The Sun.
London, England, 1828-02-19 00:00:00

zt.

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IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, FEBRUARY 18.
Earl SPENCER presented petitions from the following
?laces, praying for the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts ;--From WeNerd ; Swanburn, in Buckinghamshire ;
Fordarn, in Essex ; Titchfield ; Cardigan ; Cardiff; Ever-
den
; and of Union-street, in the borough of Southwark.
The Bishop of CHICHESTER presented a similar pe-
tition from the city of Chichester.
Lori CAWDOR also presented a petition to the same
effect from Caermarthen.
Similar petitions were presented by Lord KING, from
Denham, in the county of Essex ; Lyme Regis, Dorsetshire ;
Duxford, in Cambridgeshire; New Court Chapel, Carey-
g'reet; Castle-street Chapel ; Abergavenny ; New Road
Chapel, St. George's in the East ; Tenterden, in Kent
Rochdale, in Lancashire ;. Gloucester ; Newton Abbots
Hatfield ; Broadoaks ; Brixham, in Devonshire ; parish
of St. Aubin's, in the isle of Jersey ; a'parish in Flintshire ;
the Baptist Meeting-house in Little Alie-street, Goodman's-
fields ; and from several other places.
On the motion of Lord WHARNCLIFFE, Lord Dacre
was added to the Committee on the Game Laws.
Mr. Parkhouse, of the India House, brought up the 4th
Report of the Tanjore Commissioners, and the 24th of the
Mysore Commissioners
Mr. Tierney, from the Tax Office, brought up a Return
of the Salary and Emoluments of the Receiver-General of
Taxes.
Their Lordships then adjourned.

No-11,058.

site in renewing the opportunity that had so passed away.
He had stated that he had no uncompromising feel-

// 1.

return to England, and the period at which the Noble Lord
opposite took up the enquiry, namely, that period when the
name of the Noble Lord (the Member for Northampton)
was first introduced. I believe, indeed, I know, although
I cannot' state the precise date, that some time about
the middle of last November, my Noble Friend (Lord
Goderich), then at the head of the Administration, in
talking to me casually one morning upon the subject,
stated thatmy Right Hon. Friend, the Master of the Mint,
bad suggested to him that it would be desirable to ask
Lord Althorp whether he would be disposed to accept
the Chair of the Committee of Finance. Lord Goderich
then told me that in the conversation be had had with his
Right Honourable Friend the Master of the Mint, be
(Lord G.) had stated that from his habits of intercourse
with the Noble Lord, he should be rejoiced to see his talents
made useful in that or in any other situation ; but, as
the question of Finance was one which would originate in
this House, he would rather the subject should be consi-
dered by those Members of the Administration who had
seats in this House. Lord Goderich did not ask my opinion,
upon the subject, he merely stated what passed, and added
that he considered the Noble Lord, from his inclination to
business, possessed talents which would render him a
valuable Member of a Committee of Finance. I certainly,
at the time, expressed some doubts upon the subject, but
those doubts did not apply to the fitness of the Noble Lord
as a Member of the Committee, for upon that point there
could be no difference, of opinion, as all who have
known the Noble Lord, and have observed the talent
which he has displayed in the management of public
business, must be aware that he has directed his attention
to questions the most likely to come under the consideration
of a Committee of Finance. This communication of my
Noble Friend was an incidental and not a formal commu-
nication, and I now beg leave to state that my Noble
Friend did not say to me whether or not he had made a
similar communication to any other Member of the Go-.
vernment, nor did he authorize me to make
any such communication. In a few days after at a
Cabinet dinner, indeed after the dinner was over, and we were
about to part for the evening, my Right Hon. Friend, the
Master of the Mint, asked me whether I turned in my mind
the conversation which I had had with Lord G. ? I replied
that I had ; and that upon the whole, whatever might haae
been my first impression, I :was inclined to the opinion
that it would be for the advancement of the public interests
to endeavour to procure the services of the Noble Lord.
That conversation I considered to be such as may
pass between two gentlemen acting together upon matters
relating to objects which it was the common desire of both
to forward. This conversation between my Right Hon.
Friend and myself passed on the 19th of Nov. Some days
after this Lord Goderich told me that he heard from my
Right Hon. Friend that he had sounded the Noble Earl
(Spencer), the father of the Noble Lord, the Member
for Northamptonshire, and there I again think that
my friend had taken the proper course by telling the
Noble Lord at the head of the Government what happened.
I did not then hear that my Right Hon. Friend had any
authority to make the communication, and I again, for the
first time, told myNoble Friend what had passed between
my Right Hon. Friend and myself on the 19th. My Noble
Friend asked if the Chancellor of the Exchequer was in-
formed that this measure was then in contemplation. I
said that I was not aware whether be was or not, as I had
taken it for granted that it had been mentioned to him in
the same manner as it bad been to me, by my Noble
Friend. He said that it had not, and that it was an over-
sight, but for that I am not, nor cannot, be conceived respon-
; sible. I then told my Noble Friend, that I would under-
take to see the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and state to him
what passed. I accordingly waited on my Right Ho-
nourable Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and
stated to him what passed between my Right Honour-
able Friend opposite, (Mr. Tierney), Lord Goderich, and
myself, and up to 'that time.tam bound to state, as my
Noble Friend has stated in another place, that my Hon.
Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer took entirely the
same view of the matter as I myself took of it.—(Loud
and 'repeated cheers.)--We had be sl/41 engage& 't for
some time in the discussion of the matter, when my Ridtt
flon.Friend, the Master of the Mint, accidentally called—
I say accidentally, as I did not expect, or had any reason to
suppose, that he would have called but when he called, I
begged him to come in, and I then stated to him what had
passed between myself and the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer. My Right Hon. Friend the Master of the Mint
said to me, as I was about going to Brighton, 1 called on you
to talk upon the subject of the Finance Committee. My
two Right Hon. Friends then entered into general conver-
sation respecting the questions to be brought before the
Committee, the services which the country bad a right
to expect from their labours, and a variety of other mat-
ters—and each of my Right Honourable Friends did
what I had never done—they looked over their lists
of the Committee—compared them together, and in
fact, seemed to me to have advanced the business very
considerably. On the next day the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer expressed a wish to see me, and I think at that inter-
view lie said that he had some reason for differing from the
view he had taken the day before, as to the mode cf filling the
chair; and I also understood from him that the proposal
for placing the Noble Lord opposite in the chair was
matter of conversation about town, and alma the names
of other individuals appointed on the Committee were in
circulation, and that he thought great inconyenienee
would arise from such publicity. Re expressed his regret
at the circumstance, and I heard his statement with regret.
What I could do, under these circumstances, 1 did, / not
the letter late in the day, and I immediately wrote
to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, expressing my
regret at hearing that the reports alluded to were
current, and assuring him twat should exert myself to
prevent any improper or unnecessary eliaaleaatre of matters
:which a certainly felt ought not to be discussed, except
among the !Cabinet. To shew the spirit in which
I acted, that on the very same day, and with as little delay
as possible, I sent a copy of that letter to my Right
Honourable Friend to Brighton. This was on the 29th
Nov., and an the 2d becember I got an at ewer loom
Brighton, in whiela my Right Hon. Friend stated that he
felt as strongly as the objections of having
matters of this nature discaassa.4, asaTetst among ourselves :
he agreed with me that the question ICa4 saat pone further
than this, that the Noble Lord was at perfect liberty JO ft i
the,chair of the Finance Committee if he pleased. A letter
was written to the Noble Lord, desiring to know whether
he would undertake the duty of Chairman, in the event of
his being appointed to it. The anssvey of the Noble Lord
was to the Effect, that if bis#ight Hon. Friend ahould do
him the honour to propose his name, We • would mot feel
indisposed to obey the wishes of the 130ixse, Tbila
(continued Mr. Iluskisson) clearly implies that up to that
moment it was a mere matter of conversation—(Hear,
hear)--that there was nothing to prevent the Noble Lord
from refusing to alt the Chair, or to prevent the appoint-
ment of any .other ion. Ige4saa from being proposed. On
the day on which I got this answer, i gaa pass also'from
Brighton, tit into the bands of the Chat:l6llor of the
Exchequer, and lap returned it Without comment or
observation. This was the via* of the correspondence,
and it certainly left 'on my mind the linaseaaisisa Shaa the
lentire matter was of the most trifling and un-
important character ; that the Chancellor had fancied,
perhaps, aasat he had received some slight—intintentional
it most certainly war; but if intentional, one which, after
some explanation and aasuara.seaa cf what the fact
really was, had quite faded away froen hid recol-
lection. I fancied that T hail had the good fortune
to restore all to good humour, and I can assure the House
that I regarded thp Platter as entirely at an end. This
brings us to the 2d pecenabe-;, between that (lay (the 2(1
December) and the 26th of becembei, i heard pot
One v,,,00 nrre—(flear, hear, hear, and loud cheers.)---
—.Whether (CPS4uSaati the Right Hon. Gentleman) any
tiirjgpa"
noling happenededtotnthes jectarsacaas aahers he knew not, but
certainly his (Mr.
H.~a) presence.—
But between those periods circumstances which were public,
and others which it weld he a breach of confidence to di-
vulge, liqpe,r,4s which tended materially to impair the
Noble December,
Friend Lord Psilmereton, and
strength, and shake the atability of his Majesty's Govern-
ha (Ur, H.) left town on
a visit Otnothielis23,l
so firmly resolved was he to meet whatever diffi-
culties might present themselves during the Session
of Parliament, that he did, by word of mouth
to some, and by letters to others, declare his de-
termination, whatever might be the risk of failure,
which if it did swear must he attributed to his inability,
not to shrink from the straggle. la/114st at Lord Paliner-
ston's he received a letter form Lord •oderich to the pur-
port already stated by the Noble Lord, and containing
conditional tenders of resignation on the part of the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer, if the appointment of Lord
Althorp to the Chair of the Committee were persevered in.

ing of hostility towards the present Government ; but
he thought himself fully entitled to demand that expla-
nation which he considered the public-entitled to receive.
The first question he should ask, was the cause which led
to the dissolution of the late Government : and the next
point on which he wished for information—and the
most important to the public—was the principles on
which the present 'Government was formed. He under-
stood from report that Lord Goderich had said, the cause of
the dissolution was a difference between the late Chancellor
of the Exchequer and the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite ;
but that afterwards, in an interview between Lord Gode-
rich and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the latter Gen-
tleman expressed himself perfectly satisfied. When the Right
Hon. Gentle Men opposite (Mr. Huskisson) volunteered
an explanation at Liverpool of the breaking up of the last
Government, which he (Lord Normanby) thought quite
unnecessary, it appeared a singular thing that the
Right Honourable Gentleman should have omitted all
mention of this quarrel, which was said to be the immediate
cause of the dissolution. As to the principles on which the
present Government was formed, he had read the
' Right Honourable Gentleman's explanation with the
greatest attention, and some parts of it with the
sincerest pleasure. He had always looked up to the
Right Hon Gent. as a public benefactor—or one of the
first practical reformers. The reports he had read in the
London papers of what the Right Honourable Gentleman
had stated at Liverpool, he was bound to say, bore as
much the appearance of internal truths as any reports
he had ever arcade and looking at Reporters who were so
responsible for the diselearge of their duty—so notorious
for their extraordinary talent; and so exemplary for
their regard to honesty; and, moreover, so free from
all political bias, it was utterly impossible such a set
of men should have conspired to misrepresent the
Right Hon. Gentleman. He should not have said
thus much, but that last night a country paper—the
Liverpool Courier—was put into his hands, purporting to
represent the speech of the Right Honourable Gentle-
man, but which could only be looked upon as a garbled
extract, leaving out many important parts of the speech,
and which his Lordship is ould not presume to think had
been corrected by the Right Hon, Gentleman himself.—
[The Noble Lord here 'quoted several extracts from Mr.
Huskisson's speech at Liverpool, at the same time pointing
out the several omissions made by the Liverpool Courier.]
He then continued—lf the Right Hon. Gent.!placed his re-
liance upon those Members of the late Cabinet, and considered
them as guarantees, in that case he must be aware that he had
also counter guarantees. The Noble Lord then proceeded to
quote from the speech of the Duke of Wellington, in the
House of Lords, that part in which his Grace stated that
what he supposed Mr. Huskisson might have said to his
constituents at Liverpool, was to the effect that the
persons who were in Office with him were a sufficient
guaiantee to him for the perseverance in the measures
of the late Cabinet. He (Lord Normanby,) was quite sure
that the Right Hon. Gentleman had never said that which
his Grace had assumed him to have said, and if he had not
said so he now called upon him to state that which he
did say.--(Hear, hear.)—lt would be hardly fair to the
Right Honourable Gentleman if he did not state his
motives for wishing to have the explanation for which
he asked. The three points to which the Right Hon.
Gentleman had alluded in his speech at Liverpool,
were, the question of Catholic Emancipation, the
commercial policy of the country, and the foreign
policy also. His (Lord Normanby's) opinion was, that
the present constitution of the Government was unfavour-
able to the Catholic question. When he saw on the
Ministerial benches a Right lion. Gent. (Mr. Peel), who
was well known to be the most powerful opponent of those
claims, he could come teem other conclusion.--(Cheers.)
—He did not mean to say that any unfair means would
lie used in the disposal of the Government patronage ; but
at the same time it was obvious that pateprtage would be
likely to follow in the channel of power ; and With regard
to the Colonial policy, 'lee had no doubt thie grea,tese..
advaisteoe must accruety the Right lion. C4st.l remain-
ing in the Administration; but as regarded the commercial
policy of the late Cabinet, it owed its success chiefly to the
support given to it by his (Lord Normanby's) side of the
House, and it tied been counteracted by most of those
persons with whom lie was now connected iu
the present Administration. The Noble Lord then al-
luded to the amendment on the Corn Laws, proposed by
the Duke of Wellington in the House of Lords, and con-
tended either that that amendment wasof no importance, or
else that both were exposed to the charge of captiousness.
The Right Honourable Gentleman must be aware
that most of the Members belonging to the pre-
sent Cabinet were opposed to his views on that ques-
tion, in the House of Lords, and had voted for that amend-
ment, and therefore some explanation was necessary. With
regard to the foreign policy, he must say that he re-
garded the Speech from the Throne as being by
no means so cordial and gracious in its tone
as that of the French King's, he could not also feel gra-
tified at the cold manner in which acquiescence had been
given to the treaty alluded to by the present Ministry.
He denied that the inference could be drawn, that Mr.
•Canning's policy, was the same as Lord Liverpool's,
and the assertion that it was so, would be received with
the greatest astonishment in every cafe and Cabinet in Eu-
rope. The Noble Lord felt happy in concurring veith the
universal regret occasioned by the lamented death of mr.
Canning.—(Hear, hear, bear.)—His party was scattered
to the winds.—(Applause from all parts of the House.)
—lf within one year after his death his name could
not be mentioned in the Cabinet over evideis he
presided, or if mentioned, could only lead to discord, thereby
his death might well be considered a national calamity.—
The Honourable Gentleman concluded by thanking the
House for the attention with which he had been heard.
Mr. HUSKISSON commenced in a low tone of voice.
Having thanked the Noble Lord who had just sat down
for having made the call, he (Mr. H.) expected since his
return from Liverpool to London, he addressed the House
to the following effect :—Sir, at the woe time that I sin-
cerely rejoice that ass opportunity has been now afforded
me of entering into an explanation of my conduct
in connection with the breaking up of the late, AO the
formation of the present Ministry, I may say that I offer
myself to the notice of the House, under feelings of
difficulty and anxiety greater than I have ever before
experienced in the course of any public life. If, Sir,
no other interest attached itself eo the transaction which
I am about to relate, than the protection of the private
character and honour of an individual humble as myself,
I well know from long experience that the indulgence
this House is in the habit of extending to all Hopeora-
ble Members, will not be withheld from me under.the present
circurnstaerses.—(Cheers.)—But, Sir, when the object of
the inquiry relates to the conduct of a public reap-...and
I there agree with the Noble Lord opposite that the cha-
racter of a public man is public property, and the
more especially so, if the public man at the time he ad-
dresses you holds, as I now do, by ehts gracious favour of my
Sovereign, a seat in the Councils of my Sovereign, which
imposes on me the discharge of one of ehe most im-
portant offices in the State—l say, that from thee: mo-
ment the question ceases to be one of individual
interest, but becomes a queatiou of public interest
and public importance, and it is upon that ground I claim
from the kind attention of the House—thet indulgence
which I am sure I shall receive, and which every
gentleman possessed of right feelings will, apart from
political opinions, I am satisfied, extend to me.—(Cheers.)
--Sir, before I proceed to answer any .of the tmestions
put by the Noble Lord, or to advert, in coy degree,
to the „Ned under discussion, I trust I may be
allowed to state without reserve, and without qualification,
that since
my return from Liverpool to London, I have nei-
ther directly nor indirectly had any communication with any
"fnay Noble or Right Hon. Friends who form „port of the
present Administration, either in reference to what I have
been reported to have said at Liverpool, or what any of them
t to address the House.
have said elsewhere or in reference to the observations
am now a se u
which I
--I wish the; to be dearly understood and I
trust that every lion. member will do me the justice
to bear in mind, during the course of the observations
which I shall address to the house,that whatever
impression those observations may snake upon the
House, whatever may be
the consequences of them,
that I alone 3111 responsible. I assure my Right Hon.
Friends that it was not from any want of confidence or
reliance upon them that I have abstainedsuch communications upon the subject, but did so because
I felt by doing that I might expose them and myself to the
from entering into
suspicion of casting our parts and preparing our notes, In
what I am now to state to the House I shall not enter upon
any transactions which occurred between the period of my

HOUSE OF COMMONS, FP.IDLUARY 18.
In consequence of the general expectation that the debate
of this evening would be unusually interesting, all the
avenues to the House were crowded at anearly hour by per-
nans anxious to procure admission to the gallery. The
number of Members present was also very large. •
Mr. TIERNEY, from the Tax Office, presented a❑ ac-
count of the Salary and Emoluments of the Receiver-
General of Exeter.
Mr. .MAYLIEW presented a statement of the Accounts
of the Imperial Gat and Coke Company.
On the motion of Lord HOTHANI, the Ayr and Calder
Canal Bill was read a first time.
-M5. LITTLETON hroughtin a Bill for the improve-
ment of the town of Stafford, which was read a first time:
Mr. LIDDELL brought up the report of the Committee
on the North Shields Improvement Bill.—Leave was given
to bring in the Bill.
Mr. OWEN WILLIAMS brought up the report on a
Bill for making a Road near Baaumaris, isle of Angles•a.—
Laid on the table.
LIVERPOOL STEAMERS,

General GASCOYNE brought up the report of the
Committee on the Liverpool Steam Vessels Bill, and leave
was given to exempt Steam-boats trading to and Irons Li-
verpool, from pilotage dues.
Mr. ROBERT KING brought up a petition from the
Catholics of Cove (county Cork) in favour of Catholic
Emancipation, and complaining of the Vestry and sub.-letting
Acts. The Hon. Geatleman also presented similar peti-
tions from Macromy, Kilahannick, and Kilvullen, all in the
county of Cork.—Ordered to he printed.
CORPORATION AND TEST ACTS.
Mr. W. SMITH brought up a petition from the Students
and Tutors of Homerton College, for the Repeal of the 'Test
and Corporation Acts ; and similar petitions from the
Sleeting Mouse at Hackney ; the Protestant Dis-
"'enters of Kentish Town ; from the Dissenters of
Union•sstreet in the Borough ; from the Dissenters of the
town of Bridgend ; from the Dissenters of the town of
Hastings ; from the Dissenters of the New-road Chapel,
Brighton. Ordered to be printed.
Mr. M. A. TAYLOR presented similar petitions from
the Dissenters of the towns of• Durham, Stockton.upon-Tees,
and Walsingharn, in the county of Durham. The Hor.
Member stated that his opinion was always favourable to
the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts.
Colonel POWEL presented a petition from the Maltsters
of Cardigan, for the repeal of the Malt Acts.
Mr. STANLEY presented a petition from Preston,-fin
this repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts.
Mr. BORRADAILE presented a similar petition fro) n
the Dissenters of Newcastle-under-Lyne.
Sir C. COLE presented similar petitions from Swansea.
Ordered to be printed.
Colonel DAVIES moved that there be laid before the
House an account of the distribution of the Royal Waggon
Train.—Ordered.
Col. DAVIES presented a petition from Worcester, for
the Repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts.
Lord W. RUSSELL•presented a similar petition, ft out
`laYistock. •
Sir JOHN NEWPORT presented a petition from the
Catholics of the parishes in the county of Waterford, in
;ova= of Catholic Emancipation.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT presented a petition front the
Chamber of Commerce, in Waterford, playing that Abe
laws relating to the Butter Trade should be consolidan,d.

Ordered to I>e printed.
Sir JOHN NEWPORT presented a petition from. the
Chamber of Commerce, Waterford, complaining of the
defective state of the Admiralty Court in Ireland.
Mr. Alderman WOOD presented a petition front the
Dissenting Congregation of the Old Jewry Chapel, for the
'Repeal of the Tot and Corporation Acts.
Mr. EASTHOPE presented a similar petition from
Andover.
Sir C. MORGAN presented a similar petition from
Newport, county of Monmouth.
Sir J. KNOX presented a petition from the Catholics
mf Newry, in favour of Catholic Emancipation.—Laid on
the table.
Mr. R. PHILLIPS presented a petition from Haverford-
west, in favour of the Repeal of the Test and Corporation
.Acts.—Laid on the table.
Mr. TALBOT presented a similar petition from the
borough of Warwick.
REPEAL OF THE MALT ACT.
Mr. Alderman WOOD presented a petition from the
Malt:stem of the county of Gloucester ; and a similar peti-
tion from the Maltsters of the city of Gloucester, for the Re-
peal of the Malt Acts.
Mr. HART DAVIS presented a petition from the
Maltsters of Bristol, against the Malt Act.
Mr. WATSON TAYLOR presented a petition from
the Protestant Dissenters of Devizes, for the repeal of the
Test and Corporation Acta.
Mr. SPRING RICE presented a petition from two
parishes in the county of Derry, and in the county of
Dublin, in favour of the Catholic Claims.
Mr. SPRING RICE presented a petition from Salis-
bury iti favour of the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts.
Mr. C. PALLMER presented a petition from the Malt-
stirs of Surrey, against the Malt Act.
Mr. WOOLRYCHE WHITMORE moved for returns of
the Eiports to the East Indies, from January, 1824, to
January, ISM
Mr. P. THOMPSON presented a petition from Folk-
atone, Kent, for the repeal of the Test and Corporation
Acts.—.Laid on the table.
Mr. CAMPBELL moved that there he laid before the
House, Returns of the quantity of Barilla and Pearl Ash im-
ported into Liverpool in the years 1824, 1825, 1826, and
)827. —Ordered.
Mr. LIDDELL presented petitions from Radnor and
eater places, praying for the repeal of the Test and Corpo-
aation Acts.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice that he should
postpone his motion for the repeal of the Test and Corpo-
ration Acts until Tuesday, the 26th inst.
Mr. Alderman WAITHAIAN presented a petition from
the Protestant Dissenters of Hackney,
praying for a repeal
of the Test Acts.
Mr. RQBARTS presented a similar petition from Maid-
atone.
Mr. GUEST presented similar petitions from parishes
in Brecknock and Carnarvonshire.
On the motion of the Earl of SHAFTESBURY the
Transfer in Aids Bill, and the Exchequer Bills Bill, wee,
read a third time and passed.
Lord WHARNCLIFFE morel, that an humble address
be presented to his Majesty, praying that the last report of
the National Vaccine Institution, made on the 14th inst.,
be laid before the House.—Ordered.
Sir THOMAS ACLAND presented similar petitions
%from ,Parishes in the county of Devon.
Lord N.UGENT presented a petition from the Baptist
+congregation of Watford, in Buckingham, praying for the
.repeal of all religious Tests.
Mr. Alderman THOI ppresented I S a similar peti-
%ion from the Protestant Dissenters of Eastcheap.
SUPPLY.
The "
CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER rose and
moved the Order of the Day, for the House resolving it-
self into a Committee of Supply.
r. Parkbouse, from the India House, brought up the
fourth Report of the Tanjore Commissioners, and the
246 of the Mysore Commissioners.
lord NORMANDY rose to ask an explanation from the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite. An opportunity had
already been given of affording an explanation which it
was understood would have been given. But that opportunity
having passed away without any
explanation, he trusted he
would be excused in pursuing the course he had adopted,
because he had really no personal enmity, and believed he was
doing the greatest kindness to the Right Hon, Gent. oPP°'

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LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 19, 1828.

Lord Goderich left him (Mr. Huskisson) at liberty to com-
municate the contents of this letter to Lord Palmerston ;
and he now appealed to that Noble Lord, whether, what-
ever chance there might have existed of conducting the affairs
of that House through the Session, he did not then declare
that that chance was at an end, as he could no longer look to
that cordial co-operation upon which they had relied.—
He, in consequence, waited on Lord Goderich, and opened
his mind. He told hAn that the question as to who
should, or who should not, be Chairman of the Committee,
on its being duly and fairly considered a 9 an abstract
question, was a mere nothing—that with all his respect
for the talent and industry of the Noble Lord (Althorp) he
felt there were many others in the House capable of
discharging the duties with as much benefit to the coun-
try, but that from the moment he bad understood the ques-
tion to be settled, he could not bring himself to recede
from the point. He felt that if there should be any conces-
sion, it must necessarily lower his character, that it must
subject him to be taunted out of doors and in that House.
That in fact any departure from that compact, or at all
events, understanding, which existed on the subject, would
exhibit such weakness on his part as effectually to deprive
him of any little influence he might hitherto possess. (Cheers)
On the 29th a Cabinet was summoned on matters of great
importance. He (Mr. H.) waited that morning on his
Noble Friend Lord . Goderich, and informed him that he
no longer considered himself a member of his :Majesty's
Government, and that he had tendered to the King his resig-
nation. Lord Goderich replied that if he (Mr. H.) resigned,
his Lord Goderich's Government was at an end, for that
he would not continue in power without him (Mr. Hus-
kisson), and that if he determined to resign, the Cabinet
was necessarily and indispensibly dissolved. Lord Goderich
requested that he (Mr. H.) should suspend his determination
for some time, and not send the letter he had written to
Windsor. He (Mr. H.) acquiesced in this suggestion, and in
the mean time had an interview with the Marquis of Lans-
downe, who thought that though his (Mr. Huskisson's)
resignation would break up the Government, the resig-
nation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer might
• not have the same effect.—(Hear, hear. )—Under these con-
siderations, he (Mr. IL) postponed his intended resignation
for a few days, and on the Ist of Jan. he wrote to Lord
• Goderich to inquire from him whether he had learned from
Mr. Herries, that he persisted in his resignation. Matters
remained in this situation for some days, in conse-
quence of the arrival of the Infant of Portugal in
this country, and his proposed visit to Windsor. On the
Bth Jan., however, it was understood that Lord Goderich
went to Windsor, and laid before the King the difficulties
he found in carrying on the Administration, and in justice
to his Noble Friend (Lord Goderich), he was hound to say
that he believed he had fairly and fully stated to his Ma-
jesty all the difficulties with which he was encountered.
It had been insinuated that he (Mr. H.), after receiving a
communication from Lord Lansdowne, in confidence, took
occasion to make use of that confidence to prevent an ap-
plication being made to Lord Lansdowne. On the con-
trary his, (Mr. H.'s) lips were sealed from the time
he had the communication with Lord Lansdowne,
and he might appeal to his Noble Friend (Lord
Carlisle), whether he had not cautiously avoided
mentioning the name of the Noble Lord (Lansdowne),
except to his own friends, lest the confidential communi-
cation made by his Lordship should transpire, and
become known to the Noble Duke, who was en•
gaged in forming the Ministry, or any of the other
individuals who were interested in forming the present
Administration. And he could confidently appeal to the
Right Honourable Gentleman opposite (Mr. Tierney),
or to any one of the Members of the late Go-
vernment, whether he had not used every
diligence and exertion, to the injury of his health and
• strength, and many other things that he held dear, to keep the
Cabinet together as it then existed in union and strength.
He should now come to what the Noble Lord was pleased
to OW the much snore important part, and which
he also certainly thought the much more important
part—namely,
an explanation of what he was
repeerfed to, have said at Liverpool respecting his com-
munication with the Duke of Wellington, upon the
constitution of the present Government. He did not
expect the Noble and Learned Lord would have sunk
into an animadversion which had been made upon him in
another place, by talking of gratuitous explanations, and
so on ; and supposing that he had made unnecessary
explanations to his constituents. The same remark
he was sorry to say, with something of a sneer, had been
made in another place.—(Hear, hear. )—Notwithstand-
ing, however, the respect he had for the great
constitutional verdict, not of the Noble Lord opposite,
but of the distinguished individuals to whom he referred,
he still must retain what might be considered, amongst
some, an obsolete idea—that when a Member of that House
accepted office from the Crown, in consequence of which
he vacated his seat, and offered himself again to
those who had before reposed confidence in him, to
solicit their support, lie thought it very natural, according
to the old doctrine, that he should give such an explanation
as he thought his constituents had ..”.ot only a right to
demand, but which ho had als,nost said it was a duty on
their pa;:t to have demanded. He knew that he bad been
called a theorist, 14, was sure whatever doctrine might have
prevailed among his constituents at Liverpool, that even
all the virtue—all the transcendent eirenrostan4e3 oi dis-
ti.netion—and all the high character of the Noble indivi-
' dual refewzi to,—would not have been a sufficient
zuarantee.to have ;440 1.;:: flonstitnentl to have returned
him to Parliament, unless, placed as he was, he had
# g:L:ier; some explanation. Having stumbled sornehoW
or otkv on ;11,-.) ,unfortunate word guarantee, as ap-
peared in the reports connected with t7hat be had said,
at Liverpool, he felt bound fairly to own that he did ;tie
that word in what he had addressed to his constituents,
and he had no scruple in saying, even after all that he
11;4 eai.i'4, '..hat he should probably use it again, did
the same opPortunity occur. iieaiii hecould not help being
perfectly astonished t 6 know hoik.'it ' happened, that the
use of this unfortunate word guarantee, upon which
so much stress had been laid, and upon which so
uapths malevolence had been at work, for the
)ast ten days, should have have excited so touch mis-
conception in the minds of the community of thii -metro.--
polis. He could not 'Conceive how there could be under-
; ,stencliga sea constructed, imaginations so perverted, as
for a mornem, to suppose that ilia 1-..i.0h1e f ri;;44 anti
himself should communicate with the Dike of Wellington
upon the principle of a contract to be thade----of a bargain
to be entered into between adverse parties—with
opposite. and conflicting interests..—(Great cheering.)
-:—Was ip to ne e.epeeted that the Duke of Wellington
with his exalted distinctiOni and nice sense 'of honor;
should have sent not for one; but for five ei six gentle-
men, tbemselyes having all untarnished reputation, and
he trusted a high feeling of honor, for the purpose of offer-
ing to them a direct insult ? Was it not clear that the
Noble Duke, if he could by possibility have descended to
such a thing, must have felt that the proposal would only
L„,-, -,,,,,!,,,,-ed totally useless the services of:all thiPf veho
might have been bit 64 enough to have' lent"' theritsefvei to
Such a transaction. On the part, therefore, of the Duke
of Wellington, and hii Noble Friend with whom lie was
cmine.ei,e(i, he !;egged to state distinctly it was most
preposterous to hare supposed tha' siieh Ti Fop9eal was
ever made, or even thinight of. lie did not' cer-
tainly retract one syllable from what he had said at
Liverpool respecting guarantee, but standing in the House
of Commons where he did, he would state what he actually
be
ea lead
answerableh' ai
jeii heTlseadv'iaPfod; ;rliitis: addressed bl
his is 4
accuracyrees i'setrietatpi:ioeflpeii.iatsseisillniiny roloed aerpel6iirrrdyo:su:t:lvd:itrihidai
eest
emmingfil'ltsioh.,n7oef abeehnustlinigaisieby6ftli‘e'lß'.4
ex-
pert and ingenious fie' may have been, and WhO probably
never attended an election at Liverpool before, nor received
all the accommodation they merited. What he said was,
• that before his acceptance of office lie sought
for 07aplanatiaa, ;se well in respect to the principles
as to the pending measures of the 'Giove'rnment, awl the
general adrnistration of that Government; that having
should
esotnutlgideunac:oto,a•
ii.
received an understanding in respect, to the mea-
sures, and in respect to the principles of Government, which
appeared 0 him satisfaetory, he did eoneide: that, the
ainlnt,itneewnealViintl
,4i loci
ffil
bestecoe could l d he afforded,
ecutionl tuhaoi those e
Ni%nileoas
It
%i.reirse and t inn
expectedfurtherance
to of
execute those ptriilies
icni -,
tniilees,ins(iisich understanding would not be departed from, while
gnTarhairs:tecontinuedthatthe
(m l
could
Right Ihlaodn .;
1 p
nossoestsvitnhoouotther,an(l Idesiied no better, even though I
was
understandings and explanations, that the
principles
of the Governments in which 1 had previously
.th e
lE.
mx pelnall aetriso,nlsv
haons;el
understandingsservadw'ould slivoetrebea l
sod ephaar(tiewd
iftrho from.
known principles led me to the conclusion, that I ought to

PRICE 71).

be satisfied with what satisfied them. I stated—and you
may call the statement by what name you will—guarantee,
pledge, or understanding, it matters not—that I was satis-
fied an intention existed in the minds of the individuals
constituting the present Government, to maintain the
public policy of their predecessors. I said what I un-
derstood to be warranted by the circumstances of the
case, and what I also wished to he understood by the
public, namely, that common consistency, and a respect for
ourselves, for our own interosts, for those of our Allies,
and of the rest of Europe, aft-orded sufficient reasons for
asserting that it ought not to be presumed that the policy
of the country was to undergo any change in the hands that
and enforce my sentiments and opin'ions as they regarded
our foreign policy, I asked if it could heb for sonigble, moment
have now undertaken its guidances In order to illustrate
conceived that my Noble Friend at the e
Treaty
Foreign
Office, Office, whose signature is attached to the
e. of
.thhe
6th of July, would be likely to stay in office . . occupy
presentis
Treaty were not to be observed by the Government of
whether it was
which he now forms a part? I asked
Foreign Secretary
probable that my Noble Friend the
situation—if he thought the cooditions of that
would have retained office for the purpose of destroying
Isis own character, by consenting to give up his
strongly es
in the face of the country and of the world ? So
did I state this, and so warmly did I feel it, that I added
the circumstance of my Noble Friend having rimained in
the Government (in common with others—our r.ola_
friends—pledged to pursue a similar line of folic))
was in itself an evidence or guarantee, that the policy
of the Cabinet was not to undergo any change. . That
was the mode in which I alluded to the subject. I
said to those captious kiterists that addressed me at Li-
verpool, and questioned me on the subject of the policy
of the Government I had joined--1 said to them, " Al-
lowing for a single moment that, for the bare purpose
of staying in office, I could sacrifice my reputation for con-
sistency, my regard to public character and personal ho-
nour—supposing this, can you be persuaded that such men
as my Lord Dudley, and my Right Hon. Colleagues 'Lit Mr.
Canning's Administration, would enter into a conspiracy to
destroy their own character and honour as politicians, and
as men, by a general dereliction of public consistency, and
a sacrifice of those principles to which as politicians they
are bound ?" It was, therefore, clear and obvious to every
man who heard roe on the hustings at Liverpool, and I
know, and am satisfied, it was perfectly obvious to the
friends who supported me on that occasion—and who, be
it remembered, are men, from their pursuits and avocations
in life, well acquainted with the nature of bonds, guaran-
itees, and securities—that 1 did not speak, that I was
fat from speaking, of guarantees in the strict or legal sense
of the word, but in a general and conversational way. I
used the expression in the ordinary mode in which we
are accustomed in common parlance to use it : and by its
use I meant to convey that certain indications, assurances,
and understandings, subsisted between myself, my Noble
and Right Honourable Colleagues, and the Noble Duke
at the head of the Cabinet, that we should not he
called upon to make a sacrifice of what had invariably bee,:
our public principles, or required to forego the prosecution
of such measures as we thought essential to the well-being
and best interests of the country. When the present Cabi-
net was about to be formed, we thought ourselves at liberty
to wait till we saw what would be the constructimi cf the
whole GoVernment, in order, if possible, to discover in.
that construction the best security for the furtherance of
the objects for the sake of the accomplishment of which we
finally connected ourselves with it.----[Such appeared to us
to be, in this place, the tenour of the Right Hon. Gentle-
man's observations, which, however, we were prevented
from hearing and following satisfactorily, owing to the
Right Hon. Gentleman's suddenly lowering the tone of his
v(liee.]—l said, and I again say, that both my Noble and
Right Hon. Colleagues and myself have received all the
understanding—all the assurance—all the explanation—all
the guarantee—(again to make use of the term)—which
we ever dreamt of receiving, or thought it right that we
should receive, or expected to receive. We have received
all the satisfaction which any men coming together for the
purpose of explanation could possibly desire or expect to
have from one another. lam unwilling to impose on my
Right Honourable Friend near me (Mr. Peel as was under-
stood), the necessity of saying one word on this occasion—
or taking any part in the discussion. However, I ask him—
(l make the statement in the presence of my Right lion.
Friend—and he will correct or contradict tut, if I am
wrong)—whether, from the very earliest period of the corn-.
munications that passed between the Noble Duke :,the
head of the Government, my Right Hun, Fri!;;Irl and my-
self, on the subject of my accession to tLc Present Cabinet,
I did not distinctly state, that if. ',lvey wished me to form 4
part of the Administration, 1 expected that the None Carl
now at the head of the Foreign Office--sfssl any Right
Hon. Friend; the Presiler4 Gf tit:. hoard of 'Frad that
the Noble Lord near me (Lord Palmerston,) and the Right
lion. Gentleman who was, and still continues, Secretary
for Ireland, should constitute parts of the Government, the
construction of which was then in contemplation? This
requisition was complizcl with by the roble Duke, and that
si:teiasifieedwNi.tt,ia,s Is
eras
yn the
Noble sti la) jne
de t of policy and mea.,„,,,,-
beipg tire understanding, I did not ask—it would have been
Right itcm. Friends, whose
absurd to have asked—for any stipulation. So complete
comm-
.:al:de
e
,
leftt
':RI Councils
l'el la.tdaolgtgunii ul
:Id.
)hi:::iteteecgtntslailolliltbEsnti mlto4deairlart'''l!'s'odo.k)consented invited Nil
Flllt.amtharrietlta'eeillknteNHel
.'lt:tttbuloill'ite::elf'Fiecol.:: tr°lsa.litibaunlntineoyililec::d. t-e.sp:s''''::—.‘lstn':9alP:pit'?.:Pe. s).l:aeileoel I°''let'St °al:
headn
'llnt flightl
'dllttrl;enkidl9bedunt::edonaoorfliliHonourable::clele4aeae:tei et'toAdministration.
n'::sele;:tx:conijtpetoutl'i Csaohteatlinmaoy: ilieaai:2l.Y:- t-
y
tteleslyt concerttl
tioisa,
vtotNviin;gos
mdo,rnelcehiwyaeideli
arrangementoaneltal
cutshdlteebdoif:
t_xii
~.,i
hsa;:eeimn:ogef4lsoyefeeenua7t
1:;47,111: e i, i o u s
place,nhjc t
andof we having
btanvtiunrge
Nol?le DI:1;e hying matte propOsitions 0 each of the par-
tGi explana-
tions
Government
e.pt
hl communicationstlis havingdeen
tsbubenseaositkenot7ticreorNotonbulneicDatuekdettoogeftahleoruornu%hewlintabtte:,;.cm (link!
• i s ..4
itienrdveiertsst-o,oitinti,o,,ntlet:h.
ethat it might be c1,:.w.4 and distinctly
e.,--p:,ii-siatipns and, understandings which
we had. aeparately received, and which we interpreted as
having the same meaning, were rightly underst7,n;', by all
of us as having been intended in a siss.iias. sense, and ap-
Igleena
er
~.
a) 1
ta
.10,7
4a. saidllallege,)
reagbreve,
)-,
ap-
plied to us conjointly as, --s.saill as indivishially. (Hear. hear,)
In what other way, Sir, could I have described ; its;,.seed-
7tcicisu,'irra(te the Reporters of
ing like'thiS, except by adopting the term, '' understanding,"
the accounts they give of
or " guarantee ?'' i certaNy msasct to tiesyribe no other species
ptofoifurrePbel:Pi9cutcliepl7iiretilePleg‘re‘e?desyilsnl:kgs",n‘i'wle(sri'lldlhy.oatl%algr:eaeCieneinstret
skill, diligence, and impartiality, '... hate nothing
yet instansss '-.-,-,Te sisesirred in whleh they have been be-
. Wayed into error and Miseo:c.ct,:tii::::?..i7elllaeryka' cberhtnsolymmis-
conceived i
;thaenidit,irlpyohriattanisd effect of what was stated by me
the
.persions who att9dssi She slestion, and took a part in
on the hustings on the occasion of my late re-election at
the FoceellingS that day, do not appear to labour under any
,mnisotatkmeneornelythieiposunbjmecyt.oLwndiaatutlhothren
itstated. I shall
give
that
give the words I uttered on that occasion—and
whotr, tl:s. TiTiotiae will allOw to be nei-
sthuerilni
of another individual,
obliged to sttliactsin :ii.i:i7intZtCt4eer?‘. ibTve4bPeiterni.ia, :ritidl'alinwel7.l.,i, regret, ;hat in
me by post this morning. It is dated
my speech, entitles me to cp,g7J.tr.iate myself,
tres-
pass at considerable hTe. C., the attention and patience 01
appeara that Hon. Members expected it,
the l-fryse., iise letter which I now hold in my hand
was received by
Liverpool, and the testimony it contait cu, the subject of
House, an hearing his namebeavn,,inbace4meat
this explanation Ix :we". postponed from Friday, when it
(':: entleman
the
to
thin
: is,:i
soec
opf.l
0,
tali
,ngerf
hm,nittnehgnoa,, that
It is a letter from a witness, who, I make no doubt,
of au
opi-
nion is above all suspicion on tliSs sense as i;i'lparti:llilY am
correctness. The tiq.4.-: (41 this letter is not a friend of
mine---j or- political, I never saw him in my life,
till I !net him on tire hustings, where he stood during the
Iplriotcheettilriengstsritchtaetst aactctoorintpioann,ied my election, close by my.
my political
side. Ile was most interested in watchistg WilAt I said
on my speech, and sr,alki did ciiminent on it in the most
olsioticfaa
decided and ancomproinising manner. To this
op-
ponent, I am compelled by his suhst-iiiint conduct to aeknowledge myself bound to haver grateful ; inasmuch as,-
rl
ifrrioemnd,aiztelaerrinasg
s:ttnLedi vteirwpoaotlt,itiund
et
from a mere sense of English fair play towards an incl.
vidual, however opposed to him in a political sc,,,,_ari',-,
acting under the influence of that enlarged charity whirl,