The Sun.
London, England, 1828-11-08 00:00:00

as long as grass grows and water flows he would not
give them up.—(Cheers.)—The Noble Lord then
read the second resolution, calling on every friend of
the Constitution to exert all legal means of preserv-
ing the State; and having moved its adoption, sat
down amid loud cheert.

Mr. ALEXANDER SAUNDERSON, M.P., was not it
man of many words; but before he sat down he felt
called upon in the present state of the country to
offer a very few observations. He would make no
apology for obtruding himself on the meeting, in
defence of the Constitution. He bad joined them,
and never would have done so, if the Roman. Catho-

lies had contented themselves with elaimiug then
rights constitutionally. But now the Protestants
,were called upon in defence of their lives and pro-
parties, and above all, their liberties to come 'for-
ward and exert every possible means of saving
their country fron ruin.—(Loud cheers.).—He had
joined the Brur li*ck Clubs without any hostility to
the Catholics, but with a determination to defend
the Constitution.--(Cheers.)—He would, without
any further preface,
beg leave to second the resolu-
tion.—(Loud and continued clapping of hands.)
The motion was then put and carried, nern. con.
_

t The Ea
proposeo
the oEfnNeN: E N
resolution.ClLLE rose art i dsti
s: loudsai ad ph pe,l e
the
duty of every Protestant to come forward and sup-
port the Constitution, and to maintain the Protest-
ant Constitution, and to oppose the march of dis-
affection. (Loud cheers.) I therefore propose the
third resolution. (Great cheering and waving of
Orange handkerchiefs.)
Mr. G. 0. Moons, M.P. next presented himself
to the meeting, on which there was a treble display
of Orange emblems and ascendant badges. He said,
I feel a high honour in seconding the resolution pro-
posed by the Noble Lord. (Cheers.) It is a dis-
linction to which I have no claim, unless as being
the representative of the city in which we have this
day met. (Cheers.) Permit me, before I enter
into any of the topics suggested by the resolutions,
to congratulate you on the great support given to
the Protestant cause, by the formation of Brunswick
Constitutional Clubs, and on the display I this day
witness of the rank, the wealth, the talent, the
education, the weight, and the honour of the Irish
nation. (Loud cheers.) It is a coerce of gratifi-
cation to me to see the unexampled success of these
admirable institutions. 1 must also congratulate
you on the feelings by which your. Clubs are actu-
ated. They have exhibited throughout the country
characteristics which will always mark the Brunswick
Constitutional Club of Ireland. Zeal tempered with
discretion, and firmness administered with moderation.
We are told that our Catholic ancestors were the
first . to cherish the glorious struggles for freedom.
I admit the truth of the statement—l give our Ca-
tholic progenitors full credit for their bravery, and
independent love of liberty ; but they lived when
there was only one religion in the Christian world,
under the eontroul of the Pope, to be sure, but the
same spirit of freedom rose triumphant above the
Papal despotism, and manifested its own character
and that of the power against which it struggled,
by shelving a determined opposition to the encroach-
ment of the Church of Rome.—(Loud cheers.)—
I think I am not expressing an unfounded opinion
when I state my belief that, if these great ancestors
of ours had been enlightened by the light cf the Re-
formation, they would at once throw off the yoke of
RoMan tyranny, and if they lived at the periotl of the
Revolution they would be among the foremost of
those who conducted it to its settlement. In that
event it formed the result we are to defend, the Pro-
testant Constitution, and if anything were wanting
to show how impossible it is to have Popery and
freedom united, the proof may be found in the
words that fluttered in the breeze on William's ban-
ner, when our great deliverer entered Torbay—" I
will defend the Protestant religion and the liberties
of the people." (Tremendous cheering.) It is well
known that to the preservation of the Protestant re-
ligion we must look for our Constitution. (Loud
cheers.) I would impress upon your minds that

while the Protestant religion inculcates forbearance,
it possesses within it an independence the most fa-
vourable to the cause of freedom. (Cheers.) It
is to it that Great Britain is indebted for that splen-
dour which animates her glory. Feeling as they
did, and as we do, the absolute necessity of main-
taining the Protestant religion, and institutions, and
succession to the Crown, the last and surest safe-
guard of our liberty, we are indebted to our ances-
tors who brought about the revolution—in their
opinion and in mine, too, the only means of securing
our invaluable rights. They judged rightly in think-
ing they could not safely entrust the guardianship of
that religion to a legislature composed of Catholics,
to a council formed of Catholic Ministers, or to a
King who had surmounted on his arm the emblem of
the domineering despotism of Rome. (Cheers.) The
injustice and the impolicy of this measure, have been
constant themes for our enemies. I admit the ar-
guments put forth by the friends of the Roman Ca-
tholics, are at first sight plausible. These persons
say, that in the present state of things, every man
has a right to the enjoyment of equal privileges, and
that in a free country every man has a right to be eli-
gible to offices of trust. I say this position is grounded
on fallacy. If eligibility to office were a national
right, then would the argument be true ; but when
we all know that these offices are the mere creating
of Government for their own convenience, and for
the snore effectual administration of justice, and
when the. Government is essentially Protestant, is it

not manifest that the persons who discharge the
duties of these offices should be Protestants ? (Loud
cheers.) It is also said that within the last cen-
tury the sentiments of Roman Catholics on certain
questions have undergone such a change, that we
have sufficient ground to-believe there can be no
danger in now admitting the members of that Church
into the great offices of the State. My answer is,
I see no change. (Cheers.) And I call on the
friends of Catholic Emancipation, to point out where
and when this change took place.—(Cheers.)—
Let me now turn to our own Clubs. I say we are a
strictly legal and defensive body.--(Cheers.)--We
are satisfied with the Constitution as it is.--(Great
applause.)—And if the Constitution had not been
assailed so determinedly, so vigorously, and so
powerfully, our existence as a body would never
have been necessary. I'll even go further, and say,
that though the attack might have been made, pro-
vided it was not so violent, the Brunswick Clubs
would never have been thought of.--(Cheers.)--If
the Catholics had confined themselves to legal and
constitutional means of demanding redress for their
grievances, these Clubs would never have been heard
of.---(Hear, hear.)—But now your existence is ne-
cessary to the safety of the State and the well-being
of the Constitution, in consequence of the daring ef-
forts made by the Catholic Association to destroy
both.--(Cheers.)—The Learned Gentleman, after
some other observations, sat down amidst loud ap.

plause.
The resolution was then put, and carried una.
nimously.

The Hon. General TAYLOR, in proposing the
fourth resolution, said, that his reasons for be-
coming a member of the Brunswick Club were ex-
actly in unison with those so ably explained by the
last speaker. The idea of uniting Protestants and
Catholics in a Protestant Government was an Uto-
pian scheme. It was impossible that each could en-
joy equal privileges.--(Cheers.)--He would there-
fore move the resolution, which stated that no pos-
sible change could warrant the admission of Roman
Catholics to power.—(Loud cheers.)
Colonel CONOLLY felt honoured by being called
upon to second 'the resolution proposed by the
gallant General.--(Cheers.)---There was a. thing
called the march of intellect, which brought ruin on
the un
(Loud cheers.)—lt was proposed by
those
who talked of this thing at one time to sub-
stitute place of the glorious Constitution, the
eo
in trY
Papal power. This " march of mind" interdicted
private judgment in religion, as it did the free exer-
cise of the elective franchise in politics.--(Cheers
arid laughter.)
The resolution was then carried nem con.
Lord COTLNAINVIS read tho se4 t retolutiOP•