The Sun.
London, England, 1828-08-02 00:00:00

P 1 LT Or THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

It is a fact no less striking than gratifying,
that while so much political ferment prevails in
Ireland, the country enjoys a snore general fret,
`foie from unlawful outrage, disturtYalice, Mid
offence, than at almost any former &ltd. '11)1'
state of things by no means 'answers the iNtshca
of the Orange faction. Their tri'uniph would
be to have some pretext representing the
cfauntry as deluged avith disorders and crimes,.....
to see robbery, murder, and conilagratisan in
every province,—to- describe th'e .aa the hand-
maids of a Popish plot„—to reariWt the Insurrec-
tion Act,—suspend the Millets Corpus Act,—
call upon Government to countenance by an
immense army every freak of precautionary pet-
secution, and then torment the people into a
convulsion, which should only be appeased on
handing over to the Orange interest another
lease of Protestant Ascendancy," to be re-
nesved every 50 years to come. The violent
partisans of the old system are, we repeat, much
mortified and disappointed, that any thing like
municipal and social quiet should accompany
this period of extreme excitement in politics.—
We regret that Ministers should have givra any
shadow of encouragement to the notion that an
increased force may be requisite in Ireland, by
the march of troops from the south and east of
England to the neighbourhood of the asaastern
coast, as if to wait the expected signal for
crossing the Channel, and carrying on war
against the Catholics. It appears to us, that
even this strategic movement for the forma-
tion of what may be called an army of
reserve, has arisen from either a distortion of
facts or a mistake of their real tendency and
bearing. Because declamatory tirades are ut-
tered- by the orators of the Catholic Asso-
ciation, against the penal laws and the Govern-
ment which upholds them, it is wished to be in-
ferred, that men who talk so very angrily, are
equally anxious to fight as they are to speak, or
to convert every listener into a fighter.—
This is cruel ignorance of the resources and ob-
jects of the Catholic body. If a civil war were
once set going, as a consequence of the speeches
of O'Connell and the rest of them, the first act
of the British Government, in its present condi-
tion of power, unmolested, by any foreign State,
would be to proclaim martial law in Irelands and
to offer a reward of some thousands of pounds
for the capture of the demagogue leaders. Is
this a species of martyrdom, let us ask, which
such men of words as Shiel and O'Connell, or
such priests as Messrs. Sheehan, Maguire, &c.
arc prepared for? And if these gentlemen were
ever so well disposed to provoke a war, where
war was necessary, would any but sheet madmen
have recourse to such an extreme, where it was
not only unnecessary to the success of their
cause, but fatal to every hope of succeeding F.'
We consider the assiduity of' the Catholics in
their attendance as members of4he Association,
the openness and boldness of their speech, 'the
energy and efficacy of' their appeal to such arms
as they have drawn from the arsenals of the
Constitution, the best guarantees that can be of-
fered to England for the bona Jide honesty of
their declarations, that to enjoy it in all its ful-
ness forms the sum of their desires Had the Ca-
tholics no means of eventually redressing
themselves by law, we might then with s'oine
appearance of reason suspect that their aim was
the oerthrow of the Constitution. But what
is the fact ? They have found out and proved
to the British Government, that they already
possess a share of power, sufficient to ensure
them, finally, what is wanting, If they could
not vote, and sway the voters of the country,
they would, we doubt not, look to sonic other
instruments than those provided by Act of Par-
liament. But when the sense of this overwhelm-
ing and disgraceful grievance—this exclusion
front every object of high ambition worthy the
members of a free community, has bound them
together like one man, for the single purpose of
removing it,—when, under this unparalleled
sympathy, we find all the old relations of life
tenounced, all jealousies forgotten, all danjers
braved, and emancipation the one and only good
thing prosecuted,—that in this panoply of union
and lawful function, the Catholics, as a body,
have unseated from their political inheritance,
from their immemorial representation of their re-
spective counties, the most powerful families,
sonic feared, sonic beloved, in the island, for no
reason but because they' opposed emancipation,
or did not go far enough in general opposition
to its opponents ; when, again, we need but
extend the cases of Waterford, .Clare, and
Louth, and Monaghan, to the rest of' Ireland,
to ascertain that the whole county representation
of the kingdom, and many of the boroughs, are
in time hands of Catholics, so as to secure a
opposition to Ministers, from
thorough-going
Ireland only, of between 70 and 80 votes—little
more is required to convince any sober-minded
man, that the Catholic game is a constitutional,
not a military warfare; and that to win it, they
have only to choose representatives who will not
coquette with anti-Catholic Ministers—who,
feeling the solid importance of emancipation.
will insist on it as a sine qua non. It is affirmed
bv some people, and with the tone of a sneer,
that the Catholics of Ireland arc a pennyless
rabble, with little or none of the landed property
of the country in their hands. This was never
a correct statement since the year 1780, and it is
snore false than ever. Even while time penal
laws forbade the Catholics to purchase land in
fee-simple, they occupied an enormous propor-
tion of Ireland at low rents, and for leases which
might be termed in perpetuity-990 years for
example. Since the relaxation of those odious
laws, the purchases of estates (of Protestant
titles !) by Catholics, have been astonishing for
number and amount. A gentleman of great
knowledge on this subject has assured us, that
the Catholic purchases durmf: the last twenty
years have exceeded 16,000,000/. in capital, and
in rent have produced above 800,000/. per an-
num. Let not the anti-Catholics, therefore,
flatter themselves or frighten others with these
wild assertions about the poverty of the Catholic
body. Their wealth is enormous—their know-
ledge and spirit are growing rapidiya—and hence
does their exclusion limn the state seem, as it is
in reality, every hour more preposterous and
unnatural, and act more formidably in the
production of resentment and complaint.—
It is not to be denied that at this moment
time Catholic aristocracy, as well as the upper
classes of the priesthood, have been, like the
Protestant aristocracy itself, overgrown and
trampled on by the democratic power, which
springs up gradually from the excitement of
large bodies of men ; and which—let us inti-
mate to the Ultras of' this country—will every
day become more sweeping and irresistible in
Ireland, until the inflammatory topic shall be re-
moved by the grant of this vital measure. SO
long as emancipation is vainly called for, so long
shall we have the reign of speech-makers and
tribunes of the people in that country, the abase-

inept of property, and the sovereignty of O'Con-
nell. Nur is this all. 'How do *c know that,
without a sinec act characteristic of physical
violtWee, or rendering it practicable as e remedy
for the. Mischief, A Oh itttiy not be recommend-
and (in their present state of organization)
leta as easily adopted by the Catholics, whieh
would at once send the estebliAitt 'clergy and
the landed proprietor!: A begging ? Suppose the
Catholic peasants and lower farmers were to say,
eat and all, " We will pay no tithes in money ;
let the parson take them-in kind ;" who could
punish them, or help the clergy Suppose a stepr
further—" We will, oye and all,. pay no rents;
who could eject the poptlatioti of itn entire king-
dotn ? • Sue I eesollitione could be as easily exe-
tbted, as O'Connell was returned for Clare.
Let Governmen/ sec what is before it. The
Judges continue-to remark to the Juries the un-
exampled lightness of their calendars.—Thees:
It is somewhat singular that, in two 'countries,
the laws and institutions, the manners and cus-
toms, of which are so widely different as those
of France and England, a similar complaint
ehould, at the same time, be made of' an in-
crease of juvenile delinquency. In England,
there is no doubt h‘..lt it is an evil which exists
to a coneitlerable extent. The Police Commit-
ter..., in their late Report; however, have only
touched upon the sUrface of it, either as regards
the source, the existence, or the remedy, of what
one would have supposed would have formed a
leading object with a body having a preventive
system in view. For ourselves, we must con-
fess that, though we do not deny the exist-
ence 01' the evil, we are inclined to think that,
looking at it comparatively, ite extent is much
overrated ; and, considering the rapid increase in
our population, it is not greater, if so great, as
might be expected, where so little is done to coun-
teract its rise or its increase. No settled country
has probably ever increased in number as this
has done during the last twenty or thirty years ;1
and when we hear of the population augmenting
at the rate of nineteen or twenty per cent. in
every ten or a dozen years, there can be no great
wonder that idle boys throng our street, or that,
for want of proper occupation, many of them fitll
into bad courses. It is extraordinary, too, how
.has been done to remedy the evil, though
so much is daily said and written as to its exist-
ence ; and thati while benevolent people are em-
ployed in all corners of the kingdom in teaching
the young idea how to shoot," so little has
hitherto been done to train up the children of
poor or profligate parents in the way in
which they should go—that is, by giving
them useful employment. In a maritime
country like this, the sea service in some one
or other of its various shapes, seems the
most obvious destination for destitute boys; yet,
with the exception of one excellent charity, with
very limited means (the Marine Society), scarcely
any efibrt is made, or means provided, for train-
ing up to the King's, the merchant's service, or
the fisheries, those who instead of being, as they
are now considered, a nuisance, form in fact, the
real wealth of a nation. In Paris we perceive
that the Duchess of Angouleme has taken up the
matter with a truly humane and patriotic feeling,
and proposes to establish spacious receptacles,
where destitute and poor children might be re-
ceived, in the unavoidable absence of those who
have the charge of them. Something of the
kind might, probably, be instituted to advantage
iii this metropolis. At any rate, nothing can be
worse than our present system, by which we
first allow children to sin up to a certain point
with impunity, and then send them to • prisons,
where they become confirmed and accomplished
thieves. This is a strange way, it must be ad-
mitted, for the State to eal with its surplus po-
pulation ; yet this is our method—this is what
our Legislature suffiirs, and our charity-mongers
look on and connive at, and then turn up their
eyes in yonder at the increase of depravity,
which they themselves have, in no small. degree,
been the authors of: We shall be glad if the
example now set us in France leads to some ex-
ertions of a similar kind in this country. The
difficulty, we are aware, is, how to deal with the
parental tic ; but, on the one hand, something,
we should think, might be done to render parents
more legally responsible for the conduct of their
children than they now are ; and, on the other,
to take from those whom crime or misfortune
disqualifies for it a charge which, in such cases,
becomes wholly neglected, if not, in many cases,
disregarded.—Morning Herald.
The Journal des Debats congratulate e, the
country on the spirit manifested by the Members
of the Chamber of Deputies. " Our mandatories
(says that journal) have managed the public for-
tune like good heads of families. A Minister
would not have found favour in wrapping him-
self up in a disdainful silence, nor in laying him-
self out in frivolous speeches, nor in giving in-
complete satisfaction ; hence the explanations of
the Government have been sincere and perti-
nent ; Ministers conceived they were addressing
themselves to a majority truly national, and
through that majority to the country." Speak-
ing of the diminutions, it is observed, " 'We see
results more valuable from their moral import-
ance than the mere reduction of the figure. The
allowance to Ministers is diminished 30,000
francs. It must be owned that our Ministers
have complied with good grace, as if they con-
ceived they would be bedemnified for the differ-
ence by the suffrages of good citizens. It is
very little, no doubt, compared with the whole.
But. it is much that the salaries of the high func-
tionaries descend in proportion. This gives the
Ministers a title to reduce the salaries of their
agents. When the heads have commenced e.eco-
nomy, the subordinates lose the right of com-
plaining. . . . Expencos of spew have been
retrenched : a grand amelioration, which proves
cue thing of' very recent conviction in France—
that show does not raise a functionary in esteem;
that every where it is better to be than to seem.
It would have been unfitshionable, a few years
ago, to say this in 4 time so near the splen-
dours of the Imperial Court. Now the thing
is palpable, and the simple announcement of
en
!pais de representation causes a constitutional
l
majority to
toleraterise
spontaneously.expenses of y
should ori a
Budget
gives only 50,000 francs to pri-
mary instruction ? These are lessons to
us;
but they are lessons from which w:caTlnot profit.
M. Hyde de Neuville, in his analysis of the
navies of France and England, showed that we
have three or four times more officers, in
pro-
portion to our seamen, than the French. Those
who have read the Correspondence of Lord Col-
lingwood can be at no loss to account, for the
cause of this difference. Parliamentary interest,
as he observes—that is, the pay of those who
wield political power—forces the Executive to
receive a number of useless and worthless indi-
viduals in our, navy, that they may be pensioned
at the public expellee. We have an Aristocracy
whose distinctive merit - is wealth, who are insa-
tiable as the grave, and whose example corrupts

and demoralises the land, A gentleman, as he
is called, with a brood of five or six sons, who
mire above all avocations which add to the re-
sources of the nation, most do one of trio things
—either reduce his own scale of living, to enable
his sons to exist like gentkrien, which in a
taunt'' like this, where wealth is the measure of
respectability, and show constitutes nearly the
sum of morality, would be swallowing a bitter
pill ; or he must sell his independence for a
share of the public money for them. Whatever
language may be held in this country, how-
ever Williog iiiav to consent to the
appointment of Finance Committees, the force
of circumstances will always prevent any reduc-
tion. The moment it was endeavoured to give
effect to the recommendation of the Finance
Committee, in the case of the Lieutenant-
General of the Ordnance, it become obvious
that it would be as easy to make a hungry lion
quit its prey as the Aristocracy of this country
their sinecures. The higher functionaries of
France commenced the work of reduction with
themselves. This is never the end at which re-
duction is• first attempted in England. A few
labourers in dock-yards, for whom no one is in-
terested, are sent adrift ; a 'few of the supenni-
nutnerary clerks, backed by no Parliamentary
friends, are turned off; but all the better de-
scription of offices are kept sacred. The Dead
List keeps on augmenting. Yellow Admirals
increase, and Generals of use only to draw their
pay. The Members of the House of Commons,
however much they may differ on speculative
points, vote all money matters almost by accla-
mation, the dissentients being reduced to a few
individuals. This will be the case as long as the
relations between Parliament and people continue
what they are. Lord Plunkett observed, in his
place in Parliament, that in an age like ours re-
ligion could not exist without a rich establish-
ment. His Lordship
.made the wealth the prim-
' cipal, and religion the accessary. He saw that
an aristocracy of wealth like ours causes wealth to
be the standard by which all things are measu-
red ; and that with such a standard, the Mini-
sters of Religion, without a tolerable share of the
property of the country, would not be in good
repute among the higher orders. The conse-
quence, however, of this state of things, so much
prized by his Lordship, is every thing but bene-
ficial, either to religion or morality. The whole
history of the Christian Religion—all the ac-
counts of those who hold a distinguished place I.
in its annals—is the consecration of poverty and
asceticism in this life, for the sake of the advan-
tage to be reaped in another. Here, then, in
this pretended consecration of wealth as the
parent of religion, we see an importance at- •
tached to that which religion of all timings most
sedulously condemns. Fraud and falsehood
thus come to be mixed up with the most sacred
things ; and a conventional hypocrisy, which, as
far as we can perceive, serves to deceive very
few, pervades notwithstanding all discourses ad-
dressed to the public. It is acknowledged on
all hands, by men who have seen other countries,
that in this fiction and cant prevail in a degree
nowhere else to be discovered. There can he
very little difficulty in discovering the cause,
whatever difficulty there may be in discovering a
remedy. However, we have an example in
France of the moral improvement produced by
the simple fact, of rendering the majority of the
Representatives. accountable to their constituents.
Till the English Representatives, instead of
buying their constituents, come to be account-
able to them, we shall have no such phenomenon
as honesty in public life in this country.—
Morning Chronicle.

If any proof were wanting of the unrivalled
success which has attended the measures intro-
duced by Mr. fiuskisson, for the improvement of
the Silk Trade, it would be found in the nume-
rous extracts which we have given, from time to
time, from different country Papers, all attesting,
more or less strongly, the important fact, that the
silk manufacture ni this country is in a highly
progressive state of improvement. The subject
is not one on which we can enlarge at present; •
but we truA the " Blank-sheet Gentlemen" who
are now at the head of the Board of Trade, and
about commencing their studies, will not over-
look either the extract which was given in the
SUN on Thursday, from the Glasgow Flee
Press on the subject, or the conclusion to
‘hich it leads. The manufacture cannot but be
in a thriving state, :which requires, daily, addi-
tional means of supply, and is capable of
furnishing additional employment.— Morning
Advertiser.

It would be seen from a report, in our paper
of yesterday, of the proceedings which took
place at Bow-street, relative to the application
for a license for one of those houses known as
" Shades," or Wine-rooms, that their proprietors
are determined to leave -no stone unturned in
order to procure to themselves without any other
trouble or expence than that of securing a licence,
all the advantages and benefits for which the
Licensed Victuallers have paid so dearly. We
have reason to believe, however, that the different
Magistrates of the metropolis are now fully aware
of the intent of the Legislature in passing the
Hotel-keepers' Act, and that every application
which has not for its basis the substantial charac-
ter of an hotel will be rejected by them. Sir
Richard Birnie, who has rendered such eminent
service to the Licensed Victuallerv, by driving out
of his office the perjured gang of common in-
formers, will not, at all events, give encourage-
mment
,to the establishment of public-houses,
under the pretence of their being hotels, unless
the fact of their being such is fairly established,
and brings them fully. within the meaning of the
Act. Sir Richard knows too well the immense
property vested in public-houses, and the ruin
which would be brought upon their present
owners, as well as the generally disreputable cha-
racter of many of these houses which are desig-
nated hotels, wine-rooms, and shades, to think
for a moment of proceeding indiscriminately
to the granting of licenses, without ascer-
taining, in the first place, that they were
fully entitled by law to such license, and, in the
second, that their owners xvere sufficiently
respectable to be entrusted with it. With him, in
fact,: we suspect no job ; and as his decision, on
Tuesday next, respecting the house denominated
the " Strand Hotel," is looked forward to with
great anxiety, and will undoubtedly be quoted as
a precedent, we trust that he will not only be
particularly cautious in examiming every circum-
stance bearing either for, or against, the license,
but that he will be explicit, particularly in lay-
ing down the grounds on which he may either
refuse or grant the license. The case is of the
more importance, because it has been postponed
as dubious, and the decision will form the around-.
work of others.—Ibid.

Much to the credit of the country (in which
the Press may claim some share), gaming of all descrip-
tions has fallen off among the' higher circles, to a degree
hardly credible, considering how strong the mania was a
short time since.—Morning Herald.

FUMIqt.R ASSIZt iNtELLIGtNCt.

GUILDFORD, VlLitslY, AuGusr 1.
Tun KING V. Liu:ELAND.

Phis wgs an indictment ggainst Edward Bach-
land, a tallow-melter and chandler, at Camberwell,
for obstructing and assaulting certain officers of Ex-
cise in the execution of their duty.
The jury returned a verdict finding the defendant
"Guilty." He will be brought up for judgment in
the Court of King's Bench.
Wm. Johnson, John Wells, Sarah Mth,phcr.son,
Jane Jones, and Mary Donakue, were indicted for
assaulting; and robbing a foreigner named Jean Gar-
dias, in a bad housa, in Peter-street, in the Borough-
mint, of 161. in silver, and a metal watch, his pro-
" eAy.
The male prisoners appeared to be about 17 or 18
years old. The females were much younger.
The prosecutor was examined through the medium
of Mr. Baron Garrow's clerk. His statement was,
that 1w had come 0,-er to this country to ascertain
what kind of articles he could bring over to trade in
with the greatest advantage. He had been here
three weeks, and could speak a little English. He
could call for a pot of porter or a glass of porter.—
On Friday week he was passing along the Borough,
and was accosted by Jane Jones an d Mary Donahue
whom he consented to accompany home. They
took him to a house in the neighbourhood, where
he saw Sarah Macpherson. lie retired with 'Mary
Donahue, and afterwards returned and sat down
with the girls, and sent out for sonic porter. The
two male prisoners came in soon after, and also sot
down. They insisted on sending for some gin and
ruin, but witness did not pay for them. He, how-
ever, partook of part, and became rather fresh from
what he had taken. While in that-state, he was
induced to retire with Macpherson, but had no
sooner got into the bed-room before the two men
and the women rushed in upon him, forced him
upon the bed, and there with great violence, and
notwithstanding he made every resistance in his
power, they robbed him of his money, which he
carried secured in a belt underneath his shirt, and
next to his body. The belt contained 309 shillings,
four half-crowns, and two sixpences. They also
took from him his watch, travelling-cap, and silk
handkerchief. They then all ran off, leaving him in
the house by himself.

On being called on for their defence, the men said
they were accidentally led to the spot by hearing.
the screams of the girls. They found the prosecu-
tor ill-using them, and had interfered for their pro-
tection.

The girl Macpherson said, that the man had at-
tempted a most gross assault upon her ; that she
resisted, and thus provoked his violence. She de-
nied that the prosecutor had more than half-a-crown
in his possession.
Mr. Baron GARROW summed up, and the Jury
without hesitation returned a verdict of Guilty
against all the prisoners.
The Learned Judge proceeded to place the black
cap upon his head, preparatory to passing the awful
sentence of death. The prisoners, on teeing the cap,
screamed and sobbed dreadfully and it was some
minutes before even a partial cessation of their cries
enabled the Learned Judge to commence his address.
Scarcely, however, had he uttered ten words, before
Sarah Macpherson fell down in strong hysterics.
Another pause ensued, during which the screams of
the prisoners were reuewed with increased violence.
The Learned Judge ordered the females to be re-
moved, and judgment of death to be recorded
against them, telling them that it was his intention
to spare their lives. The strong emphasis placed by
the Learned Baron on the pronoun their, seemed to
arouse the male prisoners to a better feeling of the
hopelessness of their situation. Their screams be-
come most awful. After a long pause, during ‘vhich
their screams remain unabated, the Learned Judge
'aid, he had intended addressing a few observations
to them, but as they did not appear in a state to
listen to him, he should at once pronounce the sen-
tance of the law, which was, that they be taken to
the place from whence they came, and thence to the
place of execution, and there severally hanged by
the neck till they were dead. The prisoners having
become more composed, the Learned Judge proceeded
to caution them against holding out to themselves any
expectation of mercy, for assuredly when he left that
town they would be left for execution. He hoped
therefore they would prepare themselves for the
death that awaited them.