The Sun.
London, England, 1844-07-01 00:00:00

0.7 btrD Xlitttort

INTERFERENCE WITH HOURS

OF LABOUR.

DISSENTLI:NT-

I. Because all reason and all experience have pro-
m:tweed clearly and absolutely against interfering by
laves with the right which individuals have to employ
their capital and their labour according to their own
views of their .own interest, and so long as no immora-
llty is committed, and no encroachment is made upon
the rights of others, all persons are entitled to dispose
of their property and direct their industry as they think
most conducive to their own benefit, or their own comfort.
2. Because of the two, Labour ought to be the most
scrupulously protected from all interference, inasmuch
as. it constitutes the sole posSession and only power of
the great bulk of the people ; inasmuch as the labourer
cannot flee, like the capitalist, from vexatious oppres-
sion, and inasmuch as any interference with his free
exbrtion operates directly upon the great mainspring of
the whole social machine, producing consequences which
eau neither be foreseen nor counteracted, and affecting
interests the most serious, extensive, and remote.
3. Because the folly of all such interference with
%capital and labour is as glaring as its injustice, there
lying no one truth in any branch of science more incon-
testible than this—that individuals can judge far better
of their own interests, whether as regards their gains, or
their health, or their comforts, from their nearer percep-
tiOn and perfect knowledge of all the circumstances
upon which their interests depend, than the rulers, who
can only see the same things from a distance and in the
general, and it being a truth equally beyond dispute
that individuals will always pursue their own interests
more unremittingly than the State, which has neither
the means of providing for each man's benefit, nor the
constant incentive of personal feelings to keep its care
and attention ever awake. _ _ .

4. Because the present means affords a proof how
dangerous it is for the Legiala•ure ever to take any step
in. a wrong direction and depart from sound principles,
under the influence of a temporary pre ;sure, and how in-
evitable the consequence is that the mischief will not stop
short where it began; for no sooner did the law prohibit
the employment of young persons above twelve hours a
day, than attempts were made, and proved very success-
ful, to restrict their employment two hours more; and
no sooner did the law prohibit adult females from being
suffered to work of their own free will in mines, than
the present measure declared adult females of all ages
incapable of judging for themselves how long they should
work in factories, absolutely forbidding them from la-
bouring above a certain number of hours, as if it were an
offence in an able-bodied woman of thirty or forty to
work as long as she pleased, and ordering her, under
severe penalties, only to earn a certain sum by the day,
m return for the labour of her own hands; to all which
may be added the fact that many persons have supported
the present Bill, and some have propounded a still further
extension of the scheme, upon the declared ground that,
after the Legislature had once begun the system of in-
terference, it was too late to question its propriety, and
there was no possibility of stopping short where the for-
mer measure had left the question.
5. Because it is the grossest absurdity for the Sove-
reign to pretend that he knows better than his subjects
how long they can work with safety to their health and
comfort, to prescribe how much they shall gain by their
laboitr, or generally to take upon himself the manage-
ment of other people's concerns, an absurdity as great
as the labourer would commit who should take upon
himself the work of government and dictate to the law-
giver in what manner his measures ought to be framed.
6. Because it is the grossest blindness to imagine that
the happiness of children is better promoted by the ne-
cessarily general and careless superintendence of the
State as the common parent of all, than by the special
and near watchfulness of the individual parents over
their progeny, whom Providence has wisely entrusted
to their care, creating feelings and instincts expressly
adapted to the purpose, and of far greater force and far
more constant operation than any mechanism which
rulers can substitute, although the inevitable conse-
quence of providing such substitutes must be to weaken
th,9 parental instincts, upon which, after all that the law
can do, the lawgiver must in the end be forced to depend.
1. Because it is the grossest hypocrisy to pretend that
the interests of morality can be promot .d by interfering
with the labour of the people, inasmuch as idleness is the
root of alt evil, inasmuch as grown-up women, if pre-
vented from working when and how they please, are far
more likely to employ their time viciously, and in courses
Mich no law can restrain; and inasmuch as no attempts
are ever made, or even thwight of, to promote morality
among the upper classes Ly any compulsory provisions
whatever.

8. Because it is the groSsest inconsistency to single
out one branch of industry for the subject of experi-
mens—how much tyranny over the capitalist and the la-
bourer may be safely exercised; and to affect an
especial care for the health, and comfort, and morals of
one class alone among all the numerous bodies of work-
men, for whom the wants of the community find em-
ployment, it being quite notorious that the sufferings are
equally lamentable, which many other classes have una-
voidably to endure from toil and want, the caprice of
employers, and the vicissitudes of the seasons ; the hard-.
ships of their lot in life, and the effects of errors in le-
gislation; the order of nature, and the faults of rulers.
9. Because as instances of this glaring inconsistency
may be cited, the facts stated in the Reports of the Poor-
law Commissioners to the Commons House of Parlia-
ment touching the zorulition in different districts of hus-
bandry. Labourers beginning to work at a very tender
age, exposed to extreme hardships in their daily toil, and
running no small risk of hiying their morals impaired
as well as their educatiarrneglected. Women and chil-
dren do the work of which they are capable, and they
begin their employment as early as five or six, and even,
in some instances, four years of age. They have in some
places to walk seven miles and more to their work, re-
tern home unpaid when the weather is unfavourable, and
when paid, receive extremely small sums. They go to
work at seven in the morning, and continue till dark; in
summer till nine o'clock. Unless they can finish a cer-
tain task of work they get no wages at all. There is no
classification of ages or of characters, and the most pro-
fligate persons associate with those of ,tender years
and comparatively innocent habits. Some of the re-
pors disclose a frightful amount of immorality as the
result of this admixture ; and the returns of illegitimate
pauper children for the whole kingdom show that there
is a far greater proportion of them in agricultural than
in manufacturing districts, in. the proportion of to
one upon an aver age. Now ail these sufferings, though
exceedingly to be lamented, have never been deemed fit
subjects of legiabstive interference, nor have the severe
sufferings, both. in health and morals, of many manufac-
turing districts, ever been so regarded, all interference
being confined no the single branch of cotton-spinning,
for this reason, among others, that were the compulsory
enactments of the law extended over all the branches of
induStry, this -co entry would cease to be the habitation
either of wealthy capitalists or thriving labourers, but
would be left .to the advocates of the new system of
meddling, and the inmates of the workhouse under their
protection.
to. Because the most glaring evils in the condition of
the poor, both parents and children, are daily under the
eyes of the Legislature, and are so far from being
checked, that-they are encouraged by its members for
their own convenience, because these evils could , only be
eradicated by imposing restraints upon the natural
liberty of the people, arid: interfering with the voluntary
contracts Made for their employment. The practice of
-women suckling the children of others devotes hundreds
of thousands of children to diseases arising from insuffi-
cient nutriment, procuring the death of many, and tend-
ing little to improve the national character. This prac-
tice has been blamed by all moralist., lamented by all
persons of a sentimental cast, and objected to by politi-
cal reasoners, but no au'empt has ever been made to re-
strain it ; lawgivers justly deem it to lie beyond their
proper province ; and, refusing to interfere with the la-
bour of females capable cif judging for themselves, al-
though the interests, and even the lives of helpless in-
fante, might seem to claim protection.
I I. Because, however deplorable may be the devotion
of young children to labour instead of instruction, and
however desirable may be the liberation of females from
all but domestiework— one of the surest proofs of advanced
civilisation, this can only be the slow and spontaneous
growth of that progresaive improvement in the condition,
and, with the condition, in the habits of the people; and it
is manifest that when the,' lawgiver interposes with re-
straint upon capital and labuur, he is certain to retard
that progress, to worsen the co edition of the people, to
prevent their habits from mending.. and thus to produce
or exacerbate the very evils whew he affects most to
dread.

12. Because the grossest delusions have been, and, in
many instances, too successfully, practiced upon the
working classes, persuading them thht measures like the
present are for their benefit, and that the laws Are more
their friends than their employers, an absurt:t notion
has thus been propagated, that by Act of Parniment
viten may receive Wages without doing work ; and they
have been taught to suppose that the question is not
-whether they shall be permitted to work as much as
they please, and earn as much as they can (which is the
real matter in dispute), but whether they shall for the
secee wages work a longer or a shorter time ; and an
.e.pial wild fancy has been made to prevail, that the gain
of the master is made at the workmen's expense, whereas
every reflecting person must perceive that, in exact pro-
portion to the increase of capital employed in any trade
is the amount of remuneration which can be afforded to
the labour whereby that trade is driven.
L 3. Because the wants of society present a
fair and an ample field in which the provi-
&lit humanity of the Legislature, as well as of emi-
nent individuals, may be exerted for the improvement
of the people's condition upon rational principles, and
without violating any right of the subject, or any rule of
sound policy ; by amending the criminal law and the
police system, so as to protect the young from the con-
tamination of ol• . offenders; by rendering the punishment
of all offences speedy and certain, instead of leaving it to
mere hazard P • by unfettering industry from the shackles
under which the rolics of a barbarious age still leave if to
pine ; and above all, by bestowing upon the poor, the in-
estimable blessings of a sound education, providing the
means of infant and adult training, and "leaving the peo-
ple to avail themselves voluntarily of the advantages thus
wisely brought within their reach.
(Signed)

BROUGHAM.

[AD VERTISE DISEASED STOMACH.—
URE EXTRAORDINARY by HOLLOWAY'S PILLS.—Mre.
Aikins, widow of the late Captain Aikins, residing at
Connaught-terrace, FAlgeware-road. This lady had
been in India, where her liver and stomach became dis-
eased, so much to that she could scarcely keep the
slightest, food on her stomach. She was tery weak and
debilitated, and suff.ired continually from sick headache,
a nervousness, and lowness of spirits. In six weeks,
however wonderful it may appear, she was restored to a
high state of health by this unrivalled medicine, which is
a certa'n remedy in all liver, bilious, and stomach com-
plaints.—Sold (also Holloway's Ointment) at Professor
Holloway's Establishment, 244, Strand (where advice
may be had gratis), and by almost all respectable Yea-
!dors of Medicine througliWt the 0/Jailed work}.

SUN OFFICE, Secen o' Clock.

JUSTICE TO IRELAND.

GREAT MEETING IN COVENT-
GARDEN.—(THIS DAY.)
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE (in continuation from our Second Edition)
said he hoped they would unanimously adopt that resolution.—
(Load cheers, and cries of "We will.") If so, he felt con-
fident that there was not a single enlightened constituency in
England which would not follow such a noble example,
and if it were so followed the release of Mr. O'Connell and
his fellow-prisoners would be certain, and they would even-
tually secure to the Irish people that that justice would be
done them whir he hoped they would never cease to require.
Mr. SUMMEe HARFORD seconded the resolution. He
had been told that morning that he must not come there
to-day, because it would not be a respectable meeting. He
would ask any one who saw them assembled there if such a
body of persons as he saw there assembled before him were
respectable or not ?—(Hear, hear.) He was glad to see a
meeting so numerous and so respectable assembled to assist
others in vindicating their rights.—(Cheers.) If they
did not vindicate the rights of others, let them look
to their own, or the unconstitutional principles which were
now adopted in Ireland would soon be adopted here.—(Loud
cheers.) As an Englishman he had always felt deep sym-
pathy for Ireland, and he was prepared to come forward
and vindicate the rights of that country as willingly
as he would those of his own.—(Cries of " Hear, hear.")
He was aware there were others better qualified to address
them on the subject of Ireland, but, as an inhabitant of
Westminster, he-could not refuse himself the satisfaction of
coming forward to second this resolution.—(Cheers.) He
hoped this was only the beginning of a demonstration which
would extend to every part of England, Scotland, and
Ireland, and would show, that the people were determined
not to be trampled under foot by any class whatever.
It was absurd to expect that the Members of Parliament
would stand up for the rights of the people unless the people
told them, in language that could not be misunderstood, that
such was their duty, and that they expected them to per-
form it.—(Loud cheers.) He hoped that in a short time
they would effect the liberation of Mr. O'Connell
and his friends, who were the victims of an act of
extraordinary tyranny.—(Loud cheers.) He would not
detain them longer, but would content himself with saying
that there was no one more attached to the cause of civil and re-
ligious liberty than himself, and he should as an humble instru-
ment be always ready to raise his voice in favour of the people
whenever he could be of the slightest use to them.—(Cheers.)
The Hum BAILIFF said, that Colonel Rawdon, M.P. for
the City of Armagh, in Ireland, was desirous to address the
meeting in support of the resolution.
Colonel RAWDON, who was received with vehement cheer-
ing, said, that he was not in the habit of taking any share
in the political proceedings of the City of Westminster, bat he
attended here this day, as an elector of this city, to protest with
his fellow-citizens against an attack whiCh had been made
upon the Constitution.—(Cheers.) He was also here as one
of the representatives of the Irish people, calling on the
people of England to express to the Government of this
country their sense of the insult which had been
inflicted upon Ireland.—(Great 'cheering.) He would here
emphatically state to the meeting, that trial by jury had been
tampered with—(Renewed cheering)—and nowhere was it
better known than in this city of Westminster. Now great
were the benefits which arose from that institution. The
electors of Westminster knew, and had often proved, that
trial by jury was the bulwark of their liberties—he would not
say of their lives, for he knew that they agreed with him in
valuing more their liberties than their lives. He had told
them that the constitution had been invaded, and he would tell
them why ? Magna Charta, of which every Englishman had
heard and was justly proud, enacted that by the right of trial
by jury it was meant that every Englishman should be tried
by Ins equals. That was the opinion of an eminent lawyer,
Judge Blackstone. Magna Charta stated farther that ne
man should be imprisoned without a lawful judgment, and
equal justice should be done to every man. He believed that
this provision of Magna Charta was confirmed by the Bill of
Rights; and he now stated in the presence of the English
press, and in that great meeting, that the Bill of Rights had
been invaded. It stated most expressly that juries should be
duly empannelled and returned.—(Cheers.) Now, the Lord
Mayor and citizens of Dublin, and numerous other bodies,
had petitioned the House of Commons, and complained (he
believed with justice) that the jury ad not been properly
empannelled.—(Cheers.) He thought it was so, and he
believed that all the meeting thought so too.—(Cheers.) Was
he not right then in saying that the Bill of Rights had been
invaded.—(Cheers.) Well, then, they knew that this might
,Gbe only the first step.—(Hear, hear.) But it was in the
power of the constituency of England to put a stop to the
inroads upon the Constitution.—(Renewed cheering.) He
was convinced of this as much as of any fact recorded in his-
tory, that the liberties of this country were maintained by,
and were based upon, free discussion.—(Hear, hear.) But
there had been in Ireland an attempt to suppress free discus-
sion, and it was for that meeting, and meetings like it, to say
whether the same thing should not be done shortly here.—
(Loud cries of " No, no—never more," and vehement
cheering.) There had been a new construction of the
law of conspiracy—in fact, it was as much a new law
as a new constrilction of the law. He did not know but
that by that new law the Government might not make
his Honourable Friend, the Member for Finsbury, as
great a conspirator as Daniel O'Connell.—(Great cheering
and laughter.) That was the fact ; for, mind, if they took
this meeting, and put to that the dinner which he (Mr.
Duncombe) attended the other day not far from this market,
and on the same subjecf--(Laughter)—and if they were to
put this meeting and that speech, and one dinner and another
speech—(A laugh)—they might, under their new law, make
up a very good case of conspiracy—(Cheers and great
laughter)—and the Hon. Member for Finsbury might be in-
dicted and imprisoned: He knew that the people of
England were just, and that the people of Westminster were
pre-eminently intelli&ent, and no attack upon liberty could
be made without their protesting against it, in this place—
(Covent-garden Market)—and they were assembled here now
to protest against an encroachment on the trial by jury.—
(Hear). It might be proper for him to allude shortly to one
name which was introduced into the resolution—he meant
that of Daniel O'Connell.—(lmmense and long-continued
cheering, with waving of
_hats, and handkerchiefs for several
minutes). He (Col. R.) wished to tell the meeting that he
was no follower of Mr. O'Connell's. He did not belong to
him. He had no party, but his country.—(Hear, hear),
(At this time a gentleman who was stated to be a " Captain
Ackerley," had procured some stool or chair upon which he
elevated himself close to the hustingsz_and addressed the
meeting in so vociferous a manner, as to drown the voice of
the gallant Colonel. He paid no regard to the indignant
cries of " Shame, shame—off, off," with which he was assailed
from all parts of the meeting. At length, by a sudden rush
of the enraged crowd, the captain and his rostrum were over-
turned together, and the eccentric orator, it would seem, pat
completely hors de combat, for he did not again present him-
self to the meeting. Order being restored)—
Colonel RAWDoN proceeded. The country, and, indeed,
mankind were under .a deep debt of gratitude to Mr.
O'Connell,'who had ever advocated the rights of freemen, what-
ever their colour or religion might be—(Cheering)—and were
they, now that he was in prison, to hesitate in coming
forward in his cause?—Cheers.) It was because he was in
prison that he (Co.-. sael Rawdon) raised his voice in his
favour. He had never done so before. But as a Member of
Parliament—a representative of the Irish people—and also as
an elector of the great city of Westminster, he should be
ashamed of himself if he did not denounce the unconstitu-
tional proceedings of the Government.—(Cheers.) Sir T.
Wilde, a lawyer, of whom they had all heard, defended the
agitation for which Mr. O'Connell was imprisoned, and he
defended it upon the ground that no redress of grievances
was ever obtained without agitation.—(Hear, hear.) It was
for that reason they were assembled here this day, to
agitate and discusa their grievances, and to send
their petition to the House of Commons. He thanked them
for the manner in which they had heard him ; and he con-
gratulated the country upon the generous sympathy which
had been evinced for the oppressed in Ireland, which would
do much to produce harmony between the two countries.—
(Hear, hear.) Let them not stop to see what had been
done in Ireland repeated in England ; but if they
were not both watchful and energetic that would be done.—
(The Gallant Colonel retired amidst loud and repeated
cheers.)
The resolution was then put and carried by acclamations
vehement and long continued.
Mr. DEvosrowr, late Member for Cheshire, came for-
ward to move the next resolution, which was, that a peti-
tion founded on the resolution just agreed to be
presented to Parliament. He thought that the
whole country, and more especially the constituency of West-
minster, were under great obligations to the distinguished
and patriotic Member for Finsbury, for having directed the
attention of the electors of this city to points, which for some
cause or other had been suffered to sink into apathetic desue-
tude.—(Hear.) That had not always been so. Some years
ago such conduct on the part of the Government as they
were now assembled to consider would have kindled a flame
in Westminster that would have aroused the whole
country. The most distinguished man in Ireland had been
subjected to imprisonment at the very time when a writ of
error was pending which might declare him innocent ; and
we had scarcely recovered from our suspense at this when we
discovered that the Government was reading our letters in the
Post-office.—(Cheers) As far as the petition went, he
thought it was extremely good, and he felt extremely
honoured in being called on to propose it. But he urged
the meeting not to think that by this petition they would
strike at the root of the evil. There were two machines of
legislation, and they might as well petition the two hands
of a watch to set the works right as petition those machines
to cure the evils of Government. They had themselves the
constructi n of one of their% machines, and if they had made
for themselves a bed of thorns they must lie on it.—(Cheers,
and cries o f " True, true.") The only way, as we under-
stood the Hon. Gentleman, to obtain a redress of grievances
was, that the people should properly exercise their power of
electing the House of Commons. He concluded by moving
that the petition be adopted as that of the meeting.
Mr. AP Lnon, in seconding the motion, said that the last
time he had the pleasure ofmeeting his brother electors in that
place was on Cue occasion when Sir F. Burdett was defeated.
Nir Francis was now in his grave, and they might let his
faults sleep with him.—( Hear, hear.) But he (Mr. M‘Leod )
never felt so much. pleasure in coming before them as he did
in the -cause of M.r. O'Connell, a man who deserved so much
of his country, ar;d who had committed no offence, and
broken no law.--(gear.) The very judge that sentenced
him shed tears whiLs,t he pronounced the will of the Court,
and observed that the most remarkable part of Mr.
O'Connell's conduct wh's his constant and successful endea-
yours to preserve the pet,,ce and prevent disturbance. Well,
that might be Irish law—t° send a man to prison for keeping
the peace.—(Laughter.) Would they let him out soon if he
promised to kick up a row ?—(Cheers and laughter.) It was
a dangerous thing for Englishmen to look on quietly at such
things, (Cheers.) The Government who had acted so in
Ireland, would send every maxi in that meeting to prison
if they dared.—(Ch
• --eel's.) In seeking the redress of
wievances the people had no right to destroy property,
to be riotous, or to commit depredations upon each other ;
but they had a right to meet in thousands and tens of
thousands to petition Parliament fwredress.—(Cheers.) He
was satisfied that England and Scotland had been too remiss
in not st eing justice done to Ireland, and that they would
suffer for their remissness, unless they came forward now and
said to Ire land " We will see justice done to you, when
we see the most just, wise, and humane of in sent to
prison."—(" Hear, hear," and cheers.) For his part he
(Mr. M‘Leoo declared, as a Scotebman, that if justice were
not speedily done to' Mr. O'Connell and the people of Ireland,
he himselt would become a repealer.—(Great cheering.)
Indeed he was not certain 'how far he might go yet. 4.
laugh.) At first he had a drop of the Whig poison in his
political constitution—(A laugh)—then he became a
Radical—and now he was liappy to say that he was a
thorough Charnst : and if the Government went on in
the same minter, he must go- on In his own
course, and be a repealer--(Clneers and laughter.) He was
inclined to believe that Lord Iloyvick was going on the same
road with himself, and he thought that Lord John Russell
would not be a very iong march behind them, if he had not
lost his love of place.o.-cCheers andlo,ghter.) He had never ,

seen assemble there so magnificent a meeting as the present.
nor ever one more orderly. He was proud of that, for no-
thing. the enemies of [the people would desire :more then to
see rioting. ".If we were so," said he, "they would drink
our health and bad luck to us."—(A laugh). He concluded
by seconding the resolution, and reading the petition, which
was adopted unanimously, amidst the most enthusiastic
cheering.
Mr. F. O'Comeon then rose and addressed the meeting as
Irishmen Englishmen, and Scotchmen. The resolution which
he had to propose was big with importance. It was that the
petition they had just adopted be presented by that vene-
rable and patriotic Nobleman, the Earl of Radnor, to the
House of Peers ; and by Thomas Slingsby Duncombe, Esq.,
to the House of Commons. He was not sure that on that
day he could have been able to stand before them ; but on
an important occasion like that he could not resist the tempt-
ation of having a flying shot at corruption.—(Laughter and
Cheers.) It was said, and said truly, that when bad
men conspired, good men united.—(Continued Cheers.)
So it was then. Bad men in that country, as well
as in Ireland had conspired against the liberties of the
people. They had tried to confine within improper limits
the time-honoured liberty of free discussions.—(Cheers.)
They were there met that day to demand j ustice as well
to preserve a sacred right. No doubt their present spy Go-
vernment thought that by their oppressive application of a
bad law to Ireland, they might in time communicate the
same to England also.---(Cries of "No, no.") Ireland had
been now persecuted for upwards of seven centuries. This
day (some of them might be aware of the fact) was the ann-
niversary of the batte of the Boyne.
"July the first, in Oldbridgc tower
There was a famous battle,
And many a man lay on the ground
Amid the cannons rattle.'
They were there that day to declare that the Irish people
had recognised a great principle—(Cheers)—promulgated by
their great leader, and they were there also to express their
opinion that when that leader was imprisoned within the
walls of the Richmond Penitentiary, it was not only an insult
to the people of Ireland, but to those in that country also
who recognised the same principle. They had read in the daily
papers of the disgraceful tampering with the jury list ; of the
impediments thrown in the way of the traversers' counsel ;
and they had read also the charge of the Chief Justice.—
(Cries of " Oh, oh.") Yet, notwithstanding all these efforts
to crush and destroy the spirit of liberty in that country, it
had arisen, and would further rise, in spite of all opposition.
—(Great cheering.) Many Irishmen had been trans-
ported for less (offences they were called) than that they
were then committing: many Irishmen were then strangers
from the land of their birth for less than that. And he (Mr.
O'Connor), for one, if marked for transportation to-morrow for
a similar offence would still discuss the advantages of a sepa-
rate Legislature for Ireland.—(Cheers.) They would ulti-
mately be able to achieve that great object. It they followed
the maxim of their incarcerated leader—if they remained
tranquil they would assuredly beat the " Iron Duke," and
Sir James Letterbox into the bargain.—(Great laughter, and
cheers.) The very judge who had passed sentence upon Mr.
O'Connell said that he and he only had preserved the peace
of Ireland.—(lmmense cheers.) It was an event in the
history of the times to see Englishmen, Irishmen, and
Scotchmen meeting there that day, and uniting as
one man in denouncing the wrongs that had been inflicted
on Mr. O'Connell. And why were these wrongs inflicted?
Day after day the Legislature were repealing Acts of Par-
liament standing in the way of their own licentiousness, and
was it more difficult to repeal the union than any
other Act? It had been well said by gentlemen
" that three million Irish slaves could rivet Eng-
land's chains," and now they had four millions of those
very slaves. He (Mr. O'Connor) doubted much if Mr.
O'Connell would receive with pleasure an account of
the proceedings of that day, if some expression of
faith in the principles he bad so long and so con-
sistently advocated, did not accompany that account.
He believed that if Westminster that day expressed in favour
of repeal, that neither Sir Robert Peel nor Sir James Fouche
—(Laughter)—would dare to carry their war further in
Ireland.—(Cheers.) He had, never attended a
meeting with greater pride or pleasure than he had
that;; but one thing he would request of them.
When Mr. Smith O'Brien.was addressing the persons met in
the Conciliation Hall in Dublin, he said that one petition
" wanted the principal merit, because it did net speak of the
repeal of the union." Let them not forget to speak of it.
He had to announce that a meeting would be
held that evening in another place to petition
Parliament in time for Mr. Duncombe to present it
on the morrow, not to allow Sir James Graham to open all
their letters.—(Great cheering, and loud cries of " Shame,
shame.") He would' remind them that every fortifica-
tion was [defended by its little bastions, and if they
wished to overturn the great citadel of corruption, they
must first sap ,the little bastions. They ought to
look upon Ireland and repeal as man and wife, and to say
with holy writ, " What God hath joined let no tyrant put
asunder." He would again remind them that his resolution
was to the effect that Lord Radnor should present their peti-
tion in the Lords, and that Mr. Duncombe, the Member for all
England—(Cheering)--shonld do the same in the Commons.
In conclusion he would merely say that after this resolution
was disposed of, an address to Mr. O'Connell would be sub-
mitted to them, which if they heard, would, he bad no doubt,
raise—as an Irish saying had it—the very cockles of their
heart with ecstasy.—(Great cheering.)
The Rev. Dr. WADE said that he had for twenty years
attended meetings in Covent-garden, but never had he with
more pleasure than on that occasion risen to.address a few
words to the audience. He had never seen a larger or a
more respectable assemblage, and they conducted themselves
with the propriety to be expected from the friends
if justice of good order, liberty, and humanity.—
(Great cheering.) He only wished that that great
man ;O'Connell himself was there present to see
them. It would do his heart good. But although he
was not there with them that day, if they but put
their shoulders manfully to the wheel of' liberty
they would soon see his'face and that of the other traversers
among them. They would hear their voices discussing and
advocating the principles of liberty over the world.—(Great
cheering.) He (Mr. Wade) appeared on that platform more
articularly in his character of a clergyman of the Church of
England, yes, and a beneficed clergyman too--( Laughter)—
and he was neither cautious nor afraid to pay his tribute of
respect to his fellow-clergymen of the Roman Catholic
Church.—(Great cheers.) Mr. O'Connell had laid down a
rule of action excellent in the highest degree—namely,
moral in opposition to physical force. That line
of conduct did much credit to the clergy of the Catho-
lic Church and to him. The Roman Catholic clergy had
set a noble example, and he was proud to see that one of
them, Dr. M•Ghee, was on that platform.—(Great cheering.)
He was glad to hear that in the churches of Ireland prayers
were offered for Mr. O'Connell and the other traversers.
He trusted the meeting would join with him in a similar
duty. The Rev. Gentleman then, in a very expressive man-
ner said, may our hearty sympathy be with our fellow-men,
the millions of Ireland, and may God Almighty, who is the
God of nations as well as of individuals,l free them (the
traversers) from their present situation, and hold them up as
martyrs for our good example.
The resolution was then put and carried amidst acclama-
tions.
Mr. O'CONNOR then moved and read a long address
to Mr. O'Connell. It was written upon vellum, and was
surrounded by a beautiful illuminated border in scroll, or
rather arabesque, representing the shamrock, its stem, leaves,
and flower entwined. The manuscript is surmounted by a
neat drawing of the ancient harp of Ireland. and another
ancient harp of a somewhat different form was placed at the
bottom of the page. The address was couched in the most
laudatory terms, and expressed the gratification of the
meeting at the humiliating position of the Government, and
the glorious height to which Mr. O'Connell had raised his
country.
The address was seconded by Mr. WHEELER, and was car-
ried unanimously.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE then said that it was hardly ne-
cessary for him to assure the meeting, that if honoured
with the presentation of their petition to the House
of Commons, he would do it with the greatest plea-
sure. He could not, however, help expressing his
regret that neither of thb Honourable Members for the City of
I Westminster were there—(Cries of "Shame on them ")—to
receive the petition from their hands. But in that business
he would act as their organ in the House of Commons. He
should have great pride in doing so, as it would in fact be only
fulfilling a pledge he had given to Mr. O'Connell at a dinner
given to that gentleman at a theatre not far distant. He
(Mr. Duncombe) then said that in the event of Mr. O'Connell
being imprisoned, the people of England would rise in their
thousands, and force a venial Government to set him at.
liberty. He was glad to see that the city of Westminster
had that day risen in fulfilment of his pledge, and he hoped
that the enthusiasm would soon become a nation.—
(Cheers.) He begged to propose a vote of thanks to the
High Bailiff of Westminster for his courteous and admirable
conduct in the chair.

Consuls-General, Consuls, and Vice-Consuls in the trial of
British subjects guilty of offences in the Ottoman Porte;
and Malta is the place appointed for holding such trials, I
and the punishment of such offenders.

TATTERSALL'S.-THIS EVENING.
QUARTER TO SIX O'CLOCK.,
THE LATE DERBY.
4 to 1 on Orlando
GOODNVOOD STAKES.
12 to 1 on the field
15 to 1 agst Croton Oil
17 to 1 agst Best-of-Three
20 to I agst Franchise
20 to 1 agst The Currier
20 to 1 agst The Pride of Kildare
GOODWOOD cur.
2 to 1 on the field

ST. LEGER.
4 to 1 agst The Cure
7 to 1 agst Ithuriel
12 to 1 agst Red Deer

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Their Lordships assembled et Five o'clock.
The Earl of MOUNTCASBEL presenred a number
of petitions from Ireland, against the Dissenters' Cha-
pels Bill.
PRIVATE BILLS.

The Duke of RICHMOND complained of the renewal,
this session, of the practice of canvassing Peers on the
subject of private Bills. He thought they ought to adopt
a resolution upon the subject, condemnatory of the
practice. _ . _ -

Lord BROUGHAM was glad his Noble Friend had
alluded to the subject. He thought it was an insult to a
Peer to be canvassed on a private Bill.

The Earl of SHAFTEStURY said he fully concurred
in what had fallen from the Noble Duke.

Lord CAMPBELL thought parties might be allowed
to send circulars stating the nature 'of their clauses.
The Earl of WICKLOW thought it an insult to any
peer who was canvassed. on the subject of a private
bill. ,

The subject then dropped.
PENAL ACTS.
In answer to a question from Lord BEAUMONT,

The LORD CHANCELLOR said he should proCeed
with the Penal Law Amendment Bill as soon possible.

PARTY PROCESSIONS IN IRELAND.

In answer to question from Lord MONTEAGLE,
The DUKE of WELLINGTON said it was the inten-
tion of the Government to renew the Bill for the sup-
pression of party processions in Ireland.
Lord ABINGER presented a petition in favour of the
Colchester and Harwich Railway.
Several petitions were presented against the Dissen-
ters' Chapels Bill.
SUGAR DUTIES BILL

The Earl of DALHOUSIE rose to move the second
reading of this Bill. He felt that he would not be justi-
fied in taking the discussion on the Bill to-night, as
many Noble Lords had left the House with the under-
standing that the discussion would.corne on, on the third
reading to-morrow.
After• a few words from Lord BROUGHAM, the Bill
was r.ad a second time, passed through Committee, and
the third reading ordered f,r to-morrow.
LIBEL BILL.
In answer to a question from the LORD CHAN-
CELLOR,
Lord CAMPBELL rose and was

(LEFT SPEAKING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at Four o'clock.

Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL presented 39 petitions
from different parts of Ireland, praying for a repeal of
the union ; 22 petitions from different parts of Ireland
against the renewal of the Bank Charter ; and 39 peti-
tions from various parts of Ireland, signed by 49,984
individuals, against the County Registration Bill, com-
monly called Lord Eliot's Bill. .
Mr. MACKINNON presented a petition from Pimlico
against the practice of intermural interments.
The Earl of HILLSBOROUGH presented a petition
from the County Down, in favour of the legalisation of
Presbyterian Marriages in Ireland.
Mr. ROEBUCK moved that the petition of the Rev.
I). Dobree, Rector of the parish of Forest Testeval, in the
island, of Guernsey, presented June 28, be printed with
the votes.---Ordered. _ _

Lord HENNIKER presented a petition from the
Suffolk Agricultural Protection Society against certain
clauses of the Bank Charter Bill. _ .

Mr. S. WORTLEY presented a petition from the
manufacturing operatives of York against the truck
system ; also, four petitions from Gisborne and other
places against any alteration in the corn-laws.
Mr. MUNTZ presented a petition from the Birming-
ham and Gloucester Railway Company against Mr.
Gladstone's Railway Bill.
Mr. M. PHILIPS presented a petition from the
savings' banks of Manchester, complaining of the reduc-
tion of interest on savings' banks deposits to 2/. 15s. per
cent. per annum ; also a petition from the Birmingham
and Manchester Railway Company against the Govern
meet Railway Bill.
NOTICES OF MOTION—DUTY ON TOBACCO.

Dr. BOWRING gave notice that he would put a ques-
tion to the Government to-morrow, with regard to the
alleged intention of the Belgium Government to place a
differential duty on the importation of tobacco, to the
prejudice of British interests.
The Customs Duties (Isle of Man) Bill passed through
Committee.

Sir G. CLERK presented a petition from the letter-
pressprinters of Glasgow against working on the Sunday.
The order of the day for going into Committee on the
Land Tax Commissioners Names Bill was read for the
purpose of being postponed until that day week.
The Colonial Postage Bill then went through Com-
mittee.
Mr. SOMERS presented a petition from Sligo against
the Irish Registration Bill.
The order of the day for going into Committee on
the Copyholds Enfranchisement Bill was read for the
purpose of being postponed.
Mr. LABOUCHERE said the Right Hon. Gentleman
(Mr. Gladstone) had intimated that he would bring in
measures which would have the effect of removing the
distress amongst the coopers. He begged now to ask
him whether he had been able to mature any scheme
which would have that effect ; and if so, whether there
was any probability of its being brought forward in the
present session ?
Mr. GLADSTONE said what he had stated was, that
there were two modes in which it had been proposed
to afford relief to the coopers ; one a reduction of the
duty, and the other a substitution. With respect to the
former mode it would not be the duty of the Govern-
ment to propose any reduction of the duty on staves in
the present session. He had received a good deal of
statistical information, which he had no objection to
present to the House, which would show that the state-
ments made to the Right Hon. Gentleman with
respect to . the coopers had been coloured to an
unwarrantable extent. As regarded- a substitution,
the Government had not yet arrived at any conclusion.
They were not aware, in fact, that the trade were press-
ing for its adoption.
YEOMANRY CAVALRY.

The motion was seconded by Dr. M'GIIEE.
The Malt BAILIFF returned thanks, and said, that as long
as he was honoured with the situation he held, he should
have no hesitation in callingfrequent meetings if all conduct
themselves in the same orderly manner as they had done
that day.
The meeting then after three hearty cheers for Mr. O'Con-
nell and repeal, and for the High Bailiff then separated in the
most quiet manner.

Mr. BRIGHT put to the Right Hon. Secretary of
State for the Home Department the question of which
he had given notice on Wednesday last, as to the forma-
tion of a corps of yeomanry at Rochdale. On that day
he presented a petition, signed by 6,000 persons at
Rochdale, praying that the House would not sanction
the raising of a troop of yeomanry in that district, and he
grounded his question on the allegations of hat petition.
It stated the force was expensive and needless, as breaches
of the peace rarely took place in that district ; it also
stated that the members of this troop of yeomanry
were all of one political party ; that in case of any
breach of the peace occurring, the force would be
wholly inefficient, as it was naturally cowardly when
brought in contact with danger.—(oh, oh, and Order.)
Mr. MILES rose to order. He wished to know whe.
ther it was competent to an Hon. Member to throw out
against so valuable a body the charge of cowardice.
The SPEAKER said the Hon. Member was in order
in asking the question.
Mr. BRIGHT continued. He was stating what were
the allegations of the petition ; it said that such a force
was not only cowardly, but cruel 'also, as cowardly per-
sons generally were. It said that the regular forCe
was a better one in all respects, as for neigh-
bours to fire on each other raised ill blood and
enmity, that might take years to assuage ; and that
young men were called away , from their business and
shops to their injury, as they had not the means of af-
fording to play at soldiers in this manner ,• it was inju-
rious to themselves and detrimental to the district. The
question he wished to ask of the Secretary of State was,
whether the Government would give encouragement to
the formation of such troops, and if so, whether he had
any objection to lay on the table the correspondence
that had taken place on the subject p
Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Hon. Member for
South Lancashire having notified to him that a number
of persons in 'the district of Rochdale had offered to
raise a troop of yeomanry, he (Sir J. Graham) referred
that communication to the Earl of Derby, the Lord-
Lieutenant of the county. The reply of the Noble
Earl was, that he saw no objection to raising such a
troop, and on. that official opinion he had advised
her Majesty to accept the services of this troop.
The Hon. Gentleman and the House were aware, that
in August 1842, manufacturing districts were much
disturbed ; that property and ' life were in danger,
and an application had been made to him of the most
urgent kind for military aid to'give assistance to the
civil pow er. Objections had been raised to the employ-
ment of troops of yeomanry in the place where
they resided. His Noble Friend, the Member
for South Lancashire,' in consequence of that, had
ordered the Bolton and Wigan
troops to proceed to
Preston,: yet, notwithstanding, sach was the: state of
things in Bolton. that the Mayor set at nought the or-
ders that had been issued
by his Noble Friend, and
detained the Bolton troops there for the protection of
the lives of the inhabitants of the town. That was no
doubt a great stretch of power, and he (Sir J. Graham)
doubted the discretion of it; but nevertheless this yeo-
manry, which had been designated
as "hired assassins,"
were detained in Bolton for the purpose of protecting life
and property. He (Sir J. Graham) could not forget
the state of Rochdale at that time ; he hoped that such a
state of things would not return again ; but yet, on the
Fart of her Majesty's Government, be felt bound to ac-
cept the services offered by these enterprising and loyal
individuals.—(Hear, hear.)
MOROCCO.
Lord PALMERSTON, seeing the Right Hon. Baro-
net at the head of her' Majesty's Government in
his place, wished to put to him a question with respect
to the affairs of Morocco. Events had taken place in

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JULY 1, 1844

that quarter of the world which were of serious conse-
quence, as bearing upon most important interests of this
country. That such was their character was not only
an opinion of his own, but of many other individuals, '
who had stated to him that they had had communica-
tions with the Government of France upon these
matters, and received from it explanations and
assurances which they considered satisfactory ;
of course they would not have considered them
satisfactory if they were not so: both as to diplomatic
forms as well as substance. It was usual, when matters
were taking place in any part of the world in which
Great Britain had an important interest at stake—the
Government generally took means, by officers of their
own, to secure accurate information of what was passing.
Now the question which he wished to put was, whether,
in the present instance, any persons had been employed,
or were about to be employed ; or whether it was in-
tended to have any Military Commission with regard to
the transactions that had taken place on the frontiers of
Morocco, and whether any naval officers or ships had
been placed on that coast to inform the Government of
the events that were taking place there, or whether the
the Government simply trusted to the accounts casually
received, ?
Sir R. PEEL, in answer to the question of the Noble
Lord, begged to assure him that her Majesty's Govern-
ment had felt it to be their duty not to be dependent on
the usual sources of information. Her Majesty's Govern-
ment had given such directions as they thought neces-
sary to ensure full information, and they had also directed
the adoption of such a course as would tend to the real
protection of British interests.
Colonel FOX wished to know from the Right Hon.
Baronet whether the statement which had appeared in
the morning papers with respect to the course pursued
by the Governor-General of Gibraltar at Ceuta were
correct, and whether those proceedings had been sanc-
tioned by the Government.
Sir B. PEEL said he had not seen the paragraph al-
luded to, but he could say this, and that was all he could
state, that Sir Robert Wilson had been at Ceuta.