The Sun.
London, England, 1844-07-15 00:00:00

Mbtrt Lbittion

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

GLOBE.—We regret, of course, that the constituency
of Birmingham have shown so perverse a fancy that
their Parliamentary representation, like their pound
sterling, should represent nothing at all. While this is
matter of regret to a Liberal Opposition, assuredly
it affords the party in power no matter for exulta-
tion. The new Mealer comes in on the express de-
claration that he is "no Peelite;" on the express
pledge of opposing all the principal Ministerial mea-
sures now pending. and adding the gratuitous sweetener
to his supporters—that he would have opposed those
which are carried—had he been in time The case is
parallel, as regards Parliamentary Conservatism, to
what it would have been bad Parliamentary Liberalism
claimed a triumph in the return of some Ultra-Chartist
candidate, who had expressly declared he vas" no Rus-
sone ;" anal that he meant to oppose all the leading
measures charaeteriing the Whig party. Ilad the
'Fury candidate mounted Pvel colours, it, is evident he
would not have been returned ; sothat the moral drawn by
the Government organ from the event is most-ludicrously
inappropriate. " Let the Young Enghtntlers," says the
Herald, " and the other discontented Conservatives,
-meanwhile take instruction from this unegnivo::al proof,
that, whatever they may allege against Sir Robert Peel's
administration, they must admit that that administration
has advanced the Conservative cause throughout the
country." It would. seem that " the discontented Conser-
vatives have matter of eneouiagcment, rather than of
warning ; and that Young England may live in hopes
of flattering fraternisation with Young Brummagem.
The only mode in which Mr. Spooner's return can
he coluurably argued as indicating that the present Mi-
nistry have advanced the Conservative case, is as afford-
ing a fresh token that the measures of Ministers have
aroused the Conservative strength against them. They

have been useful in rousing and rallying that " great
national party" from its slumbers. So successful have
t:ir liohert Peel's measures of the present session
hr'; d, in this point of view, that the Conservative
candidate for a place like Birmingham finds no rheto-
ric so powerful as trie distirct enumeration of those
measnret,, with a dist;nct note or reprobation attach: d
to each: Mr. Spooner. in his first speech to his friends
at I),2e's Hotel, declared as follows:—" He was a true

Conservative, but he conre-sed he wcs no Pi:elite.
Daring the present session he had seen many deviations
1.-ern what he considerAl to be a constitutional course
Government ; and under such circumstances he
could not undertake to give a ct,nstant and undeviat-
ing support to the pres,nt Government." Mr.
Spooner opposes the l'cor-13w 871 l and Sir Robert
Peel's currency measur. s, including the pending Banking
B:11. Mr. Spooner would have opposed the Factory
Bill and the Sugar Bill. It is difficult to conceive a

candidate coming in with a more complete and raisonne
manifesto of "no confidence." " Allusion had been
made to the Factory Bill, aye, and to the Sugar Bill.
He had no vote on those subjects; but he would tell
them, if he had had, he should, together with
upwards of 100 Members who are usually supporters
of Ministers, have voted against Ministers ; and
he should, together with Mr. Newdegate, their
county Member (then on the hustines), have stuck to
his vote, and no threat of turning out should ever have
made him vote black was white on Friday, and reverse
his vote on the following Monday." It may be perceived
from the above samples, that we can afford to
speak impartially of this return. And our impartial
opinion is, that it does pretty nearly equal dis-
credit to both panics. We need say nothing of the
conduct of the local minority of the Liberals, who, un-
able to carry extreme views on their own side, ap-
pear to think it the next best thing to give the victory
to extreme views on the other. If these gentlemen have
convinced themselves that no bread is better than a
half-loaf, we know no argument which can avail to
prevent them, where parties are nearly balanced,
from reducing themselves and us to the "no-bread"
pre licament. Neither can we think that the oppo-
site party derive much credit from their choice. Mr.
Sno eier may be, and we believe is, a very respectable
and respected gentleman amongst his fellow-townsmen.
But be represents no party of possible government, un-
less Birmingham could be isolated, like San Marino.
The Birmingham notions on "Corn and Currency" are
as incapable of influencing actual measures, as Sir James
Graham's past opinions on " Corn and Currency" of af-
fecting his preent conduct.
STANDARD.—The Birmingham election terminated
on Saturday, in the return of Mr. Spooner. Taking it
as an exponent of the prevailing sentiment of the country,
it is impossible to exceed in rejoicing upon the occasion.
But twelve years have passed since Birmingham was the
focus of that political discontent which overrun the
ei hole of Great Britain. In Birmingham the politi-
cal unions had their mirth, and there these unions
flourished the longest and mast vigorously. The "New
Hall-hill meeting" at Birmingham set the ex'nmple of
those physical force demonstrations of which the Whig
Government availed itself to control by intimidation the
Crown and the Parliament. Finally, the army, as strong
as both the contending forces at Waterloo, with which
the Legislature was menaced, was to come from
Birmingham. Yet such has been the happy
improvement of public feeling, that within less
than twelve years from these violent indications of
discontent, we find Birmingham returning a Conserva-
tive Member to the House of Commons, upon, con-
fessedly, as pure, as cairn, as deliberate, and altogether
as unexceptionable an exercise of the right of election
as, any patriot can wish for. Does this prove any dis-
creditable inconsistency on the part of the electors
of Birmingham ? Very far from it. It merely
proves that these electors have not been blind
er indifferent to the events of the last ten or
eleven years, and that they are manly enough
to act upon the instruction of experience and of
common sense. Twelve years ago few then living had
seen Whig principles practically applied to government,
acne had ever seen Conservative government. The
Whig party was then in blossom, full of grace and of
promise, the Conservative party was loaded with the just
odium of the overbearing Tory policy. The bitter
fruits of Whig principles were, however, soon to show
themselves—the blossoms fell one by one—all those
who possessed the respect of the country by charac-
ter or talent dropped sueccosively from the
adminstration. First, Lord Grey, then Lord Stanley,
Lord Ripon, the Duke of Richmond, Sir James Gra-
ham ; lastly, the greatest of all, the one man whose
gigantic powers of mind had created the party, made it
popular, and while he countenanced sustained it—Lord
Broughaen; five yelrs of the worst government that can
afflict mankind followed—the combination of pervereity
and vverkness—and the country suffered all the injurious
and irritating effect. Meanwhile the Conservative party
unfolded itself with consummate prudence, under the
guidance of the great statesman, to whom may be
confidently ascribed its existence and its triumph. Sir
Robert Peel taught the friends of the Constitution that
to he imperious or jealous over the people is not, as the
Torks were accustomed to suppose, necessary to good
government ; but that it is not only more just but even
more easy to preserve the institutions of the State by the
aid of the people them ,elves than in defiance of them--
the distinction as, we believe, between Conservative
and Tory principles, and the ground upon which
the people have preferred the former to the negation of
all principles, of which the Whig creed is apparently
made up. Parallel to this progress of the political
mind of the country, and largely contributing to it,
has been, within the last twelve years, a prodigious
improvement in the intelligence and in the religious
sentiment of the nation—the work of the pro-
moters of education, and chief among these pro-
moters, of the clergy of the Established Church.
The electors of Birmingham have merely followed
in a great and most happy revolution of opinion, produced
by these causes. And if they are a little later in the
read than others, it is easy to understand why they are
so. Birmingham bad to complain justly of a wrong be-
fore the Reform ; its great population had grown
up without any participation in the representative Legis-
lature of the country ; cud according to the maxims
laid down by Tory statesmen they must continue •
fur ever in that humiliating state of privation. The
Reform Ministers who gave representatives to Birming-
ham appeared, therefore—until their purely selfish pur-
pose in the gift was unequivocally proved, by the at-
tempt to make a " Reform Club" borough of the place—
as generous benefactors ; and the violences which these
refermine•' Ministers countenanced, and ever prompted,
in 1832, were, by the people of Birmingham,
rc garded as a kind of pledge from which it would be
dLereclitable to swerve. This, however, we rejoice
to see has passed away, the electors of Birmingham
have since 1832 seen nine years of Whig government,
alet three years of Conservative government, and they
have drawn from the comparison the inference which a
majority of the nation had drawn from the sad cape-
ineica of Whig government alone, and without the
ceetrast.

BANKRUPTCY-(THIS DAY.)
(Before Sir F. C. IVlLLiims.)
I.IAorIDLNARY It MID S.-IN THE 3IATTEROF
BRO3ILEY.

The bankrupt in till's case, asolicitor of Gray's Inn,
appeared to hear the judgment of the Learned Commis-
sioner pronounced, upon his final examination, and the
Court was crowded with persons—some attracted by the
extraordinary disclosures which had been made at the
previous examinations, and others more immediately and
painfully interested in the proceedings.
Mr. llumphery, as before, attended for the assignees,
and Mr. Sturgeon represented the bankrupt.
The case had been appointed for twelve o'clock, but
owing to private business the Learned Commissioner did
not take his seat tili neatly two.
Sir F. C. WILLIAMS—YOU wished, Mr. Sturgeon, at
the close of the last dayPs examination, to say something
in palliation of the bankrupt'sfconduct. I am willing to
hear anything you may have to urge now.
Mr. STURGEON begged to state tint, that, but little
time had been allowed him to prepare anything like a
fair statement.
Sir C. F. WILLIAMS-119n no injury can arise to any
one from a further postponement.
Mr. STURGEON saidLthat with the Learned Commis-
sioners' sanction, the few words he had to advance
should be said now. It was a painful thing to stand
in that Court, under any circumstances, but doubly pain-
ful for a gentleman like his client of respectable stand-
ing, who transacted great and important business, and
through whose hands more than a million and a half of
nioue.y had passed, in his capacity of solicitor for a Prime
MiMB/44 KfklitS Grey).
• .5.;.--ry 're any evidence of that?
, _
'"'lair F.
..eflOhtAir?
, 'Sr

3aM4Otlitc empire (Earl Grey),—
kY...C.!Wilairlx Is there any evidence of that?
tr. Savio-am,- ,in the banker's books.
it F. C. WILLIAM --Is Lord Grey a creditor or
tdr? /A
Ir. STURGEON—A' reditor, In fact the extent of
g----7- .
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