The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-25 00:00:00

THE FACTORIES BILL.
(FROM AN OPERATIVE CORRESPONDENT.)

The debate on the Factories Eill has excited universal
attention, relating to interests as varied as powerful, im-
portant alike to the high Minister and humble operative,
and concerning the cause of humanity and the commerce of
England. The House of Commons, feeling the vast importance
of their decision, gave the subject due consideration and regard,
but, unfortunately, failed in perceiving that humanity
and commerce may go hand in band, and, fearing to en-
danger the one, hardly dared to assist the other.
Three times did they " resolve and re-resolve," and at
last remain uncertain and undecided, regardless of the
expectations awaiting their decision, and the various
emotions the debate had called forth. 'What hopes
and fears' have alternately cheered and depressed the
hearts of the poor and suffering during the discussion of
this, to them, all-important subject. The majority of
Monday brought joy and thanksgiving to expectant thou-
sands, who hailed the decision of the House as the certain
triumph of their fondest hopes—all ignorant of the
power of that House to change its decisions in five
days—nay, even in as many minutes ! The Govern-
ment, with perseverance worthy of a better cause,
refused to believe themselves defeated by a ma-
jority of nine, and brought the subject again under con-
sideration,
till last night's division took the victory from
their opponents, but without awarding the triumph to them-
selves—once again must doubt, and uncertainty be the por-
tion of the poor, and their condition will now be even worse
than before ; pain and sorrow are evils in themselves, but
how much is their bitterness augmented by first inspiring
hope and promising relief, and then dashing the cup of joy
from their lips, and leaving them to toil and suffering, with
the added pangs of "hope deferred." Five days have
elapsed since the House decided in favciur of "justice and hu-
manity." In that time the news has been spread
far and wide through the manufacturing districts, cheer-
ing the desolate and diffusing universal satisfaction through
all classes. Will the Government, in the face of popular
feeling, use their influence in turning the poor man's joy to
mourning ? Will they only employ the power vested in their
hands, in compelling the wearied child and suffering woman,
to pursue their hard laborious tasks two hours after the toils
and trials of the day have rendered rest necessary both to
mind and body? Will they do this? We know they will.
They have proved, by their untiring opposition, that
their will is not wanting in the cause of oppression ; that
they can is another question. The struggle will be renewed
on Monday, and let the House then show itself superior to
the Ministry alike in power and inclination to do good. The
general feehng was with Lord Ashley, when he commenced the
subject, by appealing to the judgments and hearts of his
hearers—that feeling was with him when the Ministry sus-
tained their first defeat—and that feeling will be with him,
and with the thousands depending on his motion, when next
Monday shall decide the contest. When the depression which
now weighs down the spirits of the suffering shall give way to
certainty and joy—all the doubt and apprehension they now
entertain shall be forgotten, on that " holiday for broken
hearts," and the Government will be compelled to own that
even the power of 'office, and the force of perseverance, must
give way before the dictates of " justice and humanity."

(From the Leeds Times.)
We shall not stop at present to inquire into the mo-
tives of the majority of the Members of the house of. Com-
mons, and whether they would have been equally ready
to concede a measure of justice had the clients been
their own wretchedly oppressed and over-laboured serfs,
and had the question concerned their own " vested
rights," and rents, and mortgages, and class interests.
It is enough that a great act of moral justice has been
done—an act of unquestionable humanity—of real
practical philanthropy and benevolence. We therefore
hail the success of Lord Ashley's motion with feelings
of almost unmingled joy and satisfaction.
The case of Lord Ashley and his supporters is based
upon irrefragable evidence. Long-continued labour is
deleterious to the human constitution in any case, but
especially where the tender frames of women and chil-
dren are concerned ; and the tendency of the factory
system, of late years, has unquestionably been, to absorb
a larger proportion of female and infant labour, to the
great detriment and injury of the entire working popu-
lation. They have taken the place of men in almost all
departments in some factories—especially in Lancashire;
the consequence of which has been that women and
children are employed, while men are thrown idle.
Nature's arrangements are thus entirely reversed, and
the father, instead of being the supporter and the guar-
dian, becomes the dependent and the domestic drudge of
his wife and children !

And what is the consequence as regards the women
and children themselves ? The most fearful degradation
—often the most appalling vice ‘!
The sacred character
of woman has been terribly lowered. Withdrawn from
their domestic functions, their homes have been necessa-
rily neglected ; the social and family ties have been
broken up ; children have grown up uneducated and
entirely neglected ; the domestic affections, by which
society is held together, have been crushed and de-
stroyed ; and woman,—instead of being the domestic
helpmate of man, the mistress of his household, the ma-
nager of his home, the mother of his family,—has be-
come his fellow day-drudge, the rival competitor with
him for labour, and often also the participator, if not the
rival with him, in his bad and vicious practices.
• Who can doubt the magnitude of these evils ? Who
can overlook them, or refuse to alleviate or remove
them ? Now. Lord Ashley's motion does not propose to
take women and children out of the factories, as the
same Legislature has already taken them from the coal-
mines. It merely lays down what is considered to be a
proper day's work for the women and children employed
in factories. The Legislature has already established
the principle of interference in such matters, and it now
merely carries the principle forwards in the salutary di-
rection. If anything, Lord Ashley's motion is too ex-
acting: looking upon this solely as a question of hu-
manity, we consider ten hours' daily labour in factories
far too much for either women or children. Lord
Ashley's proposition is, therefore, in our opinion, an ex-
ceedingly reasonable one; and, if the Legislature is to
interfere at all, it cannot do less than affirm the Noble
Lord's motion.

But do not let us shut our eyes to the immense con-
sequences involved in the passing of this clause of Lord
Ashley's by the Legislature. A ten hours' labour bill
for women and children will also prove a Ten-Hours' Bill
for men ; because, when the women and children quit
work in mills, they constitute such a large preponder. -
ante of the factory operatives that the men Must quit
also. Well, then, a Ten Hours' 13i11 will lie th; neces-
sary consequence of the final adoption of Lord Ashley's
clause. And the next result will be a general reduction
of.wages in proportion to the limitation imposed upon
the duration of factory labour. The reduction may be
to even a greater extent than this, if means be not
adopted by the Legislature to open up new channels of
trade and commerce. But certainly a reduction to the
extent we have mentioned—in other words, by about
one-sixth of the present weekly wages of the factory
operatives will take place immediately on the enactment
of a Ten Hours' Bill by the Legislature.
We state this to prevent subsequent disappointment
on the part of the operative classes. As for the mas-
ters, they are mostly in favour of a Ten Hours' Bill,
and a large proportion of them, during the last few
years, have been working their mills considerably under
the time prescribed by Lord Ashley's motion. Of
course, they have done this from necessity, and not
from choice ; and most of the operatives have been
obliged to be satisfied with a " short time" wage. And
they know that it was no more than reasonable that
they should be paid in proportion to the duration of
their labour, as is the case in all other employments. On
the same grounds, Lord Ashley's motion, which en-
forces permanent short time of working, will enforce
also a permanently reduced wage, unless large remedial
measures are adopted to prevent it. And without such
measures, the limitation of the hours of factory labour
may yet possibly be regarded as even a measure of
merciless injustice.