The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-05 00:00:00

E SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY MORNING, MARCH 5, 1844.

does not exist a single tribe of savages which has not the right
to drive them away when it pleases, in the name of England.
Admiral Dupetit Thouars and Captain Bruat, who supposed,
very properly, that they deserved well of their country, will be
struck as with a thunder-bolt, when they receive the order to
evacuate their conquest, and humiliate themselves before the
protegte of Great Britain. Can we not see from hence the
French authorities forced to quit Queen Pomare's house, and
re-establishing there with their own hands the fancy flag
given by Victoria to her sister, the Queen of Otaheite ? Do
we not behold them, filing off like conquered troops, between
two rows of English sailors, Methodist missionaries and savages,
who will not spare them the most cruel mockeries ? In truth,
we have cause to regret that the tricoloured flat was re-
sumed by France in 1830."

The discussion, which will be found in another
part of the paper, will be read with interest.

THE BOURSE-SATURDAY, MARCU 2.

First

Highest Lowest

Price. Price. Price. Price.
French Five per Cents. •• 125 85 .. 126 10 .. 125 85 .. 126 10
Three per Cents.• •. • 82 75 • • 82 80 .• 82 75 82 80
Bank of France.• .• • • • •• .• . 3270 .•3270 ..3270 • • 3270
Belgian Bank
Belgian Fives ...... • ...•••• 104 •• 104 104 .. 104
1840 .••••••• 107 f •• 1071 107 f •• 1071
1842 •••••••• 103 f 109 f •• 109 f .• 109 f
Spanish Active•••...•••.•. 331 .. 33f • • 33 • • 33f
Portuguese Five per Cents 46 .. 46 .. 46 .. 46

Neapolitan....

RAILWAY SHARES.

Rouen • .

Rouen to Havre..

675

.. 676 25 .. 675

•• 676 25

Orleans • • • • •

852. 50 .. 852 50 .. 852 50... 852 50

Strasburg to Bale • • • • • • •• • • 245
Avignon to Marseilles• • •• • . 760

.. 247 50 .. 245
.. 760 - 760

•• 246 25
- 760

EMANCIPATION OF INDUSTRY
SOCIETY.

A preliminary meeting of a number of influential
gentlemen connected with the above Society, who have
already taken offices at 22, Parliament-street, was held
on Saturday last, at the British Coffee-house, Cock-
spur-street, for the purpose of extending its operations.
The Chair was taken, at two o'clock, by Joshua Schole-
field, Esq., M.P. In the course of the proceedings the
meeting was addressed at some length by the Chair-
man; John Taylor, Esq. ; Robert Wallace, Esq., M.P. ;
Robert Taylor, Esq., M.P.; T. Lamie Murray, Esq.;
Charles Enderby, Esq.; A. Spottiswoodv, Esq. ; Alex.
Wilson, Esq.; E. Capps, Esq.; E. Body, Esq.; and several
others.
Mr. SCIIOLEFIELD,* in opening the proceedings of the
meeting, said that he-should follow his usual customs and
say but little; yet, on the present occasion, he must ob-
serve that, besides giving his hearty concurrence to the
object and proceedings of the Society, he felt assured
that the time for carrying out its principles was most op-
portune and well-advised. The pretended prosperity of
the country was all fallacious, and unless some great
change was effected, the dark side of the picture would
very soon be shown, and he therefore trusted that a
speedy success would attend this Society, which provided
the only effectual remedy for the evil.
Mr. TAYLOR, in moving the adoption of the resolu-
tions, expressed his regret that the gentleman was not
present by whom they had been originally drawn up, as
he could have done more justice to the subject. With
reference to the first resolution, he thought it important
that the public should know how grievous the effect was
of that change of currency which was made in 1819 on
the poorest of the productive classes. Mr. Pitt, in
1797, could not raise the annual taxation, levied chiefly
in duties on commodities, above twenty millions a year,
in a gold currency, or in paper convertible into gold at
a fixed price ; but as soon as he set free the paper
currency, and left it to be convertible into gold at its
market price, the springs of industry were restored to
action, and in the next year taxes were raised to the
amount of thirty millions, which were afterwards in-
creased to more than fifty millions. In the middle of
that twenty years, from 1808 to 1829, when they were
made to produce fifty-three millions, a Bill was passed,
which caused all these taxes to become payable in that
fixed gold value, which was impossible to be borne in
1797, with a taxation of less than twenty millions a year.
This Act (of 1819) had deeply depressed the working-
classes, and filled our poor-houses and gaols with un-
happy creatures who must beg or steal for a subsistence.
Some persons may doubt the truth of this statement, and
ask how the poor producer can be affected by our heavy
taxation, since if he has lower wages given him, the
prices of the necessaries of life are reduced in an equal
proportion ? They do not consider that payments may
be made in kind as well as in money. If the employers
of the poor are called on for more taxes than they
can afford to pay, or are able to recover by in-
creased prices from the wealthy as consumers, they
will turn round on their workpeople, and force them to
work more hours for less wages, and so produce a greater
quantity of goods than before at no increase of cost.
Thus the poor pay that excess of taxation which their
employers are unable to meet. A difference of only 2s.
per week in the wages of six millions of people makes a
difference to them of thirty millions a year in their earn-
ings; and it is notorious that wages since the year 1819
have been reduced to a greater extent than this. The
remedy is to be found in a return to that system of paper
money, improved in principle, under which this enor-
mous amount of taxation bad been permitted to grow up.
The remedy would be pointed out in the resolutions,
which he would now beg to read, and propose for adop-
tion by the meeting.—[The resolutions will be found in
our advertising columns.)
Mr. WALLACE, M.P., in seconding the motion, said
that he had formerly joined a Society, established for
similar objects, in 1833, and which was supported by 150
Members of the House of Commons. That Society, he
conceived, did not sufficiently grapple with the subject
of the currency, and its exertions consequently relaxed.
He was glad, however, that at last some definite and
fixed principles had been advanced by this Society, and
he felt confidence in the result of its exertions. He
would observe, that though the objects of this Society
precluded any consideration of merely party politics,
and, from the course of events, the abolition of the corn-
laws might be considered to be of that character, yet he
could not help saying that he had strong opinions on the
abolition of the corn-laws, but that if any mischief was
likely to arise by the carrying out of that measure, the
exertions of this Society were calculated to enlighten the
public on points on which information was greatly
needed, and that the accomplishment of its object would
altogether avert the evils which many apprehended from
extinguishing the protection of home-grown corn. The
Government, he thought, were determined to have one
bank of issue for the three kingdoms, and it was impor-
tant that the moment should be seized upon, while the
topic of the monetary system was necessarily engross-
ing much of public interest. He felt convinced
that discussion would at this time do good ; and
that, amidst the various remedies proposed foe.
averting the acknowledged evils of the present-
system, it would tend to fix public atten-
tion on the most prevalent and injurious of them
all; and he hoped the activity of the promoters and
other members of the Society would conduce to blend-
ing the exertions of all parties in one common effort,
for the benefit of the suffering industry of the country.
The attempt to conduct the business of the country with
a currency of a metallic standard was evidently futile.
The production of gold might have increased ; for,
though the South American mines had been less ener-
getically worked of late, yet the returns of the Russian
mines had largely increased, and the amount of bullion
in the vaults of the Bank of England was now, he
believed, greater than it had ever been ; but what was
the trade and the industry of the country the better for
it? Nothing, absolutely nothing ; and he firmly be-
lieved that, until the currency of the country was put
upon a better basis, there would be no prevention of the
fluctuations to which the commercial world was daily,
and most injuriously subject. Mr. Wallace was glad to
see that this Society avoided the evil of that party to
which he had formerly belonged. The former Society
had avoided everything like a declaration of positive
principle, and bad consequently become like a rope of
sand ; but, in the proceedings of this Society, and in
the resolutions now submitted to this meeting, such
principles were clearly laid down and positively defined,
and he would say that, in seconding the adoption of these
resolutions, he most cordially concurred in all that they
advanced.
Mr. LAMIE MURRAY stated that, having been con-
nected with the Society formed in 1833, to which Mr.
Wallace had referred, he was able to confirm what had
fallen from that Hon. Gentleman. That Society, which
numbered among its members a large proportion of the
Members of both Houses of Parliament, had failed in
consequence of not adopting a fixed principle. Too
much deference was paid to the opinions and scruples of
some influential parties, with the hope of obtaining their
Parliamentary support and carrying the measure they
recommended. For his own part he had never had con-
fidence in any attempt to move Parliament until the
Members had been acted upon through their constitu-
encies, and he had often urged the adoption of such
measures as would have enabled the Society then formed
to fall back upon the people, and those who were suffer-
ing under the effects of the evil complained of. His opi-
nion was in favour of placing the principles of the So-
ciety in their true light before the public, but especially
with distinctness before those by whom they were op-
posed. He did not wish to be mixed up with those who
advOcated an irresponsible paper remedy, or be misre-
presented as wishing to depreciate the value of money
by any arbitrary measures. Mr. Murray wished it to
be known that the Society stated it as broadly
and as firmly as possible, that a fixed price
of gold, as the basis of a monetary system,
was wrong in principle, and unjust to the entire mass of
producers, whether labourers or capitalists. Such a
system was beneficial only to those who enjoyed such
fixed incomes as were incapable pf improvement, and
whose selfish interests were promoted by the existence of
those low prices which gave them a greater command
over the labour of others. The sooner the discussion of
this matter came on—and the more the terms of it were
defined and limited the better—the sooner would the
public become acquainted with the relative merits of the
principles of these who advocated an exclusively me-
tallic standard asitfie base of our currency, and of those
who preferred the. exchange of a responsible aper cur-
rency convertible' into gold at the market value of the
precious metal, the sooner would the proper remedies be
applied to the evils of our present system ; a system
which he did not hesitate to say inevitably occasioned
incessant fluctuations in the commercial world, in-
juriously depreciated all the products of industry, and
inflicted ruin and destitution on its unfortunate victims.
Mr. ENDERBY stated that the apparent abundance of
the precious metals at this time in England, the United
States of America, France, and other countries, was not
owing to any increase in the produce of the mines, nei-
ther was he of opinion that any nation was impoverished
or suffering from having parted with them, but that the
apparent abundance (for he contended that gold and
silver were only considered abundant when they were
collected in large quantities for sale) arose from the re-
served fund of the productive classes, from their savings
set apart for periods of adversity, which period he,
stated had overtaken them, and they had experienced
extreme sufferings and privations. He observed that it
had been a common practice for the labouring classes of
all nations to put aside (in coin) a portion of their hard
earned wages, when.they could afford to do so; but stern
necessity had for a long period reversed this order of
things, and it was from this source the precious metals
had been obtained. He instanced two cases of the sort as
having recently been brought under his immediate con-
sideration—the one a mechanic, the other a labourer ;
both these men were seeking employment, the former
had expended the last of eleven sovereigns, which he had
been able to save while in work ; the latter had not only
expended seven sovereigns which, under similar circum-
stances, he had collected, but was in debt, and had
pawned some of his clothing. Mr. Enderby attributed
the existing distress to the course the Bank of England-
were compelled to pursue in 1837 for the purpose of re-
taining the gold in their coffers ; he argued that periods
of prosperity are periods when the precious metals are
being withdrawn from the Bank, and are becoming the
private property of the labouring community, not merely
of the population of England but of the world ; and ho
mentioned a recent case of a number of the natives of
of India having returned to their homes, from the Mau-
ritius, where they had been engaged to work for a
certain period (which had expired), bringing with
them small fortunes in dollars. He added that it was
utterly impossible for the nation to enjoy any lengthened
prosperity under the existing monetary system, for the
measures of the Bank must, of necessity be opposed to
the wants of the community. If, he observed, employ-
ment were found for all classes of labourers in England
and Ireland, at remunerating wages, the amount in gold
and silver that would be absolutely required to play
wages on Saturdays, throughout the kingdom, would be
more than the Bank could supply especially if the la-

bourers, as heretofore, saved coin ; neither would the
Bank suffer so much gold to be withdrawn, as to afford
any reasonable expectation of extended amelioration to
the community at large. Mr. Enderby concluded by re-
marking, that under the existing monetary system it was
impossible to " Emancipate Industry."
Mr. Bony observed, that he must notice an objection
which had been started in consequence of a misappre-
hension of the principles of this Society—he meant the
supposition that this Society advocated two prices for the
same article, when in fact such was not the case. All
that this Society contended for in the regulation of the
commercial portion of the currency, was that paper is-
sued by private or joint-stock banks should be conver-
tible in gold at the market value, instead of at the fixed
price of 3L 17s. loid. per oz. The effect of doing this
would certainly be apparently to make two prices, by
protecting the home producer in security, to him the
taxation value of his article in paper, but leaving it to
be exported at its rate in gold, the common medium of
exchange between the countries of the world. The ob
jection of all who entertained this view fell to the ground
before the knowledge of those who were acquainted with
the duplicate quality of the circulation in many places
abroad, and particularly with the sterling and currency
ratios of the West India islands; and apart from all other
reasons, this was a sufficient inducement to him to sup-
port this Society.
Several other gentlemen concurred in the views here
expressed, and the resolutions were unanimously
adopted.

THE PRO-CORN-LAW LEAGUERS.
Yesterday evening, at the Freemasons"favern, a
meeting, in pursuance of a requisition, of some indivi-
duals calling themselves the " National Anti-League
Association," was held at half-past six o'clock, at which
hour :Sir Richard Joddrell took the chair. Perhaps by
the insertion of an extract from their prospectus, we
could more graphically lay before the public the policy,
the logic, and the liberality of those who convened the
meeting. Before doing so, however, we must remark,
that although the " great" room was not filled, yet a
more heterogenous and discordant meeting it has never
been our lot to witness, The following is the extract to
which we have alluded :
" THE NATIONAL ANTI-LEAGUE ASSOCIATION.

" The efforts now being made throughout the kingdom, in
opposition to the League faction, are not only most laudable,
but may be regarded as an indication of the injury, which is
at all times to be apprehended from the machinations of weak
and designing demagogues ; but however great and generous
those exertions may be, they can effect but little real advan-
tage in the absence of a point of general concentration and
succour in the metropolis. The interests of the several
branches of national industry, now in operation, are so pro-
videntially interwoven, that any measure which injures the
one, must inevitably paralyse the other. The repeal of the
corn-laws embraces the whole system of free trade, and the
interests of all classes are alike involved in the mischievous
agitation of the Anti-Corn-Law League. It is true, that the
agriculture of the country is the grand abject of attack by the
League, but their power and numbers are derived chiefly from
the delusions which they have unscrupulously imposed on
manutticturing classes of the community. Their fallacies
would not only destroy the agricultural, but the trading and
industrial interests of the kingdom :—the removal of protec-
tive duties would inflict. -certain misery on the agriculturist,
the tradesman, and the operative.
" The provincial Anti-League Societies consist, almost ex-
clusively, of the agricultural classes, and their exertions are
confined to their respective localities ; while the manufactur-
ing and trading districts are effectively occupied by the
League. It is, therefore, intended that The National
Corn-law Association for the Protection of Agriculture'
shall extend its sphere of operations, by concentrating the
opposition of all classes so as to form a complete antagonist
body to that dangerous conclave—The League."
After a short address from the CHAIRMAN,
Mr. SEIERROD rose to move the first resolution. It
was to the following eflect,—That it was the opinion of
the meeting that, at the present moment, great distress
pervaded the working classes of the United Kingdom,
and that the removal of any one of the protective duties
on foreign produce would tend materially to increase that
distress and involve the British empire in ruin. In sup-
port of the principles involved in the resolution he said
no person could doubt the right of every man to have the
means of proper living, and that they had resources in
their own bosoms quite sufficient to make them, corn-
fortable.—(Laughter.) He next said, in allusion to
Mr. Fielden, that it was the intention and purpose
of the manufacturers to sacrifice the interests and
happiness of the community to their own cupidity;
and, in proof, he said that Mr. Marshall, of Leeds, had
worked a number of children to such a "degree that they
were taken to a tank of water, and digir heads dipped in
it, in order that they might be refreihed, and again go
to work. Messrs. Deacon Hume, Bewring, and Villiers,
wanted to bring the n ages down to the same level as they
were upon the Continent. He thiew down the gauntlet
to any one of the League, and hoped they would come
forward and meet him in pubic discussion.—(Mingled
cheers, laughter, and hisses. , He asked them all to
come forward and show thaVINA League should no longer
go on in its successful career of robbing and plundering
the working classes.—(Laughter.) He called upon the
aristocracy and the landed interest to come forward and
protect labour from the attacks of the Corn-law League,
or they would not long gaze on the battlements of their
ancestors.—(Laaghter.) The speaker, amidst much
laughter, made some indefinite allusion to Jugurtha, and
concluded (in obedience to a hint from some person on
the platform) by stating that he—(himself—not Jugur-
tha)—was a Spitalfield's weaver, and daring any person
to come forward and controvert his assertion.
At this moment a scene most indescribably ludicrous
took place. An individual, habited in an ostler's dress,
took up the gauntlet, and after touching a lock of hair
on the front of his forehead as a mark of respect to the
Chairman, claimed, as well as we could understand from
the noise and confusion which prevailed, to be heard.
He was, however, eventually compelled to retire, and.
make way for—
A person, whose name was stated to be Mr. BUR-
ROWES, a delegate from the London Union of the
Spitalfields' weavers, and who seconded the resolution,
after which
An individual, who described himself as a journey-
man baker, rose to support it. In attempting to do so
he again threw down the gauntlet to the League. He
was sure that the repeal of the corn-laws would injure
four classes of persons—(Cries of "-No, no")—and would
tend to injure and destroy a most industrious, intelli-
gent, and truly benevolent class of men, he meant the
Journeymen-millers.—(Shouts of laughter.) He knew
that the American corn came here in the shape of flour,
in barrels. And (said the speaker), lam sure of this,
for I have been in Yankee town.—(Renewed laughter.)
He then entered into some details on his present pecu-
niary emoluments, as compared with what they had been
when he was (to use his own phraseology) " a-doing
so many many more batches" during the week. He
next passed from this subject to propose the second re-
solution, which was to the effect that the meeting de-
nounced the attempt of the Anti-Corn-law League to
excite the feelings of the agricultural classes, and calling
upon the agricultural classes to unite against that dan-
gerous conclave the League.
Mr. MAILLARD, after abusing in set terms the League,
its supporters, and the whole manufacturing interest,
seconded this resolution.
Mr. RUFFLE RIDLEY, a person well known as *ll.
Chartist orator, particularly during the excitement which
pervaded London some time ago, when disturbance per
waded the provinces, here rose, .-when a scene of in-
describable confusion took place His party, which was
very numerous, rose en masse, cheering and waving hats,
while those who favoured the objects of tfie meeting,
and those in favour of the Anti-Corn-law League, who
also mustered very strongly, were equally veciforous.
I When order was somewhat restored, be was calling upon
the people not to beled away by either of the two antago-
nistic parties—the Anti-Corn-law League, or those who
were formed to oppose them, because both parties
were trying to sacrifice their (the people's) lives
at the shrine of their own interests. He asked could
not both parties be called base, bloody, and brutal
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) They might be called Whig
Chartists, or Tory Chartists, but they were there aspen,
and determined to denounce hypocrisy, and to tell both
parties, face to face, that the working classes would stop
short of nothing except their political redemption,—
(Cheers.) Such being his opinion, he should move as
an amendment upon the last resolution, That while this
meeting is of opinion that the line of policy adopted by
the Anti-Corn-law League is erroneous and injurious
without a complete renovation of the Legislative system,
yet they are also of opinion that every system of agita-
tion which has not for its end the attainment of the
People's Charter is equally erroneous and injurious in
policy, and unworthy to occupy the attention of this
meeting or of the public generally. With respect to the
Anti-Corn-law League, and the new Association calling
itself the Anti-League Association, he should advise the
people to leave them to the fate of the Kilkenny cats,
and they would tear each other to pieces in a very short
time. . . .

Mr. SPGRATH seconded the amendment, which ap-
peared to have a vast number of supporters in the room,
although no official declaration was made from the
Chair, as to whether it was passed or not.
Here another scene of indescribable confusion again
arose, owing to a number of persons claiming their right
to address the meeting from the platform, which be-
came densely thronged, and a long time intervened be-
fore any person could be heard.
A great many other persons, most of whom were well
known as Chartist orators, endeavoured to speak, when
the Chairman, amidst, the greatest uproar, decided that
Mr. Mainte was entitled to be heard.
This gentleman, who was most conspicuous at the seve-
ral meetings on Clerkenwell-green, Islington-green, and
other places, when the police had orders to disperse them,
then rose to propose the next resolution, and after vitu-
perating the Anti-Corn-law Leugue and its objects in the
bitterest terms, amidst stormy symptoms of disapproba-
tion and cries of " Do you call yourself a Chartist ?"
said the purport of the resolution was that a repeal of the
corn-laws would be most injurious to all the industrious
classes of the United Kingdom.
At this moment Mr. WHEELER, another Chartist, said
—We have had quite enough of discussion to answer any
beneficial object, and I therefore move that the Chair-
man do now leave the chair.—(Groans and confusion.)
Mr. FORD, a gentleman of similar political views, se-
conded the proposition, but what he said could be only
guessed by his pantomime.
Another scene of confusion here ensued, which quite
rivalled the 0. P. rows in the good old theatrical days,
amidst which the Chairman, evidently with but little
reluctance, made his exit.
• Mr. WHEELER then, amidst roars of laughter, pro-
posed a vote of thanks to the Chairman, of which not
the slightest notice seemed to be taken by the meeting,
seine of whom had congregated themselves into little
groups, like what might be seen on a Sunday in Smith.;
held or on Clerkenwell-green, for the purpose of hearing
some more learned pundit expound his particular views
of politics, as they amused themselves by cheering for
Peargus O'Connor and the Charter ; but by far the
greater number had gone away long before the-last reso-
lution was put. •
Although-hi the programme four resolutions were an