The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-31 00:00:00

rHE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 31, 1844.

and character among the leading persons in the colony
the same advantages as in this country. No political
constitution could exist except by' forbearance among
those who exercised the supreme
.power. If, in this
country, the Sovereign were to exert the prerogative of
the Crown to the utmost extent, and the House of Com-
mons were to exert its powers of the purse, in order
immediately to force through any of its measures,
the utmost confusion would be produced in less
than twelve months. The Government of the
colony could only be carried on by each party exercising
a wise moderation.—(Cheers.) Such were the senti-
ments of the Noble Lord, and in those sentiments he
entirely concurred. lie deeply regretted' that, -in the
exercise of his discretion, Lord Sydenham, then Mr.
Poulett Thompson, had not thought it necessary to lay
before the .Legislature of Canada that dispatch-. He
laid in extenso before them another dispatch of the Noble.
Lord regarding the tenure of political office, which was
to be contingent on the party retaining the confidence of
the Assembly; and it was unfortunate that he had not
also laid before them the dispatch on the subject of re-
sponsible government, for, had that been communicated
to them, it must have prevented much misapprehension
Mr. Poulett Thompson entertained the same views, as
appeared from his dispatch relative to the tenure of
office in Canada, in which he stated that the principles
of responsibility, if carried to their utmost extent,
were incompatible with colonial dependency. The
, Hon. Gentleman had asked if lie concurred in the
view taken by Sir Charles Bagot of responsible govern-
ment. lie would state explicitly to the House his views
on the subject. He understood by a responsible govern-
ment in Canada, that the administration of Canada
should be conducted by the heads of departments en-
joying the confidence of the people and of the Legisla-
ture of ,Canada. With regard to the Executive Coun-
cil, he thought it was necessary to the due exercise of
their functions, that they should have the power of ad-
vising the Governor, of propounding their legislative
measures to the Parliament of Canada, and that the Go-
vernor should be guided by the advice of those whom he
had called to councils, they being responsible for
the advice offer. But if he were asked whether the
Governor-General should be in all things the mere ma-
chine—the mere passive instrument of the Executive
Council, his reply would be that ho did not so under
stand the term " responsible government ;" and
if such were to be the case, the Governor-
General would cease to be the Governor of a
British colony. He apprehended that Sir Charles Met-
calfe understood the term " responsible government" in
the same manner ; and in terms the most explicit, Sir
Charles Metcalfe had expressed his adherence to the
resolution of the 3d of September, 1841. He had stated
that he considered every other government but one
which recognised the responsibility of the heads of de-
partments to the people as represented in the Assembly,
was impracticable in Canada. He would not stop to
inquire whether that species of government—necessarily
a party one—would be the most likely to conduce to the
happiness of Canada. The principle had „been frankly
conceded by the Government at' home, and .to that prin-
ciple Sir C. Metcalfe had expressed his adhesion; but the
Governor-General was responsible to"the imperial autho-
rity alone.—(Cheers.) If he was made a mere-instrument
in the hands of the Executive Council, what became of
his responsibility to the Imperial Government. It was
a practical absurdity to leave the Goveroor without
any authority, and yet to make him responsible. With-
out power there could be no responsibility. If they took
from the Governor all power it was a mockery to
talk of his'responsibility. For what was he responsi-
ble ? He was responsible for the proper distribution of
rewards and honours, and for the exercise of the prero-
gative of the Crown in refusing or giving the Royal
consent to the Bills presented to him by the Colonial
Legislature—of these powers the Executive Council
wished to deprive the Governor. The lion. Gentleman
would not deny that demands had been made upon the
Governor-General by the Executive Council to give up
both of these.
Mr. ROEBUCK—I do not see any proof of that.
Lord STANLEY—The Governor-General had made
that statement to the Assembly, in the presence of the
Executive Council ; and that statement had been uncon-
tradicted. It was a remarkable circumstance, that the
Executive Council had made a statement in writing of
the grounds on which they had resigned, and the Go-
vernor-General had protested against that document as
not containing a true statement of tho.r grounds, and
that protest had not been answered. When that dis-
missal had taken place, the Governor-General had written
to him (Lord Stanley) stating what had occurred,
and the conversation which he had had with the Coun-
cil previously; he had written back approving of the
course adopted in the acceptance of their resignation,
but expressing his regret that he had not required them
at the time to put their demands in writing as the mem-
bers of the Executive Council might charge the issue
upon him, -and state other grounds as the reason for
their resignation. Within two days after, he received
a dispatch from the Governor-General, which proved
that his anticipations had been correct. So long ago as
the month of May last the Governor-General wrote to
him (Lord Stanley), and said "I am required to give
myself up entirely to the Council, and to submit to their
absolute dictation and judgment as to the manner in
which I shall bestow the patronage of the Government,
appointing some persons and proscribing others, and
they require me to make some public and unequivocal
declaration of my adherence to these conditions, involv-
ing a.complete nullification of her Majesty's Govern-
ment.', As early as the month of May that principle
was contended for, and pressed upon the Governor-
General, not only that he should so exercise the patron-
age of the Crown, but that he should make a public
declaration of his intention so to act. The Governor-
General in December last wrote to him, and he
then stated that he had done all- he could
in his appointments to consult the wishes of
the Council, but he did not feel that he was
absolutely bound to do so. Now, with regard to the
patronage, the House must not run away with the notion
either that the Colonial-office at home, or the Govern-
ment at home, was in the slightest degree connected.
Long since, the whole patronage of the Crown in the
North American colonies had been placed in the hands of
the Goveraor of the colony. He (Lord Stanley) as Se-
cretary of State, had not the disposal of the value of 50/.
worth of patronage in all the North American colonies
put together. - Every appointment was made on the re-
commendation of the Governor, and no appointment was
made of any person who was not resident in the colony;
and he (Lord Stanley) declared that since he had held
the seals of office, he had neither, by recommendation,
hint, or suggestion, been interested, either directly or
indirectly, in any one appointment which had been made,
or any appointment which had not been made, in Canada.
The patronage of the Crown was vested in the Governor,
in the exercise of those functions, for which he was re-
sponsible to the Crown of this country. And do not let
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman say that the distribu-
tion of patronage in a country like Canada was of such
merely local importance that it might be safely—that it
could be wisely—intrusted to the absolute control of a
political party there. Ho (Lord Stanley) was sure that
it would not be to the advantage of any colony that pa-
tronage should be so dispensed. He would shortly illus-
trate this. The Hon. and Learned Gentleman was well
aware that in all small communities, and in all colonies,
the leading men, or a large portion of the leading men
of all parties were gentlemen of the legal profes-
sion. They were men about the seat of Government.
they were generally men of superior education, men of
some leisure, and men whose attendance at the seat of
Government, and the places of legislature, did mot
interfere with their ordinary pursuits. They formed
therefore a very large proportion of every colonial legis-
lature. Did the Bar and Learned Gentlemen think that
was a class from which judicial officers ought to be se-
lected, upon the recommendation of the Executive Coun-
cil, which was composed of those very persons ? Did
the Honourable and Learned Gentleman think that the
judicial offices—the best paid offices, as they ought to be
—did the Hon. and Learned Gentleman think it was de-
sirable such offices should be given as prizes for politi-
cal leadership, or as rewards for political partizanship ?
He (Lord Stanley) could not conceive any principle more
likely to tarnish the source of justice.—(Cheers.) He
said the appointments to the judicial office were safely
vested in the Governor-General exercising the preroga-
tive of the Crown, and that it was not wise or safe to
vest them in any leader of a political faction. Suppose
that rivalry of race should again begin. Suppose that
rivalry of race should be rekindled in Canada, and sup-
pose it should happen that the British party 'should be
aiming at the exclusion of the French party, together
with their political power in that colony. Did the Hon.
and Learned Gentleman think it desirable or safe that
a political party, in such a state of things, should have
the power of excluding from All office—not only
all political office, but- all office whatever—the
whole French population ? But ' he would go
a little farther. Suppose an,- administration to
be formed mainly. of those -persons; who, at least,
had been lukewarm when the cillony had been theeatened
to be torn from the mother country.. Suppose a Legis-
lature, or Administration, so constituted, having the ab-
solute disposal of the patronage of the country, did the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman think it consistent with
the dignity—consistent with the homoui—consistent with
the metropolitan interests of the Crown, that the patro-
nage of the Crown should be placed in the hands of an
Administration so composed ? He (Lord Stanley) did
not know what the House would think of such a pro-
position—yes, he did think, and he did believe that the
House would see that it was inconsistent with the ho-
nour of the Crown to place that power in an assembly
so formed. He felt confident that, sooner than submit
to such demands there was no privation and no sacri-
fice to which Sir Charles Metcalfe would not submit, and
he was sure that nothing could induce him to be subser-
vient to such a demand. But the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman said that Sir Charles Metcalfe had been most
unfortunately educated for the service of a free coun-
try. Now, who and what was Sir Charles Metcalfe ?
Was he a man of extreme opinions with respect to a des-
potic Government? Was he a man of repulsive manners,
hostile to all public institutions, and willing to be the
instrument of any Government for crushing free insti-
tutions? Those who knew anything of him, knew that he
was precisely the opposite of all these. They knew that
he was not a supporter of the present Government—
(Hear, hear)—and that he wasa
,r
manheeyxtarelsmoeklynelwibtehraalt
in political matters.—(Hear, hear.)
he was the man who first introduced into India the
liberty of the press. He was also selected by the late
Government to the government of the colony of Jamaica,
at a moment when the legislative Government of that
colony was in such a state of hostility to her Majesty's
-Government, that it was considered almost as being ab-
solutely incapable of being made a fit instrument of
government. Sir Charles Metcalfe was sent out, and
in two years he brought the island of Jamaica into
a state of order and subordination. Yet this was the
man whom the lion. and Learned Gentleman said had
been unfortunately brought up for the management of
the affairs of a free country. The Hon. and Learned
Gentleman had alleged that Sir C. Metcalfe had never
explained what his views were with respect to a responsi-
ble government. Now he (Lord Stanley) must say that

to all the charges made by the Hon. and Learned Gen-
tleman against Sir Charles Metcalfe this one had
filled him with the most astonishment. The Noble Lord
then read an extract from the address of Sir Charles
Metcalfe to one of the townships of Canada, in which he
expressed his full opinions with respect to a responsible
government. He would not sign the death warrant of
British connection, but he would have the British and
Canadian interests work together ; he would not
pursue a course which would be disastrous to either if
not to both.—(Hear, hear.) With regard to the distri-
bution of patronage, to which the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman had with so much severity adverted, not a
single appointment of Sir Charles Metcalfe had been ob-
jected to. Nor had any legal administration or execu-
tive act of the Government been called into question—
(Hear, hear)—except by the Council, and they did so on
one occasion when Sir Charles Metcalfe was in the
midst of difficulty. One act had been specifically
charged against Sir Charles Metcalfe, that he had en-
couraged Orange Societies in Canada. He (Lord Stan-
ley) had no sympathy with Orangemen or their
societies, nor had the Governor-General of
Canada ; he (Lord Stanley) did not think
that even the fervid loyalty and zeal for British institu-
tions of these men would counterbalance the evils which
their religious dissensions and societies were likely to
occasion.—(" Hear' hear," from the Opposition.) But
Sir C. Metcalfe had no sympathy with Orange lodges ; at
the same time he was not prepared to accede to a step
which virtually proscribed all belonging to the Orange
party. He refused to take any arbitrary measures
against a party which included so many loyal subjects of
the Crown, and warm friends of British institutions and
British connection.—(" Hear, hear," from the Ministerial
benches.) A Bill was then passed through the Legisla-
ture which Sir C. Metcalfe, in its progress, repeatedly
protested against. lie would read the substance of that
Bill to the House. (The Noble Lord then read extracts
from the Bill, which provided that all Orangemen were
declared incapable of holding civil or military office,
serving in the militia, serving on a jury if challenged,
or, in short, any public situation of trust ; and further,
any publican subjected himself to a penalty and the loss
of his license for allowing an Orange lodge to meet in
his house.) The Crown had of course power to veto any
Bill of the Legislature, and Sir C. Metcalfe, as the repre-
presentative of the Crown, possessed that right ;
but he preferred referring to the home Government,
and they had no hesitation in recommending
that the Bill be reserved for the Queen's
pleasure. Why questioning the policy or propriety of
this proceeding, was questioning the most unquestion-
able and one of the most valuable of the prerogatives of
the Crown.—(Hear, hear.) Had Sir C. Metcalfe acceded
to the wish of the Council. nothing could be a more
.!omplete surrender of the liberties of the Crown. The
Hon. and Learned Gentleman adverted to several acts of
Lord Sydenham, and, amongst others, to that of limit-
ing the suburbs of Montreal. In that case he must say
that the Governor-General was perfectly competent, to
exercise the power which lie took upon himself, and to
incur all the responsibility which he exerted. The Hon.
and Learned Gentleman had likewise adverted to the
civil list. Now he (Lord Stanley) was not going to re-
open this unpleasant question ; but if ever there was a
case in which the interference of the Crown was not
only justifiable but imperatively called for, this was
that one. For was it not obvious to any man, that no-
thing could be more desirable—nothing more useful—
nothing more indispensable for the proper government of
a country, than that provision should be made for deserv-
ing and eminent men independently of the whim or caprice
of the LocaiLegislature. He again said that it was ab-
solutely necessary for the proper administration of
justice that such office should be independent of the
Local Legislature. lie (Lord Stanley) had received an
address from the Legislature of Canada, complaining of
the imposition of a civil list, and requesting that they
might be permitted to substitute one. He would read
to the House the answer which had been recommended
by the Government to that address. (The Noble Lord
then read portions of the reply, which were declarations
of the opinions of the Government that provision should
be made fur those men who had served their country
faithfully, and for the declining years of eminent and
distinguished individuals who had rendered uncommon
public service. The reply further assured the peti-
tioners, that whenever the Canadian Legislature would
make the necessary provision for the civil list they (the
Government) would be prepared to recommend to
Parliament the repeal of such portion of the Act of
Union as had relation to that subject.)—(Hear, hear.)
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman had referred to the
scenes which had occurred at the late election in Mont-
real, in proof of the discontent which prevailed in Ca-
nada ; but ho (Lord Stanley) thought a more infelicitous
illustration could be hardly adduced. He believed that
the disgraceful riots which occurred at Montreal were
mainly owing to a mob of Irishmen having been brought
into Montreal from the canal on which they had been
working, and that the election was in nowise a test of
the feeling which prevailed in Canada.—(Hear, hear.)
He believed the moderation, discretion, firmness, and
conciliatory temper. and disposition of Sir C. Metcalfe,
and the earnest desire he entertained to carry on the
government of Canada in accordance with the well under-
stood views and opinions of the people of the province,
would not be without a happy influence on the future
condition of Canada. The clamour which had been
raised against Sir C. Metcalfe, by misrepresentations and
misstatements of his words, actions, and sentiments,
would be dissipated in a short period, and he (Lord
Stanley) confidently believed that, by acting
on his own sound and moderate views, tran-
quillity and concord would be restored. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman had spoken of what Canada might
bo in the event of a war with the United States. He
(Lord Stanley) apprehended that, in any case, Canada
would be, in time of such war, rather a source of weak-
ness than of strength. Canada would be a most vul-
nerable point ; but in a military, naval, and commercial
point of view, the possession of that colony was still
most desirable. It was an appropriate nursery for sea-
men, and might become a great receptacle for our manu-
I actures, as well as eminently productive of the raw ma-
teriels which constituted them. Besides, Canada was
the great inlet for our commerce to the great continent
'of America by the river St. Lawrence, one of the great-
est of the waters of the world. Commercially and poli-
tically, he did not seek to deny that it was of great im-
portance to this country. But if Canada were of im-
portance to the mother country, he asked the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman to consider whether it was not of
infinitely more importance to the people of Canada that
they should be connected with England ? The peo-
ple of Canada enjoyed as free a Government
as—and, he ventured to add, a lighter taxation
than—any people on the face of the earth. They had
perfect religious liberty ; they had, at no cost to them-
selves, the military and naval protection of the mightiest
Power in the world ; they had annually an immense ex-
penditure of capital in the shape of the commissariat and
military establishment ; while the United States were
unable to borrow money at six per cent., Canada, by its
connection with this country, and nothing else, had been
able to borrow, by the guarantee of this country, for the
improvement of her internal communications, no less a
sum than one million and a half, and at an interest little,
if at all, exceeding three-and-a-half per cent. ; she had
an immense indirect expenditure, and she derived a
great advantage from the settlement of British merchants
within the colony, and the investment there of British
capital. She had for her produce—and no inconsider-
able addition had been recently made to that exclusive
advantage—she had the privilege of admission upon the
most favoured terms to the richest and to the highest
market in the world. These were the advantages which
Canada possessed by her connexion with this country—
these were the advantages which Canada must be pre-
pared to sacrifice if separation from this country should
unhappily be the result.—(Hear, hear.) It was for
Canada well to consider whether the price she had to pay
in her slight and all but nominal subordination to this
country, was too high a price to pay for the protection,
the advantages, and the substantial benefits which she
derived from the connexion.—(Hear, hear.) But
Canada must not expect, as the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman seemed to think she had a right to
expect, at once to enjoy the unlimited and entire inde-
pendence of a separate republic, and at the same time
the advantages which she derived from British connexion
and British commerce.—(Hear, hear.) He believed that
the people of Canada were in the main cordially at-
tached to this country.—(Hear, hear.) He believed
that when they seriously considered the results of that
course into which unprincipled demagogues and rash
advisers were hurrying them, they would fall back from
such blind and interested guides upon the liberal and
honest views of the Governor-General of Canada, and
upon the protection of this country ; and he believed
that, by the exercise of sound sense and sound discre-
tion, Canada, if she did not follow mischievous and in-
terested advisers, might long, retain the advantages
which she possessed by her connexion with, rather
than her subordination to, this country, in the capacity of
a thriving and happy colony of the British empire.
Mr. HUME said that, after the lengthened discussion
which had taken place on this important subject, it was
not his intention to do more than just notice the points
to which the Noble Lord had adverted. The state-
ments which had been made by his lion. and Learned
Friend the Member for Bath he knew to be perfectly
correct. He regretted that the Noble Lord had not
stated whether or not he approved of the conduct of Sir
Charles Begot, for addresses had poured in from all parts
of the country, in which that conduct was highly ap-
plauded. He wanted to know what had produced so
great a change of feeling in the colony. The Ministry,
finding it impossible to conduct the government under
Sir Charles Metcalfe, and be at the same time
responsible to the House of Assembly, had felt it their
duty to retire. Was it possible to make out from what
was passing in Canada the meaning of the term re-
sponsible government?—(Hear, hear.) It appeared that
in Canada responsible government was ono thing, while
in England it was another thing.—(" Hear, hear," from
Sir J. Graham and Lord Stanley.) It was for the Go-
vernment to explain what acts of Sir Charles Bagot, and
what acts of Sir Charles Metcalfe they approved or dis-
approved. The Noble Lord had asked what individual
appointments of Sir Charles Metcalfe, were objected to.
If the Noble Lord had read the speeches of Mr. Baldwin,
Mr. Hincks, and other Members, he would have found
them stated at length. The Governor himself admitted
that from the moment of his arrival in the colony there
was an antagonism between him and his Council. He
(Mr. Hume) deplored the events which had taken place ;
because if there was one man in the country from whom
he expected conduct which would conciliate the people
of Canada, Sir Charles Metcalfe was that man.—(Hear,
hear, from Lord Stanley.) By everything reported of
his conduct in India, and still more of his conduct in
Jamaica, he was led to believe that his appointment was
one of the most fortunate which had been made
by the Government.—(Hear, hear.) He had thought
that if any one could conduct the affairs
of Canada comfortably and quietly, Sir Charles Met-
calfe would do so. He had no doubt, in fact, that he
would have dune so if be had not been under the tram-
mels of the Noble Lord.—(Hear, hear, from Lord Stan-
b4t he had a higher opinion
lay.) Ile might be wrong,

of Sir Charles Metcalfe than he had of the Noble Lord.
He attributed all the unpopular acts of Sir Charles Met-
calfe to the influence exercised over him by the Noble
Lord the Secretary for the Colonies. There was an at-
tempt made to deprive the people of Canada of their
rights ; but if they allowed the policy of Sir Charles
Metcafe to be carried out, Canada would be a happy
and a prosperous colony.
Mr. C. BULLER said that no one could feel more
deeply than he did the consequences of any decision of
the House of Commons which might tend to create or
to widen a breach between Canada and the mother
country. It was the plain, obvious, and fixed object of
Lord Durham to reconcile the differences which were
existing or supposed to exist. He thought that the
House should pause before they interfered with the
principles which had been agreed to by Parliament, and
had been accepted by the Canadians. He thought it
was a difficult thing to determine where the prerogative
of the Crown was to be limited. He had been exceed-
ingly satisfied at the general explanation given by the
Noble Lord, as to the principles of responsible govern-
ment. He believed that the Noble Lord thought that
the government of Canada should be carried
on by parties that had the confidence of the
Assembly. He did not suppose that the Noble
Lord would say that in the subordinate depart-
ments it would be necessary for the Governor
to apply to the mother country. He agreed with the
general principle, that the people of Canada, with the
assent of all, might have the benefit of a responsible
government. Nothing had been done by Sir Charles
Metcalfe that at all interfered with responsible govern-
ment. He could not see how the Executive Government
could be called upon to ask the opinion of the Executive
Council upon every appointment that was made ; those
who made such a demand could not, he was sure, be
acquainted with the principles they wished to support.
It was said by the Executive Council, that they resigned
in consequence of Sir C. Metcalfe having made a great
number of appointments without their advice. Now what
was the fact ? Why that when the members of the
Council were challenged to point out a single appointment
that had been made without their knowledge, only one
could be found, and the member of the Council who had
named that one was obliged to come down the next day
and state that even that appointment had received the
assent of the Executive Council. But then it was said
that the appointment of the President of the Council,
which was equal to the office of Lord Chancellor, was
made without the approbation of the Executive Council,
and that they had resigned on that account. Now, for
his own part, he did not believe that that appointment,
which in the then existing state of the country Sir C. Met-
calfe was obliged to make, was the real cause of their
resignation. It was true, that the Governor, not
wishing to throw himself into the hands of his op-
ponents, had not filled up some of the Government offices.
It was also said that this matter was settled by the
Montreal election—that that was decisive. But several
gentlemen had given in a full adherence to Sir C. Met-
calfe since that event, and he did not think that the Go-
vernor-General could be blamed fOr his conduct in that
election, which arose, probably, from his want of know-
ledge of the worst features of a representative govern-
ment in a country where they resorted with less scruple
to personal violence than in any other country in the
world. There was a row and a tumult ; every respect-
able person who went up to vote had his clothes torn off his
back, and great numbers were prevented from voting at all.
On the last day of the election voters were obliged to go
up to the booths between two lines of military. The
Hon. and Learned Gentleman had described his conduct
as part of a systematic crusade against the principle of
Parliamentary government ; and he had noticed also
the case of Nova Scotia and the conduct of Lord Falk-
land. But Mr. Howe—a good authority—had, in the
Assembly of Nova Scotia, vindicated the conduct of Sir
C. Metcalfe. and had declared that the cases in Nova
Scotia and Canada were totally distinct, and that all the
difficulties in Canada had arisen from a blundering Ad-
ministration. For himself he was convinced, looking at the
whole matter, with no bias against the gentlemen who had
just gone out, and•with no indifference to the principle of
Parliamentary government, his firm conviction was that
the error in this case was on the part of those who had
quarrelled with Sir Charles Metcalfe. Though ho did
not approve of all the principles laid down by him, he
believed that, as the controversy proceeded, he had
gradually adopted more fully, and expressed more accu-
rately, the right principles on which he thought he
ought to take his stand. The question was, which party
ought to triumph iu this contest, and whichl party must
triumph. That question would be greatly complicated
if the Canadian Parliament should, on its re-assembling,
declare its approbation of the conduct of the members of
the Executive Council, refuse to recognise any other,
and attempt to force the late one back on the Governor-
General. Then would come an appeal from Sir Charles
Metcalfe to the constituent body, and, in spite of the
Montreal election, he believed that appeal would be re-
sponded to by the good sense of the Canadian people.
But there was one thing that they must do in this coun-
try—that was, that this House must strongly express its
opinion on the question between Sir Charles Metcalfe
and the Executive Council, and as to the course which
both the Government and the Parliament would be pre-
pared to adopt. He understood that the support the
Noble Lord gave to Sir Charles Metcalfe was not con-
fined to one part of his policy only was
not confined to his disposition to try the system of
Parliamentary government—the Noble Lord was also
prepared to resist any encroachments the Council was
disposed to make on the prerogatives of the Crown.
Those prerogatives were not in Canada, as in England,
the safeguards of popular rights ; they were the safe-
guards of the imperial connection, and if the people of
Canada clearly. understood that the Government at
home •would resist these encroachments, he believed that
they would submit to the views of the Governor-General.
However great might be the advantages of the connec-
tion to this country, the advantages were still greater to
Canada itself. He knew from experience that much
mischief had been caused there by doubts among the
people of the good faith of their liberal promises, of the
firmness of the Government in maintaining, its views.
All they had to do was to make the people of Canada
fully conscious both of their good faith and their
determination, and by so doing they would
strengthen the hands of Sir C. Metcalfe, and
enable him to triumph over all opposition.
In endeavouring to keep Sir Charles Metcalfe in Canada,
ho was sure he was taking that course which was most
for the benefit of the Canadian people. The Govern-
ment could not have made a better selection than that
which, despising all party considerations, they made in
choosing Sir Charles Metcalfe as the person who, from
his experience, would be most likely to administer the
affairs of the colony with benefit; and, if he failed, it
would be difficult to find one more likely to administer
them in a just, and, at the same time, in a conciliatory
spirit.—(Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL said he was unwilling to give his
opinion upon the case, seeing that the facts were not fully
before them ; but as he had been referred to, he did not
think it right to be altogether silent on the subject,
though he considered the question had been brought on
unnecessarily and prematurely. With regard to the dis-
patch which the Noble Lord had read, he concurred in
his general principles. With regard to Lord Sydenham,
it appeared to him at the time that no man in the country
was so likely to use his energies and his faculties for
the benefit of Canada, and in such a manner
as would maintain the connexion between Canada and
this country. Lord Sydenham had been originally
struck with a remark of his predecessor, " that there
was no quarter of the world where a man could do more
benefit to his fellow-creatures than in Canada." Being
placed in that situation, he devoted the whole energies
of his mind to advance the interests of Canada. He had
acquired great influence in Canada, owing, he believed,
chiefly to the knowledge he had acquired in this country
of Parliamentary discussion—of the mode in which a free
Constitution was carried on, and to the knowledge which
he had on all matters relating to trade and commerce.
When Sir Charles Begot went to Canada, he found a
large Parliamentary majority, and he could not do other-
wise than choose his Ministry from that majority ; but
he suffered severely from disease, and so much could not
be expected from him as from a person in robust health.
Sir Charles Metcalfe succeeded him, and, upon his
arrival in Canada, he declared his intention to adhere to
the resolutions of 1841, and to uphold the principle of
responsible government in the colony. He continued
the Ministry formed by his predecessor ; but he found,
after a considerable lapse of time, that there were differ-
ences of opinion between them, and he was asked to
make concessions which he conceived it his duty to the
Crown to resist. The Noble Lord had read the terms
in which Sir Charles Metcalfe understood those de-
mands; and, understanding them as he did, he could not
do otherwise than resist them. It was impossible that
he could bind himself down in the manner proposed by
the Executive Council. But if all that was required of
him was that he should consider the opinions of the Exe-
cutive Colima, he should say he took an erroneous
view of the case. With regard to the future, he con-
fessed that to him there appeared some grounds to hope
that the dispute would be settled, for some of the leaders
of the Executive Council had, it seemed, not made those
demands as they were understood, but only complained
of a want of general openness on the part of the Gover-
nor-General. If they said they did not insist upon
any such demands, it would be easier for the Assem-
bly to prevent any future misunderstanding on the
subject than if any differences existed on some grea
constitutional point, for neither Sir Charles Metcalfe nor
any other Governor would deny that when
Council,
ptehre-
sous were appointed to the Executive C
n o utmostthreecmfiofirdee, ntcaekeshsooulgdioeoxtnisyt
sbevre
wee
ansth lion, and
them.e
Learned Member for Bath.
lie had trusted the Legis-
lative Assembly would see it was bettet for them that
Sir Charles Metcalfe should carry on the government
with no other view except that of promoting the in-
terests of the province, than enter into idle disputes
which must retard its prosperity. The Noble Lord had
stated fully, but not more fully than truly, the advan-
tages which Canada enjoyed from its connection with
this country. These advantages could not be overrated.
As to the idea of an independent Canadian republic,
that was an illusion that could not last six months. If
they should join the United States, what would become
of those institutions which the Canadians cherished so
dearly ? What would become of those religious esta
blishments which the Canadians cherished so dearly,
and for the maintenance of which this country had
always shown such care and regard.—(Cheers.)
He could not but think, under all the circumstances, that
the people of Canada and their representatives would
agree to the appointments which Sir Charles Metcalfe
might hereafter make to his Executive Council, and that
they would agree tp pass such measures as he might
preseit to them by the advice of that Council, to pro-
mote the future welfare of Canada. He was sure that
the Canadians would not improve their situation by en-
deavouring to deprive the Governor of that authority,
as the representative of the Crown of the United King-
dom, which was necessary to maintain the connection
between the colony and the mother country.—(Cheers.)
Mr. TRELAWNEY thought they ought to consider
the promises which had been held out to Canada. The

Noble Lord the Member for London, in bringing for-
ward the Canada Union Bill, had distinctly promised
them a ,responsible Executive Government. To carry
out that promise, the Government ought to be responsi-
ble to the majority of the House of Assembly. They
should give them a Government responsible iu the sense
in which the word was understood as applied to the
Government at home. By doing so, they would take
away from the people all desire for a change of Govern-
ment, and all temptations to acts of violence ; but,
unless they did so, he saw no safeguard against rebellion.
Mr. ROEBUCK explained.
Sir ROBERT PEEL said that his Noble Friend had
stated se fully and so distinctly the general views which
the Government entertained with respect to the late un-
fortunate disputes in Canada, that it was impossible for him,
as far as the Government was concerned, to add anything
to that statement, in every word of which he concurred.
But out of satisfaction to his own feelings, he could not
allow that debate to close without expressing his senti-
ments as to the manner in which a most meritorious
public officer had discharged his duty under circum-
stances of great difficulty.(Cheers.) The Government
of this country had given the greatest practical proof in,
their power of the spirit in which they wished to see the
affairs of Canada administered, by the selection which
they had made of Sir Charles Metcalfe as Governor Ge-
neral.—(Cheers.) Not a single member of the
with
Government had been personally acquainted With Sir
Charles Metcalfe. He doubted if any one 0r them had
seen him before the important Government of Canada
had been offered to him. The Government and Sir
Charles had not been connected by political ties. Sir C.
Metcalfe had no personal claim upon them, but they had
disregarded all political claims in their desire to make an
appointment which should prove to the people of Canada
the spirit in which it was desired that the Government of
that province should be administered. They had selected
an officer who had distinguished himself in the service
of the East India Company, and who subsequently, in
the administration of affairs in Jamaica, had achieved a
triumph by his moderation and his firmness,—(Cheers.)
When they looked at the general tenor of his conduct—
when they considered the view which be had taken of
the cases of all those who had been concerned in the late
rebellion—that the uniform tenor of his conduct had been
to bring about reconciliation ; the desire which he had
expressed to bury in oblivion all that had happened ; and
his complete indulgence, so far as was compatible with
justice, to all those who had been engaged in the rebel-
lion, he was surprised that a more favourable construc-
tion had not been placed upon the conduct of Sir Charles
Metcalfe.—(Cheers.) It appeared to him that Sir C.
Metcalfe was completely right in what he had done, and
he was entitled to the entire confidence and the fullest
support of the home Government. As to the proposal
that he should bind himself always to act by the recom-
mendation of the Executive Council,whether that proposal
in
tended
as conveyed in writing, or whether it were
as a tacit understanding, he would, if he had acceded
to it, have subjected himself to humiliation. It was the
first principle bf the British Constitution that the Sove-
reign should he guided by the advice of the Minister of
the Crown. But it would be quite a different thing
if the Sovereign were to be compelled always
to adopt that advice, or to contract an obli-
gation with a Minister under all circumstances to
ask his advice ; any Sovereign who should contract such
an obligation would become the slave of the Minister, and
not his master.—(Cheers.) But waving that question,
he would contend that there was not any analogy what-
ever, between the position of a Government and an Exe-
cutive Council in a colony, and that of the Sovereign and
a Minister in this country. He thought that a Governor
of Canada would be most unwise who did not minister to
all local matters, and consult the feelings and opinions
of the people, in his appointments ; and he (Sir R. Peel)
must say that, with respect to all those questions of pa-
tronage, he thought the Governments both of England
and Canada ought not to use their patronage excepting
for the benefit of the people. He thought the Executive
Council and the Governor were, perfectly distinct. He
thought it was to the interest of the governed that the
Governor should refuse to place himself entirely under
the control of the Executive Council. He thought
it was impossible to govern the Canadians on the
same principles upon which this country was governed,
The larger the country and the more extended the po-
pulation, the more easy the Government could be car-
ried on ; but in small communities he was not quite cer-
tain that the Government could exist in party there. It
was possible that there might be a Government con-
nected with a most intolerant party. Let them take the
case of the French party being in a minority, and the op-
posing party in a majority, in that case he (Sir P. Peel)
was not quite certain that the Governor ought to adopt
the recommendation of the ruling power in Canada. He
thought that the Governor would have a perfect right to
say that the appointment which had been recommended
was one that would be offensive to a considerable party,
although that party should be in the minority, therefore
he should not make the appointment. He thought
that itt. that case the Governor would be
perfectlyjustified in refusing to adopt the advice of the
Executive Council. The Governor was bound to admi-
nister the affairs of the country with impartiality and
justice to all ; and, therefore, Sir C. Metcalfe was bound
not to enter into the engagement which was required of
him. But although he had defended Sir C. Metcalfe, it
must not be supposed that there was any disposition on
the part of the Government to withhold from the Cana-
dians the fulfilment of every engagement which had been
made to them. He believed that the utility of the con-
nexion with Canada must depend upon its being main-
tained in perfect good will.—(Hear, hear.) It would
only be a source of evil unless it could be continued with
the good will and kind affections of the majority of the
people of the country—(Hear, hear)—and it would be
better that the connexion should be discontinued than
that it should be maintained by force. He trusted that
nothing had occurred in the course of this night's debate
which was calculated to dispel the unanimous desire that
had been manifested to support that able and distin-
guished man who, under the pressure of severe suffer-
ing, was now attempting to diseharge what he
felt to be his paramount duty to his coun-
try ; and he hoped that nothing had passed
that night which would induce the people of Canada to
show any feeling of ill temper with respect to the Go-
vernment of Sir Charles Metcalfe, for he believed that it
was the firm determination of Sir Charles Metcalfe, and
he was sure it was the anxious wish of the Government
at home, that the government of Canada should be
conducted in a fair and impartial spirit, and that they
would seek for no power or patronage except such
as was for the good of the people of Canada, and
which would enable them, when the time arrived, to
maintain the connexion between the two countries, if
it ever should be found necessary to maintain that con-
nection by force. An impression appeared to prevail in
the House that a vast majority of the people of Canada
were adverse to the government -of. Sir Charles Met-
calfe. Now this he (Sir Robert Peel) very much
doubted, for as far they could collect pub-
lic opinion from the addresses which had been
presented to Sir Charles Metcalfe, it would appear that
he had shown that temper, that discretion, that judg-
mnecnnt
n,
cainl
ida
ttihnagt
thefir goodmnes wills, which iocfh the wouldrnai ultimatelyrity n
of
the people
i
of Canada. He (Sir IL Peel) held in his hand ninety-
three addresses which were presented to Sir Charles
Metcalfe, even at the commencement of this unfortunate
dissension, and ninety of those addresses were in favour
of his policy, whilst only three were against it. He
trusted it would still be seen by the people of Canada
that it would be most difficult for the Government to find
a successor to Sir Charles Metcalfe, who should be more
competent to administer the affairs of that country,
or one who would conduct the government of that
country in a manner more calculated to maintain the
union between Canada and this country, or one who
would more desire to uphold the interests and conduct
the government in such a manner as to increase their
prosperity and confirm the connection between the two
countries.
The report of the Committee of Supply was brought
up and agreed to.
The Charitable Loan Societies (Ireland) Bill was
read a third time.
The New South Wales Bill was read a third time.
The Customs Duties (Isle of Man) Bill was read a
second time, *and ordered to be committed that day three

weeks.
The House adjourned at a Quarter to One o'clock.

NEWLY-INVENTED SPECTACLES, OPERA GLASSES,
TELESCOPES, MICROSCOPES, &c.—Messrs. S. and
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greatest transparent power. The extraordinary advan-
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preserved and strengthened, and very aged persons are
enabled to employ their sight either by day or candle-
light at the most minute occupation, and can see with
those Lenses of a "much less magnifying power nor
will they require the frequent changes to further helps,
as the Spectacles now in common use. Also, newly-
invented Achromatic Waistcoat-pocket Telescopes and
Opera Glasses, which aro invaluable at the sea side, aria
on the race-course, as well as at the theatre, &c. Every
kind of Telescope for Shooting, Sea purposes, end upon
stand for Astronomical Observations, with the celebrated
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brought completely under the eyes. Sortsmen are,
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relief to old-standing extreme cases of deafness. Caution
—Messrs. S. and B. Solomon, Opticians and Aurists,
are not in any way connected with a person of the same
name, in their immediate neighbourhood, nor in any
fart of the country. To prevent mistakes be cautious,
and observe—Only to be had at 39, Albemarle-street,
Piccadilly, opposite the York Hotel.
To LADIES.—The high and universal celebrity
which Rowland's Kalydor continues to maintain, as an active
yet mild and soothing extirpator :of all impurities of the
skin, is, during the period of Spring, most pleasingly evinced.
This preparation, eminently balsamic, restorative, and . invi-
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mineral astringents utterly ruinous to the C,otnplexision, and,
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the w
er rdo e
fraudu-
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land's Kalydor" are on the tvrapper.—Al oth
lent Counterfeits.
SINGULAR DUEL.—A curious duel has just taken
place near Mayenne between two women, one armesl with a
sickle and the other with a shepherd's crook, with which
they laid about them. most intrepidly. One is said to be
grievously wounded.
SOCIETY or DANCERS.—We understand that Mr.
Bunn has given his permission for a performance to take
place at Drury-lane Theatre on Monday night, when there
will be a benefit night, the proceeds arising from which are
to be contributed towards the funds of the Society 'co
Dancers, for the relief of aged and decayed members of th a"
profession.