The Sun.
London, England, 1844-12-12 00:00:00

We found that the evidence of the Government Com-
mission, the evidence of all private and impartial per-
sons, the evidence of all sent to the agricultural
districts, agreed most singu:arly in this. What-
ever distress had been felt in the manufac-
turing districts, it much exceeded that which
was endured by the labourers upon those pro-
tected estates ; and we have found out another
thing, viz., that distress on those estates is not of a
_ temporary character, but has existed there for many
years. In 1829 and 1830 the torch of the incendiary
frightened the agriculturists into the raising of wages,
and into some consideration for the state of the poor.
In 1843 the same sad instructor was at work ; and we
find them now with their wages very much depressed,
and that something must be done for their relief. We
hare heard that more than thirty farmers stated be-
fore the Committee in 1836, that never within their
lifetime had the condition of the agriculturists been
as good as then, and that never before had they been
able to obtain mere wages and better employment
than during that period. You have heard that the
effect of this is to increase mortality. I could give
you statistics to show, that precisely as the price of
food increases, the rate of emigration increases from
this country to foreign lands ; that the number of
cotninittala before magistrates increase in the same
way ; and that the number of deaths amongst the
working classes increase at about the same rate.
We were aided by the manufacturing districts—we
are now aided by the agricultural districts.—(Hear.)
We are attacking the landowners in front, and the
poor starving labourers are attacking thorn in the rear,
and this they did, at a meeting lately held at Goat-
aker, in the county of Wiltshire. Is there not some-
thing wrong when men with their wires and families
assemble together by hundreds—aye, hundreds there
were who could not get within the walls of the place
of meeting—when women—aged women—stood up
before hundreds of their neighbours to tell them of
their privations ?—(Hear.) Does it bode no evil for
the
.landed proprietors that the class amongst whom
they live are in this desperate condition ? Is it not
right that we, who know something of the cause of
this state of things, and who have some influence with
the middle and working classes—is it not right, I say,
that we should work more than we have worked for
the delivery of this country from a state of things so
threatening and so likely to produce permanent and
incalculable mischief ? An attack thus in front and an
attack thus in the rear, as the landlords have
been attacked, shall we not soon see a capitulation ?
(Hear, hear.) I say we shall ; but it will not be an
honourable capitulation.—(Hear, hear.) No ; for
men who have basely betrayed their country—who
have thus sold its dearest interests—who have thus
placed the iron hoof of monopoly upon the dearest
welfare of their countrymen, there could be no ho-
nourable capitulation—their surrender must be dis-
dishonourable as their conduct has been disgraceful.
—(Cheers.) Now the Anti-Corn-law League asks-
still further the support and confidence of the coun-
try. You have a right, therefore, to ask what has
been our past policy—whether our policy hitherto
has been such as to make it likely that we shall suc-
ceed at some future time ? Our past policy has been
peaceful.—(Hear, hear.) The landlords and mono-
polists have said that we have instigated to sedition
and rebellion. They are false in this as on all the
grounds on which they base their monopoly—we
never did instigate to sedition or to rebellion.
He appealed to the reason of our countrymen—
to their sense of justice—and that appeal
has been answered in a wonderful manner. Has our
past policy accomplished anything ? I say much ; and
this meeting affords me a proof of it ; and the interest
which has been taken in our proceedings in the metro-
polis is a convincing proof of it. Look, for instance,
at the City of London. You have two men returned
by it who vote for the sliding-scale. You have one
who prefers a fixed duty, but does not exactly see
his way to vote on our side when the question of total
repeal is brought forward. You have another, when
he came into Parliament was said to have demon-
strated the great fact that the City of London was
against monopoly. Now we intend, at the next elec-
tion, the City shall send four men to Parliament
pledged to vote for free trade. The men who, by
their property and station in the City, must be sup-
posed likely to become leaders of the free trade party,
refused the honour which was tendered them. Well,
somebody else must be selected to lead. We have a
plan to propose. It is, that the great middle class
amongst the electors of the City of London should
organise some plan of intercourse with each
other, altogether scorning the efforts of the
monopolists, and repudiating the time-serving policy
of the men who do not know which side to choose.
I propose that we should take a decided course upon
this question, and insist upon free trade opinion in
the City of London being represented in. the Com-
mons House of Parliament. It may easily be done.
No man who goes through the streets—no man who
rides, day after day, in an omnibus, or who passes
along the river in a steamer, but can fail to be con•
vinced that five-sixths—aye, nine-tenths, of the opi-
nion in the City of London is in favour of the
measures of the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Hear.)
We will use moral ineaus in future. The assertors
of great national rights .should be the very last
persons to commit wrong. Of such rights we hold
ourselves to be the assertors, and we would gain
them, if possible, by the peaceful means which we
have hitherto adopted. If you come to force in any
matter of this description, why, then the struggle is
decided by force, or by the chapter of accidents in
the field ; both,are upon a level ; but keep to reason,
to the sense of justice, to the consciences of men,
appeal to this great, and, in the long run, unerring
tribunal, and then every blow you give tells, every
speech 7ou make, every article you print, every fact
you bnng forward, is a thrust which the enemy cannot
parry, and you go on conquering and to conquer.
Why, we are winning now.—(Cheers.) Who doubts
it ? The foe yields at every point—the spoiler is
abashed—and it will not be long_ before the rout is
complete. No man whom I have met with supposes
it possible that the corn-laws could be maintained
for any long period.—(Hear, hear.) If things were
worse, we should not despair—we have never despaired
yet.—(Cheers.) If we had been men who were sub-
ject to this feeling, we should not now be in the
seventh year of the League's existence, with more
determination and confidence than we ever felt
at any former period. My hope is brighter than
ever—my faith is undimmed by the slightest
shadow of a doubt. There is everything to
betoken final triumph.—(Loud applause.) He must
have read very little history who does not know that
liberty is triumphing. There is more liberty and
more justice in the world now, than there has been
at any former period. The oppressor is now cowed
and abashed ; he does not come amongst us with force
and violence, but insidiously and treacherously ; he
wraps his chains in chaplets of flowers when he
would enslave his fellow-men.—(Cheers.) Yes, free-
dom is Heaven's first gift to man ; it is his heritage ;
he has it by charter from heaven ; and notwithstand-
ing the length of the struggle, it is still living,
breathing, and flourishing in its strength. But
bear in mind, that precious and excellent as liberty
is, there are certain conditions by which alone
it can be obtained and secured. You must rely upon
yourselves for it. Liberty is too precious a thing—
too sacred to be trusted to the keeping of another
man. Be the guardians of your own rights and
your own liberties. Make the struggle a matter
of business—make it a question as impor-
tant as that of providing food for your family.
What is it but this. It is the liberty to live for
what we struggle ; it is the liberty to eat our bread
by the sweat of our brow ; it is the liberty which was
given to us by the primeval curse—and shall man
make that curse more bitter to his fellow-man ?
(Cheers.) No. Instead of despairing, I have more of
confidence and more of faith than ever. I believe
that those old delusions, which like verminous an 1
filthy rags, have disfigured the fair form of our coun-
try's greatness, are fast dropping away. I think I
behold the dawn of a better day. We stand, so far as
I can judge, upon the very threshold of a new career,
when I trust it may be said that this League
—this great confederacy of all those who love
justice and hate oppression—has spread broad-
cast over this land a seed from which shall
spring, ere long, a glorious harvest of true greatness
for one country, and of permanent happiness for man-
kind.—(lmmense cheering followed the conclusion of
his speech.)
The assembly then dispersed.

RAPID TRATIILLIXO.—Last week a gentleman left
London at ten o'clock forenoon, and was in Perth the
next day at four o'clock afternoon. Ile left by the
Birmingham train, want to Fleetwood on the coast of
Lancashire, where steamers to Ardrossan, in Ayrshire,
wait the arrival of the train, and sail about eight o'clock
the same evening. Ile reached Ardrossan early next
morning, left by the first Glasgow train, and was in time
for the morning coach to Perth; thus anticipating the
mail by five hours.—Perth paper.

Viscount Gage hat boon on a viait to Colonel Wynd•
ham, at Patworth House.

Tux I-Is.m.—Of the numerous compounds con-
stantly announced for promoting the growth or reproduc-
tion uf the hair, few survive, even in name, beyond a very
limited period ; whilst " Rowland's Macassar Oil," with a
reputation unparalleled, is still on the increase in public es-
timation. The singular virtues of this successful invention
for restoring, preserving, and beautifying the human hair,
are too well known and appreciated to need much comment.
The very facts of the high and distinguished patronage It
enjoys, its general use in all countries, together with nu-
merous testimonials constantly received in its favour, are au-
thorities which stamp its superior excellence and title ever all
attempts of a similar nature. Being universally preferred,
its consequent great demand excites the cupidity of un-
principled shopkeepers, who vend the most spurious trash as
the " genuine" Macassar Oil: whereas the genuine article is
w°lthe invention and property of A. Rowland and Son,
and the amalgamation of its costly exotic materials renders
abortive any attempt to discover its component parts—thus
proving the imposition of all other articles bearing the title
of " Macassar Oil." The genuine article has the words
" Rowland's lilacastar. Oil" on the wrapper.—All others are
tauduleit eounterhith I