The Sun.
London, England, 1821-02-20 00:00:00

tide at the paper was, the 19th of January. It
professed to be in answer to a circular issued by
the three Courts of Russia, Prussia, and 'Austria.
It was in answer to a public paper from these
Courts, expressing sentiments not for the first
time expressed, and acted upon. It was some-
what strange that at this period of time, repre-
sentation and remonstrance should have done so
little, that it should be necessary so late as the
19th of January, 1821, to send forth this public
declaration of the sentiments of the British
Cabinet. It was still more strange that this public
declaration should not be made till when it was
of no use to the weaker party. The last time
that there had been a conversation in this House
on this subject, he remembered that he ventured
to recommend that the exchange of sentiments be-
tween this Government and the Austrian Cabinet
should be carried on in the form of dialogues,
and he also ventured in a manner rather disre-
spectful to Austria, to observe, that she might
take a hint from Tom Thumb. He now-thought
that these parties had adopted a dialogue from
another quarter of a similar nature.- He now
thought that one of these parties appeared very
like Sir Christopher Hatton, in " The Critic,"
who said—" I have a question to ask which I
have never asked before—what means all these ar-
maments, this preparation, &c:" A stander-by
satisfies his curiosity, but asks—" Why did
Put Sir Christopher ask this before, and why was
he not told ?" The answer to that is—" 'What,
task it before the play began ?—he knew it well
; but the audience did not know it."--
(Laughter.)—So it was the case 'with his Majes-
Vs Government and the Court of Austria.
.1103' understood each other well enough; but
Naples did not.' Parliament too was about to
meet ; the curtain was about to draw up.—
(A laugh.)—This was another suspicious circum-
stance for that paper. Another suspicious circum-
Stance was a passage in that paper, which said, we
took the earliest opportunity of expressing our opi-
nion of the mode and circumstances in which that
Revolution toots place. They were at liberty, as the
Noble Lord opposite said, to express their senti-
ments whenever they pleased ; but, if the Noble
"Ail was that lover of peace and neutrality which
lie professed himself and his Colleagues to be, he
'would have told these sentiments to the party.
most concerned to know them before. Did they
et?rnmunicate their sentiments on the subject to
the Neapolitans ? No ; It was only to that Power
Which was most likely to make an aggression
Upon them on the strength of it. The Noble Earl
tilted of his being a friend "to neutrality, and
had often boasted of this Government being one
or the great Constables and Keepers of the
Peace of Europe. To illustrate this, be would
',tit a case. Suppose he were acquainted with a
Itie person, weak in body, and timid in dispo-
sltinn ; and suppose he were also acquainted
'with a great bulky fellow, of great corporeal
.trength,
and of a most quarrelsome, overbear-
finrq, jealous temper, a neighbour of his little
she"' Suppose the little man
.were to do some-
to his garden,or to some part of his abode,
the(Lord ell
he olland) knew would call forth
friend,sr" and disapprobation of his great bulky
and ' and he were to go to his bulky friend.
aIY"." See what this fellow has been doing!
"3 come with as much haste as I could make,
,° tell you that I highly disapprove of it, and
soat no man eats do more than I do ;" at the
ame time, that he should give orders to his
Porter not to admit the little man to the house,
and make a resolution himself that he would
Ilever go near him, lest he gave a sails-
Tactory explanation of his conduct. What
..,1143111(1 be thought of his partiality, he should
41.,.ke to know, under such circumstances
fi"atlghter.) Still more so, when having
eard that the bulky man had beat the weaker
one with a great cudgel, he should take an early
ZllPortunity to declare his anxiety not to prejudge
wile, Case, at the same time, making a speech, in
Lell he should tell all that he knew to the dis-
rocedit of his little friend, since the commence.
14" of their acquaintanceship.—(Laughter.)—
tnaintained that these were suspicions circum
sta-
ne". What occasion was there for the' Mini-
ster in that Rouse to get up and talk about ab-
truect Government'? Why did he take that
4_4131e for the benefit of Austria,? The King of
not is had pretty plainly told them, that he did
iiiiiciTaut learning nor learned men. " I want,"
liS Majest 46 good subjects, not learned
et" And
Seer this paper, concocted at the Foreign
eeret
ary s Office, was drawn up with all its learn-
. ,6011E11th all its characteristic beauty of language,
Pose 1 its clearness and precision,for the sole par-
uppoZftePleashig such men as this ! The Noble Earl
volet: said, that he did not disapprove of a re-
ilut because an army had taken part in, it.
satti, he did disapprove of it if it originated
art
to ad,oit y. Ile said, too, that he was ready
Provid lL) if achieved by competent authority ;
"! eri t 4 grievance to be remedied be complain-
' his do4(lretriedied try ere competent Authority.
appearedetsi
'IQ of the Noble Earl, he must confess,
./'as the a°,,rnewliat unintelligible to him. What
PtLrify the "IPet of all political revolutions? To
duce, Government ; and what was the griev-
-"ll3lailied of in all revolutions, if it was
vt3t th
Its tt e ""°7erurnent or the competent authorities .
ley were ? Did the Noble Earl, then,
Zeal? to say
the competent Authorities were
ae_cu'lst themselves forth as a grievance, and revolt
lotion
themselves ? :vie hoped that the late Revo-,
Harchs would operate as a warning to Mo-
-1,0104 and if it did not, lie hoped it
end °Perate as an example to their soldiers
maxi subjects. That was a feeling which every
tic
tlel
ca !p ivlio cherished liberty in his heart must par-
ate in. lie could not help remarking on the
cy of the Noble Earl opposite, who was so
hnxious not
to prejudge the case, at the same time
' ad
"' Ito threw away
.the. reasons which Austria
assigned for its conduct, and'suggested a new
"e• Ile
_ referred to that part of the Noble
s speech which alluded to Sicily. What
Was the situation of Sicily when the House of
urban was restored to Naples ? The King
tame o
from Sicily with a Constitution which he
had sworn to and_ sanctioned, and of which. he
Irltrl derived all the advantage he could ; and one
°f his first acts was to break that Constitution.—
Lord 4 lie Noble opposite, in the course of his

Speech, had touched upon the Carbonari. He
said he did not like the origin of the Carbonari.
He said that secret societies were tint Sufficient 60
noinine to justify interference ; but if they were
not confined to one nation, but existed in other
nation then that would be a fit subject to
interfere with the affairs of another country in
which a Revolution had been accomplished by
these Secret Societies. He would take leave to
point out one fallacy in this position of the Noble
Lord. The Noble Lord had confounded all
through that which gave a right to forcible inter-
ference, with that which gave a right to remons-
trance. And one charge against Austria through-
out the whole of these proceedings was, that she
had never told the people of Naples what griev-
ance it was she complained of, nor never asked
her to redress it. So far then she was the ag-
gressor in the rupture with Naples. The Noble
Earl, however, in the course of his speech, made
the circumstance of the, Carbonari having
taken an active part in the Neapolitan Re,
volution to be the distinguishing feature be-
tween it and the Spanish Revolution. Now
he (Lord Holland), had heard that the revo-
lution of the Spanish army was brought about
by the Carbonari. He did not pretend to have
such good information as the Noble Earl, but he
had heard this. The Noble Earl said, that if the
spirit pervaded all countries, that was a proof of
its illegality, He had perhaps forgotten, when
he made that sweeping declaration, that the
Protestant Religion was brought about by means
of secret associations throughout different parts of
Europe. In stating this circumstance with re-
spect to the Spanish Revolution, he did not mean
to say it in disparagement of it. On the con-
trary, he
,thought the seeds and principles of
liberty were so deeply seated in it, that it was
impossible for any.loyer of liberty, or the wel-
fare and happiness of his fellow creatures, not to
be well disposed towards it. And although.the
Neapolitans might not have had those oppor-
tunities which this nation had possessed, of
being acquainted with that Constitution, and
of knowing its 'beauties, still in adopting it
they were equally unacquainted with any other.
In adverting to the subject of the merits or
demerits of the Nehpolitan Revolution, he could
not help alluding to the Manifesto of RUssia on
that subject. It was a strong objection, he
thought, tesa good Constitution, and to power
well exerted, that it depended upon the manner
in. which it was attained. It was more strange
Wl;.n it was considered from whose mouth it came;
when it was remembered that it came from the
mouth of a man,who sat upon a throne reeking-4W'
the blood of his father ; andwhose Throne, from
generation to generation, had been inherited by a
succession of murderers ! It was well for him
to talk of Constitutions, and the way in which
they were got, who obtained his power from the
murder of his father, justifiable perhaps—
Lord ILiattowni(rose to order. lie said, the
language of the Noble Baron was highly dis-
orderly, and that it really called for animadver-
sion. To speak' in such terms of any Foreign
Power, with whom we were on terms of amity,
ought not to be endured in that House ; but,
whether at peace or war, such expressions respect-
ing Foreign Powers were equally opposite to the
Orders of the. House tmd the decency of its pro-
ceedings—(Hear, hear !).
Lord HOLLAND resumed. He was glad tohear
that speaking to the moral guilt of any one,
pecially of a Sovereign, was so indecent: He
must say, that when he was talking of a band
of individuals, who were taking .means directly
subversive of the fundamental laws of this coun-
try, to keep down. the liberty of the world, he
thought it strange for the Lord President of the
Council to call to order in that House a Peer
who was expressing his opinion of the conduct of
one of that band, the Czar of the Muscovites.—
If any part of that league do by its pusillanimity,
Or by its temporising conduct, admit of the
controul of arbitrary power where it has no
just right, then he would not be surprised to
see it one of the Standing Orders of that
House, that the conduct of the great Monarch
of the North of Europe must not be touched
upon. lie was. sorry to:discompose the Noble Earl,
but he must state, that the accession of the present
Emperor of Russia was owing to the murder of
his 'father, and .he must say that not one since
Peter the 'Great had descended from that Throne
without violence being committed on his. person.
fie did, therefore, say, that when he found such
a Government not content with expressing its dis-
approbation, but chusing to read lectures to the
rest of Europe, it must at least allow others to
speak freely on the subject of its poWer. lie
should .like to know what was the vicinity of
.Russia or of Prussia to Naples that this coun-
try was not equally concerned in it. It might
be contrary to the orders.of that Hotise, but the
feeling:pervaded the breast of every Englishman.
Another objection he had to their proceedings
arose from a retrospective contemplation of what
took place at the commencement of a more bloody
and more disastrous struggle for liberty
,than ever
before: had evinced itself in the world. He al-
luded* to. the French Revolution, at the com-
mencement of which they saw the same disposi-
tion to disclaim interference displayed. A letter
of the same nature as the declaration of the Fo-
reign Secretary' was written to the Empress of
Russia; The, Speech from the Throne at that
period breathed the same anxiety to maintain
peace ; there was a recommendation for a partial
reduction of the army, and the same manifesta-
tion of a permanent peace. But in what did it
end ? In taking eventually a part, such as we
had .not thecottrage, or rather the audacity to
avow. Naples was different from France ; but
unless the voice of the people, as well as of that
)louse, expressed their sentiments,, it might not
eventually turn out ,to be so. A Noble Baron,
who was somewhat variable. in the part he took
in that House, had put a very ingenious question
to him the other day.. It 'was, whether he was
prepared to go to war ? Observing, that if he were
not, he could 'not propose to take any part in
the contest between the Belligerent Powers. He
confessed there was much logical acuteness) in
this way of settling the question, and perhaps it
might accord with the notion of Lord. Castle•
repel/ what lee had spread throughout Europe-
-7

that what they had on paper, they had in truth ;
but was there nothing between Man ad man ?
No 'one could doubt that one great ,poitit,in the
Ways and .Means of Austria *as, that he had
Great Britain in her pocket., He Could conceive
some Minister of smite German POwer, wlia had
received this paper of the Foreign seCie-tary,
calCulated to- inspire so great a reverence for his
talents, before it was published.- He could fancy
that he saw that pleasant.Gerrnan face
,with a
smile on it, whilst periisiflg this Unintelligible
stuff, and deriving new odnifOrt when he found
by that able composition that there still a
," moral strength" and a " physical power" in
the Holy' Alliance. In alluding to our Foreign
politics, he could assure the House that he did not
Moan to disparage, especially in the presence of
the Noble Duke opposite (the .Duke of 'Wel-
lington), the feats achieved by our armies
abroad. Never,, he believed, (lid any sol-
diers contribute so much to the glory of a
great country ! Money arid character were
necessary to maintain our ascendancy in the
Continent Of Europe. Character and influence
had been at work to that effect ever since the
reign of Henry VIII. and Queen Elizabeth.
Queen Elizabeth, who for her extraordinary
wisdom and,perception to her own interests, made
her the greatest woman that ever interfered in
politics, saw the use of keeping up her influence
on Continent, which she accomplished by
making herself the rallying post of the Protestant
religion. 'The Carbonari, who had been instru-
mental in the late Revolution, had their origin in
the policy and measures of the Governments op-
posed to France. They had their origin in
secret societies established in most countries for
the purpose of shaking of the yoke of -France.
They were encouraged in Italy, he believed, for
that express purpose—and he believed, with the
exception of Austria, there was not a Power, in-
cluding the Czar of Russia himself, that was not
desirous to give his subjects a free Con-
ititution. He admitted that care had been
taken not to let the sufferers- imagine that
the Government of England interested itself too
much in their affairs. Throughout Italy, so far
from its being supposed that the Government or
England interested itself for the people, it was
generally believed (he hoped the idea was a false
one), that it was opposed to their wishes, and
quoted (he spoke from what he knew), as most
inimical to its own subjects, and to those of every
other country. He would ask the Noble Lord
what induced Austria to interfere on the occasion?
He would ask if any man, who kneW any thing
of the proceedings of that power, could have the
least doubt that the motives which swayed it on
this occasion sprung from an apprehension that
the establishment of a free government in the vi-
cinity Of her territory would be likely to endan-
ger her dominions, from the aversion it was
calculated to inspire, for the yoke under which
her subjects in Italy now groaned. That there
was reason for such an alarm he would not deny.
The principle on which the Austrian Govern-
ment acted, though in his opinion an infernal and
a diaboliCal principle, he must still admit to be
consistent and rational. This was his sin-
cere opinion, for unless Austria changed The sys-
tem of her Government in Italy, he, in the
event of a free Government being established in
Naples, would not'give five years' purchaSe for
the peace of her dominions. As a spectator and
a citizen of the world he rejoiced in this pros-
pect. But he would say to Austria, "avert the
impeding evil, by improving the condition of
your own people,
,and not. by making that of
others worse than it would otherwise be." What
principle could be more diabolical than that to
which he now opposed himself. Yet that thatfwhich
he had ascribed to Austria was correctly ascrib-
ed to her, he was confident no man in the lobby
of that House would lay his band upon his heart
and deny. He had been called to.order for the
manlier in which he had spoken with respect to
the present Emperor of Russia. He was unwill-
ing to transgress the rules of that House, but an
.such a subject he could not much regret that he
had spoken with warmth. He st. ould give his
vote for the production of the papers, and let the
imprecation light where it might, it was his hope
that any, man who employed power to stem the
tide of public feeling, and oppose the spirit of
improvement, would himself be overwhelmed iu
the current, and fall an example to all succeed-
ing tyrants who might be disposed to war against
the liberties of the people.
Lord ELLtxuo ROUGH said, if-he could take the
same view of the case under consideration as was
taken by the Noble Baron, he would be disposed
to use language equally indignant against the
circular which had been sent to the Continental
Governments, and equally strong iu condemna-
tion of the Ministers of this country. But tak-
ing into his consideration the statements which
had been made by the Noble Earl, and look-
ing at what appeared to have been the conduct
of the Government, he could not, avoid corn-
ing to a conclusion very different from that
come to by the Noble Baron ; he could not
but be of opinion that the course that had
been pursued was that which. was most' conform-
able to sound policy under the present diffi-
cult circumstances of Europe. The Noble
Baron had complained that Ministers had ex-
pressed strong disapprobation of the mode
and circumstances by which the Revolution
in Naples had been brought about. He thought
not only that Ministers were justified in express-
ing disapprobation of those circumstances, but
that the expression of. that disapprobation might
produce very beneficial consequences even to the
parties against whose proceedings it was directed.
He renTetted,that the Noble Earl who brought
forward the motion, had that night given the
great, and justly great authority of his name, in
favour of a revolution brought, about by the rniii-
tarv. It was for the interest of mankind that
suchrevolutions should be oppOsed; as they were
more frequently effected for the purpose of de-
stroying, than for that of establishing the liberties
of the people. They should be discountenanced,
as there was no security for the continuance 'of a
state of things founded on the will of the soldiery,
as those that made a Constitution one day, should
destroy it on. another, and their feelings were
generally diffs/rent from those of the great body

or their telio‘ir subjects. it was tterefore- Com-
mon
in the course of A very short period 3 to find

those who were cdriSldered tire Savionrl of their
country • rti.gtitded za iti destroyers--to finis the
establishers Of a Constittition its rnhverterS; and
to find' those ?who had Commenced. by limiting
the Kingly prerogative, eftei a inne engaged
in extending the powers of thlCSovereign, with
a view to. the -establishment df some individual
object of their own. These Considerations led
him to think that Government had .done no more
than its deity in protesting•against the reivlution
ary proceedirt4s in Naples. The 'revolution
there had been brought about under circum-
stances which were not 'calculated' ;to Pro-
mote the happiness. of the people. It was
rented against a Government, respecting whoui no
charge had been brought for some' years. Ile did
not defend tire principle of the old Govern-
ment ; ho man could be less disposed to •do so
than himself. (for he had seen it in action) ; but,
for years, all the regard that should • be shewn
for a people, under a Government so constituted;
had been manifested. There were several fea-
tures in the case which deserved .particular obser-
yation. He would ask, if there was nothing ex-
traordinary in the coincidence seen in the:break-
ing out of the Revolution; • and the Return sent
at that- period'of the Heir Apparent, who is now
placed at the .-Head of tire Government. Look-
ing at that return; and what had since occurred,
was it not fair to conclude that the object. of the
Revolutionists was to overthrow the Sovereign 4!
and place the next Heir to the Crown •on the
-Throne ? Under such -circumstances, he thought
the protest of the English Government likely to
be productive of beneficial. consequences to the
Government of Naples. It Would tend to
make them feel the necessity of adopting a mode-
rate line 'Of conduct towards foreign Govern 4
merits, and towards persons who might be ob-"
noxious to them ; and, .in fine, of acting so as to
convince. those who were dissatisfied with thy
means by which the Revolution had been effect-
ed, • that however impure the source from which
their power sprung, it was their determination
not to use it unworthily, but to prove themselves
capable of sustaining the relations of peace and
amity between State and State, and subject to
Treaty and Alliance. The Noble Earl had com-
plained -of the appearance of an English fleet in
the Bay of Naples. When he' considered the
circumstances of the Revolution, he thought the
Nohle Earl must feel that the presence of an
English fleet there was necessary for the•protec-
tion of British interests. On the part of the
Allies a most odious and despicable principle had
been put forth. It came to this, that Govern-
morits existed not for the benefit of the people
governed, but for the pleasure and gratification
of the party go-perning. Had the Protest Made
by this Government done nothing toward over-
throwing that principle ? He was of opinion
that it had in a wanner destroyed the confe-
deracy, and .deprived it of half its power,
at the very commencement of its operation's.
What had • been done precluded Austria from
seeking its own aggrandizement in its war against
Naples. If the march of the AuStr:an troops-1
could be justified on any principle, it was this;
that the Government•of Naples had fallen into
the hands of ,a particular sect, whose success
would be incompatible with the .safety of all
Governments. The proceedings' of the Austrians
ought to be limited by the original necessity of the
case.• They ought only to require•security that,
the Government of Naples should nut -be
lodged in -the hands of that sect. Having

gained that object, their triumph ought to
be reg►►rded as complete. The Noble Baron
had thought this Country ought to have
remonstrated against the proceedings of Aus-
tria. lie (Lord Ellenborough) was of opinion
that England had belt one of 'two courses to pur-
sue. The first was that of silent neutrality—
the other that of war. The intermediate line
recom►ended by the Noble Baron, he was of
opinion could not be adopted with advantage.
The Noble Baron might compose a beautiful

moral lecture—he might produce a fine form of
words, a perfect and elaborate composition; but
this, however excellent, would be useless. If it
were not written with the sword, it would pro-
duce no effect. No man regretted more than he
did, the pressure of distress now experienced in
this country—no man.regretted more than he
did, the advantages taken of those 'distresses—
but when they were told that all these sprung
from the errors of Governments, in which the
people had no concern—when they were told that
all their !tapes must depend upon► the continuance
of peace, was it to be supposed that Foreign
Powers were ignorant of these things, or igno-
rant of the temper of the people, or of the tem-
per of Parliament? These things must be
known, and when it was seen that our force
was diminished from motives of economy, it was
not to be expected that we should possess all
the influence which belonged to us while our
army was entire, and not a shot in Europe could
be fired without our permission. To him then it
appeared, that unless the Noble Earl and the
Noble Baron were prepared to propose that we
should depart from the line which we had-taken,
which appeared to him to be that of stria neu-
trality, to take' that course which would lead to
direct hoitility, they ought not to wish it deviated
from at all. The danger of putting forth a re-
monstrance he strongly urged, and shewed that
doing this and not enforcing it would be but to
expose the state of our tinances—our impaired
fortunes, and our broken spirit. It was his most
anxious wish to avoid this, to place the Parlia-
ment in harmony with the people, and to revive
that mutual '•onfidence which ought to subsist

between the Government and the governed, and
which constituted the real strength or the nation.
Without that it would' be la vain to read a moral
kct.u;(3 to the Govern Mews of the Continent,
and the effect of doing so would only be to lower
the character of the country and expose its weak-
ness to the worhl. lie hoped the Noble Earl
would, on reflection, be disposed to withdraw his
motion.

Lord CAr.TuonP thought the language of the
circular any thug blit sati,flaory. lie complain"
ed alit both for what it implied and what it ex-
pressed. if 4e sacrifices math: by this country to

• • .
obtain the objects of tire war, folded as We *ea
at its close with the fruits of war, ought to have
procdred for us a seetire guarantee for the enjoy.;
nierit of the blessings of peaCe: The disavowal of
the Principles put fdith by tlfe Allies, which afiL:'
peared hi the circular, proifed that sufficient care
had not been taken in the riegiiCiation 'tb accorn
pliih that object. The conduct of Austria was,
his opinion, stick as wotild justify interferenee on '
the part df this country to enderivOur to 'persuade.
her to refraid front ptirsuing her present 'line of
policy.
Earl GREY replied: fie was riot satisfied -Willi
the explanation given by the Neble Earl. Had
-a strict neutrality been observed, .he Would not '
so much hive complained, but in expressing tlia:;
approbation of the IteVolution;at a moment when
the ell't-tt of that was to strengthen and &icor'.
rage the Allies to proceed-against the country
they threatened, was departing from the strilit
neutrality which Ministers professed it was 'their
intention to observe. If fair neutrality was
tended, the usual friendly intercourse ought t 4
halve b'eri maintained. This, iroWever;appeared
to.have ceased. He would now ask.whether Sir
Wm. A'Court was otir accredited Minister' to the
Government of Naples. But if this were so,
more waS still Wanting ; it was necessary that en
accredited Minister from Naples shotild be here:
The Noble Earl said Count Rudolph was an ac.
credited MinisterfrOm Naples. He wished toa4.-,
dress the Crown to Communicate information on
this subject. Ile would ask if it were not tieltti.J
rictus that Coma Rudolph had been recalled by
the present Government of Naples, and that
the Prince Cimitelle, sent to England 'as an at-,
credited Minister from the NeW Government,
had not been received at this Court ? This was a
breach of friendly intercourse, which if Naples.
were not a weak state, would be resented as an
insult on her character and independence. lie"
wished. if this country were to be neutral, that
an equal measure of her regard shotild be dealt.
out to both countries. He then adverted to the
difference of Naples and 'Sicily, and with' re-
ference to them remarked, the utmost the Allies
could have a right to do was, to take part with'
Sielly :against Naples._ If the CarbOnari were
found actively spreading mischief and endingeri44
the Governments of other-countries, the utmost the
Allies could in reason demand would be security
against the continuance of these-practices. The
sects described under this name had probably,
sprung up during a period of general oppression ;
it was, however, little likely • that they corres-
ponded with the malcontents of other countries
after the circumstances which called them into •
existence bad 'ceased; and still less likely was it
that they were encouraged by the Government,.
which was the only case that could prove a right

to interfere on the part of the Allies. Minister;

had said they were not called upon to interfere,
and they wished not to prejudge the question. He
would ask, if this was not a, question closely C,Mt.•
nected with the law of nations and those prin;:i-
pies on which the peace of Europe must depen.l ?
If, then, Ministers would not now pre2,ulge
the ciiestion, when were they ever to judge
of it et all ? He would say, that when the
question first came before them, that was the
time when they ought to have judged of it.—
When were they to judge of it now ? After Aus-
tria had overrun Naples ? After the violation of
public law had been committed ? After all 151.19
over, then they were to judge•what was prep::r
to be done, instead of cowing forward in the first

instance to prevent a scandalous violation of
public law, as the Noble Earl admitted it woull
be, if unaccompanied by those ctrcumstance3
which seemed to justify it in the present cas-t,
nere, however, the Noble Earl, not to prejud,e
the question, was to sit still with his hands b--

hind him till all the mischief was done. This wls

the picture of the miserable policy by which this
country was to be degraded. With •respect to
the change of Government at Naples, it was to

be remembered that the Government had co-t-
-tinned to be administered in the name of th.t
Sovereign, and therefore the change did not dis-
qualify us from continuing a friendly intercoursr..
If he recollected right, it was England that 11. d
first set the example of placing the Vicar-Gena-
ral in the 'place of the King when a Constitutio
was given to Sicily from this country by Lor
W. Bentinck. The King of Naples-at' that tim
objected to the Constitution proposed, and so. the
Vicar-General was named in his place to- gee
over the difficulty. If these exceptions were, to
be taken, it was but fitting- that they should,be
taken fairly. lie was prepared to admit; that
when a Government like that of England re-
monstrated with Foreign Powers, it ought to b.;
prepared in possible cases to support its remon-
strances by force of arms. It was .for those
who were for ever talking of the successful ter-
mination of the late war—who contended that
the country never stood so high as at-present--
who told them every day, that through • the
policy Ministers had pursued,- the inifillence of
England was more universally acknowledged in
*every Court of Europe than,eoer. it had been be-
fore ; it was for those who held-this language, to
explain how it was that our power. had decline:l
till we were so miserably, reduced, that we had
no longer the ability to support with arms the
remonstrances; we might feel. it our duty to make.
Unhappily, even since the commencement of
this debate, he -had learnt from a' quarter to
which. he could' not but give credit, that the
turn things. would take was no longer doubt-
,ful, but that the die was-Cast.' He- had it on
the authority to which he had'. referred,
that the Austrian army had advanced in
three columns--that the King of Naples -sad
issued a Proclamation, • dissolving the. Parlia-,
rent, and calling on his sUbjects --to receive the

Austrians a 3 friends. This was the Act of a

Sovereign, who had been called a, captive while

among his people) but, of course; was free netv
that he was surrounded, by the etiemieg of li:A
country. Naples would now be oecu.pied by
Austria, and he would ask any matt) looking at
the history of Europe, and at the character of the
Iloase of Austria, if •it-might not be inferrA,
thaetheconsequences of this step,,, trould, sooner
or later, involve Europe, in war. What then
would be gained by our present acquie:;eenee

Why; the reputatioti of ~
p•:lpillauitoity. Ivou!,1 tie