The Sun.
London, England, 1844-12-28 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THR I'dORNINO PArTIRS OF THIS DAT.
CHRONICLE.—The sentences, with which a
French King opens his Chambers require much more
choice and circumspection on the part of his Ministers,
than those, in which our English Queen addresses her
Parliament, demand from the wisdom of Downing-
street. French parties have been rendered so impa-
tient by a recess, that they are no sooner marshalled
in each others presence, than they rush to action, not
merely in masses, but in separate squads. And
amidst the diversity and multitude of ambitions, in-
terests, opinions, susceptibilities, during a struggle
which three weeks, there is no knowing what
result an ill-chosen term, an intemperate expression,
or an insidious amendment may lead to. A debate on
the French address has, thus, much dramatic interest.
For, however well enabled one may be to count and
calculate the respective strength of Ministry and
Opposition, there remains still a large space to be
occupied by the chapter of accidents; and the
strongest champion often receives a wound in such
a mele, which sends him maimed and powerless
from the contest. Last year M. Guizot, dangerously
and fiercely menaced, met his enemies boldly, and
with something of defiance. The outcry against him
being his friendship with England, he, instead of de-
nying it, valiantly boasted of an entente cordiale be-
tween the Governments. Althoug:i these strong
expressims were replaced in the address by weaker
ones, the Ministerialists carried it by only 220 votes
against 190, a majority little calculated to excite
confidence in Ministerial strength. This year the
speech of the King of the French is more circumspect
and cautious, both in the announcement of, and in
the choice of terms announcing, the happy accord
between the two countries. But, independent of the
cavils of opposition, M. Guizot could not this year have
repeated the phrase uttered twelve months back. In
Dec., 1843, M. Guizot made his Sovereign declare his
hopes and expectations, that the entente cordiale
between France and England would lead to an issue
of events favourable to Spain and to Greece, in both
of which countries monarchy was to strengthen itself
by a respect for the public liberties. Now, really
had his Majesty Louis Philippe been endowed with
the clairvoyance of Alexis, or of the best of the Mes-
meric tribe, he could scarcely have, in 1843, hit upon
expressions so fully and exactly, yet so ironically pro-
phetic of the results, in 1844, of the entente cordiale in
Greece and in Spain. All Europe is by this time
pretty well aware that the triumph of the exclusively
French party, both in Madrid and in Athens, has led
to a suspension of all liberty and all constitution, and
to the substitution of a purely military, despotic,
and sanguinary rule. We blushed for our Govern-
ment at the time, seeing that it allowed itself to be
bound up with French policy in Spain, against
which it should have protested, or from which it
should have at least held aloof. We feared, yet
could scarcely contemplate, the degree of infamy and
disgrace into which those Governments, se=t up by
French intrigue and guided by French councils, were
likely to fall. But now that this system has attained
its full development of horror and misrule, working
more harm to the cause of constitutional govern-
ment than ever was yet achieved by despot or demo-
crat, we do hope that the English Government will
shake off from itself the odium of being a sharer in
the policy of the French Government. It is too bad,
if, after having been deprived of influence in these
countries, and cheated, politically and commercially,
of po.ver, we should at the same time be made to
share in the odium of having joined in or even
silently sanctioned the liberticide and selfish
trickery of the French Government and its agents.
In 1843 M. Guizot boasted loudly of all that he
had achieved in Spain, and contrasted the state of
that country in 1840, when French influence was
null, to its situation in 1844, when French influence was
completely predominant. Most justly did M. Thiers
even then reply to the Minister, that, as far as Spain
was concerned, he saw no room whatever for
congratulation. We must, however, do M. Guizot
the justice to admit, that he seems somewhat stricken
with remorse and shame far what he has done in
Spain. The royal speech, for the first time, makes
no mention of that country, nor of Greece. And the
good understanding between France and England,
which was to have insured the welfare of these young
constitutional countries, is declared to be limited to
their not quarrelling about Morocco or Otaheite. The
French Government, having got up those two causes
of strife for its own glorification, congratulates the
country, that England has not quarrelled with it on
those accounts. The King of the French and M.
Guizot must be allowed, indeed, to have sufficient
skill to push provocation and hostility towards this
country only to that certain point beyond which
they know it will not be borne. And Lord
Aberdeen is the most useful of Ministers to them,
because he stretches this point to the uttermost.
The four first and chief paragraphs of the speech
having been devoted to Morocco and to the relations
with England, it proceeds to dwell on the national
prosperity and the increase of the royal family. In-
deed, with a change of proper names, Sir Robert
Peel or Prosperity Robinson might have written the
last half of the King's speech, to put into our own
Queen's mouth. There is not a word of the right of
search, nor even of the law of public instruction, an-
nounced last year from the throne, though strangled
by faction. It is remarkable how accurately the
purport of the speech was known in the political
circles of Paris several days previous to its being
pronounced. In general the wording of the French
King's speech causes much discussion and difference
in the Cabinet, and excites prolonged debates even
to the very morning of the royal sitting. This
time all was quietly and definitively pre-arranged,
M. Guizot being, as he deserves, uncontrolled leader.
Our correspondent sent us, two days back, a most
correct report of the chief paragraphs of the
speech. The Times, which had not an inkling of it,
gets up a cavil, and, in its petty jealousy, accuses our
correspondent of saying what he did not say, and of
representing Louis Philippe as having interpolated the
word fletri into the royal speech of last year. Our
correspondent made no such assertion. The word
fletri was introduced into the address, it is well
known, at the royal injunction, which is all our cor-
respondent meant to convey. The said fietrissure of
the Belgrave-square levee gave a spirit and life to the
commencement of the last French session, which is
apparently wanting in this. The war cry is evidently
on the wane. The Right of Search will probably
give rise to more length than vigour of speeches. Mo-
rocco is a fait accompli; and Otaheite is a question so
inglorious to all parties to stir, that we do not see well
how it can be agitated.lf M. Guizot is to be accused of
having sacrificed the influence and diminished the power
of France then certainly it will not require any great
effort of his oratory to show the contrary most tri-
umphantly. So that against the mere war party, the
mere anti-English cry, M. Guizot is invulnerable.
But if orators, unmaddened by Anglophobia, should
come forward to ask M. Guizot what use he has made
of the power and resources of the great country en-
trusted to him, and should point out the results of M.
Guizot's policy in Spain, and in Greece, and in the
Pacific,_ we fear it would be but too apparent that the
French Minister, though he has Aucceeded in pre-
serving peace between great States, has at the same
time been most merciless to the small. No aiminis,
tration has been more destructive of liberty in other
countries under French influence than M. Guizot's.
None have spilt more innocent blood, or caused it to
spilt. None have set on foot more intrigues, or prac-
tised more rivalry) or sent foftli tribte petty expedi-
tionseseall attended with more disgrace than profit, all
equally narrow in their ends as in their aims. We
doubt if free discussion could ever endow M, Guiesot
with Sir R. Peel's sole political virtue=that of being
a safe mans Certainly ho effort d political rhetoric
tould prove M. Guizot to be a great man.
TIMES.—It is not to a speech from the throne
that the world looks, except in times of great doubt
and difficulty, for an announcement of politico notel-
ties, or for the Bisiials of patty Warfare. A consti-
tutional Sovereign, like the King of a tournament in
older times, rides unarmed, except with his white
truncheon, across the lists, and takes his state apart,
whilst the real combatants in steel and mail are pre-
paring for the encounter ; but, though he take no
part in the fray, he presides over the issues of the
struggle, and at the most critical moment his wand
may turn the fate of the day. It will require all the
habitual ingenuity of our French neighbours to weave
all the usual topics, which may raise a party division
or justify a party speech, into the reply to the neat
and appropriate expression of the sentiments
of the Crown with which King Louis Phi-
lippe opened his Parliament op Thursday last. A
French address has many of the propertiel of 114