The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-05 00:00:00

FRIDAY -,VENI3 Ny DECEMBER 5 1845.

. ..
i EAST LINCOLNSHIRE RAILWAY.
The Shareholders are informed that the Plans, Sections, and
IBooks of Reference have been duly deposited at the Board of Trade,
and with the several Clerks of the Peace, in conformity with the
standing orders of Parliament.
By order,
THONiAS REYNOLDS, Secretary.
Offices, 7, Lothbury, Dec. 2, 1845.
--

SOUTH MIDLAND and SOUTHAMPTON
JUNCTION RAILWAY.
Offices, No. 3, Princes-street, Westminster, Dec. 4, 1845.
The Committee of Management have much pleasure in stating
that the Plans, Sections, and Books of Reference have be, n deposited
with the Board of Trade ard the Clerks of the Peace for the counties
through which the line will pass, and that arrangements are in pro-
gress for an amalgamation with the only other competing project, so
as to avoid the expense and risk of a Parliamentary contest.
By order, WILLIAM BURGESS, Secretary.

OXFORD, THAME, HIGH WYCOMBE,
AND UXBRIDGE JUNCTION RAILWAY.
The Committee of Management have the satisfaction of stating
that the Plans, Sections, and Books of Reference have been duly
deposited at the office of the Board of Trade, and with the Clerks of
the Peace of the counties of Oxford, Bucks, and Middlesex, as re-
quired by the standing orders of PHUBarliament.
ERT DE BURGH, Chairman.
R. MORTON CALEY, Secretary.
43, Moorgate-street; London, Dec. 4, 1845.

lOSTON, NEWARK,AY AND SHEFFIELD
The Committee of Direction beg to inform the shareholders that
the Plans and Books of Reference of the line were duly lodged with
the Board of Trade and with the Clerks of the Peace on the 30th
ult., but in consequence of the fraudulent abstraction of twenty sheets
of the Sections from the premises of the Lithograper (a fact which
the Committee are in a position to substantiate, and for the discovery
of the perpetrator of which felonious proceeding they have taken the
most decisive steps), the Sections, though deposited at the Board
of Trade, were a few hours too late at the offices of the Clerks of the
Peace ; they were, however, deposited before office hours on the
following morning.
The Committee feel confident that no impediment to the progress
of the Bill will arise from this delay, the case of the Sheffield aid
Lincolnshire Railway last session affording, from the exact similarity,
a decisive president for insuring the safety of the Bill in the standing
orders.
With the exception of about 500 reserved shares, the full deposit
of 10 per teat. has been paid on the capital, of which 100,0001. has
been invested at 3% per cent. interest, and 19,000/. at 3 per cent.
The Sections will be found, on inspection, to show an excellent
line, with favourable gradients, and very • little earth-work or tun-
nelling for the length of the line. The landowners, whose property
the railway traverses, are all but unanhnously favourable, and the
Committee feel undiminished confidence in the ultimate success of the
undertaking. By order,
JOHN DENNISTON, Secretary.
Mansfield, December 3, 1845.

ON and MANCHESTER,
IN and MANCHESTER INDE-
NIES.

THE DIRECT LONDI
and the DIRECT LOICDO
PENDENT RAILWAY COMPAI
PROVISIONAL DIRECTORS
Direct London and Manchester Direct London and Manchester
Railway Company Independent Railway Company
John Dillon, Esq. Colonel the Hon. L. Stanhope
A. Caldecott, Esq. D. Ainsworth, Esq.
W. Cash, Esq. John Brooks, Esq.
J. W. Deacon, Esq. M. T. Bass, Esq.
John Gladstone, Esq. Major Croft
Richard Hopper, Esq. Jeremiah Clarke, Esq.
Mr. Alderman Hooper R. W. Johnson, Esq.
William Lawrence, Esq. J. J. Keene, Esq.
Mr. Alderman Sidney William King, Esq.
Thomas Shepperson, Esq. G. P. Livius, Esq.
William White, Esq. H. Wardle, Esq.
J. S. Wells, Esq. Major Waller.
The Provisional Directors of the two Companies hereby inform
their respective Shareholders that, agreeab'y to the arrangement
made between their respective Provisional Directors, the Plans,
Sections, and Books of Reference have been duly deposited, for an
appl cation to Parliament in the next Session by the Direct London
and Manchester Railway Company on behalf of both Companies.
They insert this Advertisement jointly, to correct an erroneous
impression, which they have been led to believe exists, that the
Companies are proceeding as competitors, and not, as the fact is,
concurring in one and the same application, and seeking the same
line and objects at one expense only.
JOHN DILLON, Chairman.
ANDREW CALDECOTT,
LEICESTER STANHOPE, '''Pu`•"‘"nairmen.
Secretary to the Direct
SIDNEY M. HAWKES, / London and Manchester
Railway Company.
Secretary to the Direct
HENRY W. MATTHEWS, London and Manchester
Independent Railway
Company.
48, Meorgate-street, Dec. 4, 1845.

NEWCASTLE-UPON-TYNE, EDIN-
BURGH, and DIRECT GLASGOW JUNCTION RAIL-
WAY, with a Branch by the North Tyne to nexharn.
Capital, 1,500,0001., in 75,000 Shares of 201. each.
Deposit, 21. 2s. per Share.
(Provisionally Registered, pursuant to 7 and 8 Vic., cap. 110.)

PROVISIONAL COMMITTEE.
Sir Charles M. L. Alonck, Bart., Belsay Castle, Northumberland
Saville C. H. Ogle. Esq., M.P., Kirkley•hall, Northumberland
William Henry Charleton, Esq. Hesleyside, Northumberland
Robert Charleton, Esq. Lee-hall, Northumberland
Thomas Cookson, Esq. Swinburn Castle, Northumberland
Mr. John Crawford, paper manufacturer, Warden, Northumberland
Mr. Edw. Campion, Iron manufacturer, Hareshaw Ironworks, North-

umberland - -
Ralph Wm. Grey, Esq. Chipchase Castle, Northumberland
Mr. John Green, Iron manufacturer, Ridsdale Ironworks, Iforthum-

berland
Mr. Wm. Grace, Saltwick, Northumberland
J. Haggerston, Esq. Reedemouth, Northumberland
Nicholas Maughan, Esq. Newbrough-lodge, Northumberliutd
Charles Atticus Monck, Esq. Humshaugh, Northumberland
Thomas James, Esq., Otterburn Tower, Northumberland
Mr. W. R. Rayne, paper manufacturer, Haughton, Northumberland
Smith Stobart, Esq. banker, Hexham Abbey, Northumberland
Captain R. Jobling, Newton-hall, Northumberland
Rev. Wm. Kell, rector of Corsenside, Northumberland
W. C. Trevelyan, jun. Esq. Topsham, Devon
Sir John Fife, Knt. Newcastle-upon-Tyne
Mr. Thomas Gray, tobacco manufacturer, Newcastle-upon-Tyne
Mr. Charles Rayne, merchant, Newcastle-upon-Tyne
Mr. Henry Glynn, C.E. Nowcastle-upon-Tyne
Mr. Win. Anderson, jun. coal-owner, Newcastle-upon-Tyne
Mr. Win. Hunter, collier reviewer, Newcastle-upon-Tyne
Mr. John Coulson, Newcastle-upon-Tyne
Mr. Alexander George Gray, merchant, Newcastle-upon-Tyne
Captain John Kelly, Newcastle-upon-Tyne
T. C. Grauger, Esq. M.P. Durham
Andrew White, Esq. Tunstal-lodge, Sunderland
Richard White, Esq. Thorney-close, Sunderland
A. J. Moore, Esq. Hill house, Sunderland
Mr. Michael Brown, merchant, Sunderland
Hugh Dixon, Esq. manufacturer, Sunderland
Thomas Bell, Esq. alkali manufactory, South Shields
Mr. Joshua Greene, merchant, Gateshead
William Hymen, Esq. J.P. Gateshead
Sir Thomas Dick Lauder, Bart., Grange and Fountain-hall
C. Craigie Hackett, Esq. Lawhill
John Dick Lauder, Esq. jun. Grange and Fountain-hall
Andrew Wilkie, Esq. one of the magistrates of Edinburgh
William Girdwood, Esq. magistrate of Leith
Robert Laurie, Esq. merchant, Leith
Min Anderson, Esq. jun., merchant, Edinburgh
John Gibson, Esq. provost of Lanark
Thomas Brownlie, Esq. Convener Trade-house, Glasgow
William Bankier, Esq. provost of Caltons, Glasgow
James Wolfe Murray, Esq. St. Andrew's, Fife
Walter Calverley Trevelyan, Esq., Wallington, Northumberland
William Oliver Rutherford, Esq., of Edgerton, sheriff of the county
of Roxburgh
(With power to add to their number).
BANKERS.

London—Messrs. Glyn and Co.
Newcastle-uPon-Tyne—Northumhorland and Durham District Bank.
ENGINEER-IN-CHIEF—John Miller, Esq., C.E., Edinburgh.
Local, ENGINEERI—MeSSTS. John and Benjamin Green.
soraciToas.
Mr. John Brown, and Messrs. Laws and Glynn, Newcastle-up
Messrs. Prichard and Collette, 57, Lincoln's Inn-fields, London.on-Tyne.

LOCAL AGENTS.
Mr. C. R. Sinclair, S.S.C., 11, South-bridge, Edinburgh
Messrs. J. and R. Gibson, Ilexham
Messrs. Strang, Yuile, and Keydon, writers, Glasgow
Mr. William Blackwood, Banker and Solicitor, Peebles
Mr. Simon Scott, writer, Jedburgh
Mr. George Oliver, writer, Hawick
Messrs. Curls and Erskine, writers, Melrose.
PARLIAMENTARY AGENTS.
Messrs. Spottiswoode and Robertson, Great George-street, London.
SECRETARY —Mr. James Potts.
Offices of the Company, 11, Eldon-square, Newcastle-upon-Tyne.
• Applications for prospectuses and shares to be made to the sell.
citors, and to the fallowing
brokers :—Messrs. Warburton and Co.,
Central Exchange, Market-street, Newcastle-unon-Tyne ; Messrs.
Tucker, Barnett, and Ellis, 11, Birchin-lane, London ; Robert Allan,
Esq., Messrs. Pillans and Home, and Anthony Shiels, Esq., Edin-
burgh; Messrs. M'Ewin and Auld, Glasgow; Messrs. William
Reynolds and Sons, and Messrs. D. and J. B. Neilson,
Liverpool; Messrs. Alsop and Son, Hull ; Messrs. Beaumont
and Williamson, Leeds ' - Messrs. Robertson and Bates, and
Messrs. Thomas Cardwell and Sons, Manchester ; Mr. J. R. Lane,
Birmingham ; Messrs. Walmsley, Woodhead, and Co.. Bradford ;
Me:ers. Low and Tunstal, Bristol; Messrs. Wm. Moore and Co.,
Huddersfield ; Mr. J. N. Balme, Gloucester ; Mr. W. Pollard, Lin-
,e,o, ;
ell a
n 3
df ess
Davis,r s.
Halifaxbtt rt on; a nmdr C.
Tr o. s
as I.a nd ,
Maynard,Shefl eld
Durham; s s Ilell
Messrs.i
Dills and Allason, and Mr. W. I. Barker, Sunderland; Mr. Wm.
Davison, Alnwick ; Mr. T. Glover, South Shields ; Mr. John Hurst,
Louth ; Mr. Jos. Nelson, Settle ; Mr. John Sturrocßerwic k, jun., Dundee ;
Mr. Jas. Ross, Perth; and Mr. Walker. Thompson, k.
FORM OF APPLICATION FOR SHARES.
To the Provisional Committee of the Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Edin-
burgh, and Direct Glasgow Junction Railway, with a Branch by
the North Tyne to Hexham.
Gentlemen,--I request that you will allot to me
shares of 201. each in this Company, and I undertake to accept the
same, and to pay the deposit thereon, or upon any less number that
may be allotted to me ; and I also undertake to execute the Par-
liamentary Contract and Subscribers' Agreement when required.
Trade or Profession (if any) .... • ... •• ..
Place of Business .. • • •
Reference ••• • • •••• • • • •
Address of Referee •• .• •••• • • • . .
Date of Application •• .. •••• • • • • .• • • .• •
• ALLOCATION OF SHARES.
The Committee of Management have now the satisfaction to in-
form the subscribers and the public that the Plans, Sections, and
Books of References of this undertaking have been completed, and de-
posited in compliance with the standing orders of the two Houses of
Parliament, which will enable them to apply for an Act in the en-
suing session ; and they hereby give notice, that no Application for
Shares will be received after the 15th of December, and that the
allotment will he made as soon after that date as possible.
The Committee have much pleasure in stating that the result of
their surveys is such as completely to answer the objections which
have been made to their line in varions quarters, and that they are
confirmed in the opinion which they at first held, that the line would
be of easy formation, and that the tunnel through the Carter would
not exceed one mile and a quarter in length.
By order, . _

CIIARCES ATTICUS MONCK, Chairman
JAMES POTTS, Secretary.
ORlces of the Company, 11, Eldon-square,
Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Nov. 29, 1845.
At a MEETING of LANDOWNERS, held November 10, 1345, al
Belsay Castle Inn, the following resolution was adopted :-
6. We, the undersigned, landowners on and near the line of railway
proposed to be made by a Company calling itself the Newcastle-on-
TylIP, Edinburgh, and Direct Glasgow Railway, with a branch to
II exliam, having considered the proposed line, and explained with Mr.
3lonck, the Chairman of the Managing Committee of the said Railway
Company, are of opinion that the proposed line of railway, both in
its main line and in i b
itranchwill ,
pass, will
and to be benoureficoalin boestates,th to thine lineaf-
of countrythrough which w
fording the shortest and easiest communication between Glasgow,
Edinburgh, and Newcastle-upon-Tyne, and in opening out to use the
lime and other minerals which may be now lying unwrought in our
lands. We are of opinion, therefore, that the projectors of the pro-
ova line ought and ave our consent and support, subject to such
posed lone
in regto all private and personal interests as is usual in
such cases."
Belsay Castle Inn, Nov. 10, 1845
(Signed) John E. Swinburne.
Chas. M. L. Monck.
Thos. Anderson,.
Thos. Atkinson llarle.
John Forster
W. D. Dent.

F. G. Ellison (for Ralph Bates,

. -
Esq.)
J. S. Ogle.
Thomas James.
R. C. Askew, for self and the
Misses Davidson.

P I LUL ES VEGETALES, TONIQUEs.
APERITIVES D'EUDE, a l'asage des Familles.--EUDE'S
VEGETABLE, TONIC APERIENT FAMILY PILLS, one trial
will prove to be the most valuable medicine of modern times.
Their extraordinary efficacy has been fully tested in affections of the
head, liver, and stomach, in rheumatism, gout, cough, with pain and
Ighthess at the chest, tie, constipation, piles, obstructions, &c.
In
consumption it. is the most valuable tonic-aperient known, not con-
fining the bowels afterwards, as every other aperient does,
Depot, 73, Great Titchfield-street, London, :Did 23, Place Vendome,
Paris. Price Is. Ii d. and 2s. 9d. per box. The poor will e supplied
with a portion of the medicine gratis, at the depot, 73, beGa Titch-
field-street every Saturday morning, at Ten.—Forwarded to any
part of the thre kingdoms (fro on receipt of Is. and two penny
stomps.

BRANDY AND CAPSULES.-Mr. BETTS
(the late firm of J. T. BETTS and CO.), Patent Brandy
Distiller, 7, Smithfield Bars, feels it due to himself and the public to
state, that the Manufacture of the PATENT BRANDY WAS not,
and never has been known to any person except to himself and one
of his sons. And that be was succeeded in the business of the Dis-
tillery, 7, Smithfield Bars, his sons, J. T. BETTS, jun., and CO.,
on his retiring therefrom, in 1843.
Mr. BETTS further states, that he is the sole Patentee, manufac-
turer. and vendor of the Metallic Capsule, (or solid metal covering
for the mouths of bottles), that no other Brandy in England, except
BETTS'S PATENT BRANDY, is thereby protected; the Patent
Metallic Capsule if, therefore, applied to any other Brandy, must
have been surreptitiously obtained.
Metallic Capsule Manufactury, 1, Wharf--road, City-road.

TIETTS'S PATENT BRANDY, certified by the
Faculty of England to be the purest spirit, and guaranteed
by the Patent Metallic Capsules, embossed "Betts's Patent Brandy,
7, Smithfield-bars," is sold at 3s. Gd., bottle included, by the most
respectable dealers, lists of whom may be obtained at the Distillery,
where quantities of not less than two gallons, in bulk or bottles, are
supplied. Addres.4,'.7, Smithfield-bars.

ROYA L POLYTECHNIC INSTITUTION,
A Lecture on the PREVALENT DISEASE in POTATOES,
and the Means of extracting the Starch as an Article of Food, will
be delivered by Dr. Ryan, daily, at Half-past Three, and on the
Evenings of Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, at Nine
o'clock, Professor Bachoffner's varied Lectures, with expe-
riments, in one of which he clearly explains the principle of
the ATMOSPHERIC RAILWAY, a model of which is at work Daily.
Mr. Demme, the celebrated Flutist, accompanied by Dr. Wallis on
the Pianoforte, will perform a DUET CONCERTANTE, and after-
wards a favourite FANTASIA, at Three o'Clock on Tuesdays, Thurs-
days, and Saturdays. Ooleman's NEW AMERICAN LOCO-
MOTIVE ENGINE, for as:ending and descending Inclined Planes.
A magnificent COLLEC PION of MODELS of TROPICAL FRUITS.
A new and very beatulibl series of DISSOLVING VIEWS. New
OPTICAL INSTRUMENTS, &c. Experiments with the DIVER
and DIVING BELL, &c &c. _ _ _ . _

Admission: One Shilling. Schools, Iffalf-price.

FREE TRADE MEETINGS.

EDINBURGH, TUESDAY. —To day at one o'clock, in pur-
suance of a numerously signed requisition of the citizens of
Edinburgh, a public meeting was held in the Music-hall,
George-street, " to consider the propriety of memorialising
her Majesty to direct her Ministers to give orders that the
ports of the United Kingdom be immediately and perma-
nently opened for the admission of foreign grain and provi-
sions free of duty." The hall was crowded to excess, and
many persons were unable to gain admittance. On the plat-
form we observed Lord Dalmeney, Mr. T. B. Macaulay,
M.P. ; Mr. W. G. Craig, M.P.; Sir James Gibson Craig, Sir
Thomas Dick Lauder, Sir Charles Napier, M.P. ; Mr. David
Orr Ross, M.P. for Belfast; Mr. Andrew Rutherford, M.P.
for Leith ; the Lord Provost of Glasgow, &c. The Lord Pro-
vost of Edinburgh was called to the chair.:
The LORD PROVOST, on rising, was received with much
applause. He said, before commencing the regular proceed-
ings of the day, allow me to make some explanation regard-
ing the present meeting. First, then, it may be asked why
Edinburgh, which used to give the tone to other cities, has
so long delayed on the present emergency? I may re-
mind you that the Town-council, more than a month ago,
petitioned her Majesty that the ports might be imme-
diately and permanently opened for the admission of
foreign grain' free of duty ; and such of you as think the
reports of the proceedings of the town-council worth looking
at may have observed that a fortnight ago a question was
put to me why no public meeting had been called for this
purpose. I then stated that I understood that a requisition
was in course of signature and that when I received it I
would call the meeting.—(Applause.) From accidental cir-
cumstances some delay took place in completing the requisi-
tion ; but knowing that it was sure to appear, I immediately
communicated with our excellent representative, Mr. Gibson
Craig, who at once said he would be happy to attend the
meeting, and do what he could to promote its object.—(Ap-
plause.) I likewise wrote to Mr. 'Macaulay on the 20th of
last month, who I am happy to see here, requesting his pre-
sence at the intended meeting, when he wrote me, that from
the delicate state of his health and other hindrances, he
might not be able to come to Edinburgh, but if he did not,
he would send his views in a letter, which might be read to
the meeting, as he was convinced that there was no safety
but in complete free-trade in articles of food.—(Cheers.)
think it necessary to mention these facts to show that this
meeting was called from a conviction of the importance of
the object, and independently of any other exciting cause.
Before proceeding, I may likewise state that I have received,
since I came into this room, a letter from one who is held in
high estimation by all who know him. I refer to Dr. dial-
mers.—(Great applause.) He wrote as follows :
" Momingside, Dec. 2.
"My Lord,—l have been honoured by the presentation of
a platform ticket for the meeting of this day in the Music-hall.
" Had I been in the habit of attending public meetings, I
should certainly have been present at the meeting of this
day, and have lifted my feeble testimony in favour of its
object.
"I hold it quite monstrous that, in the present fearful
prospects of the country, the ports should remain shut for
a single day against the admission of human food; and,
though I am not so sanguine as many of a great and per-
manent economic good to result from the abolition of the
corn-laws, yet, on the ground that such a measure would
remove a topic of agitation and conflict, and so tend to the
restoration of a better understanding among the various
classes of society, I should rejoice, not only if all restrictions
were now taken off for the sake of the present emergency,
but if, from this time forward, they were exclusively done
away. I have the honour to be, &c.,
"THOMAS CHALMERS.
"The Right Hon. the Lord Provost of Edinburgh."
--(Applause.) I may likewise state that I wrote to another,
in whose judgment and integrity the inhabitants of Edin-
burgh have the utmost reliance—l allude to Lord Dunferm-
line —(Cheers.) You testified your confidence in him on the
first opportunity you had of electing your own representa-
tive in Parliament, and during the period that he held that
trust, your confidence in him continued unshaken. That
relation between us has now ceased, but his anxiety for our
welfare is unabated, and I know that your confidence in him
remains undiminished. He could not conveniently attend,.
but has sent me the following letter, which, with your leave,
I will now read:—

" Collinton, Dec. 1.
" Dear Lord Provost,—My disinclination to attend public
meetings is so well known to you and others that I adhere to
my purposes without any fear that my motives will be mis-
construed by you, or by such of my old friends and former
constituents as may have wished for my presence at the
meeting over which you are to preside.
"If I had attended the meeting I do not think that I
should have had anything to retract or explain. The early
tendency of my opinions has been sufficiently indicated by
my votes against the Corn Bill in 1815, and by the vote
which I gave in 1833, as one of the Members for Edinburgh,
when Mr. Hume tested the opinion of. the first Reform Par-
liament by proposing a fixed duty on corn. I should not,
therefore, have rested my opinion in the:present apprehension
of scarcity, but in a firm conviction:that free-trade in corn is
essential to the
.prosperity of the country.
" I should rejoice to see sectarian differences in politics
and in religion merged in a combined effort to support and
enforce the truths which have been diffused by those who
have devoted themselves with unexampled zeal and ability
to the exposure of the evils of the corn-laws.
" The power of acting as umpire between' the contending
parties in the State has, by the change in the law, been con-
ferred on the constituencies, if they choose to exercise it;
and an appeal is now made to the public at a most critical
conjuncture, and on a vital question. The alternatives are
either to repeal the corn-laws, or to prepare for a most
arduous and perilous conflict. Such an appeal ought to be
answered with firmness and deliberation, casting aside all
party and personal feelings, and looking only to the public
welfare and to the natural safety.— lam &c.
" DUNFERMLINE."
(Great applause.) I can add nothing to the sound and libe-
ral sentiments of this enlightened statesman. I have been
honoured with the enviable advantage of his friendship and
counsel, and have had occasion to know that such have long
been his views, and that his anticipations always were that
the principles of free trade must triumph.—(Cheers.) I con-
gratulate you that in surveying the battle-field we now see
the ranks of monopoly broken—many of their troops have
already turned their back—defeat, disunion, and disorder
have filled the rest with consternation, while we are encou-
raged by the prospect of victory, and strengthened by daily
accessions of new allies and a phalanx of invincibles.—
(Cheers.) Such is the power of the truth. At first it may
be launched by an obscure individual, then the few who
adopt it are stigmatised as enthusise.ts, fanatics, anddreaming
theorists; still its converts increase, its encounters become
more keen, its struggles more frequent and severe, till its final
triumph is achieved.—(Cheers.) How many arguments
which they considered incontrovertible were brought forward
by the men of the sliding-scale, and how long were they
allowed to pass current, true as holy writ, among a prejudiced
multitude ?—(Cheers.) It was confidently :affirmed that
free trade in corn would leave us at the mercy of our
enemies. Issue was joined upon this question, and it was
proved, that so far from our being exposed to the dangers
and calamities of war by free trade, free trade was the
strangest bond of security for the maintenance of peace, and
the true source of good fellowship and'national prosperity.—
(Great cheering.) Another shadow of an argument was
conjured up in the shape of the national debt, it being
affirmed that the burden was chiefly borne by the land, but
new light was brought to bear on the subject ; it was found
that the burden fell not on the land, but chiefly on the landless,
who thus had the double infliction of a heavy national debt
and the unnatural enchancement of the price of provisions.
Again it was glibly asserted that a larger share of the
national taxation was laid upon the agriculturists than on
the other classes, but when challenged to the proof, it was
demonstrated that, so far from this being the case, the Le-
gislature had exempted them from their fair share, which
consequently increased the proportion that fell upon the other
classes.—(Cheers.) Then it was attempted to excite the
jealousies of the working classes, by insinuating that the ob-
ject of the free traders in procuring cheap food was to lower
the rate of wages. A reference to experience, however, has
shown that in this country high wages are more frequently
found in connexion with cheap food, and low wages with
dear food.—(Loud cheers.) There is no doubt that the
corn-laws were framed with the view of benefiting the
landlords and agriculturists, but the vigorous intellect
and logical reasoning of Mr. Cobden have proved, beyond
dispute, that even here they have failed of that object, that
under their operation the agricultural labourer has been
ground to the dust, the farmer has been reduced to a
wretched vassalage, and the landlord himself has been a
sufferer in the end.—(Cheers.) The God of all the families
of the earth, by the wise and beneficent arrangements
'of his providence, designed that the ties of universal bro-
therhood should be maintained and strengthened by the
wants of each, rendering them dependent on all; for this
purpose he has given a variety of climate, a variety of pro-
ducts, and a diversity of seasons, that all should be bound
together in the circle of mutual commerce. Legislators
vainly imagined that they could devise a better arrange-
ment, but when man attempts to improve on the plan of his
Creator, his wisdom is folly his power impotence, and the
result misery.—(Cheers.) Thoroughly have the monopolists
been foiled in the field of argument, all the refugees of lies
have been swept away, defence after defence has been aban-
doned, they have sullenly retreated to their citadel, their
guns have been silenced, their ammunition spent, and their
surrender is near. In the words of the noble statesman,
whose letter has diffused joy and hope in the midst of gloom
and apprehension, " Let us then unite to put an end to a
system which has been proved to be the blight of commerce,
the bane of agriculture, the source of bitter divisions among
classes, the cause of penury, fever, mortality, and crime
among the people.—(Great applause.) Now that Lords John
Russell, and Morpeth, and Howick, join heart and hand with
Villiers and Cobden, and the host of free-traders, who can
doubt that victory is certain and at hand ?—(Cheers.) I
have only further to state, that the different resolutions, will
be moves) by gentiemen who have ever been ready to join in
every good work.—(Cheers)
Mr. WILLIAM GIBSON CRAIG, M.P., rose amidst great
cheering, and said—My Lord Provost, I can assure you
that I second this resolution with the most perfect cor-
diality. But, Gentlemen, before proceeding to make any re-
marks upon the resolution itself, I must refer to a matter
personal to myself, as some communication has been a
to by my excellent friend who has just sat down, 70111richmit
was stated by him that the reply either ot: lf
bonoura4le colleague did not give perfect satisfaction.e I am
so anxious to satisfy you that my course leas been consistent,
and that you should believ
en at the re that I am
isk acting
braking up old
con-
scientious motives, th at, ev
sores for a moment, I beg very briefly and in a few sen-
of the opinions I have expressed on
tenses to remind you
and of the course I have taken in
this important question,
Parliament upon it.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, when the Anti=
Corn-law League was established in this city some years
ago, I then declined to become a member, because at that
moment ray opinion was that the substitution of a low fixed
law, would be the most
duty for what was then the existing

beneficial arrangement for all the great interests of the
country; but at the same time I stated that 1 should so in-
finitely prefer the abolition of all duty whatsoever to the
existence of the sliding-scale, that I should vote upon every
occasion for every motion which had for its object the repeal
of the existing laws.—(Loud cheers.) But, Gentlemen, I
reserved to myself the power of judging what were the cir-
cumstances under which any measure proposed should appear
to me the most preferable array ,'-nient. Under that reserva-
tion I have voted for several sessions past •, for I have voted
for every motion whether brought forward by Mr. Villiers
or any other, for the total abolition of the corn-laws. In
reply to the last communication which was ;.eat me from the
Anti-Corn-law League, I stated that I was quite aware of the
progress of the question, that I was well aware the moment
for compromise was passing away, and that if through the
infatuation of the landed interest no arrangements were to be
completed, the necessity of settling the question within a
very short period was impressed so strongly upon my mind,
that I should abandon all idea of any compromise on the
principle of a fixed duty.—(Cheers.) That is the progres-
sive course which I have taken. The period I have alluded
to has passed away ; and the time is now come when I can
cordially and entirely agree in the words of the Noble Lord,
the Member for London, that it is no longer worth while con-
tending for a fixed duty—nay, more, that the exigencies of
the present period demand that the bold and decided course
should be taken of opening the ports. '1 he pressure certainly
is not. vet felt, because the potatoes are not yet exhausted ;
and there is still full employment. But, on the other hand,
that employment and high wages producing an extravagant
consumption of produce cannot be reckonsd upon ; and
already the high prices of food are beginning to affect the
condition of the people, which may further be injured by a
rise in the Money-market to an extent which is incalculable;
and in the course of the ensuing season not only may we feel
ourselves embarrassed by exorbitant prices for food, but too
probable by inadequate subsistence for the people, and possi-
bly by stagnation of trade. Is not this prospect enough to
appal any man? The idea of famine and scarcity in a land
such as this! Gentlemen, the evil does not rest even here.
It is not possible to imagine that this state of things can last
even for one year. The poorer classes in another year may
not have the means of obtaining seed for potatoes. year
the breadth planted will be much smaller in general ; and
there is no crop whatever on the scanty patches held by the
poorer classes in England and Ireland which can produce the
same amount even as this year. Then you will have mil-
lions of people to feed out of your supply ; for another year's
harvest may not be so good as this. We have, again, the
prospect of famine before us. What a spectacle is this for
such a country! And shall it be that this country must go
on trusting to accident for the support of its people, or are we
not to do all in our power to enable them to procure the
means of subsistence ?—(Loud and continued cheers.)
Mr. Maca.oun• was received with loud applause, which
continued for several minutes. As soon as it subsided, he
said—My Lord Provost and Gentlemen, you will well be-
lieve, I hope, that I am deeply sensible to the kindness with
which you have received me, and I only beg that you will
continue to extend that indulgence to me, if it should so
happen that my voice should fail me in my attempt to ad-
dress you. I have thought it my duty to be present here,
though doubting whether I am equal to the exertion of ad-
dressing such a meeting, and though so situate that I can
only pass a few hours among you. But I conceived that this
was not an ordinary meeting, or an ordinary crisis.—(Ap-
plause.) I conceived that a great era in our commercial policy
had arrived—(Hear)—and I thought in such a conjuncture
you had a right to a frank and full explanation from one who
has the honour to represent you in Parliament.—(Applause).
With respect to the past, Gentlemen, I have perhaps a little
to explain, but certainly nothing to regret or retract. My
opinions, from the moment when 1 entered public life
up to the present day, have never varied. I have always
considered the principle of protection to agriculture as a
vicious principle. I thought that vicious principle took, in the
laws of 1815, of 1828, and of 1842, a peculiarly vicious
form. But my opinion has never varied as to this—that the
principie in itself was vicious. This I declared twelve years
ago, when I stood for Leeds; then I declared it in 1839, when
first I presented myself before you ; and when, a few months
later, Lord Melbourne invited me to become a member of his
Government, I distinctly stated to him that, in office or out
of office, I must vote for the total repeal of the corn-laws.—
(Applause.) In the year 1841, a very peculiar crisis had
arrived. There seemed to be reason to hope that it might be
possible to obtain a compromise, which would not, indeed,
remove the evil, but which would very greatly mitigate it ;
and there were some circumstances in the financial state of
the country which led us to hope that we might be able to
obtain that support for the proposition of a moderate fixed
duty, which could not possibly be obtained if we had pro-
posed to have an entirely free trade. On that occasion her
Majesty appealed to the people. I presented myself before
you ; and I disguised nothing. I said, "I am for free trade
in corn ; but I think that in existing circumstances, to make
a compromise would be desirable. I am a party to that
compromise; and it is for you to day to determine
whether you will approve of my conduct or not."—
(Applause.) You approved of it, and sent me back to
Parliament as a party to that compromise. I thought
then, that my duty was this—not to vote against the
principles of free trade, but until Parliament should
decide whether they would accept that compromise or not, I
must act with my former colleagues, and support and pro-
mote that compromise in Parliament. I did so. During the
first year I declined to vote for the extreme proposal of free
trade, although I expressed myself in favour of it. I refused
at the same time to vote against it. But soon as Parlia-
ment rejected the compromise—as soon as it decided in
favour of Sir Robert Peel's sliding-scale, I considered that all
my former engagements were at an end, and from that time
I regularly voted in favour of every proposition for the per-
fect freedom of trade in corn. There has been, I am well
aware, since that time, some difference of opinion, not as to
the end, but rather as to the means between me and my
constituents; but the difference between us was not, at
least. as to the question whether I would or would not
seprort free trade in corn, but whether I would or would
not act cordially against the present system, in concur-
rence with many eminent and patriotic men, who were still
attempting to elect the compromise of 1841. Valuing most
highly their support, but feeling the immense strength of'
the party of monopoly, my wish was—not conceding my
own opinion, not even withholding my own vote when
the question of a free trade in corn was considered, never-
theless, to ad in the most cordial feelings of friendship, and
in the strictest union with such men as Lord John Russell,
Lord Howick, and Lord Morpeth, who still, from-whatever
cause, felt themselves bound to adhere to something like the
compromise of 1841 That was the only difference between
us. I will not argue the question now. It has been set at
rest in the best possible way. It is not necessary now to in-
quire how I should act towards the party who are in favovr
of a moderate fixed duty. That party has disappeared.—
(Great applause) Time, and reflection, and discussion, and
recent experience, have produced the effect which it was
natural to think it would produce in capacious, reasoning,
and patriotic minds. No intermediate shades are now left.
The light is divided from the darkness. There stands two
parties, ranged right against each other. There is the
standard of monopoly, and here is the standard of free trade;
and, as your representative, I pledge myself to be faithful to
the standard of free trade.—(lmmense applause.) I have
been relieved in some degree of a difficulty which I believe I
should have felt in addressing you, by the resolution which
has been put into my hands. I should have felt that I was
unnecessarily obtruding on your attention if I were to dilate
on the whole of this vast subject; and yet I believe I should
have felt a difficulty in selecting any one part of it. But the
gentlemen who have taken charge of the proceedings have
requested me to move a resolution which dwells'particularly
upon one most important part of the case, and to which,
therefore, I will particularly invite your attention. The re-
solution which I have to move states emphatically that the
existing corn-laws press with especial severity on the humbler
classes. I believe that, to clear up this point—to make this
point fully understood, is one of the greatest services which
at the present time can possibly be rendered to the cause of
free-trade There was a time—a time which some of us can
well remember—when men were not ashamed to defend the
corn-laws purely as an aristocratical system of legislation—
when men were not ashamed to say that it was necessary to
keep up the price of bread, in order to keep up the rents of
the landed aristocracy. On these topics, whatever the feel-
ing may be, the expression is no longer heard. No person
for some time past has ever ventured in Parliament, or, as
far as I know, in any public assemblage in this country, to
say that there ought to be a law to compel 10,000 men to
buy food dear when it can be had cheap, in of der that one
man may build palaces and buy picture-galleries.—(Cheers.)
This ground has been dropped. but another has been taken
up, much less atrocious and more philanthropic in seeming,
though not a whit less absurd. What we are now constantly
told, in every discussion about the corn-laws, is, that it is a
capitalists question—that the capitalist wants to take a part
of the income of the landlord, and to make it his own—that
the capitalist wants to thrive by the reduction of the price of
food—and that the reduction of the price of food would be
a reduction in the wages of the people—that the lower you
bring the price of the necessaries of life, the lower you
bring the condition of the working man—and that the whole
clamour about free trade was a clamour raised by the mill-
owners and the money-changers. This I take to be the real
strength of the argument of the present party who support
the corn-laws; and you know with what effect it has been
produced. This has not been heard merely from the
landed aristocracy. We have not heard it only from the
lips of those who are interested in keeping up rents. We
have heard it also from demagogues—from a mischievous
class of men who wish to keep up the corn-laws
merely that the corn-laws may make the people riotous and
disorderly.—(Hear, hear.) You know well how constantly
and repeatedly they have declared that this movement was
a mere attempt of the mill-owners to grind the faces of the
poor. lam not, I believe, incorrect in stating, that in this
great and enlightened city, a meeting called against the corn-
laws.was put down and dispersed by an argument of that
description. Now, for my part, whenever I hear one and the
same cry set up by bigots who are opposed to all reform,
and by demagogues who are bent on universal destructiors, I
am quite sure that some mischief is brewing. And
ethmoslt
believe to be, of all the cries that were ever set up, th_
demonstrably unreasonable and absurd. In the &still, it
should seem strange that the Conservative part
strange, and pare-
should countenance an opinion as new,
sons who talk so much of the wisdom of theirYancestoPe
of the world
doxical as ever appeared from thenbegin"
down to the corn-law contest of the e
chtheace
food. The doctrine,
nn:ilify, that it was a
misery to the labouring man
_l.!
oif f true.th e
wisdom s not at all aolurl eventsan t one of those o ituons
toself:eavrdent pone. It was no part
anded the assent of all
which we find to have at once
tongue d 0
ages, of all people, and of all tongues. n the contrary, so
COStO a
It is no p
the most ancient mean
far as my knowledge. of the history of nations and of litera-
ture goes, if von begin with
the Hebrew Scriptures—and come down to the corn-law of
1815, I should be much surprised if you were to find any
evidence for this—that much of the happiness of the great
body of the pe.ople depends on the dearness of their food.
One would think that some cogent argument would be
brought forward to satisfy us of it. And:what is the argu-
ment they bring forward ? If ,there is any other argument
than what I am going to state, I heartily wish any gentle-
man acquainted with that argument would rise up and
simply food is
asrtaetgeoimt.e
clouknntorwiesonilny
tohnee,wannrdld is
where i tthis—thatcheaper therethan
in England, and where the people are more miserable than
in England. Poland is a case to which •
they
particularly
refer. Whenever the question is
asked, why should not we
have corn as cheap as the people of Dantzic, the answer is,
" Do you want the English peasant to be reduced to the
condition of the Polish peasant?" for they seem to think,
that as food •is cheap, and the people miserable, on the
banks of the Vistula, therefore the cheapness of bread would
make the condition of the people of this country as bad as
that of the peasant on the banks of the Vistula? I have not
the least intention of misrepresenting their argument ; but