The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-16 00:00:00

LEAGUE

COVENT.GARDEN THEATRE.

The first great metropolitan meeting of the League
fir the year 1845 took place last evening inCovent-
garAlcn Theabre, George Wilson, Esq., Chairman of
the League, in the chair. The proceedings commenced
at seven o'clock, but long before that time, in fact within
a few minutes after the doors were opened, the
theatre was crammed to suffocation in every part.
There was not, we believe, a private box unoccupied.
Several ladies were present.
At seven o'clock precisely Mr. Wilson, accompa-
nied by Mr. Cobden, M.P. ; Mr. Milner Gibson,
M.P. ; Mr. Christie, M.P.; Colonel Thompson ;
J. Fox, Esq., and several other staunch free traders,
entered the theatre. As they severally appeared on
the stage, they were greeted with loud and long-con-
tinued cheering.
Among those present we observed George Wilson,
Esq., Chairman, Hon. Charles Pelham Villiers, M.P.,
Richard Cobden, Esq., M.P., W. D. Christie, Esq.,
M.P., Thomas Milner Gibson, Esq., M.P., W. J. Fox,
Esq , Major-General Briggs, Col. T. P. Thompson,
Messrs. William Leaf, Dr. William Cook Taylor,
Captain Cogan, Colonel Henderson, William Wiles,
P. A. Taylor, jun., George Ridout, Joseph Ivimy,
James Beattie, J. Cumming, R. Scholefield (Roch-
dale), J. Gerstonbery, Parker, Pugh, W. A.
Wilkinson, George Thompson, L. and J: Travers,
R. Palmer, R. Fowler, Gosnell, Daniel Cooper,
S. Smith, Edmund Garrett, Charles Wordsworth,
Summers Harford, Abraham Baner, N. Overbury
(Westbury), Robert Overbury, William Biggs (ex-
Mayor of Leicester), F. Alexander, J. Hunt, J. L.
Ward, John Bedford, Rev. Henry Bedford, Thomas
Ruston, Samuel Maunder (Exeter), W. J. Bower,
Win. Cooke, Henry Jones (Liverpool), Thos. Owen,
Thomas Wilkinson, J. S. Stock, G. Hoffman, A. K.
Watson, J. N. Senior, Professor Granger, A. Har-
rison, C. Lloyd, T. B. Barton, Wm. Geesion, John
Burd (Manchester).
The SECRETARY read the minutes of the last

meeting.
Colonel THOMPSON then came forward and moved
that the minutes be confirmed. The Gallant Colonel
was gris,ded with a cordial shout of welcome on his
making his appearance.
The motion was seconded by Mr. CHRISTIE, MX.,
and carried.
The CHAIRMAN then came forward and spoke as
follows ;—Ladies and Gentlemen,—Since we last met
here we have entered on the seventh year of this agi-
tation. Fresh arrangements have been made, and
fresh bonds have been ratified, by thousands 'in the
north, to stand together with unswerving resolution
be continue this agitation—(Loud cheers)—and, if it
be possible, to work with increased energies—to seek
for the labourer of this country the permis-
sion to purchase his food in the world's market
instead of being confined to the corn-stores of his
Grace the Duke of Buckingham.—(Loud cheers.)
The space of six years is not much in the history of a
country, but yet within these six years many changes
have taken place which are not undeserving of no-
tice. For instance, at the commencement of these
itix years the term " free trade," had a very
different signification from that which is now at-
tached to it—then it meant anything, or everything—
every one who stated it as his opinion that only the
slightest possible modification should be made in our
import duties, was considered a free trader ; in the
same manner as any person who proposed any, even
the very slightest change in the corn-laws, passed for
a corn-law repealer. That delusion has passed away,
and now it is impossible to confound together the free
trader and the monopolist ; the division between them
is perfect and complete.—(Cheers). During these
six years we have seen an Administration attempt an
approximation to free trade. We have seen it intro.
duce measures which were an approximation to free
trade. Those measures and that Administration failed.
We have seen another Administration introduce
measures which were an approximation to free
trade, and which measures were carried. We
have seen an Administration, which came into
office for the avowed purpose of upholding rawt
nopoly, confessing the principles of free trade.—(Lou
cheers.) We have a new corn-law, a tariff, and
Canadian Corn Bill introduced and carried; and yet
no shift, no expedient, has detached from us one
single individual, but we are still as firm as ever to
our principles—(Cheers)—as. determined to go on;
and as confident that the doctrines of free trade will
at length be estabashed as the law of our land.---'•
(Loud cheers.) Six years have disposed, too, of a
numerous host of fallacies. For instance, we hear no
more of the old cry, " Don't depend upon foreigners
for the supply of your food ;" we hear no more of the
cry, "That cheap food will bring down the rate of
wages." Thjse fallacies, like a host of others, are
.now exploded. In Parliament they are scarcely
heard of, and we certainly possess this great
advantage, that in Parliament no question is
mcre ably supported than this *question of the
repeal of the corn4aws.—(ltrimense cheering.) The
monopolist newspakia stated some time ago that the
League was dead.—(A laugh.) The meetings in
Covent garden were Stispended; there were no other
meetings held in the country; and, as they saw nothing,
these gentlemen took 'it for granted that nothing
was done.—(X laugh,) • This' delusion did not last
long.—(Renewed laughter.) In a few days after
there were leaders in these same papers saying that
the League was not dead, but that it was just as un-
constitutional as aver.—(A laugh.) There was the
old cry raised of " Bring out the Attorney-General.
-(Renewed laughter.) Where are the law officers
of the Crown !---(Continued laughter.) If our ad-
vice had been taken, you w.,uld long since have heard
nothing of the League."—(Continued laughter.) The
idea which some people seem to have of the consti-
tution Is this—that if ever a grievance is discussed it
is the duty of the constitution to suppress the dis-
cussion directly.--(Cheers.) And nothing wit!
content these gentlemen until some fine morning the}
see our friends, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Villiers, and others,
standing hefore " tWelve good men and true," to
answer an indictment as bulky as that which gave
rise to the monster trials in Ireland.—(ltnmensa
cheering.) Their last attack has been upon our
efforts in the registration courts. But I think
that the plan which our friend Mr. Cobden proposed
ten weeks since, cannot have a better certificate of
recommendation than the outcry which has been
raised against it by the monopolists. Since that plan
was first broached, we have held fbrty meetings—
forty business meetings in Lancashire and York-
shire—to induce our friends to qualify. These
meetings were purely business meetings. I have had
some experience in public meetings, and I never saw
any merely busrneas meetings so largely attended as
these meetings have been.—(Cheers.) We want
our friends in Yorkshire, in Lancashire, and in Mid-
dlesex, to come forward; not in a spirit of jealousy,
but of conitnendable• rivalry, to see who shall qualify
the most voters for the net election.—(Cheers.) These
were counties in whiCh any man may be proud of
Ite#irec,' a freeholden,, They were not made by the
aristocrac-.
.7 They were not raised to their present
position.. by the—aristocracy. They owe nothing to
the protection or to the care of the aristocracy. But
they are indebted for the position which they occupy
solely to. the skill,' the industry, the muscle, the
sinew, the toil, and capital of the operative, the
mechanic,- and the nierchant:-,-(Cheers)—and they
ought not longer to he held *
'in' thialdoin to an aris-
tocracy which is in .
oli,43ition' to the principles on
wfounded.—(Loull cheers )
hich their prosperity
You w ill be addressed this evening by Mr. Milner
Gibson—(Cheers)—the Member fir Manchester ;
our friend Mr. Cobden--(Loud cheers)—asid
Fox.-4 Cheers.) lr have great pleasure in calling on
Mr. Gilson.

Mr. isflnavaa GIBSON, M.P., then came forward,
and was receiied with loud'cheers. When the cheer-
ing had subsided; the Hon.' Gentleman commenced
his address as 'folk:lNya :.--Ladies and Gentlemen,—lt
must be deeraed a great privilege to be permitted to
address so imposing an assembly as that which is
gathered together within these walls. But I must
confess that, great as that privilege is, I feel some
little difficulty in attempting to throw fresh light on
a subject which has been so ably and so frequently
explained by abler persons than myself, and which, I
doubt not, is thoroughly understood by the great bulk
of such an intelligent audience as I bee gathered to-
gether before me._ I have heard of an actor who,

having forgotten his part on the 140th repetition of
the piece, pleaded, as an excuse, that it could not be
expected that his memory could last for ever.—(A.
laugh.) I can plead no such excuse here. In the
first place, we are not assembled here for the purpoie
of dealing with me:•ely imaginary things, but
for the purpose of dealing with stern re-
alities—of dealing with facts which are po-
tent to all—of dealing with the great subjects of
justice, of humanity, of the spread of civilisation,
and of procuring for our fellow-countrymen the full
reward of their industry, which can only he accom-
plished by commercial freedom.—(Loud cheers.) The
present moment is remarkable for the progressive
advance which the principles of free trade are making
in public opinion ; the progress of those principles is
sure without being slow.—(Cheers.) .If we look at
our adversaries, we shall find that they are moving
in a retrograde direction. Who can doubt that such
is the fact, when we hear the confused nature of their
demands—when we see the different opinions that
prevail amongst the protectionists ? The monopolists
at the present moment constitute anything but a
happy family.—(Cheers and laughter.) Sugar
frowns upon corn, and corn frowns upon sugar. Sir
Robert Peel has no confidence in the monopolists, and
they are equally suspicious of Sir Robert Peel.—
(Cheers and laughter.) Some demand the repeal of
the malt-tax—others demand the repeal of the Cana-
dian Corn Bill. In one direction we hear that the
currency ought to be depreciated, and in another that
the present corn-law is not a sufficient protection to
the agricultural interest, and that the farmers are
losing their money. In whatever direction we cast
our eyes, we see no signs of harmony in the mono-
polist ranks. There is universal disunion—universal
discontent. If we look at our own ranks of the free
traders, we see this great combination of the Anti-
Corn-law League.—(Cheers.) Here there is no dif-
ference of opinion.—(Cheers.) Our demands are
simple and straightforward. Our course is uniform ;
we neither swerve to the right nor to the left ; we do
not ask less to-day than we asked yesterday;
but we confine ourselves to the plain unvarnished
claims which is the same now as it was at the com-
mencement of this agitation. We demand now, as
we ever have demanded, the total and unconditional
repeal of the corn-laws, and of all other monopolies.—
(Loud cheers.) This time last year there were Anti-
League meetings assembled in various parts of the
kingdom. At those meetings there took place such a
display of brutality and ignorance, as to leave a stain
on those assemblies which will not be readily wiped
out.—(Cheers). It is very different now. There are
none of those meetings held in the country now. The
Central Protection Society in London dares not allow
the smaller societies in the country to hold their meet-
ings, for fear that the public should be made
aware of the discontent which prevails in the camp of
the protectionists.—(Cheers.) We, bold our meet-
ings openly. We have no desire to prevent our friends
from assembling boldly in any part of the country
and expressing their opinions on the subject of free
trade.—(Cheers.). This is one great proof that the
cause whieh we advocate is based in truth. Any
cause which is not based in truth has no principle of
cohesion in it, and any combination to support such
a cause becomes split up into fragments, and is
scattered to the winds. There is no bond of union
to hold men together for any length of time in sup-
port of any great cause, but truth; and when we see
a great society like this holding together year after
year, and assembling together constantly, as we are
now assembled, it is a convincing proof that the
cause which we advocate is the cause of truth and
of justioe, if the experience of past times is to be
trusted on the subject.—(Cheers.) It is said we are
opposed to the established institutions of Church and
State, and that under the guise of corn-law repeal
we have revolutionary views, and wish to interfere
with the existing arrangements of society—that we
are jealous of distinctions, and speak evil of dignities;
that under the plea of making known the princi-
ples of political economy, we are in reality endea-
vouring to excite class against class, and to spread
through the land feelings somewhat resembling those
which prevailed in France previous to the Revolution.
There is nothing more untrue.—(Cheers.) There
are amongst us men of all political opinions
and of all religious persuasions.—(Cheers.) We
have men amongst us who hold liberal opinions
as to the extent of representation and forms of Go-
vernment; we have also in this great Association men
of Conservative opinions, who think the present form
of Government best adapted to the happ►ness of the
country (Hear, hear.) We have never made pro-
fessions on other subjects a condition- of being a
member of this Association.—(Hear, hear.) It unites
all men—the only common ground upon which we
stand is that of free trade, the striking off the fetters

of commerce, and freeing mankind from those selfish
combinations against the community for the benefit
of a few known under the name of monopolies.—
' (Cheers.) We are what we profess to be. We are
nothing less and nothing more ; and I am quite sure
I speak the sentiments of the distinguished leaders of
this Association, when I say there is no man, let
his general opinions on any other subjects, political
or religious, be what they may, who will not find a
welcome here,' if he only supports the great prin-
ciple of commercial freedom.—(Cheers.) It is said
we are enemies of agriculture—of the art of tilling the
land. We enemies to the extension of art! We
opposed to the progress of science in any form, or
shape, adverse to any description of knowledge ! We
are not opposed to agriculture. On the contrary,
amongst the:mettibers of this Association will he found
some of the best supporters of science at present existing
in the United Kingdom.—(Hear.) There will be
found in the Anti Corn-law League all the principal
improvers of agricultural science; there will be found
in it men who have enlightened"the agriculturists
upon husbandry, and upon the different modes by
which the produce of the earth may be increased.—
(Hear.) I will venture to say, not in any part of the
kingdom is any individual to be found more anxious
to improve the agriculture of the kingdom, more
anxious to see two blades of Kress where one was now
produced, than our excellent leader, my friend Mr.
Cohden.—(Hear.) His speeches are replete with
sound advice to the agriculturists—his speechef, have
led, I believe, practically to improvements in agricul-
ture ; his speeches in different parts of the kingdom
have turned the attention of the agriculturist to the
improvement of his art rather than that fatal reliance
of what Parliament could do, which has hitherto
:)een the bane of the farming body.—(Hear, hear.)
We are no enemies to agriculture. It has been said
chat we are enemies to the British farmer. When
Anti-League meetings have been associated together
they have told us the British lion—that is, the British
tarrner—(Laughter)—was shaking his mane at us.
He is beginning to think, in that part
of the country where I reside, in Suffolk,
that the League will turn out, after all, to be his real
friend. We are no enemies of the British farmer.
We desire to. see him prosperous. We know there can
be no stability in the pursuits of the farmer till every
vestige of monopoly is swept away.—(Hear, hear.)
We-know that he is now building on an unsound
basis—that he is raising his edifice on sand, and that it
will not stand the shock with which it will have to
,:ontend.—(llear, hear.) Experience proves that there
;s no portion of the kingdom suffers more severely
from the operation of the corn-laws than the British
farmers. Then, it is said, we are opposed to the land-
owners. We are not opposed to men because they are
landowners. We are opposed to the principle which
is laid down by the landowners of the country, at
least, many of them, that the possession of land en-
titles him to go to the Legislature and ask the Legisla-
ture to prevent persons from buying food from any
one but him.--(Cheers.) If a shoemaker made a de-
mand that this metropolis should buy all its shoes of
him, and we objected to such a monopoly—that any
single person should have the shoeing of the inhabi-
tants of this metropolis, would it be said that we were
opposed to shoe-making ?—(Hear.) We are opposed
to the. unjust demands of the landlords; we are opposed
to the principles laid down by them that trade is to
be a secondary consideration in the country—that the
merchant and the manufacturer, and all other classes,
are not to be deemed equal in the eyes of the Legisla-
ture.—(Hear, hear.) We hold that all are equally
worthy in the eye of the Legislature. The landowners
have legislated for England in the spirit that they
constituted the country, and the rest of the commu-
nity were but to enjoy just so much comfort, so much
trade, so much of the conveniences of life, as may sill,
their peculiar interests.— (Hear, hear.) That has been
the principle of the landed legislators. You cannot
look into the statute-book without discovering it in
every page. I need not give a stronger instance of
their favouritism than appeared in the Thnes news-
paper the other day—l mean the legacy duty.. That
will give one smull instance of the way in which the
landed proprietors have used their power in the Legis-
lature, for when personal property passes after death to
another, it has to pay a duty to the Government
while landed
property is exempted.—(Cheers.) But
if I were to go over the numerous instances in which
the landed interest have favoured themselves in tilt
distribution of the burdens of the country, I should
detain you much longer than I should desire, and
your time unwarrantably. But tht
tre
landedtrespass s on
proprietors and when I say landed
proprietors, perhaps I am wrong in using the tern;
too generally, because we have as members of this
Association men of vast landed possessions, men who
hold large quantities both of arable and pasture land.
who are anxious to give up this odious monopoly, and
who believe that it is, after all, a vain effort to benefit

themselves at the expense of the community—vain
because its recoil would fall on themselves, and pre-
vent them from having that full prosperity which
would ensue if ccaninercial freedom were established.
The landed proprietors say to the Anti-Corn-law
League, "You, gentlemen, are very fond of talking
about the corn-law monopoly, but you never say
anything about other monopolies ; you always attack
us ; why not ask other people to give up their mono-
polies? We do ask other people to give up their mono-
polies, but unfortunately the landed proprietors them-
selves are the Legislature of the country.—(Hear,
hear.) It is they, and they only, that can give up
the monopolies of other parties, and many of the
monopolies they maintain are inoperative to the ad-
vantage of those parties, car are only maintained as
excuses for the great corn monopoly.—(Cheers.)
Besides, there is a great difference between
other monopolies and the corn monopoly. If we
look to any manufacturing monopoly, fresh capital
can go into it, fresh mills can be built, and persons
who have a monopoly granted to them will not long
enjoy it, because the profits of capital will soon be
brought down by competition to the profits of all
other capital. You can build fresh mills, you can
open fresh shops in particular districts, and give what
monopolies you please to different branches of indus-
try, the competition of capital will bring down the
profits in them to the ordinary profits of other capital.
Those monopolies will not be less injurious to the
community; but what I contend is, that the monopo-
lists, under the appearance of an advantage, will, in a
short time, have no advantage at all, for the profits
will soon be brought down by competition. But that
is not so in the case of land. You may build more
mills, but you cannot add more acres to England.—
(Cheers.) The landed proprietors hold the monopoly
of the land —thet you cannot increase in size ; and
though the farmers who hold this land under them will
never receive more than the ordinary profits of capita',
give them what protection you may, there will be a
surplus, in the shape of rent, for the landlords, which
they keep a steady eye on, and which makes them
unwilling to relinquish their monopoly, even if we
abolished all other monopolies.—(Hear, hear.) And
what a monstrous thing it is that there should be in
these times any question of the propriety of repealing
the corn-laws, when you look to the limited extent of
this island, and the growth ofits population. There are
230,000 fresh human beings added to the population
of England, exclusive of Ireland, each year. But
there is not one additional acre added to your soil.
There is no increase of acres; on the contrary, there
is a diminution of them. Mr. Chadwick, the Secre-
tary to the Poor-law Commissioners, tells us that, as
there are 230,000 fresh persons added to the popula-
tion every year, there must be an addition to the
number of houses in which this population is to reside.
He calculates that 59,000 new tenements are built in
England every year. Manchester has only 30,000
houses, and Birmingham 27,000 houses; so that if
your population is not to die in ditches, there must
be built in England every year a number of houses
which would occupy a space equal in extent to the
two towns of Manchester and Birmingham. Thus,
every year, the territory of the land is smaller for
the purposes of agriculture and for the growth of
wheat. Your available surface is becoming less and
less, and to think that you should hear men in the
House of Commons wisely telling the Legislature,
or with a wise look (for their wisdom is in the au-
thority of their acres)—(Laughter)—and I suppose it
is from that the term "wiseacre" is derived—(Great
laughter)—gravely telling the assembled Commons
that it is for the Advantage of this increasing popu-
lation, upon this limited soil, that every possible
difficulty should be thrown in the way of the im-
portation of food from foreign countries.—(Cheers.)
Mr. Chadwick, in the same volume, on the sanatory
condition of the people of this country, tells us, what
I am sure you have often heard repeated within this
theatre, that in order to give sufficient food for this
increasing population, there must be added to Eng-
land every year a county, equal in size to Surrey,
unless you can devise some means ofgrowing more on
the present extent. Now I fear, unless we repeal
the corn-laws, we shall not make the present
extent grow more. I believe we would get
a benefit from their abolition in two ways
—by increasing the supply from abroad, and
from those at home too. They talk of guano island.
I have no faith in guano without free trade.—(Cheers.)
I have_no faith in the agriculture of the country put-
ting forth all their energies. I have no faith in lec-tures on under-draining, and the application of che-
mistry to agriculture, till we remove every vestige of
protection from them, and prevent them from pro-
ceeding on an unsound and deceitful basis.—(Cheers.)
There is another charge brought against the Anti-
Corn-Law League, that we are opposed to the Church.
—(Cheers). Why, we have in this society some very
distinguished clergymen, and one of the brightest
writers on political economy is the Archbishop of
Dublin.—(Cheers). But still they say we are ene-
mies of the Church, because, if we were not, we would
say, when we demand a repeal of the corn-laws, we
will indemnify the clergy for any loss that may arise
to them in reference to tithes and corn rents.—(Hear,
hear, and laughter). Now, I admit that tithes and
corn rents are entirely dependent on price, so that they
cannot look upon any improvement in agriculture
with comfort. They cannot look upon any improve-
ment which would lower the price of corn with a fa-
vourable eye. The clergy derives no consolation
from guano.—(Laughter). The clergy were, therefore,
the determined opponents of the Anti-Corn-law
League, because their tithes and rent-charges de-
pended entirely on price. We may console the land-
lord by telling him to drain the land, and to expend
more capital ; the farmer, by telling him that if prices
fell rents would fall ; and the labourer, by telling him
that if wages fell he could buy more with them ; but
if the corn-laws were repealed the price would fall,
and the clergy knew'that with the fall of price their.
tithes and rent-charges would be also reduced; and
to that they would not willingly agree. Mr. Cobden
has most ingeniously, but with great truth, met the
case with regard to the farmer—in some measure
with regard to the landlord—and entirely with regard
to the labourer ; but we have got to deal with the
clergy. How are we to indemnify them ?—(Loud
cheers.) A gentleman, for whom I have a very high
respect, said to me, "If you can only convince toe
that the abolition of the corn-laws will not produce a
lessening in the price of corn, why, I wouldnot mind
much to support the Anti-Corn-law League." That
reminded me of what is said in one of Sheridan's plays
by some one to his black servant—" Can you be
honest, Mungo ?" " What you give me, massy ?"
(Laughter.) That is the question which the clergy-
man has to consider. Is the corn-law a just law ? If
it be unjust, abol;sh it, and take the consequences.—
(Cheers.) That is the course which the clergy
ought to pursue.—(Cheers.) The course which a
clergyman should pursue between his income and his
duty ought to, be this—if the repeal of the corn-laws
makes the Church poor let it be poor, better be poor
than unjust.—(Loud cheers.) I would give the sane
answer which Dr. Charming gave to the slaveowner
who complained that the abolition of slavery would
make him poor. He said, "Be poor, then, and thank
God for your honest poverty."—(Loud cheers.) I
think I have completed, so far as I am individually
concerned, the denial that there is that hostility to
the labourer, the farmer, the landowner, or even the
clergy, which was imputed to the Anti-Corn-law
League. There is no hostility in the Anti-Corn-
law League to any individual whatever.—(Loud
cheers.) All I contend for is, that it will
be for the advantage of all those individuals,
and not the least, of the clergy, that this law should
be abolished ; for, if there be a loss in income, will
not these be a gain in reputation and a relief from
odium, the settling of discord, and the harmony of all
classes in society, and the increase of social happiness?
And if there he those gains, how can we set off against
them, those paltry additions which it is said are made
to some particular classes by a great infringement o"
the first law of nature, of the first principles of civi
liberty, that man bas a right to the full enjoymeni
of his industry, and alone entitled to the rewards o
his own labour, whether of head or hand

Now it is said, " if you reduce the price of corn you
will reduce the wages of the labourer." It is said that
this Anti-Corn-law League are totally indifferent to
the welfare of the labourer; that this question is a
mere question between the manufacturers on the one
hand; and the landowner on the other; and that the
interest of the labourer is completely lost sight of.
It is contended that the interest of the labourer would
be even injured by reducing the price of corn and
making food more abundant. Nim I should not
have much difficulty. in convicting our opponents,
by their own assertions, of uttering what they da
not believe. What do I read in the papers ? Why,
within the last two or three days I have seen, in the
Morning Post and in otherj ournals, a statement that
certain philanthropic gentlemen are about to
establish a society for the purpose of grinding
and baking for the poor.—(Laughter.) They
propose to raise a large sum of money, and to
erect mills, offices, and bakehouses, in order to un-
dersell the present millers and bakers, who, they tell
us, are extracting too high a price for their bread
from the pockets of the poor. But how does this
tally with the notion that if you reduce the price of
bread to the poor, you will reduce their wages?
Why, what is it to me who raises the price of bread,
whether it be raised by the miller, or the landowner,
or the baker ? If the rating of the price be a benefit
to me, I say, "Don't lower it."—(Hear, hear.) Tllc.
labourer does not buy his bread in Mark-lane; we do
not buy our corn, and our food, by the averilges
which are published in the Gazette. No, we bu)
our bread from the baker. They tell us, that if we
make bread cheaper in price, we shall reduce wages.
" Well, then," we reply, " if you make it cheaper by
baking more chetiply,or grinding more cheaply, you wil
make wages lower than !hey are at present." So that
(hese philanthropic gentlemen are convicted by their
own course of not entertaining the belief that the
wages of_ the labourer will be reduced by reducing