The Sun.
London, England, 1844-08-05 00:00:00

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°4l itelung Ant

LONDON, MONDAY, AUGUST 5, 1844.

The scenes which have taken place in Sinde within
the last two years are perhaps the most remarkable
on record. Major OUTRAM, with about a hundred
men, was taken by surprise at Hyderabad, but by his
daring courage, seconded by the bravery of his com-
panions, he succeeded in reaching the camp of Sir
CHARLES NAPIER. That gallant General, one of the
three NAPIERS so well known by Englishmen and
Frenchmen, too, for their exploits in the Peninsula,
was in a situation no less critical than that from
which OUTRAM had escaped. He was about to be
surrounded by at least forty thousand men, com-
manded by the hunting Ameers of Sinde, and among
these was a large body of Beloochees, the most warlike
race on the Indus. The Anglo-Indian force did not
exceed three thousand men, but NAPIER
was not dismayed. The enemy were en-
trenched in a strong position, with numerous
•
-^Nrs .L_Ciavalry, and a powerful artillery, and
• /irth confidence to a complete victory.
,:r(tv4r, however, soon put to rout this vast

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host ; the Ameers were taken prisoners, the Beloochees
fled in every direction, and in a few days Hyderabad,
with all its treasures, was in possession of the victor.
A second attempt was made some fifteen days after-
wards, and the result was equally honourable to the
British arms. All the hostile troops were soon ex-
pelled from the country, and the mouth of the Indus
was secured to England. With a strange perversity,
however, nearly all the London journals made violent
attacks on Lord ELLENISOROUGH and Sir CHARLES
NAPIER for these noble achievements : they described
the Ameers as martyrs, exhibited great compassion for
their unoffending subjects, and when the usual un-
healthy season came on, and some of our troops were
attacked by fever, one of these journals asserted that
such was the prostration of the British army that a
few Beloochees might have put them all to death. We
took a different view of the state of affairs, chiefly
from the conviction that a fever on the banks of the
Indus was not more fatal than one on the banks of
the Ganges, and that, although some of the lying
ournals of Bombay and Calcutta gave the most me-
lancholy accounts of the ravages committed by this
epidemic, their exaggerations were so glaring that no
rational being could consider them entitled to the
slightest credit. Time has brought the truth to light.
Never was an army in finer condition than that of
Sir CHARLES NAPIER, according to the latest intelli-

gence, and never was a nation so delighted
at the dethronement of despots as the Be-
loochees and the other inhabitants of Sinde. No
disturbance whatever has taken place in the whole
extent of the country: the removal of the Ameers
is felt as one of the greatest blessings that could
have been conferred on their subjects, because they
were oppressed ten times more than were the op-
pressed people of other Indian States. The govern-
ment of the English has inspired these simple-
hearted people with the highest hopes, and no portion
of the British possessions in the East is more secure
now than the valuable territory which, but two years
ago, was under the uncontrolled dominion of the
hunting Ameers and the plundering Beloochees.
Could there lib a better proof than the scene which
took place before Sir CHARLES NAPIER, at Hydera-
bad, on the 24th of May ? We have no instance of
such a magnificent and peaceable display. Twenty
thousand Beloochees assembled at Hyderabad on
that day, the birth-day of our gracious QUEEN, to pay
a friendly visit to Sir CHARLES NAPIER. They were
orderly in the extreme ; they were received with the
utmost kindness, and they separated, astonished at
the mildness of civilised nations, and at the punctual
fidelity with which every promise made to them had
been observed. It is this honourable conduct, which has
raised the British name to such an eminence in India,
and which promises to spread its influence over every
spot of that vast continent. No man acquainted with
the state of the country can look at the acquisition of
Sinde without the greatest exultation. The chains
have been broken from the limbs of the slaves, the
industry of the people has been set at liberty, the
exactions of the Ameers have ceased, and a regular
system of government has been established, but even
these advantages, great as they are, sink into compa-
rative insignificance when we survey the vast
results of this atrocious aggression." The Indus is
free from Kurrachee to the confines of Affghanistan
and the Punjaub; a new trade has sprung up; the pro-
duce of the upper region is floated down the river ;
fortresses will in a short time be established on its
banks, which will set at defiance all the forces of the
west, and the hopes of Russia and Persia for the in-
vasion of India are at an end. England owes this
great achievement to the discarded Governor-General
and to the hero of Meanee.

One of those provincial causes which are some-
times found, on trial, to involve considerations of a
character far more grave and extensive than might,
on the mere statement of the facts be surmised of
them, was tried, last week, at the Kent Summer
Assizes. It was an action for libel, " LEE v. MEAD,''
and, although we cannot find room for the report of
the proceedings, argument of counsel, &c., before
Mr. Baron PARKE, we will endeavour, very suc-
cinctly, to assign the grounds on which the action was
brought. The plaintiff, a lime-burner, resident in
the vicinity of Rochester, was interested as a share-
holderin the " Thames and Medway Canal Company?'
At a general meeting of the shareholders in this con-
cern, held in the early part of the year, a proposition for
forming a railway along the banks of this canal was
submitted for discussion ; and an estimate of the pro-
bable outlay having been brought forward, the work
was ordered to be proceeded with, it being agreed
that the necessary funds should be raised on loan
notes. Accordingly the whole of the capital required
was very soon contributed by the proprietors, and
the railway, according to the statement of the plain-
tiff's counsel, will be opened very shortly from this
date. There is, therefore, no reason to doubt that
the " bond fide" intention of this Company is to carry
out to its full completion the undertaking they
have announced. It happened, however, that when
their project was started, other lines of railway were
suggested, and proposals for them published "for
uniting Gravesend with Rochester and Chatham." Of
these, one was termed the "Rosherville line ;" an-
other " Matthews's line," from the name of a soli-
citor who had projected it; and both are now, or
lately were, competing lines before Parliament. It
is not necessary for us to express an opinion on the
merits of either ; but it does appear by the evidence
of Mr. WEsTorr, the banker of Southwark, with
whom the Rosherville Company banked, that he re-
ceived instructions, personally in the first instance,
from a director of that Company with regard to
Mr. MEAD, 'the defendant, a note of which
was entered at the time upon the bank books.
These instructions were subsequently reduced
into the form of an " agreement, " which
was taken away by the director in question, but
afterwards brought back to witness by MEAD ; who,
thereupon, destroyed it in his presence. The substance
of such agreement was a covenant, on the part of the
Rosherville Company's direction, to pay to MEAD the
sum of 6001. When MEAD waited on witness on the
occasion of bringing back and destroying the paper
"the Bill had been thrown out on the standing
orders." According to the statement of Mr. Ser-
geant SHEA, " Mr. MEAD, for good and sufficient
reasons, thought fit to advocate in his paper, the
superior claims to public favour of the Rosherville
line ;" and the Learned Sergeant added, he
should be able to prove that MEAD had
bound himself, on condition "of receiving
5001. to advocate the claims of that railway, and to op-
pose all the others suggested, in the columns of the
Kent Independent." But Mr. lirEsToN, in his evidence,
admitted "he had no conversation with MEAD, when
the latter waited on him with the agreement, as to
what was to be done for the G 001.;" "but "Mead

proposed that, if he continued his services, the
directors should pay him 300/. down, and the re-
mainder on the Bill receiving the royal assent. This

was not agreed to. It had been intimated to witness
that the money had been agreed to be paid for Par-
liamentary services in canvassing Members of Par-
liament. * * * After the Bill had been thrown
out, these services were not required."

We should wonder if they had been. Assuming
that the money was to be paid, if at all, for Parlia-
mentary agency, the fact of the Bill being thrown
out for non-compliance with the standing orders was
an emphatic set-off, we should think, for any claim
on that score. If it was to reimburse the "Independent'
editor for writing one " line" up and all others down, the
" quantum meruit" determinable by the amount ofhis
success, must have been pretty accurately represented
by the symbol 0. If the gentlemen whose eagerness
as directors originally induced them to suggest such
an agreement with Mr. MEAD for his canvassing ser-
vices in the lobby and committee-rooms of the House
of Commons, had been still so credulous as to have
persisted in retaining them after the defeat of the Bill
upon the orders, we should have marvelled almost
as much as we have done, at finding an editor
of a provincial journal thus enlisting himself and his
paper in the cause of a private undertaking, for an
interested purpose. The only legitimate client of a
journalist is the public ; and this sort of partisanship
is at all times a dereliction of his duty to that client.
We can by no means, howeYer, go to the extent of
designating this transaction, as the Maidstone and
South Eastern Gazette has done, an attempt "to bribe
Members of Parliament." We must suppose that,
whatever estimate may be formed of the modesty of
Mr. MEAD'S claim for 5001. or 6001. (it is variously
stated), the appropriation of the sum was intended
to be in discharge of professional expenses—and his
own services. The "Radical Members" must feel

greatly indebted for the imputation which this gentle-
man's vague manner of proceeding appears to have
exposed them to—very wrongfully as we are con-
fident.

But the amusing part of the affair is the subject
matter of the libel. The Kent Independent of the
2d March published two letters : the one to the
Editor, signed by that übiquitous and very civil gen-
tleman " A Constant Reader :" the other, an inclo
sure, addressed to a certain " My dear HAYMEN,"—
headed " Private and confidential," and purporting to
be intended for the veritable " Mr. HAnsEN" pro-
duced as a witness on the part of the plaintiff; and
signed by " 'WILLIAM LEE," whose identity with
the latter was carefully suggested by the writer's
dating from one of the addresses of that gentleman.
" A Constant Reader" informed the Editor that he
had picked up the inclosure in one of the steam-
boats, and that "it showed very clearly what was
going on behind the scenes. "Mr. WILLIAM LEE,"
writing to Mr. laymEN, is made to speak of "a recent
exposure of the falling in of the chalk in the tunnel
of our own concern"—of the " bedevilment" MAT-
THEWS had led him into with his subscription list,
and of his (LEE'S) fear " that the whole affair will be
exposed before they can get out ;" of his having in-
structed the Secretary of the (Thames and Medway)
Company to deny all statements of adverse parties,
true or false, "so that, by putting on a bold front,
they may catch a few flat fish ;" and of his having
laid a delusive wager of two to one with the parson of
Frindsbury to show confidence in the concern," &c. &c.
Perhaps the reader will have anticipated that these letters
are altogether fabrications—gross forgeries, without
one tittle of truth in all the imputations they were
evidently fabricated with a view to fasten on an ap-
parently highly respectable gentleman, Mr. LEE, the
plaintiff. But when the editor of the Kent Indepen-
dent is applied to for the name of the author, he re-
plies in a strain of, we must call it, indecent levity, and
affects to treat the whole affair as " a squib ;" it
being considered nothing more, this correspondence
had been inserted—and that he should as soon expect
the Editor of Punch to be amenable to legal applications
on behalf of Sir C. F. WILLIAMS or Lord BROUGHAM
for the hard hits occasionally dealt by our facetious
weekly contemporary on both those individuals.
Now, here is just the mischief of a dull, heavy-handed
and very reckless anonyme attempting to gambol like
our spirited and airy friend. The absolute prejudice
which the forgery was calculated to produce to Mr.
LEE in his commercial or trading position, was indis-
putably shown by evidence. The inconceivable in-
justice of the Independent's quoting Punch for
" his bright example, as it is his theme," is abundantly
manifested by the very curious letter of Mr. MEAD to
DICKSON and OVERBURY, Mr. LEE'S solicitors. In
this we fall upon the following morceau—a
grammatical curiosity which Punch's ingenuity
may perhaps elucidate :—" I have heard of a gentle-
man named LEE, who is said to be a lime-burner;
but had I have desired to possess myself of his
Christian name," &c. A verdict for 501. damages has
probably admonished the Editor of the Independent,
with sufficient force, of the folly of attempting to be
very droll, when the effort involves attacks on pri-
vate character, which no other person in the empire
would once have suspected of having been ever
intended for " a joke." " Squibs" to be endurable,
should burn a little more brightly, and be thrown a
little less maliciously.

We have intelligence from Madrid to the 28th ult.,
from which we learn that an extraordinary courier
had arrived from Gibraltar, at the British Legation,
with the following intelligence :
" The Prince de Joinville having learnt that the Moors had
a third time attacked the French troops, his Royal Highness
has addressed an official communication to the Governor of
Gibraltar, and the commander of the English squadron. He
states in the dispatch that he is proceeding to Tangiers in
order to attack that place, and that he doubts not, from the
harmony prevailing between France and England, that the
English squadron will, during his operations, abstain from
appearing off Tangier. The Governor of Gibraltar and Com-
mander of the Squadron have replied that the instructions of
their Government order them to observe the strictest neu-
trality. That neutrality is to be observed until the arrival
of fresh orders. It is affirmed, adds the letter, that the'French
squadron opened its fire against Tangiers on the 24th."

A letter from Cadiz of the 24th contains the fo
tovving:—

" Yesterday, on the arrival of a dispatch from Marshal
Bugeaud, the contents of which are not known, the Prince
de Joinville immediately went on board the vessel bearing his
flag, and set sail for the coast of Morocco. It has since been
rumoured here, in consequence of some indiscretion on the
part of one of the persons to whom the Prince had imparted
his intentions, that he has gone to Tangier, to bring away
the consuls and French subjects residing there, and to land
them at Cadiz. This step was regarded as preliminary to the
decisive measures which the Prince was authorised and de-
termined to adopt."

Madrid Bourse on the 27th.—Three per Cents
26i, at 60 days; Fives, 201 for cash.

The few expressions made by Sir R. PEEL in the
House of Commons last week, relative to the impri-
sonment of Mr. PRITCHARD, have caused a great sen-
sation in Paris. Nearly all the journals are loud in
denouncing the haughty language of the English
Minister, and what some of them call the "timid and
trembling " expressions of M. GUIZOT. On Satur-
day afternoon the Chamber of Peers was crowded to
excess, drawn together from an expectation that some
questions would be put to the Minister on the subject.
On his arrival questions were put by the Marquis DE
BOISSY and another Peer, to which M. GUIZOT re-
plied :—" There are doors which must not be opened
every time they are knocked at ; so long as the proper
time shall not have arrived, I shall not enter into ex-
planations calculated to injure the general interests of
the country. lam of opinion, that all the assertions
put forth by newspapers ought not to be noticed at
this tribune. When the facts shall be known and
cleared up, I shall be ready to accept a debate on all that
the Government may have done." The Prince DR
MOSKOWA defended the course pursued by the Noble
Peer, and said, after the remarks made by Sir R. PEEL,
explanations were absolutely necessary. Several
other Peers took the same view; and among others,
Count MOLE, who expressed his regret that, while
the Cabinet observed a prudent reserve, it did not
afford some words of encouragement to the French
officers who commanded at Otaheite. M. GUIZOT
replied that he was intent on upholding the honour
and dignity of the navy elsewhere, and he could not
answer questions in that hall without more full in-
quiry. The subject was also adverted to on Friday,
but in the absence of the Ministers, when Baron
CHARLES DUPIN made the following remarks :
" I am not one of those who regard war with extraordinary
uneasiness. France is too well accustomed to war to feel
alarmed at such a contingency, or its consequences. lam
no partisan of war—l defended peace in 1840, but in preach-
ing concord I frankly declared, that if we had no other alter-
native than war, we would engage in it with ardour—nay,
with transport. Permit me to add a few words on a recent
question connected in the highest degree with the navy and
the colonies. I have seriously reflected on the intelligence
just received through England—l have read all the official
documents published by the English journals, who are not
certainly very friendly towards us. Well, these documents
proved to me what I already knew—that the officers of
our navy who commanded at Otaheite have acted pro-
perly, and as behoves brave and rational men. They had
received from the King's Government the order to govern the
country—they have governed it—they wished the French
flag should maintain the advantage. And when an individual,
Consul or not, accumulating I know not how many profes-
sions, many of them most honourable, forgot his quality—
not the quality of an Ambassador, but of a Consul—that is
of commercial agent—and became an instigator of revolt, I
say that no Government would have hesitated an instant to
arrest such a man, taken in the act of exciting insurrection.
Nevertheless, gentlemen, our officers treated him with every
attention, the English journals themselves admit it, and pub-
lish the document in which it is recommended to treat with
kindness a conspirator who bad infringed all laws and vio-
lated the rights of nations. Such is the truth. Without in-
flicting the least injtuy on that factious Consul, he:was con-
ducted on board an English vessel, in which he left the country.
Let him now complain to his Government; let the British
Parliament inquire into the facts. The British Parliament
knows how to respect the laws of nations. There is in the
majority of both Houses of that illustrious political body,
eminent men, who, no doubt, value national honenr above
all, things, as we do ourselves, but who also value justice.
•

will venture to affirm from this tribune that there is no
statesman who, after perusing the documents published by
the English journals, the most inimical to France, will not
declare that the agents of the French Government acted
correctly. I consider those documents to be authentic; and
a letter from Otaheite, received yesterday by a general officer,
a friend of mine, who communicated it to me, convinces me
that the Governor of Otaheite did his duty. If he was attacked
I should be the first to undertake his defence from the tribune."
In conclusion, M. Dupin said, "By voting the Bill now
before the House, you will place the Naval Department in a
condition to provide as speedily as possible against all con-
tingencies—l except none. It is a law of good administra -
tion ; it is in every respect satisfactory ; you may vote it with
an entire confidence."

The Baron was repeatedly cheered during these re-
marks, and was greeted by many of the Peers on leav-
ing the tribune. The excitement, however, is not
confined to the Chamber of Peers. On Friday a
grand demonstration took place at the Opera on the
performance of CHARLES VI. In the second act the
national air beginning—
" Guerre aux tyrans! Jamais en France,
Jamais I'Anglais ne regnera !"
was called for, when the manager, M. Priam, came

. _
forward and said it would be sung in the second act.

It was executed with a powerful chorus, And rapttt
rously applauded. The affair has evidently become
serious, and it will require all the skill of the two ca-
cabinets to crush the tumult.

The Funds were verb depressed on Saturday, the
Three per Cents. having fallen to 81f. 20c., and the
Fives to 121 f. 30e. With the eiceptiori of two Go-
vernment papers, the press evinces stithg kali* a
hostility to this country. The following are extracts
from them:—

(From the Journal des Debats.)
" The English journals continue to comment on the news
brought from Otaheite by Mr. Pritchard. The Times, how-
ever, appears to regret the hasty judgment which it gave on
facts but very cursorily examined. It still cries out, but not
in so high a tone ; and it admits:that it has been mistaken on
one very important point. At the moment when Mr.
Pritchard was imprisoned, the French authorities no
longer exercised at Otaheite the right of protectorate, but
of sovereignty. There was no other constituted authority
in the Society Islands than that of the French flag.
This fact the English journal now admits, and it is what
we have stated from the commencement of the affair.
Mr. Pritchard was no longer Consul. In the month of
December, 1843, he wrote to the French Commandant
that he had struck his flag, and, until the receipt of
fresh instructions, should cease all official relations. Even in
virtue of the laws of the protectorate, the French authorities
had a right to expel from the islands any foreign residents
or missionaries that might seek to disturb the established
order of things, and they had a still stronger right to do so in
virtue of the possession of sovereign power. Explanations
have been asked on the subject of the English Parliament, to
which Sir Robert Peel replied that a demand for reparation
had been made to the French Government. On this point,
we can only repeat what we have before stated. Has or has
not Mr. Pritchard, by his conduct, justified the measures of
repression adopted against him? The English Government
can only have formed a judgment oa his statement, and it
cannot be expected that such testimony would be impartial.
We doubt not that the French Government will be able on
its side to bring forward evidence at least as worthy of credit,
and we persist in thinking that explanations will be ex-
changed between the two Governments which cannot but
have a satisfactory solution."

(From the Globe.)
" There probably may have been a useless severity, and
perhaps an abuse of power on the part of M. d'Aubigny in de-
taining Mr. Pritchard six days in prison, and he would have
acted better in causing his immediate embarkation, as Go-
vernor Bruat afterwards did ; but the demand for satisfac-
tion made by the English Cabinet can only evidently bear on
the fact of the irregular detention of Mr. Pritchard, as a sim-
ple missionary mixed up in a positive manner in the outbreak
of the natives, and whom the French authorities had indis-
putably the right, if not to detain six days in prison, at least
to send out of the island. The difficulty, therefore, is not
great, and those who so ardently desire a complication in the
cordial relations subsisting between France and England will
be again disappointed. As to the difficulties created by the
Protectorate assumed by France, they must be accepted
without complaint. They are the natural conditions of every
extension of power; the world begins to be so full, that it is
no longer possible to extend on an.y side without disarranging
some one, and without having obstacles to surmount. If
there ever was a time when political power might be ex-
tended without remark, that time is passed. Governments
must now make up their minds to struggles, which is their
natural condition, both at home and abroad. The only thing
to do is to act prudently, to accept necessary difficulties, and
not create useless ones."

(From the ConstitutionneL)
" We have never wished for war, nor any interruption of
friendly relations with England ; but see to what this policy
of peace at any price may lead. If, instead of disavowing
Admiral Dupetit-Thouars, his conduct had been openly ap-
proved of, England would have acceded to it as a fait ac-
compli; the proceedings of M. d'Aubigny and Captain Bruat
would not even have been made the subject of controversy ,•
the Times would not have used the arguments it has urged
against us; in every pint, in short, our difficulties would
have been reduced to little, because our sovereignty, provi-
sionally exercised by our agents, would not have been
brought in question. If, on the day Abd-el-Kader set his
foot upon the Morocco territory, we had insisted upon his
expulsion, he would not have acquired a force superior, per-
haps, to that of the Emperor himself, and we should not have
been engaged in a war, the issue of which it is not easy to
foresee, or in negotiations the problem of which is not solvable.
M. Guizot, without consulting or comprehending the feelings
of the nation, has, since 1840, without biding his time,
hastened to reconcile England and France. He has
increased the irritation of the minds of the people,
wounded the just pride of the country, laid grounds for con-
flicts between the two navies, and created new causes for
dissension in every part of the globe. We may add that M.
Guizot did not dare show himself in the Chamber of Peers
yesterday."
(1 rom the Q uotidienne, a Legitimatist Journal.)
"To approve of the conduct of MM. Bruat and d'Aubigny
would be equivalent to removing the disavowal which rests
on Admiral Dupetit-Thouars. The reparations will, there-
fore, be granted—everything will be accorded. The path of
cowardice and ignominy opened by the disavowal will be per-
severed in. It is a necessity of the situation that has been
imposed on France by the conduct of the Government—a ter-
rible necessity, against which the shuddering and indignation
of the country will protest. If the English Government there-
fore demands all that the Times has threatened, the French
Government must comply. M. Guizot cannot bring forward
any argument against doing so, for he has placed on the Ad-
miral the responsibility of the taking possession. That dis-
avowal clogs the Government. It was before supposed to be
but a slight disgrace ; but now the cup must be drained to
the dregs !"
(From the Presse.)
" Thus we see Sir R. Peel, on the authority of Mr. Prit-
chard's testimony, which is necessarily interested, qualifying
in full Parliament the conduct of the French authorities in
terms strangely in contrast with his usual tone of language !
Why, before expressing himself in this manner, has he not
sought to knew the motives which influenced the authorities
to adopt such measures? Why did he not wait for other in-
formation as to the conduct of Mr. Pritchard, besides that
given by that person himself ? Why did he not understand
that in thus expressing himself, he has followed in the course
of a man whose turbulent spirit is a subject of distrust to
every one ? What necessity was there for him to reply so
hastily to the question of Sir C. Napier? Why pledge him-
self prematurely, without previous inquiry, without having
any other guarantee than a passionate and partial version of
the affair, by declarations which would place the French
Government in the most delicate position ? It must be ob-
served that, in this circumstance, moderation is quite on the
side of our Cabinet. On Thursday, M. Guizot was questioned
on the subject in the Chamber of Peers; he might have at-
tacked and expressed himself with harshness on the acts of
Mr. Pritchard, and have replied by some marks of appro-
bation to the gross reproaches made against the conduct of
the Governor of the Society Islands. Ile would have been
the more justified in doing so, as the conduct of the English
ex-Consul (Mr. Pritchard) was as well known to him as the
moderation and loyalty of Captain Bruat. He, however, did
nothing of the kind ; he let the question drop rather than
take the initiative in a discussion which might oblige him
to enter into details little honourable to an English agent.
Sir Robert Peel should have used the same reserve. There
is more than a want of tact in his conduct • there is an
indiscretion, which merits a severe epithet. Ind in what
a situation has he publicly placed himself ? On the demand
of the missionary Pritchard, or rather of the fanatical sect of
which Pritchard is the representative, he has announced that
he has demanded from Paris not explanations but reparation.
Reparation, indeed ! It is we, on the contrary, who have to
complain."

(From the Courrier Francais.)
" Thus while the French HeapMitry keep silence, Sir Robert
Peel's starts the question) roclaims the innocence of
Mr. Pritchard and the violation of the right of nations by
the French officers at Otaheite ; he hastens to declare
Great Britain grossly and indignantly outraged in the per-
son of her Consul, and concludes his speech by talking of a
reparation due to France I To what are we reduced, when
a Lord of the Treasury, before he has examined the whole
question, shall in the whole face of Europe let fall the word
reparation from France ? Is the House of Commons the
supreme tribunal to decide on the honour of our nation
Is Sir Robert Peel to decide, and M. Guizot the person to
obey ? Is the sentence irrevocably passed on the officers of
our navy ? Has the English Minister on the other side the
Straits only to proclaim the sentence, and to say to M.
Guizot, I, lictor. M. Guizot commenced a pusillanimous
concession, and now a fresh act of cowardice is demanded
from him. In this deplorable affair, France began by a dis-
avowal, and will finish by a reparation. No, we cannot be-
lieve it, it is time to put a stop to such an infamous course I
Never were we so degraded I Never under the Restoration
would a Ministry have held the honour of France so cheap I
The English reign in France,' for we suffer their insults, and
confide to them the care of our affairs, and their reign will
continue as long as M. Guizot shall remain in office. Expel
M. Guizot, or do not sing The English shall never reign in
France.' Stupid Ministry, or stupid people—it is one or the
other."

z, 0.,...._,,,...1,, ...4.::,.,t.:7,.......,...
N 11