The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-09 00:00:00

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LONDON, TUESDAY. DECEMBER 9, 1845

The number of railway companies that have depo-
sited their plays with the Board of Trade in proper
time is stated to be nearly 800. There has been,
therefore, a falling off of more than a third of the
1,263 projected companies in Mr. SPACKMAN'S table.
The sum which a ould be required to be deposited with
the Accountant• General for 800 companies (calculating
the deposits for all at 10 per cent., though several may
go to the House of Commons with only 5 per cent.
deposited) is estimated at 26,200,000/. Mr. SPACKMAN'S
estimate of the deposits for his 1,263 companies was
59,136,300/. Thirty millions makes a small difference !
It may be asked why that table of terror was not kept
back—only a fortnight—till after the 30th of No-
vember ?

Of the 800 companies which duly deposited their
plans at the Board of Trade, some, it is well known,
were too late in the country. Some again, though the
surveys have been completed and the plans deposited,
have not got in their money. The defectiveness of
plans, in other cases (considering the immense pressure
on surveyors, it is only surprising that so few of the
plans deposited are spoken of as imperfect), will further
help to reduce the. number 800 to a more reasonable
number.
The period which will intervene before the meeting of
Parliament will probably be prolific of amalgamations.
There has, indeed, been a considerable number of amal-
gamations within the last month, while the preparation
of plans was occupying the attention of Parliament; but.
now that the ordeal of the 30th of November is passed,
directors will have more time for arranging amalgama-
tions, and as the meeting of Parliament draws near
questions of amalgamation will become more urgent.
But, to whatever extent amalgamations of competing
schemes may or may not take place before the meeting
of Parliament, only one of any number of competing
schemes can be sanctioned by Parliament ; and when
this is considered, the number 800 will be forced ulti-
mately to submit to an immense reduction. We may
fairly take the residuum at not higher than a third of
the number. When it is considered that in several in-
stances there are net lees than fire or six competing

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schemes, it will be admitted that this is at any rate not
too large a deduction.
Will it then be so impracticable, as alarmists have en-
deavoured to represent, for Parliament in the next ses-
sion- to adjudicate on schemes to terminate at most In
250 Railway Acts ?
People are too apt to suppose that Parliament did the
most that could be done with its time in the last session.
A great deal of time was wasted last session in waiting
for the reports of the Board of Trade. This cause of
delay will not exist next session.
A great deal of time may be saved by allowing the
House of Lords to originate Railway Bills, and thus
giving simultaneous occupation to the two Houses. As
it is, the House of Lords has no Bills before it for the
greater part of the session, and the House of Commons
none at the end. We mentioned a few days back that
this alteration of the practice of Parliament had been
recommended by Lord MONTEAGLE. We have also the
authority in its favour of Lord REDESDALE, whose expe-
rietce in private Bill legislation in the House of Lords
is second only to Lord SHAFTESBURY'S. Lord REDES-
DALE stated, in his evidence before the Select Com-
mittee on Railway Bills of the House of Commons last
session—" I may say that, having turned my mind a
good deal to this subject, I think the whole difficulty of
legislation with regard to Railway Bills might be got
over if the House of Commons would allow a portion of
the Railway Bills to be originated in the House of Lords.
During the early period of the session the House has
very little to do, and the Members of it would attend
most willingly, and a very large portion of the business
might be advanced." Words could hardly be stronger
than these of Lord REDESDALE.
But it may be said, if more could be made of the time
at the disposal of Parliament, can more be made of the
Members ? Can they possibly be worked harder at
railways than they were last year ? A Parliamentary
return, moved for by Sir ROBERT INGLIS (No. 620 of
last session), shows the whole number of Members of the
House of Commons who served on railway Committees ;
and the whole number is only 220 out of the 658 Mem-
bers. And while some of these were certainly worked
hard, as the unfortunate members of the Committee on
Group X., who sat 83 days, others were worked very
little. As many as eighteen Committees, comprising 90
members, sat not more than five days each. Four Com-
mittees, comprising 25 members, sat only one day each.
No member served on two Committees. After all, Jinn,
there is a deal of House of Commons' strength in reserve.
We have thought that the publication of these facts
may be useful, at this time, and tend to allay some of the
unreasonable fears which a great deal of vague writing
has increased, if not engendered, as to the impossibility
of Parliament dealing with the railway schemes which
will come before it in the next session. We believe that,
in this as in all other cases, it will be found that " where
there is a will there is a way," and we are sure that
amalgamations, and other causes, will materially reduce
the present number of expected Bills, already materially
reduced since the 30th of November.

The students in the Universities appear to be the
only parties in France who claim the right of meeting
publicly, and expressing their grievances. When some
new law is made for the direction of their studies, or those
of a restless and independent spirit are expelled—when
a dispute between the Church and the University arises,
or the Minister of Public Instruction, and any of the
professors are at variance on points of doctrine or
discipline—the rising generation take up the question
with all the gravity and firmness of men in the full
maturity of life. They are always put down, it is
true, but, nevertheless, they persevere in maintaining
their privileges, and asserting the right of a free
people to petition their rulers for redress of griev-
ances. This forms a singular contrast to the
universal practice which prevails throughout France,
while it is in perfect unison with the system of self-go-
vernment which has long distinguished the inhabitants
of these islands, and which has been the real source of
their liberty and independence. Though France has a
House of Lords and a House of Commons, a Sovereign,
like ours, that can do no wrong, and all the other emblems
and exterior safeguards of a free constitution, the people
have little or no power, for they are debarred from express-
ing their sentiments at public meetings respecting either
the proceedings of Parliament, or the measures of the
Government, or any great national event whatever. The
voice of the people, in fact, is never ascertained by any
expression of public opinion. The newspapers are not
backward in saying what public opinion is, nor at
all choice in their expressions when the Minister is the
object of their attacks ; but it is impossible to learn from
these the feelings of the people, for their representations
vary according to their politics, and the Government
itself has no means of knowing what measures are ap-
proved or reprobated but through the functionaries called
Prefects, or ministerial agents, performing the duties of
spies. Such a system is at utter variance with a free
constitution, and most injurious also to the stability of
any government or dynasty. In France, the KING and
Cabinet, with some slight check from the Chambers,
govern the country. In England the reverse is the
case. Our system of representation is still defec-
tive, notwithstanding all the important changes
made by the Reform Act ; but, even with all its
defects, the voice of the people has a considerable share
of influence in its decisions, even as expressed through
their representatives. That influence, however, is little
or nothing compared with that created by the "pressure
from without," by public meetings, and petitions, and
remonstrances, and continued agitation for the accom-
plishment of certain measures. It was the pressure
from without that carried the Emancipation Act and the
Reform Act, and but for the demonstration made pre-
vious to these two great events, GEORGE IV. and his
Cabinet would never have yielded to the just claims of
the Catholics, nor would Earl GREY have been made
Prime Minister to his successor, and received the
commands of his master to frame a measure
for extensive Parliamementary Reform. Need we
mention another instance, which is now palpable to
every observer ? We take for granted that the corn-
laws are doomed to destruction. About that desirable
consummation there is no doubt whatever among all the
well-informed and the most influential portion of the
people—the middle classes. The Whigs, the only party
in the State that claim a rivalry with the Conserva-
tives in the government of the country, have gone over
in a body to the repeaiers; the Prime Minister himself
and all his free-trading colleagues are inclined to the
same views, and nothing is wanting but the sanction of
Parliament and the Crown to the final settlement
of the question. What has effected this won-
derful change? The privilege, which Britons
claim as their inalienable birth-right, of petition-
ing the ruling powers, and demanding the adop-
tion of measures essential to their security and welfare,
Sir ROBERT PEEL, or Lord JOHN RUSSELL, or any other
statesmen might have talked in the Cabinet or the
Senate, during the whole of their political lives, about the
blessings of free,trade and the injustice of the corn-
laws, but they would have talked in vain without
the aid from without. To that WELLINGTON and
STANLEY and RIPON must yield without a murmur, for
we have no instance on record of the public being de•
feated in their purposes, when clearly ascertained, even
by the most powerful Ministry and the most obsequieu►
Parliament. This great privilege every Englishman
ought, therefore, to prize as the first of his political
rights, and as the only real safeguard for a represen-
tative Government. When he looks to the state of
France, too, he will be still more inclined to prize
the system under which he lives. In that coun-
try monopoly is ten times more injurous than
here, yet no meetings can be called to obtain re-
dress. Everything must be left to the KING and his
Cabinet, and no remedy can be obtained, nor the
public voice be known till a revolution takes place.
Then there are meetings and speeches in abundance,
and the whole frame of society is loosened, simply be-
cause the complaints of the people had been pent up by
the wretched system of government, and, in a fit of
frensy, they were compelled to obtain relief by main
force.

The intelligence from Madrid is to the Ist inst., but,
as usual, is of little interest. The country is quiet; the
income-tax is collected with little opposition; NARVAEZ
has subdued the Progresistas and all his opponents in
the Cortes ; and in reality an absolute monarchy is es-
tablished in Spain. The only disturbance mentioned in
these papers lately occurred at Seville, caused by a party
of students, who ;mutinied because their professors or-
dered them to wear clean cravat, and pay more atten-
tention to their college dress. A few of them were ar-
rested, and one youth was wounded in the patriotic re-
ristance to their superiors.
On the Ist the Three per Cents. closed at 35 for cash,
and 351 at 60 days, and the Five per Cents. at 24, at 60
days.

Most of the Paris 'papers advert to the procession of
the students to the residence of M. QUINET, asd the
attack made on them by the police. The Opposition
journals are loud in their denunciations against the Go-
vernment for interfering at all, as the young men con-
ducted themselves peaceably, and after their visit to the

professor's house were quiedy i eturning to their respective
colleges. The Journal des Dibats gives rather a dif-
ferent version of the affair, and says," the police interfered
because the students, not content with visiting M. QUINET,
were marching towards the hotel of the Minister of
Public Instruction, with the manifest intention of insult•