The Sun.
London, England, 1845-11-15 00:00:00

FREE TRADE BANQUET.

DINNER AT BIRMINGHAM TO THE HON C. P.
VILLIERS, M.P.

THURSDAY NIGHT.—This evening the long
announced public dinner to the Hon. C. P. Villiers, Member
for Wolverhampton, and the leader of the Anti-Corn-law
party, took place in the Town-hall, and was most numerously
and brilliantly attended. It is calculated that between 700
and 800 gentlemen of all shades of political opinion sat down
to dinner.

The chair was occupied by Mr. W. H. Smith, the newly-
elected Mayor of the borough, having on his right Mr.
Villiers, the guest of the evening, Mr. Scott, M.P., Mr.
Bright, M.P., Mr. G. Fox, Colonel Thompson, Mr. Craw-
shay, Alderman James, Alderman Beale, Alderman Van
Wart, Mr. Clark, Mr. Beilby, Mr. Bolton, Mr. Blake,
of the firm of Bolton and Watt, of the Soho Works; and
on his left., Earl Ducie, Mr. Cobden, M.P. ; Mr. William
Brown, late candidate for the southern division of Lan-
cashire ; Mr. Thornely, M.P. ; the Low Bailiffof Birmingham ;
the Rev. Mr. Bathe, Unitarian minister; Alderman P. H.
Muntz, Alderman Room, Alderman Weston, and Alderman
, Scholefield, Mr. Lucas Chance, of the Sporlane Works. Mr.
Geach, and other gentlemen of influence and station residing
in the town and neighbourhood. Mr. Alderman Phillips,
the late Mayor, occupied the vice-chair. The principal
gallery was filled with a numerous assembly of ladies. The
arrangements throughout were most admirable, and reflected
great credit upon the managing committee.
After Non Nobis, Doinine had been sung by the profes-
sional gentlemen in the organ gallery,
The CHAIRMAN said, now he was about to commence the

......
discharge of the duties of the honourable situation in which
he was placed, lie could assure them most unaffectedly he
felt in the deepest degree the onerous character of those
duties. But lie assured them that lie would endeavour to
discharge them to the best of the abilities which he pos-
sessed, and the powers at his command. His first duty was
to congratulate them upon the highly honourable assem-
blage of guests congregated that day.—(Cheers.) His second
duty was to announce to the meeting the names of gentle-
men highly and equally honourable, who, but for circum-
stances not anticipated, would have been present on that
occasion. He would not read letters, but he might mention
that amongst other communications he had one from Lord
Radnor, who, on the score of old age, extremely regretted his
inability to attend. His Lordship, however, felt the deepest
interest in the meeting, not only on account of the compli-
ment intended to their honoured guest, but also because
he felt a deep interest in the success of the sacred cause
they were assembled to promote. He (the Chairman)
had also to regret the absence of not one only, but both of
the Members for the borough of Manchester, but he
was commissioned by his friend, Mr. Mark Philips, to say the
present was the wedding -day of his only brother—that was
his apology for absence. The same reason kept away Mr.
Robert H. Greig, who, as brother-in-law of Mr. Philips,
was detained by the same happy event. He (the Chairman)
had hoped for the attendance of one or both of their own
borough Members, but he was disappointed. He should
have been happy to see Mr. Muntz in the hall that evening;
lie should have been' happier still to have seen their friend
Mr. Spooner—(Laughter)—for differing, as many of them
did, from the political opinions of that Hon. Gentleman, they
all acknowledged his worth and respectability.—(Hear.).
He was authorised to state that Mr. Muntz would have been
present, but it so happened that he had an engagement with.
Prince Albert at Windsor that day; and their Hon. Mem.-
ber also assured him that he would, upon every occasion
when the question was brought before the House
of Commons, vote for the repeal of the corn-laws.—(Loud
cheers.) He (the Chairman) had also hoped to have seen
that evening Mr. Ricardo, the Member for Stoke, and Mr.
M. Gibson, the Member for Manchester. Both gentlemen had
promised their attendance, and as trains were arriving hourly,
probably they might during the night have the pleasure of
their company. He begged it to be understood, that
this was not a political or party meeting, but strictly a
social one—(Hear)—intended as a compliment to the lion.
Member who had conferred such invaluable assistance on the
cause of free trade.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman, after
calling upon the company to assist him in the maintenance
of order, and in a few words passing a high eulogium upon
her Majesty, called upon the company to till a bumper to the
health of The Queen."

The toast was drunk with great enthusiasm.
The healths of " Prince Albert," "The Prince of Wales,"
and " The Queen Dowager," succeeded, and were drunk with
the customary honours, as was the toast of" The Army and
Navy."

The CHAIRMAN said, he was about to propose to them the
health of their honoured guest, Mr. Villiers, who had done
them the honour of accepting their hospitality on that occa-
sion.—(Loud cheers.) In performing this part of his duty, he
was sure he would not for one moment insult Mr. Villiers, or
disgrace himself, by addressing to that gentleman undue flat-
tery and vain compliment. But it was due to the meeting that
he (the Chairman) should state why it was that they had in-
vited the Hon. Gentleman to visit Birmingham that day. It
was simply this,—because he was the advocate of public
principles in which they all concurred, and was a man whom
they all admired. But he might be asked what those prin-
ciples were ? He would answer in two words— the principles
of commercial freedom—the rights of labour, the rights of
property, and, in connexion and dependence upon them, the
advancement of the happiness and welfare of the entire so-
cial race.—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman, after some fur-
ther complimentary observations. concluded by proposing
i"rhe health of the Hon. Charles Pelham Villiers, their distin-
guished guest."—(Loud cheers, repeated three times three. )
Mr. COBDEN begged to act as fugleman. Let them give
three-times-three Birmingham cheers, such as should be
heard at Tamworth. The Hon. Member's suggestion was
adopted with hearty responses.

Mr. VIr.UERS said he was sure that the meeting would
readily believe that he could not rise without great em-
barrassment duly to acknowledge the peculiar honour which
had been done him that evening. When he considered the
flattering circumstances under which he was their guest, and
the friendly manner in which they had received the
sentiment with which the Chairman had accompanied
the proposal of his health, he (Mr. Villiers) honestly
declared that he felt great difficulty in conveying adequately
to them his sense of the condescension and consideration with
which they had honoured him. He could hardly consider
himself entitled to so much condescension ; there were men
at their board that evening who were possessed of more
talents than himself, and who, he was sure, had done more
service to the great cause for the advancement of which they
were met there that evening than lie had been able to do; in
fact, he only differed from those men in having had a seat
in the House of Commons longer than they, but he believed
they would bear him out in saying that when they came
into the House of Commons they did not find that he
had been idle, but that he had been and Was at the time
toiling on, as he had been for a long time, with difficulties
greater than any which they had had to encounter. Since
he (Mr. Villiers) had been honoured with a seat in the
House of Commons by the favourable sense which was en-
tertained of him by a great body of constituents in the
neighbourhood, he had endeavonred to do his duty—Omar)
—and he would say, that his apprehension of his duty was
never to prefer his individual interests, or the interests of a
class, to those of the public, and he had it not on his con
science that in any one single instance had he preferred the
advantage of himself to what he considered his duty to the
public ; and he could only say that if the course he had takea
in public life had met their approbation, and if that which he
had done in his efforts to support the cause which they
were met that evening to celebrate could be construed to
be a public service, their approbation of that course gave
him, they might rely upon it, the highest reward for what
he had done, and the highest encouragement to persevere
in the course that he had hitherto pursued.—(Hear,
hear.) They knew how the House of Commons was
constituted and the feelings of that body on this matter,
and the way in which they were identified with this law,
and that those whose hostility to that law was dispalyed
there acted at the greatest disadvantage ; but he could an-
swer, he thought, for the distinguished men who were pre-
sent on this occasion; and he could answer for himself, that
the one consideration which had cheered them on more
than another had been, that sooner or later the intelli-
gent portion of the community would appreciate their
endeavours. He accepted this meeting as a sign of the
progress of the cause, and a most gratifying verification
of what they had all along been expecting. If they
coincided with him and his friends around him on this
great question, it was most important that they should not
underrate the importance of their declaring themselves
distinctly without loss of time. Why they who sat in that
House had had the most conclusive proofs that their
opponents, the supporters of the corn-laws, had found at
length that they were wrong, and they felt that, being
wrong, the evidence was pressed upon them by their
own Ministers, and by the circumstances of the country,
which they could not dispute, that they could not any longer
maintain the corn-laws consistently with the interests of the
community. But one thing they did not know; they seemed
ignorant of the opinion of the people; they appeared to want
some sign of the opinions really entertained by the intelli-
gent portion of the public; they seemed to think that if the
people chose to keep silence the public therefore coincided
with them in opinion, or were undecided at least with re-
gard to the operation of the law. He did not believe that the
aristocracy of this country were better than any other men ;
but he thought them much like other men—(Hear, hear)
—and that if any of them helped themselves to anything
which they had not a right to, but which they thought
worth keeping, why they were very loath to give up. They
were like other great bodies that the meeting knew of; they
would not move till the steam was up. It was not a gentle
force that would stir them. Sir James Graham had said
some time ago—and it was one of the things which he bad
not unsaid since—that the aristocracy, if they opposed public
opinion, were totally without power. (Laughter, and
cheers.) That was undoubtedly true. What, then, was it
which stood between the advocates of corn-law repeal and
that result? He answered, the want of some clear, intel-
ligible, unmistakeable expression of opinion.—(Hear, hear.)
He thought it most gratifying to see this manifestation of
opinion in this great town—a manifestation which he looked
upon and accepted, not as made in favour of a person or a
party, but of a great principle.—(Loud cheers.) He believed
that if the commerce of this country continued restricted,
as it was at present, the people might as well be with-
out a great part of the liberty they possessed.—
(Hear.) They had acquired the power of thinking what
they pleased—of praying how they pleased—of saying what
they pleased—and the result had been, that the people
had become the greater, and the circumstances of the country
the better for it. The people, in consequence, have grown
mere intelligent, more peaceful, more enterprizing, more ac-
tive than any other nation, and it was precisely for that reason
that commercial restraint was such a fetter to them ; for li
what was it to a man to be possessed of more intelligence
or more skill than his fellows if he were restrained from dis-
posing of it to the best advantage—if the comforts of life
were beyond his reach? He asked if that was not the con-
dition of millions of their fellow-countrymen? He asked,
also, if destitution was not what all who heard him were ex-
pecting to fall upon those millions every hour? Then did
any man believe that Providence had brought about that re-
sult ? No. It was the result of human legislation,
it was the direct consequence of the law which they were that
evening met to assail—a consequence which bad been foreseen,
and of which the Govenment had been warned over and over
again. By the laws which they enacted, the,Government drove
a large portion of their people to the most inferior kinds
of foo, and then, if any of those visitations arrived which
might be expected to occur, they were reduced to des-
st itution. That was the consequence of making food difficult to
be obtained. It was passing laws for bringing about destitu-
tion. He said, that no man who had been a party to such
legislation had any right to talk about the visitation of Pro-
vidence. He had lately seen that Lord John Russell had
expressed himself with great eloquence onthe constitution of this
country, when addressing lately the citizens of Edinburgh,
and to much that the Noble Lord said in praising this
country every reasonable man would assent; but he (Mr.
Villiers) said that every man would deny throughout
Europe that the corn-law in this country operated against
the power of the Government. They might point to a
despotism, and make comparisons between this country and
it unfavourable to the latter, but where did they see a
despotism in which there was anything to exceed the pritce
tical injustice of the law which was passed to make the
wealthiest aristocracy in Europe still wealthier by means:
which exposed millions to want.—(Loud cheers.) They
knew that the substitution of the sliding scale was asserted
to have sprung from a desire that food night be abundant
in this country, and that we might be independent of fo-
reigners. Now was the moment to observe the operation of

that precious device—(Hear)—that contrivance which was to •
make food abundant and the country independent of foreigners.
They had attempted to establish sliding scales in Holland
and Belgium ; but the moment there arose a de!iciency of
food, how did these scales operate? Not one moment had
been lost in sending those scales to where the people leepeel
they never would return from. He knew of no better instamee
than that of Holland by which to illustrate what he was,
urging. Holland, upwards of two centuries ago, did not grow-
a grain of wheat; but Holland, by the description of every
person who wrote about that time, was the granary of Europe_
What was their condition now? They had instituted this,
miserable device of a sliding-scale, and what bad been the
consequence? They were compelled to resort to compara-
tive free trade when a deficiency of supply arose.
then, did people read in the journals ? What did they-
hear ? The Ministers had been meeting for four
hours a day all last week fur the purpose of seeing
how decently they could get rid of their scheme. That.
was the real state of the case, and the only scruple that they-
seemed to have was that, as they were the authors of the
scheme, it was necessary to consider what would be the opi-
nion
them throughout the country if they destroyed their
own work? As to that, the opinion of the country, he was
persuaded, was that if there could be one act more foolish:
than the establishment of this sliding scale, it would_
be, in present circumstances, not to get lid of it alto-
gether. It was promised at the establishment of this
scale, that it would make us independent of foreigners, and.
it was asked was not that a great advantage? But what
was the case now? That was its greatest misfortune that it
makes us not entirely dependent on foreigners, and that in:
consequence foreigners had not enough to send us; for when.
the Legislature devised this notable scheme, to render us in-
dependent of foreigners, they also brought it about that:
foreigners should not be dependent on us, and having taught
them not to be dependent on us, they canoe t wonder that.
foreigners are not likely to have provided for us ; but the
organs of monopoly said that they were ready to meet the
emergency, and that Sir Robert Peel was ready to meet
everything that can happen ; because he was reedy to give a.
bounty—(Hear, hear)—on the importation of food. Now,
that was very good of Sir R. Peel—(A laugh)—and it was
very reasonable in the organs of his Government to recom-
mend that he should do so; but he (Mr. Villiers) would
like to know who was to pay that bounty?—(Hear, hear.)
He thought Sir R. Peel would not pay that bounty, but
that the people would pay it, ard that, therefore, the
people were not only to pay too much for their food per-
manently, but to pay a special tax in order to defray the
bounty. He did not think that there were ten people in this
country who believed one statement that the friends and
authors of the sliding scale made inits defence. What was
the meaning of the anxiety which existed previous to the
harvest time? This country was dependent for its supply of
food upon the seasons. Whether they should have abundance
or scarcity, dearness or cheapness, turned upon the weather
in the month of August. They had had so much experience
lately of the consequences of food .being dear or cheap, that
no person in the country was unprepared for what might be
.the result in one case or the other. People had an idea that
if rock' was abundant and cheap, inoliey would be plentiful,
credit would be' good, manufactures would flourish, revenue
'would lie, antple, evagee','Would be high, and the country
,generally'eiould he prospeiems and they entertained just as
confident an impression that if food was dear money would
,be scarce, manufactures would be depressed, wages would be
low, local burdens *Mild lee increased, and all the capital
otherwise available :for Public-WOrks—Such as railroads and
other similar -undertakings—woUld be immediately with-
drawn to pay, the increased price of food. It was perfectly
natural that people shOuld be anxious to know whether the
harvest was likely to be good or not ; bat ehen the question
arose, whether this anxiety was necessary—whether they
ought to depend only uPon'tlie harvb4—whether, being
satisfied it was desirable that' food should be cheap and
plentiful, they ought not to adopt every means to effect that
Object? There was one fact which ought to be impressed
on the mind of every person who was a supporter of the
principles of free trade, and who wished to meet the argu-
ments of- the monopolists—namely, that there was not one
single article of consumption for which there was a great de-
mand in this country, and whick was subject to the regular
principles of commerce, of which there was ever a deficient
supply, or of which the supply was ever limited —(Hear.)
They fancied they knew a man's character when he arrived
at the age of twenty-one; they ought to know something
about this law, which had attained the age of thirty-one.—
(A laugh.) He wished to know if any men could say a
single thing in defence of that law?—(Hear, hear.) It
excited the greatest anxiety throughout the country regu-
larly every two months; it threw the people into a state
of confusion regularly every four years; it had occasioned
great loss to the country, and constant privation to the
poorest class of the population.—(" Hear," and cheers.)
When he (Mr. Villiers) first went into Parliament he used
to hear it argued that dear bread was advantageous to
the country; that it secured the people high wages; and
that it was necessary to enable them to pay the national debt.
But now he heard nothing of this kind from the supporters
of the corn monopoly. They were obliged to admit that an
abundance of food was a great blessing; and they said,
"Only give us time; let us adopt all the improvements we
can, and then we shall have as abundant a supply of food as
we can gain by importation." Now, he had a great objection
to wait, or to trust these men. If a gentleman said, "Leave
me a monopoly, in order that I may benefit the public," he
greatly mistrusted such an individual. He mistrusted 'the
agricultural protection societies, because he never found
them endeavouring to carry their professed objects into effect.
If some twenty-tire of the nobility and gentry of a county
were to assemble and inquire whether they could not improve
the condition of the tenant-farmer, and to lead him to profit by
the lectures he was urge d to attend, he (Mr. Villiers) would
confess that they gave some proof they were in earnest. Suppose
the gentlemen of whom he was speaking were to draw up and
agree to some declaration to this effect :—" That whereas we
have been in the habit of making the farmers political tools
—(Hear)—of placing them under every possible disadvan-
tage, extorting from them the highest rent we could get,
giving them the smallest possible advantages for making
their produce profitable, and making them religiously pre-
serve a species of vermin it is our pride to destroy—(" Hear,
hear," and great cheering)—and that the result of this has
been that their farms were badly cultivated, and the people
of this country were under-supplied with food, we agree to
recommend all landlords to give leases to their tenants—
(Hear, hear)—to secure them in their tenures—to afford
them every inducement to invest capital in the soil, and
to allow the vermin before-mentioned to be destroyed;"
lie had no doubt that the lectures of Liebi„,,, and the in-
ventions of Mr. Smith, of Deanston, would receive the
careful attention of farmers, and that they would soon
see a great improvement in agriculture. But so long
as they confined themselves to giving lecturei, and did
nothing beyond, he did not think the persons of whom
he had been speaking had any claim to their confidence.
But there was another reason which made him pause before
he trusted the advocates of a corn-law. Those persons had
recently said, with great plausibility, to the opponents of
monopoly—" If you will only leave us protection a little !
time we shall soon be able to do all you want." Now,
whenever bread was abundant and cheap, no persons were so
angry and discontented as the very people who thus appealed
to them for their confidence. If those whom he (Mr. Villiers)
was then addressing had happened to be in the House of
Commons one evening about the middle of last session they
would have witnessed a singular scene, which confirmed the
views he had just expressed. They might have seen a rustic-
looking gentleman with a number of papers in his hands, ad-
dressing the the house with great vehemence and indignation,
and assuming a threatening attitude towards the gentlemen
on the Treasury bench. Had a stranger entered the house
at that moment lie might have supposed the speaker to be a
humane and honest man, complaining in indignant strains
of same injustice committed against the poor. But in such
a supposition he would have been grievously mistaken, for
he would have learned that this gentleman was a member
of the protection party, and that the papers he held in his-
hand were the prices current of all the animals and vege-
tables produced by the members of the agricultural protection
societies upon their property.—(Laughter.) That Honour-
able Gentleman went through every item in those returns
with the greatest minuteness, and he indignantly assailed the
measures of the Prime Minister, contending that, from their
operation, the price of pork, eon, and flour, had fallen so
much a stone below the price which existed at the time when
he and his friends formed the Administration. The
gentleman to whom he referred and his friends made
charges of breach of faith, and held out threats of with-
drawal of confidence ; and they seemed to have a strong
case against the Minister of the Crown. That was what
was termed in the House of Commons a practical debate,
(Laughter)—and there was a gentleman representing the
protection party and the landed interest of the country, occu-
pying the British House of Commons for two hours and a
half in complaining of a great fall in the price of the neces
series of life.—(Laughter and " Hear, hear.") He was
delighted to see the other day that that speech had attracted
the attention of a gentleman whose observation on the
subject had been much commented upon in the papers
lately. He alluded to Mr. Escott, who stated that when he
heard that speech he saw that the game of protection was
up.—(Great cheering and laughter.) That was a true
remark. The game of protection was up. (Renewed
cheering.) This matter seemed to have struck a great
many other persons in the same light. The attention of a
nobleman, distinguished for his philanthropy, and for
whom ho entertained great respect seemed also to
have been attracted by Mr. Escott's oration ; and
the Noble Lord to whom he referred said, speaking
of his experience during the last session, that he saw
the corn-laws were doomed.—(Hear, and cheers.) The
Noble Lord meant " detected."—( A laugh.) He trusted the
Noble Lord would turn out a good prophet, and that these
laws, having been detected, would speedily be doomed.—
(Loud cheers.) Therewas also another gentleman, a captain
in the navy, who had, after some years' deliberation, come
to a conclusion on the subject. That gentleman said,
" There were two things 'heard during the last session, I heard
that the population is increasing by 1,000 a-day, and I heard
that the object of protection is to snake the necessaries of life
ats dear and as scarce as possible" "Why," he continued,
"this is worse than the Chinese. The Chinese do everything
to feed their people. They encourage the introduction
of food into the country, while we are doing pre-
cisely the contrary." The Honourable Gentleman to whom
he was referring told the people in his own count,
that " this won't do ;" and he had, it appeared,
become a convert to Anti-Monopolist principles. These
circumstances had had a very beneficial effect in the
House of Commons. Lord J. Russell, shortly afterwards,
thought it high time to bring before the country the condi-
tion of the working classes, and he came to the conclusion
that that which bore most heavily upon them, and pre-
vented them from rising to their proper position was this
law, which rendered the necessaries of life scarce and dear—
(Hear, hear)—and he called upon the House to take the sub-
ject into their consideration. He (Mr. Villiers) was curious
to notice how the Government received that proposition ; for
while they wanted to glorify themselves for the 'prosperity
of the country, they also wished to stand well with their own
friends. Sir J. Graham did not oppose Lord J. Russell's
motion. He acted as a man usually did when lie agreed with
the mover of a resolution, but found it inconvenient to say
so. He moved the previous question, but Sir James thought,
like Mr. Escott, that the game of protection was up ; and he
made in his speech a clean sweep of all the rubbish that had
ever been uttered in favour of protection.—(Hear, hear.)
He ventured to say that there never was a speech delivered
by any one of those who advocated free-trade of so much
power as that speech of Sir James Graham by way of answer
to these who opposed the repeal of the corn-laws. There
was not one of them who had ever supported the repeal of
the corn-laws by a better speech. That their opponents
had never ventured to meet it. The simple minded gentle-
man to whom lie alluded never apprehended this result; he
complained that things were so cheap; he did not go into
the consequences of the corn-laws. His friend had told him
after that speech of Sir James Graham, why, you will
weaken your case if you go on to reply to him. He was
told that the Secretary of State had done still better than
he could do, and that coming from him the argument would
have more authority. He, therefore, had nothing more to
do balm days afterwaidi to move for the repeal of the law.
He moved accordingly, but he got no answer to his argu-
ments, except this—that, the, corrielaws having failed, it was
a pity: to: disturb ,that_ which"was, nevertheless, the exist-
ing-. Idev.—(Hear hear.): For his part, he thought
it required nothing but earnest, . decided, . vigor-
ous, and determined attack to secure the destruction- of the
law. He had been in a minority en the last occasion; but
there were several names in that minority that had never
appeared in a corn-law minority with hira before—the names

MORN) NGl_ NOVEMBER l5, 1845.

he believed, of persons who no longer were content to think
it sufficient that by their absence ,from the House they
should abstain from opposing the repeal of the law, which
had been admitted to be a fraud upon those for whom it was
devised, and an enormous wrong to those on whom it ope-
rated. He was therefore glad that the Howards, and the
Cavendishes, and the Fortescues, and the Russells all added
to the numbers of that minority, because they could not
endure to see that which was a fraud on those for whom it
was devised, and an enormous injury to the people, going
on any longer. He did not see how those persons who, whe-
ther really or pretendedly, were the friends of humanity
could any longer complain if they overlooked the existence
of a law which produced so great and grave evils as its conse-
quences. On the ground of humanity, therefore, he asked that
these laws should be abolished, of which the operation was
most calamitous on that class which was least able to resist
them from physical causes. This law they now had prac-
tical means of appreciating. There was a deficiency in the
harvest. Prices had now reached the height at which Sir
J. Graham had said that destitution and crime were rife
throughout the country. Was there, then, ever an opportu-'
nity at which matters were more ripe for action? IVere
they ever in a better position to call upon the Government
to do something to ameliorate the prospects of the country?
—(Hear, heat.) The Government had decided notliing.
They waited for the men of Birmingham to suggeet to them
what ought to be decided Let them gladden, then, the
hearts of millions, by calling on the Government to strike to
the ground and abolish at once and for ever the ridiculous
system which denied their food to millions, and urging them
to call Parliament together, either to do the deed, or to
sanction it; and if Parliament refused, to call upon the elec-
tors to test whether the present Parliament were the real re-
presentatives of those enfranchised millions who earned
their bread by the sweat of their brows. He called upon
them to act, and he was quite satisfied they would not do so
without success.—(Cheers.)
The CIIAIRMAN then gave the health of Earl Ducie, who
returned thhnks.

The CHAIRMAN begged leave to propose " the health of
Richard Cobden, Esq., the distinguished opponent of all mo-
nopolies.—(Vehernent cheering.)
Mr. Contwx, on rising, was .reeted with loud cheers. He
said, that he felt deeply indebted to the assembly for the
kind manner in which they had received the announcement
of his name. He also congratulated them on the aspect of
the meeting; and observed, that this demonstration put into
the hands of Mr. Villiers a most powerful weapon against the
common enemy, which that gentleman would wield for their
common benefit in the House of Commons. Ile did not ap-
pear before them, after the full exposition which had been
given of their principles and views, to make an argumentative
speech. Facts were before them which demonstrated to the
conviction of all what were the consequences of those prin-
ciples which they had met to oppose. They found them-
selves, under the operation of those principles, verging as
nearly as possible upon a state of famine. This, as Mr.
Villiers had well explained, was the consequence predicted
from these restrictive laws by every writer or speaker on the
subject, from the time of the celebrated protest of Lord
Grenville, in the House of Lords, in 1815, down to the most
recently-published pamphlet in opposition to the corn-laws.
The matter for their consideration was, what was to be done
in the present state of this question ? It seemed that they
bad been deluding themselves when they entertained the
idea that the Government was going to do something. It
seemed that they had not even such a Government as some
of the Continental States possessed. Were they not gratified
to think that they were unworthy of as good treatment as
the Russians, and Turks, and Dutch received? When the
Dutch, and Germans, and Turks, and Russians, and Belgians,
found there was likely to be a scarcity, they took that course
which common prudence dictated, and which any community
out of Bedlam would at once pursue, if left to the exercise of
their unbiassed judgment. Finding there was a probability
of an insufficient supply of food at home they opened wide
their ports, and admitted importations from any part of the
world. This was what the people had expected our rational
Government to do. What was the question which thirteen noble-
men and gentlemen had been sitting in the Cabinet day after
day to discuss? Whether they, from their own rents and
revenues, should make large purchases of grain from abroad
to supply the wants of the people of this country? No.
Wh&her they should vote a subsidy from the taxes of the
country, and levy new taxes to cover the amount to purchase
food? Nothing of the kind. The mighty difficulty they
had to decide was this—whether they would allow the people
of this country to feed themselves? and it appeared the Cabi-
net had decided that they should not.—(" Hear," and cheers )
Rumours were afloat, he could not tell how well-founded they
might be, that there was a division in the Cabinet on this
great question. They were told that Sir R. Peel and
Sir J. Graham on the one side, and the Duke of Welling-
ton and Lord Stanley on the other, were at variance
on this subject; and they were told that the
Duke had decided that the people of England should
not be allowed to feed themselves.—(Hear, hear.)
Now, they were at issue with the great Duke on this great
question.—(Hear, hear.) He (Mr. Cobden) believed that
the people of Birmingham had before tried the mettle of
that noble warrior.—("Hear, hear," and cheers.) The Duke
of Wellington was a nobleman whom they regarded with
honour, as possessing those qualities which were held by men
in the highest estimation. He possessed high courage, great
firmness of resolve, and indomitable perseverance. They
admired such qualities in any man, and the Duke had had a
great field of enterprise on which to manifest his endow-
ments.—(Hear, hear.) He would not like to see the Noble
Duke, who had now grown old, and who had conquered so
often in the field—he would not like to see that Noble Duke
sustain another defeat, before he descended into an honoured
grave.—(Hear, hear.) He would, therefore, remind that
noble individual that he had never yet entered into a contest
with Englishmen in which he had been successful. As
the great battle to which he (Mr. Cobden) had been alluding
must be and would be fought, he could only express a hope
that the Noble Duke might live long enough to test the qua-
lity of his countrymen again.—(Cheers and laughter.) But,
after all, it was not the Duke of Wellington against whom
they were arrayed. Who was at the head of the Govern-
ment of this country? Sir It. Peel. He (Mr. Cobden) had
sat in the House of Commons in the palmy days of Sir li.
Peel's prosperity, and when Sir Robert brought forward his
measures, and dictated to his servile colleagues what his
policy should be, the little monosyllable " I, I, I," was con.•
stantly on his lips.—( A laugh.) " I do this," "I call upon
you to support me in doing that." "I act upon my own honest
convictions." " I look for a posthumous fame." " I will
411 s) nothing as the Prime Minister of this country which I do
not think is for the benefit of the community." Ile (Mr.
Cobden) would take the Right Hon. Baronet at his word. Al-
though he was the Prime Minister of this country, lie was, as
Prime Minister, responsible for his actions. Many attempts
had been made to shirk thatresponsibility; and an endeavour
had been made to show that those who talked of such respon-
sibility intended to do personal violence to Sir It. Peel. He
(Mr. Cobden) knew that Sir R. Peel was ashamed of that
plea ; but some of the newspapers had now fallen back upon
it. He (Mr. Cobden) could only say that he would not touch
a hair of Sir It. Peel's head.—(Hear.) But what was the
meaning of the responsibility of a Minister? The Minister
of this country was responsible by the Constitution for every
act of the Sovereign. The Queen alone could issue an order
for the opening or the ports; and her gracious Majesty
would have taken that step long ago, but that the Con-
stitution prevented her from doing so till Sir Robert
Peel presented her with the decision of the Council.--
(Cheers. ) They were, therefore, only pursuing a legiti-
mate constitutional course when they brought Sir R. Peel to
the bar of public opinion, and declared him to be respon-
sible for the acts of the Government.—("Hear,"and cheers.) It
had been proposed that, for the relief of the poor in Ireland,
great public works should be undertaken, that railways
should be made, lands drained, fisheries started, and boats
and nets supplied to the people. He (Mr. Cobden) would
recommend, in the place of these suggestions, a repeal of the
existing corn-laws.--(Cheers.) ' The ports of Belgium had
been opened for the importation of foreign corn, they did not
there expect to feed the people merely by pickaxes and
shovels, by giving them work without furnishing them at the
same time with food which they may purchase with the pro-
duce of their labour. The Irish people would undoubt-
edly suffer much from famine, owing to the failure of
the potato crops in all parts of that country. That affected
not only men who were able to labour on railroads and
public works, but women, children, the aged, and the dis-
abled. Those were not persons into whose hands they
could put pickaxes and shovels. He would venture to pro-
phecy a recurrence in Ireland, in the ensuing spring, of those
events which occurred in that country in the spring of 1822,
when the famishing flocked by crowds into the towns and were
fed by the charity of the inhabitants. But the question was,
where was subsistence to be obtained for them, now that
their own crops, upon which they had depended, had failed ?
It must be bought elsewhere ; and not a moment ought now
to be lost in accumulating stocks of grain, for if they
deferred doing so till the time of pressure—spring—arrived,
that commodity would probably be double its present'
value.— (hear, hear.) The monopolists were tampering
with the present state of things. The organs of the
Government, day after day, represented the state of affairs
to be much more cheering than it actually was. Why, what
was the state of things in Ireland ? Could a wide-spread
conspiracy have been organised to deceive them by false
representations ? Had they not seen that masses were
offered up in the Catholic chapels throughout that country
praying the Deity to avert the impending calamity? and
that the Protestant Primate and Bishops of Ireland had
ordered similar prayers to be offered up in the churches of the
Establishment? The boards of guardians also had memo-
rialised the Government on the subject. He (Mr. Cobden)
was convinced there were not a dozen men in this country
who did not feel it a solemn and melancholy truth that the
country was placed, by the deficiency of the crops, in a most
unfortunate and perilous position; and yet the Government
were tampering with this critical moment of their welfare, and
were apparently unprepared with any measure to avert the
calamity,—(Hear, hear.) Now, then, was the time for the
people of this country to speak out. It had been said
there had been scarcely any demonstration in the country in
favour of opening the ports ; and why ? Because there were
hardly two rational men in any town who dal not expect
that every post would bring down from London the decision
of the Cabinet that the ports were already open.—(" Hear,"
and cheers.) But that expectation was now past ;
and he thought it behoved the people in every town in the
kingdom to meet together, as they were going to do at Man-
chester, and call upon the Government to open the ports.—
(Hear.) When the ports were once open he was sure they
would never be shut again, and that was the reason they had
not been opened. Where was the necessity to hold four or
five Cabinet meetings in order to tell them that corn could
not come in ? Some men said, look to your native produce:
but that was not thought reasonable in anything but corn.
He had heard Mr. Gladstone eloquently advocate the free
admission of lard, hides, and flax, because (he said) they
were the raw material of manufactures, and that, there-
fore, it was necessary that a cheap and abundant supply of
those articles should be had. The argument which applied
to corn, was forgotten when they had to deal with lard, hides,
and flax. He would whisper in the ear of the advocates of
the corn-law, that corn was the article on which rents were
fixed and tithes regulated.—(Cheers.) Let them not deceive
themselves, and fancy they would get all at once a free ad-
mission of corn—that was to say, wheat. There was no
objection to admit Indian corn free of duty. Lord Sandon
wrote to his Liverpool constitutents that they did not mean
to oppose the admission of Indian corn. Why? Because
they did not fix their rents or regulate their tithes on the
price of Indian corn. The truth was, the opposite party had
not a loan of average intellect that dared to support their
cause; they could not appeal to a statesman of any eminence
who had delivered a dictum in favour of the system ; they
had not a writer on their side; they stood alone in this age,
and yet these people governed as absolutely and more tyran-
nically than the Grand Turk himself—(Shame)—and they
would find tools for themselves who would work against
their own convictions. No doubt Sir it. I'ecl was at least as
good a free trader as he (Mr. Cobden) was, and he had no
doubt that Sir R. Peel had a wish in his inmost heart that lie
should be the man to carry out these principles, but he had
been tampering with his policy, that lie might adapt it to
the ignorance of his party. Now, there was one consolation
—they had run the fox to earth at last.—(Cheers.) He could
not double on them any more. The lion. Gentleman, after
remarking on the pleasure it would have given him to have
seen the Right Hon. Baronet as a Lancashire man carry-
ing the abolition of the cons-law, went on to urge on
the meeting to make. themselves county voters by buying
40i. 'freeholds, and also to examine and purity the re-
gistries by means of local organisation. The people
must be prepared to act for themselves. They must
, come out in their multitudinous strength, in Yorkshire,

Lancashire, and every part of the country; now that they
saw the mighty edifice of monopoly tottering, and that its
walls began to crumble, they should concentrate their ener-
gies, and level it to the ground in all its crimes and blood;
and the peaceful ploughshare should pass over its ruins, and
full and enduring prosperity should bless our land.—(Loud
cheering.)
The CHAMMAN then proposed "the Health of Mr. Bright,
M.P.," which was drunk with loud cheering; and the Hon.
member returned thanks.

Several toasts were drank, and the company (lid not break
up until an advanced hour.

NEW RAILWAY SCHEMES.

Thursday night's London Gazette contains notices that
applications will be made to Parliament next session for
leave to introduce Bills authorising the construction of the
undermentioned lines:—
Chester and Birkenhead, with branches.
Great North of England and Yorkshire and Glasgow
Union Junction.
South Devon, branches.
Monmouth and Hereford, to abandon some portions of the
line as at present authorised, and to make other new lines.
Ipswich to lleedham and Yarmouth, junction with.
South and Midlands Junction.

South-Eastern, to amend the Act for Maidstone branch, to
enlarge powers and amend provisions, to purchase Gravesend
and Rochester Canal, and to make branches.

Trent Vallev, junction with at Colton or Rug,:ly to Aston
juxta Birmingham.

Manchester and Birmingham Continuation and Welsh
Junction.
Manchester and Milford Haven.

Glamorgan Central Mineral.
Birkenhead and Holyhead Junction and Mold Extension,
with branches.
Exeter, Yeovil, and Dorchester, junction-with to Penzance.
Whitehaven and Furness Junction.

Uccle, Wakefield, Pontefract and Grimsby.
Tunbridge and Rye Harbour Direct.
Direct Manchester, Leeds and York.
Eastern Counties (March and Lincoln) Extension, Epping
Ex tension.
Glasgow, Strathaven, and Lesmahagow Direct.
Lanark, Stirling, and Clackmannan Counties Junction.
Glasgow Southern Terminal
Lincolnshire and Eastern Counties Junction, with branches.

Syston and Peterborough, junction with at Melton Mow-
bray to the Midland Counties line, near the Nottingham
station.

South Midland and Southampton Junction.
Manchester South Junction and Altrincham, junction with
at Altrincham to the station of the Chester and Ctewe Rail-
way at Chester.
Grand Junction, branches.
North Devon, with branches.

Cornwall and Devon Central; Exeter, Yeovil, and Dor-
chester ; London, Salisbury, and 'Yeovil ; Wimborne and
Pool ; to incotporate and amalgamate.
Rugby, Warwick, and Worcester_
Glasgow, Barrhead, and NeiLston Direct, to amend provi-
sions, and to make branches.
Leeds and Thirsk (North-Eastern Extension).
Worcester and Leominster.
Hull and Holyhead Direct.
llavle, to introduce clauses.
Bridgwater and Minehead Railway and Pier.
London and Holyhead Direct, with branches.
Cambridge and Lincoln Extension; and Lincoln, York,
and Leeds Junction ; with a branch to Doncaster.
Great 'Western and Wycombe,
Leeds, Dewsbury, and Manchester, deviations and
branches.
'Worcester, Hereford, Ross, and Gloucester.
North Staffordshire, with branches.
Newcastle and Carlisle, junction with, to the Lancaster and
Carlisle line, at Orton or rrebay.
Bristol and Exeter, junction with at Exeter to South-
ampton, and Dorchester Railway at Dorchester.
F.astern Union (Co.mbridge and Ely Extension).
Eastern Union and Harwich.

Shrewsbury, Wolverhampton, and South Staffordshire.
Manchester, Huddersfield, and Great Grimsby,Direct.
Oxford, Worcester, and Wolverhampton, branches.
Llynvi Valley and South Wales Junction.
Great Welsh Central,
Ipswich to Bury St. Ed►nund's, junction with at Ipswich
to the Lowestoft Railway, or with the Norfolk Railway.
Northampton, Banbury, and Cheltenham.
Derbyshire, Staffordshire, and Worcestershire Junction.

COLLISION ON THE BIRMING-

HAM RAILWAY.

MANCITESTER, THURSDAY.—ThiS morning, at a little be-
fore seven o'clock, a collision of an alarming character took
place on the Manchester and Birmingham Railway, a short
distance beyond the place where a junction is formed with
the Sheffield line at Ardwick. The train which met with
the accident was the train for Birmingham, which left the
London-road station at half- past six o'clock. The engine
was the No. 2 engine, driven by John Penny; and at about
five minutes bethre seven, in consequence of the slippery
state of the rails, arising from the hoar-frost, not more than
about a mile and a half had been traversed. The morning
was exceedingly foggy, so much so that it was deemed pru-
dent to place a signal lamp with a red light to the last
carriage of the train, There were, in addition to the en-
gine, a passengers' luggage van, a second-class, and a
first-class carriage, two carriage-trucks, another passenger
carriage (a third-class), and a horse-box. Finding that he►
could make but little progress, Penny caused his fire-
man to throw sand on the rails in front of the engine,
and repeatedly blew his steam-whistle, us I presume, for
the assistance of another engine. The train, which bad just
before been proceeding at a pace little exceeding a walk, was
just getting to a moderate speed, when a terrific crash from
behind threw nearly every passenger from his seat, and
broke nearly every carriage in the train either more or less.
I was fortunately seated in the centre compartment of the
first-class carriage, and sustained no injury. Upon opening
the window, as soon as I could collect myself, I found that
our carriage truck, the second and third-class carriages, and
the horse box had been detached from the train, and were
out of sight. The engine in front of the train had likewise
broken loose, and gone sonic distance in front of succeeding
passenger carriages. The guard, who was seated in his
usual place behind the second-class carriage, was crushed
up against the carriage and considerably stunned. He, how-
ever, recovered himself, and scrambling to the top of the
carriage, screwed up his break, but found it was broken. As
soon as the carriages stopped, I got out, and being anxious
to ascertain the extent of the inistOrtune, ran down the line
some three hundred yards, when I found that the principal
sufferers were about six or eight people who were in the
third-class (stand-up) carriage, and were on their way to
Stockport. Three of them were sitting OR the embankment,
and were much bruised and stunned. Happily, however,
none of them sustained any fractures. It seems that they
were all thrown one upon another in their carriage, receiving
severe contusions, and one of them, named Jacob Bradford,
imagined his arm was broken. Such, however, was not
the case. A young Irishwoman, who was also on her way
to Stockport, was standing near the back of the carriage,
and to all appearance she was severely injured about the
right ear and foot. Two gentlemen who sat in the last com-
partment of the first-class carriage were thrown upon the
bottom of the carriage, and one of them had his legs much
contused. Upon examining the carriages I found that nearly
every one of them had been more or less injured. The horse
box with the lantern were very much shattered.
Upon inquiry into the cause of the disaster I ascertained
that it was caused by the engine driver, a man named Lo-
mas, who had been dispatched to assist the No. 2, engine,
coming suddenly up at a very strong speed, and smashing
into the train. -Lomas, upon being questioned, stated that
he saw the light at the back of the horse-box, but at so short
a distance in consequence of the fog, that he was unable to
shut off the steam in sufficient time to prevent the collision.
He had left the station twenty minutes after the train, and
he never expected to come upon it so soon. This much is
certain—the steam-whistle of the No. 2 Engine was kept
almost constantly blowing; and it is very strange if Lomas
had net sufficient notice that he was close upon the train.
Again, the fog was so dense that that alone was sufficient to
have used an extreme degree of caution.
Of course no little consternation! was caused by the acci.
dent. The guard, seeing the condition of the carriages,
thought it was best to have them sent back, and the pas-
sengers were forwarded onwards by the slow train (but which
was quickened for the occasion) which leaves Manchester at
seven o'clock. Those whose destination was Birmingham
were, however, on their arrival at Crewe, too late for the
Grand Junction train, and by order of Mr. Bakor, a gentle-
man connected with the engineers' department, were sent
forward by a special engine, and, notwithstanding that they
had been delayed nearly three-quarters of an hour, arrived at
Birmingham only ten minutes after the regular train.

THE RECENT COLLISION ON THE

EASTERN COUNTIES RAILWAY.

On Thursday forenoon, at eleven o'clock, Major-General
Fasley, the Government Inspector-General of Railways,
arrived at the Shoreditch terminus of the Eastern Counties
Railway, for the purpose of instituting his official inquiry
respecting the recent fearful collision on this line, near the
Waltham station, whereby Captain Laurence, E.1.C., a
Director of the Norfolk Railway, and a drover, named
Fisher, nearly lost their lives.
The investigation was proceeded with in the board-room;
amongst those who took a prominent part in the proceedings
were Mr. Waddington, the deputy-chairman of the Com-
pany; Mr. Fisher, Mr. Mills, and several other Directors;
Mr. Bulkeley, the secretary, Mr. Hanson, the manager of
the traffic department; and Mr. Scott, the locomotive super-
intendent.

The inquiry was what is termed a private one; but the
circumstances under which the collision happened being of
great moment to the public, as also to those for whom every
security in railway travelling is looked for, we have been
enabled to glean the following statements from the witnesses
who were examined before the General.

It will be recollected that the primary cause of the accident
was the breaking down of a flour waggon attached to the
night goods train ; respecting which evidence was adduced
to show that that train, which ought to have arrived at the
Waltham station by two o'clock, was detained at Brox-
bourne, through the sudden increase of goods, and before it
had reached the former place it came to a stand-still, from,
as it was afterwards discovered, the breaking of an axle-tree
of a flour-truck.
George Cams, the engine• driver, who had charge of one of
the engines of the goods train, which left Cambridfe, &c , on
last Saturday night, stated that it was a very ieavyone,
comprising 24 loaded goods waggons, drawn by two, engines.
The train arrived at Boxbourne shortly, after one 9 clock on
the following (Sunday) morning, and having received some
luggage from that station, the train proceeded. It had not got
far, however, before they found the speed much slackened, from
a cause which for the time they could not detect. It did not
arise from a want of steam, and both engines worked hard. Still
the rate gradually decreased, and on arriving within 200 yards of
the Waltham station the train came to a perfect halt. Know-
ing that the fish train would be shortly due, they determined,
if possible, to remove their train to a contiguous siding.
They succeeded in pushing five of the waggons backwards to
the siding, and on attempting the remainder finind they
could not remove them. By the aid of lamps they proceeded
to ascertain what. was the obstacle, and discovered that the
axletree of a flour waggon was broken, and the entire body
was so resting upon the wheels that it was impossible to re •
move it with the means then at hand. having got the assist-
ance of the watchman of the station, and two of the porters.
they commenced unloading the truck, which contained about
60 saclk of flour. It occupied a considerable time, owing to
the limited slumber of hands, and in the course of an hour
and a half afterwards the fish train from Norwich came up,
Additional assistance was then obtained, and they were about
getting the waggon off the permanent road, when the mail
train arrived and ran into the rear of the fish train. The
weather that morning was very thick; there was a fog dur-
ing the entire journey. It was the fore axle that had broke
sharp off, and close to the right wheel.
In answer to questions put by General Pasley, Cann said
that in dry weather a train travelling at the speed usually
pursued on that, could be brought to a stoppage as easy
and as soon as on any other line ; but in such weather as
last Sunday morning, he did not think that it was possible
to have stopped it under a quarter of a mile, unless all the
breaks were sufficiently applied; for owing to the dew that
had fallen, the rails were so greasy, that the wheels would
slide along. The breaks that were on the engine he drove
that morning, were the screw breaks; they acted on the
six Wile* of the engine, and he considered that they were