The Sun.
London, England, 1844-10-17 00:00:00

" Let me, then, state the principles upon which the
simple repealers' desire to act ; and let me show how
far the federalists concur in those principles.
" The FIRST principle is founded on the determina-
tion, at all hazards, to preserve the connexion between
Great Britain and Ireland, throagh the means of the
power of a sole executive, and the golden link of the
Crown.

`• In this principle both simple repealers' and fede-
ralists' completely agree.
" The SECOND principle results from the necessity of
the repeal of the union statute, 50th George 111.,
chap. 47.

"The statute must be put out of the way legally and
constitutionally.
"In this principle simple repeaters' and fede-
ralists' equally agree. Both, in fact, being repealers of
the union, because federalism can commence only after
the repeal of that statute.
" The THIRD principle arises from the necessity of a
reconstruction of the Irish Parliament.
" This principle belongs, in common, to both classes
of repeaters, simple repealer' and federalists ;' be-
cause, the mere repeal of the union statute would not
answer the purposes of either party. The mere repeal
of the union statute would revive the Irish Parliament,
without the benefit of any reform schedules—it would
give two members to the ruined abbey of Tulsk—two
members to the round tower of Kilcullen—two members
to the SANDS of Bannow—and two members to the

churchyard walls of Clonmines. This would never do.
Federalists' and ' simple repeaters' agree that this
would never do.

" There must, therefore. be a reconstruction of th•
rish House of Commons.

" The FOURTH principle consists in the restoration of
the Irish house of Lords, in all its integrity.
" Thus far, all parties, • federalists' and ' simple re-
pealers,' are agreed.
" There is one distinction which should be clearly un-
derstood, and all confusion avoided on the subject—that
is, a distinction between the NODE of reconstruction of
the Irish Parliament, and the POWERS which shall be
vested in that Parliament when reconstructed— _

" First, reconstruct your Parliament; and, secondly,
decide what powers that Parliament shall have when re-
constructed.
" Upon the mode of reconstruction of the House of
Commons, the ' federalists' and ' simple repealers'
might and ought to agree. It is true that the ' fede-
ralists' have not as yet any official organ, and, therefore.
there is no statement of their views as to that reconstruc-
tion. It is also true that Mr. Grey Porter has, on this
subject, thrown out objections to popular plans for re-
constructing the Irish House of Commons ; and these
onb jdec merit t ion s m from him, deserve the greatest weight.
a
,tchoing
e fullest and most deliberate consideration.
He himself appears to be of that temper of mind, that he
Lave long
will patiently consider the arguments that may be used
They
he proposesam e
to solve his objections ; and whatever the result may be.
the discussion of these objections shall be conducted in
since
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'simpleth e iramicablelnroejwplat 1
bearensidb. ,
rioennttitliiieleepbouetbshltei
etre.
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Commons—
that the number of members should continue
as the former number in the Irish House of
use that the rcpresentatiun should be
population—that being
na,n,lilyh,ey3OpOr.op
based upon the numbers of the
the basis adopted for the English counties by the Eng-
lish Reform Bill. Let this be
kept in mind
men;taptoiponulao-f
thin, exclusively,
the representatives of the English
" counties by the Eng-
lish Reform Bill.

" Taking up this English basis, the simple re-
pealers' submit that there ought to be in Ireland In
county members—of those Antrim would hare 6, Ar-
magh 5, Fermanagh 5, Londonderry 5, Tyrone 6,
Down 7, Monaghan 5, Cavan 5, Donegal 6—Total for
Ulster, 50. I mention these particulars regarding Ulster
to show, that in our proposal complete justice is done to
the Protestant province of Ulster, upon the same seal.
precisely with the other provinces.
" There being thus 173 members alloted to the coun-
ties, there remains for the towns and cities 127—0 f
which, for example, four are allotted to Belfast. four to
Limerick, and two to the Dublin University.
Association,
k thn nr irveirrsvninm
l'e schedulethe to
4thtzroefoi‘ritapyr:slcBn4toe,d
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" shall simply confine myself to a quotation of the
most perfect truth from the late Lord Chief Justice
Bushe. His words tire—' Iforget for a rucaneut the un
principled means by which the union has been promoted.
and I look on it simply as England reclaim-.
ing, in a moment of our weakness, that dominion
which we extorted from her in a moment of our virtue
—a dominion which she uniformly abused—which
invariably oppressed and impoverished us, and from the ex-
tortion of which we date all our prosperity." He added—
' The union is a measure which goes to degrade the country
by saying it is unworthy to govern itself. It is the revival
of the odious and absurd title of conquest—it is a revival of
the abominable distinction between mother country and colony
which lost America —IT IS THE DENIAL OF THE
RIGHTS OF NATURE TO • GREAT NATION FROM AN
INTOLERANCE OF ITS PROSPERITY.'
"Now, I take it that no proposition was ever so per-
fectly clear as this ; that Ireland cannot, and will not,
submit to that denial of the rights of nature which be-
longed to her as a great nation and a virtuous people. It
is perfectly clear that things cannot remain as they are.
there must necessarily be a change. This is asserted as
distinctly and emphatically by the Conservative member
of the Corporation of Dublin, the talented Dr. Maunsell.
as it is by me. The Irish people have more of the
virtue of perseverance than the peopld of any other
country on the face of the earth—they have been spo-
hated of property, it is true, but they have retained,
tenaciously retained, their opinions, their sentiments
their affections, and, above all, they have clung to their
religion with desperate fidelity. Z hey, are, I repeat, the
most persevering people on the face of the earth—they
never will, they never can, abandon the cause of repeal ;
and they will ultimately carry that measure, as assuredly
as that to-morrow's sun will rise. Whilst we, leading
agitators, and particularly whilst I happen to live. they
will never seek to carry the repeal by forcible or violent
means ; but the man is worse than man who does not
perceive in the conduct of the Irish people that determi •
nation to establish self-government which, when the pre-
sent leaders, and I amongst them, are removed, may well
produce separation, but can sever tolerate the continu-
ance of the union.
" This, indeed, isjust the time to carry repeal peace-
ably, quietly, legally, constitutionally. We are arrived
at a time when it the Protestant and Catholic non-
repealers abandon their apathy or opposition, and join
in the agitation for repeal, the union can be repealed
without danger, difficulty, tumult, of force; and without,
in any way, disturbing the rights of property, or the
enjoyments of social life. A bloodless political change.
such as that of 1829, can now be achieved without diffi-
culty—a bloodless political change, such as that of 1782,
can now be achieved without the least difficulty. Lord
Althorp himself, when opposing the repeal, because
called for by only a section, however large, of the Irish
people, declared, that if the entire of the Irish nation
required that repeal, they were entitled to it. This
proposition was full of plain good sense. In fact, if
the Irish nation were combined in a peaceable and legal
struggle, resistance would be vain or impossible.
" This is just the period when the union could be re-
pealed in the manner most satisfactory to those Pro-
testants who have hitherto been neutral or adverse, by
reason of their fears of violent or tumultuary proceed.
ings. The Repeal Association is ready, lam ready, for
one humble individual, to join in the modes of acting
most satisfactory to the timid or reluctant. It is a
period in which the lead would be given at once to the
aristocracy of wealth, and to the persons most exten-
sively interested in the prosperity of the country. The
Repeal Association does not require any O'Connellite
party. We are all ready to give to the house of Leinster,
it, oh heaven! that family would once again join for Ire-
land; we are ready to give the illustrious Charlemont
tamily —a family bearing a name to conjure with we
are ready to give to any other of the Irish aristocracy ;
we are ready to give to Mr. Grey Porter, or Mr. Shar-
man Crawford, or to any other gentleman of talent and
fortune—Protestant or Catholic—the lead in the great
movement. Especially we are ready to give, and we are
giving heartily and cordially, to Mr. Smith O'Brien, to
the Honourable Mr. Hutchinson, and to our other Pro-
testant associates, the lead in the great struggle to rein.
state Ireland amongst the nations.
" Indeed, the unlimited confidence which Mr. Smith
O'Brien has acquired, and which the Hon. Mr. Hutchin-
son is daily acquiring, should demonstrate to all right-
thinking Protestant non•repealers, with what facility
they would obtain their proper weight, and importance,
and consideration in the contest for the repeal. and fir
the reconstruction of the Irish Parliament.
" This Is emphatically the time for Catholic and Pro-
testant non-repealers to join in the agitation.
" If they wish, as they naturally must, to share in
the government of their own country—if they desire to
secure their estates from future convulsion, and if they
wish to increase tenfold the value of their property, they
will join with us in procuring the re-establishment of the
Irish Parliament, without which there can be no lasting
tranquillity in Ireland.
"This emphatically is a period when good humour,
good temper, thedisposition toconciliate, and the anxiety
to combine all classes, prevails among the Irish people.
There is nothing revolutionary in the dispositions of the
repealers ; quite the contrary, an anxiety to prevent
any forcible change, and to maintain the social state un-
impaired and improved.
" Never was there a period of more good temper and
hilarity. This is the time for peaceful combination of
all sects and persuasions ; the very fact of there being a
large military force in Ireland at present ought to give
additional security against the prevalence of any vio-
lent or revolutionary disposition ; and that army, which
has been sent here to prevent repeal, would necessarily
be protective of the peaceful settlement of the great
question.
" Everything favours a combination at the present
moment ; even the prevalence of the hitherto scattered
elements of federalism now facilitates our great object.
" It is true that federalism has not yet displayed
itself in the strength which I believe really belongs t
it. I know there are numbers of individuals who have
not joined the Repeal Association, and yet are opposed
to the continuation of the union upon its present basis,
and desire a federal connexion in its stead.
" In inviting those persons to join the contest for re-
peal, it is incumbent upon the Association distinctly to
trace out how far simple repeaters' and federalists
can go together ; as also to point out how far the road
is common to both ; and to show distinctly where a dif-
ference, if any, arises between them. It is our duty to
canvass the particulars of that difference, and to yield
to whatever appears most practical and most useful in
Ireland.
" For my own part, there never lived a being who
would less than myself claim any species of infallibi-
lity. I would yield, for the sake of co-operation, every-
thing but principle. I would follow in the track of any
man who seeks for the restoration to Ireland of the power
of legislation.