The Sun.
London, England, 1828-06-12 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The defeat of Lord Lansdowne's resolution in the
House of Peers, on Tuesday, had been anticipated,
so that surprise or disappointment formed no part of
the regret which it occasioned: Why the House of
Commons, representing the people of England,
should so frequently, in the shape of Bill or Reso-
lution, have sent to the upper branch of the Legis-
lature a fruitless prayer for the concurrence of their
Lordships, on that question which is of
,all others
regarded as of the highest iraportance to the com-
mon repose and safety, seems a mystery hot easy to
be Solves!, and one into which it may not perhaps
be attended with much satisfaction to inquire. The
Bench of Bishops, with one or two illustrious
exceptions, must •be taken, upon subjects, of this
snature- as a body not much susceptible 'of change.
For the more tardy progress of opinion amongst lay
Peers than lay Commoners, we may say, with all
respect, that the bulk of their Lordships being pretty
well provided for by the existing laws, as well as by
the hand of fortune,—having more already done for
them and for their interests, being bolstered and
propped up, and feeling few anxieties, but to bask
in the sun-shine of rank and privilege,.and to enjoy
those goods for which men of ordinary, station
must work and exert themselves, if they aspire
to obtain them,—these Noble Members of the
Upper House of Parliament, we say, as a body,
are not perhaps conscious of the same necessity
for intellectual action, as men less favoured,
or, to speak more accurately, less distin-
guished, by birth and its collateral appendages.
Thinking is sought for by the Commons of the coun-
try as a lever which enables them to ascend in the
scale of life : by the heads of noble families, reflec-
tion is not resorted to, but as an expedient (and then
not always) to prevent then from falling. They
are already at the top of a wheel, of which they de-
precate any further revolution. They are suspicious
and jealous of every change • and more so, in pro-
portion as it comes recommended by the intelligence
of searching and superior minds—the great rival
power to hereditary wisdom. There is a monopoly
to be preserved in every quarter as well as in the
game laws: beyond those maxims which tend to
perpetuate the monopoly, the faculties of aristocra-
tic reasoning or even recollection need not be too
much burdened. With the Utmost reverence, there-
fore, for their Lordships' house, its functions, its
dignities, and its various immunities, we are half
tempted to surmise that the portion of its heritage
which consists in an immunity from the tax of
" thinking" will go far to account for the tardy and
tottering pace at which it follows--for it never.
leads—the popular advances of scientifie and en-
lightened legislation. We took the opportunity
about three years ago, to observe on the extreme
disproportion between the relative arguments and
numbers; the former of which derided the merit of
the question brought before the Peers in 1825; but
the latter, unfortunately, its fate as a practical measure.
It was a glorious consideration that such extraordi-
nary powers of eloquence and reasoning should be
displayed in a British Parliament on the side of jus-
,tice : it was deplorable that such powers should
have been by sueh feebleness defeated. in the re-
cent discussion of the Catholic. question there was a
difference, we know not whether to call it equally
encouraging or mortifying : never was the balance
of ability more incompletely adjusted.. Against
Lords Lansdowne, Haddingtoo, and Plunkett, what
force was arrayed by the anti-Catholics ? Even the
ex-Chancellor and the present,—the author of the
Pitt Clubs, and the learned Lord who defended the
actual state of Ireland by confessing it to be full of
dangers out of which he saw no escape 1, It is not
our desire to depreciate whatever credit may he
fairly claimed by Lord Lyrualburst for the professional
ingenuity of his speech, or for its sincerity, which
,vat no whit less professional; but we shall just re-
mark, that the only argument which he _dwelt upon,
and which implied that because the Catholic leaders
had shown themselves averse to give securities, the
Parliament should surrender its right of legislation.
for the public peace and safety, will not bear one
moment's dispute. The Catholic leaders, it has
been well observed, are running their popularity.
'with the mob against their own exclusion from con-
stitutional liberty. In the course of their frequent
meetings, the loudest and most audacious orator
was he who did most to keep up the fever of
the multitude, which he feared to lower or Let
slacken, lest the pressure upon the nerves and
prudence of the legislature tssight in its re-
laxation impair-the very principle on which the suc-
cess of the cause depended. He, therefore, who
under the eyes of an irBamed assembly, took the
highest ground, appeared the least willing to con-
cede or compromise, refused the greatest number of.
quiet and business-like proposals, waa the wildest
bully, and the biggest blusterer,—he was sure (and
will be in all countries sure) to enjoy the most tie-
bounded favour with the people; and since that was
the stake they played for, no wonder that the veto
and every other condition, was refused by the dema-
gogues of Ireland. But, in truth, it consoles and
rejoices us to see, that by the turn of this last de-
bate, the whole field of permanent exclusion, of 1,,
abstract impossibility—once, and until this occasion,
urged by the Orange advoeates,—has by them been
utterly and explicitly abandoned. The debateable
ground is now narrowed to the single point of secu-
rities; that is to say, the question has become one
—no longer of conflicting principles—but of mere
terms. This is an immense move towards a happy
consummation. Lord Eldon disclaimed expressly
being classed among those men who said " the Ca-
tholics must never be emancipated!" • This, we re-
peat, is an incalculable victory. Lord Lyndhurst's
arguments went openly to admit, that if the Catho-
lics gave securities they ought to be relieved. The
Duke of Wellington's whole speech was founded ottl
the confession, that if there could be an agreethent
between the King of England and the Pope, analo-
gous, though not exactly similar, to that under which
other Sovereigns controlled the abuses 'of eccle-
siastical power in their dominions, the Catholics I
might be emancipated. Why then it follows that
his Grace will embrace some occasion of negotiating
such a compact with the Court of Rome. Lord
Plunkett says wisely, do what is just, and you under-
mine the foundations of the demagogue and priestly
po' •
ver We add, for the twentieth time, negociate
not with the Irish Catholics; try if the Pope will
transfer his restrictive power to the King of England
and then let the King of England, by virtue of the
law, bid the Catholic priesthood resist that power at
their peril, If the Pope will not give s,p ;this power
ihen assume it by ksct of Parliament. ll the TeCa-
tholics at large, A' It is root meet for the safety a the
empire that you should irtmain an isolated and
stranger people : as Protestants, our prosperity re-
quires that you should be free." To the Priests
let the Legislature say—" You shall RZ,efPiSe no
power here, whether upon the constituent bask or
the representative, but under the superintendence of
the State," Is there any one weak enough to sup-
pose that the laity would have inclination to disobey?
.—or that the priests, if ever se well inclinatl, would
have the power ? If the Duke of Wellington wale
his hand to this measure,—net to shut the doors of
the Constitution against the Duke of Norfolk, imt to
throw them wide open for the reception of the Catho-
lic ()Erase, though a plain straight-going
soldier, will have untied (not cut) a knot which
has puzzled and deterred all the dissident statesmen
of this century.—Times.
No wonder that the
Catholics reproach the Pro-
testants with their endless inconsistencies. . Where
as there are Protestant who dares to
ces ?
follow his prin-
ciples to their legitimate consequen The Arch-
bishop of Tuam, for instance, one of the heads of
,an
established Church, does not hesitate to contend for
the exercise of private judgment, and to insist that no
individual can free liimsellfrom the responsibility of
examining for himself his reason for the hope that he
entertains. This Prelate does not see that his own
existence, as a Member of the Hierarchy of a Church,
established by law, is a violence offered to his own
principle. Bayle, himself a Protestant, and the most
dextrous logician perhaps the world has yet seen,

shows the brethren of, his own communion, the in-
consistency of the principle of examination with
legal establishments. "As you have no tribunal (he
says) whose decisions can determine the faith of in-
dividuals, and as they must judge for_themselves
how far such decisions are conformable to Scripture,
you must consent to the contradiction of your
Synods, if, on examining their. Resolutions, it is
found they ure not conformable, to the Word of
God; and then all the favour you can, demand for
your Church is, that it should have the poWer which
is allowed to any Company of shopkeepers or arti-
sans in a town, to exclude from their Associations
those who will not follow their bye-laws and.regula-

. , .
tions. This cannot be refused you; but you cannot,_
on the other hand, pretend that those.whom you
exclude from your Ecclesiastical Corporation should
not form another Confederation, as they are born
with the same rights that you possess, and are as
much entitled as you to examine Scripture, arid to
follow their own reason. Hence there results very
clearly the divisibility of the Church into as many
particular confederations as there are heads of.
families; and perhaps its analyses to the most simple
principles, which are individuals, resolutio usque ad,
materiani primam." Again, the Lord Chancellor
and Lord Plunkett, and .more particularly the latter,
consider the Establishment as everything, and the
, Religion as nothing.: " I think," says Lord
Plunkett, " a Religious Establishment essential to
our well-being; And without a dignified Establish-
ment, in times like these, religion itself Would be
degraded. I am, therefore, persuaded, not only
that the Establishment is necessary, but that the
rank, tiffluence,
.and dignity of the Hierarchy is
important to our best interests. I think, further,
that its power and influence are, and ought to
be, so great, that unless' that Hierarchy be con-
nected with the State, it may be too Powerful
for the State ; and hence the necessity of main-
taining that connection for .the benefit of the
State." Here we have at once Protestantism,
and every other isni, offered up a sacrifice to Mo-
loch. It is a naked Theocracy. Bellttrinine con-
tended that the spiritual, must, from the nature of
things, command the temporal power; and the only
difference between Bellarmine and Mr. Plunkett is,
that the former makes the Church command the
State, and the Pope the head of the Church; while
Mr. Plunkett makes the Hierarchy of a particular
State independent of the Pope, and dominant in
that State. The truth or the falsehood, the reason-
ableness or the unreasonableness of the principles,
are to him a matter of indifference. He leaves :all

this to the, Hierarchy ; and to prevent confusion,
makes the. Hierarchy so powerful, that were it not
itself the State, it, would be too powerful for any
,Government. The religion of Mr. Plunkett is the
baseness of mankind. Like Machiavel, he has no
objection that the mites of the people should amuse
themselves with what he no doubt considers the silly
hopes of a eompensation in a future state for the ills
they suffer in tloe, provided they be made the prey
of. crafty men, whose thoughts are centered in this
world. It is clear that he entertains this low, gro- •
yelling conception of religion. If he believed that
it were any thing more than a scheme for abusing
the vulgar, he would, not have the audacity (we
cannot ;use a softer term) to found the security of
religion on means repudiated by the whole tenor of
that religion. If there is one thing more clear. than
another in Scripture, it is that the :Gospel should
not be beholden for its influence to wealth or worldly
pomp. The possession of wealth is expressly con-
demned again and again. The first' Christians
acted agreeably to the principles of their religion,
for they lived in common, and accumulated no pro-
perty inilividually. It is stated, as a proof that
a mutt could- not: be religious, that. he was
Lord Plunkett,„thireore, may contend that the
affluence of the Hierarchy is essential to the
preservation of the Establishment; but this does
not follow from the principle of examining the erip-
titres, for which the Archbishop of Tuam contends.
But, in truth, the Question with the Catholics has
nothing to do with religion„ The Aristocracy of Ire-
land wish to preserve to themselwAthat share of the
property of the country which is compuhfiided un-
der Church Lion's and Tithes. As long ,w t;;04
property exists, the Aristocracy will supply men
to
fill the various offices in the Church giving title to
it. The Catholics can never hope to wrest that
property from the Protestantsl and as the prapetly
is the only thing that is really cared for, the cant
about the Establishment, which, as we have said,
will always exist in sufficient ;limbers to enjoy the
property, is truly.ridiculons. The Lop.) Chancellor
proved the case of the Marquis of Lansdowne $ and
if his Grace the Duke of Wellington meant any
thing, he pledged himself to make an attempt to
settle the question. " What we do," lie said,
" must be dare by legislation; and although legisla-
tion has not eWected this hitherto, I trust, if it
should be deemed noessary, we shall do it fear-
lessly." The Lord Chanceitcr gahnits that the Ca-
tholics are masters of the represent#4o of Ireland,
and that dui'. po iver must increase, and with lfi .the
influence oppo6ed to the Government. On thg
chewing, therefore, of the Ministry, as the longer the
settlement is delayed the water the evil to be con-
tended with, no time 'should be log in attempting a
settlement. At the Meeting of the Cuth,opc Asso-
ciation in Dublin, pit . Saturday last, slr. O'Connell
alluded to a subjeet that occupied a very prominent'
part in the recent debate. The following is an ex-
tract from the report of his spee4t in the Dublin
Morning Register of Monday last
" Our aim and object should be, to avoid disuirinni for
I know how formidable it makes us that we are near al
naißion in England, and seven willions in Ireland—(hear,
hear !) That was one reason why toy indignation was
excited against A Journal that would iota-Alyce a topic
likely to promote el4union amongst us. We aid pot go
before Parliament awning our right to be emancipated,
because we were Catholics. We did not go there stating
that see should he emancipated, because our religion was
the best (whatever might be our private opinion). No;
but we maintainad the principle that it is the undoubted
right of every chrhtiait to worship God according to the
dictates of his conscienee---(hear!); and as Catholics we
will pever tarnish our religion, day claiming our freedom
upon any other principle. No man ohookil seek to convert
another, except with the assistance of God, and 4e powers
of reason. ft (slant) he quite inconsistent in lid to wane
bargain With bigotry; sn.i. its a Catholic. I have no notion
of sacrificing my religion for any etirthly good—(hear ! and
cheers.) The law has nothing to ito with religion—it
requires no temporal assistance—it increased ip spite of the
severest code of laws that were ever institnten—,geaven j
has protected it—the arm of God will support it--,an Act
of Parliament has not made it—no Act of Parliament shall
interfere w;tla it. Whence comes this notion of clipping
and paring down ow. religion ? I recollect reading a book
that was written by a Crensliman upon equitation, and
,the author stated, that the first thing that was done by
Any Englishman, when he got a horse into ,his possession,
was to xopsider how much he could take off it; ge cut
off the mane, he clipped the fetlocks, and lie generally
cropped the emll—(lagEhter.) Si) those security-men were
busily engaged in dovisiew 4,4 w they could cut, clip, anti
mp.t be opened for me in the noon4laY, W:4
curtail our religion, in order that, it might slip in under the
.4 the Constitution. I rap boo nna
----Y at the
door—ht
will I attempt to leap
the gaze of the oblic, or I enter it not. wilt wither
e at all, unless the
o,yco:rdeistc.endittoissnliopt
Cost:t.,:;,tiOn recognizes the principle
i‘av o egw ret4noi
4a1.. every Christian
his a right ,to worship God according to the,4,tates of his
conscienc'e(hear). std' cheers.) As Catholics, we ,tva*
c
no t • •••
.4 1 interference with
riwr religion—as men and as
Christians, ;ye want to establish of conscience; and
as po . liticians we wish for unanimity of fgeb
Z of senti-
,
meats and • ,
of intereotO. r,
Chronicle. •
There was a trifling eii•Tor in our report of the
division in the Lords' PP Tuesday night, which it
0%41 to an
may be proper izorrect before we . , y
comments on the division itself. The .nuxobers p.tooti
as follows
Contents . . Present l2B 3 1.62
:cozies .9
Non-Contents—Present .92
Proxies •

Majority against the Motion... *5
Thus then have the Catholics of Ireland beets. again
baulked of any hopes which they might have er4er-
tallied, and without almost any additional prospect,
in so far as numbers are concerned, of having their

.416.

claims to -equal , rights •and privileges with tbeif fel-
low-subjects adjusted _on. a satisfactory basis. As
we hinted yesterday,, however,. in noticing the divi-s
sion, the question appears to have been
.considered.
in the Lords, not only in a temper and spirit of •
greater conciliation than at any previous •period,
but on grounds bearing much less strongly against
the Catholics than had been formerly ad-
vanced. The objections which have been usually
drawn frtYht .the incompatibility of the exist-
ence of any portion of Catholic power with free
institutions, appeared to have been almost wholly
given up; and the opposition to. the Resolution of
the House of Corrimons,foundedprincipally,even by
the most strenuous opponent of Emancipation, on
the ground that no adequate securities had been
offered. We know not whether the parties who
took this ground Were sincere in their declaration--
we have heard it surmised that they were not—but
if they' were, the edneession is evidently one of no
mean importance ; and judging from the concluding
speech of the Marquis of Latisilopne, who, we pre-
sume, is well acquainted with the real state of tho
case, we should say that the question of Catholic
EMancipation had greatly progressed in public favour
since it was last brought forward in Parliament, and
that when it comes next to be discussed some specific
measure, calculated, if possible, to set the question
at rest, will be introduced by the head of the Go-
vernment. Looking, in fact, at the disturbed and
distraCted situation—distracted, as was justly re-
marked by the Duke of Wellington, by the com-
bination which has taken place between the Ca-
tholic clergy and laity—and disturbed by the
immense power and authority with which the
denial of the Catholic claims naturally in-
vests those who advocate them, whether
honestly or not,—it is impossible to hesitate
for a moment in coming to the conclusion that some-
thing must be done to allay the irritated feelings of
the Irish population, and converting it, if possible,
into an integral and co-operative part of the British
empire. Ireland at the present moment, and for
years past,- has cost this country more than all her
colonies, both east and west, and in every quarter
of the globe, She has, in fact, instead of forming
part of the nation, and adding to its strength, be-
come an intolerable tax .upon it—not only taking
from its resources, and adding to itsodebt, but dimi-
nishing its power and influence With foreign states,
and presenting at all times to the latter a point which
might be easily attacked,. if .required, and from the
carrying of which 110 inconsiderable danger might
arise to our national independence. On this head
all parties are agreed—all readily allow, that Ireland,
consideted.. as a part of. the. British Empire, could
scarcely be in a more unfortunate situation than she
now is, and that something.must and ought to be
done to remedy existing evils ; but what that some-
thing is no. one seems yet..to-liave discovered, and
when it will be applied seems to be as problemati-
cal as when the question of Catholic Emancipation
first came before the British Parliament. With re-
gard to the securities which have been so much
• talked of, we know of nothing deserving the name
of security which' could authorise the British Parlia-
ment in releasing the Roman Catholics from the
operation of the existing statutes against them, un
less it is convinced that the progress of knowledge is
such as to prevent the Roman Catholic religion from
again overshadowing these Kingdoms with its dark-
ness, and the power of the Protestant part of the
Empire so.superior and confirmed, as to remove all
idea of the catholics..ever acquiring the ascendancy
in our COuncils.. We .may remove causes, such as
the interference of..the
.Pope in the appointment of
the Catholic Bishops, &c., which might tend,.if per-
mitted to exist, to disturb the public tranquillity;
but the only. securities worth mentioning are, that
enlightenment of the people, which is making such
rapid progresa—the internal strength of thekingdom,
and the " attachment' of its subjects to the Constitu-
tion.- Let these thiags but exist, and the Pope and
his Bulls may be defied—if they do not, then we
think it would be as impolitic as it would be mischie-
vous to relax one jot or one tittle of the present ex.;
elusive system.—Morning Advertiser.
While the " Whig Press" is labouring to per-
suade the people of England that they are in danger
of haying their rights and liberties subverted by a
" Military Gpvernment," because the Duke of
Wellington is at the head of . the Administration, it
may be useful to inquire what was done for the pub-
lic by the " Civil" Statesman who preceded him,
and whose own weakness and folly were the cause of
the Duke's present elevatifin: Dining Mr. Can-.
ning's Administration, not only was nothing done in
furtherance of ." civil and religious liberty," as it is
called, hut there was no attempt to do any thing.
The
qnestion of the " Catholic Claims," which had
been previously fixed for discussion, was, by com-
mon consent between Mr. Canning and his new
assoriates,*the Whigs, postponed ',he die, and com-
pletely shoved over the Session—a manifest proof
that the " liberality" of the Cabinet consisted more
in a zealous attachment 'to their' Places than to their
principles. As to the question of the " repeal of
"are Test and Corporation Acts," it not only was not
introtfuce4, but Mr. Canning took the opportunity_
of declaring, in his place in the House of Commons,
that he sever would, consent lq.l4at repeal so long as
he should hold a seat in that House. Tie made a
similar declaration 'with respect to the question of
PfirAigmentary Reform—a question which, Sir
Francis tiirtlett, Sir Robert WilSon, Mr. Hob-
house, and others, maste for ;many years the Alpha
and Omega of their political creed, Yet did these
most " uncompromising patriots," on the (luxe of
o,e lying thrown partly open, and the vista of
the Pass.dizt.: within being revealed to their view,
rally with cheers round the standard of a Minister
who declared that he would oppose their favourite
project of Reform to the last hour of his. political
estence. This question dared, therefore, be nD
more mooted in his time, than that of the " Catho-
lic Claims, or ,tire repeal of the." Test and Cor-
poration Acts." So Enti,ch for the practice of the
iber4 principles of the "most pf till Ad-
ministrations! Put this was not KJI. The repeal
of one of the Si* 4„cts, 4ifecting the " Liberty of
the Press," and wbieh, the W• had always de-
nounced as a most •odious exercise of t;74/Pas was
pr..? Ip -osed, and the " disinterested" Whigseitherstaycoi
. away (tax the House on. the night of the discussion,
or opposed the nepgo. . The Stamp. Acts were also
enforced with extraoretinari r; ,our,—especially the
Receipt Duty Tax,—se that petiti4na veie pouring
from all the shopkeeping towns in England
ace.ount 9f the vexation thereby produced to in-
ternal trade ;-,*A4,, to crown all, the system of
the Court of Chancery, which had been pre-
viously denounced by the leafsi4 Whigs as radi-
cally defective arid mischievous, via., iWepcled
by the same persons with a facility of selrcon-
mstiction which was truly astonishing. Now it
happens ,t,lO ...under the " Military Administration"
of the Duke of V.r4ixiaton, while the Whigs are
. .
out of the possession. or the hi/Re
,pc iirTrAliate
office, the repeal of the CorporaOdn ant tg4` Astg
has been proposed and carried ; and. let it not bo
iiiregsn, too, that the first Minister who raised his
'voice agaliost hltti ouestion was the 6' liberal" Mr.
HuskissoP, who eAtendkegl that it was not a proper
time to propose it; and,.if l'ii4arisri‘eilpg been taken,
the Test and Corporation Acts would Sall'have Vc•-'
isted, Yet this is the Minister whom the gentlemen
'of tlae Wring tress incessantly weep over as a
martyr to his love for aptl religious liberty. If
we look to things more titan names, Tall judge
pf or character of a Government by its acts, Wtnei.,
is a .betty cri.terion than the cant of party.-illiwn-
'

Though the-town is full of the report wp ftilnded
to a few days since, ofi Mr. Brougham and the IYIF-
ItllB of Clevelao having given in their adhesion to
the Duke of Wellington's Administration, we do
Ntot And that, as. far as the former is concerned,
there ;s any ground for the supposition though, as
to the Noble Marquis, it is generally supposed to
he the case. Mr. lirougharn is too formidable an
opponent for the'Duke, or any other Minister, to be
indifferent about. Bat Mr. Brougham himself
would; on the other hand, display much less saga-