The Sun.
London, England, 1826-04-19 00:00:00

To tell the public, now that the failure is apparent,
and the money gone and expended, that more could
not be done for want of room, is an absolute mockery.
The space ,necestairY 1347400,1havet been
ascertained before a brick'was laid ; that , space
'could not be found' at' the side 61 the 'tall for
ellythe Courts, - why, were not two of 'tlient-
placed at the extremity, 'rio the .places. .they were
taken " from ? time do not blame the architect
half, so much as, his employers. The little, jobbing,
intriguing, self-sufficient spirit which, finds its way
into all these .matters is the source of this and similar
grievances. Jobs and Doarda are alike synonymous
in their literal aa well as their official sense. To decide
first and to-judge afterwards is the absurd practice of
those *think, because they have power, they must
of necessity be wiser than the rest of mankind.
As it is, the inconvenience is such as cannot be sub-
mitted to; and enormous as the price is which the pub-
lic will have to pay for these mistakes, some of them,
we fear, can only be e remedied (that of the new Chan-
cery Court in particular) by the total extinguishment of
what has been so inadecoately done.

' [MoRNINU POST.]
There is-one passage in the Message of the Presi-
dent of the United States, upon the subject of the Congress at
Panama, under which, although clothed in an obscurity apps'
rently not altogether unintentional, there appea-s to us to lurk a
'principle which we imagine neither England, nor any other of
the great European nations, will very promptly acknowledge.
Adverting to the advice given by "the. Father of tbeir Country,"
in his farewell address, to avoid political, connections; upon
the ground that Europe had a set of primary interests, Rai
must therefore be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes
of which were essentially foreign 'to their concerns ; and to the
obedience:which Arnerictt had uniformly yielded to that coup=
eel, he seems to insinuate that the actual pOsition of the Euro-
pean potvers with respect to the various independent Govern-
ments of America, presents a parallel to that of the. United
States et the period of Washington's Address, in reference to
the old Governments of Europe. if this could%be considered
as an efrort of the imaginatiOn, as a harmless recreation of
fsncy on the 'part of Mr. Adams, we might be disposed merely
to treat it its tin idea which borders upon puerility or extrava-
gance t but the truth is that he insinuates the similarity mani-
festly from no such idle impulse, but that lie is anxious to
educe from it a principle ef practical politics so importitnt.
and at the same time so questionable, that the whole' passage is
withdraWn from the jurisdiction of literary criticism, and sub-
jected to the more grave and solemn tribn nal •of political jus.
ticeand international law. The principle to which we would
direct attention, is to he collected from the following words :
" The rapidity •of our growth, and the consequent in-
crease of our strength, has more than realised the anti-
cipations .of this.• admirable political legacy. Thirty
years have nearly elapsed since it was written, and in the in.
terval, our population—our wealth—our territorial extension—
our power, physical and moral; has nearly trebled. Reasoning
upon,this state of things from the.aound and judicious principles
of Washington; must we not say, that the period he predicted
as not then far off has arrived? That. America has a set of
primary interests, which have none or a remote relation to Eu-
rope ? That the interference of Europe, therefore, in those con.
cerns.should be spontaneouSly withheld by her upon the same
principles, that we have never interfertd with hers ; and that it'
sGe -slioulkinterfere, as she may by measures, which may have
a.g-rent anti d'ungerous recoil upon ourselves, we might be called
in ticicnee of our altars end fire-sides to take un attitude which
would cause our neutrality to be respected, and choose peace or
war, as our interest guided by justice should counsel." There is

in this pasenge, as it appears to us, much designed and studied
obscurity, hut we do not think we can be accused on any un-
candid interpretation of its meaning when we consider ft to
import a claim, on behalf of the United States, to exercise a de.
gree of influence upon the political 'and commercial council% of
her new.born neighbours Were direct and comprehemeive than •
that' of any European Power—a boast of her strength to
uphold this claiM......and tt thenece Of war against whatever
European, - State may, by its interference with " the
primary interests of 'America'," be found in opposition
to it. It 'quite surprising that , a man of so much saga-
city ae Mr. Adams should affect to sec anyedmilarity between
the situation of America with respect to European politics at the '
birth of her independence, and the present situation of the an-
cient and powerful Governments of Europe with respect to the
policy of South AMeriCA. It Is still more surprising that he
should look back to the conduct recommended by Washington,
and pursued by the United Staten, with a view exclusively to
her own peculier interests in the situation in which she then
stood ; as if had impoeed Some new obligation upon other
nations, upon the principle of reciprocity; or had set forth such
an, example of abstract and universal excellence as, to shed a
new light upon, or introduce a new Chapter into' the laws of
nations. That the elm:tittle of America can have no applica-
tion whatever to the circumstances in which the Presi-
dent seems disposed to ;oxen its authority, is equally
evident, whether we take into view the condition of the Powers
whose interference it is expected to restrain, or that of the States,
to the modification of whore policy that interference might be
directed. The condition of the great European Powers, whose
conduct it appears is to he tweeted by the example of America,
is in every respect as different its possible front that in which
America Atone( at the period when the example watt given.—
They, or tome of them. are Powers of great magnitude and
strength, the firm foundation% of whose greatness have long
endured, end are long likely to endure; they, from the lofty
eminence of their station, 'have been enabled to extend their
tinxions view to the conflict, although carried on in another
hemisphere, and have been partlelpents in a greater or less de.
gree of the.friterests it involved end the passions it awakened ;
they or their subjects have from the very commencement of the
;struggle been forming political ties or commercial connections,
. by which- national honour and other primary interests of the
nation may be placed ; they,. or at least we repeat, some of
them, now see their commercial and pecuniary interests no in-
timately and"extensively combined with the future policy
and :welfare of South America, that in this respect the United
States , would shrink' from a comparison. in the state of
things which .eve have time accurately dotcribed, Is there
any using like a parallel to the condition of America,
in rattier' to Europe, at the period when Washington
retired from public life ? May we not rather ask If the most
lively imagination could present a cortreet, In all its parts,
More striking or more perfect. And what resemblance, we
would further a'tk, irto be diecovertal between the situation of
Europe, Aube period when the United Stites so magnani.
Mously abstained from lefinencing its policy, anti that of South
Ainerica, in respect to which the European Powers are now
Gilled upon to copy her high example ? Had the United
Swett Any-interests at stake in. Europe, AS some of the Euro-
pean Powers now have in South America ? Wm nut the po.
licy of the various European Courts at that day governed by
fume matured and long established eysrem, at once inflexible
and eintplicateil from the length of its duration and the diver-
sity of interestee passions, and character on which its action
muse etwessively depend, which would have rendered, theein•
fusion of tiny new political influence emanating front
,another
hepthsphere-dangeroue, if not iMpossible ? Was Europe
then, as South America now is, an open field in which
a hew diplomacy ml ht try its. skill, 'or in which rival
rations were • cnlltel upon to put forth their moral,
and political influence in the struggle for an ascendancy yet un-
determined it Was there not at that tithe both in the situation
of OW United States at home, which required the undivided at..
tendon of her Government, and in the existing relations of
European diplomacy, enough to deter her front any attempt to
intermix with it any influence of herA, an attempt hopeless of
• • success, and the meet: splendid suceeies of which would have,
been unproductive of advantage ? -Many other similar ques-
tions readily suggest themselves ; 'but. the contrast of situation
• num have already become auffidently ,obviotis to ensure the re-
jection of The President's docierinee ". that the interference of
Europe in" any -thing conhectiltinvith the primary interests of
America " should be spontatteottsly withheld by ber upon the
stems principles". which originullydietated. to the United States
European
the policy of
,refiaintag from: any interference with
laws. •