The Sun.
London, England, 1828-06-28 00:00:00

TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF `WTI-

LINGTON, K.G. &c. &c. &e.

My Lord Duke,—lt ought not to be a matter of
surprise to any one, that the writer of this letter
should address your Grace. Your late.speech on
the Catholic Question; has; led some to think, and
confirmed others in the opinion, that you are anxious
to settle,that question finally. 'l:have been at dif-
ferent times engaged in the consideration• ordisCus-
of the Catholic Claims... I have bestowed on
them .all. the ,attention-. and study of which J' am
capable, and should I now be so fortunate' as' to
render the slightest assiStance to your Grace by ,the
further applicatiou of that study and attention, I
should both gratify: my own wishes and contribute
something to the public good.
.It- is true that your
Grace is supposed by many to have entered fully
into the views of those, who • have -doomed the
Catholics to perpetual exclusion, notwithstanding
that you have thought proper, as :head of the Go-
vernment, to abstain from harsh language towards so
large a body of the King's subjects, and even to let
in a glimmering, resembling the light of hope, upon
the gloom which envelopes them. There are others
who think that your Grace, like all the Statesmen
who have gone before you, would be regulated in
your policy more by necessity than by preconceived
opinions ; and that whilst, in compliance, perhaps,
with your own sense of duty, or if not, with the
wishes of those on whose support you depend, you
would willingly postpone the-Catholic Question to
an indefinite period, yet that you are disposed to
watch the course of events, and even to enter into
an alliance with your Catholic countrymen, should
your Foreign allies cease to be your friends. Fear
is the beginning of wisdom, and though the Irish
were not to be feared, the state of England and of
her Foreign relations may produce a salutary dread
even in your mind; and out of that fear may spring
these wise and healing measures which itis our most
anxious desire you should adopt. Having before
then the state of Europe, and not of Europe only
--knowing, as we do, the difficulties which beset us
at home, we may, though not endowed with more
than ordinary foresight, discover that at no very
Alktant period your Grace may-be seriously, and s7n-
cerely disposed to settle finally and amicably the
laims hf the Catholics. My object therefore is to
A.:tier before-hand my feeble assistance to your Grace,
so that if the time should arrive " when some-
thing may lie dome," you may avail yourself of it ;
but should that time not arrive—should peace be
re-established on the Continent, should our trade
and manufactures flourish--should our income ex-
ceed our expenditure, and England enjoy as here-
tofore, both peace and plenty, then the reflections
which I am now about submitting to your Grace,
rimy lie, with the parchment of our petitions, buried
in

I will proceed however on the supposition that
urea in power are upright and sincere; and with a
roost anxious wish as my part to assist in pointing
out die way to avoid those difficulties which appear
to impede the progress of our claims to a satisfactory
adjustment.
From it perusal of thelate debate in the House of
Lards, I infer that the opposition to the Catholic
Question, on constitutional grounds, was and is con-
fined to o very small number, a number, perhaps,
not exceeding the minority who voted against the
repeal of the Test and Corporation laws, and that
the majority opposed to the Marquis of Lansdowne's
motion consisted principally of Noble 'Lords, who
are only anxious to have competent securities pro-
vided against the danger apprehended to the. Chord'
and State, from the admission of Catholics to the
privileges of the Constitution. The. position of the
Question is thus altered, and if circumstances urged
the c.Tttlement ,of it, that settlement could not be
long retarded. It is difficult to suppose in a case
.where great interests are concerned, and those. en-
gaged in conducting, them have only to settle details,
that an agreement may not: quickly
.be
_come, to, .if
the parties so engaged are animated by a spirit of
peace and concord, if they proceed with good faith
and a sincere desire, by mutual allowance and con-
cession, to hasten—not obstroet, the consummation
eat their labours. In political questions, as in war,
the end proposed is security and peace; and whilst
the parties combat in the field, or employ all their
resources in preparing for action, they secretly make
overtures of peace to each other, and often sign the
kretiminariee with arms in their hands. 'Tis so at
present with the Catholics, and those who are op-
posed to them : they have contended, and.-will still
contend; hut they are, on both sides, wearied of
the combat, and anxious, many of them, to bring it
to an honourable and safe conclusion. Let wisdom,
then, supersede violence, and amicable discussion
rake the place of force. To you, my Lord Duke, it
belongs to proselairn a cessation, not in any ambigu-
ous language,. which only serves to excite to new
exertion, but in terms plain, distinct, and intelli-
gible. You cannot say to the sea of our troubles,
" be still," nor to the tempest whiele rages in Ireland,
"do not blow." We ..are a' nation
.grDwn up to
manhood, and the only . force which can subdue us,
without ruin to the State, is the force of equity. '
Tut, though Strong, and daily waxing stronger by
exertion, we desire most earnestly to conclude our
struggles. Our cause is just; those great principles
which have ;wormed Europe, are operating in our
favour; we are supported by the yoice of wisdom
herself, and by the sympathies of the entire world;
we are trot doubtful of the issue of the contest in
which we are engaged ; for if young, we are vigor-
oue—if poor, we are frugal—though dispersed, we
are united; there is no luxury, nor corruption, nor
'wasting principle, within us; and, such is oar de-
votion to the cause in which we are engaged,, that,
let it require a sacrifice of 10 per cent. or '2O, upon
our time, our labour, or our income, we are pre-
pared, from tl-.e Peer to the peasant, to offer it up
C. 31 the altar of our common wrongs. But, with all
the confidence which this knowledge of ourselves
and of our situation inspires, we are prepared to
desist from our pursuits if your Grace only invites
oa to do so, in a manner suited to your own dignity,
and to the justice and importance of our cause. We
are willing even to precede your Grace, and to assist
you by our most zealous eo-operation, to remove
whatever obstacles are opposed to the adjustment of
our claims. You are reported to have said, "let
our agitations cease, and, perhaps, something may
be done." Eveo in those expressions, vague and
indefinite as they are, we would fain discover a dis-
position to peace, and though they will oot cause us
,to desist from exertion, but rather prompt us to in-
crease it, they induce me to offer to your Grace the
frallowing reflections on the subject of those securi-
ties, on which the adjustment of our question is now
Admitted to depend.
The nature and object of " Security" is to provide
againat danger, wither existing or apprehended.—
The principle of the Securities required of us is, " to
provide against the danger to which the Constitu-
tion in Church and State may he exposed; if Catho-
lics be placed on the same footing in the State as
their Protestant fellow-subjects." The danger to
be guarded against is snpposed to arise from the
encroachments of the See of Rome, or from the in-
fluence which the Irish Catlielie Clergy are sup-
posed to possess over the laity of their communion.
In providing security against this apprehended
danger, it is required on the part of the Catholics,
and conceded by those opposed to them—lsto That.
the former are to enjoy the free profession and exer-
cise of their religion in all its integrity---2d, It is re-
!attired and conceded in like manner, that the'rela-1
tions of the Catholic' Church in Ireland with the '
Holy See, is a subject distinct from the influence of
the Irish Priesthood over the Irish Catholic laity-
2d, The danger apprehended from Papal influence,
and that supposed to arise from the influence of 'the
Irish Priesthood over their flocks being distinct, the
securities to be applied to them should also be distinct.
Thus in the re-establishment of the Gallican
Church, under Buonaparte, the future relations o'
that Church with the See of Rome Were determined
Joy a Concordat, whilst the cooperation of the French