The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-06 00:00:00

flkrriLM' .jiTh

LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 6,184 g.

We yesterday left it to the Times to tell its own
startling tale of the final Cabinet resolve. It takes a
little time to recover breath after bearing of such party
tergiversation and political perfidy. _ _

We are disposed to believe the announcement of the
Times, feeling that that journal would not risk its cha-
racter for correct information by the publication, in a
matter of such immense importance and universal inte-
rest, of what it did not know to be true.

So the PEEL policy has prevailed once more. Once
more is the Conservative party betrayed by those whom
it has placed in power. Once more have Sir ROBERT
PEEL and the Duke of WELLINGTON kicked away from
under them the ladder by which they have risen to poli-
tical power. The game which they played on the Catholic
Emancipation question is to be played again on the
corn•laws.

So far as Sir ROBERT PEEL himself is concerned, we
are not surprised. We have believed all along, in ac-
cordance with the common rumour, that lie was ready to
sacrifice the corn-law. There are those who have
imagined that he was trembling with fear of taunts of
inconsistency—that he bad the fear of Hansard before
his eyes. When did Sir ROBERT ever fear Hansard 9
If that name was to him ever a name of terror, his life
of political versatility must have long since inured him
to Hansard.

But we are surprised at others. We have been ima-
gining that the Iron Duke was restraining Sir Plausible
from another sacrifice of political character, of a nature
to involve not only the honour of the Conservative
party, but the fair fame of English public men. We had
believed that the struggle in the Cabinet (for a
struggle there evidently was) of this sort—PEEL
anxious to propose corn-law repeal, the Duke inter-
posing with a " No," and urging that if they were at
last compelled to admit the necessity of repealing the
corn-laws, they were bound in honour to resign—that
the old friends of free trade might have the glory of the
victory, and themselves show their disinterestedness by
aiding their opponents to do the work. And this would
have been the honourable course. But the PEEL policy
has prevailed ; and the crisis is to be turned to account
for preserving the present Government in power, by re-
nouncing the opinions to which they owe their existence
as a Government. _

What will the Duke of RICHMOND say ? He was to
turn the Government out, if they forgot protection. He
has hitherto been indulgent. Will he now be the more
unrelenting in consideration of past indulgence ? Will
Lord ARTHUR LENNox stay at the Ordnance ? If he
does, will Chichester be still at his service ? What will
West Sussex say, when called upon, as it will be at the be-
ginning of the sessinb, to choose a successor to Mr-
Commissioner DARBY ?

What will the Duke of BUCKINGLIAM say ? Does he
now repent of having again allowed Sir THOMAS FRE-
MANTLE to sit for Buckingham ? Will Sir THOMAS
FREMANTLE resign ? If he do not, will he again sit
for Buckingham ?

What will Mr. SYDNEY HERBERT do ? Does he re-
main in the Cabinet?—he who was put forward, as a
compliment of course to the strength of his protection
principles, to answer Mr. COBDEN in the last session,
and who began the provincial campaign of this vaca-
tionprotection harangue to his Wiltshire con-
_
s ttu e bn ya t e .

VY
A still more important question is,—what will the
House of Lords do ? It remaias to be seen whether the

House of Lords is content, on all questions, to register
the edicts of a PEEL Cabinet.

We are not disposed to disguise that railway legisla-
tion will require great care and caution from Parliament
the next session, or to deny that there has been much
mimez . and something worse than rashness, in the
railway ape: elation of the present year. But we can
see the difference between difficulties and impossibilities;
and with reference to the course taken by our Con-
temporary the Times, we cannot but think that true
wisdom would have endeavoured to make the best, and
not the worst, of errors affecting pecuniary interests
which are spread over the nation, and would have sought
rather to show how difficulties may be evercome and
mistakes repaired, than, by unmeasured and indiscri-
minate invective, to produce in the public mind confusion
and despair, which must for a time inevitably aggravate
the evils of past excessive speculation.
Where, by stating facts or explaining the provisions
of railway enactments, we can prevent any mischief
that might arise from the circulation of errors about
railways, we think, in the present state of feeling, and
with the known immense extent of railway investments,
we could hardly perform a more important duty. And
with this view, we are anxious to explain the exact state
of the case as to the regulations made by Parliament, in
the last session, for the reintroduction in the next ses-
sion of Bills stopped, as the London and York Bill was,
for want of time.

Both Houses agreed to dispense, in such cases, with a
repetition of the usual deposits of places and notices to
landowners, and requiring only a certain number of
newspaper advertisements, signifying the intention of the
company to apply again to Parliament in the next ses-
sion. The regulations of the House of Commons for the
treatment of such Bills are contained in the following
resolutions, passed on the 7th of July :
" That upon any petition for leave to bring in a Railway Bill
which shall be presented to the House during the next sesssion
of Parliament, and referred to the Committee on Petitions,
the Committee do examine whether the said petition be the same
in substance as any petition for the same purpose, and from the
same parties, which was presented in this session of Parliament;
and in that case, whether any Bill brought into the House in
pursuance of such petition in this session, was pending in either
House of Parliament on the termination of this session, and
so, whether a subscription contract, as required by the Standing
Orders, binding in the usual why the subscribers to the undertak-
ing has been entered into, and is valid at the time of such in-
quiry, and whether the deposit of 51. per cent. upon such sub-
scription is lodged in the manner required by the Standing
Orders.

" That in such case, and on proof of such notice having
been given as aforesaid (by newspaper advertisements), and
in case it should appear that such Bill had, at the end of this
session, been pending in the House of Lords, or if pending
in the House of Commons, had been ordered to be en-
grossed, the Standing Orders with respect to any such Bill
shall be held to have been complied with.
" That the time between the second reading of any such
Bill which shall be brought in in the next session and the
meeting of the Committee thereon, be shortened to three
days, the parties giving the regular notices in the Private
Bill-office.

" That the Committee on any such Bill do examine whe-
ther the Bill be in every respect the same as such former
Bill at the last stage of its proceeding in this House in the
present session, and that in such ease no evidence shall be
received by such Committee ; but that on the reception and
adoption by the House, of a report from such Committee,
that the Bill referred to them is in every respect the same
as such former Bill at the last stage of its proceeding in this
House in the present session, such Bill may be ordered to be
engrossed without any further proceeding in respect thereof."
It will be seen that the important privileges conferre 1
in the three last paragraphs are to be conferred on the
following conditions :—that the petition for a Bill next
session is the same in substance as the petition of last
session; that the petition is presented by the same par-
ties ; that a deposit of 51. per cent. has been lodged (the
new 101. per cent. standing order does not apply to these
Bills), and that there is a subscription contract in ac-
cordance with the standing orders, valid next sesssion.
Now what is required to make a subscription contract
valid next session ? Standing Order No. 40, of the House
of Commons, says, " That as regards Railway Bills, no
subscription contract shall be valid, unless it be entered
into subsequent to the day fixed in the session of Par-
liament previous to that in which application is made for
leave to bring in the Bill to which it relates, as the last
day on which petitions for private Bills may be pre-
sented :" and there is no exception for Bills in the posi-
tion of the London and York Bill: so that it is abso-
lutely necessary for the London and York Company,
and all other companies in the same position, to pro-
vide themselves with new subscription contracts before
going to Parliament next session.
A statement has lately appeared in some of the news-
papers, addressed to the London and York Shareholders,,
and signed "One of Yourselves," which says "Parliament
does not require any new deed from a company in the

situation of the London and York Company: your act
in signing a fresh deed amounts to renouncing your
present deeds, and giving up your present position."
The writer afterwards proceeds to impute motives to
solicitors, engineers, and directors, because the share-
holders are required to sign a new subscription contract.
The assertion, on which the imputation of motives is
grounded, happens to be totally incorrect.
The London and York Bill, having complied with the
required conditions, will go through the House of Com-
mons, therefore, at railroad pace ; and the question
arises, what course will be taken by the House of Lords
in order to compare the London and York scheme with
the competing schemes ? Will it oblige the London
and York to wait until the competing Bills shall have
been considered in the Commons, and either all of them
rejected, or one sent up to the House of Lords? This
would oblige the London and York to incur a second
time the expense of a contest in the Commons, the re-
sult of the second contest being no more binding on the
LOrds than the result of the first, and would be ex-
tremely unfair to the London and York Company. On
the other band, it would be unfair to the competing par-
ties, to take the London and York Bill without delay in
the Lords, unless arrangements are made to allow the
competing Bills to originate in the Lords. At the close of
last session Lord MONTEAGLE suggested that Railway Bills
should be allowed to originate in the Lords, as well as
in the Commons. Such an arrangement would make
the Parliamentary session go much further for railway
legislation ; and in cases such as that of the London and
York Bill, common justice requires that no blind adhe-
rence to es'ablished forms, and to obsolete notions of
privilege, should stand in the way of the adoption of
Lord MONTEAGLE'S sensible suggestion.
We have spoken of the London and York Company,
because its case is generally known ; but there are other
companies in the same position—the Direct London
and Portsmouth, for instance ; and our remarks are of
general application.
But speaking of the London and York Company, we
may notice a recent discovery of the Times ; and, in-
deed, there is no end to our Contemporary's discoveries
when he gets mounted on the Rosinante of his anti-rail-
road crusade. The adjudication in the Commons be-
tween the great northern lines bas been said, by the
Times, to have been made by " a mere boy." The
mere boy is Lord COURTENAY, and there is, therefore, no
difficulty in getting at his age. The Peerages all agree
in saying that Lord COMITENAY was born in 1807, so
that the " mere boy" is thirty-eight. We believe it is
well known that Lord COURTENAY was for some years
a practising member of the Chancery bar, which may,
in the opinion of the Committee of Selection, have gone
some way to compensate for the disadiantage of his ex-
traordinary youthfulness at thirty-eight. We do not

think the Railway Committee system of last year per-
fect. No one will say, however, that it was not a great
improvement on the system of all preceding years ; but
of this we are sure, that they will hope only to be ohs-
appointed who imagine that the House of Commons
next year is likely to set aside the decision of one of its
Committees, last:year, on account of the alleged youth-
fulness of the Chairman, who was called upon to give a
casting vote.

We have much satisfaction in directing the attention
of our readers to an advertisement, headed "Railway
Litigation." It is a proceeding peculiarly called for by
the present state of railway law, and the liabilities which
hang over parties connected with railway companies. It
is well known that persons of station and circumstance
are menaced with claims to a frightful amount, whose
fears are still further aggravated by the costs which
must be, in the first instance, incurred, in order to ascer-
tain their legal position. It may be reasonably esti-
mated that the expenses of obtaining what is termed a
first-rate opinion will not be less than from 15/. to 201.,
and lucky indeed will that client be who finds that one
opinion will settle every point. In all probability a
second will be required, and a conference, as a
matter of course, upon matters in difference.
The trembling client is now launched upon a sea
of litigation, perhaps in equity as well as law, and finds
himself involved in a series of difficulties, which he is
compelled to grapple with at his own unaided cost.
Such a state of things, which there is too much reason
to fear has already reached many, and will extend to
hundreds, calls for some measure of mutual protection ;
for while, on the one hand, the expense of bringing out
a useful scheme ought not to fall exclusively upon its
promoters, soapplicants for shares ought not to be allowed
to retire, placing their letters of allotment in the waste
paper basket, laughing in the face of those who only
seek a moderate contribution towards an unavoidable
outlay. Still more is it to be deprecated that men of deli-
cate honour and high-toned feelings should bo made the
scape-goats of graspingcreditors, who single such men out,
under the impression that the shame of exposure and the
weight of litigation will drive them to a hasty settlement.
Such conduct ought not to be tolerated; and we rejoice
to find that a plan has been most opportunely devised

by which just claims may be reasonably enforced, and
unrighteous demands resisted, without imposing upon
_ _

individuals the destructive exptuscs which must attend
single-handed struggle. Not only' ha's the time been well
chosen, and the objects judiciously stated, but the parties
engaged in it present a guarantee, that whatever can be
affected by sagacious energy and professional reputation
will be done to enforce equity and resist legal oppression.

Accounts have been received from Lisbon to the 29th
of November, by the Black Eagle steam-packet, which
arrived off Cowes yesterday. That vessel carried out
the Duke FERDINAND of Saxe Coburg, father of the
King of PORTUGAL, and arrived at Lisbon on the 25th,
after a stormy passage of five days. The intelligence
from Portugal is without interest. A royal decree had
been issued for raising 8,000 recruits, to bring the effec-
tive force of the army up to 24,000 men, in accordance
with the regulation of the 9th July, 1842, which fixed
it at that number.

We are glad to learn from Paris that the panic
in the Stock and Share-market had completely sub-
sided. The Three per Cents. on Wednesday rose 35c.,
and the Fives 10c. Railroad shares also rose consider-
ably, the improvement, in some instances, amounting to
40f. The settlement had also, up to that time, gone on
satisfactorily, and it was expected that the payment of
the differences of the account would be made without
d.fficulty. The papers are chiefly occcupied with the
affairs of the River Plate, the Oregon question, and the
conduct of Marshal Buonnuo, but we find little in
them to interest the English reader. The National,
which openly takes part with President POLK
attacks the Government journal for the article which
appeared in that paper some days since, and blames M.
GUIZOT for allowing the Government organ to express
sentiments which render it impossible for the United
States to accept France as a mediator. This is absurd,
like most of the assertions made by the National of the
question, when it is well known that Mr. POLK will not
refer it to arbitration on any account. But the great
offence of M. G UIZOT is his apparent resolution " to
espouse the quarrels of England in every part of
the globe, even at the risk of a war with the
natural allies of France." The question of educa-
tion is again agitated by the French papers,
but the misunderstanding now is not between the State
and the Church, but between the Minister of Public
Instruction and one of the Professors of the University,
the celebrated M. QUINET. The Opposition journals
attack with great severity M. DE SALVANDY, for interfering
with M. QUINET, to prevent his publishing the pros-
pectus of his lectures in the way in which it has been
accepted by the assembly of professors of the College
of France. M. QUINET has announced his intention
of delivering a course of lectures on the comparative
literture and institutions of Southern Europe. The Mi-
nister has desired that the word institutions may be ex-
punged. M. QUINET, in a letter to M. DE SALVANDY,
declares that he cannot willingly comply with this
order, as it would be impossible for him to treat his sub-
ject philosophically and scientifically without making the
comparison of institutions as well as literature. This
letter meets with great approbation from the Opposition
journals, and M. DE SALVANDY'S attempt to restrict the
views of M. QUINET is regarded by them as illiberal,
arbitrary, and unjust. The Journal des Daggs considers
the Minister of Public Instruction perfectly right, be-
cause the chair which M. QUINET fills is not
,political,
but merely literary; and it tenders the advice to M.
QUINET not to peril his reputation by listening to im-
prudent friends, who would encourage him to oppose
the Minister, but to conform to the intimation which
he has received. It is thought M. QUINET will re-
sign. The same journal, in alluding to the account
lately given of the fracas between the Baron DE
CYPREY, the French Minister at Mexico, and the editor
of a Mexican journal, states that the facts as given are
correct, and adds that M. DE CYPREY has left Mexico,
and is now at the Havannah, whence he will return to
France in the course of two or three months. The
truth is, the Baron has been recalled for conduct un
becoming the representative of France.
The Courrier Francais contains the following:-
" If the information that we have received is correct, the
instructions to be given to the commander of our expedition
against Madagascar, M. Romain Desfosses, have been agreed
upon in a council of Ministers. England is to intervene at
Madagascar conjointly with France; the two intervening
powers, after having chastised the Om, are to demand
simply for the traders of all nations the right of establishing
themselves on the coasts, possessing land, and carrying on
trade. The only advantage which the two powers are to
preserve for themselves will be the exemption in favour of
their respective nations from all customs and navigation
dues. The two Governments have agreed that their inter-
vention shall be on the same bases for each."
The Constitutionnel adds, that the Ministry had re-
solved on promoting Captain Romani DESFOSSES to the
rank of rear-admiral, and that an ordonnance to that
effect will be immediately presented to the Kura for his
signature.
The subjoined letter, dated Tangiers, November 16,
appears in the Constitutionnel:-
' On the news of the new levy by Abd-el-Kader, and the
massacre of Djema Ghazaouat, Abderrhaman, who was at
Fez, immediately held a grand council. At this it was re-
solved that the Emperor should immediately go to Morocco,
in order to be at the greatest distance from the consular body,
and thus delay, as long as possible, the answers to the notes
to be addressed to him by France. The Emperor set out by
forced marches; but, on reaching Rabat, he found there a
courier from the French Consulate, with dispatches of such
high importance that he stopped to answer them. His pro-
gress was also arrested by another occurrence. The southern
provinces had risen in revolt, and his passage was no longer
free. Measures were at once taken to put a stop to this in-
surrection. Since the Emperor has been at Rabat, there is a
daily interchange of couriers between that town and Tangiers.
It appears that the Emperor has declared to the French Consul
that he has not sufficient forces to pursue Abd-el-Kader, but
will not oppose his being pursued by the French, and will
not consider such pursuit as an aggression. He has added,
however, that he could not tell in what light the people of the
country would view the invasion, and feared they might rise
and make common cause with Abd-el-Kader. This is a thorny
question, and greatly embarrasses the French Consul. The
eon of the Emperor, Muley Mohammed, who commanded the
whole of the Morocco troops at the battle of Isly, is sent to
Fez to exercise the functions of Viceroy during the absence of
his father. Those who know the violent character and fanati-
cal sentiments of this Prince apprehend that, at the first op-
portunity, and in spite of the Emperor, he will commit some
act of hostility against France, in the vain hope of gratifying
his revenge for his defeat at Isly. His women have already
arrived at Fez, and he is to follow at the earliest day. He will
go through Rabat to receive the instructions of the Emperor.
The whole population of Morocco is greatly agitated. It
is generally weary of the present Government, which is hor-
ribly oppressive. The person who has at present the greatest
influence with the Emperor is Hamed Bou Derbah, son of
Hadji Hamed Bou Derbah, who is said to have kept up a
correspondence from France with Abd-el-Kader. The young
Hamed is the confidential adviser of Abderrhaman, and as he
acquired some education at Marseilles and Paris, he passes in
his own country for a great man. He is also considered to be
an enemy to France, and this adds to the esteem in which he
is held by the Moors. The Emperor has granted permission,
from October 15, for the exportation of corn, on payment of
a duty of nine ounces of Barbary for every fanegue ; and
numerous cargoes have been shipped
prohibition,for esneaoracahnindgMcaarrseefial llelsy.
The Government has increased the nominal value of the cur-
rent coin. The export of Spanish coin is again prohibited,
and the strictest orders are given to all the officers of the cus-
toms to execute rigidly this
all persons leaving the country. Consequently money is be-
coming scarce, and its importation favoured."
" Ibrihim Pacha arrived at Marseilles on the 30th
November."
On the Paris Bourse, on Wednesday, the Three per Cents
closed at 82f. 75c. ; the New Loan, 82f. 45c. ; the Five per
Cents., 117 f. 80c. ; the Orleans Railroad Shares, 1,150 f. ;
Rouen, 950 f. ; Northern, 698 f. 75c. ; Havre, 732 f. 50c. ; Avig-
non, 865 f. ; Vierzon, 635 f. ; Bourdeaux, 595 f. ; Boulogne,
520 f. ; Troyes and Montereau, 425 f. ; Basle, 245 f. ; Belgian
Two-and a-llalf per Cents., 56 ; Spanish Domestic Debt, 34.
The following are the quotations for other lints :-
Paris and Lyons Railroad (Laflitte), 6f. premium; ditto
(Calon), 1; ditto (Ganneron), 1 ; ditto (Lapinsonniers),
par ; Messageries, 501 f. ; Mornay, 501 f. ; Receveura-Gen
reaux, par; Paris and Strasbourg (Ganneron), par; ditto
(Hing-uorlot), par; ditto (Bechet), par ; Aymard, 501 f.;
Tours and Nantes (Mackenzie), par; ditto (Drouillard),
d; i tto (
ditto
ieLfeecv
or ei
n),t e par;N par; L
ditto
and ;Adviitgtnoon(Cl(Taelailbl4"sros
(Compagnie Meridionale), par ; Bordeaux and Cette (Mac-
kenzie), par; ditto (Espoleta), 2f. 50c.; Creil and St.
Quentin (Kysaens), par; ditto (Carette), par; ditto (Col-
bert), par; Dieppe (Sellieres), 475 f.
LYONS, DEC. 1.-Paris and Orleans, 1,097 f. ; Paris and
BUSINESS DONE IN FOREIGN RAILWAYS AT THE
6nf.Rouen,sscB.Bsf. ; Orleans and Vierzon, 602 f. 500. ; Northern,
LONDON STOCK EXCHANGE, DEC. 4.
Anglo-Belgian - Mauritius
Boulogne and Amiens.. 8 Namur and Liege
Bordeaux &Mediterran - North Jamaica ... -
Bordeaux and Toulouse - Orleans and Vierzon
Do. &:Cette (Espelete) Orleans and Bordeaux 10
Do.
Paris& Lyons (Laffitte)
Callao,c'(
cifie Coast
11fLiamcka,enzanied'sr)a - Over Yssel
Ditto (Ganneron's) 3
Central of Spain - Ditto (Calon's).... . 2
-+to Est

Ceylon . —
Demerara
Dendre Valley. ......
Dutch Rhenish ...
Dieppe & Paris Juliet —
Dijon and Mulhouse
East Indian
Fanyoux & Hazebreuk
Grt Northern of France
Constituted l2 -14
Do. Pepin le Halleur —
Great Paris and Lyons —
Great Western Bengal
Great Western Canada
Jamaica 8. Mid. Junction
Do. North Midland —
Do. Extension
Jersey —
Louvain and Jemappe
Lyons and Avignon —
Luxembourg
Madrid and Valencia —

Ditto (Sud )
%
Paris and Orleans...—.
Paris and Rouen . 36%
Paris and Strasburg
( Ga nneron's
Do. (Compe de L'Est)
Do. (Aymard's) 212
Paris and St. Quentin —
Rouen and Havre —
Royal North of Spain —
Sambre and Meuse
Strasburg and Basle _ 8
Tournay,Jurbise, Lan-
den, and Hasselt
Tours and Nantes
(Mackenzie's)
Do. ( Lefebvre's)
Do. (O'Neill's)
Trinidad
Verona and Ancona _
West Flanders

Madrid journals of the 27th ult. have been received
According to those under the influence of Government
the elections, with two exceptions, have gone in favour
of Ministers. These exceptions were Saragossa and
Valladolid. Barcelona, it would therefore appear, has
rejected the Opposition candidates. On the Bourse the
Three per Cents. were done at 37 at 60 days, with 1 per
eent. premium ; and the Five per Cents. 24i at 60 days,

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