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London, England, 1844-03-15 00:00:00

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PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS.

From the roles and Proceedings of the House of Commons.)
WEDNESDAY, MARCH 13.
_ COMMONS INCLOSURE BILL.

Order for Second Reading read; Motion made, and Ques-
tion proposed, " That the Bill be now read a secctrid time :"
Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and at
the end of the Question, to add the words " upon this day six
months :"—Question put, " That the word mow' stand part
of the Question :" The House divided :

MINORITY—AYES, 70. -
Acland, T. D.—West Somerset - Humphery, John—Southwark
Aldam, William—Le cla - James, William—Cumberland
Bentinek, Lord G.—Lynn - Jermyn, Earl—Bury, Suffolk
Blackstone, W. S.—Wallingford Johnstone, Sir J.—Scarborough
Borthwick, P.—Evesham Langston, J. H.—Oxford
Bowes, J.—South Durham Lincoln Earl of—Northampton.
Busfeild, William—Bradford shiie,'South
Cavendish, Hon. G. H.—N. Derky M'Niell, D.—Argyleshiro
Cowper, Hon. W. F.—Hertford Manners, Lord J.—Newark
Cripps, William—Cirencester Marsham, Lord—West Kent
Curteis H B.—Rye Miles, Philip W. Skynner—Bristo
Dodd, G.—",A aidstone Miles .William—.Somersetshire
Denison, J. E.—Malton Morrison, Junes—lnverness
Denison, E. B.—West Yorkshir Neville, R.—Windsor
Divett, Edward—Exeter :4 mdegate, C. N.—North War.
Douglas, Sir C. E.—Warwick wickshire
Ebrington, Lord—Plymouth Palmerston, Viscount—Tiverton
Eliot, Lord—East Cornwall Peel, lit Hon. Sir R.—Tamwertti
Evans, William—North Derby Plumptre, John P.—East Kent
Farnham, E. B.—N. Leicestershlr t Plumridge, Captain—Penryn and
Flower, Sir J.—Thetford Falmouth
Fuller, A. K—East Sussex Protheroe, Edward—Halifax
Gaskell, James Milnes—Wenlock Rushbrooke, Colonel—Suffolk
Gig, orne, Thomas—Nottingham Sandon, Lord—Liverpool
Gla4stone, W. E.—Newarx.on Scott, Hon. F.—Roxburghshire
Trent Shaw, Right' Hon. F.—Dublin Un
Goring, C.—New Shoreham Stanley, Lord—North Lancashire
Goulburn Right Hon. H.—Cam. Sutton, C. M.—Cambridge
bridge University Thornely,Thos.—Wolverhampton
Graham, Right Hon. Sir J. R. G. Tollemache, J.—South Cheshire
—Dorchester • Vivian, John Ennis—Truro
Greenaway, Charles—Leominster Wakley, Thomas—Finsbury
Greene, I'. G.—Lancashire Warbu rton, H —Kendal
Harcourt, G. G. V —Oxfordshire Wawn, J. T.—South Shields
Hay, Sir A. L —Elgin, &c. Whitmore, 'l'. C.—Bridgenorth
Henniker, Lord—East Suffolk Wortley, Hon. S.—W. Yorkshire
Hinde, J. Hodgson—Newcastle. Wrightson, W. B.—Northallerton
upon-Tyne TELLERS.
Hope, G. W.—Southampton Wortley, Lord—Lincolnshire
Howard, P. H.—Carlisle Aglionby, H. A.—Cockermouth

MINORITY—NOES, 23.
Antrobus, Edmund—Surrey Mitchell, T. A.—Bridport
Baskerville, T. B.—Herefordshire Morgan, o.—Monmouthshire
Berkeley, Hon. H. F.—Bristol Morris, D.—Carmarthen
Bright, John—Durham Peehell, Captain—Brighton
Broadley, Henry—East Yorkshire Richards, Itichard—Merioneth.h
Brotherton, J.—Salford ::eholefield, J.—Birmingham
Bruges, W. H. L—Devizes Scott, Robert—Walsall
Butler, Hon. P.—Kilkenny Co. Sotheron, T. H.—Devizes
Butler, P. S.—Kilkenny County Stanton, W. H.—Stroud
Duncan, G. Dundee Wood, Colonel T.—Brecon
Ewart,' William—Dumfries TELLERS.
Hume, Joseph—Montrose, &c. Crawford, S.—Rochdale
Hussey, Ambrose— Saliisbury Sibthorp, Colonel—Lincoln

Collections will be made in every Church and
Chapel in the diocese of London, on the first Sunday atter
Trinity, in aid of the Metropolis Churches Fund.
-LADY BROUGHAM'S SOIRRIL-011 Wednesday her
Ladyship'had 'a reception at the residence of the Noble and
Learned Lord, in Grafton-street. There were present—the
Duke of Devonshire, Duke of Leeds, Duke of Buccleuch,
his Excellency Prince Castelcicala, his Excellency Baron-de
Cetto, his Excellency. Mr. Everett, Baroness Brunnow,
Countess of Jersey, his Excellency the Swedish Minister
and Countess Bjomstjerna, Marchioness of Wellesley, Sir
Robert and Lady ThrOckmorton, Baron Lebzeltern, Sir
Alexander Woodford and Mies Woodford, Mrs. Cunliffe Oft ley
and Miss Crewe, Marchioness of Westmeath, Marchioness
of Sligo :.and _Ladies Browne, Lady Seymour and Miss
-Seymour, Sir Augustus and Lady Clifford, Viscount Canti-
lupe, Sir John -and. Lady Shelley, Lord Harry. Vane, Mr.
Lockhart, Mr. Charles B. Sheridan, Lady Granville Somerset,
Lord Beaumont, Mr. Spencer de Horsey and Miss-DeHorsey,
Mr. and Mrs. J. Townley, Lady Graham, Lord Henry Lennox,
Lord George Paget, Lady Bellingham Graham, Mr. Standish,
Countess of Charlemont, Lord Glenelg, Mr. Parnther, Earl of
Haddington, Hon. Sydney Herbert, Lord Dudley Stuart,
Captain Clifford, his Excellency Count Pollon, Count de
Nouilles, Mr. and Lady Blanche Balfour, Captain Moore,
Hon. Captain Eden, Lord and Lady COlchester, Right Hon.
J. W. Croker, Right Hon George and Mrs. Dawson, Lord
Redesdale, Countess of Tankerville, Hon. F. Leveson, Mr.
and Mrs. Verschoyle, Lord Elphinstone, Hon. S. Lyttelton,
Dirs. and Miss Colville,

Last evening a meeting of the friends of Ireland was
held in Covent-garden Theatre, for the purpose, as ex-
pressed in the advertisement convening the meeting, of
affording to. the middle and industrious classes an op-
portunity of. mingling their feelings with those of the
higher classes, so unequivocally expressed on a late oc-
casion, in syMpathy pr the sufferings of the Irish people,
and of their illustrious leader, in whose person the
dearest right enjoyed by the subject under the consti-
tution of this country has been grossly infringed.
Long before the hour appointed for taking the chair
had arrived, the theatre was densely thronged in every
part, and the pit so much so that it was found necessary
to admit a large portion of its occupants upon the stage.
There were stationed in various places throughout the
house, but chiefly around the chair, several men, some
of whom were dressed in frieze coats—the dress peculiar
to the Irish peasantand who wore upon their hats
slips of paper, having inscribed the words, " O'Connell's
police." Judging from the boisterous good humour of
the mighty mass, -their exhibition of mirth, and
the evident determination which they evinced to
have as much " fun" among themelves as' possible
before the commencement of the business of the meeting,
we should say the vast majority were natives of " the
Green Isle." The dress circle• and stage boxes were
occupied by persons of both sexes, who belonged, ap-
parently, to what are conventionally termed the better
classes.
Shortly after seven o'clock the cheering from with-
out heralded the approach of Mr. O'Connell, and im-
mediately on the entrance of the Hon.- and Learned
Gentleman upon the stage, the vast assemblage rose en
masse, and the scene that ensued baffles description.
The ladies waved their handkerchiefs, the gentlemen
their hats, and both cheered and hurraed; again and
again, with an earnestness and enthusiasm which were,
perhaps, equalled, but only equalled, on the occasion of
Mr. O'Connell's reception at the banquet on Tuesday
evening last. When the cheering, which was prolonged
for several minutes, had somewhat subsided,
WILLIAM J. O'CONNELL, Esq. (Grand Repeal
Warden of England), was called to the chair, amidst
most enthusiastic cheering. He said he was sure that
they would believe him when he said that he considered'
that moment to be the proudest of his existence. He'
believed that he had been called upon to preside, be-
cause he bore the name of their honoured and esteemed
leader, who sat on his right hand.—(Loud cheers.) He
believed that they all appreciated the merits of that
powerful body whose exertions were destined to
restore peace, happiness, independence, and na-
tionality to Green Erin.—(Great cheering.) That
cheer convinced him that it was unnecessary
to mention the of that body, but still he would do
so, it was the Loyal National Repeal Association.—
(Great cheering.) He had witnessed an assemblage in
that theatre on Tuesday last which did honour to Old
England.— (Cheers.) He would ask what it was that
brought together the Noblemen and men of influence
that were assembled on that occasion ? Why, they as-
sembled together with the same object for which the
present vast meeting had been called together—to ho-
nour, to esteem, and to love the great Liberator of Old
Ireland.—(Tremendous cheering.) The sympathetic
feelings which had been exhibited on that occasion would
never be obliterated from the Irish breast.—(Great and
enthusiastic cheering.) It was glorious, indeed, to find that
feelings of amity and brotherly love had so suddenly
sprung up between the Irish people, and th e English people.
Englishmen now found that they could understand the
Irish character. He hoped that every Irishman present
would do all in his power to cultivate that friendship which
had been expressed and exhibited on Tuesday night
last.—(Renewed cheering.) Englishmen were their
brothers and fellow-subjects, and they had been perse-
cuted by.the same class of persecutors. He hoped that
the anniversary of last Tuesday would be kept every
year, and that upon that day Englishmen and Irishmen
would meet together.—(Great cheering.) The Hon.
Gentleman concluded by calling on
Mr. HYDE, of St. John's-wood, to tmove the first
resolution. He came forward to do so as an Irish Pro-
testant.—(Great cheering.) It had been said that the
objects of the Repealers was to dismember the empire.
He emphatically denied this, and he declared that if such
was the purpose of the Repeal Association, to which he
was proud to belong, he would not for a moment allow
his name to be connected with it. He had much plea-
sure in moving the following resolution:—" That we
yield to -no class of the British people in loyalty to our
gracious Sovereign, in our respect for her public and
private virtues, and in our determination to maintain,
unimpaired, her supreme authority."—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. O'LEARY seconded the resolution, which was put
and carried unanimously, amidst much cheering.
Mr. M'LEon moved the 'next resolution, " That the
sympathy for the sufferings of the Irish people, which
has been so nobly displayed by large bodies of English-
men, on late occasions, is gratifying to all lovers of
peace and good will, and must afford, if any such were
required, additional motives for exertion, and that we
are determined to struggle peacefully, but untiringly, for
the regeneration of Ireland."
Mr. M‘LEArt seconded the resolution, and in doing so
he said that he had been driven from his own country to
this to seek employment, because a system of bad legis-
lation had deprived him of the means of subsistence at
home. He hoped ere long to see meetings upon this
subject held; not in theatres, but in such places as Ken-
nington-common, where they would raise a shout whose
echo should be heard within the walls of the House of
Commons and the House of Lords, and which should cause
those imbecile Lords to tremble in their seats, and make
them say to themselves " the Agitator has got not only
the Irish people with him but the English people also."
The resolution was then put and carried amidst en-
thusiastic cheering.

Mr. G. FALL, an English Protestant, and a member
of the Loyal National Repeal Association, moved the
next -resolution—" That Daniel O'Connell, Esq., is de-
serving of our unlimited confidence for his unparalleled
services in the cause of Ireland. and for his persevering
exertions to promote the rights and liberties of man
without distinction of class, colour, or creed, and the
persecution to Which he has been subjected, serves only
to raise him in the esteem and good-will of all friends
of constitutional freedom ; and that an address, in con-
formity with the foregoing resolution, be presented to
Esq."—(Great cheering.)
'led unanimously.
having been seconded by Mr. Barden,
Dw
aaTsn
hipeeul
trOea'sCnodol
unetniaoeril
Letters of apology for not attending the meeting were
then read by Mr. Dunn, the Secretary, from Mr. Shar-
man Crawford, M.P. Sir be Lacy Evans, and Sir John.
Easthope, Bart., M.P.
The CHAIRMAN then read the address to Mr.
O'Connell, which was one from the Repealers of London.
No copies we were informed, on our application for one,
had been prepared for the press.
At the close of the reading of the address—
Mr. O'Co.NNELL "advanced to the front of the stage,
and was again hailed with the most enthusiastic cheering,
which was prolonged for several minutes. When order
was partially restored, he said—After all I have to com-

plain of yoii. Perhaps yoti7will think me ungrateful
when I beghkby telling you that you have taken an ad-
vantato of.me-not an unfair advantage, but still an ad •
vantage, Be-cause you have anticipated me in what
I had determined upon doink hen I left Ireland.—
(Hear.) I left Ireland with the full determination of
calling.a meeting of the Repealers of London. I determined
to address them at some length, and I considered a

good deal where it was I should call the meeting to be
held. You have, however, anticipated me. You have
spontaneously called a meeting, and I glory in the im-
mense assemblage you have brought together.—(Cheers.)
Repealers of London, I thank you.—(Cheers.) I have
come here to address you as Repealers.—(Cheers.)—
[Here the Hon. and Learned Gentleman apologised for
wearing his hat, which he said the cold wind that blew
.from behind him rendered necessary.] (A voice,
" Take care of your health.") I want to take care
of it, continued the Hon. and Learned Gentleman,
I know not how long I may be locked up.--(Cries of
" Never.") When I left Ireland, I felt it would be my
duty to address the Repealers of London, and to express
to them the gratitude of the humble individual now ad-
dressing you—my own personal gratitude—the gratitude
of the Loyal National Repeal Association--the grati-
tude of the entire Irish people, for the patriotism and
perseverance which the Repealers of London have evinced.
I rejoice in the manner you have conducted yourselves.
Unaccustomed to so large a combination, little differences
arose from time to time amongst you, but they were all
amicably settled amongst yourselves in the spirit of good
fellowship, and one of the most important branches of
the. Repeal Association were found located in London.
Repealers of London, I thank you—heartily thank you.
I pay a debt of national gratitude in thanking
you, and it gives me great pleasure to tell
you that the contributions from London have
exceeded, by four times the amount, anything we
expected.—(Hear.) Having told you now what I in-
tended to speak of, I tell you now what I did not think
I would have to tell you when I left Ireland. I then
had no notion that one of the topics upon which I should
have to address the Repeaters of London would be
the English sympathy and the English support which
I have received since my arrival in England.—(Cheers.)
In every crisis of the fate of Ireland—looking
back at her history as I have done with
anxious and persevering eye—estimating the facts that
have preceded us, with a view to know how I should re.

gulate those thit were to approach-=-Witi the most
anxious solicitude to understand the history of our coun-

try, I made myself familiar with its details, and lam
able to say these two things—first, that at no other
crisis of the fate of Ireland, was the Government divided
from the popular voice in England—unhappily the
English people were deluded into joining their
Government in former oppressions of Ireland. In
every other phasis of Irish history, the people
and the Government of England went together in
oppressing Ireland. Blessed be God 1 we have arrived
at a time when the wise and the good of the English
nation range themselves on our side, and condemn as
emphatically as we condemn, the misconduct of a base
and paltry Government.—(Loud cheers.) Yes, I had
no notion of meeting with so much sympathy mad sup-
port. The cheers of the men of Birmingham are still
ringing in my ears.—(A voice from the gallery, "You
shall have more of them.") I wish somebody would put
a wisp of hay in that calf's mouth.—(Roars of laughter.)
Yes, the cheers in the milder, but not less sincere accents of
what are called the better classes of society are st ill
present to my mind. Eight and forty hours have not
elapsed since I saw the gorgeous spectacle which this
very house presented—when I saw congregated thou-
sands of the wealthier classes of England, all joining in
ene sympathetic shout of disapprobation (if persecution,
and of abhorrence of injustice and partiality—shouts of
determination to have justice done to Ireland.—(Loud
cheers.) We have come to a new era in the history of
the two countries. For the first time the real po-
pular voice of England is raised in favour
of Ireland for the first time the people of
Ireland have to look with the deepest gratitude upon
the exertions of their English fellow-countrymen. I
wish I possessed high powers of language—oh, how
I desire the elocution of those talented orators whom I
have often heard and admired—l wish it was
in my power to give the faintest idea of the
vital emotions—the burning sentiments of my
soul, and the throbbings of my heart—the cush-
larnacree—(Enthusiastie and long continued cheering)—
with which I delight to -acknowledge the sympathy and
support that . Ireland has had on this occasion
from all that are wise and from all that are good
amongst the English people.—(Cheers.) I have
had on my table four invitations from the
north and the south and the midland counties of
England. If I were able to remain in England
longer—but I am wanted back in Ireland now—(A
laugh)—there• is scarcely a district in this country in
which I should not have one of our "monster meetings."
—(Cheers.) And I believe I might be indicted for a
conspiracy in England if I remained.—(Cheers and
laughter.) But I would have one thing certain, at all
events, in England, an unprejudiced jury and an impar-
tial judge to decide. Oh, I wish to dwell longer than
may suit your present convenience. Delightful are
the. reflections that arise from the proof of
English sympathy. Why, I was astounded myself,
when I arrived in the House of Commons, at the repeti-
tion of cheers from so many English gentlemen of rank
and fortune. I have been astounded too, in the streets
at the tokens of respect that are paid me from moment
to moment.—(Cheers.) I have been delighted at the
tens of thousands that, have cheered me at Birmingham;
and I am grateful beyond expression for the splendid
scene that has se lately taken place in this theatre. Think
you not that my heart must throb—that I must rise, as it
were, beyond my natural proportion, at the acclamations
with which I am received in this crowded—this enor-
mous—this powerful assemblage, ofmy fellow-countrymen
and countrywomen.—(Loud cheers.) Whatever becomes
of me, whatever the fate of Ireland, I never will forget
the debt of gratitude that I now owe to the English
people.—(Hear, hear.) One word from my lips shall never
pass taunting them with their prior submission to our
rulers. Not an accent shall fall from my lips inconsis-
tent with respect and regard for them.—(Hear, hear.)
I for myself here proclaim perpetual amity between the
people of the two countries--perpetual hostility to the
oppressors of each—and I do venture to pro-
phesy that the language I use here to-night
shall be re-echoed throughout Ireland—that there shall
not be a public meeting or private social circle in which
the manner that the English people have conducted them-
selves towards Ireland on this occasion, will not be
triumphantly proclaimed with the most grateful and
cordial acknowledgments.—(Hear, hear.) It is delightful
that it should happen so. When I formed the intention
of addressing the Repealers of London, of course I meant
to give them my advice, and my first advice to them
is to cultivate kindness towards their English fellow-
countrymen.—(Hear, hear.) Let there be no distinction
between Englishmen and Irishmen. Let no one accuse
any of them of religious bigotry, or political turpitude.
To be sure there may be some individuals amongst them,
as amongst ourselves, who are guilty of those crimes ;
but remember you have the heart and soul of England
pledged with you, and I need not bid you show' your-
selves worthy of that state of feeling—for when were
Irishmen ungrateful, when were they forgetful of kind-
ness? They have been very thankful for services ren-
dered on smaller and minor matters ; but here is an
important matter—a concern of national value and of
national, vital importance—and you will show your
gratitude accordingly, by adhering to the people
of England—by joining them in every movement which
tends to increase their liberties, whatever becomes of
your own.—(Loud cheers, and cries of "We will.")
What is my next advice to you? It is that you con-
vince the English people with whom you associate—
whom you may casually meet—every Englishman who
discusses the question of repeal with you, of this truth
—that the repeal of the union does not mean separation.
One of the means by which the honest part of the
English people have been kept in hostility to the Irish
struggle for repeal was, by infixing in their minds that
repeal meant separation from England. It means no such
thing. It means directly the contrary. What are the
ingredients in their condition that would make the Irish
people desire separation? They are misgovernment,
oppression, poverty, and destitution. They are all the
effects of a tyrannical and bigoted sway. These are
the things that would make the Irish people desirous of
separation as the remedy of their grievances. Give
them fair play—give them proper government—give
them equal rights with the people of England—and
why should they wish for separation? The people of
Ireland know full well the advantages to both coun-
tries of the connexion. England is strong, and Ireland
can never suffer by having the connexion continued.
That is a proper connexion upon the basis of mutual
rights, mutual privileges, mutual prosperity, and mutual
liberty. A connexion established on that basis the people
of Ireland would have the most direct interest in continu-

jug,. Oh, they cahimniate me who say that I wish for separa-
tion. lam striving to make separation impossible—and
to render the continuation of the connexion certain.
To make it the pride and glory of England to have such
a connection with Ireland—that is what I want. I want

to keep the countries together, and I tell you, with all
the sincerity of an oath, without its profaneness (for an
oath would be profane on such an occasion), that I am
thoroughly convinced that if the union is not repealed
while I am alive and possess influence over the Irish

people—and, oh, I am myself astonished at the extent of
that influence—l say, if the union be not repealed,.it
will end in a violent civil war, and in all the horrors of

a sanguinary separation.—(hear.) I am the link of con-
nexion between the two countries. I am the individual

round whom, to my utter astonishment, the wise and the

,
good of England have rallied now. Around me, I may
say, the people of Ireland are pleased to rally, and I
stand in the position to make terms for both, equally
advantageous to all, for the prosperity of England would
be only augmenting the prosperity of Ireland, if she had
fair play. As was lately said by as English gentlenian,
the comfort and happiness of the Irish people would be
a great advantage to the people of England, because, it
would be the advantage which arises between the rich
capitalists and the poor customer, in articles of trade
and commerce. Repealers and repeal-wardens of Lon-
don, circulate from us, and from your own common
sense, this fact, that the repeal of the union is but the
repeal of an Act of Parliament. Tell the people of Eng-
land that Ireland was connected with their country 600
years, during which she had a Parliament as well as
England. There was no separation then—no tendency
to separation. No man dreamt of separation, except in
the revolutionary era that followed the French outbreak,
and that overturning of everything sacred and profane
—where the Presbyterian Republicans of the north of
England thought of severing the connexion, but the
great mass of the Irish people were sound and healthy
in their allegiance. Depend upon it the repeal of
the union, so far from leading to a dismem-
berment of the empire, would be but an additional
link of connection between the two countries, and render
separation impossible. That is my second advice to
you—namely, to show to everybody that repeal does
not mean separation.—(Hear.) Then I call upon you
to be firm in looking for repeal.—(Cheering, and cries
of" We will.") Ireland wants the repeal. There is no-
body can doubt the misery that has occurred to Ireland
since the union. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman

then proceeded at considerable length to point out the
evil effects to Ireland of the union. He quoted the Poor-
law Commissioners' Report to show that there were
2,300,000 paupers in that country out of a
population of
8,000,000 ; and also the late report of Captain Larkom,
who showed that 70 per cent. of the agricultural popula-
tion lived in cabins, consisting of but one room, and 30
per Cent. of the town population living in a single room
—sometimes even three or four families living in one
room—and he dilated on the enormous extent to which

destitution and misery must have spread to have pro-
duced such results. He showed that the Repeal
would be advantageous to England also, inasmuch
as it would produce such prosperity in Ireland as would
afford means of employment to the Irish operative at
home, and thui prevent him from cheapening the labour
market in England, and thereby lowering the rate
of wages to the English operative. He quoted Mr.
Pitt to show that the prosperity which existed in Ireland
under domestic legislation, when she exported three
millions' worth of manufactured goods, and imported
only one million ; and he pointed out how fallacious
had been the prophecy of that statesman, when he
undertook to foretell that the union of England with
Ireland would be productive of increasing prosperity
to the latter country. He took occasion
amongst other things, to condemn the Irish poor-law,

which taxed the already impoverished people for -the
purpose of giving eightpence out of every shilling in the
rate to the persons engaged in the administration of the
law, while only fourpence was applied to the benefit of the
poor. He pointed to the anomaly of allowing a domestic
Parliament to each of the dependencies of the empire—
Canada, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland, Jamaica, Bar-
badoes, and even Botany Bay—(Laughter)--while Ire-
land, the next in importance of all the portions of this
vast empire, to England, was not permitted that privilege
to which he concluded she had an undoubted right.
He accounted for the poverty of Ireland by the annual
withdrawal of six millions of money, in the shape of
absentee rents, and two millions of surplus taxation.
Thus, said he, in the last ten years not less than
80,000,000/. have been taken out of Ireland, and he
asked them if such would be the case, if they had a
domestic Legislature ? He adverted to the injustice of
the majority of the Irish people being taxed to support
a Church which was that of the minority, and, in the
tenets of which they did not believe, and he disclaimed all
intention or desire of seeking to obtain the revenues of the
Church Establishment for the Roman Catholic Church of
Ireland, and confirmed his assertion by referring to the
refusal, on a late occasion, of the Roman Catholic Bishops
of that country ever to accept any such revenues from
the Government.—(Hear, hear.) The Church of Ire-
land was, he said, the monster grievance, for when they
sought for any advantage—for increased representation '
—for an enlargement of the franchise—for a removal
of the oppression and grinding tyranny of the landlords,
or of the cruelty of absenteeism, they were always met
by the statement that those remedies would be injurious
to the established Protestant Church ,of Ireland.
What admirable supporters of the Church they
were 1 They heaped up every grievance upon the
Irish people, and then said they were requisite
to support their monstrous Church Establishment.
The population of Ireland was about 8,000,000, and the
population of Great Britain was not more than
16,000,000. Those 16,000,000 had 553 representatives,
while Ireland had but 105. One of the greatest evils of
the union was that with respect to the national debt, for
at the time the union was passed the debt of Ireland
amounted to 20,000,000/, while that of England was
450,000,000/.—(llear, hear.) Ireland ought to have
150 members at least. There was no union unless she
had. The number of inhabitants in the county of Cork
was 713,000, and there were 150,000 more in the
towns, in all, more than 850,000 inhabitants, and yet
the city and county of Cork only returned eight
members. The number of inhabitants in Wales was
800,000, and they returned twenty-eight members. The
800,000 inhabitants had twenty-eight members, and the
850,000 had but eight members.—(Cries of " Shame.")
Why it was a shame, and no man was honest that would
not stand up against it. It had been said that the mem-
bers a place ought to return should be estimated at the
amount of revenue it paid. Why Cork paid 650,000/.
revenue, whereas Wales only paid 235,000/. If, therefore,
the number of members were to be apportioned accord-
ing to the amount of revenue, Cork would return twenty-
eight members, and 'Wales fourteen.—(Cheers.) Such
a state of things ought to be altered. He
had applied to the Tories to do it, and they
had refused. He had applied to the Whigs, and they
also refused. Repeal was the only thing which was
calculated to confer benefit on Ireland. Ireland had
always been wronged and insulted. Scotland and Eng-
land obtained a corporate Reform Bill, but Ireland was
refused one for four years, when they got one which was
an insult to them. In England, in every corporate
town, every man was entitled to vote as a burgess' who
paid his poor-rates. In Dublin no person could vote
unless he paid eight or nine different taxes. Sir Robert
Peel had said, that when the Irish Parliament was in
existence it was a most corrupt one, and sold itself ulti-
mately. Now he (Mr. O'Connell) admitted that Sir
Robert Peel was a good judge of corruption.—(Cheers.)
He was perfectly competent to judge of bribery and
undue influence. Mr. Roebuck and Sir R. Peel had
both stated that there never had been more bribery or
undue influence at any election than that which was
practised at the last general election. This, too, had
been admitted by everybody. He (Mr. O'Connell)
would rather have a corrupt Irish Parliament than a
corrupt English one.—(Cheers.) It might be considered
bad taste, but it was not bad discretion. The Irish Par-
liament, corrupt as it was, kept the debt in Ireland down
to 20,000,0001., while the English Parliament made the
debt in England 446,000,000/ He would asleiSir Robert
Peel what the English Parliament was .before the
Reform Bill ?—(Loud cheers.) He would not, from
motives of delicacy to the Right Honourable Baronet,
ask what it had been since.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Why. it was an English Parliament that auctioned
the expedition to Walcheren.. An English irrmy w•as
sent to a pestilential climate, and what was the result?
Why. that army was eaten up:by disease. Yet that ex-
pedition was approved of by the English Parliament.
Let them show him when an Irish Parliament had been
guilty of such a crime. He called upon Sir Robert Peel
to give such an instance of corruption in the Irish Par-
liament.—(Cheers.) The Irish House of Commons
carried a measure for shortening the duration of
Parliament, and this in spite of the Government.
They also gave free trade to Ireland. In the
year 1785 Mr. Pitt came with a proposition to
shackle the commerce of Ireland. The Irish Parliament
rejected that proposition. It was not a corrupt Par-
liament in Ireland that they sought, but a Parliament
founded on democratic principles.—(Cheers.) Mr.
M'Lean had talked of a meeting being held on Kenning-
ton Common. That was a very foolish thing to think
of. That was the sort of meeting the Government would
like. All they wanted was to have such a meeting, and
they would then say " We should not have imprisoned Mr. '
O'Connell if it had not been for these symptoms in Eng-
land." The principle upon which he (Mr. O'Connell)
proceeded was that of peaceable agitation. Nothing could
justify the shedding of one drop of human blood.—
(Cheers.) The only way to improve the social state,
to elevate man, and to give real freedom to the people,
was by peaceable combination. Let them be decided
and determined, and they would not be the less deter-
mined because they were peaceable. He was a Chris-
tian man, working for the benefit of a Christian peo-
ple. Let their struggle be peaceable, and they might
depend upon it that that struggle would be successful.
There had been forty-one monster meetings in Ireland,
and not a single act of violence was committed at any
one of them.(Cheers.) Old men were there with the

memory of wrongs in their minds, and festering in their
hearts; there were the young men, conscious of their
strength and stalwart power ; the boys were
there, roaring in their hope of liberty ; and
young children were also there. Young mothers
carried their infants there, and ancient matrons
led their daughters to them, quite sure that no disrespect,
either personal or by words, would be offered to them.
The assemblies in drawing-rooms never could have be-

hayed more courteously To each other than the Irish
people did on those occasions. There was no violence—
no tumult—no blow struck, and, most miraculous, there

was not even a single accident. When he was in Cork,
on the banks of that magnificent estuary, he saw women
amidst the crowds, with young infants in their arms,
and room was made for them in those vast crowds, so
that the infants should not be injured. Oh, Heaven,
what a people !—(Great cheering.) Let them in Eng-
land be peaceable, and obey the law. Let them redouble
their activity, increase their numbers, and augment their
resources. Let them revenge him—he wanted
them to revenge him—by being doubly assi-
duous in the Repeal struggle.—(Vehement cheering.)
There were many excellent bodies of men in this country,
and he would be glad to see all the Repealers joined with
them. There was an excellent set of men who were

seeking complete suffrage—that was that every man
should possess the franchise who had attained the age of
21. There was an excellent set of men, too, who sought
the attainment of the honest ballot, the shortening the
duration of Parliaments, and the abolition of the pro-
perty qualification. He hoped the Repealers would join
with these.—(Loud cheers.) He confessed frankly that
he did not want them to join the Chartists—(Cheers)
—and he would tell them at once why he did not. It
was because they did not allow other people to meet
together without disturbing their meetings. Let the
Chartists alone—let them meet as often as they-pleased,
but let no Irishman meddle with them. _
_They had .a

right to meet, and any person would be wrong
who attempted to interfere with them, and it was equally
wrong in the Chartists to interfere with others. Mr.
Sharman Crawford had complained of this in a letter to
the Morning Chronicle. He (Mr. O'Connell) could not
sit down without expressing his delight at the admirable
manner in which that monster meeting had been
managed.—(Loud cheers.) If anybody were to re-
proach them for continuing the agitation, let them reply
that the only means of remedying the evils of Ireland
was a domestic Parliament.—(Cheers.) The English
Parliament promised them nothing, and they would
faithfully perform that.—(Cheers, and laughter.) They
were very excellent fellows in keeping their promise
when they promised nothing.—(Renewed cheers and
laughter.) bir James Graham had told them last year
that concession had arrived at its utmost limits. This
year he lowered his tone a note or two, but he
was equally obstinate in his determination to do nothing.
A sympathetic spirit with respect to Ireland was rapidly
spreading through England. The people of England
knew that it was not separation, but equal rights and
liberties, by means of a local Legislature, that the people
of Ireland required. It was for this that he had laboured,
and though he might be locked up in a dungeon he would
be happier far than those who sent him there.—(Great
cheering.) The Government might imprison him, but
they would 'never frighten him.—(Renewed cheering.)
He might wear his eyebrows out against the bars of his
prison, but he would be supported by the knowledge
that he had been sent there for his love of Old Ireland.

"Unprized are her sons till they learn to betray,
Undistinguished they live if they shame not their sires;
And the torch that should light them to dignity's way,
Must be caught from the pile where their country expires."
—(Loud cheers.) In early life he had registered a vow
in heaven to write his name in a page of the history
of his country. He believed he had already done so.—
(Vehement cheering.) From his earliest youth the
cause of Ireland had been ever dear to his heart, and that