The Sun.
London, England, 1828-01-23 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC .TOURNkT,S.

The rumours yesterday morning—and they were
confirmed in the evening—were, that the members
of the old Administration, who were not included in
the new, were gone down to Windsor to resign
their seals ; and that the Duke of Wellington would
give his first cabinet-dinner to the new Ministry on
the same day (yesterday). All this was very pro-
bable ; and the going down to Windsor was exe-
cuted. But then, why were not the new appoint-
ments gazetted last night, for which there was
ample time ! What ! a hitch still ? The expres-
sions of the Duke of Wellington, quoted in our
paper of yesterday morning, against his at any time
accepting of the Premiership, have appalled the
public. The union of that office with the Com-
mandership-in-Chief is a measure of a fearful cha-
racter indeed. And we call it, of course, the
retention of the Commandership-in - Chief by
his Grace, if he should put in Lord Hill
or Lord Dale, or any other Lord whom
he has had under his orders, and still
keeps under his hatches. This would be Ju-
bus Cesar and Marcus Bibulus ; that is, it
would be Julius CTsar's self and Julius Caesar ! A
commander-in-chief of the army and a commander-
in-chief of all the civil powers of the realm, being
the same person, has nothing to do but to desire the
King of England to live in soft ease and tranquil re-
tirement at Windsor, or any where else ; and there
he must live. Nothing but a civil war could get
him out; and who would expose their breasts to the
bayonets of the British army, constituted, for ex-
ample, as is the present; when the orders that should
command our obedience would appear to come from
the King himself by his legal organs, disobedience
to which would be legally, also, the crime of high
treason ? Tell not the people of England, that the
two offices will reside but for a short time in the
came hands. We know the force of precedent.
If the time be but short, as it is now professed,
during which the offices shall reside in the same
hands, who can promise us that they will not re-
main longer hereafter? But such an union of
powers, so long as it lasts, removes the Crown from
the existing dynasty ; and is not only dangerous
by the precedent, but fatal by the ac'. The other
circumstances connected with the fab ication of this
Adnsinistratiou are of less importance, but are still
most curious. We recollect it to have been said,--
and we also believe the report to have been essen-
tially correct—that after Mr. Huskisson's return
from the Continent, and when all that fracas about
the nomination of Mr. Henries to the Chancellorship
of the Exchequer sprung up, he, Mr. Huskisson,
then most solemnly declared it; the presence of him
who is still the highest personage of the realm, that
" no consideration whatever should at any time in-
duce him to join those persons who had been the
cause of his friend Canning's; death," or words to
that effect ; and that this declaration was received
with the warmest applause of him to whom it was
addressed. " This, Huskisson, is what I know your
noble mind would feel upon the occasion, and it does
you credit." And yet, what are we to believe
now ? That Mr. Huskisson h"c joined tl:e men
whom he then repudiated, and that the personage
above cited has sanctioned the union ? Lady, lately
Mrs. Canning, appears to believe this; for we find
chat she personally addressed the warmest remon-
strances to the supposed offender on the subject,
charging him with ingratitude to the best of friends,
and informing him the Duke of Portland, she knew,
joined in these her feelings. And yet, if we take
Mr. Huskisson from the Ministry (if Ministry it
be to be), what other capable advocates have we
fur the liberal principles to which all ranks
and conditions of men have so frankly wedded
themselves? And so, indeed, has Mr. Huskisson
replied, asserting that he has not departed from one
single political principle ; free trade, and the Corn-
bill as it was proposed last year, having been fully
conceded to him as measures of Government, and it
being agreed that the Duke of Wellington and Lord
Bathurst are to carry the measures through ! Yet,
if the union were fully justifiable on these principles,
(and perhaps private friendship, and more especially
regard for the deceased, with whom we can never
act again, ought not to interfere with public prin-
ciples), it should at least seem that Mr. Huskisson's
reasons have not appeared equally valid to such men
as Lord Carlisle, Mr. Sturges Bourne, and Lord Stan-
ley, wlaohave shrunk from the union. Lord Rosslyn
is said to have been offered the Ordnance. It is
curious,meanwhi le, to consider what the King's speech
can be on the opening of Parliament, proceeding
from so heterogeneous a mixture: and time presses.
With respect, however, to the recall of the French
troops from Spain, and that of the British force
from Portugal, it must be recollected that these
measures were arranged by Mr. Canning.—Tinzes.
The period has, at length, nearly arrived when
Ministers should enter into some financial arrange-
ments satisfactory to the country, as the supplies
for the current year must, in part, be voted almost
as soon as Parliament meets. It will be recollected
that the greater part of the money laid out day by
day by the Commissioners of the Sinking Fund,
has, of late, been obtained from the sale of Exche-
quer Bills, by which no reduction of debt takes place,
but an exchange only from a safe to a most unsafe
and dangerous debt, This fallacious measure of
finance ought to be put an end to immediately, par-
ticularly as (for the current year) no surplua what-
ever over the expenditure can be contemplated to
arise, in consequence of the loss of upwards of two
millions from the expiration of the contract with the
Bank of the Dead Weight Annuity. It is, there-
fore, most probable, that this important subject will
come under discussion when Supplies shall be
moved, and it will then become a question for the
House to decide, whether an addition of five mil-
lions of Exchequer Bills shall be voted to the thirty
at present in circulation, in order to continue the
daily purchases of Stock by the Commissioners for
the year, while no surplus of Revenue over Expen-
diture sha!l exist. If our conjecture be right on
this point, some strong and important discussions
must take place before any money is voted for sup-
plies of the current year, particularly as those
Members who allowed the financial plans for the
year 1827 to pass in silence were, we appre-
hend, influenced not only by a promise of a Fi-
nance Committee, but by a full expectation that,
before any money should be called for in 1828,
sound and able finance measures should be of-
fered to the House by the then Administration.
That Administration is now dissolved; therefore
dose persons who depended on it to carry such ins.
portant plans into execution will not now place the
same reliance on the present, either with regard to
,the Dead Weight Sinking Fund, or to the impor-
tant and essential reductions expected by the coun-
try from a Committee, but will, we should suppose,
object to raise any money for such purpose under
the existing state of the Revenue, and endeavour at
once to stop these financial, trickeries, without wait-
ing until the end of the Session for a Report of a
Finance Committee, w hen every thing is likely to be
passed over in the most hurried and improper
manner. Should such a course not have the good
fortune to be supported by a majority, we imagine
the folly of the proposition will be attempted to be
practically exposed, by first raising five millions of
Exchequer Bills this year, to buy up stock to the
Tike amount,
and, shortly after, by making a con-
tract to sell ten or fifteen millions of the very same
Stock, by way of loan, for the purchase of which
these very Exchequer Bills were created. Notwith-
standing this manifest folly could he hardly comple-
ted, yet we anticipate it, only because the public
ilas year by year been deluded by the like financial
trickery, and by the very persons who compose the
present Government.—Morning Chronicle.
It is an understood matter with Cl iilstians and
Jews (we know not what it may be wit Turks) to
put always the worst possible construction on lan-
guage used with respect to any man which admits
of a double interpretation. No one who knows the
-world will, therefore, feel any astonishment that the
following sentence in a contemporary (Tice Times)
Pf yesterday, was not construed to the advantage of

Mr. Huskisson. "We have heard, it is said, of a
very singular stipulation imputed-lo Mr. Huskisson,
and which we can hardly credit, unless it be ex-
plained by some circumstances, or combination of
circumstances, which have not come to our know-
ledge." We, too, haverheard of a very singular sti-
pulation imputed to the Right Honourable Gentle-
man, which, without being wanting in Christian
charity, we take to be the one alluded to by our
Contemporary; namely, that before it was agreed
that he should form one of the new Cabinet, it was
stipulated that he should abandon his free-trade
system, and, more particularly, leave untouched that
monopoly from which he himself lately stated the
country suffered many times more than from all the
other monopolies put together—the monopoly of
corn. This report, however, we believe to be a
calumny. Supposing Mr. Huskisson to be without
principle, the most vulgar self-interest would tell
him that the only motive which could induce a
Ministry to wish to obtain his services on such a
humiliating condition would be a desire to deStroy
his reputation, that it might never again be employed
against them; for he could never be to them of any
utility after such a self-debasement, and the first op-
portunity would be seized to
" Cast him like a loathsome weed away."
No; we cannot think so poorly either of the heart
or the head of Mr. Huskisson, as that he would
submit to such a degrading contract; and we think
we are doing him a service by at once stating dis-
tinctly the terms of a report so injurious to his repu-
tation.—lbid.

A Meeting of the British Catholics, yesterday, in
Thorney-street, will be memorable in the annals of
the Catholic Question, for the distinct evidence pro-
duced by Lord Rossmore of the violation of a
pledge of the Government of this country, at the
time of the Union, to the Irish Catholics. " I con-
sider (said his Lordship) the Union the corner-
stone of the case of Ireland, and, in unravelling it,
inch by inch, I shall bring to light the sophistry of
Mr. Peel's assertion, that no engagement was taken
with the Catholics of Ireland.' A long communi-
cation was read by his Lordship from Mr. Lidwill,
a venerable Irish Magistrate of the county of Tip-
perary, detailing most circumstantially the manner in
which a letter from Lord Cornwallis, then Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, to Lord Llandaff, remained
in his hands from the March to the Summer Assizes
of 1800, in which letter Lord Cornwallis distinctly
stated, that he was authorised by Mr. Pitt to pledge
to the Catholics the faith of the English Go-
vernment to the measure of Emancipation, as
the condition of their supporting the Union.
Mr.' Lidwill took memoranda of the very passages
in the letter which contained this pledge, so that
he has been enabled to give the words used by his
Lordship. We know not what stronger pledge than
this could be given by a Government to any portion
of its subjects. The head of the Government of
Ireland, a man of the most irreproachable honour,
solemnly declares that he is authorised by the Prime
Minister of the King of England to assure the Irish
Catholics that the British Government will support
Emancipation should certain conditions be fulfilled
by the Catholics "What can be more solemn !
When, through the unfortunate influence possessed
by Lady Ilamilton over Nelson, he was, in an evil
hour, tempted to violate the national faith pledged
to the Neapolitan Republicans, and to stain his
reputation by surrendering these 'unfortunate men
to the executioner, the Government might re-
gret the breach of faith when it was too late.
But it is not yet too late to fulfil the pledge given
to the Irish Catholics. It is not yet too late to clean
the national honour from the stain on it, which
must afflict 'every man who feels a pride in the
character of his country for truth and sincerity.—
" The Union," as Lord Rossmore observed, "is
the corner-stone of the case of Ireland." That
Union could not haqtre been carried but for the Ca-
tholics. Had it not been carried, the Catholics
must have been emancipated. It is the Union,
which they were instrumental in carrying, which has
been the obstacle in their way. The nwla fides of
the British Government has, therefore, manacled them.
But when did ever nations thrive by injustice and op-
pression. " I have lived long enough (says Lord
Rossmore) to witness her (Ireland's) decline—her
rapid decline since the Union—the measure of all
others that ought, under a wise Government, to have
proved a blessing to both countries, instead of be-
coming a curse to both." England is cursed by the
wide-spreading distress among the labouring classes,
caused by the inundations of destitute Irish, whose
competition deprives labour of its reward. She is
cursed by the reaction of the misery she has caused.
She is cursed because Mr. Peel could only recom-
mend himself to the notice of the University of Ox-
ford by advocating sentiments acceptable to High
Church bigotry, but which his descendants will wish
blotted out of his history.—lbid.
That crime at the present day has increased in a
ratio beyond that of the increase of population admits
of no doubt ; and that an extraordinary proportion
of such crime is committed by juvenile offenders,
the proceedings of all the Quarter Sessions in the
kingdom afford conclusive evidence. When we
come to examine into the particulars of the mass of,
juvenile delinquency tried at the Sessions, we find
that the greater part consists of such petty offences
as- might well be disposed of, for the adequated cor-
rection of the offenders, by a summary mode of
proof and consiction, which would save the public
a great deal of the expense now lavished on the ex-
pensive machinery of justice, and produce better
effect upon the mind and habits of the youthful cul-
prits. It has already appeared in our columns that
the Magistrates of the county of Warwick resolved,
at the Sessions which have just expired, to petition
Parliament upon the alarming increase of crime, and
the necessity a some alteration in the present sys-
tem of conviction and punishment as regards juve-
nile delinquents. It appears that, in the county
above-named, the number of convictions for felony,
during the seven years ending Michaelmas
1826, was 3,840—0 f which one half was of offenders
under twentysone years of age, many of whom were
scarcely above the age of childhood! In attempt-
ing to account for this in some measure, it was
stated, by Sir Eardley Wilmot, that offences of the
most trifling nature, and committed by mere chil-
dren' were now constantly brought before the public
with all the parade of the greatest turpitude; and
he expressed an opinion that the payment of ex-
pences to those who bring offenders to justice is a
great auxiliary to crime, inasmuch as it fills our
gaols with petty offenders„ who leave their prison
accomplished thieves. There is a good deal of truth
in these observations; but the source of the evil
lies deeper—and Parliament cannot apply an effectual
remedy sinless it strikes at its very root. All Ma-
gistrates know that the Clerk of the Peace, who is
an officer possessing and exercising, in general, a
great deal of influence with the majority, has fees
upon all the business done at Session, and pretty
large fees too. It is, consequently, his interest to
have as
aalsmany offenders to try as possible. He
draws the indictments in most of the prosecutions,
the petty ones, and the prosecutors, or
their attorneys, generally ask his advice; it is
his interest to recommend the prosecution of the
most trivial offences, and hence a great deal of the
parading before the public of the most insignificant
offences, as if they had been "crimes of the greatest
turpitude." If, indeed, such public exposure, pa-
Mde, and punishment of youthful misbehaviour, had
the effect of producing a correction of the habits,
and preventing the commission of greater crimes,
the great objection to such mode of proceeding
would be removed, and the punishment might be
said to be a merciful severity. But as experience
has long shown that the effect is directly the con-
trary, and that the solemn procedure of a trial by
jury, followed by imprisonment in a felon's gaol,
burdens the feelings, and produces a confirmed de-
pravity in the mind and habits of petty juvenile
offenders, it is high time for the Legislature to in-
terpose a remedy, and prevent at the same time, this
waste of public money, and destruction of morals
Magistrates should do their part, and be very careful
to what description of prosecutors they pay their

x

expenses, and the Legislature ought to abolish all ;
fees to Clerks of the Peace, and establish a fixed
salary for the office, instead of those emoluments
which operate as a premium to a strained and harsh
application of the powers of the law.-11forning
Herald.

The Times of yesterday republishes a part of a
speech pronounced by the Duke of Wellington, on
the 2d of May last, with a view to show that the
expressions he then made use of are incompatible
with his Grace's assumption of the Premiership. We
shall first give the words as we find them in our own
columns. They are as follow :
" I have been accused of ingratitude towards his Ma-
jesty, and of aspiring to the situation of Prime Minister ;
and that, in consequence of my disappointment, I threw
up the command of the Army. These charges are absurd.
Every one who knows me is aware that my being Prime
Minister was out of the question, and no man ever spoke
to me, to whom I did not express the same opinion."—
Lords' Debate of May 2, from the New Times of
May 3.
There is nothing in the above about the" madness,
and worse than madness," mentioned by the Times.
Were we indeed to judge from the style merely of
the report given in the latter, we should have very
little hesitation in saying, that its language was not
Lord Wellington's. We say this, not because it
differs from our own, but because it differs essentially
from any thing we ever heard his Lordship speak,
either on that or any other occasion. We are aware
at the same time, that it would be a matter of very
great difficulty to determine, from internal evidence,
whether his Grace made use of the words imputed
to him or not. Before giving the version of the
Times, we shall give that of the Chronicle.
" Would any man believe that he was anxious to give up
a situation which placed him again at the command of that
army with which he had been so long connected ; which
gave him an opportunity of bringing forward those who
had served with him, or of recommending them to his
Majesty ; that he should be willing to give up this high
and honourable station, which he held with pride, to take
a situation which he felt he could not fill with honour and
satisfaction, for he could not address their Lordships en the
numerous subjects he would have then to bring under their
consideration, in the manner in which they ought to be
addressed ?"—Morning Chronicle, May S.
Now in the version of the Times, which, like Old
Crabtree's in the School for Scandal, is certainly the
most circumstantial:—

" Would any man, therefore, believe, that when he was
in a situation which enabled him to to recommend to the
notice of his Majesty all his former friends and companions
in arms, and to reward them according to their merits, for
exertions which they had formerly made under his com-
mand in the field—would any man believe that lie would
voluntarily resign a situation so consonant to his feel-
ings and his habits, for the mere empty ambition of being
placed at the head of the Government? Be knew that
lie was DISQUALIFIED FOR ANY SUCH OFFICE—he knew
that lie was unable to address the House as a person who
aspired to such an office ought to address it—(Hear, and a
laugh.) And he therefore said, that feeling as he did with
respect to the situation which he bad recently filled at the
head of the army—liking it, as he did, from the opportu-
nities which it gave him to improve the condition of his
old comrades in arms—knowing his own capacity for filling
that office, and his incapacity for filling the post of First
Minister, he should have BEEN MAD, and WORSE THAN
MAD, had he ever entertained the INSANE project which
certain individuals, for BASE PURPOSES, had imputed to
him.—(Hear, hear.)"
It ought in justice to be observed, in explanation
of these very different accounts, that the space be-
low the bar of the House of Lords was, on the night
in question, crowded to excess; and that, by a'very
absurd want of attention in the officiaries of that
House, the gentlemen through whom its Members
communicate with the public—we mean the re-
porters—are left to elbow their way in the best
manner they can, amidst the jostling of the mob of
' idle people who go to the House to prevent
others from hearing. It will, under such circum-
stan .!es, sometimes happen, that one may secure a
place where he can hear and take notes of a speech
which is inaudible to all his collaborateurs. We
do not, however, know that any thing of this kind
haypened on the night of the 2d of May, nor that
the gentlemen who attended for the Times had any
advantage of position whatever. We see, there-
fore, no reason why we should accept of the report
of that paper as a correct one, any more than our
own, which adverts to the supposed incapacity
of his Grace in general terms, or that of the
Chronicle, wherein the only alleged incapacity is
his want of the gift of fluent oratory. An Even-
ing contemporary observes, that were every word
that has been uttered by public men to be set
in array against them, there would be little difficulty
in convicting most of them of inconsistency. This
is, no doubt, true ; but, first, we do not think that
any such argument is wanted to justify the Noble
Duke, for it is by no means apparent that he uttered
any thing which necessarily involves an imputation
of inconsistency ; and, secondly, if he had, we doubt
the applicability of the rule to the case in question.
There may be changes of circumstances, in the lapse
of years, which not only absolve a Statesman from
blame in altering his sentiments, but which render
the alteration imperative; but we are not aware that
any such change has occurred since last May. The
utmost, therefore, we conceive, that can be said of it
is, that if the Duke really tittered what the Times im-
putes to him, he must entertain just now a better
opinion of his own powers than he did eight months
ago ; that lie has inspected more closely the duties
of a Prime Minister, and, measuring himself by
others, and not by any imaginary standard of excel-
lence, he sees that he may fill the office without dis-
advantage to the King and the country. That he
should accept of a post for which he deemed him-
self inadequate, even at the command of his Sove-
reign, which it would, in such a case, be his duty
to disobey, we think impossible, because such a
supposition would be contrary to the whole tenour
of the Duke's actions, which are a much better indi-
cation of his character than half a hundred iipeeches.
We are not called upon, nor do we intend,
to advocate the propriety of his Grace's ac-
ceptance of the Premiership; we hare no doubt he
had very sufficient reasons, and by waiting until
the 29th, we shall hear them from the highest
source—himself. That our contemporaries should
find so much difficulty in accounting for that step,
seems, indeed, very strange, when we recollect the
facility with which they got over his resumption of
the office of Commander-in-Chief. He certainly
stood as strongly pledged—more strongly as we
read his sentiments—not to resume that office under
a Prime Minister, of whose views respecting the
Catholic Question he did not approve, as he did not
to become Prime Minister with his present stock of
capabilities. Yet, though his Grace declared that
it was impossible to preside at the Horse Guards
under Mr. Canning, because that gentleman was
an advocate of the Catholic claims, he did not con-
sent to preside there under Lord Goderich, who was
as sincere, if not so eloquent, a friend of those claims.
If not only was his changed resolution not blamed,
but applauded by all parties, in the one case, there
does not seem much reason for blaming it in the
other.—New Times.

The composition of the New Administration con-
tinues to engage the undivided attention of the pub-
lic; and, as might have been foreseen, it incurs the
disapprobation generally of all those • who were, or
professed to be, the warm admirers and the zealous
supporters of the late " thing of shreds and patches"
which was called a Ministry. There are indeed
some few persons to be found, who: having been the
zealous advocates of the late Administration, aspire
nevertheless to be reckoned.ameng the warm friends
of the present. These experience the fate they have
so diligently earned. Their voice is disregarded by
all parties—no one thinks it worth while even to
inquire their meaning, since all agree that sincerity
is required to give any value to opinion. The op-
ponents of the Duke of Wellington's Ministry seem
convinced that the task they have undertaken is a
most difficult one, and they accordingly apply them-
selves to it with correspondent intrepidity, and not
without exhibiting also a very considerable degree of
cunning. In order to convince our readers, however,
how little the new Administration has'Lb fear,' either
from the intrepidity or the cunning of its assailants, we
think it right to laybefore them a specimen or two of the

manner in which these qualities havealteady been ex-
erted. Nothing can be more intrepid than the conclu-
sion that a man is really unfit for any particular station
because he has been heard to speak modestly, or
even disparagingly, of his own merits and preten-
sions. And this is precisely what is urged against
the fitness of the Duke of Wellington for the
office of Premier. His Grace disclaimed a year
ago all pretensions to this elevated station, and de-
clared very strongly that he did not consider himself
fully qualified for all its various and important duties;
and it is upon these words, and upon these words
only, that the adherents of the late Whig Ministers
found their solitary argument against a nomination
which diffuses confidence and joy throughout the
land. The Whigs recognize these words of the
illustrious Duke, as the most authoritative words
he ever spoke : the King and the People of Eng-
land consider them as the only words ever spoken
by this distinguished man to which they may pro-
perly deny any authority whatever. It is natural
enough that the adherents of the Whigs should
think it impossible for a great man when speak-
ing of himself to err from an excess of modesty,
for this is an error from which the great men of
their party have fortunately been exempt; but
it is, nevertheless, an amazing instance ,of their
intrepidity to put forward an opinion so ostenta-
tiously, which they must know to be repugnant
to the sense and feelings of all the rest of man-
kind. The illustrious 'Wellington only gave honest
expression to the feelings of his noble heart, when
he so strongly declared his disinclination to accept or
seek the office of Prime Minister. He neither
sought it then, nor wishes it now; for his Grace
affords one of the most striking proofs on record of
extreme modesty being the companion of exalted
merit. Well do we remember the observation so
justly made by Mr. Sheridan on the demeanour of
the heroic Deliverer of Europe, on his return from
his immortal feats of glory, that modest as he was
before he entered upon his unexampled career of
victory, he returned from the field of his triumphs a
full-eighth degree more modest than when he went.
Such is the universally acknowledged characteristic
of the truly great 'man who now so auspiciously
presides over the Councils of Britain, and who
in his acceptance of that high office has sa-
crificed his own taste and feelings to the
commands of his Sovereign, but happily at the
same time to the best interests of his country. But
the intrepidity of the opponents of the Duke of
Wellington's Ministry is not more conspicuous than
their cunning. They strive sedulously to attach to
the new Administration that which was the charac-
teristic stigma of the late one. They would fix
upon it the fatal reproach—a reproach which no
Ministry can deserve and retain any hold upon the
confidence or affection of the British nation—of
being under the dominion of conflicting principles,
of containing within itself two opposite parties, en-
gaged in a constant struggle for the ascendancy.—
If they could succeed in the slightest degree in pro-
ducing among the Ministers themselves such feel-
ings as they insidiously impute, or in exciting
throughout the country the remotest suspicion of
the existence of such feelings, they know that
their work would be accomplished, and that
the Administration of the Duke of Wellington,
powerful and respectable as it is, must inevitably
endure the same fate as the weak and worthless
Administration which preceded it. But we know
that their attempt is as desperate as it is cun-
ning, and that it must utterly fail. The Right
Hon. Gentleman, whose name these emissaries of
a disappointed faction employ as the chief instru-
ment in their base and mischievous manoeuvre,
looks upon their artifice with the contempt and de-
testation it so well deserves. He feels himself now
to be in his natural position, associated with a body
of able, virtuous, consistent, and patriotic colleagues,
and lie knows how' much more valuable to his
country, and how much more honourable to himself,
may be his public services thus surrounded and sup-
ported, than they could ever have been, whatever
might have been his personal predominance in such
an Administration as that to which it has recently
been his misfortune to belong. The faction must
surely despair of the success of their profligate at-
tempt to sow division by such means, when they re-
collect that the Right Hon. Gentleman, whose
name they so audaciously employ, has passed a long
political life in harmonious and beneficial co-opera-
tion with the most numerous and influential portion
of the present Cabinet. If there are persons in the
country who entertain a sincere apprehension, that a
difference of opinion may arise in the Administra-
tion in consequence of any excess of zeal in favour
of particular principles of mercantile policy,
or from a desire to precipitate indiscreetly a
course of retrenchment in the national expen-
diture ; on the part of that Statesman, we
beg to refer them generally to the fact above
stated, as the best antidote to their alarm. To
this we beg to add two other well mown facts,
which are not without their share of importance.
One of these facts is, that the very last measure
relating to the trade of the country, introduced to
the House of Commons under the san.aion of Mr.
Huskisson, was a measure not to diminish but to
increase the discriminating duties in favour of Bri-
tish shipping, and was accordingly abused by all the
zealots of political economy. The other fact is,
that Mr. Huskisson is the very last British States-
man in whose favour an augmentation (a very pro- -
per augmentation no doubt) of the national expen-
diture took place. We adduce these undeniable
facts to show that Mr. Huskisson is not so much a
zealot in the cause either of free trade or of retrench-
ment, as his enemies and the enemies of the Ad-
ministration wish to describe him.—Morning Post.