The Sun.
London, England, 1845-08-06 00:00:00

SILK WORKS BILL.

Mr. BRIGHT said that the Bill now before the House on
this subject was one purporting to amend a similar Bill of last
session, which Bill proved useless, and the present one would
prove equally so.—(Laughter.) In fact, there was no man
who knew anything at ail of manufactures but must see that
it would be an inol•erative measure.

Sir JAM ES GRAHAM said that, with respect to the
present Bill, he was ready to admit he had no satisfactory in-
formation, and he was not sanguine that measures interfering
with labour would be successful. On the other hand, he be-
lieved that they generally were found nugatory and ineffica-
cious ; nevertheless, as the labourers themselves felt a sleep
interest in the legislation now contemplated, whether the in.
terferenee should prove beneficial or not, he could not think it
inexpedient to make an attempt to meet the wishes of the in-
dustrial classes.

Sir JOHN EASTHOPE regretted he was not perfectly
informed of the provisions and merits of this Bill, and as he
had as yet received no intimation from his constituents to op..
pose it, he was not prepared to express any specific opinion
upon it.
Mr. P. BORT HWICK wished that some member of the
Government would take the responsibility of the Bill upon
him, as hitherto it appeared to be disowned by everybody.
Mr. GREENE said that the measure had been introduced,
in consequence of the recommendations contained in the re-
port of the Board of Trade.
Mr. WARBURTON said, that as he was not inclined to
put his conscience into the keeping of the President or Vice-
President of the Board of Trade, he should move that the
further consideration of the Bill should be postponed till this
day three months.
Colonel ROLLESTONE defended the Bill, which he con-
sidered as eminently calculated to obviate some of the hard-
ships, and even cruelties, imposed by many master manufac-
turers on their operatives.
Mr. HOME supported the amendment of his Hon. Friend
(Mr. Warburton), and trusted that the Government would
throw in the weight of their opposition to the Bill.
Mr. DUNCAN regarded the Bill as most injurious to the
manufacturing classes, and fraught with danger to the com-
munity generally.
Mr. VILLIERS thought it most irregular, and even un-
precedented, to be discussing a measure affecting the interests
of trade, in any other mode except before a Committee of the
whole House. He therefore supported the amendment of his
Hon. Friend (Mr. Warburton) for delay.
Mr. FIELDEN opposed the Bill as mischievous and un-
called for.

Mr. EWART said he thought the best course the Govern-
ment could adopt was to withdraw the Bill.
Mr. BROTHERTON concurred in regarding the mea-
sure as calculated to entail both danger and discontent upon
the trade it professed to benefit.

Sir J. GRAHAM suggested that further debate on the
subject should be postponed until Friday, and in the mean-
time he would try and meet the wishes of all parties.
The debate was then adjourned, on the motion of the
Right Hon, Baronet (Sir J. Graham), to Friday next.

allusion to the state of foreign affairs. Tam rejoiced to say
that we are not now, as we were at the close of last
session, looking anxiously to a settlement of a question
with France, a question which threatened a rupture of our
amicable relations with that country. I ant happy to find that
our relations with that country are close and unbroken, and
that they are likely to continue so.—( Cheers.) Sir, there is
another question to which (though I certainly do not mean to
enter into detail) I cannot help adverting for a moment. I
mean the question between this country and the United States
of America. Without at all interfering with the discretion of
the Executive Government, or at all dictating to them any
course opposite to that which they may think fit to pursue for
the settlement of the question of the Oregon boundary, I still
will venture to say to them that the opinion that I gave to the
House at an early period of the session, is entirely un-
shaken by anything I may have heard, or anything I
may have read on this subject.—( Hear, hear.) The
Right Hon. Gentleman on that occasion raid that the Go-
vernment of this country were prepared to maintain their
rights: Ida n t question his logic—l do not propose to ask
him for an explanation of the mode in which he proposes to
maintain those rights. lam glad to see—regretting, as I
do, the loss of the distinguished man who was
Minister to our country from the United States ; yet, mingled
with that regret, I rejoice to see that another distinguished
man, who was here some years ago, has replaced Mr. Everett
as our Minister from that country. I trust that they will act
with discretion and moderation in determining the question
between the two Governments, without, at the same time,
losing sight of the essential interests of either country, and with
these few words—and lam glad they are so few—l leave the sub-
ject of our foreign affairs. And now to come to what has been
done in the course of the session with re-pest to our domestic
policy. My opinion on this subject is, that we ought not
to be altogether disappointed at the result of the session, not
that there has been much done which gives great prospect for
the future, but while we. on the one hand, congratulate
ourselves on the progress that has been made, and especially
in the statement of opinions; still, on the other hand, much
has been left neglected, much that relates to principle is left
uncertain ; and that much remains undone which is clearly
wanted to serve the interests of the country, there cannot be
a doubt. Now, Sir, I shall take in the first instance that which
has so often been brought before our attention in this House,
during this session, and which will, I have no doubt, occupy
us during the next and future sessions—l mean the unhappy
state of Ireland. Sir, in adverting to this subject, I cannot
but in the first place rejoice that those opinions which were
heard from Gentlemen who sat opposite some years ago, have
been in a great degree abandoned—( Hear, hear)—and that
even language that we heard from one of the Ministers of the
Crown has been, since he came into office, revoked. I rejoice
that the Government is so far renouncing former erroneous
opinions that they are ready to commence a new course, and
I have reason to congratulate the House on what has been
already done for Ireland.—( Hear, hear. ) But, Sir, let it not
be forgotten that, many years ago, when the Government of
the lately deceased Earl Grey was divided on this subject,
not only did those who are opposed to us now oppose the appro.
priation clause, which I still think would have been at that time
a fair and moderate compromise to the Church of Ireland,
they not only opposed that Church—l do not say that that was
unnatural considering their views on this subject—but they
always denied to the Irish those rights which had been ex-
tended to the English and to the Scotch. With regard to their
electoral and municipal rights, Sir, a gentleman holding a dis-
tinguished situation in office there, who had been raised to a
higher office on the Bench of Ireland, and who has but lately
died ; I mean Chief Baron Wolfe. He expressed his opinion
that there was no legal reason why the same rights ought not
to be granted to Ireland, and his language expressed the indig-
nation he felt at the degradation of his country. He stated that
he thought these privileges were a matter of common right,
belonging to the United Kingdom ; that, therefore, popular
elections and corporate rights were due to the Irish people, and
that some strong reason of necessity must be argued before
a people can be refused those rights. He stated
further that if refused it could only be on the ground that
Irish families were unst to be subjects of a free kingdom. The
whole of those Gentlemen opposed these just claims with one
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opposed to us were inclined to raise in this country both a
national and religious feeling, to assist them against the claims
of the people of Ireland. Sir, that course of policy they, since
their accession
the Irishssiontoo oughtffice,have atbo haveando equalned.l ig
It is now admitteditis now
them that
admitted that, both as regards electoral rights, the right of voting
for Members of this House, and municipal corporate rights,
they ought to have the same rights as England and Scotland.
This is in principle a great deal, but let us examine a little how
far their measures have been consistent with their professions,
and what have been their great objects for effecting the re-
conciliation of Ireland,—for reconciling the people of Eng--
gland, and inducing the subjects of both countries to join in
amity at home, and in defence of their empire against foreign
enemies. On this subject they have hardly done what they
professed to do. With regard to municipal righ's, and the
rights of e'ecting representatives to serve in Parliament, no
Bill has been introduced, and it is notorious that the
number of electors, in many of the Irish counties, has dimi-
nished in a great decree. That was a grievance that required
the attention of Parliament.—( Hear, hear. ) But has the
attention of Parliament been called to it?—( Hear, hear.) With
respect to another subject on which they proposed to legislate,
and on which they made elaborate inquiries, for the purpose of
calling attention to it—l allude to the subject of the relations
between landlords and tenants. Now, I stated my opinion
that issuing a Commission on the relations of landlords and
tenants might be a wise measure, but that I could not be en-
abled to say it was a wise measure, until I could sce the re-
sult.—( Hear.) It was evident that considerable evils attended
the issuing of that Commision. It was, in the first place,
calculated to excite great hopes—it was calculated to make
the poor tenants believe that some great benefit was to attend
the inquiry ; something to relieve the scarcity of food, and fix
security of tenure, which they had ever felt to be the greatest
misfortune of their lives. In the next place it was very likely,
unless accompanied with great care, to excite in the country
itself considerable enmity on the part of the tenants against
their landlords, by making them believe that they had a Govern-
ment which would take their part against the landlords. In
this respect the objection was very great, for the saying of his
lamented friend Mr. Drummond was a correct one, " that pro-
perty had its duties as well as its rights." But that evil might
be remedied if the Government had explained the general
nature of the remedy which they wished to introduce. I sup-
pose that some remedy was in the contemplation of the Govern-
ment, but it appears after all that they brought forward, as the
result of thot Commission, a Bill which I must say is one of the
most extraordinary measures which was ever brought before the
consideration of this House. The plan of interposing between
landlords and tenants in the manner devised by the Bill is most
impracticable. But the Bill has never arrived at this House,
and I suppose, therefore, it has been given up and abandoned.
I suppose that the universal cry among the Irish generally has
induced Government to abandon it. Why, then, what further
measure had they introduced? They had produced a Bill
for the endowment of the College of Maynooth, and a Bill
for the academical education of the Roman Catholic priesthood,
which was pointed out in the speech from the throne. Sir, I
do not wish to go over the arguments on this subject. I think
the endowment of Maynooth a good plan, but I think the ob-
servation that was made on it by a gentleman who has written
well on the subject of Ireland, is a perfectly just one. He says
that there are two objections to the endowment of Maynooth ;
one is, that the grant was a trivial measure—that the boon was
altogether too small ; and the other is, that it will tend to the
endowment of the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church. Sir,
one argument confutes the other : if the Government intend
that the measure should lead to an endowment of the Roman
Catholic Church, that, Sir, would be an intelligible line of
policy ; and wi'hout discussing the propriety of endowing the
Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland, it would be a perfectly
intelligible policy to introduce this measure, as it would re-
ceive the consent of the hierarchy of that Church. But the
present measure had not had that consent, because it was not
intended to lead to that endowment. The members of the
Government had carefully declared that such was not
their intention ; and considering the great clamour
that has been raised in this country—considering
the deep feeling which has been aroused, I would ask, has an
adequate result been obtained? If the Ministry do not
mean to proceed further—if they have no measure in contem-
plation for next session, then surely they were unwise in pro-
voking that clamour. But with regard to another measure—l
mean that of academical education—it appears to me that
though the Government does not love much to hear c esnsel
within doors, yet they do take counsel from necessity out of
doors, and that such a necessity prompted this measure The
First Lord of the Treasury told us in a speech, which I for one
was sorry to hear, on the subject of the Maynooth Bill—he told
us that its object was as much to break off a confederacy that
existed in Ireland for the purposes of carrying repeal, and of
dividing the Roman Catholic clergy, by propounding a
measure which would satisfy at lea t one portion of them.
It appears then that this Association was a chief
instrument in procuring this Bill. It was not for its merits
given—it was not because it improved the Roman Catholic
priesthood of Ireland, but because it would break up the
Repeal Association. Well, that Bill and its course through
this House produced the greatest excitation in England, and
considerable opposition was raised, not by those only opposed
to the Roman Catholic faith, bet by those also who held
that Goverment should only assist in secular matters, and
that religion should be supported altogether upon the volun-
tary principle. In order to soothe this clamouring party
the Government again in May introduced a measure, which
they supported by the very arguments that in the former
instance had been used in that House and out of doors
against any Government support to religious establshments.
But I must beg to impress upon this Horace that these measures
have been both late and imperfect. In the first place they are
late. And, in saying this, I allude to the measures of the
Government now in existence, and think that the observation
is applicable to the ministry, whether they were in opposition,
or whether as now they exercise the functions of Government,
and I would more particularly allude to the claims of the
Roman Catholics. Many years ago, when the present First
Lord of the Treasury was Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Grattan
had, under the authority of the Roman Catholic hierarchy of
Ireland, pledged his word that if the claims of the Roman
Catholics were conceded, no prelate of that Church should be
appointed whose views were opposed to those of the Government,
and that if any Roman Catholic prelate of that country, either
by his writings or proceedings, should be instrumental in excit-
ing any disaffection to the Crown, that his benefice should be
estreated, and himself reprobated by the church. This was a
great concession. But the Ministers of the day did not take
advantage of it, and serious were the consequences which
had flowed from the neglect of the power which had then
been accorded to it, of removing any prelate of the Irish
Church who should promote or be a party to promoting
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very men, who during the whole course of their lives had
been the great opponents of civil and religious liberty, were
the very men, who under a different phase of circumstances,
and when credit was to be obtained by the granting of
that which was irresistible, at once turned round on all their
supporters, and passed that measure against which such an
outcry had been lately made. Their plea was the choice
of two alternatives—the prosecution of their designs, or the
risk of a civil war. They chose the former evil, and the
concession of the Catholic claims was the consequence.
Another measure to which he had to allude, was that of Muni-
cipal Reform. In 1836, the King of this country, by the advice
of his AliMsters, caused a Bill to be introduced for this pur-
pose, with the hope that Parliament would sanction so great
an improvement of the social condition of Ireland, and agree
to the reform of municipal corporations, so that they might be
conformed to those of England and Scotland. I did really
hope that this resolution would have been unanimously passed
through this House, and with the consent of the whole of the
Members. The question then is, whether you will grant
equal rights to Ireland ? If you would have but attended to the

speeches of Mr. O'Connell, you would have seen what the policy
of the ccuntry is. In the whole of those addresses there is but
one feeling evident, and that in as exhibited in the cry of justice
to Ireland. To this cry there has bs ea no reply. The Irish
people conceive that they have a right to participate in the ad-
vanta.tes enjoyed by Englishmen ; and this, and this alone it
is, which has prompted the cry of repeal. During the whole
of the monster meetings, of which so much complaint has been
made, what was the general feeling among the whole of those
who took the most active part in those proceedings? Not re-
peal—not assessment—not ecclesiastical jurisdiction—but a long
complaint of the inequality between the two countries. After
some further observations on the policy pursued towards Ire-
land, the Noble Lord adverted to the measures affecting the agri-
cultural interest, and after alluding to the tenacity with which
the Ministers had formerly adhered to their opinions, continued—
But your course has been altered, not only with respect to the
letter of the Act of Parliament, but with regard to the lan-
guage held by a Minister of the Crown. Sir, the Ministers
of the Crown have held language which is inconsistent with
the maintenance of their own Act, and have given an assurance
to the agricultural interest that the maintenance of their law
would be like the sliding scale itself, descending from 20s. to
ls.—an assurance that it would "grow small by degrees and
beautifully less."—( A laugh. ) So that, in the present year,
there is far less security for the maintenance of the corn-laws
than in any preceding one. We had a confession from the
Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for the Home De-
partment that the sliding scale would, of itself, cause consider-
able evils, and that it was necessary to prop it up by a fixed
duty, with regard to some part of the corn that came into this
country, and that as corn from Canada was generally intro-
duced in the months of May, June, and July, when corn from
foreign countries would not come in, waiting for a diminution
of duties, it would be necessary to have a Canada Corn Act,
in order to make the sliding scale bearable by the people of this
country.—( Hear, hear.) This was a distinct confession that
the sliding scale was, in itself, insufficient. You were, as I
said, obliged to prop it up with the Canada Corn Act, which
has become a bugbear to all the farmers of this country, and
which, as has been justly said, was not calculated
to do much good, and more than counterbalances any ad-
vantages it may possess by the harm which it does
to the sound principles of free trade. But the Right Hon.
Baronet at the head of the Government took away another
argument from the sliding scale ; because whereas the advo-
cates for protection relied on this—that the labouring classes
would be lasers by the admission of foreign corn, inasmuch as,
with a reduction in its price, the wages of labour would diminish
in proportion ; but the Right Hon. Baronet said this was not
the case, and that the low price of corn and bread was an ad-
vantage to the labouring classes. And that which the Right
Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government stated as his
belief, the Right Hon. Gentleman who sits near him ( Sir J.
Graham) proved by details, viz., that cheap corn not only
gave greater and better wages to the labouring classes, but that
with cheap corn there was less crime arid less mortality.
Is not the case of the present Corn Laws greatly weakened by
this admission ?—( Hear, hear.) But let u, look at the founds.-
tions upon which you propose they should rest. Can anybody
have heard what has been passing for the last ten days without
feeling the misery of the uncertainty of the law respecting
corn ?—( Hear, hear. ) Can anybody who entertains a doubt
as to whether the next fortnight will bring a good harvest or a
miserable deficiency, and not wish that the labouring classes of
this country should be provided with food from every quarter
whence it can be procured ?—( Hear, hear.) I maintain that it
is the duty of this House to provide for any contingency. But
what is it you do ? I freely admit that whether there
be a small fixed duty or a complete free trade in
corn, it must always be a matter of deep anxiety whether
or not the harvest will turn out favourable or unfavourable--
that if there were not at the present moment complete free
trade in corn, so long as there exists a doubt as to whether
there will be an abundant or a short harvest, it is impossible
there should not be very considerable speculation—it is impos-
sible there should not be a rise in the price of grain, foreign
and domestic, to a considerable extent, and there will be
danger to the currency and to the subsistence of the people.
—( Hear.) I admit these things, but these are consequences
for which the Legislature is not responsible. If there was a
fixed duty or a free trade in corn we might be sure of such
supplies as could be obtained from other countries—the fixed
duty would in such ease only diminish the price at which the
merchant abroad would sell the corn. But at all events, ac-
cording to such a scheme, the plan would be uniform—there
would be no longer any doubt or contingency as to the price at
which foreign corn would be admitted. But, as the matter
stands at present, by the uncertainty of the seasons and the
difficulty of foreign supply, you, by your legislative wisdom,
add another new and artificial incumbrance to this complicated
question, for by the variation in price during at least ten
weeks from Is. to 20s. per quarter, you double the amount of
speculation—you double the hazard to which the people of this
country are exposed—you double the difficulty of supplying
them with that article which ranks first among the necessaries
of life. Is it wise to continue such a law—is it wise in those
who advocate the principles of free-trade—is it wise in a Prime
Minister who boasts that he has done more than any former
Minister for a long period of years to promote free-trade s'oc-
trines—is it wise in him to rest on a law which he must own
to be defective not only in respect to all the principles of po-
litical economy, but with respect to the principles en which
commercial transactions should be governed? We have a Gen-
tleman averring that he did not think the law would be
permanent—a Gentleman who constantly supports the
present Government, and especially the sliding scale,
but yet avowing publicly that he did not think
the law would last, and that he thought two years would pos.
sibly see the end of it. When people hear this language used
by the supporters of the Government, not by one of those
agriculturists who might, in a moment of irritation, say that
the Ministers would not support the corn-laws, but by one of
their steady supporters—when, I say, such language has been
used by such a person, what can the farmers think but that
the law will be abandoned? Well, then, if it is to be aban-
doned, let us not continue in our present state of miserable
uncertainty.—(Hear, hear.) Let us begin next session early,
and let us begin with the consideration of the corn-laws. The
farmers must feel that if there be a necessity for a large pro-
tection against the introduction of foreign corn, it is necessary
that that protection should be kept up—especially necessary in
dealing with their landlords—and that they should not find, at
the end of two years, that this law should be swept away, and
the whole system connected with it. However such uncer-
tainty may suit the interests of parties, it cannot suit the
farmers.—( Hear, hear.) It is quite impossible that any
one can wish the continuance of a system which entails such
evils upon the country, and that they would prefer the adoption
of the measure proposed by his Hon. Friend the Member for
Wolverhampton rather than be kept in such uncertainty—a
feeling that the Corn-laws would be kept up until their aboli-
tion was forced upon the Government. I say, therefore, with
respect to this subject, that while you have done much to make
an approach to free trade, there is still upon these main articles,
timber, sugar, and above all, corn, a keeping up of restriction,
contrary to every sound pt inciple, and which it is impossible,
according to your own theory, that you can adhere to. At
this very moment, with respect to corn, the supply in this
country is unusually small, and I would, therefore, move for
an amount of the quantity of corn now in bond. I say again
that the quantity in bond is unusually small, and let it not be
forgotten that it is in consequence of our own laws; and when
the Government refer, as they sometimes have' done, with
great satisfaction, to the decline of speculation in the foreign
corn trade, let them remember that want of speculation may
prove a national misfortune, and that corn-laws may in this
way prove injurious, not only to the speculators but to the
country at large. It is some advantage to have a supply got
together in our warehouses, on which the country can rely in
ease of any sudden and unforseen failure of the harvest.-
-( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then went on to re-
mark upon the various measures which had been proposed
by former Whig Governments, and which the Members of the
present Government opposed, upon principles which they have
advocated and supported ; in particular he alluded to the Bill
introduced by the late Government on the subject of education.
The state of the population in the rural districts, and in many
of the towns, too, was deplorable, in a moral and intellectual
point of view. The Noble Lord adverted to reports which had
been published respecting the demoralized condition of the popu-
lation, which showed that many beings could not read or write
—had never been at church or chapel, and had never even
heard the name of God or of Jesus Christ mentioned in their
lives. The first time they heard of any religion was, when
the chaplain of the gaol instructed them. A great clamour
had been raised against the formation of normal schools, and
against the mode in which the Committee of the Privy Council
appointed to superintend the progress of education had been ap-
pointed, but the very same principles which the Home Secretary
and the Prime :Minister then opposed, they now supported,
and the constitution of the present Privy Council Board on
this subject was not different in any important particulars from
that which he (Lord J. Russell) proposed. He thought that
sums should be advanced from the public funds so as to make
charitable endowments really available, and he was really very
glad to see that the Government had this year proposed votes
to carry out this laudable object. Provision should be like-
wise made for the maintenance of schoolmasters, for, at pre-
sent, it was almost impossible to get any competent person to
remain more than ten years in the profession. Marks of
honour and gain should be held out to them, for the trust con-
fided to their care was a most important one—nothing less
than forming the minds of the rising generation. The Right
Hon. Baronet at the nead of the Government spoke in the
broadest and most lucid manner of the distinctions between
creeds when speaking of the Irish Academical Education ques-
tion, but the Right Hon Baronet the Secretary of State for
the Home Department drew the most acute and subtle distinc-
tion between the tests in the Presbyterian universities.
Why, it is very difficult for the House—even willing as the
House is--( Hear, hear)—to give its constant concurrence with
measures so inconstant and so variable—( Hear, and laughter)—
and by diminished majorities it has shown some reluctance to
be so forced on.—( Hear, hear.) The House, Sir, has shown
a degree of dislike to being forced to vote one day for one set of
principles, and the next for a set directly opposite.(—Hear,
and laughter.) Is it then too much to ask her Majesty's
Ministers, before the next session, whether it begin in Decem-
ber or in January, to consider in their Cabinet meetings what
their principles are to be ?—(Cheers)—for instance, in re-
spect to the Established Church, to the endowment of the
Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, and to the administration
of Academic Tests.—( Hear.) If they do not, however
permanent and fixed may be their majority in this House,
they cannot expect that the people will go on, in quiet
acquiesence with the acts of their represeetatives.—(Cheers.)
I find that the people of this country, however various may be
the occupations in which they are engaged—whether in large
manufactories, or in labour more domestic—in foreign com-
merce, or in the busy trades of towns, hold each individually a
peculiar set of political opinions, and whether these be different
or not from those of the Ministers, if he sees that those of the
Government are fixed and founded upon principle, he bows to
them. But if he finds them always changing. he cannot
have any other feeling than contempt.—( Hear, hear.) There-
fore it is, at the end of the session I put in nay prayer, that we
may have from the Government an avowal of one set of opi-
nions to which we may acquiesce, or from which we may at
once dissent.—( Hear, hear.) Whatever those opinions and
principles might be, it would still be for the Opposition
to say how far they would carry on or relax their opposi-
sition.—( Hear, hear.) But if at present any man were asked
—" Are you a supporter of the Government ?" and he should
say " Yes ;" let him be then asked, " But what do you think
of the new colleges in Ireland ?" Most probably he would
answer, " That he liked the principle very well—the Romish
Bishops were a set of bigots, and he saw no necessity for tests."
What, then, will be his answer in the next month, when he
finds these very principles abandoned, and the obnoxious test
adopted ?—(Cheers. ) I think, then, that we might know
what the opinions of Ministers were, at longer intervals than
from month to month. We ought to know them at least from
session to session.—(Cheers.) Before I sit down I wish to
refer to circumstances which I believe to be interesting in this
country.. We are told that her Majesty is about to leave this
country for some weeks to visit Germany. Now, in former
reigns, there was a custom, for wir Sovereigns, having German
possessions, to leave this country for short periods. But in all
those cases a Council of Regency was appointed. In the time
of George I. Lords Justices were appointed. But now we
hear that her Majesty is about to go to Germany for some
weeks without any such provision for carrying on the functions
of the Crown. Sir, I think this is without precedent—(Hear,
hear)—and hope her Majesty's Ministers do not intend to de.
part from the constitutional example--; Hear, hear.) I cannot
sit dowis without making one reference to the state of Ireland-
-( Hear, hear.) There is no deubt that her Majesty, having
vi-ited Scotland, would wish to visit Ireland also. The people
of all parts of her dominions are loyal and attached.—
( Hear, hear.) But when an address of invitation was presented
to her Majesty by the mayor of Dublin, the answer put into
her Majesty's mouth was studiously ambiguous, implying a
doubt as to the disposition of the people.—( Hear, hear.)

You, remember, Sir, that a similar doubt as to the reception
of the Sovereign was raied, when King William IV. intended
to visit the city of London—and you remember the result.—
(Cheers.) I trust that it was not on the s ane grounds the
visit of the Queen to Ireland has been postponed.— (Cheers. )
I think that her Majesty might rely upon a most cordial recep-
tion in Ireland, if her Ministers would govern that country
with a regard to the interests of the people. With these ob-
servations I would conclude, having already trespassed long
upon the House, but I have an example of a different kind. I
have read a speech delivered in another place, of which the
object was to show that measures had been delayed and
postponed, when the unscrupulous opposition of the party was
the cause of the delay and the postponement. But now
it is impossible to say that Ministers, with a large majority,
have not abandoned and postponed measures to which no fac-
tious opposition was offered.—( Hear, hear,) I do not deny
that many of those measures were such as could not have been
further proceeded with. But I think that the executive part
of the Government ought to have well considered the measures
which were brought forward by them, and not leave themselves
exposed to the necessity of withdrawing and postponing them
from time to time.—(Hear, hear.) No complaint can be
made of the House in this session. There never was shown in
any session so much labour—so much attention to public in-
terest, apart from all party and personal influence—as in the
present session. I may instance the inquiries respecting rail-
ways.—( Cheers.) I must say that no House ever exceeded
the present in its regard to the public interest, as you. Sir,
—(to the Speaker)—must well know.--( Cheers and laughter. )
The Noble Lord concluded by moving, according to his motion,
for returns relating to the amount of Bills passed, &c., during
the session.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM, who was throughout his speech
painfully indistinct, was understood to say that he was not pre-
pared to offer any opposition to the motion. But, however the
House might think that it was not his duty to follow the Noble
Lord, yet, as the Noble Lord had thought it his duty to refer
to domestic matters which were in his (Sir James Graham's)
department, he felt that the House would permit him to offer a
few observations.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord had asked what
course her Majesty's Ministers intended to follow, and had said
that several measures of importance had been abandoned. He
trusted, however, that the abandonment of the Physic and
Surgery Bill was no proof of incompetency—(A laugh)—for
he could appeal to the Honourable Members for Fins-
bury and Lambeth if there was any more difficult question to
deal with.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) He had consulted
the most eminent persons in each department interested in that
Bill, and he had no doubt that if the House would give him
time he would succeed in producing a satisfactory measure.—
( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had next adverted to our
foreign policy, and had congratulated the House and the
country on the favourable appearance of our relations with
France, as compared with that which they presented at the
close of lost session. He agreed with the Noble Lord in that
congratulation; and with respect to America, he thought there
was no prospect that the relations of amity which were so im-
portant to the interests of both countries would not be main-
tained.--( Hear.) 'The Noble Lord, in passing from foreign to
domestic relations, adverted to tae administration of Irish
affairs. In doing so the Noble Lord adverted to an ex-
pression of his (Sir James Graham's) which he bad
frequently explained, but he hoped the House would do
him the justice to admit that the whole of his conduct in
respect to Ireland was in consonance with his explanation.
With respect to the elective franchise, it was shown that in
cities and towns the elective franchise did exist. In counties,
a great deal of doubt existed as to the legal interpretation of
what constituted a franchise in Ireland They had removed
those doubts, and they had introduced a system which had en-
larged the basis of the franchise in that country. The Noble
Lord next proceeded to refer to the Land'ords and Tenants
Commission. The Noble Lord, however, did not blame the
Commission, but he censured the Government for not giving
effect to the report of that Commission. He ( Sir J.
Graham) would beg the House to remember that the evidence
given before that Committee was not presented until after the
commencement of the present session of Parliament, and that it
was most voluminous. It was admitted that in Ireland and Eng-
land different customs prevailed with regard to the outlay on pro-
perty held by tenants. In Ireland a great hardship existed,
where the tenant was liable to be ejected without possessing
aay claim for compensation. He adhered to the opinion of the
Government that the same security should be given to the
tenants in both countries for compensation for outlay made before
they were ejected from their holdings. The object of the Bill
was to give to the tenant that which would do him ample
justice. The principle of the Bill he adhered to, and he
felt confident a better principle could not be exercised. The
Noble Lord then adverted to the Maynooth Bill, and the
Colleges Bill. He thought, after the discussion which had
been entered into on these questions, he would at least have
not touched on that point. He did not think that references
to political differences would be prodhctive of any benefit.
It was, however, a measure which he did not hesitate
conscientiously to support. The Noble Lord then alluded to
the Appropriation Clause ; he charged the Government with
bringing before the House the question as to how to arrive at
religious equality in Ireland. Whether they should endow the
Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland, or whether they should abolish
the Protestant Establishment. He could not see at any time
anything that would induce him to support the abolition of the
Protestant Establishment in Ireland. It would give a terrible
shock to the possessors of property in Ireland, and would
create something like violence in that country. He at the same
time thought it necessary to state that he had no insuperable
objection to the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy in
that country, but he thought that, under the present circum-
stances, that a general endowment of that country would not
be advisable. The Noble Lord then alluded to the system of
national education. Though the Government had not been
very successful in that system, it could not be denied that the
system had done an immensity of service. He was happy to
say, that in the working classes of this country there was
an astonishing progressive decrease of crime.—( Hear; hear.)
But to return to the question of finance, the Noble Lord had
alluded to the continuation of the income-tax, and contended
that it was an increase of the taxes of the country when consi-
dered in conjunction with the reduction of the duty upon the
raw material of cotton. Now, in justice to the Government, it
ought to be remembere 1 that from the necessities of the case,
the time of the Government was occupied from so early a period
as the sth of April in discussing the policy of continuing the
income-tax ; and, therefore, at this late period of the session it
was rather out of time to introduce that subject. Then, with
regard to the timber duties; when the present Government
came into office, they found the duties on timber to be such
that they felt warranted in removing the duties on colonial
timber, and that those on Baltic timber should be greatly re-
duced.—( Hear, hear, hear.) With respect to sugar,
here again the Noble Lord did not agree with the
measures of the Government ; but still it had been found
that these measures had worked favorably for the
people, for it appeared that the result of the Government
measures was that there had been an increase of the consump-
tion of that article to the amount of 40,000 tons, or 20 per
cent.—(Hear, hear)—and that increased consumption had
been owing to the reduction in the price of sugar, which
amounted to about I id. per lb. Well, then, in respect to
corn, there were at this moment 450.000 quarters of corn in
bond ; and in the year 1839, when the Noble Lord was in
office, let him ask what was the position of the country. At
that time there were only 50,000 quarters of corn in bond, and
only 2,400,0001. in bullion in the Bank of England, while at
this moment the amount of bullion in the Bank exceeded
6,000,0A1. Well, then, that was scarcely any proof of the No-
ble Lord's statement in reference to the sliding.scale.
which he said had been " growing small by degrees, and beau-
tifully less."—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Fortunately for the
Government, at present the supply of home-grown corn in
bond had greatly increased, and the average price, during the
time the present Government was in office, varied from 495.
11d. to 545.—( Hear, hear ) On those grounds, then, he did
hope that the apprehensions expressed by the Noble Lord would
not be realised ; and that, at this very late period of the ses-
sion, no change in the existing law would be expected to be
made.—( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down, there was
one other topic mentioned by the Noble Lord to which
he would wish to allude—namely, that of the expected
visit of her Majesty to Ireland. An address had
been presented to her Majesty by the Lord Mayor of Dublin,
praying that her Majesty would state when it was likely she
would pay a visit to her loyal subjects ; and it would appear,
from the reception the deputation had met with, that some
doubt was implied as to the reception her Majesty would meet
with at her landing on the Irish shores. But the Noble Lord
must have misconceived the purport of the answer given by
her Majesty to the Dublin Corporation ; for that answer im-
plied a conviction that her Majesty woul be received with all
the loyalty and enthusiasm she could wish, whenever she
should please to land on the shores of Ireland.—( Hear. )
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said that, as an Irish Member,
he wished to express his most sincere thanks to the Noble Lord
for the manner in which he had spoken of the affairs of Ire-
land. He did also believe that from what he had already seen
of the disposition of the Government towards his country, that
a friendly disposition had been evinced in regard to it.--( Hear,
hear.) But he would wish to know what steps were intended
to be taken in reference to a most important measure—he
meant the landlord and tenant question.—( Hear, hear.) With
regard to the Church question, the Noble Lord had quoted a
very able writer on the subject. This man took one
view of the question, and another clerical writer of
considerable eminence took another. He had no hesi-
tation, however, in saying that they must either
endow the Catholic Church or the destruction of the
Protestant Church would be the inevitable result. Whatever
course they should ado(t must be come to soon, and if i
did not suit her Majesty s Government to grapple with theset
difficulties the most fatal consequences would sooner or later
ensue. With regard to the Landlord :and Tenant Com-
mission he must say that the Bill introduced in the other
House, based on that report, was a mockery. If they were
not prepared to bring forward a measure in conformity with
the report of the Commission, they should not have issued it at
all. They raised hopes only to blast them. He was sure
that not one of the five Commissioners had been consulted on
this Bill. In all its details it showed its paternity. The
schedules contained eleven separate columns, and there was a
marked similarity between it and other Bills which came from
the same hand, which at once showed its author. The simili-
tude between it and the Registration Bill of the same Noble
Lord was very marked. The same ostensible privileges were
held out on the one side, and the same restrictions and fetters
en those privileges which characterised the Registration Bill
were equally discernible on the other. He did not speak of the
Noble Lord in a party spirit, but it mast be evident that he was
totally unfit to legislate on these matters. He was glad that
the Commission had recognised the right of the tenant to com-
pensation, but of what use would this recognition be, when the
Bill which was pretended to be introduced on their recommen-
dations, was fettered with such restrictions. He hoped the
Government would take this Bill as well as the County
Franchise into consideration during the recess, and would in-
troduce measures on these questions of the same liberal cha-
racter as the Maynooth Bill. If they did so, he trusted that
if not at the end of next session, this House would, before very
long, be able to congratulate itself on setting at rest these mat-
ters which, as they stood at present, were a subject of odium to
the Government and a disgrace to the country.
Mr. PLUMPTRE thought that the Government had dis-
played an assiduity this session with regard to the measures they
brought forward which entitled them to the greatest credit. He
could not, however, help saying that, with regard to certain
measures, it wasvery badly exercised. When the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet at the commencement of the session announced his inten-
tion of proposing an additional grant to Maynooth, he expressed
his dissatisfaction at the measure, and throughout its progress
in that House he had strongly and systematically opposed it.
And now when, he was sorry to say, it had become an Act of
Parliament, and when, at the close of the session, he had had
an opportunity of observing its effect in Ireland, he felt no less
dissatisfaction, no less opposition to it. And he would ask the
House what had been the fruits of this measure?
Had it proved satisfactory in Ireland ? Had it conciliated the
animosities of the Roman Catholic populating in that country?
And how had it been carried through this House? Why 152
usual eupperters of the Government had, on its second reading,
been found in the minority, while only 150 voted with the
Government. The measure he regarded as a disgrace to the
statute book ; and though he had not hitherto committed him-
self by giving any notice of a specific motion on the subject, he
now gave notice that at the earliest opportunity next session he
would do what in him lay to remove from the statute book
what he and the entire country with him regarded as a most
obnoxious aid unnecessary measure.
Mr. MOFFATT said he must beg the indulgence of the
House, to whts.e customs he was comparatively a stranger,
while he adverted to two topics which had hitherto escaped
notice during the progress of the debate. In the first place,
he wished to make a few observations in reference to the
alterations in the sugar duties. The Right Hon. Baronet
opposite (Sir J. Graham) had said that there was thirty per

- - ,
cent. increase in consequence of the reduetiers d
but by the official returns it rather appeared, that thirty'.
three per cent. had been the actual inorease. The iliminutil
in the revenue might have been entirely saved by taking a ll'
curse—by opening the markets of the world to our producet.
The course taken on the subject of sugar had been a shotd
sighted one. The distinction between free grown sugar e.e.
slave-grown sugar had been perfectly futile,, yet these we
the great obstacles to carrying out the policy he recommend;
By the false policy they had pursued, they had also lost ti!,
soul°
benefit of a reciprocal treaty with Spain, that
There
have been of the greatest advantage to this country.
Is as another point on which he would remark—it was in
ference to India. The increase of trade with that country ha
t
not been at all commensurate with the opportnaities they hi"
had. The high duties on imports, both from India and Chine'
had operated most injuriously against extending our coil;
merce in those regions of the globe.—( Hear, hear.)
could not, therefore, give his assent to the principles on whit,
the Government had conducted the commercial affairs of
tb
country during the past year.—( Hear.)
Mr. C. P. VILLIERS thought that what the geet;
Gentleman (Mr. Plumptre) had stated respecting the coils it
of Kent was very interesting. He had stated that the he,.. •
crop was blighted, and therefore it was clear they could not de-
pend pend on that county this year for a supply of food.—(l-I",rt
But wi,en that Hon. Gentleman expressed his surprise that
the Noble Lord (J. Russell) should be alarmed at the subject
of the harvest, he (Mr. Villiers) thought he 7
°.
inconsistent. It was a most important question --" f
most important that could engage the attention ~
the Government and the House. It had been shown that they
e
depended on accident for a supply of food. —( Hear, hear.)
real questian was to put bread, the staple article of food to '
people, on a proper footing. He wanted, then, to know th
single Act of this session that would be of the least effect if tbel
scanty
ha 1 a bad harvest ?—( Hear, hear. ) Let there be a
supply of the means of subsistence, and where would be the
use or service of all the measures of the session ? He thougf
the data of the Hon. Gentleman must be very exclusive if 11
could show how any of the business of the present session ye°,
operate in saving the country from the calamity of a bad bevel',
If the harvest was not a favourable one, what would ben'',
f the great public works of which they had heard so o°.„
during the present session ? Why were many of them discs'
,
tinued last session ? Simply because the means of the counlii
were not in so prosperous a state as at the present gnome;
Then there was not a great surplus of capital as now, when hit
capital of the country had very much increased. But if t 0
prosperity should cease, thousands would be ruined—Pe_Arl°lo
who had engaged in these public works would be exP°s`'ree
great suffering. If that was to happen this year, there Delo
was a time when it would be more fatal to the interests of l'ee
country.—( Hear, hear.) He said, then, that the exPeritilte
of time past showed that the House ought not to ser'ace,
without adopting some measure to avert the consequen,
which, in the event of a deficient harvest, might ensue* 4
( Hear, hear,) They had now the experience of the failure 7.
the corn-laws, which ought to indicate how mischievous it of,
to continue them. Both abundance and cheapness had (scarf;
and had each produced their own evils, augmented as they we___
by restrictive imposts. They ought, then, to have better "-f
curity that they would have plenty before they could judgeh
the utility of the law. Having, then, this experience of el;s
failure of the law, when the measures of the Government
in direct opposition to the wants of the people, there ne-et
was a time when there was less excuse to continue this 111te
than at the present moment. They (the flee trade interest)
had declared their faith in wholesome competitionin, even' Tee
they gave every encouragement to rival works. When a great
_A
of railway had been projected, if the Government encouraged
some rival work—some rival line for the purpose of eheePeto
ing the transit of the people from one part of the coupled
another, and of giving relief to the community, he es
br,
them, then, why they maintained protection and monolog
and upheld it in every way in their power ? They told there 00,
it was necessary to protect the public from undue cornpetitti
ibe
that the parties might not abuse the power with which
were invested, but that it might be used in the most efS°lo4
0
way. Look at the state of the country since protectior.eo
first established ; it had been constantly subjected to a deueitie.
supply, to high prices, and to scarcity ; and the Hon. Gee or
man said that there was a constant increase of necessitto
that it was only reasonable to ask the Ministers, under ne
circumstances, to give the means of satisfying the wants 0170,
increasing population. As Parliament was about to sepal to
it was right that the Government should state how the erele
of the people were to be supplied. That question ought ~taie
answered. They told the Government that they could is
cheap food for the people, if the objectionable inlrref
were removed. They had ships in all the roarkei'eape
the world, they had enterprise, they had every In ere
of obtaining an ample supply.—(Hear, hear.) Call thq.°lll
chants and manufacturers to their bar, and ask them if thilaite
not so, and they would tell them that they would give sec"
for a cheap and efficient, instead of deficient and dear, sulle,
of food to the people, if they would open their ports for,ithees
ception. That was their case. The Government be", ted
pursuing a most dangerous course of late. They were veer!).
to promote the doctrines of protection,but their conduct lattete,
had exposed the hollowness and the mere pretensions of rower
tion. They had done everything they could to show the Pude
that no reliance could be placed on it. They had become mitt'
enlightened, and it was now dangerous to tamper or trifle eldir
them. In 1841 and 1842 they heard a great deal about the tof
tress in the country being caused by machinery, by the wel;eet.
money, and by the overwork of the people. They were, :hoed
brought to believe that the distress of that period was Pr hinery
by other than the real cause. But now there was more mach
re.
re.
than at that period, there was more production, and 'PI on
spect to money it never was so plentiful, and yet six waiting
hostile tariffs had been adopted for the purpose of P
the free interchange of commodities.
Friend
Mr. M. GIBSON was glad that his Hon. • a las
its-
brought that part of the Noble Lord's speech which, m° of the
msdiately related to the corn laws under the attention °, 0(
House. The Noble Lord called attention to the enhiect
doost
civil and religious liberty in Ireland; but he ventured to kt,
whether there was so great an infraction of civil rni:gc"teti
practised upon the people of that country as was 4'141 the
upon the people of England by those who supported.
-
corn-law monopoly. They were injuring the n
sights of their fellow-subjects—the right of selling their lab
in the best market, and the right to get a full reward for th.
industry. Therefore, even as a question of civil libertytiße;
did contend that the question of the corn-law was not secona''
any question of civil or religious equality in Ireland. At pre"
sent the corn trade was a mere matter of gambling, and, there:o
fore, when a bad harvest came, they were obliged
the
send their agents all over the country, scrambling up
corn they could lay their hands upon and invading stacks
corn which had been provided for the supply of other co%
tries.—(Hear, hear.) On the other hand, had they free US,
they would have their merchants and capitatists keeping stecol
upon hand, and whenever a time of scarcity arrived there se! )
be ample supplies to fall back upon.--( Hear, and ebeerhsia.
In his opinion there could be nothing more humiliating ,
n.
seeing the landed gentlemen of this country support the e°ri g
law principle because it served their own interest, and urgo
that it was indispensably necessary for the best interests
State.—(Cheers.) It was nothing better than a directlett,
nopoly, and it was, in fact, mean, shabby, and enJ
, ualy
He was neither for a fixed duty nor a sliding scale, and heeee-
hoped that no time would be lost in setting the corn trade :jot
Mr. DARIsY said that the Hon. Gentleman who bad aill .
spoken would forgive him if he retorted the charge 01 tey
seminating false intelligence, for never in his life did he PC "
of the prophecies of the Anti-Corn-law League verified. , hoe
Mr. SHELL agreed with the Hon. Gentleman behind ;01
that the corn-laws was a question of the first importance,, the
to Ireland it was particularly so • but at that late hour of The
night he should not enter at length into that topic* noetl
Academic Bill for Ireland, he believed, had been Prer; if
with the best intentions, but the idea had not been 10347ree
carried out; and then, with regard to the registry, that had her
getting " Small by degrees, and beautifully less ;" and i°,,Ptlier
of this he had only to refer the House to Tipperary an° "-d in
counties. He wished to see the 40s. freeholds perpetuate
fee, and the holders of these entitled to a vote. the
Mr. SHERIDAN drew the attention of the House t° 0
petition of Richard and James Keynes, grocers, resid je,,tee
Shaftesbury, presented on the 2d of August last, respectie°.ele.
seizure of tobacco by the Excise, by which they had been„-ed,
jeeted to trouble and expense. The tobacco, it had been 5,' gips
was not genuine, but these grocers, his (Mr. Sheridan's/fa.
stituents, were not aware of any adulteration, and b:itie
OI
means of detecting it. Two of the most celebrated chelnis-
0
the day had declared that it was impossible for them to alis'et
certain whether there was saccharine matter in tobacco.
~_„d
the officers of Customs, after half an hour's inspection, deelece'w
on their oaths that it was adulterated. The Hon. Mee' tee
concluded by moving for a Select Committee to inquire into
matter.
bad •
Mr. CARDWELL thought the Honourable Gentleman to
been unfortunately induced, by zeal for his constituents,
e.
magnify the case he had laid before the House, and valt-rrs,
pared to prove that the conduct of the Custom-house ow—the
and the proceeding of the Excise, were fully warranted bYffwe
circumstances of She case. He, therefore, regretted that the der
Member had felt it to be his duty to bring the matter o:11
the attention of the House and to follow it up with a ni°"P•
rd,
Mr. HUME was glad the subject had been brought forsee_„4
for he thought that the proceedings of both the Custom
the Excise often inflicted injustice upon the public. bir•
After a few words from Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Cardwell, the
Hume, Mr. Hawes, Dr. Bowring, and the Chancellor 01
Exchequer, the motion was withdrawn.
ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. a,
Sir R. PEEL moved that the House do, at its rising,
journ till Friday.— Agreed to.
LONDON AND YORK COMMITTEE. the
On the motion of Mr. HAWES leave was given "" to.
Committee on the London and York Railway Bill to sit „ 01
morrow (this day), and every day until the prorofff"-
Parliament. f an
The remaining orders of the day were then disposed °- I
the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock.

Stich
DEATH FROM EATING MUSHROOMS.—The f
Express contains the report of an inquest held on the hodY,t
Mr. John Carr, bootmaker, of that town, who died on Saturt73
morning last from eating mushrooms. The medical pea tee
giving evidence, said that " mushrooms should never be e are
when the underneath part was black, but only when tbeyss,
of a light colour." The verdict was—" Died from 015°91
occasioned by eating mushrooms."
• co.

BIBTHS.
On the 2d inst., at North Brixton the lady of James W.
Winstanley, Esq., barrister-at-law Of a daughter. „
On the 31st ult , at Hastings, Airs. Charles Burfield,iLl""
of a daughter. • Er tit
On the let inst., at Harringworth Vicarage, North Hants'
the Rev. F. H. M. Blaydee, M.A., of a son' grs•
0 n the 2 d :uilonigefsiritast.
On the 2d inst., at Bloomsbury Rectory, the Hon'
Ref'
On the 2d inst., at Stretton Rectory, the lady of the
J soPli
:,sr:i.fnna.Csaomn•bridge-terrace, Mrs. Algernon Gre-
On the 3d inst., at North-end, Hampstead, Mrs. 0
Tatham, of a daughter.
On the 3d inst., the lady of W. Millman, Esq., of a sTlcl:ors
On the 4th inst., at Upper Clapton,lMrs. H. Borne
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_-------"---

t 001
nine
ttlilietee22iddliinonsisltit.a:sa:t)rCiscahmMabiA.edr,liwitelll ENDew. Church, Joseph Chbte;
Bonham,
1:1;_ati:), Esq., surgeon, of Hounslow, to Emma, eldest daug
C. R. Preston, Esq., late of Blackmore Priory, Isses•
t o Francesj a mEess'EqslL:zola'fubßrectellii, f°Pe
idet e'esal‘'tdi Cid' al diiri'ge hsFe3r:tfr

DIED
On the 15th of April on board. the ship Lintin, ncil i.., bio
~
passage from Bombay to St. Helena, Charles Mellers, -n's
Lieutenant, sth Regiment P. N. L. 1., aged 30.
n t Williani
On the 22d of May, at Sierra eone, ;ensLella
~
Watts Wilson, R.N., on board her Majestys lliP.Lii•Viv tier
On the 25th of May, at Bhooj India, ensign - 3
Soames, 11.E.1.C.5., aged 21 '
Oa the 2d inst., in Loudon, Major-General Elrington, an-
late of the 47th Regent.
On the Ist inst., at Newport, near Barnstaple,
Bart.
second daughter of the late Sir G. H. Freeling, Gertrude,

`_YOUNG 01
London: Printed and Published by MURDO „ 112/
No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sacs Ofßeal No,
of
Strand. in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the. Cowl +
Middlesex, Wednesday, August 6,1845•

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