The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-01 00:00:00

Chronicle of December 2, "can expect the present corn-law,
or anything like it, to last two years. Perhaps the outlines of
its successor are already_on paper and are of such a character
as to account for Sir Edward paper, absence from the
councils of the Cabinet." Such proglosties as these have been
constantly made use of in the Whig journals during the last
three months; and they answer, as we have already said, the
double purpose of alas:ming a few timid Conservatives ; and of
forming an apparent ground fur vast indignation—when it
shall wear, at last, that the Ministry has not the slightest in-
tention of the kind ; and when thus it will be said, " the uni-
versal expectation" shall have been" lamentably disappointed."
The plain fact, however, is, that but for these politic prog-
nostics of the Whig newspapers, and the clamours of the
League, not a single creature in her Majesty's dominions
would dream of such a thing as a further tampering with the
corn-laws. Why should they ? Sir Robert Peel is known to
be a cautious statesman: this measure, one of the chief acts
of the present Administration, was carefully considered, and
passed with great deliberation ; and it has entirely answered
all the purpose of its framers. On what rational ground, then,
should any one expect its sudden and causeless repeal, after an
existence of less than two years?
We say that the measure has entirety succeeded. Indeed,
we may challenge any politician to adduce a case, in modern
times at least, in which the objects professed by the proposers
of a measure have been so fully realised by the event. The
Reform Bill, we all know, disappointed all parties ; so did the
Municipal Corporations Bill • so did the New Poor-law; so-
did the Penny Postage, which was to have augmented the
Pest-office revenue in theory, but which has nearly annihi-
lated it in fact. Nearly every nostrum of the Whig Adminis-
tration turned out altogether another thing from what its pro-
pounders intended. But the corn-law of 1842, we broadly ,
and unhesitatingly assert, has in no respect fallen short of its
proposer's views and intentions. It has done all that it was
intended to do-; and the enmity shown towards it by the Whigs
and the League arises merely from its not doing what no one
ever supposed that it would do.
No one ever supposed, for instance, that it would atop the
clamours of the Leaguers. Those honourable and very worthy
persons, like their great master and exemplar in Ireland, thrive
by agitation, and have not the least wish or intention Ito give it
up, so long as a grievance can be imagined or invented. It is
the corn-law agitation that makes Mr. Cobden Member for
Stockport, and Mr. Bright Member for Durham ; and both
these respectable gentlemen have told us, that they will never
cease their agitation so long as there is an iota of duty on
corn ; in other words, that they will retain their present
" proud position" as long as they can find adherents to follow
them. All this Sir Robert Peel knew long enough ago ; and
his Corn Bill was not intended to attempt what he knew to be
impossible ; i.e., to persiade a vain and conceited demagogue
to retire into obscurity, so long as he had the means of keeping
himself at the head of a popular agitation.
Nor; in the next place, was the Corn Bill of 1842 designed
to satisfy the clients of the Times—by establishing an exten-
sive and a steady continental trade in corn. That large and
regular imports of corn are needed, is disproved by the expe-
rience of the last ten years. That to import corn largely when
it is not needed, must be injurious to the main branch of our
national industry, is self-evident. Hence the law of 1842 did
not propose to encourage a large and steady import ; and it has
not encouraged it.
What, then, was the object of the change effected in 1842?
It was, to correct the previously-existing system, by apply-
ing the results of the experience of a dozen years. It was, by
a more carefully graduated scale, to obtain greater steadiness
of price ; and also a rather lower price in times of scarcity.
Precisely what Sir Robert Peel described as his object, in his
speech introducing the measure, has been attained, and at•
tamed in the simplest and easiest manner, and at no cost of
principle, or even of pecuniary advantage.
We will quote a single passage from Sir Robert Peel's
speech of Feb. 9,1842, and then compare it with the event :
—" It is utterly beyond your power, and a mere delusion to
say that by any duty, fixed or otherwise, you can guarantee a
certain price to the producer. It is beyond the reach of the
Legislature." . • . . " But I should say, that for the
protection of the agricultural interest, if the price of wheat
In this country, allowing for its natural oscillations, could
be limited to some such amount as between 545. and 585., Ido
not believe it is for the interest of the agriculturist that it
should be higher."
Such was the Premier's explicit declaration of his object.
Now what has been the result? Here are the averages of
the year 1843 : s. d.
January 28 ... 49 3
February 25
March 25
April 29
May 27
June 24
July 22
August 26 56 8
September '23
October 23
November 25 ..
De; ember 23
These prices have followed two favourable harvests. They
therefore naturally fall rather below the figures stated by the
Premier as his maximum, A deficient harvest or two would
probably raise prices fully up to that mark. But two circum-
stances here call for observatinn—lst, The great steadiness of
price which has followed the adoption of the new system—
and 2d, That the price suggested by Sir Robert Peel has not,
in these favourable seasons, been fully realised; though pro-
bably the average of three years will prove the accuracy of his
calculations.
And this makes the idea of further change still more prepos-
terous. The clamourous party is that which demands low
prices . well, it turns out that Sir Robert Peel's measure gives
them, after all, at least up to this time, rather lower prices
than he himself intended. He has already been better than
his word ; and if any rectification can be needed, it must
rather be in behalf of the other party.
There is, then, not the shadow of a hope, on any reasonable
grounds, that the Government, after cautiously and delibe-
rately adjusting this great question in 1842, will re-open it in
1844. In fact, the mere desire or disposition to do so, on their
part, would necessarily so shake public confidence, that the very
Consols themselves would waver and oscillate at the prospect.
There is no such inroad upon the public credit, however, in
prospect for the chroniclers of 1844.
, This single question disposed of, what have the malcontents
to look forward to ? In what part of the kingdom, in what
quarter of the globe, can a grievance be raked up? Truly, for
Whig expectants, the prospect is lamentable. The League is
I indeed their " forlorn hope." Peace in all parts of the earth—
, a restoration of our finances—a still advancing revival of trade
and manufactures, would seem to promise a session of more
than ordinary quietness. But these are stirring times. Much,
' we are aware, will be demanded of the Government, and we
believe and expect that much will be endeavoured by them.
Party strife may sometimes defeat their best purposes, as in the
case of the Factory Education Bill of last year ; but they must
labour on in spite of disappointments; and we anticipate that the
coming session will not be a barren one, of carefully.prepared
and well-digested measures of Conservative reform.—Herald.

STATE of the REPRESENTATION.
(From the " Complete Suffrage Almanack," 1844.)
It appears that there were upwards of one million
electors on the register in the year 1840. It must,
however, be recollected that a large proportion of the
electoral constituencies, about one quarter, never
exercise the franchise, so that the real effective
electors of the United Kingdom could not then be
estimated at more than 800,000. There is much
doubt whether the number of electors has been much
increased since that period, when we take into consi-
deration the severe distress that has, for the last few
years, visited all classes, except the higher, and the
wholesale disfranchisement that has been going on in
li
Ireland. If, therefore, we take the total number
of electors on the register in 1840, as representing
the whole of the electors who would now exercise the
franchise, it will, probably, be rather over than under
the mark.
It will hence appear that one person out of about
every seven male adults is represented in the House of
Commons—that is to say, that out of the 6,736,697
male adult population of this country, 5,724,411 are
taxed by the State without having a voice in the
making of its laws !
By analysing the list of constituencies, we arrive
at still more startling results. Thus, in England.
Wales, and Scotland, which return 592 members,
sixty-seven of the constituencies number less than 500
persons ; 145 less than 1,000 ; and 209 less than 2,000.
Accordingly, nearly one .half the representatives of
cities and boroughs of England, Wales, and Scotland
are returned by about 100,000 constituents. Nor is
this all. We find that, in the United Kingdom, 232
Members represent about 220,000 ; and thus it may
fairly be calculated that, out of the 658 Members of
the House of Commons, 330 of them—or a clear
majority—are returned by less than 300,000 persons.
The destinies of this country, therefore, are actually
confided to the hands of about•one-third of the elec-

tonal body. In other words, one twenty-third part of
the male adult population of this kingdom elect an
absolute majority of that House, which not only ex-
ercises an omnipotent control over the liberties and
Propertruc ,av,---1.a.0,--AALkixis._according to the Con-

stitution of these realms, especial
House."
Much is said of our nicely balanced Constitution.
Let us examine it. The Crown is a mere puppet in
the hands of the aristocracy, and virtually, if not
nominally, possesses no political power. The House
of Lords, which, except in case of voting the supplies,
possesses a power commensurate with the House of
Commons, is, of course, the ready instrument of oli-
garchical rule. We now come to the third branch of
that Legislature, in which, according to theory, op-
posing interests are so impartially represented that
they form a counterpoise the one to the other. The
Commons' House of Parliament, designed to repre-
sent the people as distinguished from the nobility of
this country, who possess a House of their own, is
chosen by the votes of one-seventh part, and a majo-
rity of its Members by one twenty-third part, of the
male adult population. This is the House of Com-
mons, which, according to the theory of the Consti-
tution, represents the sentiments of the whole people
of Great Britain !

the 'People's

BEDE LIGHT AT THE BROOMIELAW.—According
to the resolution of th© river trustees, the steam-boat
wharf at the Glasgow-bridge, which certainly stood very
much in need of such an improvement, was last night
lighted up, for the first time, with the Rude light. The
light, which is calculated as equal to upwards of forty
ordinary burners, stands upon a pillar abuut twenty-
five feet in height, and sheds a brilliant illumination
upon surrounding objects. It has all the appearance of
a lighthouse towering above the bridge, sheds, and other
elevations near it, and will be seen at a great distance.
Indeed, with such a blaze, accidents to vessels arriving
or departing at a late hour from that part of the harbour.
even on the darkest nights, must be exceedingly rare.
The site is well chosen, and the light will, doubtless, prove
an immense advantage to the bustling portion of the
harbour where it is situate. Notwithstanding this most
us;!ful addition to the steam-boat wharf, there is still
another to be made (the want of which is much com-
plained of by the public), and which could be supplied at
a very small expense to the trustees; we allude to the
erection of a small clock in front of one of the sheds at
the lower end of the quay, whereby persons waiting for
steamers or hurrying to them, can gain at once informa-
tion concerning a matter sometimes difficult enough to
be ascertained, viz., the exact hour of sailing, &c. The
advantages to be derived by this addition are so apparent
that we, do not need to enlarge upon them. We hope
the hint will meet with due attention in the proper
quarter.—Glasgow Chronicle.