The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-06 00:00:00

tent nit

LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 6, 1844.

We implore every Member of Parliament who de-
orre* io.see the commercial and monetary condition
of this country established on a prosperous and per-
Manna basis, to be in his place, in the House of
Commons, this evening. Owing to the almost
smuggled notice which was given by Sir GEORGE
CLERK (amidst the confusion of the House
breaking up after the discussion on the Budget of
the 29th ult., and the pro forma reading of the Bank
-Acts) of the Premier's intention to submit certain
resolutions touching the renewal of the Bank Char-
ter, we believe that many gentlemen are not
aware of the important business thus appointed for
to-night. On the " Vote" paper of the 29th it
stand; as No. 88 of that evening's proceedings, the
last within some eight or ten of the whole. On the
Paper of " Notices" given on the 29th, it is an entry
seasons,
o nmore prominent or discernible. For these
and because of the pertinacious taciturnity
-which Sir Ronan PEEL observed as to the intentions
of the Governmentpoit oni Friday night, after Mr. THOMAS
BARING had addressed Mr. GOULBURN on
this "subject in an earlier stage of the business, we
.are most anxious that no gentleman
fshould e be
in steunr
--
prisca, even on the first enunciation
tions, into a tacit though relucant toleration
aso n s of
of pl r o -
positions which he may find grave re
ob-
jecting to, but, because of their unexpected d
v r
develop-
ment, be unprepared to resist. It is true thate
the Chancellor of the Exchequer stated, he believeda,s,
(for it would be a pity—a deplorable inconsistency_
were any of the subordinates of a PEEL Administra-
tion to be at any time in a condition to speak out
'openly, and with certainty of the intentions of his
chief) it be not the First Lord's design to call for a
vote of the House upon the resolutions on the same
night, it is so far the less probable that any Hon.
Members will be taken by surprise in this matter.
But we have not much faith in the ingenuousness
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer's " belief," and
none at all in the reluctance of the First Lord to
4isembarrm; himself of its implied conditions, should
0, favourable opportunity present itself for snatching
tip -a vote of the House on his " Resolutions."

- —•
14°Nv, the entry on the Vote paper of the 29th,
mg thus

" 88. Bank of England Charter. Act 3 and 4
William IV., c. 98, for giving to the Corporation of
the Governer and Company of the Bank of England
Certain privileges for a limited period, under certain
restrictions—read. !Also, :seveial other Acts relating
to the Charter of the Bank of England, and advances
by them to the Government—and also to Banks and

Banking partnerships—read. Committee on Monday
next."

Those who know how utterly unintelligible and
unlistened to are the proceedings when, after the
"field-day" business—like the " Budget"—the
motion has been agreed to " that the other orders of
the day be now read"—will easily understand that
of all which is recorded in this entry, nobody but
the Speaker, Sir GEORGE CLERK, and the Clerks at
the Table, heard or knew one word at the time. And
if others had, the amount of their knowledge en the sub-
ject would have been no greater than it actually was
fur these pro forma proceeding& are like the new
gas cooking stoves. Everything is put down, no-
body sees how; shut up, nobody understands why;
cooked by fuel, nobody can tell what; and taken
out, dished and served, nobody can tell when. Now
the House of Commons' process is much the same.
Acts of all reigns are said to be read which no man has
heard, of purport and effect which no man could divine;
certain steps taken which no man is cognisant ofi
and the whole affair is finished before any man can
say it is begun. IN ext morning it is dished up in the
Votes after the fanciful fashion just quoted. It is
surprising how much matter is condensed into the
mummery of this pro forma business. A Member
moves the House into Committee, and then that a
certain order of the day be read. Mr GREENE pro-
pounds the order with a rapidity equal to that of
galvanic communication, and (may we be pardoned)
quite as unintelligible. The Clerk, taking up a
roll of paper, gravely says, " this is an Act," and
throws it under the table. The mover, who has in-
voked the sublime machinery of the Committee, and
its presiding genius, Mr. GREENE (dignus vindice
nodus), being satisfied himself,' assumes the House to be
equally satisfied, with this instructive statement. He
proceeds to move certain resolutions, which are
actually read at the table once; the Chairman then
proposes that they be read a second time, and, if there
be no opposition, the House, by a well-bred fiction,
assumes that they are read again. Then the Chair-
man proposes himself, " that he do now leave the
Chair ;" takes the sense of the Committee by pro-
posing " that they who are of that opinion say aye,
of the contrary opinion, no ;" and, because none
answer either with the one monosyllable or the
other, he concludes, on the extra-Parliamentary
axiom that "silence gives consent," that the ayes
have it ; quits his chair, walks to the door, is called
upon by Mr. Speaker in his most benign manner,
and, with modest brevity, announces that the Com-
mittee on such an order have come to certain reso-
lutions. This "fact" is recorded by the Clerk, and
printed in the votes distributed on the morrow.
Such, then, is the whole amount of what has been
preliminarily done—of what has subsequently been
made known—of the proceedings that are to lead
the business of this evening. This business is yet
more succinctly announced in the notices of motions
—"Monday, 6 May. Sir Robert Peel.—ln Commit-
tee on Bank Charter to move resolutions."

But what is there which regards the well-being of
this great empire, the integrity of its power, the
prosperity of its trade, the maintenance of its politi-
cal grandeur, the subsistence of its millions of in-
dustrial population, the payment of the wages of
their labour on a scale compatible with its value,
and, therefore, adequate to their physical sustenta-
tion, which is not involved, more or less, in the
terms upon which you will renew this charter of the
Bank ? In which of their multiplied relations are
not the security of property, the energy of trade, the
productiveness of capital, the employment of manufac-
turing and agricultural labour, the further develop-
ment of our vast but latent resources, the present main-
tenance and activity of our shipping—manufactures—
and all our staple trades, mixed up with this ques-
tion of the renewed privileges of the Bank of Eng-
land ? On what other pivot turn the sacredness of
property, the inviolability of legal title and pos-
session to all the realty and personalty of
the kingdom, but the public good faith in
the confidence of which our wealth upholds
and everywhere supplies and animates the arteries of
this mighty monarchy ; and what is the controlling,
absolute, disastrous influence which alone—except
only the decree of Providence—can endanger the ex-
istence, as it already paralyses the operations of that
wealth, if it be not the power exercised under the
charter of the Bank ? Former Governments have
done rashly, no doubt, in putting into the hands of
two dozen of private gentlemen, presiding over the
affairs of a private Corporation, this tremendous
authority, morally or politically speaking, of life and
death over the whole national community. These
Governments might plead in their excuse, however,
the pressure of frightful political exigencies, the dis-
organisation of the public revenue, the imminency of
perils from without, only to be grappled
with by the concentration of energies within,
the State. They might allege that money being the
grand lever of all action in modern times, they had
made large present sacrifices, and consented to still
more important concessions for the future, to those
who could soonest supply them with the funds in ex-
cess of those raised by public taxation, necessary for
the current services of the empire, and the wars and
the expenses in which it was involved. In all this
there might be some show of palliation for the un-
statesmanlike improvidence of confiding to private
hands the entire controland management of our mone-
tary system. But even pending the last and most
costly of those wars, the gigantic proportions of our
commerce have vastly expanded themselves. Capital
has multiplied itself under every discouragement of
taxation. The resources of our manufacturing ca-
pacity, the productive powers of our industrial la-
bour, and the still unrivalled perfection of our ma-
chinery have enlarged the amount and variety
of our commodities to an extent which
the most sanguine of speculative minds could
scarcely have anticipated. The estimated rental of
England and Wales, alone, rated this year to the poor-
rate, is 62,000,0001. per annum. The annual taxation
of the United Kingdom is not 12,000,0001. less ; and
there is a surplus of public income of more than
4,000,0001. for the current year. Yet, with these
marvellous elements of public prosperity, how hap-
pens it that the market of labour is so frightfully
overstocked, the poor-houses so fearfully crowded ?
—that of the industrial community, even that portion
which is in work is starving ; and that the manufac-
turers are unable to pay them higher wages ?—that
a surplus income of 4,000,0001. is out-balanced by
an aggregate of poor-rate for England and Wales of
upwards of 6,000,0001. ?—that pauperism, and the
crimes generated by abject poverty are on the in-
crease ?—that our manufactures and our machinery
find new competitors starting up in Europe and to '
America ?—that declining markets are coupled with
increased production ; and accumulated stocks,
so far from being put into distribution among the
classes whose labour has been most taxed and worse
paid to produce them, re-act on prices, and by lower-
ing them still further, run down diminished wages ?
—that this state of things, attributable neither. to the
avarice of masters nor to the indolence of workmen,
co-exists with the monstrous and oppressive scandal
of more than 30,000,000/. of taxes being actually paid
by the producer or half-famished artizan and labourer,
which ought to be, which were intended to be, but
which, under our existing monetary system, cannot
be paid by the consumer ? We answer, that all this
happens because the Bank of England have a charter,
in virtue of which they control the whole currency
of the country, expand or diminish the circulation,
make money scarce or plentiful, derange the plans of
the merchant and trader, disorganise private incomes,
check the salutary enterprise of trade, diffuse doubt
and suspicion among all classes, and in proportion as
they repress and distract all the operations of legiti-
mate business, encourage gambling adventure, enrich
unprincipled and merciless usury, and promote profli-
gate and reckless jobbing.
Yet our quarrel is not with the Bank. They are
but the instruments of a legislative folly. The mon-
ster mischief, under whose commission their charter
has worked these evils, is Pmt's Currency Bill of
1819. By the puerile, yet terrible, anomaly of ima-
gining an unit of measurement—in assigning, by
statute, a fixed value to the ounce of standard gold—
the total quantity of gold above ground or below,
hoarded or in circulation, coined or in bullion, being
just as fluctuating as it must be ever uncertain—the
Legislature armed the Bank with two swords. The
eonvertibility of its notes into gold on demand was
body of men,_ or individuals, might
uthsaettowhcuicth any
down the Bank into bankruptcy, whenever
mere of its notes would be brought to its count,rs
than there should be bullion in its cellars to pay
them withal. The power to issue more or

less of those notes to any extent it might fancy,
according to the cheapness or dearness of gold in the
market, was the sword with which the Bank could
cut down any body of men, or individuals, whose
operations in trade had been based on the fallacy of
supposing that the circulation at one time remained
the same as at another, and that its facilities, or the ex-
changeable value, of their securities, bills and money,
were, therefore, the same at like periods. The sad records
of the working of PEEL'S Bill, and the co-incident influ •
ences of the Bank Charter, are to be read in the Ga-
zettes of 1825, 1826, 1833, 1834, and 1838. Ancient
bankers, merchant princes, and a host of honourable
merchants and traders of minor celebrity, were lite-
rally swept out of the circle of British commerce by
the panics of those years. There is, as the City cor-
respondents of all our Morning Contemporaries, con-
firm an opinion of our own in stating every pos-
sible indication of the approach of such another
hideous crisis in 1844, if it be not arrested in time.
Let every Member of the House of Commons be
at his post this evening, animated by a determination,
if possible, to avert that crisis, so far as its approxima-
tion would be the result of continuing to the Bank
its charter on its present terms.
Whether this be intended by Government, or not,
or in what modified shape it may be proposed to
renew it, all Englishmen beyond the doors of the
Cabinet have as yet no means of judging. Again
we ask, why all this silence ? Is Sir ROBERT PEEL
afraid to give the mercantile and moneyed Members
an opportunity of considering his propositions, what-
ever they may be, before their discussion? Is it too
much to concede to the commerce and capital of the
country such a means of maturely deliberating upon—
before their representatives in Parliament commit
themselves to a single step in advancing—the scheme
on which the Ministers may be disposed to grant re-
newed privileges ? Have the public at large no reason,
from the dreadful experience of the past, to anticipate
similar results for the future, if similar causes are
to remain in operation. If they are not so to remain,
what has prevented the Right Hon. Baronet from
announcing that fact long since, and quieting the
alarms and. fears entertained by those who deprecate
his irretrievable, and, we must say, presumptuous
tampering with the currency in 1819 ? If they are
to remain—what shall we not have to fear from the
counsels of a Minister who can have been all this
time brooding over a perverse and audacious deter-
mination to re-enact those bad powers which all sen-
sible and experienced observers concur in indignantly
denouncing ? If Sir ROBERT be unjustly suspected
as to the character of his intentions, he has only him-
self to thank for the misconception. If those inten-
tions be such as they are thus suspected to be, our
entreaty to Hon. Members is at once fortified and
justified. Leave nothing, we will add, to the Right
Hon. Gentleman's further consideration in this last
event ;—but principiis übsta ! Reject his resolutions.

" There is a strong and growing feeling," says a
Whig Morning Contemporary, " that the working
classes of this country have been too much left to
themselves—that masses of population have been al-
lowed to form in the seats of our manufactures, with-
out adequate provision, or with hardly any provision,
for the education of children, the amusement, or men-
tal improvement of adults, or the healthfulness of the
localities in which their dwellings are crowded to-
gether. There is a strong feeling that, with the
means we have, the working classes are not either
physically or morally so well eff as they might
be—and that the fault is chargeable in no
small degree to the neglect of the various Govern-
ments of the last thirty or forty years. No statesman
can or ought to disregard these growing impressions."
There is much calm, sound sense, in these remarks,
though we hardly expected to have met with them in
the leading organ of the \V higs and the middle
classes. The working masses of the population have,
indeed, for years past, been treated with nearly equal
indifference by the two great contending parties of
the State ; the Tories—if we may judge from their
legislation—seem to have been almost wholly un-
conscious of their existence; while the Whigs hare
had little hesitation in sacrificing their interests to
those of the class immediately above them. Few and
faint tir'd the voices that have been raised in Parlia-
ment iiibehalf of the claims of the labouring portion of
the community. Few—miserably few and inefficient
—are the remedies that have been suggested for the
amelioration of their condition. While the middle
classes have bad station and power, and the means, in
a great degree, of controlling the Legislature, con-
ferred on them by the Reform Bill, the lower classes,
by whose agitation principally that important mea-
sure was carried, remain in the same abject, defence-
less, destitute state as ever. True, proposals for giv-
ing them the inestimable benefits of a sound, prac-
tical education, are, from time to time, brought for-
ward in the House of Commons ; but these proposals
never get beyond their first stage of discussion, for
some obstacle or other is sure to arise to
prevent them from being carried into effect. True,
a new system of poor-laws is adopted for the
express purpose of nourishing a manly spirit of
independence in the minds of the labouring classes ;
but 10, when the system begins to work, it is found,
in many of its details, to injure, oppress, and degrade
in their own estimation and in that of others, those
whom it was meant to benefit. True, a proposal is
made for limiting the hours of labour in the manu-
facturing districts, and thereby giving the overtasked
operative a chance of doing some little for himself and
his family in the way of evening instruction ; but no
sooner does the Minister set his face against
the scheme, than those who have brought
it forward, and been most zealous in its
support, take fright, and the whole thing
falls at once to the ground. Under these dis-
heartening circumstances who can wonder at the un-
deniable discontent and bitterness of the labouring
classes of the community ? Who can wonder that
they fall an unresisting prey to the acts of designing
demagogues, and hug to their breasts the flattering
delusion of the Charter? Who can wonder that the
estrangement between them and the classes
immediately above them becomes daily more
marked ; and that they regard their repre-
sentatives—or rather their nominal representatives—in
Parliament less as friends than oppressors, who have
scarcely one single sympathy in common with them ?
It is a sad mistake our rulers are making in thus
wantonly disregarding the claims of the labouring
classes, and trying experiments on their patience and
forbearance by inclosure bills—trespass acts—game-
laws—and Heaven knows how many other
vexatious enactments, whose only object is to
benefit the strong at the expense "r .h.
weak—and assist the rich to the manifest de-
triment of the poor. The evil of such partial,
one-sided legislation may not be felt in its full effects
just now, but assuredly a day of reckoning will come
—and this at no distant period—when those who
have the power will bitterly regret that they did not
exercise it in a more equitable, beneficent, and con-
siderate spirit.

The accounts from Madrid are of an alarming
character. The BRAVO Ministry have all resigned,
and General NARVAEZ is to be at the head of the
new Cabinet. This important news was conveyed to
Paris at a late hour on Saturday night, by the fol-
lowing telegraphic dispatch:—
" MADRID, MAT 2, 1844.
44 THE AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE TO THE MINISTER OF

FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

" The whole of the Ministry have resigned, and
their resignation has been accepted by the QUEEN.
General NARVAEZ has been intrusted with the forma-
tion of the new one, in which M. MIRAFLORES is to
be included.

" M. BRAVO and his colleagues have stated to her
MAJESTY that they are willing to give their support
to their successors.

" Madrid is tranquil."

The French Ambassador, 'however, or perhaps the
authorities at Madrid, have suppressed still more im-
portant news. As soon as the fact became generally
known that NAEVAEZ was to form the new Cabinet,
a panic took place on the Madrid Bourse, when the
funds fell in two days nearly 6 percent., and business
was transacted to the enormous amount of 127,600,000
reals. On the 26th ult. the Three per Cents. closed
at 36k, and on the 29th they had fallen to 30k, and
so eager were holders of this stock to get rid
of it, that sales continued after the usual period of busi-
ness, and the latest quotation was as low as 29. For
this great and rapid fall there is another good reason,
independent of the elevation of NARYAEZ, a soldier of
fortune, a " mere sabre" to the head of the Ministry.

THE Synki, LONDON, MONDAr EVENING, MAY B, 1844.

The public begin to look forard to some terrible
convulsion about Church propcy. The priests and
the military rule at the Palm; and orders, at the
instigation of the former, had een privately issued to
suspend the sale of Church proerty. Those who have '
purchased Church lands are,lerefore, in the utmost
consternation, for they believe with good reason that
they will not be allowed ti hold it undisturbed.
The " Sabre" Government wl repudiate the acts of
a Radical Cortes, and rob the.urchasers, in the same.
way that FERDINAND robbt those who had lent
money to Spain when he -vvs not absolute KING.
The Castellano endeavours o dispel the panic by
asserting that " there is no case for alarm in the idea
of giving back the unsold proerty to the clergy, and
that there is no intention of aterfering with existing
interests ; that the question one which ought to be
considered calmly, and uporits own merits. It re-
minds the public that pylons to the pronun-
ciamentos of 1840 the Crtes had passed a law
which the Crown had sectioned, by which the
property of the secular clrgy had been assigned
to them as a part of the provision designed for
them by the State, together with 4 per cent. upon
agricultural produce in plac, of the tithe—that this
law was indeed upset by the famous mutiny or pro-
nunciamento, as it was caled, of 1840, the Cortes
which followed having done everything exactly con-
trary to their predecessors but that now a reaction
had taken place in the pubic mind; that some of the
juntas formed last year aginst ESPARTRRO had sus-
pended the sales of Churchproperty ; and it says the
question now is, Wll it be just, politic,
and convenient, to give back to the secular
clergy the property cf which it was de-
spoiled, and which is not yet sold ?'" It replies
to this query in the affirmative, while, at the same
time, it alludes also to the restoration of the whole
property, on me present FUSsamterct being indemnified.
The possessors and the public evidently have not much
hope of indemnification. We have no accounts from
the provinces of the effects produced by these two
events, but there can be no doubt that they will pro-
duce a great convulsion, and that some new scenes of
hprror will be enacted in that distracted and helpless
Altiuntry. The French Government have incurred a
fearful responsibility by sending CHRISTINA, NAR.
VAEZ, and other firebrands, to destroy the Constitu-
tion, and lay waste the kingdom.

The Paris papers of Saturday have been received,
but W 3 find nothing in them .of importance. The
discussion in Committee on the Prisons' Bill con•
tinued, and twelve clauses had been adopted.
The Peers were still occupied with the Education
Bill. In the Chamber of Deputies on Saturday, a
petition was presented from certain operatives of
Paris, for the abolition of negro slavery in the
French colonies ; and, after an interesting debate, was
referred to the Minister of Marine. From the re-
marks made by M. Guizor and Admiral MACKAU,
we learn, that the Government intended to abolish
slavery, but not all at once, and that it would be
necessary to prepare the slaves for freedom during
some years before total emancipation.
The funds continued firm. On Saturday the
Three per Cents. closed at 84f. 55c., and the Fives
at 122 f.

THE BOURSE-TUESDAY, MAY 2.

First Highest Lowest Last

Price. Price. Price. Price.
French Five per Cents." 121 75 • • 121 75 .. 121 65 .. 121 70
Four per Cents. lO6 80 .. 106 80 .. 106 80 .. 106 80
Three per Cents 84 20 .• 84 45 .. 84 20 .. 84 45
Bank of France. 3090 ..3090 • 3090 ..3090
Laflitte Bank, I,ooof. Sharesll67 50 ..1167 50 ..1167 50 ..1167 50
5,000 f. Sharessls7 50 • • 5157 50 ..5157 50 ..5157 50
Belgian:Bank 1841 1110 ..1115 ..1110 ..1115
Belgian Fives, 1831 1031 • • 1031 .. 1031 .. 103 f
1840 lO5l .. 106 1051 .. 106
1842 lOBl .. 1081 .. 1081. .. 1081
Dutch Two-and-a-Half... • 6ll .. 611 .. 611 • • 611
Spanish Active . • 321 .. 32: .. 321 • . 321
Threes
Passive .
New Deferred l4l .. 14/ .. 14 .. 14
_ _

Old Deferred • ..... 7 .• 7- • • 7 • • 7
Portuguese Five per Cents.. 45 .. 45 .. 45 .. 45
Neapolltan• •• • •• • .. 102 .. 102 .. 101 85 .. 101 86
Roman • ..... 106* .. 1066 .. 1061 • . 1086
RAILWAY SHARES.

Veralea A. 8.. .
L. 8... •• .. 250 . • 256 25 . • 250 • . 256 25
Rouen ..
Rouen to Harre•• •••• •••• •• 725 .. 732 50 .. 725 .. 732 50
Orleans..
972 50 .. 972 50 .. 972 .. 972 50

Strasburg to Bale .. 271 25 .. 275
Avignoa to Marseilles...—. 765 .. 770

.. 271 25 .. 275
.. 765 .. 770

RAILWAY SHARES, FOR THE ACCOUNT.
Versailles, L.B. • •• • ... 245 .. 260 • • 245 . • 257 50
Rouen . . 965 .. 972 50 .. 965 . 972 50
Rouen to Havre.......... . 730 .. 735 .. 728 75 .. 733 75
Orleans
Strasburg to Bale.
Avignoa to Marseilles— •• •• 766 25 . 77150 .. 766 25 .. 772 50

Tna Inisu STATE TitlALs.—The arguments of
counsel in support if a new trial came to a close on
Friday, when the Attorney-General was heard in re-
ply on the part of the Crown. The Right Hon.
Gentleman was to resume his argument at two o'clock
on Saturday. The Repeal Association held a meet-
ing on Friday, but the proceedings were not of any
interest. The amount of the repeal rent for the week
was 1101.

THIS DAY'S NEWS.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-(THIS DAY.)
The House sat to-day to hear appeals. The Peers present
were the Lord Chancellor, Lord Brougham, Lord Cottenham,
and Lord Campbell.
THE MARQUIS OF WATERFORD v. KNIGHT.
The arguments in this appeal, the facts of which we have
already:given in detail, were resumed, and occupied the Howe
the whble of the morning.

VICE-CHANCERY.-(THIS DAY).
The Vice-Chancellor of England sat to-day itt ten o'clock,
but in consequence of the absence of Mr. Bethel!, who was
engaged in the House of Lords, ,the Court rose before eleven
o'clock, having nothing to proceed with.

QUEEN'S BENCH.-(THIS DAY).
CUSTOMS FRAVDS.—TITHIEE
QQuIJEEEN v
Eti V.. BLA L
MOTTKRAM AND WILLIAMS—
The defendants in these cases bad been convicted of con-
spiracy to defraud the revenue of certain Custom-house duties
payable on the importation of certain French goods. The
defendants Mottram and Williams had been importers of
silks, gloves, flowers, Sze. The defendant Blake,had been a
landing-waiter. The parties were severally under recog-
nizances to come up for judgment.
Mr. JERVIS moved that the recognizances in all these
cases should be continues( till next term.—Application granted.

THE QUEEN V. BENT.
The defendant in this case was a broker, and had been
convicted of appropriating to his own use certain sums of
money which had been entrusted to him to effect an insur-
ance on certain goods shipped for Texas. He was called up
for judgment early in the term, but did not appear.
Mr. WARREN applied to have the recognizances of the de-
fendant and his sureties estreated.
Lord DENMAN having looked over the affidavits, refused
the application on the ground that the service of notice on
the sureties had been insufficient.

EXCHEQUER COURT-THIS pAY

JOHNSON AND WIFE V. MORLEY.
This was an action brought by the plaintiffs in forma paw
neris, to recover compensation in damages for false imprison
meat.

Mr. LEE, for the plaintiffs, said that his client occupied
part of a house of the defendant in 'Warren-street, Fitzroy-
square, where he carried on the business of hair-dresser. lie
entered in January, 1843, and, in March of the present rear,
having neglected to pay his rer t, a distress was put in. 1 hree
arra.• thin. nn the 25th. the dannacint caino into the chop
with a policeman, into whose custody he committed Mrs.
Johnson, for having removed a stove. The plaintiff pointed
to the stove, which had been put into the shop to replace
another which the defendant had removed, but Morley per-
sisted in arresting her. She was accordirgly taken to the
Albany-street Police-office, where the inspector dismissed the
case, expressing his belief that no felony had been commit-
ted. The defendant, not yet satisfied, returned with plain-
tiff, still in custody, and assured himself that the stare was
his own.
Mr. HUMFREY appeared for the defendant, who pleaded not
gnilty.
Baron GußxEr, in summing up, remarked that the de-
fendant had failed to make such a concession as would have
excluded the action, and holed the jury would give such a
verdict as would protect the plaintiff from being taxed with
felony.
The jury gave a verdict for the plaintiff—Damages 5/,
(Sittings in Banco.)
Motions to have conditional rules made absolute occupied
the Court during the day; but they were not of a nature to
call for particular notice.