The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS. t
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAT.
STANDARD.—We confess ourselves wholly at a loss
to account for the vote of the House of Lords last night
upon the Dissenters' Trusts Bill. The purpose of this
Bill is to confirm the usurpation by Socinians of chapels
and other trust property designed for the use of
Christian Dissenters ; and it was carried in a House of
Lords containing twenty-six Lords Spiritual, by a ma-
jority of forty-four to nine ; the only Bishop, in fact,
present, was the Bishop of Exeter, who is always at his
post when the interests of religion and humanity are
concerned ; and who last night proved that they who
charge him with being a too High Churchman,
and too lenient towards the Tractarians, offer him
a great injustice when they insinuate that he
is indifferent to the rights of Christian Dissenters, or
slow to protect even those who decline the administra-
tions of the particular church to which he belongs, when
they appeal to him as brother Christians, and members
of the one great Catholic Church, to which all who sin-
cerely accept' the Gospel without mutilation or addition
equally belong. The other bishops were at a " charitable
festival." Charity is a good thing, but we cannot help
thinking that the affair might be postponed when the
bishops were wanted to resist a wholesale scheme of
Socinian usurpation. The only imaginable effect of
the Bill upon the material interests of Dissenters is, as
we have said, to confirm the present usurpation of
Christian church property dishonestly occupied by Soci-
nians; but we see in it a prospect of future litigation, that
will fill the four inns of court with gladness. Every
tenet of every preacher will be watched with a more
than theological jealousy, to guard against the estab-
lishment of a prescription in favour of an erroneous
doctrine. And as the only effectual security against
such prescription,legal proceedings will be taken as soon
as the teacher deviates a hair's breadth, or seems to de-
viate from the creed sf the founder. Ejectments upon
the text will be substituted for ejectments upon the
title, and erroneous doctrines will take the place of non-
payment of rent, and non-performance of covenants. We
all know what a Socinian is: he is a person'with just as
much Christianity as a Turk, but much less reli-
gion. But we must not suppose that the change from
real Christianity to this sad heresy is ever made ho-
nestly, and at once. No, like other departures from
truth, it is made slowly and furtively—hence the neces-
sity that will arise of closely watching teachers and trus-
tees, and bringing them to their duty by lawsuit after
lawsuit. And this notable Bill is to quiet possessions
and to prevent litigation.- If ever it pass we shall see how
that will be. Meanwhile, we exhort the Christian Dis-
senters to be up and doing ; they have more than once
shown their power to influence the Legislature, and have
influenced it upon occasions (as we must think) much
less worthy than the present. They need not feel jea-
lous of the cordial support that they will receive from
Churchmen, for the most ingenious discoverer of bad
motives will be at a loss to find any motive for Church-
men moving in the matter, except a regard fur our com-
mon Christianity, and a respectful sense of the value of
a Christian ministry which, though dissenting from ow
establishment, acts as its faithful auxiliary in the cause
of religion.
GLOBE.—The Times-pursues its argument= ad ho-
, minenz to the country gentlemen, on the question of this

evening :
" Country gentlemen are dreading more and more the
growth of the manufacturing population. They see at
their very doors, and within the limits of their old domi-
nions, the rapid increase of an empire beyond the reach
of all direct influences, and daily more and more es-
tranged in feeling. Their attempts to control are de-
feated ; their advances are rejected ; their teaching de-
spised.Do they wish to widen the gulf, and augment into
inveteracy the indifference or hostility of this rebellious
mass ? They will most assuredly do so, beyond all re-
m' dy, if they now refuse to protect the labour of the
weak and dependent, and that for the most despicable
of all possible reasons, viz., because they would
thereby endanger the existing protection of their
own wealth. How long do they suppose protected
wealth will co-exist with unprotected labour ? How
long will the landowner get his twenty shillings'
premium on his quarter of wheat, while the factory
woman is working from half-past five in the morn-
ing to seven in the evening every day of her life ?
It was neither candid nor statesmanlike in the
Premier to warn Parliament against a generous amount
of protection, because it was impossible to say where
protection was to stop. Not to protect so large a class
must be as dangerous as to protect it. The alienation of
the multitude cannot but ba costly. Scarcely any price, in
reason, is too great for their affections. If some difficulties
attend a social remedy, more must follow its omission. A
people will perhaps make troublesome demands on the
kindness of rulers; but what people can be more trouble.
some, more formidable than that which feels its government
to be cold, indifferent, and worthless ?" There would be
some consistency in this line of argument on the part of a
corn-protectionist ; and the Times, we suppose, thinks
itself at liberty to be all things to all men. On the part,
however, of the professed advocate of an open corn trade,
there is something curiously hollow and worthless in this
appeal to the agricolous apprehensions. " How long,"
says the Times," will the landowner get his twenty shil-
lings premium on his quarter of wheat, while the factory
woman is working from half-past five in the morning I
to seven in the evening every day of her life ? " Of
course this argument is, not at all addressed to the
selfish feelings, like those of the cold-blooded cham-
pions of the Ogre Millocrats. There is something
eminently generous in erecting a new " protection,"
to prop up an old one, and in courting the alliance
of the Spinner Interest (12 or 13,000, we believe, or
thereabouts), as a new prop to the Landlord Interest,
and outwork against the Anti-Corn-law League. And
those who think the landowner ought to get his 20s.
premium on this quarter of wheat, may consistently
think the spinners should get whatever Time Bill their
delegates ask for. Because the maintenance of such a
premium on home-grown wheat is equivalent to a decree
that the spinner shall work for the landowner's benefit.
It is equivalent to a decree that the money the spinner
earns abroad he shall lay out on dear wheat at home.
Well—if the landowner finds the intensity of com-
petition for his high-priced wheat too painful for his
feelings to witness, he may be consistent in seeking to
moderate it. He may be consistent in saying to his
factory slaves—" Don't work so hard—don't be so ever
in earning your half-rations. You won't get any the
more fel. it; I can tell you that—l keep the key of the
corn-chest." This may be consistent, if not remarkably
sane, in restrictionists. It may also—for what we care
to dispute—be "gracious," as the Times says, and all
the rest of it. It may infinitely strengthen her Ma-
jesty's throne, that her faithful Commons should dis-
pense such "favours" to the working people. It may
be (and we confess that it would be) carrying out
the principle of protection to its due consequences. For
the assumed virtue of protection is to raise all classes to
a privileged elevation: Any class, therefore, which com-
plains protection has not raised it, has a right to its Act
of Parliament. If the landed interest is to be
believed, it is the grand disposer of the fate of
the labouring people—its immense preponderance,
as a purchaser of their products, renders its patron-
age almost exclusively worth looking to. It follows
legitimately enough that this omnipotent patron,
this exclusive customer, may, whenever he chooses,
lighten the toils of his-workers, as the Pharaohs might,
have lessened the piece of pyramid to be turned out of
hand for the day's pittance of pulse ; or Mehemet
Ali the piece-work he expects from his toilers in
Egyptian bondage. If the landlords hold the
position they pretend to —then the terms of labour are
doubtless a proper object for their regulation. But the
Times, which would strip them of their sham omnipo-
tence—with what sense does it call on them to exert it?
Turn we to the Standard and Herald. The former says,
citing the memorial of the millowners, that the average
of factory wages "is but 10s. 34d. the week for indefi-
nite hours of labour as regards adults, and for four-
teen hours of labour from infants. In mere pecu-
niary receipts, then the spinners are not in so much
better condition than the agricultural labourer."
Now the returns procured by the respectable heads of
firms whom we mentioned yesterday, were returns
from the Lancashire cotton mills ; and no writer, who
was not as ignorant, or ill-intentioned, as this one,
would have dared to make any such statement as the
above respecting their hours of work. The Standard
had already stated, in the very same leading article, that
of the factory workers 53 per cent. are under the age of
21. All but the ignorant know, and none but the ill-in-
tentioned would knowingly falsity such a circumstance—
that the maximum of work allowed in cotton mills to
hands under twenty-one is twelve hours during five days
of the week, and nine hours on Saturdays. Fifty-three
per cent. of the workpeople being, it appears, under
twenty-one, it is impossible that mills should be kept open
longer than the hours we have last mentioned. Under
thirteen years of age the -Act of 1833 restricted the hours
of work still farther to eight; and the present Government
measure propose farther restriction. We are not now
discussing the policy of such legislation it proceeds on
the idea of protecting infants—which is the sole prin-
ciple the Standard lays down, and then, as we have
seen, proceeds to falsify the present state of facts.
We advise the Herald to pause, before it has next
the effrontery to provoke exposures of such treatment of
facts by its evening partner or by itself—by indulging
in such silly and gratuitous insolence as the follow-
ing :—" We must ureservedly declare, that we have
scarcely seen an article in the London press, on the
side of cruelty, which has not borne upon it the most
evident signs of the kindred vice of falsehood." As the
Herald has the cool assurance to name the Globe in con-
junction with such such language, it would have done
well to adduce, if it could, an instance of the " kindred
1 vice" in our columns. Really parties, whose lights (or
firebrands) are the Oastlers and Ferrands, should hold
their pens, if possessed of common prudence, respecting
that vice at least.

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NAVAL INTELLIGENCE.
PORT
MAY 9.—The Colling-wood, 80, was
commissioned yesterday by Capt. H. Edea for the flag of
Rear-Admiral Sir Geo. Seymour, who will relieve Rear-
Admiral Thomas, in the üblin, on the South American
appointments have been made to the
station.
The
following
n
Colling.-,wood, Commander Henry Broadhead p sieuorots.e.
F.
_—
, T. B. Hankey, C. J. Balfour, J. 0. Bathurst,
?itisilES' PRICES. ; ville, and G. E. K. Gore ; Mr. John Penn
,44. _ .• i master and pilot, Arthur Dawson, paymaster
' —170 X John Brothers, gunner, George Johnson, car-
- I 4 ' Filter ; Wm. Warren, boatswain ; Rev. N. Proctor,
242
172 chaplain ; Maurice Jones, and Roderic Dew, mates ;
95 AlgeTlloll de Horsey, W. H. Dawson, T. E. Riley, W.
74 Rowley Lambert, Hon. H. Moreton, W.
21 BG: 31‘fiaosrgona,n'and W, B. Urmston, midshipmen. Naval
211%.. , Cadets—Charles Armytage, Smith, Wyndham, and Ed-
-9 ' ward Hardinge (in lieu of a midshipman); R. C. Coiling-
-17% ' wood,master's assist. ;
W. Wills and G. Wise, clerks ;
'4%
F. Man,ell, surgeon ; John Spelr3 and Wm.. Duirs,
59 1 assistant do. The Netley, tender to the Caledonia,
71143's ; arrived on Monday from Plymouth, with supernume-
-28 1 varies and newly-raised wen fur the Cygnet, at

50 73 C

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