The Sun.
London, England, 1828-07-19 00:00:00

CERTIFICATES—Auc. 8.

G. Bell, Bishopwearmouth, Durham, ship-owner—S.
Conk, jun., Moorbaines, Butterworth, Leicestershire, cattle-
salesman--G. Coulson, Derby, slater—F. Downing, jun.,
lluddersfield, Yorkshire, wine-merchant—ll. Hunt,
Pi.ook-street, Grosvenor-square, druggist—T. Hussey,
Great Guildford-street, Surrey, hat-manufacturer—,(2,
Bordesley, Aston, Birmingham, builder—T.
Mitchell, Leicester, weolstapler—J. Alurgan, Sun-court,
Cornhill, merchant—W. Pearce, Leather-lane, Holborn,
cheesemonger—G. B. Pearse, Cateaton-strect, auctioneer
—P. Rock, Wollastone, Bradley, Staffordshire, fanner
—G. Ross and W. Hammond, Strand, wine-merchants-_,
11. F. Shaw, Liverpool, plasterer—J. Stowell, Ewailo w-
street, victualler.
PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.

Bonsfield and J. Hutton, Hartley, Kirkby Stephen,
Westmorland, brewers—T. Bowe and 'F. Baker, Strand,
linen-drapers—R. Edden and R. Edmunds, Christ Churct,
passage, Newgate-street, tailors—J. Elmer and T. Pa-
trick, Landermore, Essex, coal-merchant.:.-.,E. Evans and
T. Fenwick, Whitechapel-road, linen-drapers-3. B. and
G. Garland and W, Furnell, Poole, timber-merchants...-
J. Hawkins and J. Humber, Preston, Lancashire, cotton-
manufacturers—F. P. Hewitt and J. Tibhits, Notting-
ham, twist-manufacturers—T. and T. Ludlow, Birn.ii4,
ham, butchers—P. and J. Nay, Horton Kik, pent, far-
mers—W. Saunders and J. Austiq, 4iiituford-court, St.
Lawrence, Jewry, silk-man;ll4l4lcrs—B. Webster and T.
Hussey, Rata*, carpenters—W. 11. Whitten, W. Holt,
and J. Wylde, Rochdale, wool-staplers.

WIGAN CHECK WEA VERS.---,Tho check
weavers of Wigan, about fourteen weeks since turned out,
in consequence of 04 lc.waess of their wages, and not•
withsternling the inconvenience and misery which they
must have endured, by taking such a step, they lAay.: ex-
pressed their determination to persevere 1;04
complish their object, if they shoiad remain out of work
until Christmas.—.ll Paper.
t took
Alt extraorclinary case of denudemen ,
is • ,
as .. to(
place upon Sunday morning. An old pensioner,
customary, had got very
wheretrohmer :ten:ls4;c::lifitalihtal-eils'ymyarto'ell'edclri,- 11''
his cat'? conceived when hi.
and about two o'clock in the tonraing., ") ,1 imold
home, repaired to Calton-bill,
About two hours afterwards he ass'4ve;
i 4 and
him ! Th
stark naked, and no sigo of
terrors of the x.vatchunitt will
sue
faintly
''
his pension ;
0 naked man, advanc-
walls
observed a phautora, is the form - - ,
ilia. towaids him at a rapid pac:, ag if
drunk, en reckAving
and " Murder I"
and bawling out " Robbery!
he • , Like :-.
right valiant and discreet watchman,, took t.,, 2;44 heels,
the
be ran 0,1),4i, tit order to alarm his
with his baton, as
and the c,thtq: caging upon him to stop, and
comrades,
~ that be was nothing unearthly, but only puir CHARLIE
MACKINT9SIf." Other watchmen, who had letig dread
upon them,
took possession of the poor fellow, who Was
half dead with cold and wet, and made him acquainted
with the comforts of a watch-house. His clothes have not
and the spectre pursued him—tile (;,;•i,, -,,a10g
vet been reoffered, —.4',(.4/itiary/4 Weekii Citroze:r/e•

HOUSE OF LORDS, FRIDAY, .ItTr.v IS.
Lord CARNARVON presented a petition from
the silk manufacturers of Manchester and Salford,
praying that the duties on wrought silk might not
be decreased, but rather increased.
Mr. Robertson presented the sth report of the
Commissioners for making the Holyhead roads.
Lord MELVILLE presented a petition from the
Provost, Magistrates, and Inhabitants of Reddin
ton, North Britain, praying their Lordships to pre-
serve sacred the depositories of the dead.
The Earl of SHAFTESBURY moved the thirst
reading oi!' the Irisk Cities and Towns Improvement
and New South Wales Justice Administration Bills.
The House went into a Committee upon the Holy-
head Roads Improvement Bill, and received the
report.
The Bishop of LONDON laid on the table the
report of the Commissioners for building New
Churches.
The Turnpike Roads Regulating and Customs
Bills were read a second time.
The Duke of WELLINGTON withdrew (as
we understood) the Irish Promissory Notes Bill.
The Savings' Banks Amendments Bill passed
through a Committee with one amendment.
The Earl of CARNARVON was sorry to see
the largest amount which Benefit SocietieS could
place in these Banks was 300/., because he was con-
vinced that, by proper management, those Societies
afforded almost the only chance of diminishing the
amount of the poor-rates, and of introducing a
system of independence among the labouring poor.
SLAVE POPULATION,
Lord SEAFORD presented a petition from
cer-
tain proprietors of the East and West India Cclo-
Nies resident in Aberdeen, praying their Lordships
to institute a Commission of Inquiry to proceed to
India and to report on the condition of the Slaves,
before their Lordships adopted any measure' preju-
dicial to their interest.

. - -
Lord CALTHORPE stated that it would be in
the recollection of their Lordships, that in 1823 a
very considerable feeling prevailed throughout the
empire against slavery, as existing in the West. In-
dian wench:. That feeling was adopted by Par-
liament, and laws were passed for the improvement
of the moral and physical condition of the slaves, in
order gradually to prepare them for emancipation.
Now he could not agree in what had fallen from the
Noble Doke on a former evening, that the colonial
assemblies had recognised the principle of those laws.
He considered their conduct, instead of a recogni-
tion, rather as an evasion of the principle of those
laws. The legislature of Jamaica was the only one
which had passed an act on the subject, and that
was disallowed by the Government here, because in
the provision it made, there was a direct interference
with the rights of religions worship. Now this he
thought was a good proof of the little disposition there
existed in that colony to follow up the spirit of the re-
solutions agreed to by both Houses of Parliament.
He would not dwell farther on this point. What
he was disposed to impress on their Lordships waa,
the formidable obstacles which existed in slavery it-
self to obstruct the execution of any- orders which
might be sent out for ameliorating the condition of
the slaves. It was a great mistake to suppose, that
in an atmosphere vitiated and saturated with slavery,
there should not be unwillingness to carry into
effect recommendations adopted by a l'arliament
composed of freemen. For this reason, he did not
expect that much would be done willingly in the
colonies to carry into effect the resolutions of Par-
liament in 1823. He had no doubt of the steady
purpose of the Noble Duke opposite, and the good
intentions of his Majesty's Government generally,
to carry the resolutions of Parliament into effect ;
but he regretted that they did not seem sufficiently
sensible—that they did not take a due estimate of
the obitacles which opposed themselves in the colo-
nies to the accomplishment of that object which he
had 110 doubt they were desirous to accomplish.
Among those obstacles, he looked upon the tone of
insubordination, and he might say defiance, adopted
in some of the colonies in opposition to the resolti-
lions of Parliament, and the instructions sent
out by the Government as founded upon them.
' It was, he repeated, the tone in which the resident
proprietors spoke, and that they still held the lan-
guage of defiance, which lie deplored. He spoke not.
of this as any party question, Ile should be offer-
ing an indignity to the House, if he thoaght that
any disclaimer of party was necessary on this sub.
ject. But it %yea a question in which their Lord-
ships were bound by a sense of what was dire
to the dignity of Parliament, to see that its re-
solutions were carried into effect ; and the Go-
vernment, of whomsoever it consisted, owed it to
Parliament and to the country to take such steps
as would tint an end to insubordination and de-
fiance to the measures recommended by both Houses.
The Noble Lord, after eulogising tire great military
talents and achievements of the Noble Duke at the
head of the Government, suggested, that be should
pursue the same energetic course with respect to the
question before the House, as he had in his military
career, and concluded by presenting a petition from
Bristol, praying that the resolutions of Parliament
in 1822, for ameliorating the condition of the slaves,
might be carried into effect.
After the petition had been read at length,
The Duke of WELLINGTON had stated on
• the occasion alluded to, that the principle of the
measures recommended by Government was adopted
in nearly all the colonies. What he meant was,
that by the appointment of protectors of slaves, that
principle was recognized. The Noble Lord must be
aware that there was a difference between the adop-
tion by a legislative measure of a principle recom-
mended, and the adoption of a particular measure
involving OAS principle. The Legislature of Ja-
maica did adopt the principle of appointing a pro-
;tator of slaves, through not as it was recommended
—that of a protector paid by Government.—
Their mode of establishing protectors was by
committees in the several parishes, He could
have wished that this appointment had been upon
had been adopted whieh would give protection to
ano.ther plan ; but still he was glad that something
the slave in any manner, It would be tire business
of the Government nod the local authorities to see
that due protec;i:\n was
principle of the meaa
d'heaasnayi,dGtiojavtertlitime Government had been adopted.
thus adnritek4i 'should fail of affording that due pro.
teeti,aa -Which the condition of the saves required,
;t would become the duty of those who were bound
such measures as would ensure it. This was what
to see justice done,to recoaomen;tdhafernodim,eiftgiiiisnil'e,etttoretesiatttolls
Isrreirens'e:eleitwhen o
the West Indies such rawsures as they conceived
but when They did so, they knew that.
necessary;
they proposed taem to Legislatures which possessed
the pow" 13 adopt' to modify, or to reject them.
Arch 44ving that power, Government could not in-
terfere and force themv upon them. Did the Noble
Lord wish its to use force
The Government proposetgiklon
? If so, he would No:,
te Noble Lord that had not the power d en-
forcing them, even -f we wished to do so. We had
not the powe • of
,governing these Colones bv force,
any more than We had the power of governing this
country by f,ree. We could onlyovern them as
this country was
governed—by g
laws
enacted tf,,,the 'means of
sanction of the IJouses of .Legisla-
titre.
he could not conchtde without reminding
the Noble Lord, that ha roust not expect that in
proportion as the Walt-dive Assemblies assented to
the wishes of th'e ,country,
in the same. proportion
laws word emanate from them on the subject,
whip would bear the test and scrutiny of the acute
minds of the Noble Lord and of his friends, by
coming up to the perfection which the Noble Lord
had 40,k used to observe in British legislation.
Time was necessary for perfection in all things, and
legislation was not excluded from this general rule.
Lord SEAFORD by no means agreed with the
Noble Lord in supposing that there existed an indis-
position (the Noble Lord appeared to think that it
amounted almost to a physical inability) in the in-
Iribitatits of these colonies to coincide with the

views of that House. Thete did exist in the Colo-
nists a sincere desire to ameliorate the condition of
the slaves, and that disposition was only checked by
a due regard to tranquillity, and to the security of
property. If, besides this, any other obttacle
had arisen, it was to be looked for in the
intemperate feelings and unmeasured language
of the advocates of the slaves. • In sup-
pert of this position, he must be allowed. to
call the attention of their Lordships to what their
course had been. When this question was first
brought before Parliament—in the very first instance
—before the Colonial Governments bad been tried,
and therefore before they could have given any
grounds for distrust—a proposal was made, the effect
of which was the destruction of a considerable por-
tion of the property of the West Indian proprietors.
The first enactment was, that all the children of
slaves born after some short period from the date of '
the enactment should be declared free. By this act
men's property in fee was at once converted into
property in which they had only a life interest.
was not in the presence of the highest judicial
au-
thorities of the land that he should stop to argue the
title of the master of slaves, to the slaves,. and to
their issue. This title had been recognized by the
Privy Council—by the Court of Chancery; it was
a title as clearly sanctioned by law as the title to any_
other property whatever. Was this attack upon
property accompanied by any offer of compensation ?
No. On the contrary, it was accompanied by a doc-
trine which struck at the root of all compensation.
It was argued then, and it had since been many
times maintained, that the title to such property
was fundamentally vicious—that it was founded in
injustice, and inconsistent with the 'rights of man-
kind, which forbade that man should be the pro-
perty of man. He would not take up the time of
the House by showing the mischievous consequences
which must result to every kind of property if such a
principle were once adopted. If it were necessary
to show that the title to all property was free from
the taint of injustice, it might be difficult to prove
that the Crown had any title to these Colonies.
Had not this country originally given a monopoly of
slaves to the West Indians ? Had they not sanc-
tioned by their laws the buying and the selling of
slaves ? Such had been the conduct of, this coun-
try, and it was a bar to this country interfering or
injuring property, the title to which they had them-
selves conferred upon the slave-owner. Besides
this, it was attempted by this proposal to violate
the constitutional privileges of the colonies. Could
they blame the colonists for highly prizing valuable
privileges, and for resisting any attempt to invade
them ? But not only had the property and the pri-
vileges of the colonists been attacked—their cha-
racters had been calumniated and vilified. Every
act of atrocity which the conduct of criminal cha-
racters among them could supply—(and where was
the country which did not furnish instances of
Priminality ?) —were carefully collected together,
many of them vague and unsubstantial, but not for
that reason more universally diffused with irri-
tating comments, and displayed to the people
of this country as fair pictures of the morals of the
colonists. Every instance to the contrary was said to
be a rare exception, or the invention of partial persons.
Until this intemperate conduct was abandoned, suc-
cess could not be hoped for. We must conciliate
the masters of the slaves,—we must win their con-
fidence. By these means they might, as the Noble
Duke bad very justly observed, prepare the slaves
for the benefit they wished to impart to them ; but
it must be by degrees. Thus, though they should
proceed slowly, they would proceed surely to the
accomplishment of their object, and have the satis.
faction of knowing that they were doing good at
every step they took.
After a few words from Lord CALTHORPE and
Lord REDESDALE, the petitions were read.—Or-
dered to lie upon the table.
Their Lordships then adjourned . till half-past
three o'clock to-morrow (this day.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRIDAY, Jury 18.

Mr. B. BARING presented a petition from
Wm. Grant, complaining that his claims on the
French Government were not liquidated.
Mr. G. BANKES brought. up the-Report of the'
Committee on the Roman -Catholic Land Tax
Bill, which was ordered to lie on the table.
PREROGATIVE COURT OF CANTERBURY._
Mr. HUME said he had a petition to present
from a person named Clarkson, a proctor, prac-
tising in the Ecclesiastical Courts, complaining of a
statement made last night by his Hpn. and Learned
Friend Dr. Lushington.
The SPEAKER said, that no petition could be
receis'ed alluding to any thing which fell from a
Membei in his place. It was a gross breach of the
privileges' ef the House, and the last person who
should state sti,ch a breach of privilege would be ha
Member.
Mr. HUME said that he was perfectly aware of
the regulation, but the character of an individual
was attacked, and he was sure the Hon. and Learned
Gentleman himself would be desirous of giving an
explanation.
The SPEAKER said, that no person out of
the House had a right to make observations upon
what passed in the House. The Hon. Gentleman
(Mr. Hume) as a Member, was at liberty himself to
ask for explanation on any point which he thought
proper.
Mr. HUME said, that when aspersions were
cast on individuals he was sure his Hon. and
Learned Friend (Dr. Lushington) would be the
last person who would wish not to be clearly
tinderstood. His Hon. and Learned Friend stated
that Mr. Clarkson had been three times suspended,
twice by Lord Stowell, and once by Sir John Ni-
chol!. Now he (Mr. Hume) understood that he
had never been suspended but once, and that was
for an overcharge of 101. in a bill of costs.
Dr, LUSHINGTOW said he had only to repeat
the statement he had mad Jast night, that Mr.
Clarkson had bean punished three different times by
the Court, and for a eorroboration he referred to the
records of those Courts, (The Hon. and Learned
Gentleman here read the judgments of the Court in
three different cases, in two of which Mr. C. was
severely censured, and in the third he was ordered
to be suspended foe one year, and until he came
into Court, and faithfully promised " to abstain
from all mal-practices in future, in the exercise of
his business as a Proctor.") After this evidence the
Hon. Member put it to the House whether he stated
any thing concerning Mr. Clarkson, which Le was
not justified in stating.
Mr. HUME said that he had given notice of
another motion on this subject, in which he would
take an opportunity of replying to the statement the
House had just heard.
CORN LAWS. •
Mr. HUME then presented a petition agreed to
at a Meeting of Deputies from the counties of York,
Derbyshire, Cheshire, and Lancashire, praying for an
alteration in the Corn Laws.
General GASCOYNE moved for a return of
the number of vessels navigated by steam in the
United Kingdom.
The Report on the National Debt Bill was brought
up and laid on the table.
The Welland Canal Bill was read a third time
and passel.
The Exchequer Bill was read a third time and
passed.
On the motion for the third reading of the Con-
solidated Fund Bill,
Mr. SPRING RICE rose and said, that he
wished to make some observations on the state of
Ireland. He did not wish to draw forth any &eta•
ration from Ministers; and, if they were silent, he
would not interpret that silence in Any Way; for
whatever might he their views, he admitted that it
would be unwise and inexpedient to state them.
He trusted that Irish affairs would never be con-
verted into a mode of attack upon any Government.
People of all opinions ought to be united in the sup-
port of Government, and to be made to feel that it
was their interest to be so, provided it was apparent
that they entertained a desire to maintain its Iran-

quillity. It was not his wish to excite irritable feelings,
but he thought that he would not be discharging his
duty to his country if he allowed the Session to pass
over, as if every thing was right, and as it should be.
He was sure that no Individual in that HOuse could

imagine that Ireland was in such a condition- as • he
would desire to see her, .and ,he would-ask -if She-
could remain in that condition ? He begged to
call the attention of his Majesty's Government to the
condition in which matters then stood. They had
closed the labours of the year, as far as legislation
was concerned, and he would ask what measure
there was upon the Statute book affecting the great
.cause to which he was_ entreating their attention ?
There was but one, and that was but a nega-
tive one.

At the beginning of. the Session
a laW was in foree for the suppression of the Catho-
lie Association, and that law had been permitted
to expire. He was not disposed to quarrel with
the Government upon that head, for he was op-
posed to the Bill as by no means
.calculated to allay
:the irritated feelings of the people of Ireland. But,
except this, there was no other measure enacted to
soothe away the inflamed passions of the people.
Ireland was now an anomaly in the History .of the
Nations of Eur Ope. Those who possessed the power
weternot legally responsible, and those who were re-
sponsible possessed no power whatever. The Hon.
Member then called the attention of the House to
what had been.said by the Knight of Kerry, on the
late debate on the Catholic Question, as to the power
possessed by the. Association, and extent_of organiza-
bon of Ireland, and then asked if what he had then
asserted was not more than borne out by the recent
occurrences in Clare. Mr. V. Fitzgerald then
doubted the extent of the organization, but he would
ask, did he doubt. now.?--( Hear, hear.)—The Hon.
Member then contended that, carrying the Catholic
question to a successful issue was the only means
of tranquilizing Ireland, and the danger was,
that it would be delayed until it could no
longer be beneficial, for it would come ra-
ther as a matter wrested from the Govern-
ment than as conceded to the people. The
Statute declaratory .of theindependence of Ireland
had Jost half of its. grace and all its activity, by
delay, and, indeed, tended rather to sever than to
unite the two countries; whereas it would haVe ce-
mented their mutual good understanding between
them had it been acceded before it was wrested
from us. A parallel to this exists in another great
question unless something was done to give a grace
to a concession that must come at last. The pre-
sent Government had more means of carrying this
great question, than any that ever existed, for there
were amongst them those who had only to pronounce
the words to ensure its success. The character of the

illustrious person at its head gave every facility for
its success, for while none could say that he
was influenced by motives of fear towards the As-
sociation, or of clamour on the part of the people, so
none could doubt the policy and safety of the mea-
sure, when he gave to it his concurrence.—(Hear,
hear.)—The greatest glory that he could now ac-
quire would be the having thus ensured the tran-
quillity of Ireland, and called forth the young strength
of that country to maintain and support the wealth
and stability of the British Empire.—The Bill was
then read a third time and passed:
SILK TRADE.

Mr. C. GRANT would take an opportunity of
presenting a petition upon•the Silk Trade, to make
a few observations Which would show the benefits
resulting from the system introduced by the late
President of the Board of Trade. In 1826, the
change in the laws of Silk Trade took place, and it
had been urged that great injuries would result to
the trade in general, and to the Throwing Trade in
particular. The criterion was the consumption of
raw silk in this country, and not the depression of
wages, for that affected every trade. The year
1824, was one of great excitement ; 1825 was one
of speculation ; and 1826 was a year of depression.
1n.1826, the laws affecting the Silk Trade passed,
but did not come into operation'till 1827. In 1821,
the consumption of raw silk amounted to 2,000,000
lbs.; in 1824, to 3,560,0001b5.; in 1825, to
3,460,0001b5.; in 1826; tile year. of depression, it
was under 2,000,0001 W. ; but, in 1827, when the
new Silk Laws came into_ full operation, the con-
sumption amounted to 3,760,0001b5.; being
360,0001b5.. beyond the maximum of preceding
years, and 800,0001bs. above the consumption of
the year 1825. The fact was, that the consumption
of thrown silk had not increased, comparing the last
year with 1824. In 1824 it was 460,0001b5.; in
1825, 465,0001b5.; in 1826, 560,0001b5.; and in

1827, it fell again to 440,0001b5. It was no-
torious •to all who had any acquaintance
with manufactures, that none was ever so nurs-
ed or bolstered up by protecting laws as the
silk manufacture generally, but especially the
branch of it connected with the thrown silk. The
throwing of silk might in some sort be looked upon
as a separate manufacture, anti the whole trade had
exhibited a singular exception to the activity and
animation of other British manufactures : there had
been no improvement, and contented mediocrity
was all that it ever attained, without the display of

that genius and invention which usually accompanied
the enterprise of our traders. It afforded.a most
remarkable and most humiliating proof of the para-
.

lysing effect of protecting laws, that in this depart-
ment we were below foreign nations; while in other
manufactures we feared lest the advantage of our
machinery should be communicated to foreigners,
in this we ostentatiously avowed our inferiority. It
was an argument used in and out of Parliament, that
in respect to the machinery employed in the silk
trade it was impossible for Great Britain to com-
pete with France. What then had been the conse-
quence of pursuing that course, which it was said at
the time would throw the nation prostrate at the
feet of its rivals ? In proportion as the ordinary
motives of human action were allowed to operate
upon this branch as upon others—in proportion as a
spirit of competition had been discouraged, in that
proportion, had a new spirit been breathed into the
Silk Trade, and new improvements had been adopt-
ed of which there had been no anticipa-
tion. These were not his sentiments only, but
those best qualified to judge—even of the silk
throwsters themselves, who candidly confessed
that the measures of Mr. Huskisson had not
so much improved an old as created a new trade.
The price of throwing silk had been reduced from Ss.
and 10s. per lb. to 3s. and ss. per lb. and one tbrowster
in London had lowered it even to ls. 6d. per lb. The
effect of the change in the law had been to produce
a spirit of exertion, and an economy of labour. It
had i4gen admitted on all hands, that if the old ma-
chinery were adhered to, it would be impossible to
compete with rivals, and very recently only the
spirit of enterprize and improvement which marked
our other manufactures, exercised its influence upon
that of silk. New establishments had started up in
different parts of the kingdom, at Cardiff and at
Macclesfield, while at Manchester they had risen
like exhalations. But the throwing of silk was only
a subsidiary and subordinate department; it was only
4 means towards an end, and if driven to choose
betwoip the general manufacturer of silk and the
throwster, it ought tp be recollected that the one
might flourish though the other might be destroyed.
But the Legislature was riot reduced to that painful
alteinative, for the result proved clearly that the
throwing a silk might be performed even cheaper
than it had yet been done, since the alteration of
the law; the throwing of silL, he might add, was the
only remaining difficulty, and if it could be clone
cheaper, there was no part of the world to which
' Great Britain might not send the productions of her
looms. Attempts had been made to rival France in
different parts of the process, and with what sitecess
migh be sex) even by the unskilled eye Qf any gen,
tleman who entered the Repository of Charing-
cross. It would be found that even in colour the
comparison was not to the disadvantage of this
country. What did lie argue from this fact ? That
• if the cost of throwing silk were reduced, we need
fear no foreign markets. It would be easy for him
; to multiply instances where similar success hal at-
._ Wridetj the measures of his Right Hon, Friend (Mr.

Huskisson), but he had said enough to prove what
new spirit would be generated in all branches, if the
Legislature would but relax the yet existing
_restric-
tions upon this, branch. "We now (said Mr. G.),
command the home market; we might then fear-
lessly enter the foreign market. I trust that next
Session the Legislature will look into the subject ;
it interests the nation most deeply, for the silk ma-
nufacturers of Great Britain do not dread foreign
competition, but illicit introduction encouraged by
high protecting duties. They ask only for justice;
they do not claim restrictions in prohibitions, for
they dislike the whole system; and they are ready
to take their chance with other manufacturers who
multiply productions at home, and, carry them to
every quarter of the globe. I believe that in the
statement I have made, I have been guilty of no
exaggeration; lam not conscious that I have made
any, and I am sure it was far from my intention;
but having made this statement, I may claim for
my Right Hon. Prim!, for 'his measures and policy,
not merely a formal acquittal, "but. a complete,
triumphant, and grateful recognition of the sound-
ness of hiss principles:"—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. FYLER'denied that the silk trade was in a
flourishing condition, although a stimulus had been
given to -it, and the manufacturers had endeavoured,
manfully to struggle against all the new difficulties
to which they were exposed. He did not mean to
follow the Right Hon. Gentleman through his
speech at this period or the Session it would be
attended with no advantage, and next year it was
his intention to bring the whole subject under the
notice of the House ; he should then move for a
Committee, and he hoped that the Right Hon.
Gentleman would be a member of it, in order that
he might receive information upon many points with
which at present he could not be acquainted. .
The petition was then laid upon the table.
Mr. HUME presented a petition from a barrister
at Plymouth, Mr. C. Bird, complaining that the
second clause of what was called Mr. Peel's Bill,
might be destructive of the Trial by Jury.
Sir C. BURRELL (in behalf of his brother) gave
notice that in in the next Session he would submit
a motion on the state of the laws relating to wool.
The Sugar Bill went through a Committee. Re-
port to-morrow.
TARIFF OF THE UNITED STATES.

Mr. HUSKISSON—In 1815, very soon after
the termination of the unfortunate war in which we
were engaged with the United States, a Convention
was entered into for four years; the principle of it
was very short and clear, and it was one of those
treaties, not quite the first, but very nearly the first,
which had been since so much abused under the
name of reciprocity treaties. The simple principle
was this :—That all articles the growth, produce,
and manufacture of either country, should be re-
ceived in either upon duties as low as those paid
upon any the like articles the growth, produce, or
manufacture of any other country; and further, that
there should be no discriminating -duties in reference
to the national character of the respective ships.
This Convention was renewed in 1818 for ten years,
and it would expire in October of the present year.
It was necessary to state, that when this Convention
was first made, the policy, the wise policy of the
United States, was to impose no other duties on
articles imported for the consumption of the popula-
tion, than were required to raise an adequate reve-
nue for the purposes of the State. The duties on
the woollens of this country did not exceed fifteen
per cent.; on hardware they were lower, and on
cotton goods lower still; and such continued to be
the state of things, and the principle which regu-
lated the Government of the United States in 1818,
when the Convention was renewed. A change of
policy then commenced, and when this country was
about to explode the doctrines of prohibition, and
high protecting duties, they adopted them into their
commercial code. He was bound to state that in
adopting them, for the purposes of revenue, the Go-
vernment 'of the United States had in view those
articles which form the great staple manufactures of
this kingdom. The duties on woollens, hardware,
and cottons, were raised to between thirty and
forty per cent., and other articles of the same
charaCter were included in the Tariff, About the
same time the United States passed ano-
ther measure, which was a complete violation
of the principle, and of the stipulations of
the Convention of 1818, so far as related to one
branch of our manufactures. They imposed an ad-
ditional duty on what is called roll-iron, or plates
made by the process of rolling instead of the old
method of hammering. Thus the increase was oc-
casioned merely by the improvement in the mode of
manufacturing, and without reference to the quality
and description of the article. This tax met with
remonstrance on the part of the Government of
Great Britain, and it was but just to the American
Executive to say, that it thought the remonstrance
well founded and inconsistent with the spirit and
provisions of the Convention, which ought not to
have reference to any improved process of manufac-
ture. It would certainly be most unfair and preju-
dicial that the American Government should thus
countervail a more expeditious and economical me-
thod of accomplishing the same end, when the ar-
ticle itself was unaltered. Although the remon-
strance was made, and laid before the Senate and
House of Representatives, it , produced no effect ;
and in 1826, the Minister Plenipotentiary of the
United States proposed to renew the Convention of
1818 for a further term of ten years. He (M r.
Huskisson) was charged with the task of negotiating
that subject, and some other matters then pending.
between the two Governments. He (Mr. Husk's-
son) did not consider that this country ought to ea-
ter into a Treaty for another ten years, but that the
Treaty should be of such a nature as to be dissolved
by either party, by giving twelve months' notice.
This convention was renewed in August last upon
this principle ; but since that period the American
Congress had added other duties, particularly upon
wool, hardware, and cotton, and those- duties were
so great as to amount almost to a prohibition ; and,
as in the year before the proposition for an increase
was rejected by a majority of one, in 1827 it was
carried by a great majority. But he understood that
those best informed upon subjects in the United
States, looked upon the increase as highly prejudi-
cial to their interests. He was not one of those
who advocated a system of prohibitory warfare ; but
if we did not adopt some course of the kind we
should forfeit our claim to impartiality. The United
States deceived themselves if they supposed that
we had not ample means of manifesting our feelings,
even under the Convention ; but it was, however,
open to us to put an end to that Convention by due
notice given, and this was, in his opinion, the more
manly course, if redress could not be obtained—if
we could not terminate that system of commercial
hostility which England was not the first to begin,but
was the first to lament. The principal exports of
America—tobacco, rice, cotton, and turpentine—
were not manufactured in this country, but were
merely sent to this country for consumption, and
with those articles it would not be difficult to sup-
ply ourselves from other sources. It would there-
fore be a question at least worth consideration,
whether we ought not to look to our Interests
with reference to protection against a system
which too plainly indicates a wish to exclude
the United States.
Bllieiti bsleilive nu .
ff owed its existence
i
less to the opinion that it would promote na-
tionalthan electioneering.—
He
had
thiss fromta tariff
own decided impression, that the
interests
United States would be greatly
ofti ehis
pre-
judiced by the course they were about to pursue ;
and he could prove it to demonstration by a detail of
the history of the growth and progress of the com-
mercial intercourse between the two countries since
the termination of the last contest, and under the
Treaty to which he had referred. But-without going
into detail, he should state the progress of the trade
in a single article—cotton. In 1815, the first year
after the peace, the quantity of cotton imported
from the United States into this country, was CO
millions of pounds; in 1816, it was 49 millions of
pounds, there haviti& been a large importation the

previous year, owing to the lowness of the stoCr;
in 1817, the quantity imported was 58 millions of
pounds ; and in 1818, 65 millions of pounds. He
would not go on through each successive year, but
he would point out to the House thut in 1818, ten
years ago, the quantity imported was 65 millions of
pounds, and in 1827, the quantity was 194 millions
of pounds. Yet the United States had now adopted
this tariff, which would put it out of the power of
Great Britain to exchange our manufactures for their
raw material. It would clearly be impossible for
this country, under these circumstances, to import
sun
oc t
ead quantity
States, aNsv
hli
e 914 m 1
foirlml i o
en of
ds
three-fourths
epoe_ufonds
urt
hfsro
ofm tthe
whole amount of the cotton imported into this
country. If America pursued this policy, the
day would probably come when her trade with this
country, which now formed' half the gross exports
Of the United States to all parts of Europe, would
be as much restricted and as diminutive as that
between: this country and France. It was im-
possible not" to advert to this rapid groWth of
the consumption of the cotton of North America
in this cetuntry, on account of the prodit afforded
of the increased powers of consumption among the
people in this country. According to the best infor-
mation, relative to the state of the cotton trade in
1817 and 1818, it was of this description—one-half
of all the manufactured goods of cotton was con-
sumed at home, and the other was exported. Lias-
much as the consumption of the raw material was
far more than doubled during the last ten years, it
followed that the consumption of cotton goods in
this country was more than doubled. In like manner
the raw cotton exported from America had been
duadrupled, during the last ten years; and he hailed
the increase of trade all over the world as a proof of
the increase of the comforts of the 'people, produced
by ate long period of peace that had been enjoyed
by all the States of Europe. He believed that the
people of Europe were at this moment in a happier
condition than was ever known before in the civilized
world. He did not apprehend that this country
would suffer by the duties of 80 per cent. which the
Americans had imposed for the protection of their
own industry. The effect of the prohibition of sup-
plies from this country, by the Americans, would be
to raise the price of wool by raising the price of
American cotton; and thus wool would again re-
sume its station in the consumption of the country.
The madness of preventing the importation of foreign
wool could only be equalled by the madness of the
United States in preventing the growth of its own
staple commodity. It was with much gratification
he referred to the fourth Report of the Finance
Committee, in which the House would find abundant
proofs that the power of the industrious classes over
every branch, not only of the necessities but of
the luxuries of life, was rapidly increasing. After
the discussions that had taken place with the
United States in the year 1825, he was sorry
that the House had again so painful a subject be-
fore it as that to which he had called its attention.
He referred to what had occurred with respect to
the intercourse between the United States and the
British Colonies in the West Indies. He had the
honour to submit an Act to that House for opening
the trade of the Colonies—till then a strict mono-
poly—to the commerce of all other nations, on cer-
tain conditions therein specified. Some States ac-
cepted the terms; but the United States, instead of
making an arrangement of a reciprocal nature, which
was the basis of the proposition, insisted upon im-
posing upon British shipping duties which would
have given their shippins, the monopoly of the trade.
This country subinitteffor one long year patiently,
he had almost said too patiently, to this vexatious
return for the benefits we had tendered to the
United States; at the end of that period, his Ma-
jesty was advised, under the power of the Act, to
Prohibit the intercourse of the United States with
the West Indies. Then came a tardy proposition to
accede to the conditions which for twelve months
they had spurned, as he believed, in the expectation
of compelling this country to abandon them. He
spoke in the hearing of those who knew that what he
was saying was true—that the advice to his Ma-
jesty to issue that Order in Council was given with
reluctance arid regret. But if a course of policy un-
friendly to the extension of our commercial inter-
course was once forced on the Councils of this country,
it became his Majesty's Government, in vindication of
our own honour and character, and in preservation of
our rights, as well as injustice to our merchants and
capitalists, to persist in it with firmness arid perse-
verance. In respect to the present Tariff of the
United States, he would say, as lie did in the case
of the Order in Council--" Do not be hasty in de-
termining what you will do. Consider the subject
in all its bearings. Consult the interests of the
country carefully. But if they were forced by cir-
cumstances, after due deliberation and adequate cir-
cumspection, to take a course of retaliation, he did
implore the Government, if they once determined on
that course, to persevere in it with steadiness and
decision. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded
by moving for copies of the American Tariffs of
1824, and of the present year, with any communica-
tions from his Majesty's Ministers in the United
States on the subject.
Mr. HUME did not think that the Right Hon.
Gentleman had well considered the different in-
terests that prevailed in the American Congress. He
had himself truly stated that this Tariff had been only
carried after years of discussion, by a colourable ma-
jority. He would not, therefore, pay attention to
this endeavour to establish a foolish and injurious
policy, but let it fall to pieces by its own weakness.
But the Right Hon. Gentleman had expressed his
astonishment that a country, claiming the reputation
of being liberal, should have adopted a policy so
narrow and mischievous. Let the Right Hon.
Gentleman look at the policy of this country to-
wards the United States. Nothing rankled more in
a
the breas ts of the Americans than our exclusion of their
Mr.
corn. This was the staple of half the country, and it
was by the influence of those States which grew corn
that this unwise and impolitic Tariff had been passed.
The Corn Bill acted as a positive prohibition of foreign
corn, by the heavy duties which the present prices
imposed. Was it to be wondered at, that when we
set this example, the Americans should feel justified
in retaliating upon us ? The Right Hon. Gentle-
man had alluded to the intercourse with the West
Indies. He (Mr. Hume) believed that the Order
in Council had tended more to raise the spirit of op-
position on the part of the Americans than any other
measure of this Government. He had no hesitation
in saying, that if America chose to shut out every
article of British manufacture, we should soon find
markets for our exports, whichl would enable us to
pay for the articles America had hitherto supplied
us. He doubted whether it was expedient, for the
sake of maintaining the monopoly of our navigation,
PEELoid the
irritation.
ionutedll igent men in the Congress had
manfully
to exclude the Americans from the West Indies.—
Besides, it was not certain this Tariff would con-
t opposed it. The proper course, therefore,
wags con-
tinue.to All v
not
possibly have any objection
to his Non. Friend's motion, as he thought that by
the House being put in possession of the facts which
it desired to get at, they would be enabled to see the
real object of the Tariff of America, as well as the
probable manner in which it would operate on this
country. He, however, thought that sonic of the
views which the Hon. Gentleman who had spoken
last had taken, were to a certain degree erroneous.
The Hon. Gentleman had attempted to defend the
American Tariff on the ground that it was a retalia-
tory measure ; he (Mr. Peel) did not know whether
the Hon. Member for Montrose had read the docu-
ments connected with the subject; but he should
rather think not, as in that case he thought that the
Hon. Gentleman would hardly have defended the
Tariff on the ground of retaliation; nor could he at
all see how that ground was to be supported, when
in the very year that the Tariff was introduced, this
country had relaxed in its rules with respect to
American corn. The fact was, that this Tariff pro-
fessed to he for the purpose of affording encourage-
ment to the American manufacturers—(Hear),—
arid certainly their trade might in some measure be

*4k

so extended, though there could be no doubt that
the final effect would be against that country.—
(Hear, hear.) . •
Mr. TRANT supported tlie motion.
Mr.•ROBINSON thought the view taken by the
Hon. Member for Montrose extravagant.
Mr. ATTWOOD said a few words, which were
inaudible in the Gallery.
Mr. STUART concurred in the motion.

Mr. C. GRANT was glad that his Right Hon.
Friend had brought forward this motion, as it would
serve in some measure to show what were the feel-
ings of this country on the subject, and would have
some effect, he trusted, in advising the Americans of
the mistaken course of policy which they were pur-
suing, and which must, in the end, operate to the
detriment of the funds of that country, by lessening
the amount she received from the merchandise car-
ried thither, and consequently obliging her to have
recourse to an increase in her internal taxation.
(Hear, hear.)
Mr. HusmssoN having_said afew words.in.reply,.
the motion was agreed. to. •
PREROGATIVE COURT. •
Mr. HUME moved " That certain returns of the
amount of fees and profits of the Judges, and other
Officers of the Prerogative Office of the Archbishop
of Canterbury, be laid before the House ; and also
an account of the Proctors' Fees."
After a few words from Dr. PHILLIMORE, the
motion was agreed to.