The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY, EVENING, DitICEMBEIt 12, 1845.

were in each locality who were opposed to or in favour
of a repeal of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) Let them re-
member that in the county of Middlesex there now ex-
isted a reproach to the anti-corn-law electors. He
had heard it said in the House of Commons, in tel ms of
reproach, that the county of Middlesex, which of all
other counties in England was least interested in the
continuance of the :corn-la es, returned a pro-corn-
law Member.—(Cries of " Shame," and "We will turn
him out.")
A Voice —Who is he?
Another VOICE—WOOCI ; his name is Wood.—(Cries
of " We'll turn him out," and cheering.)
Mr. VILLIERS—In mentioning that incident, he
wanted to show the electors, the anti-corn-law electors
of Middlte-ex, that they ought not to let such a thing be
said of them. No doubt the Anti Corn-law League was
working well and perseveringly to correct this, and to
remove from the anti-corn-law county of Middlesex the
disgrace of having returned a Member who voted for
the perpetuation of these laws.—(Cheers.) The Anti-
Corn-law League wanted to ascertain who the men were
who would now vote against Peel and Russell, and those
other men who would still seek to keep upon the statute
book that disgraceful law which made the food of the
poor man dear and scarce.—(Loud cheers.)
A Voice—They vote for the corn-laws, because they
regard nobody's interest but their own.—(Cheers.)
Mr. VILLIERS—WeII, if the electors told that to those
men practically, it would have a very important effect
upon many, who though anxious for the welfare of the
poor, were still in doubt as to the policy of a total repeal
of the corn-laws.—(Hear, bear.) Now, it was rather a
remarkable fact, that if a person took up the
votes of the House of Commons, and read over
the names of those who supported the corn-
laws, and asked them why they did so,
the answer would not be, it was because they possessed
more talent, or more political honesty, or a stronger
desire for the welfare of the poor than those who voted
against them ; but it was because they had a very great
wish to keep such articles as beef, veal, pork, mutton,
cheese and bread, at a certain price.—(Loud cheers.) Now
he (Mr. Villiers) was one of those who could not be
persuaded that any man who really felt a desire to im-
prove the condition of the poor, could do what he heard
some men do in the House of Corn woes last session—
nate ey, to call upon the Parliament to withdraw its con-
fidence from the Government, for no other reason than
because they apprehended that Government were about
to declare that a repeal of the corn-l.sws would make
provisions cheaper than ever they were before.—(Hear
and cheers.) But such a step would never have been
taken but that those who attempted it believed that the
people were too apathetic to express any determined and
unanimous opinion against such a proceeding.—(Hear,
hear.) However, he would deny that the tenant-farmers
of the country were of the same opinion as the landlords
upon this question.—(Cheers.) It was quite clear
Chet the landlords had not as yet dared to call a
county meeting for the purpose of declaring in
favour of the corn-laws—(Cheers)—because a farmer
had told him no such meeting could be held at
which the farmers would not stand up boldly, and
declare they differed from the landlords, and that many,
if not all, the grievances they laboured under, had their
origin in the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) There could not be
the :least doubt but that the tenant-farmers of England
would now make a stand against the cupidity of the
landlords—(Cheers)-- for they demanded to be relieved
from these grievances which they now laboured under by
reason of the selfishness of those landlords.—(Cheers.)
But the landlords grumbled at this agitation, and the
newspapers complained of it ; but if the former con-
ceived they were the aggrieved parties, why did they not
call county meetings and declare their grievances ?
(Hear, hear.) He had heard that there was a gentleman
now canvassing :the electors of Hertfordshire upon the
principle that he would vote for the " protection" laws,
as they were called, and he (Mr. Villiers) was happy to
say that the man who had the courage to oppose him
was a tenant-farmer of the county of Hertford.—(Loud
cheering.) That farmer asked this gentleman, would he
support the tenant interest ? Would he support the
repeal of the game-laws ? Would he support
the tenant's independence, in order that the tenant might
vote independently ? Would he support the corn-
laws or the contrary ? But to all those questions he
never received a direct answer, but was met at every
point by equivocal replies and shabby evasions.
A Voice—What were the League doing in llertford-
shire ? No protectionist should be allowed to walk over
the course.—(Cheers.)
Mr. VILLIERS—In answer to that, he could only say,
as he had said before, that that gentleman was opposed
by a tenant-farmer, who had challengedrhe gentleman
to meet him at Covent-garden Theatre, and contradibt
his arguments if he could.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Mem-
ber then alluded to the game-laws, and the oppressive
manner in which they operated against the farmer. He
said he was a member of a Committee that had been
appointed for the purpose of inquiring into the manner
in which these laws operated. A great number of far-
mers were summoned to give evidence, and every one
of them agreed in declaring that no law could be more
oppressive and annoying than the game-laws.—(Hear.)
The inquiries of that Committee occupied four or five
months, and strange to say the Committee would not
allow the proceedings to be published.—(oh !) There
lay the evidence to this hour without going to the
public, for whit reason he would leave the public
to judge.—(Renewed cries of " Oh, oh I" and groans.)
Well now, the people saw that though the Duke of Buck-
ingham and the Duke of Richmond were opposed
to them, they had Lord John Russell and Sir Robert
Peel in their favour.—(Loud cheers.) They had Russell
and Peel on one side, and Richmond and Buckingham
on the other—(Renewed cheers)—and therefore let the
people forget all the minor differences of Peel and Rus
sell, and gird up their loins for the present great fight,
and, in order to be victorious in the battle, let them take
Peel and Russell for their leaders, and the Lord prosper
them. The Hon. Member sat down amidst the most
deafening shouts of applause.
Mr. R. R. R. MooRE next addressed the meeting in a
very powerful and impassioned speech, at the conclusion
of which the following resolution was unanimously
adopted :
" That this meeting, being fully impressed with a sense
of the flagrant injustice which is entailed on the indus-
trious classes and the community at large, which enhance
the price of food, and especially by the continuance of
the corn-law; and feeling that such a crisis in reference
to this impost and matter has arrived which has never
before occurred, and most favourable for putting an end
to the evils resulting from such law, pledges itself to
the most strenuous exertions in this district of the county
of Middlesex, to return two free-"trap candidates when-
ever a fresh election shall occur.
A committee was then formed to carry out the object
of the resolution, and attend to the state of the registra-
tion, anti a vote of thanks having been passed to the
Chairman, the meeting separated.

EXETER.
A very large and highly influential meeting of the
inhabitants of Exeter and the neighbourhood was held
yesterday, at the Guildhall, in pursuance of a requisition
addressed to the Mayor, and signed by upwards of 800
inhabitants, of Whom 517 are Parliamentary electors,
" to consider the propriety of presenting a memorial to
her Majesty's Government on the present critical state
of the country, in regard to the supply of food."
Amongst the gentlemen present we observed C.
Brutton, Esq., the Mayor, in the chair; E. Divett, Esq.,
M.P.; S. Maunder, Esq.; J. D. Osborne, Esq.; J. C.
Sercombe, Esq.; S. Haydon, Esq.; E. Davy, Esq.; C.
Bird, Esq.; R. Bastard, Esq.; Dr. Ludlow; Dr. Barham;
Rev. Mr. Bigwood; F. Orchard, Esq.; T. Besley, Esq.;
Dorville, Esq.; Rev. Mr. Hellings; C. Richards, Esq.;
R. I'. Abraham, Esq ; T. Latimer, Esq.; W. Drew e,
Esq., &c. There wai also a goodly sprinkling of the
working classes present, who appeared to take a deep
interest in the proceedings, which were characterized
throughout by the enthusiasm and unanimity which

prevailed.
The MAvonhaving taken the chair, and briefly opened
the proceedings by stating the object for which the meet-
ing was convened,
Dr. BARHAM came forward to propose the first reso-
lution, and after a brief speech, moved that " It is highly
desirable that a memorial should be presented to her
Majesty's Government, requesting them to take such
steps as shall ensure a sufficient supply of food in the
present critical state of the country."—(Cheers.)
Mr. DIVETT, M.P., one of the Members 'for the city,
then came forward, and was received with the warmest
applause. He said, that it was with great satisfaction
that he rose to second the resolution which had just been
proposed ; and great as was the pleasure which he
had anticipated in attending that meeting, he assured
them that that pleasure was greatly enhanced by
being permitted to second a proposition based on such
sound principles as those which had been enunciated
by his friend Dr. Barham.—(Great cheering.) He
' considered that it was no ordinary occasion on which
they had assembled. For his own part, he had generally
felt an indisposition to be present at public meetings,
unless he was called on either to give an account of his
proceedings in Parliament, or to state what his views
were with reference to any particular measure; but the
present was a matter of such general interest, that he
was glad of an opportunity of expressing his feelings
with reference to it. Till within the last few days he
had had some doubts as to the policy of the agitation
which was at this time going on in the country—doubts
originating in a fear that possibly they might be creating
an alarm for which there was no occasion, lest they
should produce an impression elsewhere that there was
a greater scarcity of food than really existed, and lest
foreign countries should, in consequence, place restric-
tions upon the exportation of food. That point, coupled
with a doubt as to the possibility of obtaining an adequate
supply of food, had, he confessed, caused him a great
deal of uneasiness, and had made him hesitate before he
approved of the policy of the present agitation.—(Hear.)
On that score now he was able to say that he was per-
fectly satisfied. If the law were put on a proper footing
with regard to the food of the people, he was convinced
that there was ample sources whence to procure an abun-
dant supply for all. The Hon. Member for Winchester
(Mr. Escott) had proposed to introduce maize as an arti-
cle of food, and he (Mr. Divett) concurred with that gen-
tleman in his opinion that it might be used extensively
and very advantageously for food. On looking at the scale
of duties imposed on the importation of maize, lie found
that it amounted to ss. a quarter, or at least 50 per cent.
on the prime cost of the article. It appeared to him to
be of immense importance that in articles of that sort a
relaxation should take place which would enable them
to obtain a supply of food from the most distant parts of
the globe.—(Cheers.) Having thus expressed his views
with regard to the possibility of obtaining an adequate
supply of food from other sources, it would no doubt be
expected from him that he should enter more fully into
the great subject of the corn-laws—(Cheers)—and, im.
portant, no doubt, as was the urgency of the- moment, it
would still be ridiculous to keep out of sight the fact that
the final settlement of this great question, upon a sound
and satisfactory basis, was a matter yet more requiring
their earnest consideration —(Cheers)—and he, confeeksed
heshould rejoice if this visitation of rrovideure ehould be

the means of placing upon a satisfactory footing the law
which regulated the importation of corn. He knew that
there were many of the most ardent supporters of a
change in the corn-laws who thought that be had been
lukewarm in that matter ; but to such a view of the
subject he could not subscribe ; inasmuch as he had never,
since he had been in Parliament, given a single vote
which could be supposed for a moment to tend to the
support of the corn-laws. He had never, in fact, omitted
an opportunity of voting for such a change in the law as
would be in accordance with his own views.—(Hear.)
Whilst speaking of measures for the settlement of the
corn-laws, he ought to state his opinion that very great
exaggeration existed on both sides of that particular
question. He believed that the agriculturists enormously
overrated the advantages which the system of protec-
tion gave them, whilst the abolitionists over-rated the
cheapness which would be obtained under a system ot
free trade. That there would be a diminution in the
prices on the average there could be no doubt ; but he
believed it would not be to the extent which many sup-
posed, and that we should still be exposed to great and
serious fluctuations in the market, was, he thought, un-
questionable, If there had been exaggerations as to the
effect upon prices, however, he believed that there had
been none with reference to the injurious effects of the
law upon the commercial industry of the country.—
(Cheers.) The greatest man in matters of finance—the
man who had studied it more and understood it better
perhaps than any other living man—the present Prime
Minister—had stated that it was impossible for any man,
calmly considering the currency question, and looking at it
in all its details, not to be aware of the deep importance
that it was to every man, woman, and child, throughout the
empire. In fact, when tricks were played with the cur-
rency, they trod on ground dangerous to the commercial
man of the greatest resources, but death to the poor
man who depended on a small pittance for his daily sup •
port. The uncertainty which characterised the present
corn-laws affected, in like manner, every man's income
throughout the empire.—(Hear, hear.) Let them take,
for example, the whole course of exchanges regulated
by the foreign trade. Suppose that there were fourteen
millions of bullion in the Bank; if we had a free, steady,
trade in corn, that bullion, on which the note circulation
of the country mainly depended, would not be affected
at all; but when we for months, sometimes for years,
altogether excluded the importation of corn, then when
a crisis came like the present, which forced us to send
for corn to every part of the globe, we had no means of
raising the money at once to pay for that corn from our
own property, and bullion must in consequence be drawn
from the Bank. The result was, that those who managed
the Bank became alarmed, accommodation was refused,
interest rose, and every commercial transaction in the
country was liable to be disturbed.—(Cheers.) his
strong opposition to the sliding scale arose rutherfrom that
cause than from any great effect which he believed its
abolition would produce on the price of corn.—(Hear.)
Entertaining these views, and sincerely thanking them
for the kind attention with which they has listened to
his address, he begged to second the resolution.
Mr. BASTARD then briefly recommended the adoption
of a memorial in accordance with the resolution, which
was agreed to.
Three cheers were given for Mr. Divett and for free-
trade; and a vote of thanks having been passed with ac-
clamation to the Mayor, the meeting seperated.

MANCHESTER.
A great and interesting meeting of the Anti-Corn-law
League was held, in the Free-trade Hall, Manchester, on
Wednesday night. The greatest excitement prevailed
for several days previously, on the part of the public, to
get tickets of admission, and many persons came a dis-
tance of twenty cr thirty miles to be present. When the
usual supply of tickets was exhausted, every gentleman
known to be connected with the Council was applied to
for the exertion of his personal interest on behalf of the
applicants ; and many gentlemen we know in this posi-
tion denied themselves the gratification of being present,
and gave up their own tickets. Under these circum-
stances it is scarcely necessary to say that the hall was
crammed ; the doors, in fact, had to be closed against the
multitudes who besieged them, nearly ten minutes before
the time announced for the proceedings to commence.
At twenty five:minutes after seven o'clock the Chair-
man, George Wilson, Esq., took his place on the plat-
form, accompanied by Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P. ;
J. Bright, Esq., M.P.: T. M. Gibson, Esq., M.P. ; J.
Brotherton, Esq., M.P.; W. J. Fox, Esq., and other
gentlemen, and amongst upwards of five hnndred other
persons of respectability and influence on the platform,
we observed the Mayor of Salford, General Briggs,
Alderman Walker, Mr. W. R. Callender, the President
of the Chamber of Commerce (Mr. Bazley), Mr. W.
Rawson, Mr. 11. Rawson, Mr. Edward Grundy, of Park-
hills, Bury; Mr. D. Ainsworth, Mr. W. Bickham, Mr.
S. Lees, Mr. S. P. Robinson, Mr. W. Evans, Mr. Alder-
man Potter, Mr. T. B. Potter, Mr. Alderman Lockett,
Mr. Thomas Bright, Mr. J. T. Crook (Liverpool), Mr.
J. B. Smith, Mr. S. Matley, Mr. Samuel Nicholls, Mr.
B. Syddall, Mr. George Sale, of Athurstone ; Mr. 0. S.
Leavitt, of Louisville, United States ; Mr. G. C. Crook,
of New York ; Mr. R. P. Livingston, Mr. Alderman
Burd, Mr. Chadwick, Rev. Dr. Massie, and Mr. J. A.
Royle.
The CHAIRMAN opened the proceedings by stating
that the present was the most important meeting ever
held, and :proceeded to discuss the merits of the con-
tradictory statement respecting the intentions of the
Government. As regarded the result of the registration,
he stated the following to be the gains of the free-traders
in the counties named :—North Warwickshire; 106;
Buckinghamshire, 328, or 5 per cent. on the whole con-
stituency; East Gloucester, 271, leaving them a majority
of 201; East Somersetshire, 574, or 6 per cent. on the
register; South Cheshire, 669; East Surrey, 553, or 9
per cent. on the constituency; North Staffordshire, 942,
or 9 per cent.; South Staffordshire, 936; North Cheshire,
899, or 14 per cent. on the register; Middlesex, 1,520;
West Riding of York, 1,271; North Lancashire, 1,492;
South Lancashire, 3,084; making a total gain of 143,731
in the counties which the League had attacked. This
announcement was received with loud cheers by the

meeting.
Mr. MILNER GIBSON was the first speaker. He said
that in the whole course of his life he never attended
so important a meeting. The people of old had secured
the liberty of the press and of themselves, and they
were again met under the protection of that liberty to
demand a total and immediate repeal of the corn-laws.
They were met to proclaim to the world that the
industry of England was no longer to be enslaved. It
was the industry of the manufacturers of the country
which contributed to the wealth of the landowners, and,
therefore, they (the people) ought and shall have free-
dom of trade. The present was a time of more than
usual importance. Sir Robert Peel might or might not
bring in a Bill to repeal the corn-laws, but, bo that as
it might, the people of the north had a duty to perform,
and they must not lack in their determination to wipe
away the cursed corn-laws. They must demand it in a
tone not to be mistaken. The people must stand by Sir
Robert Peel, and wring from the monopolists that mea-
sure of justice to which they were justly entitled. He
(Mr. Gibson) knew many thinking agriculturists who
had given up the whole question, and were agreed that
the time was not far distant when the protection to corn
must be abolished, and that Sir Robert Peel was deter-
mined to stand or fall by that measure. lie (Mr. Gib-
son) had frequently in his place in the House of Com-
mons cautioned the country gentlemen not to lead their
tenants astray by holding out to them the hope that those
laws would be maintained, and now that the question
had been conceded, he (Mr. Gibson) wondered how they
could meet their unfortunate dupes. lie then proceeded
to advise the meeting not to trust any Minister, but con-
tinue their exertions until the object was obtained, and
sat down amidst loud cheers.
Mr. Fox then addressed the meeting at great length,
but, owing to the press of matter, we can find room
only for the conclusion of his speech. In 1815, said he,
there was a sort of instinctive blind outbreak against the
passing of these corn-laws; there were riots; blood was
shed in the streets; the people struggled, like blind
Sampson, and like blind Sampson were sent hack to toil
in the prison- houses for the benefit of their task-masters.
—(Loud applause.) But the lancet of knowledge has
couched blind Sampson's eyes. There is wisdom to
direct the guidance of that strength; and thus put forth,
where is the power that shall stand before it? It is
coming; we know it is coming; be you but firm, mire-
laxing, unbending in every exertion, in every legal and
peaceful exertion that may promote the good cause. New
allies are announced every day. They are all coming in,
but it is somewhat misnamed to call this leading. Much
has been made of Lord John's Russell's name as the
Liberal leader, because twenty years' consideration has
led him to the point which the intelligence of the coun-
try had arrived at so long before. We welcome him
gladly. I believe he was one amongst us because the
cry was so loud and strong ; being made a little louder
and stronger, it may bring us another Liberal leader in
the person of Sir Robert Peel. And raise it to its loudest
pitch, and we may have that great Liberal leader, the
Duke of Wellington in our ranks.—(Applause and
laughter.) While we remember all this, let us never
•orget who they are that have done this, and who in the
day of triumph should wear the laurels.—(Hear.) Great
as may be the political advantage, the advantage in Par-
liamentary tactics, of these eminent names, that is all we
can plead for them ; the work has been done, the
chariot of free-trade has been driven within sight of the
goal ; and Russell, Peel, and Wellington at best are
only yoked to it to drag it along the few remaining
paces to its final destination.—(Applause.) It is att
honour for them that they do that ; and I hope they will
put their shoulders to the yoke kindly, and not let it be
a moment longer on the way than is absolutely neces-
sary.—(Applause.) But trust them not. Lord John
Russell may not have the power, and the Duke of Wel-
lington may not have the will, and Sir R. Peel, having
played the monopolists a slippery trick one way, may
play the free-traders a slippery trick another way.
Trust in yourselves under the guidance of that power
which ever smiles propitiously on the true, the just, and
the right. There is a piece of advice which was given
sum" time ago, with no very charitable intent, perhaps,
to the Orangemen of Ireland—" Trust in Providence,
and keep your powder dry."—(Laughter.) We don't
use gunpowder; our weapon is of a very different and a
much wore p tent description. Bayonets cannot pierce
it—balls cannot level it, Opinion is a power which no
form of physical force, multitudinous or military, can
eventually prevail against.—(Applause.) But means
must be employ( d ; and I say to you, as was said to the
lOrangemen—" Trust in Providence, and keep your
names upon the registration ; trust in Providence, and
multiply your 40s. freeholds ; trust in Providence, and
win cities and counties, and show Parliament and the
world your unalterable determination that the shackles
of trade and industry shall be knocked off for ever."
Mr. ConDnu—After these splendid orations, I think
I should only mar the effect of our meeting by de-
laying you for a single moment longer. We meet here,
I think a larger meeting than I have ever had the pleasure
of witnessing before, and I am sorry to say that many
hun :reds are outside storming the doors. We have had
an invitation to go outside and address an anti-corn-law
lecture to them in the street.—(Cheers and laughter.)
And, gentlemen, it is the same wherever we go. Within

the last nine days my Hon. Friend Mr. Bright and I I
have addressed seven meetings. We have been in the
cathedral city of Bath and the mountains of Derbyshire,
and we have been in Gloucestershire. Wherever we
have gone there is the same unanimous feeling that we
find amongst our tall chimneys in Lancashire.—(Cheers.)
Everywhere, the only complaint is, there is no place
large enough to receive the free-traders. Now, gentle-
men, I felt some apprehension when I first heard
the intention of Government, lest we should sink
into apathy in consequence of the hope—the falla-
cious hope—that somebody else was going to do our
work. But I am happy to say that this morning's
papers relieve me from all anxiety, for I see that
his Grace the Duke of Richmond has met, along with
fifty or sixty other gentlemen, at No. 17, Old Bond-
street, and there they have thrown down the gauntlet
and declared that they will fight till the death for mono-
poly.—(Laughter and cheers.) Now, I find some relief
in this. They are small in numbers to be sure—
(Laughter)—humble in pretensions, of every kind, for a
contest like this.—(Hear and laughter.) But still we
have a foe left in the field, and while that is the case I
am not afraid of the courage of Englishmen.—(Laughter.)
The Duke of Richmond leads not the hosts, but the
handful of monopolists that still follow his banner. By
representation I know something of the Duke of Rich-
mond. I was born within seven miles of him, in Sussex
We were boys together almost. He is an amiable, re-
spectable man in private life—a man who acquits him-
self in that decent, respectable sort of way that you
would expect a man to do to whom
.you gave 30s. a week.
—(Cheers and laughter.) He is just an amiable, re-
spectable man ; but, as a senator, as a statesman, I
would find a thousand men in this room, with fustian
jackets, that if you put a coronet on their heads, would
be able to take a far more comprehensive view
of what is good for the nation.—(Loud cheers.)
Why, gentlemen, these men, the protectionist
nobles and landlords, they do not know what the condi-
tion of the country is at their own doors. I have always
said that the worst enemy to the agriculturists was the
aristocratical order. The danger lies at their own doors,
and they do not know it. Why, we had a meeting in an
agricultural district, and we had a farmer present. He
made a few hasty remarks, and then he threw himself
into a chair. He said he durst not trust himself, for if
he was to state what the feelings of the tenant-farmers
were, he should be liable to be accused of entertaining
feelings similar to those entertained at the time of the
French Revolution.—(Hear, hear.) Why, I ask these
men who talk of fighting the question, to call a meet-
in any county, and give but a week's fair notice, and I
will engage that the meeting shall be against them.
Why, they met in Stayning, in Sussex. Now, I would
undertake to go to this place—the head-quarters of
these Dukes—almost within a stone's throw of both of
them, add I would call a public meeting by public ad-
vertisement, and I would engage to pass a resolution
in that village condemnatory of these laws—con-
demnatory of protection—denouncing it as being a
fraud to the farmer, and an injury to the working classes.
Now they are in a nice predicament to meet us,
are not they?—(Cheers and laughter.) Why, if my
friend Mr. Bright and I were to go into the agricultural
districts, and it was found that we were coming, and the
weather was fine, we should have a tail like a comet
after us.—(Laughter.) I wish the fine weather to come.
We must meet and show these bread-taxers the unani-
mity of the people of this country, by holding an open-
air meeting on Kersal-moor a hundred thousand strong.
—(Cheers.) I want to see the hosts pouring in from
Bury, Bolton, Rochdile, Oldham, Ashton, Seickport. I
want to see the male population of this country poured
out; then let the Duke of Richmond come and take his
place on the grand stand, and witness that.—(Cheers.)
I say, they are impervious to the signs of the times;
they do not know a brick wall till their heads knock
against it.—(Cheers and laughter.) They yield to
nothing but fear ; and they don't want courage and
don't see fear till it is brought home to them. The
people are unanimous everywhere on this question.
They told me at Nottingham that they had not had
a unanimous meeting for a long time, owing to
the divisions of parties, but all parties are una-
nimous on this question. There is only one thing
I want to see. The great metropolis is not easily
moved ; but the reason is it is so gigantic in its propor-
tions that it takes such a time to gather up its huge
limbs ; but London meets in the Guildhall next Mon-
day, and I intend to claim my right as an elector to be
there with them.—(Cheers.) He trusted to see London
join Yorkshire and Lancashire in this movement, and
the question was settled. With reference to their late
meetings in the south, they were purely business meet-
ings—the promotion of the qualification scheme. The
discovery of this scheme was like the discovery of a
jewel in a casket. They did not know their power till it
was found. And be had no doubt the aristocracy, if it
went on, would feel that power ; they would soon find
themselves as powerless as the feather carried along in a
strong north-wester.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. John Bright, M. P., and Mr. Brotherton, M. P.,
followed, and a vote of thanks having been given to the
gentlemen who had taken a part in the proeeedings, the
assemblage broke up.

HEROD OUTHERODED.
(From the Morning Post)
The Peel Ministry is at an end. We are not among
those who feel any regret at making this announcement.
On the contrary, we say with the most perfect sincerity,
that we are right glad of it. In our opinion—and it is
not the first time we have said so—Sir Robert Peel has
most shamefully :deceived all who trusted him. His
whole career since 1842 has been one of insanity or
treachery. We have done all in our power to expose
him. He has not (since 1842) deceived us. We regard
him as the most loathsome of public men. His abilities
(which are unquestionable) only add to his odiousness.
Ile prostitutes to the meanest purposes the talents which
God has given him. We hope there can now be
no doubt of his joining the Whigs. That the Tories
should ever again have anything to do with him, we
cannot suppose. He has done them enough of mis-
chief: Upon every point he has betrayed them : the
Test and Corporation Acts Repeal, the Roman Ca-
tholic Emancipation Act, the odious Poor-law, and now,
forsooth, the total repeal of all protection to British
agriculture! We do not say that none of these things
should have been done, but they should not have been
so done as to bring down disgrace and dishonour upon
the Tory party. This was the method, however, of Sir
Robert Peel. First, he contrived to attach to the. Tory
party all the odium of bigotry, by his offensive manner
of maintaining their, cause, and then. he brought upon
them the disgrace of weakness and want of spirit by his
pusillanimous abandonment of his own professed opi-
nions. But we trust we have now done with him for
ever in the character of a Conservative. Never again
may it be our ill fortune to see him in any other position
than that of an open Whig partisan! We wonder what
office Lord John Russell will offer him. We shall be
very anxious to learn hereafter whether it be true, es
some people said yesterday, that a messenger was sent to
summon Lord John Russell on Saturday last, four days
before the late Cabinet was out of office. The Noble Lord
passed through London yesterday morning on his way
to Osborne House. Sir Robert Peel has always (since
he became Minister) been very accommodating to
gentlemen opposite. It is now confidently asserted
in the clubs and the streets, that the Whigs had known
for more than a week what was likely to happen. Hence
the simultaneous, or nearly simultaneous, pronounce-
ments by ex-Cabinet Ministers in favour f free trade.
No doubt many exaggerated statements are flying
about, but no inconsistency that could be mentioned—
no treachery that a busy imagination could devise—
seems too improbable to be credited respecting such a
man as Sir Robert Peel. The man who, in June last,
told the Parliament that he would not vote for repeal of
the corn-laws, because such a measure would totally
alter the character of the country, and be accompanied
by social evils which no mercantile advantage could
compensate, and who, before the month of January, en-
deavours to persuade the whole Cabinet to consent to
that very measure—the man who could do this may be
suspected of anything. But the bold features of his
career during the last tour years are not points of sus-
picion, but of palpable fact. The mischief helms done has
been enormous ; only; indeed, to be equalled by the large-
ness of opportunity tor doing good, which, in his folly, or
his treachery, he has thrown away. In September, 1841,
he found himself at the head of an overwhelming ma-
jority in the Commons, pledged to the protection of
British industry against undue foreign competition. The
Lords were also in his favour by no less a majority. The
only pressing difficulty before him was the state of the
revenue. From that he was relieved, not by an ingenious
expedient of finance, but by a method which any banker's
clerk cwaild have suggested as well as he—a tax
upon income. The Whigs could not have availed them-
selves of that, for they had not the influence to carry
such a measure. The powerful party, however, that had
made Sir Robert Peel Minister gave him without any
hesitation the revenue he required. His way then was
plain and even easy; if he had been faithful and honest.
The protection of British industry—the advancement of
agriculture, and of every species of profitable pro-
duction within the British islands—the generous, yet
not extravagant consideration of the poor—the culti-
vation of good old English feeling towards the Church
and the Throne—these were the obvious duties of any
honest and honourable man, circumstanced as Sir
Robert Peel was, and brought into office as he
had been. His course was exactly the opposite. In-
stead of being animated by a desire to act up to the prin-
ciples of the party that gave him power, his great aim,
as soon as he had power, seemed to be to concede Tory
principles to the " liberal views" of those whom for ten
previous years he had opposed. In fear, or in treachery,
for as yet one cannot certainly pronounce which it was,
he began, as soon as he had supplanted the Whigs, to do
the work of the Whigs, and in this alone be has been
consistent. By his miserable misconduct he divided,
disheartened, and to a certain extent disgraced the party
which had placed him at its bead, and now, at last, he
has finished by breaking up the Cabinet in a monstrous
attempt to accomplish the very thing which he was called
to power in order to prevent ! Can any public career
be more loathsome than this ? Again we say, we
rejoice that we have done with him. Anything
is better than a double-dealer--one whose word
you cannot depend upon from month to month,
except by calculating that what he now most
strenuously supports, he will by-and-by most pu-
sillanimously abandon. It is incredible, however, that
Lord John Russell should have much success as a Minis-
ter. He may have Sir Robort Peel and a few more rats
to help him in the House of Commons, but we suspect
he will find no majority there in favour of total repeal of
the corn-laws. On the contrary, we believe that the
Conservative party in the House, when relieved from
the wet blanket of Peel, will soon teach Lord John
Russell that with the present Parliament he has no
chance. But he will appeal to the country. By all
means—the sooner the better. The country will give
him his answer, as it did in 1841. And then—and then
the Conservatives will come back to power, relieved of
the hideous encumbrance of plausible Peel. There is no
doubt, we believe; that a majority of the present Cabinet
have voted steadily against the last poisonous potion
which Peel offered them to drink. They will be ready
to form a new Government—a Government which we
have no doubt will command the respect and confidence
of the country, and all the more certainly from being
without any kind or degree of dangerous support from
so characterless a public man as Sir Robert Peel.

EDMONTON PETTY SESSIONS.
(Before Dr. Robinson (Chairman) and Mr. Mores.)
MURDER Or AN INFANT BY ITS MOTHER.—Elizabith
Hu;.tsman, twenty-one years of age, a single woman,
and of most respectable connexions, was brought before
the Bench, charged, on her own confession, with the
wilful murder of her illegitimate female child, which was
about nine months old, by drowning it in a brook in the
parish of Edmonton. A great number of inhabitants of
Edmonton were present during the inquiry, who mani-
fested deep sympathy with the accused, her father being
long resident in the parish, in which he carries on the
business of a grocer. The prisoner, who is a young
woman of considerable personal attractions, was pro-
vided with a chair, and she was supported by her mother,
who sat by her side, and who was much afflicted through-
out the proceedings.
The evidence was conclusive; but the inquiry was
adjourned for medical evidence. It appears that about
two months ago the prisoner attended at Edmonton
Sessions, for the purpose of compelling the putative
father to contribute to the support of her child; but, as she
had not sufficiently corroborative evidence to support the
affiliation, the summons was dismissed. Since then, after
having had a wet-nurse's situation, which she was obliged
to give up, in consequence of ill-health, she received
assistance from her mother and friends, not being allowed
to return home.