's-square, Edinburgh ;
London Office, 61 A, Moorgate-street.
PRESIDENT.
His Grace the Duke of BUCCLEUCH and QUEENSBERRY.
VICE-PRESIDENTS.
The Right Hon. Lord Gray.
David M. M. Chrichton, Esq., of Rankeilear.
ROBERT CHRISTIE, Manager.
The leading principle of this Mutual Assurance Society is, that the
whole Profits are divisible amongst the Policy Holders every three
years. In illustration of the eminent success which
.has attended the
Society, it may he stated that the additions math; to Policies have
been at the rate of 2 per cent. per annum on the ,sum assured and on
the vested bonus.
Thus the holder of a Policy for 1,0001. effected on the Ist of March,
1832 will, if it become a claim during the present year, be entitled
to 1,2971. ; or, if effected on or before the Ist March, 1833, to 1,2751.,
and so on as regards other Policies.
The Accumulated Fund exceeds 260,0001., and the Annual Revenue
Is above 70,0001., the whole being in a course of steady and increas-
ing prosperity.
No other Life Assurance Institution whatever can warrantably
hold out greater advantages to parties Assuring than this Society does.
WILLIAM COOK, Agent for London.
61 A, Moorgate-street.
Policies effected before the let of March participate in a full year's
bonus.

NINETY-FIRST SALE.
CUSTOMHOUSE, LONDON, JAN. 13, 1845.
FORSALE, by Order of the Hon. COMMIS-
SIONERS of HER MAJESTY'S CUSTOMS, at Twelve
o'Clock at Noon precisely, on MONDAY )3th, TUESDAY 14th,
WEDNESDAY 15th, THURSDAY 16th, and FRIDAY, 17th of
January, 1845, at the COMMERCIAL SALEROOMS,
Mincing-lane,
The following GOODS for HOME CONSUMPTION:—

Accordions, artificial flowers, beads, musical boxes, braces,
brooch heads, bandannas, buhl boxes, ladies' bags, bonbon figures,
camailes, Dutch clocks, ormolu, porcelain, bronze, and other
clocks, chains, coutille, coral beads, chemical glasses, fine woollen
cloth, china ware. cambric handkerchiefs, chandeliers, copper
matrices, cutter with spars, sails," boat, &c., dessert sets, ladies'
writing desk, dolls, embroidered muslin, embroidery, embroidered
cambric handkerchiefs, flute by " Godfroy," a Paris, furniture,
gold rings, flint and cut glass, garters, jewel cases, mock jewellery,
lute strings, pillow lace, matchsticks. merinoes, mousseline de
laines, British machinery a quantity of card clothing being used
in the manufacture of linens or woollens, neckerchiefs, needle-
work, millets, opera glasses, coloured porcelain, China silks
(plain), silk plush, perfumery, pianofortes, penholders, priests'
vestments, preserved vegetables, &c., perfume stands and cases,
shawls, silk monkies, silk mitts and gloves, sheep skins dressed
and dyed, slipper pieces, cigar cases, sofa, snuff boxes, human
teeth, tea caddies (lacqu, red), table and toilet cabinets, toys,
tables, waistcoatings, wire, gold and silver watches, wardrobes,
watchmaker's saws, manufactured and unmanufactured tobacco,
cigars, cheroots, tea, coffee, sugar, wine, mixed spirits, brandy,
rum, Geneva, squirrel tails, lacquered Russian bowls, &c., &c.
FOR EXPORTATION :

Perfumed spirits, wine, cordials, common green glass, spirits, one
copper still with fittings, spirits of wine, &c., &e., &c.
FOR EXPORTATION OR HOME CONSUMPTION,
on payment of the Duties :
Silk Manufactures, china silk, wine, spirits, squirrel and other
skins, preserved soups, &c., succades, Cologne water, ale, rice,
paper, soap, salted beef, wax and sperm candles, tea, coffee,
sugar, &c., &c., £cc.

To be viewed at the Queen's Warehouse, Custom-house, Thames-
street, at the East and West India, London, and St. Katherine
Docks, and at the Tobacco-ground, Rotherhithe, on Thursday 9th,
Friday 10th, and Saturday, 11th January, 1845, from Ten o'clock
in the morning until Three o'clock in the afternoon ; and on the
days of Sale, from Teti o'clock in the morning until Twelve o'clock
at noon.
Take notice, that the goods sold at this sale will not be delivered
until after Two clear days of the day they are sold, and that no
lots can be paid for at the office of the Receiver of Fines after
Two o'clock in the afternoon. During the days of sale, money
will not be received by the Receiver of Fines after Eleven o'clock
in the forenoon.

Catalogues may be had at the Queen's Warehouse, Custom-
house, price One Shilling each.

COLLEGE AND UNIVERSITY LIFE.
This day is published, post Bvo., 10s. 6d. cloth,
THE COLLEGIAN'S GUIDE ; or, Recollec-
tions of College Days : setting forth the Advantages and Temp-
tations of a University Education. By - - Col-
lege, Oxford.
London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans.

Dedicated to the Young Housekeepers of England.
On Saturday next, foolscap Bvo., with numerous Illustrations.
/1-OD.ERN COOKERY, in all its Branches, re-
duced to a system of Easy Practice. For the use of Private
Families. In a series of receipts, all of which have been strictly
tested, and are given with the most minute exactness.
By ELIZA ACTON.
London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longroans.

THE NINTH EDITION.
Just Published, in a sealed envelope, price 2s. fid., and sent frets, on
receipt of a Post-office Order, for 3s. 6d.,
MANLY HEALTH : a Popular Inquiry into the
Concealed Cause of its Premature Decline' with In'truc-
tions for it Complete Restoration. Addressed to those suffering
from the desatructive consequences of excessive indulgence, termi-
nating in mental and nervous debility, local or constitutional weak-
ness, indigestion, and consumption. Including a comvrehensive Die
sertation on MARRIAGE Itlu'trateo with Caces, &c. By
C. J. LUCAS and Co., Consulting Surgeons, London.
May be had of the Authors, No. 60, Newman-street; Oxford-
street; and sold by Brittain, ii, Paternoster-raw; Hannay and Co.,
63, Oxford-street; Noble, 109, Chancery-lane; J. Gordon, 146,
Leadenhall-street ; G. Mansell, 3, King-street, Southwark ;
C. Westerton, 15, Park-side, Knight. bridge ; Huett, 37. Princes.
street. Leicester-square, London ; fowler, Courier Office, 4, St.
Ann's.,quare Manche ter; W. Howell, 75, Dale-street, Liverpool;
W. Wood, 78, High-street, Birmingham ' • W. and H. Robinson, 11,
Greenside-stieet, Edinburgh; T. Price, 93, Dame-street, Dublin;
and all Booksellers.
" The best of all friends is the professional friend ; and in no shape
can he be consulted with greater safety and secrecy than in ' Lucas
on Manly Health.' The author shows how' Manly Vigour,' tem.
',orally impaired, can be restored."—The New Bell's Weekly
Me-senger.
Messrs. Lucas and Co. are to be consulted from ten till two, and
from five till eight in the evening, at their residence, No. 80, New-
man-street, Oxford-street, London, and country patients may be
successfully treated, on minutely describing their case, and inclosing
he usual fee of IL far advice.

LAMERT ON DEIHL! PI, NERVOUSNESS, AND ALL
DISORDERS ARISING FROM EXCESS, kc.
" He who in pleasure's downy arms
Ne'er lost his health or youthfu 'charm..
A hero lives, and justly can
Exclaim, to me behold a man!"
Just published (in a sealed envelope), Tenth Edition, price
or sent by post, free, to any address, 3s. d..
IELF-PRESERVATION : a Popular Essay on
those concealed disorders originating in youthful excesses,
and terminating in Nervous Debility, Local and Constitutional
Weakness, and all those Sinking., Anxieties, and Tremors, which
afflict the Weak, the Sedentary, and the Delicate. With Practical
Observations on Marriage, and on the Anatomy, Physiology, and
Diseases of the Reproductive Organs. with plain Directions for
their perfect Restoration.
By SAMUEL LA MERT, Consulting Surgeon
9, IiEDFORD-STREET, tkEDFORD-SQUA RE, LONDON,
Matriculated Member of the University of Edinburgh, Honorary
Member of the London Hospita I Medical Society, Licentiate of

Ar,otilecary's Hall, London. Ba.
" The various positions of Lover, Husband, and Parent, the in-
herent privileges of mankind, are frequently marred and prevented
throur! the follies and frailties of early inAscretions. To such,
among others, this Essay addresses itself; and by its perusal many
questions may be satisfactorily adjusted that sdmit of no appeal even
to the most confidential friend."—Stafford Gazette.
" Long experience in the treatment of a class of diseases hitherto
neglected and most imperfectly understood by the great bulk of the
medical profession, has enabled the writer to prove that there are
cenceale • causes of Nervous Debility in exi•tence, where the mere
routine practitioner would never dream of finding th,,m ; trace.wle
to certa'n habits, forming the most secret, yet deadly, and I .'al
springs of domestic misery, and premature mortality."—Wakefield
Journal.
Published by the Author, and sold 'in London by S. Gilbert. 51 and
52, Paternoster-row; Starie, Tichborme-street, Quadrant, Regent
street; Hannay and Co., tifi, Oxford-street; Noble, 114, Chancery-
lane ; Gordone4g, LearienhalLatreet ; and by all Booksellers.
Ai home cid* day till Three. and from Five till Eight

A NEW AND IMPORTANT EDITION OF THE SILENT
FRIEND ON HUMAN FRAILTY.

Just published,Wice2s. 6d., and free by post (in a sealed envelope),
Price 'is. 6d.,
THE SILENT FRIEND ; a Medical Work on
Human Frailty and Physical Decay, Its causes, and the
baneful effects of excessive indulgence and infection, illustrated
by engravings, with observations on Marriage, and directions for
the removal of certain disqualifications.

By R. and L PERRY and CO.
Published by the Authors, and sold at their Residence, IV, Berner.
street, Oxford-street ; also by Strange, 21, Paternoster-row; P'urkis,
Compton-street, Soho ; Noble. 109, Chancery-lane; Hannay and
Co., 613, Oxford-street; J. Gordon, 146, Leadenhali-street, Lon.
don ; and by all Booksellers In Town and Country

PUBLICATIONS.

AR T-U NIO N. Monthly Journal. No. 76.
A Second Edition is now ready.
Chapman and Hall, Publishers, 186, Strand.

NOW FIRST PUBLISHED FROM THE ORIGINAL MSS.
Now ready, Two Vols. Bvo., with Portraits,
MEMOIRS OF
lIE IGN OF GEORGE 111.
By HORACE WALPOLE, Earl of Orford.
Edited, with Nies tic.; by Sir DENIS LE MARCHANT, Bart.
Richard Bentley, New Burlington-street
(Publisher in Ordinary to her Majesty).

MARY HOWITT'S NEW JUVENILE WORK.
In a handsome pocket volume, price 2s. 6d. bound and gilt,
MY OWN STORY, or Auto-biography of a
Child ; a Tale, forming part of a Series (to be completed in
thirteen volumes) of Tales tor the People and their Children. Each
volume sold separately at 2s. 6.1. bound, viz. 1. Strive and
Thrive-2. Hope on Hope ever-3. Sowing and Reaping —4. Alice
Franklin-5. Who shall be Greatest-6. Which is the Wiser-7. Lit-
tle Coin much Care —B. Work and Wages—b. No Sense like Coat-
mon Sense-10. Love and Money-11. My Uncle the Clockmeker-
-12. The Two Apprentices—and 13. My Own Story.
London: Printed for Thomas Tegg, 73, Cheapside; Bowdery and
Kirby, Oxford-street ; Cundall, 12, Old Bond-street ; and all (Alter
Booksellers.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM TILE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—A rumour has been freely circulated,
and obtains increasing credit, that Sir Robert Peel
intends to submit to Parliament a scheme for taking
the power of governing the British territories in the
Elst out of the hands of the lion. East India Com-
pany, and placing them immediately under the Crown.
fhe misunderstanding which arose between the Court
of Directors and her .I%'.ljesty's Ministers respect-
ing the recta of Lord Ellenborough, and the in-
convenience and annoyance caused to the former by
the decisive exercise of the power of recal vested in
the former body, may have given rise to the rumour,
without any more substantial foundation. The " wish"
may have been "father to the thought," in the mind of
the Government. The language of desire that the thing
could he accomplished, uttered by a subordinate in the
Ministry, may have been interpreted into an inten-
tion, on the part of its Chief, to carry it into execu-
tion. We neither affirm nor deny the fact, that some
such scheme as that referred to is contemplated by the
Government. The thing is possible. The idea might
have arisen without any reference to the difference
which arose between Ministers and the Honourable
Court of Directors respecting Lord Ellenborough.
If such a difference had never taken place, there are ,
circumstances which would invest the rumour with a
sufficient air of probability to justify its being treated
with respect. An investigation of the principles on
which the assumed transfer of the powers of Govern-
ment, now held by the Court of Directors, to the re-
sponsible Ministers of the Crown, may therefore be
permitted, without exposing us to the charge of
adopting a groundless rumour as an ascertained fact.
A project for adopting the debt of the East India
Company and funding it in British stock, may have
been entertained by the Government, with a view to
accelerate the redemption of the dividend on the capital
stuck of the Company. This scheme would receive an
accession of public belief, were it ascertained that the
Court of Directors has called upon the Commissioners
for the Reduction of the National Debt, in pursuance
of the 15th section of the Act of 1833, to raise for
the Company such sums of money as might be
necessary for the payment of the Company's
dividend, by reason of any failure or delay of the re-
mittances of the proper funds for such payments. If
such an event has occurred, it may be thought to fur-
nish a case for the redemption of the debt at an early
period, on the ground that the owners of the capital
stock ought not to have so large an interest at the ex-
pense of the public. The present state of the money
market is especially favourable for the purpose. Go-
vernment would be able to borrow the whole sum
required for the purpose, at a rate of interest little
more than one-half the amount per cent.
paid to the proprietors of the Hon. Com-
pany's stock. A careful perusal of the clauses
of the Act (3 and 4 Will. IV., cap. 85) has led
us to conclude that such a measure would be a
dereliction of the redemption section of the Act—
whether it would be in contravention of its principle,
supposing that the interference of the Commis-
sioners of the National Debt has been called for in
the way we have alluded to, is a point we leave
lawyers, who are disposed to apply themselves to
the question, to decide. We quote the clauses of
the Act which hear upon the subject ; and conclude
by remarking that, without pretending to a knowledge
of the plans of Ministers, there is sufficiet probability
in the rumour that some measure of the kind alluded
to will be announced, to justify our bringing the sub-
ject btfore the public. The provisions of the Act
should be clearly known and understood. Without
them the power of the Legislature to carry out the
supposed designs of the Government cannot be
ascertained, nor the arguments which, in the
event of the scheme being proposed in Parlia
ment, will be raised upon the question, be appreciated.
By the Act alluded to, 3 and 4 William IV., cap. 85,
intituled " An Act for effecting an arrangement with
the East India Company, and for the better govern-
ment of his Majesty's Indian territories till the 30th
day of April, 1854," it is enacted by the 11th sec-
tion :—.

" That out of the revenues of the territories, there
shall be paid to or retained by the said Company to their
own use, a yearly dividend, after the rate of ten pounds
ten shillings per centum per annum on the present
amount of their capital stock ; the said dividend to be
payable in Great Britain by equal half-yearly payments,
on the 6th day of January and the 6th day of July in
every year . the first half-yearly payment to be made
on the 6th day of July, one thousand eight hundred and
thirty-four."

By the 12th seetion it is provided and enacted—
" That the said dividend shall be subject to redemp-
tion by Parliament upon and at any time after the 30th
day of April, 1854, on payment to the Company of 2001.
sterling for every 1001. of the said capital stock, together
with a proportionate part of the same dividend, if the
redemption shall take place on any other day than any
one of the said half-yearly days of payment. Provided
also, that 12 months' notice, in writing, signified by the
Speaker of the House of Commons by the order of the
House, shall be given to the said Company of the inten-
tion of Parliament to redeem the said dividend."
And by the 13th section it is provided and enacted:—
" That if on or at any time after the said 30th day of
April, 1854, the said Company shall, by the expiration
of the term hereby granted, cease to retain, or shall by
the authority of Parliament be deprived of the posses-
sion and guvernment of the said territories, it shall be
lawful for the said Company, within one year thereafter,
to demand the redemption of the said dividend, and pro-
vi,ion shall be made for redeeming the said dividend
after the rate aforesaid, within three years after such
demand."

And by the 15th section it is provided and enacted—
" That it shall be lawful for the Commissioners for the
Reduction of the National Debt, from time to time, and
they are hereby required, upon requisition made for that
purpose by the Court of Directors of the said Company,
to raise and pay to the said Company, such sums of mo-
ney as may be necessary for the payment of the said
Company's dividend, by reason of any failure or delay of
the remittances of the proper funds for such payment."
STANDARD. The session of the French Cham-
bers opens auspiciously for Marshal Soult's Adminis-
tration, notwithstanding the coincidence of accidents
and misapprehensions which gave to the representative
of the Nantes slave dealers an apparently large mino-
rity in his late competition with a Ministerial can-
didate. At the first serious trial of strength—the
appointment of a committee to draw up the Address
in reply to the king's Speech—the Ministers
counted a majority of fifty-two, viz., 206 to
154. This majority—quite a sufficient working
majority by itself—will be considerably augmented
when 100 now absent Deputies shall appear in their
places ; for the extraordinary exertions made by the
Opposition, and the easy confidence of the pacific party
previously to the commencement of the session, give
an assurance that much the greater number of the
absentees must belong to the latter party ; and the
Paris Globe distinctly affirms such to be the case,
without any contradiction from the Opposition
press. There is no reason, therefore, to appre-
hend that the French people are prepared to dis-
honour themselves by stirring up a war for the sake
of the slave trade, or willing to make war for its
own sake. The abstract hatred of England which
M. Thiers and his faction have so long laboured to
excite, has disappeared, and all are now ashamed
to profess it ; and the pretence that England
employs the right of visit for the purpose of
crippling the trade of France, set up by the
Nantes slave dealers, has received its decisive answer
in the known readiness of the British Government
to acquiesce in any arrangement which shall re-
concile the suppression of the slave trade with
the interests and feelings of the French people,
leaving it to France herself to determine what
that arrangement shall be. Are not the terms,
however, of the Chinese treaty even better proof
than this frank and candid offer, that England does
not seek to cripple the trade of France, or of any
other country ? She has no interest in doing so,
but the reverse; and if she be disposed to indulge
pride in the matter, what occasion of higher pride can
she have than the liberal patronage of the commerce
of the whole civilised world! Her commercial posi-
tion is happily one that wouli make jealousy on her

part disgraceful. Before the division upon the ap-
pointment of the Committee, M. Guizot shortly
addressed the Chamber in an outline of what would
be, if required, a vindication of the policy of
his Government. The tone of the distinguished
statesman's observations was manly, as usual with
him, and calm and confident as that of a
man who knew the strength both of his cause
and his party. '['he deserters who have followed
Count Mole into Opposition were represented by
M. St. Marc Girardin, and may number five or
six. All of every country who respect worth and
genius must rejoice in the ascendancy of so brillant
a representative of both as M. Guizot; but, apart
from all cwisiderations for the Minister deserted,
it is impossible not to regard the desertion of
M. Mole with a feeling of deep disgust. We can
forget the hatred to England of M. Thiers, and of
other still more violent enemies of this country,
because it is through a mistaken feeling, still, a French
hatred—a hatred founded upon the erroneous opinion
that the interests and honour of Great Britain and
France are irreconcileable ; but Count Mole is no more
a Frenchman in his feeling than he is an Englishman—
he is a Russian. From first to last he has never wholly
averted his eyes from St. Petersburgh. M. Guizot
is well rid of the burthen of his doubtful support,
even at the cost of losing the little six-handed
Russian party in the second chamber. That the
secession of the Mole party will strengthen M.
Guizot's position in France, we cannot doubt.
" Similis sirnili gaudet," according to the proverb,
as France has advanced in freedom and civilisation
—and rapid, indeed, has been her advance within
the last few years she has felt more and
more the advantage of a perfectly good un-
derstanding among all free and civilised na-
tions—has been more indisposed to despotic and
barbarous alliances. This feeling is still pro-
gressive in France, as it has long been in England,
and as it extends it will by a natural necessity, un-
connected wholly with turbulent propagandism, force
civilisation and freedom upon all neighbouring coun-
tries until Europe shall be composed of one family of
civilised, and free, and independent nations, among
which war will be impossible, because war must be
ruinous—the true " holy alliance." The intelligent
and high-spirited people of France are fully alive to
their prospects and their duties in this respect, and
they will not willingly commit their country to a
despotic and barbarous alliance.

SHIPPING GAZETTE.—We have much plea-
sure in informing our readers that the Elder
Brethren of the Trinity Board, in answer to the
memorial of the owners and masters of vessels and
other persons interested in the commerce of the port
of Hartlepool, soliciting that a lighthouse may be
established on the Heugh at that place, concur
with the memorialists in the opinion that a light-
house may be advantageously placed upon Hartlepool
Heugh ; and that they are " ready to take the neces-
sary measures for erecting such lighthouse, and main-
taining a light thereon during the night season ; pro-
vided the trade of the port shall consent to pay such toll
on all vessels entering the port or departing there-
from as shall be requisite to defray the expense of such
lighthouse and light." This the trade of the port are
willing to do, as expressed in their memorial ; but while
willing to bear the whole burthen, they are of course
desirous to have it as light as possible. It will be
trifling, considering the benefit that will be derived
thereby. On this point alone there is a slight differ-
ence of opinion between the memorialists and the
Trinity Board, which will no doubt soon be
rectified, when explanations are entered into.
'We shall then furnish our readers with
the correspondence which has passed on the
subject. The Trinity Board appears to have
no desire whatever to burden the shipping trading
to the port of Hartlepool with a greater amount of
taxation than what will be barely necessary for erect-
ing and maintaining a proper light on the Heugh.
And as this light will prove of essential service to
all vessels trading on the east coast of England, we
have no reasun to doubt that both the Trinity Board
of London, and the Trinity Board of Newcastle,
will assist in all that is necessary towards so desirable
an undertaking.

CHRONICLE.—We are not aware that a Govern-
ment based on such a foundation as that of the Peel
Administration has had its place in English history.
There have, no doubt, been coalitions, and there have
been compromises ; but the principle, or want of prin -
ciple, has been avowed, and a mysterious mixture of
new practices and old opinions has never heretofore been
palmed upon a Parliament. We do not defend alto-
gether the great coalition between Fox and Lord North;
it has the common defect of coalitions to an eminent de-
gree, and whatsoever the grounds on which party
writers of the day rested its justification, it undermined
and lowered the public estimation of public men. But
when Mr. Fox and Lord North combined, the American
war, about which there had been such grave differences,
had closed, and although persons without long memories
could not but be scandalised at a sudden reconciliation,
for party purposes, between chiefs who for so many years,
and with such vehemence of invective, had denounced
each other, the real points of difference had yielded
to events, and the new class of questions which origi-
nated about the period of the Frenchßevolution, and which
have since so altogether occupied in their several phases
the thoughts of politicians, had not then come into vita-
lity. Nor at that period of the history of the House of
Brunswick were principles so accurately defined as they
had been in the reigns of the two first Georges, or as
they were subsequently, in the meridian of George 111.
The politics of England up to 1745 were dynastic and
anti-dynastic. The Whigs and the moderate Tories
were for the House of Hanover, and made up the dynastic
party. The Tories, and many of the old families, were
for the Stuarts, and constituted a sort of anti-dynastic
party, not differing much from that which has existed
since the Revolution of July in France, but which, in all
probability, will gradually become absorbed into the
ranks of the Philippist monarchy, just as the Jacobites
of Cheshire and Lancashire, as soon as they found they
had a real High Church King, fell into the ranks of
King George 111., and supported him, on monarchical
principles, through the American and French re-
volutions. If our readers will turn to the diaries
and memoirs of those times—those, for instance,
of Horace Walpole and Bubb Doddington— they
will not fail to be astonished at the menagerie of
parties. Politics, in a great measure, were personal. If
a Minister offended a Member of Parliament, the gen-
tleman went into Opposition. If the Crown did not bow
to a Peer, the magnate, with all his cousins and his
boroughs, went over to the Prince of Wales. Fox and
Pitt were retained at the commencement of a session,
pretty much as Sir William Follett is, to conduct an im-
portant case ; sometimes they were together, sometimes
on different sides—sometimes Fox led Pitt, the latter
consoling himself in lucrative isolation—sometimes Pitt
led Fox, the latter maintaining a sort of sulky amity, and
indemnifying himself by the well-paid office of the Pay-
master for loss of dignity. But these times are over.
Politics became more stable in the school of the second
Fox, at whose feet the leading Whigs of modern times
were brought up, and a more definite system of party
honour was established. The Tories under Pitt were
also still more banded. They basked for the first thirty
years of the present century in the exclusive enjoyment
of power and place, and they established themselves and
their party on the basis of a general resistance to im-
provement, and an inflexible enmity to change. In this
school Sir R. Peel had his education. The monopoly,
however, of the Tories,was broken up by the death of
Lord Liverpool ; and although the Duke of Wellington
and Sir R. Peel maintained a struggle of some years
against the advancing intelligence of the age, and com-
promised themselves to an inconvenient extent against
such plain axioms as religious liberty, religious tolera-
tion, Parliamentary reform, and negro as well as Catholic
emancipation, the irresistible current of events ran the
other way, and the stationary party of the Tories was
hurled from power. We well remember the appearance
of Sir It. Peel in the first session of the reformed Par-
liament. He scarcely knew his position ; isolated, or
nearly so, by the mighty stream of popular opinion, to
which his impolicy and want of foresight in the case of
East Retford had given indefinite augmentation, he trod
the floor of the House of Commoes as a tourist walks
about /Etna or Vesuvius. For a time he bent gently,
like a willow, a weeping willow perhaps, to the tempest
and the storm. The impetuous career of Lord Stanley
on the side of the people had not then closed, and Sir
James Graham at that period had not addicted
himself to barometical observation on the state of
parties. For a time all was welL Sir R. Peel ac-
cepted the new order of events, and rumours were
not wanting that the chief of the Conservatives would
shortly connect himself with Lord Grey, and be glad to
take his share in the practical regeneration of our insti-
tutions. In an evil hour, however, for his fame and his
country, he took a widely different course, connected
himself with the surviving leaders of the Tory host, re-
assembled the scattered members of the party, and avail-
ing himself of the secession of Lord Stanley and his fol-
lowers from the Whigs, pitched the old Tory camp, with
all its ancient intolerance towards Ireland, and with all
its inveterate addiction to monopoly, under a new name.
In the years which followed we find him playing the part
of a sort of Pulteney against Lord Melbourne. He
crippled the education of the people by intermingling
religious animosity with that sacred cause. He laid the
foundation of the anti-Saxon nationality of Ireland by
obstructing all the measures, so wise and peaceful, of
the late Administration. He has jeopardized for ever
the legitimate claims of the landed interest, by repudi-
ating a compromise which would have settled, for the
next half century to come, a source of discord which is
disturbing the relations of social life, and separating,

by the ties of selfishness and imaginary gain, the
great interests of town and country throughout the
empire. He became, in fact, the champion of a
faction, when circumstances put it into his power
to have been the mediator between parties. He
lost the golden opportunity of establishing a Go-
vernment in avowed conformity to progression, and by
associating himself with persons notoriously indisposed
to consult the temper of the age, he placed himself in
the disagreeable position of an apparent identity of pre-
judice, and he has since found himself in the still more ,
disagreeable position of being forced by circumstances
to disavow his second Toryism, and to throw his Ad-
ministration on the mercy of the House of Commons, by
a wholesale piracy of the measures of his opponents.
We do not, of course, object to useful measures. Con-
ciliation towards Ireland is better, far better, than bayo-
nets—the recal of Lord De Grey is worth half a hun-
dred batteries ; but we have a right to say that if the
measures of the present Ministry are right, nothing can
excuse the factiousness of the late opposition. If it be
right to recognise the Irish Prelates, to place their Arch•
bi..hops in precedency to temporal Earls, and to give a
Catholic bishop the pas' before a Protestant dean—if it
be right to augment the resources of Maynooth in the
way indicated in the letter of our Dublin correspondent,
and to extend to others than Protestants the immuni-
ties and privileges of Trinity College, Dublin—if it be
right in Lord lleytesbury to receive the Roman hier-
archy with courtesy at his levees, and to recognise them
on all occasions as the priesthood of the people—we will
not attempt to designate the course of those who de-
nounced the initiate justice of Lord Normanby, or im-
pair the fair chances of success which this dexterous
experiment may bring about, by contrasting the present
with the past, or by drawing a portraiture of Sir Ro-
bert Peel from 1836 to 1841, at the he head of the Jack-
sons and the Lefroys, with the M'Neiles fled Stowols in
his train—opposing the moderate arrangements of Lord
Morpeth for Irish Church reform, stigmatising the la-
mented Mr. Drummond for a sentiment which is now
incorporated amongst English axioms, and raised by
men of every party to the first dignity amongst maxims.
It is no wish of ours to recur unnecessarily to what is
past Political necessity is the mother of strange com-
pliances. The campaigns of opposition might have re-
quired such stimulants. But be this as it may, the
aspect of things before us—whether we contemplate the
tardy change, at the close of last session, in the Irish
policy of the Government, or indulge in conjectural esti-
mates of their future course—justifies us in the conviction
that by the success of the Whig system, and by the failure
of the Tory, one thing is proved, and that to demonstrat ion
namely, that Ireland must no longer be trifled with for
party purposes as it hitherto has been ; and that Sir R.
Peel, whatever hie past conduct may have been, must be
supported by the Liberal party, if, upon the opening of
Parliament, he produces—as it is rumoured he intends to '
do—measures in coincidence with the expectations he
has raised. The Liberal Parliament gave him credit for
agreement with them in the abstract. By the recal of
Lord De Grey he has secured to himself and to Lord
Eliot full scope for administrative liberty. There is no
Castle wherein the contumacy of Orangemen will have a
sanctuary ; Phcenix Park will no longer be a sort of
Leicester House, in opposition to her Majesty's Prime
Minister. As for Sir R. Inglis, he will have enough
to do at Oxford before Easter, and it will not be neces-
sary next session to put off all useful bills till the
Hon. Baronet is out of England, and fairly landed at
Wiesbaden.

TIMES.—The perturbation of the Ministerial ma-
jority on the first preliminary vote of the French
Chamber, and its recovery on the second division, are
striking exemplifications of the truth of the remarks we
made the last time we adverted to this subject. They
have exhibited more conspicuously than before the
omnipotence of a party, not altogether uukeovvn at other
times in the British House of Commons, which boasts of
the title of " the King's friends :" and the practice of the
ballot enables these pliant servitors of the Court to
bowstring a Minister with as much certainty and secresy
as the mutes of a Turkish seraglio. Such, however,
was not on this occasion the purpose or intention of the
Sovereign. He has contented himself with giving
his Ministers what children and old maids calls a
fright ; and the effect of this sudden impulse of the
royal mind was so transient as to be set down to
accident. Like most accidents of the same kind
which occur between Cabinets and Kings, it tends very
visibly to strengthen the personal power of the Sove-
reign at the expense of the dignity of his advisers and
the consistency of their adherents. The springing
of this little mine, which alarmed the garrison with-
out making a breach in the walls, will tend, if we are
not mistaken, to embarrass the proceedings of the Oppo-
sition in the approaching general assault. It turns out
that the chief weakness of the Government is not with-
out, but within their camp ; their dangers are in the
intrigues of the Opposition with the Court, not in their
invectives in the Chamber ; and those tactics have been
carried to such an extent, that the aspirants for office
seem to have abandoned even the pretext of an attack
on the system of the Government to concentrate all their
vehemence on the persons who compose it. If we are
to attach any credit to the leading organs of the French
Opposition, they yield to nobody, now-a-days. in their
zeal for peace and their respect for the English alliance.
They protest they will only beat M. Guizot by a better
use of his own weapons, and they engage not only to do
what he has attempted, but to perfect what he has left
undone. They were his antagonists—they have become
his rivals. These professions must not be construed
too literally, nor must they be too contemptuously
rejected or discredited. The cause of peace cannot but
gain by any change which makes it the interest of
the Opposition to preach peace instead of war ; and we
readily believe that both in France and England
the party who have talked most of war were thoroughly
insincere, and only used these high-sounding words as a
means of throwing dirt at the Ministry. The shots
aimed at M. Guizot took effect upon us, though, it must
be confessed, the balls were spent before they reached
us ; the hooting of the Minister was converted into a
hue and cry against England, and if in our supposed
alliance with the French Foreign Secretary he shared
any of our power, we certainly came in for a more than
proportionate share of his obloquy. Such a division of
profits is neither agreeable nor just ; but it is an inevit-
able inconvenience of a party preference in a foreign
country. 'We have repeatedly seen the effects of these
unlucky predilections in the less powerful States of the
world, and they have proved a halter round the necks
of our best friends on several important occasions in
Spain, and Greece, and elsewhere. A Government
that cannot exist without that sort of foreign support
is very soon unable to repay that foreign support, even
by the ordinary courtesies of friendly Powers ; it
either denies its benefactors or sinks into complete
discredit ; every act of common civility is stigma-
tised as a base concession, and we invariably get
least from those who claim most from us. Tho same
principle applies, though of course to a very different
extent and in a very different manner, to our relations
with the French Government itself. The moment it is
believed, however erroneously, that the whale strength
of the Ministry is derived from the English alliance,
that alliance becomes virtually powerless and inefficient.
If that union exists for the purpose of keeping in this or
that Cabinet, in either country, it is contemptible ; if it
is maintained for the real purpose of uniting the policy
and interests of the two nations, it is the glory of our
time and the basis of the peace of the world. At a
period when, by the confession of all parties in France,
the differences between them are reduced to mere shades
of distinction, and the whole warfare of the political
world is conducted by closet intrigues or personal attacks,
with which we have nothing in the world to do, it is
not only convenient, but absolutely necessary for us, as
English politicians, to insist upon our neutrality in all
such party contests. Our object is to be on good terms
with France, without being dependent on this or that
Minister. God forbid that the pacific relations of the two
countries should depend on anything so precarious as a
French Cabinet! Without doubt, when those relations
were in serious jeopardy, the energy and prudence of
the French Government succeeded in resisting the in-
temperance and indiscretion of the Opposition ; but it is
an erroneous assumption to suppose that the same ele-
ments of discord are still raging against us on the other
side of the channel ; and the truth is, that the organs of
those dangerous opinions have been not only conquered,
bat, what is better, converted. And we can bring no
higher testimony to the success of the policy of the two
Cabinets of England and France, than the fact that their
opponents are now seeking not to resist or undo their
work, but to turn it to their own purposes, by professing
a still greater zeal than that of the authors of the system.
We have said thus much before the opening of the de-
bate on the Address in the French Chamber, because, if
this disposition of the Opposition has been correctly ex-
pressed by themselves and reported abroad, the issue of
the conflict will be of comparatively little importance.
It is extremely probable that M. Guizot, awakened from
any excessive confidence which he may before have en-
tertained by the discovery of the late intrigue, will crush
his rivals in debate, and obtain his usual majority ; but
if he falls, we have no reason to doubt that a Conserva-
tive and pacific policy will still be pursued in France,
and probably with a greater freedom of action in favour
of this country. The state of the two countries is for-
tunately so unentangled that the whole truth may be
spoken outright on all points, and we trust that we shall
seo no attempts to varnish over plain questions, or to be-
getdangerous errors, by giving countenance to unfounded
prejudices or boasting of baseless negotiations.
HERALD.--Sir Robert Peel has now fully and en-
tirely accomplished one of the great objects for which
the nation, sick and endangered by Whig quackery,
" called him in," in 1841. Ho has restored the national
finances. The last two years of Whig Government, if
we take our view at the period of the year at which we
have now arrived, furnished the following account of the
national revenue :
Year ending Jan., 1840
Year ending Jan., 1841
While the account just now published stands as follows :
Year ending ,Tan., 1845
Perhaps some Radical, or some unthinking person who
is not a Radical, may exclaim, " Well, there is nothing
to boast. of hero ! Sir Robert Peel has laid on a pro-