The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
STAND ARD.—There is something not altogether
satisfactory in the story of Mr. Gray's dismissal, alluded
to last night by Lord Norinanby, though we think that
the dismissal cannot be denied to have been proper and
even necessary. The story is this—a person named
Osborne was seized in the act of offering for sale
some seditious ballads in the town of Kilkenny ; he was
convicted before Mr. Gray, a stipendiary magistrate,
and, in default of bail, committed for trial at the assizes,
less, howevee, with the purpose of punishing him than
to secure his evidence against the printer of the ballads,
one Moran. Mr.' Gray, probably compassionating Os-
borne's condition, wrote to the Government to solicit
the man's release, intimating that that indulgence
would not deprive the Crown of his evidence
against Moran. The application appears to have
been answered by a gentleman named Brewster,
who in Dublin Castle occupies an inexplicable, irrespon-
' Bible, and not very constitutional, office, long familar to
Ireland, though we have happily nothing like it in this
country—WQ may call it " Attorney-General of the back
stairs.' Mr. Brewster, in his answer, declined to liberate
Osborne, intimating at the same time an opinion, that
other sufficient evidence against Moran might be easily
obtained. Such intimations from official superiors, written
on official paper and sealed with official seals, are always
read as commands, and very peremptory commands too.
Mr. Gray accordingly set to work to obtain the re-
quired evidence against Moran, only going so much
further than Mr. Brewster as to give specific direc-
tions to a policeman how "to do the trick"—
namely, by going to Moran's in disguise, and
trying to purchase the song from him, the police-
man being at the same time furnished with a -manu-
script copy of the song, to prevent mistakes. The
policeman set out upon his mission, but, it is asserted,
improved so much upon his instructions as to have the
song printed from his own leanuscript ; thus, in fact, em-
ploying the printer to commit the offence for which it
was sought to punish him. The progress of error in the
business reminds one of the growth of the baker's leg of
mutton ' • he buys a very little leg of mutton, substi-
tutes that for the smallest sent to his oven, substi-
tutes that in turn for the next in size, and so proceeds
upward, until the largest and best joint sent by any
customer remains for the last, and to that the honest
baker sits down with his family. So it was Mr. Brew-
ster's hinted demand of evidence to be obtained was
a little wrong, though questionless it was wrong ;
Mr. Gray's suggestion of a disguise and of a de-
mand was a greater wrong, not, however, much
greater ; the policeman's proeeedine, was the worst
of all. However, we must still think' that Mr. Brew-
ster ought to have foreseen the necessary effect of his
hint. There is but one safe and honourable course for a
Government or a Government officer in such matters, and
that is, never, except in very grave cases indeed, to look
for evidence. What is offered take, and that which is
exhibited in the street or in a shop window is offered ;
but even a simple demand of a thing not offered for sale
is, in case the sale be a crime, a prompting to commit a
crime ; and he who, from any motive, prompts to any
crime is not free from guilt.
GLOBE.—Ministers come with flying colours out of
the factory discussion; and deserve, as it appears to us,
great credit for the attitude they assumed. Whatever
party may title us, we do hope to see followed by those
on whom rests the practical responsibility of administer-
ing affair, this example of resisting momentary pressure.
when they do not believe it backed by the sense
of the country. What a premium on the nonsense
of the country, if this is not dared ? It would hence-
forth be matter of calculation what expenditure of
" enormous lying'—what staff pf disreputable delegates
—whet organs, auricular and oral, of credulous Lords,
with feeble-humane ambition—what numerical force or
Wrongheads of Old. and utter Addleheads of Young
England—what series of' neck-or-nothing broadsides
of the Time.; with articles-in-aid from the Northern
Star=would be required to carry any given project of
• mob tyranny. We thank Ministeraforaa first resistance
to the most senseless of all regimens. We thank them for
'showing that the shallow frailty of a Commons' ma-
jority may disgrace it elf—but not rule England.
Sir Robert Peel has carried a victory scarce less
damaging to the prestige of power and principle in the
House of Commons than Lord Grey carried over the
Lords in May, 1832. Mr. Milnes anticipated (from
an opposite course) that " the people would repose in
that House Ruch confidence as had never been reposed in
it since the time of the Reform Bill."' There is a
little mistake in this. The Tory Minister has forced the
Commons to eat the same humble-pie which the. Whig
Minister forced the Lords to eat on the former occasion.
He has forced them to stay away from, the division, if
they were not re idy to vote at his bidding. It is difficult
to conceive a greater humiliation to any set of men.
Thit—" On ne nseart pas de cela, cornme vous saver,
Mesdames f' —as the Frenchman said to another set of
virtues. It has been much questioned whether the
Minister bee a right to impose this humiliation on his fol-
lowers. Now we hull that, in such cases, the right to do so
is prove I satisfactorily by the power. Whatever humilia-
tion an assembly will submit to, it feels its 'due. We
hope no hollow vote will escape a similar self-expo-
sure. We hope no Minister will tail to act on a
similar confidence that pretexts are . not realities.
The Reform . Bill would have been a great cala-
mity. if every piece of paltry competition between
parties for momentary popularity were thenceforth
tA I be embodied in Acts .of Parliament. If 'Ministers
cannot, 'since that era, prevent such votes being given,
they must stak: continuance in office on their
being reversml. They have done a° in this case
suwessrully; and have set a goo] example (at no
great risk to be sure to themselves) in what
manner a vote of the House of Commons should hence-
forth he treated, when it is backed no better than by a
pressure from without, worth so little as in this ease.
Mow little that pressure was ivorth was shown to Mr.
Ward and Mr. Bright ; and if the filets which the
• latter Member stated cannot be contradicted, we cannot
'conceive what leg the short time agitation:lms: left to
stand upoa. It may be asked, if this Measure is not de-
manded by the operatives themselves, when it is prac-
tically pnt to them, by whom then is it demanded, and
what is the Foureo; of the loud cry that has been raised ?
In answer to this piestion, we may say that it cannot
doubte I that many, working men, in and out of mills
(a large PreOrtion,,pect,hap;, out of them), believe that
law can fie: the.
.of wages, as well as the maxi-
m:pa of work—and that employment .will be extended
by curtailing the time and products of labour. But
what is not.so well known is the length of time a small
knee of persons, assuming the function of trades' dele-
gates, and iivingsby the agitation they can keep up, have
been employed in propagating the most extravagant
notions• on these subjects. •