The Sun.
London, England, 1828-05-03 00:00:00

toted to tV'

at of hi' 11'''
le petitionu
g of a PS!
letition
he petitiO

141
from Pe f
for a ree
the Prot
tholic
ions from
i favour Of"'

on froul
owner 11',
seized
wag a
ice Adroit*
It !Joust. 6
the gra
thought t
ed of the try
ion.

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the igtt
ow tl ll
pursue 1,
.11 for engl' '

LS eomplP,
, that .10*,,
ute some

rho mad* 1,:
e it before
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T, the pei'i'c

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le.
im Neviellti!:
ext. 111 11
It lion. 6'

as we uuder,
h took frog'
taking of the

.t of the
h office, bah
to situation*
rish to see 511
he trusted
of the
power
of the Croup
not applY, ti"
t-sons
• +lli
he origin ,
,nded by' ulf

ad not coe
it had goof
I been niaar'
demnity
i /if;
lid, it con'''.
7 t; an be
ion would 1)
relieve those

!tions of bi 4
fur there
cle Crowg
h discipline
'ould be very
such chaV
is very act,
for it vvo
asure tv°"l3
tsure Vil)
jeb
e tendeocYt
I hope wills
:0 set at rest
e Church 01
)ire enters be
from bearia
lt had bet'
other flou4e
ed, and 00
3
L.
quarters 1,
,eral feeling'
. .1;e
repeated t
Establisbe"
repeal of tv

as cotteurre
e, and if
tight the.
a Chri..tlaii
is they
e introdat
arried rood'
those Ivoi'd4
amendloolti
ation. tbeT:
and Vol!

uld not

up the whole body of Dissenters with the acts and opi-
nioris of a small sect, whose opinions were not shared by
that body.
Lord MANDEVILLE said his objection was not to the
tulandrnent. He would rather the whole were omitted.
Lie Was not contented with a naked declaration of faith.
He Itottld leave it out altogether, or have it more full and
exPileit.
f Mr• W. SMITH said, that if the Noble Lord wished
,(4. 4 salutary description of a Christian, he would find it
'n the l9th of Geo. 111.
Mr. J. MARTIN objected to the words " I do solemnly
"4 sincerely in the presence of God," and also " on the
trtte faith of a Christian."
~The motion for taking the Lords' amendment into eon-
ration was now put and agreed to, and the amend-
millts were read a first time.
00 the question that tsey be read a second time,
tord J. RUSSELL said that the words of the declara-
ti°4+ Which had been added in the lairds, could not be
":usidered objectionable, as a declaration of religious opi-
'''Qns, for they were not so intended. The church of the
",-,untry. was Christian; and to whatever denomination of
"sristians a man might belong, he could not object to de-
later "on the true faith of a Chi istian ;" for when a
parry so declared, he could be understood to mean only on
the faith of that community of Christians to which he be-
low._
Se% The intentions of the House of Lords were, that
-I,lan should give a solemn assent to Christianity, without
P"lting out any particular sect of Christians. He did
not think the declaration necessary, for he knew that many
7,114 Were not Christians would not hesitate to take it.
Was objected that one part of the amendments made the
-`"lng of office without making the declaration a inisde-
14eanour. 'this he did not approve, but still he did not
it a reason why he should reject the measure. As
Defhe other clauses, they made the Bill more definite than
ore, in including persons in inferior situations. This
4180 disapproved ; but still he would rather take the
'NI) even with this, than run any risk of losing it by op-
°°iwg what he considered as objectionable parts. The
Clause he considered somewhat confused. It applied
,A3t
7, the Whole of the Act, and not to any particular clause.
He had now briefly adverted to the chief parts of the Bill,
44,1 he would say. that taken as a whole, and as a measure
of relief to a large class of his Majesty's subjects, he was
`atisfied with it, and was grateful for it ; and he hoped
that those for whose benefit it was intended would receive
st in the same feeling, and that they, on their part, would
ueaceforward be disposed to look n ith a favourable eye on
say measure which might be introduced for a more general
"tension of the principle of religious liberty.—(Hear.)
Mr. PEEL said that there were some parts of the Bill
neich he could wish to see had been differently worded
ll're it passed into a law. The words " within this
4,1" be thought would be much better than the word
::_ngland," as it now stood in the Bill. He must also
G that he thought that he could wish to see the i tin-
pe of the measure carried farther, and have clerks and
"01 iu subordinate stations exempted from the necessity
watu_olting the declaration. However, as the Noble Lord
tt,' not thought it expedient to propose any alterations in
I:4 Parts of the Bill, he did not feel called upon to do so.
taking his leave of the Bill, he would say, that he
ad nt first opposed the measure, because, as the question
ot been discussed for nearly forty years, and as there
of been a cessation of religious differences, he was afraid
tonetioning the introduction of a measure, by which
t'e differences might be renewed. He did not, how-
think, nor had he stated, that such a test as the
11111 had imposed was necessary ; nor had be stated,
Willingness that the sacramental test was unob-
jegtftable ; but he had said that the Act was the
ttilisevere by the operation of the annual Indemnity
zit When, however, he saw that a large maps
c't that House was in favour of the repeal, he did
not.
the think that the time was arrived fer abrogating
th,,btest altogether. Be must admit that he did not think
torAuill Was improved in its progress through the House of
roe 95"--(lfear, hear.) But he agreed that the amend.
°ts there made were not of such importance as that, on
oti.' account, any risk of losing the Bill should be en-
,o-hilttled• With respect to the part taken in the discus-
-1 of the Bill in the other House by the Right Rev.
who attended, he thought that it was creditable to
7 in thehighest degree.—(Hear, hear.)
T. ACLAND expressed his objection to the amend-
th'tss and would have preferred the Bill as it had gone to
-4 Lords from that House.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER consider-
,,t4l it improper that no allusion was made, in the declara-
toa which persons taking office were compelled to make,
i° the established church in Ireland. The declaration men-
44'd only the church as by law established in England.-
I:ll4'euld therefore move that the words " and in Ireland"
hir,istaertaai.
sTANLEY thought the amendment immaterial.
TRANT supported the amendment.
tile :odd. % RUSSELL would not object to the insertion of
Mr, 13 E
or ' EL thought that the insertion or omission of the
The" Was of no great consequence one way or the other.
Preamble of the Bill made mention of the " Protestant
Plsco
prth Pal Church of England and Ireland." No misap
deo "ion. therefore, could arise from the omission in the
+orotion.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER then
Uttirew his amendment.
0 t
1.01,,ij
fae. 4 Other amendments of the Lords were agreed to, and
ef- th' . PUSSELI, was directed to inform their Lordships
toIP the question that the House at its rising do adjourn
e • OUGHAM, now that the kill was in perfect
,otY, before which it would have been unwise in him to
ff, word that might have have given rise to discussion,
_ to take the earliest opportunity of expressing his entice
t'illacurrence in opinion with those who disapproved of
amendments made to the Bill in the house of
1„."11.• He agreed with the Noble Lord, who said that both
,17 touch and too little bad been done in the other House.
much had keen done to please those who held that no
kr Ought be excluded, and too little for these who main-
Iled the opposite. 't he declaration of faith was left in
t), eery vague and indefinite state. He concurred with
t‘-`e who stated that the Bill would be difficult to under-
He believed it would puzzle the legal ingenuity
iiiipost persons to state what the law would be after the

mod.--The question was then putt, and agreed to.
eIVIL GOVERNMENT OF THE CANADAS.
Mr,

to Secretary HUSKISSON—Mr. Speaker—Previous
pl‘,4°le ling the attention of the House to the subject
nof n
t motion, for the appointment of a Select Ci,mmittee
II:4'1111re into the condition of the Civil Government of
te:.l'n' 'nadao, ulas I think it incumbent upon me to acknowledge,
L now do, the kindness and courtesy evinced towards me
House' in permitting this question to be brought
• its consideration out of the ordinary course of
• The subject, Sir, to which I wish to call the atten-
-4,4 of Parliament on the present occasion,. is one which,
4417 Y er it may bear, and it chiefly dues bear upon interests
feelings in great degree removed from those which
'444•
'44 affect ourselves—which, notwithstanding,
considerations that do not directly and immediately
° Lorne to the bosom of the majority of the people.mo!
lastlt,'°untry, is nevertheless. a matter of considerable
tiste4ue-es The question which I wish at this time to in-
sit4 the House to investigate is, whether those extensive
kasi possessions of thes Crown, the Canadas, are or
Well °t administered under system of Civil Government,
tls, adapted to promote ther rosperity. and. peaceable set-
!,,it • t of those provinces—properly suited to the well-
Jrttsg happiness of nearly o r million of British sub-
-441 and well-ealculated to maintain the allegiance of our
tii,l"lents, and preserve unbroken theaaffectiona e
and goad
zkiher'tanding which should always subsist between
°0 the one hand and the Mother Country tke ether.
illqUiry it should be found that the present system
Ittssr"ernment in these States is not calculated to an_
Jhis purpose—and if it shall also be found that the
and Y uf the evil cannot be applied without the. authority
I,,ti!titerference of the British Parliament—it will be
in-
ration trsd'aulent t„ with the question with a view to -
of such modifications, improvements, and fate
the existing system, as may appear in its wisdom
i"ttl-"rY• But, Sir, though considerable errors and de.-:
•t c'Y be fotiod to exist in the present system—althoegl
"41i '64lpreliend a great number of gross imperfection.s,
ii%
(Ift.)lt,,Y; i.thstanding sonic oversights may be discovered in
iu~dirill''''stration—it does sot follow. that any particular
'tug 14 to blame, or can be justly accused of occasion-
liruperfections. Sir, the Constitution' under which
d'Y'4,l4'-"4„,," re now governed, was devised and introduced
''uar rne
the greatest statesmen, the most distinguished.
at.4,rs
tau quite that ever appealed
llow littlerepared to maintain. But when we consider
tl in t. was then known, and to
Woat, ~ the country ques ion
Qe'lto-"lited extent its lesourtes and interests wereun:
ud, it will rot
appear matter of surprise er ast oics
t' 't
toaler such circumstances, :aid at such times,
is,T:,Y,istent devised for its government should have been
ex-
that Y defective Neither will it appear unaccountable
tieulch the details of that system there should be many if
whioslft •
w which require to be removed—many imperfections
t 'quire a rmY ed —many omissions which require
tits
C "applied. !u contemplating tly. nature of the
inin laas.tio,
Provided for the Canadas, we must always bear
try has tne great and leading principle on which this coun-
tospi7'l tver acted ia regard to her political relatio both
-4 (41 mean the maintenance cfns, nations

honour and good faith. In this ease it was necessary for us to
maintain the good faith of the engagements entered into by
this country with the French settlers, who constituted the ori-
ginal population of these colonies ; at the same time that we
endeavoured, as far as was consistent with these engage-
ments, to introduce among them the benefits to be derived
front a system of British law, jurisprudence, and civil ad-
ministration ; a system which has already advanced the
prosperity of this country and her ether dependencies to so
extraordinary and unparalleled an extent. I can assnre
the House, that neither the importance of this subject, nor
the difficulty of examining fully and fairly, within a brief
space, the merits and demerit, of the Civil Government of
these Colonies, as originally established, shall induce me to
trespass at a greater length than is absolutely necessary on
its patience, in the course of the observations which I arn
now about to make. Sir, with this intimation I proceed
to observe that by the Act of 1791, framed for the govern-
ment of the Canadas, it appears we are perfectly at liberty
to alter, modify, or amend that Act in any way we think
proper. I state this, not as an abstract reason or proposi-
tion which may or may not apply to the subject now be •
fore us—not on the authority of the paramount power of
the British Parliament, which is fully competent to do so
—but I trace the principle to the clauses and enactments
of the Pill itself, and its express declarations to this effect.
In constructing this law Mr. Pitt expressly provided that
nothing which it contained should be held as not subject
and liable to such further alterations and amendments as
circunastanets might from time to time appear to require.
Sir, it carries the principle of modification or repeal even
to the reserved lands allotted for the use and maintenance '
of the Established Church in Canada. It is therefore
clearly apparent that we are quite as much at liberty to con-
sider the Act of 1791, with reference to the amendment of any
imperfection or defect contained in it, as we are at liberty to
consider in a similar manner any other Act of the Legisla-
ture. Sir, I look on it as extremely fortunate that no
doubt can exist on this point. I am glad that the su-
preme power of the British Parliament to deal with de-
fects or difficulties of this nature, and to reform the pre-
vious Acts of the Legislature, in regard to the (government
of our Canadian territories, cannot be disputed. I am the
rather disposed to rejoice at this circumstance, because,
standing aloof, as we do, from the party feelings and local
jealousies of the Canadians, our decision will be the inure
respected-Ist, as coming trom a high and competent au-
thority' ; and next, on account of our manifest impartiality.
On both these grounds I am satisfied that the final deter-
mination of Parliament in regard to the Civil Government
of the Canadas, will be cheerfully received, and readily ac-
quiesced in. In this view of the subject I confess I do feel
sanguine of the result of our interference. I consider it
calculated to allay all the animosities of the Canadians,
and, if wisely conducted, well adapted to place the system
of Government in our North American territories on a
satisfactory and permanent footing, thus conducing at once
to the manifest benefit of the colonies, and promoting the
interests of the Mother Country. Sir, I feel most anxious
to save the time of the House as much as possible, and with
that view I shall not enter into details of the various changes
that have taken place in the Civil Administration or Go-
vernment of the Canadas since these Colonies came into
the possession of the British Crown, any further than may
be absolutely necessary to render clearly intelligible to the
House the grounds of the difficulties, dissentious, and con-
troversies, which now exist in those provir _Ts. The House
is aware that the Canadas were ceded in full and sole sove-
reignty to the British Crown, by the French nation, in the
year 1763. They were then unconditionally ceded to this
country., without any stipulation or obligation whatever
with respect to the mode in which they were to be adminis-
tered. So far from there being any condition or qualifica-
tion connected with the surrender of these provinces—so
far was this from being the case, that they were yielded up
to England by France in full sovereignty and complete pos-
session, as in the case of a new conquest. Perhaps it may
be necessary to state that the country was settled by the
French about the year 1606, when the first French Governor
was appointed: At this time the population was princi-
pally, it not wholly, confined to the banks of the River St.
Lawrence, and the two towns then built, namely, Montreal
and Quebec ; and at the period of the conquest of the
French settlers did not exceed ti 5,000. It was thought
wise by the Government of France (I say nothing now as
to the policy of the measure)--it was thought Ns ise, in this
limited population, to graft the &udal system of France, as
it existed in that country in all its vigour, and I will add de-
formity, in the 16th century. The French system was fol-
lowed not only in the institutions but in the buildings of the
new colony ; and the country house of the settlers ex-
hibited all the defects, inconveniences, and bad taste, per-
ceivable • at Versailles, without its grandeur or extent.
Such was the state of Canada under the French regime ;
the feudal system flourished in all its vigour among a
small population and in the midst of a desert. The mother
country grafted upon the other institutions of her colony
a law of succession—not the general French law of suc-
cession, (which was that of primogeniture), but a system
denominated a the custom of Paris." So that, connect-
ing the effects of this law of succession with the influence
of the feudal system in Canada, while tinder the dominion
of the French, the consequences to the colony were any
thing rather than beneficial. The lords paramount held
directly under the Crown, and granted certain portions of
lands to their vassals. These seignories (according to the
law of succession to which I have alluded) were not capable
of severance, but they were divided and subdivided ever
since the period of their first institution. They were to
remain indivisible because the holder of the land owed suit
and service to the Lord Paramount. Now, however, they
are subdivided into shares so minute as to be greatly to
the advantage of those who administered the existing
system of civil law ; at the sante time that the circumstance
is equally disadvantageous and prejudicial to the interests
of persons possessing or claiming to possess property in
them. Such is the natural consequence and effect of the
complicated state of tenures in the Canadas. Sir, it was
no longer since than this morning that I saw in a Canada
paper an advertisement of the sale of a one-thirteenth of
a hundreth part of a Lordship. Some of the netices of sale in
these Colonies are extremely curious, and comprehend frac-
tional parts of fractions of estates, of a nature to puzzle Mr.
Finlayson himself, with all his skill in figures. We read
constantly of the third of a 7th, and the half of a Gth of a
Lordship to be disposed of. I recollect one notice of the sale
of a forty-fourth of a fourth of a tenth of a sixth share of
au estate—another of an eleventh of a fourth of a fifth of a
sixth ; and another (the last I shall mention) of a forty-
fourth of a fifth of a sixth. Under this curious and rather
puzzling state of the law by which seignories were divided
into such impracticable shares, it is almost impossible for
any person to tell to whom it is that he owes suit and ser-
vice. Yet a great many duties are imposed under the
feudal system, some of them to be paid in kind and some
in money. For instance, there are fines, annual duties on
all alienations of property, and various rights and duties
of a most vexatious and harassing nature. A short time
after the treaty, by which, in the year 1763, Canada was
ceded to the Crown, the King of England issued a procla-
mation, inviting such of his subjects as were so disposed to
settle in the newly acquired territory, declaring the Royal
intention 'shortly to confer a Legislative Assembly on the
Colony, and informing them that all persons settling in the
country should forthwith enjoy the benefit and protection
derivable from British laws and Courts of Justice. Until
the year 1774, British laws were as far as possible intro-
duced and carried into effect in the Colony—British Courts
of Justice were established, with proper Judges to admi-
nister the law, and the whole system of British judicature
was set on foot according to the terms of his Majesty's de-
claration. The other part of the proclamation, containing
an assurance relative to the appointment of a Legislative
Assembly, was not carried into effect. In 1774, from the
situation in which other provinces of America, then be-
longing to the Crown, were placed, it was not thought
expedient by the Government of the day to grant a Legis-
lative Assembly to Canada. It appeared about this time
that the Canadians were greatly attached to their ori-
ginal system of legislation and not well satisfied with that
more recently introduced amongst them. Accordingly,
it.. being thought desirable to conciliate the loyalty,
a"ection, and ood-will of our Canadian subjects at
that juncture, in 1774 it was for the first tune men-
tioned in Parliatnent that it would be desirable to-pass an
Act of the Legislature, not for the purpose of making good
f the assurance of 1763, but to recall all the pledges relative !
to the formation of a system of British jurisprudence, and
the establishment of British Courts of Justice. A Bill was
accordingly, brought into the Commons for the purpose of
effecting this object. The preamble of the Act was sug-
gested in compliance with, the wishes
and feelings Canadians, and went upon the prin-
ciple
y.' andthla of theiattitelidTrtcn up
It'
laws,
to Which they had been long
accustomed, were well adapted to their situation and cir-
cumstances.
The Bill itself recalls ali the declarations con-
tained in Clue proclamation of 1763—re-establishes the
French laws and customs as they regard property, and the
system of civil law, including the custom of Paris. How-
ever, the same Act makes provisions for retaining the ad-
ministration of the Criminal Law of England in Canada,
t which, front 1774., was to be governed by the civil law
of France, and the Criminal Code of England. Between
the years 1763 •and 1774, the Crown lied proceeded to
make grants of land in Canada, with a view to the settle-
ment of the colony, by an additional number of new in-
habitants. In all grants, out of immediate lordships, the
lands were held under tenures of free or common soccage,
as contradistinguished from seignories. The holders were
placed untie' the influence of an unintelligible system or

' latC before. One estate was held by a common soccage,
another by a different tenure. With respect to civil rights,
as I have already said, the French law and administration
was established; but the English system of jurisprudence
prevailed in criminal matters. In the same year (1774),
another important Act, and one well calculated to coaci-
liate the favourable feelings and loyalty of the Canadians
towards the Crown, received the sanction of the Legisla-
ture. By this Bill, it was provided that all customs and
duties (and they were numerous, onerous, and oppressive),
heretofore imposed on the colonists by France, and from
the date of the Conquest to that year ?sayable to England,
should thenceforth and for ever cease and determine.
lieu of these imposts, the Act appointed other duties of a
more easy and equitable nature, the produce of which was
to be appropriated not to the advantage of the mother coun-
try, but to defray the expences necessarily attendant on the
• administration of Civil Justice, and the maintenance of the
• local Government of Canada. In 1774, two boons were
afforded to the Canadians, the first of which was, the re-
storation of the system of Civil Law, of which they ap •
proved, and under which they had before lived ; the other
boon consisted in the recognition by this country of the
established religion, and a provision being made for its
maintenance and support. The latter is a boon which I
sincerely trust may never be withdrawn. I have spoken of
these two measures adopted by England, as boons to the
Canadians, for such they were certainly considered by
them at the time, whatever may have been the subsequent
effects of one of them; suffice it to say, they were afforded
in a spirit of conciliation, and accepted with feelings of
gratitude and satisfaction. Of the recognition and esta-
blishment of the prevailing religion in Canada, in 1774, I
have already spoken in terms of ag,probation, and have Only
to repeat my hope that the gift may never be disturbed or
rescinded. No doubt it was thankfully received, and is
gratefully remembered. The other boon (namely, the re-
storation of the system of French law, and administration in
civil cases) was in all probability quite as notch prized at
the time by the parties, as the provision made for recog_
nising their religious faith. I ant satisfied, however, that
if not then restored and re-established, the laws in question
(which are unfriendly to commerce, and repugnant to en-
lightened principles of unrestricted dealing), must soon
have disappeared under the influence of British enterprise.
But, passing by this topic for the present, I may be allowed
to remark, that the abolition of the French duties, and the
imposition of other and less burdensome taxes, the proceeds
of which were applied to the support of the Colonial Go-
vernment and institutions, was in itself a considerable be-
nefit to the Canadians. 1 n 1778 a law was passed in this
country, which, although not immediately bearing upon,
or having reference to, Canada, was :yet :of considerable
importance, as well to that as to our other Colonies. I al-
lode to the Declaratory Act, by which this country relin-
quished all future right to tax its Colonies, granting them
the power to impose duCes themselves, which duties were
to be applied to the support of their own institutions and
establishments, and were not to form part of the revenue
of Great Britain. At this time there existed, perhaps, a
doubt as to whether the Act applied to Canada. Some
thought that the Bill was only meant to apply to our Co-
lonies in the West Indies, and to those places in America
that retained their allegiance to England, and had Legisla-
tive Assemblies of their own, which were hereby autho-
rised to tax themselves. But, however the fact might be,
in this state Canada remained till the year 1791, when
it was thought necessary by Mr. Pitt to introduce his Bill,
since commonly called and known by the appellation of the
Quebec Act. This law attracted more notice at the time of
its enactment, principally on account of the then state of
parties in the House, than it might in all probability have
otherwise done, by reason of its intrinsic interest or im-
portance. Mr. Pitt thought it was no more than was due
to the growing importance and wealth of Canada—a
wealth and importance that had received considerable ac-
cessions during the continuance of the American war—to
give that colony a popular representation. It is here expe-
dient to observe, that by one of the provisions of this Act,
the right and controul over all imposts was vested in an
Assembly, to be so constituted. We should bear this cir-
cumstance in mind, because what now exists has reference
to this Act. By the Bill of 1774, the system of Civil Law
of the Colony was established, and provisions were made
for the support of its Government, by means of moderate
duties then imposed. Under the Act of 1791, all ditties were
to be imposed and appropriated as the Colonial Legislature
should determine. One object of the Act was, to divide the co-
lony into two separate provinces (Upper and Lower Canada),
giving to each a separate Legislatnre. It was considered
desirable to encourage loyalists and disbanded soldiers to
become settlers in Upper Canada, where there were no
French settlers, and no feudal system was in operation.—
The Act provided, that, in the province of Lower Canada,
the Legislative Assembly should consist of not less than 50
Members, while in Upper Canada (then just about to be
settled) the population being more scanty, the minimum of
members of Assembly was fixed at 15. In Upper Canada
the Assembly was to be increased as the province should
become more thickly peopled. These details were left to
those persons who administered the Government in the
colony. The Gallant Officer who administered the Go-
vernment of Canada in 1792, divided it into 1S counties,
each sending two members to the Assembly; three counties
sending each one representative ; two cities privileged to
elect four members ; one town sending two members, and
one electing one representative—making a total of 50.
What I complain of is, that the representation was not
equally distributed ; it is a great error to take the density
of population many years ago, and apply it as a permanent
standard to the number of representatives to be chosen for
particular places and departments. The effect of this errone-
ous principle has necessarily been to throw the chief power of
representation into the hands of the Seignories. The same de-
fect existed in Upper as in Lower Canada. The English set-
tlers are excluded from a fair participation in what ought
to be a popular representation, and the power of election-is
thrown into the hands of the descendants of the French.
I state these complaints with the more confidence, because
in all parts of Canada it is agreed the present system works
so ill as to stand in need of alteration. Under the present
practice, the English settler is exposed to great inconve-
nience, and suffers an unjust exclusion from advantages of
which it is only just that he should enjoy a reasonable
share. I allude now to the condition of our countrymen
in Lower Canada ; but in doing so, I do not desire to make
it a matter of charge against those who represent the French
Seignuries, that they act as they do. It is the system, not
the individuals, that requires reformation. There is no
possibility of suing or being sued, except in the French
Courts, and according to the French form and practice—
no mode of transacting commercial business, except under
French customs, now obsolete in France. In Lower Ca-
nada they go upon the law and system of feudal tenure,
and the law is more incapable of ever being improved or
modified by the progress of information and knowledge,
than if it still remained the system of France and the model
of her dependencies. Here, in the midst of a wilderness,
flourishes the French feudal system, and the custom of Paris
of centuries ago. The result is, that Englishmen in Ca-
nada are as much like aliens and settlers in a foreign land
as an equal number of British, subjects who should have sat
down in the centre of France in the 13th century. It is not
therefore to be wondered at that our countrymen have had to
encounter considerable difficulty in Lower Canada, and
that but a slow progress has been made towards the settle-
ment of that province as compared with the upper pro-
vince. In fact, the inconvenience of the existing condi-
tion of things cannot be well torderstood in this country.
In this colony the law of mortgage is in the worst state.
The registration of deeds is another point deserving atten-
tion ; and the laws and usages relating to the formation of
roads are those of the old French feudal system. The
consequence has been that in the last fifteen years not one
single Road Bill has been passed by the Legislative As-
sembly of that province. Thus there was no opportunity
afforded the English townships of communicating with
the river St. Lawrence except by some of its tributary
streams, on account of the interposition of the seignorius
between them and that river. In the same manner,
another part ui what I consider an important public duty
in a Legislative Assembly was overlooked-1 mean the
education. of the children of the settlers. That was a sub-
ject never thought of. In point of fact the state of things
was such, that the settlers felt more disposed to connect
themselves with those districts which border on the United
States, where they could better have their wants of this
description supplied, and receive the benefits of the ad-
ministration of justice, than to remain is the country to
which they owed allegiance. These evils, Sir, have, I re-
gret to :say, been of some standing, but they have been
more severely felt as the capital and population of this
country have been directed to these colonies, and as they
have become of greater importance to the interests of the
mother country. Having become sensible of the evil, the
question now arises as to what remedy shall be applied
to it. There was one suggested, and attempted to be
carried into effect about four years back, in 1822—1 think
it was by my Right lion. Friend behind me—by which
the two legislatures were to be incorporated into one ;
that is, the Upper, or English part of the province, was to
be re-united under one government, with the French or
Lower part of it. There were various grounds on which
the Bill my Right Hon. Friend introduced with that view,
were opposed, but the principle, I believe, was the lateness
of the Session, and the consequent fewness of the Members
that would have been present at the discussion of so import-
ant a question. That Bill, therefore, did not pass. Whether
the remedy it proposed is Ow best that can be imagined,
I will not now undertake to say ; lint it is certainly open to

many very serious objections. Those, however, With the
remedy itself, will be proper subjects for the consideration
of the Committee I mean to propose. Another remedy`]
that has been suggested is to form all the English Town-
ships, as they are for the sake of distinction called, into
third Province. To that scheme also the objections are I
both numerous and serious. Indeed, there are none that
have been devised, or that can be devised, that have not
been, and will not be, subject to many difficulties and oft- I
jections. It will be the duty of the Committee to point !
out that course which offers the least of those objections, to
reconcile the conflicting pretensions of the different parties,
and thus remove the great obstacles to the improvement
of this important colony. But, Sir, these are not the only
considerations that have induced me to recommend the
House to take into its consideration the state of the civil Go-
vernment of Canada. There is another of a most
important nature. Besides the obstacles 1 have men-
tioned as lying in the way of the happiness of
this Colony, there is another of a most formid-
able nature, which has grown up out of the state
of the representative system as I have described it there.—
It is a difficulty which renders it absolutely necessary that
Parliament should take this subject into consideration. I
allude to the disputea which have arisen concerning the
extent of controul the Colonial Legislature should have
over the public revenue of the colony and its fiscal tegola-
tions.—(Hear.)---If the House has done me the honour to
follow me in the details I have gone through, it will be
recollected that I have stated that in 1774, all the taxes
imposed under the French regime were abrogated, and
other duties levied in their stead, which were appropriated
by the Crown to defray the expellees of the Administration
of Justice, and of the civil establishment of the colony.—
The duties, thus levied, in lieu of the old French ones, I
may describe technically as the permanent revenue of the
Crown. It amounts to about 35,0001. per annum, and
has, pursuant to the original intention, been applied, under
the direction of the Lords of the Treasury, to the purposes
for which it was appropriated by the Act of 1774.
Besides this, the Crown has a small revenue called the
casualty revenue, which consists of fines, forfeitures, and
ether incomings, belonging to the Crown as the lord pa-
ramount. This revenue amounts to about 5,0001. per
annum, and is at the absolute disposal of the Crown ;
but this also has been appropriated to the civil services
of the country. The remaining revenue of the colony
arises from taxes imposed since the year 1791 by the Co-
lonial Legislature. Part of this revenue the Assembly has
appropriated specifically to discharge the expences of its own
sittings, and part to the itnprovent of the navigation of
the River St. Lawrence. The sum appropriated to this
last purpose is not large. The remainder of the money
raised has been appropriated by the Legislature to the
different expences of the colony generally. The amount
thus collected by the taxes imposed by the Assembly has
been, upon au average, about 140,0001. per annum. There
are also some small stuns raised by virtue of Acts of this
House, passed for the purpose of regulating the trade of the
Colony. For some time after the passing of the Act in
1774, nothing could go on more smoothly than the system
it established. The Crown had divested itself of the power
it had over the permanent revenue; and the sum raised
under that name, although small, was sufficient for the
maintenance of the civil service, and of the judicial esta-
blishments. Afterwards, however, the necessity of making
roads, and numerous ether expences incidental to a rising
colony, rendered this sum insufficient. It became neces-
sary, therefore, to raise a larger sum, and this was done by
the authority of the House of Assembly. By what degrees,
in what manner, and under what circumstances, a difference
grew up between the local legislature and the Executive I
Government, it is not necessary I should trace, for any of
the purposes I have now in view. The present state of
the controversy, however, is of this nature. The I-louse
of Assembly of Lower Canada claims the right of appro-
priating the permanent revenue item by item ; that is
to say, the right of deciding what branches of the
civil service, and what of the judicial establishments,
should receive their income, and in what portions, from
this fund. On the other part, it is maintained,
and, as it appears to me, in a manner absolutely incon-
trovertible in law, that the Crown possesses over this re-
venue a discretionary power as to the proportions in which
it is to be distributed, provided it be for purposes directed
by the Act. I believe there is no lawyer in this country,
nor indeed any one in the least acquainted with the relative
situations of the parties, who will deny that as long as the
Crown appropriates that revenue to the Administration of
Justice in Canada, and to its Civil Government, pursuant
to the Act of 1774—as long as it fulfils all the conditions
required by good faith towards the Canadians, no one, 1
say, will deny its right to prescribe the mode in which the
Revenue consistently with that Act, shall be expended.—.
There is, I am sure, none who will not say, that the pre-
tensions of the Legislative Body to take the whole manage-
ment of this money into its own hands, are neither founded
in law nor practice. On the other hand, the House of As-
sembly holding the public'purse in its hands, having the com-
plete command of the general Revenue, in order to enforce its
unreasonable pretensions—for so I must call diem, inasmuch
as they are contrary to law, inconsistent with, and subversive
of, all the principles of Constitutional Government—in order
I say to enforce their pretensions, have refused to appro-
priate any part of the larger revenue, of which they
have the command, unless also the appropriation of the
permanent Crown revenue be given up to them also. This,
Sir, is the state of the controversy between the Executive
and Legislative Body in Canada. The consequences of the
agitation of such a question as this, in which both parties
have stood upon their extreme rights—(hear, hear.)—
have been most unfortunate, awl such as all who looked
dispassionately at the subject, could not but most deeply re-
gret. One of the unfortunate consequences has been, the
necessity under which the representative of the King has
found himself, of appropriating money for the necessary
services of the colony without the sanction of the Colonial
Legislature. Such a thing as this, in a country with a
Legislative Assembly—in a country that has the least pre-
tence to freedom, can only be justified by the absolute ne-
cessity of preventing general confusion, and the subversion
of the Government. I do not stand here—God forbid
that I should—in the British House of Commons, living
as I do, in a country where the rights of the popular
branch of the Legislature to control the expenditure of the
money it raises are so well known and universally acknow-
ledged—to defend the abstract propriety of a Governor of a
colony appropriating its revenue without sanction of an Act
of the Legislature, as required by law; but, pressed by neces-
sity, it ought not perhaps to be wondered at, however we may
regret the necessity, that a Governor should take all the
means in his power to maintain the tranquillity of the place
committed to his charge. When principles are pressed to
the extreme, a Legislature may, no doubt, distress the
Executive Government of a country, and so wear it out by
continued opposition, as to have the point in dispute con-
ceded ; but what are not in the mean time the unfortunate
results to the people ? What, in the midst of these con-
flicts, has been the result to the province of Canada ?
Nothing was expended of the money raised in this irregu-
la: manner, as I must call it, but what was absolutely ne-
ceasary to carry on the government of the province ; all
improvement was at a stand, the roads were neglected,
education was overlooked, the public buildings were suf-
fered to fall to decay, and the country generally—l will
not say reduced to a state of anarchy, because the King's
Representative properly sustained his government—was
brought to such a state that there was not a Canadian
whose interests did not stiffer. The recurrence of such a I
state of things it is our duty to prevent, and I think I have
made out such a case as is sufficient to convince the House
without going into further details, that, if we have the
right and the power, the time is come which warrants me
in calling upon Parliament to interpose its beneficent au-
thority for the purpose of quieting these feuds, and of esta-
blishing such a system of civil government as may give a
fair share to all parties of the province of the adielinistra-
don of the revenues, so as to render them available for the
improvement of the country—such a system as will on the
one hand give to the Legislative Assembly the power of
i the whole application of funds for the internalimprovementng
improvement of the Province, and on the other, re-
them from the exercise of any audio-
rityover what I may call the civil list.—
Everyautho-
man who knows any thing of the country
must he aware of the unfitness of the King's Represen-
tative in the government, and the judicial establishment for
the administration of criminal justice, which is the same as
that of England, depending for their stipends upon the
varying Judgments of a popular assembly. The inexpe-
diency of this with regard to the judicial establishment,
which in its administration of justice might often come into I
collision with the members of the Assembly, whose judg-
Islahvoeu;:illbtleeipetrofepeCtli;
roust be
bi is epvaelraehaur
yt regulate the reward of their services,
,o
"form, which render itobesysieonutsi.al tjhautdgtleiesy
independent. I trust I need say no more to convince the
House, that the system wished to he established by the
Canadian Legislature is not compatible with the indepen-
deuce and dignity either of the King's Representative or
the criminal Judges.—(Hear, hear.)--Out of what par--
ticular fund these charges should be defrayed, I am not I
prepared to say, but the present plan of paying- a fixed and
settled sum out of a variable revenue, I certainly think
might be amended. Without, however, 'enterieg into the
particulars on this point, I think some mode might be
found for establishing what I have styled the Civil List, I
from which the salaries of the judicial and other depart-
[Dents should be granted for life ; or in any other way that
, would answer the object I have in view. The remainder of

the revenue should then he left to the free disposal of the
Colonial Legislature. I must here, in justice to the King's
Government in Canada, claim fur them their due. So
far was it from wishing to have any control over any
further sum than that to which 1 have alluded, that
they never hesitated, during the whole of these
troubles, to lay before the Legislature of the Province
an account of the application of, and payments
from, the revenue, in order that the Assembly might
be assured there was no misapplication of it. The
Government there are perfectly willing, it is evident
from this, to accede to the suggestion I have just
made respecting the share of control it sh all have over the
Colonial revenues. Sir, Ido not think there are any
other topics connected with the present state of Canada,
which would justify me in detaining the House longer, as
I trust I have said sufficient to support me in the motion I
intend to make. There are two grounds en which I prin-
cipally rest. The first is the state of the representative
system in bower Canada, and the situation of the revenue
in respect to the administration of justice; and the second
is the controversy which has grown up respecting the
powers of the Executive and Legislative Bodies. The case
I have made out on those two points is sufficient, I trust,
to entitle me to the Committee for which I mean to move.
Bef ire I sit down, I beg only to add a word or two re-
specting a point insinuated in this House, and discussed in
other places. I allude to what has been said respecting
the policy of giving up the Colony altogether. Those who
think it would be politic to do so, may say that we ought
to spare ourselves all trouble and endeavours to improve
the state of the provinces, by taking the wiser course of re-
linquishing them altogether.--(Hear, hear.) Let those
who argue thus, consider that these are our fellow-sub-
jects—are born like ourselves, in the King's allegiance—
are fulfilling all the duties of subjects, and are willing to re-
main as such, and fulfil all the obligations their allegiance
to the Crown requires. I say, that whilst that is the ease,
they are fairly entitled to claim from us that protection
which their fidelity and good conduct have rendered thew
so worthy of.—(Cheers.) On such a subject 1 will not
argue—what is, however, a very maintainable ground, the
importance of these provinces to Great Britain in a
naval, a commercial, and political point of view—(Hear,
bear.)—but I will implore Honourable Gentlemen, be-
fore they venture even to allow themselves to hint
at such a conclusion as that to which I havo just
adverted, to consider the political honour of this coun-
try, and the moral impression which would be made on all
nations by such a relinquishment without necessity, and
without its ever having been asked us. (Cheers.) Shall
we give up such a possession without even a challenge?
Or, shall we, as was done in the case of another part of
America once, also belonging to France, I mean, Louisiana
—shall we make it a matter of pounds, shillings, and
pence ? Shall we sell it to another Power? England has
not fallen so low. (Cheers.) Canada is bound to us by
the recollections of highly honourable valour, both naval
and military. (Hear, hear.) It is a trophy too glorious
to part with in either of the ways I have alluded to. Ca-
nada cannot but be maintained by every means in our
power ; we are bound, if we wish to bear untarnished
our honour, to give Canada protection to the last extre-
mity. That, then, is not a view of the subject we can
for one instant entertain. It is a country too, let it be re-
membered, where there are none of those unfortunate dis-
tinctions which prevail in others of our colonies—there is
no division of castes, no slavery—the people are, I may say,
almost as one family, united by the most intimate of con-
nections with this country. England is the parent of many
colonies, one of which now forms one of the greatest and
moat flourishing empires in the world : by that, and others,
we have carried our language, our free institutions, our
as-stein of laws, to the most remote corners of the globe.
What we have thus planted is now taking root, and what
we now foster as colonies will be, no doubt, oue day or
other, themselves free nations, the communicators of free-
dom to other countries. If I am told, that for this we
have made great sacrifices, I say, be it so; for, in spite of
these sacrifices, England remains, for its extent, still the
most powerful, most happy nation that does or ever has
existed. 1 say, moreover, that we should be well paid
for all the sacrifices we may yet be called upon to make, if
we are to add to the rich harvest of glory we have al-
ready reaped, by being the parent of countries in which
the same happiness and prosperity that has distinguished
this country will, I trust, for many ages to come, be en-
joyed. That will he our reward for establishing our su-
perfluous population not only in America, but in other
quarters of the world. 'What can be a prouder feeling for
Englishmen than that England had done its duty to the
world, by attempting, and successfully, to improve it?
Whether Canada is to remain for ever dependent on Eng-
land, or is to become an independent State—not, I trust,
by hostile separation, but by amicable arrangement—it is
still the duty and interest of this country to imbue it with
English feeling, and benefit it with English laws and in-
stitutions.—(Cheers.)—The Right Hon. Gentleman then
concluded by moving, that a Select Committee be
ap-
pointed to inquire into the state of the Civil Government
of Canada, as established by the Act 31st Geo. 111., cap.
31, and report their observations and opinions thereupon
to the House.

The motion having been seconded, and put from the
Chair,
Mr. LABOUCHERE considered the Bill of 1791 the
great charter of the liberties of Cauada—(Hear, hear)—
and he thought that any measure which went to alter that
law would be injurious. He was well aware tliat the
House of Commons could, in what was called its itape•
vial capacity, make such an alteration ; yet he thought it
ought to be attempted only in an extreme case, and even
then by a sort of compact between the Colony and the
Mother Country. The Right Hon. Gentleman had, but
he was sure quite unintentionally, misrepresented what had
taken place in bringing in the Bill of 1'791. Mr. Pitt,
upon that occasion, wished to legislate fur the two pro-
vinces of Upper and Lower Canada, and he introduced
his measure in such a way as to procure tranquillity.—
The fact was, that he (Mr. Pitt) had only a choice of
difficulties, and therefore he sacrificed the minority of
English settlers to the majority, who were exclusively
French, and to them he gave a Constitution and
code of laws, to which they were peculiarly at-
tached. Mr. Pitt did this for Lower Canada as
a guarantee that their laws were not to be interfered
with. He could not help thinking, that the Right Hon.
Gentleman (Mr. Huskissou) had dealt a little hardly with
the Canadas. His (Mr. Labouchere's) chief object in ris-
ing,: was to correct a mistake in which the Right Hon.
Gentleman had fallen with respect to the House of As-
sembly in Lower Canada. He would refer to the speeches
of Mr. Pitt and Lord Grenville, in order to shew the
feeling of these Statesmen upon this subject. He should
feel most happy at seeing any arrangement which would
give to the :Canadas the protection and security which
were extended to them by Mr. Pitt, by the Act of 1791.
Mr. Pitt, in the debate upon the Quebec Government
Bill, said, " That it seemed to his Majesty's Government
the most desirable thing, if they could not give satisfaction
to all descriptions of men, to divide the province, and to
contrive that one division should consist as much as pos-
sible of those who were well inclined towards the English
laws, and the other of those who were attached to the
French laws." " It was in Upper Canada particularly,
that they were to expect a great addition to the English
inhabitants. The consequence was, that if it was not
divided from the rest, the Canadians, forming a majority
of five to one, the grievance would be every year increas-
ing, in proportion as the population increased. The divi-
sion of the province might be liable to some objections,
but, on the whole, it was subject to fewer than any other
measure." Mr. Burke, in speaking on the same subject,
said, " An attempt to join people dissimilar in law, lan-
guage, and manners, appeared to him highly absurd ; to
join too, the conqueror and the conquered, must give rise
to much unpleasant feeling, and many invidious distinc-
tions. Such a measure would appear to him to sow the
seeds of discord. This geographical distribution was, in his
opinion, highly convenient. Let the Canadians have a COI,
stitution formed upon the principles of Canadians, and Eng-
lishmen upon the principles of Englishmen. Lord Grenville
said, in the House of Lords, when defending the same
Bill, "that from the circumstance of the inhabitants consist-
ing of two classes, it was judged proper to divide the pro-
vince into Upper and Lower Canada. Such division hav-
ing a distinct legislature within itself ;" and he said that
the Government had been anxious to communicate to Ca-
nada a participatien of all the blessings of the English
Constitution, as far as the circumstances of the wise would
admit." The Hon. Gentleman then observed, that he
could not help thinking, if the intention, of Mr. Pitt, the
legislator of that day, had been carried into more effec-
tual operation, the province of Lower Canada would have
had a better chance of acquiring that prosperity, which
seemed to have been contemplated for.
in a state of concord and tranquillity in its connections
it,. and of remaining
with the mother country.—(Hear,
.hear.)—It was evident
that Mr. Pitt intended the Canadians to have a popular
population—he meant English
minor portion of the p
when, truth, it had never been fairly acted
idea.4.s se ioniblcywanni(l)s
composing
gL
thateg islatis•e Legislative Council
C Council
l;
wholly
ihyefrh(aand
theno
class of the inhabitants. E.he Right Hon. Gentleman did
or the
Canadians, when he said that. the experiment of 'Mr. Pitt
not, therefore,r dpdreoi aibiltaobfaleyiftr
not
tteat e(aii•rieessao. f
hhear,
iluilreteas tiros.;
(3'l,flialllllll-e:oeiprlrsetdicia;ivielaretion of the Canada's. From the best returns
amount
he could find open the subject, he believed that it consisted

of 150,000 French, awl blunt £O,OOO English. He was
one of those who felt as strongly as any man possibly could
the situation of this minority of English. He was disposed
to do every thing iu his power to support their rights raid
interests, as far as it could be done, without sacrificing the
dearest rights and interests of the majority ; and if the
Right Hon. Gentleman should think his name worthy of a
place among the Committee, he would use his best endee-
yours to effect that object. He confessed he was alarmed at
one or two expressions which fell from the Right Hon.
Gentleman, when speaking of the system of lawn under
which the Canadians were at present placed ; and he felt
the more alarmed as the speech was, on the whole, so emi-
nently mild and conciliatory. The Right Hon. Gentleman
had characterized it as a barbarous system—the relic of the
middle ages—and therefore worthy of no respect front
the Mouse; but the Right Hon. Gentleman forgot that
the French population were most strongly attached to it.
To the customs of Paris, for the decision of civil causes,
the Seignors and their vassals clung with a most pertina-
cious attachmeut.—(Hear, hear.)—There was one point
more to which he wished to allude. He regretted ex-
tremely that the Noble Lord at the head of that Colony
(Lord Dalhousie), should have thought it right to have
recourse to such rigorous measures against some of the
Colonists, and particularly against officers of Militia—
men, who, in the late war, had been distinguished not so
much for their invariable fidelity to British interests, as
for the enthusiastic loyalty with which they had supported
the honour and dignity of Great Britain. It was with
pain he felt bound to connect the Right lion. Gentleman
with a measure—the gill of 1822—which he thought had
contributed a great deal to the discontent which now pre-
vailed. It will be recollected, that in the end of June, and
in a House of less than sixty Members, the Right Hon.
Gentleman introduced a Bill for the purpose of destroying-
that Constitution which Mr. Pitt and the Government and
i given to the Canadas ;
re
tliou bore evident marks of
aLnedg i
et unit.:
nonfe
rt hoifs
demo: ni
nttrryodlut:
an attempt to take the Canadians by surprise, and pre-
vent the expression of their opinions upon the con-
duct of the Government. He happened to be at that
time in Canada, and he could assure the House, that
the intelligence of the conduct of the Government on
this occasion had a strong effect upon the minds of
the people, and tended very much to change those feelings
of confidence and respect with which they had always
regarded the mother country, into suspicion and dis-
trust. The Bight Hots. Gentleman below (Sir James
Mackintosh) was mainly instrumental in stopping the pro-
gress of that Bill, and in saving this country from insult,
and the Canadas from all the evils which must have fol-
lowed the attempt to put it into execution. He trusted
that his great and distinguished talents would be exerted
in the service of the Canadians upon this occasion. He was
confident that the Government and the Committee would
do nothing without the most deliberate inquiry; and al-
though he regretted that the Right Hon. Gentleman had
not been more explicit as to his intentions, he hoped that,
above all, nothing would be done either by the House or
Government, until some information was obtained upon
the subject of the wishes of the Colonists.—(Hear, hear.)
He was sure that the Canadas could never be kept without
the entire affection and approbation of the Colonists; and
he most earnestly hoped, that no attempt would be made
Ito take them in any manner by surprise. Ile thanked
the Mouse for the attention with which it had favoured
him, and concluded by observing, that he was sure the
concluding part of the Right Hon. Gentleman's speech
would find an echo in every bosom in that House or in the
country. To use the very language of the Right Hon.
Gentleman, he would say, that he was sere the House
would never be so wanting to its honour and to its fame,.
as to divest the country which had been secured to them by
I the genius of Chatham, and the prowess of Wolfe; and, he
would add, that he most earnestly hoped they would
achieve a yet inure glorious victory, and more essentially
English, of giving to the country they had conquered by
the power of their arms, the advantage of their free and
liberal institutions.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. Secretary HESKIVSON having observed, in
e':-
planation, that nothing had been done or attempted which
was not in perfect good faith with the Colonists, and per-
feetly justified by relative conditions of the two countries—
Sir JAMES MACKINTOSH—I think I may inter-
pret fairly the general feeling of the House when I express
my congratulations upon the very great extent of talent
and information which the Hon. Member for St. Michaels
(Mr. Labouchere) has displayed in his address upon this
occasion ; and that 1 may venture to assert, lie has given
us full assurance, in his future progress, of proving both
an useful and a valuable Member of the Parliament of this
country. I cannot, also, avoid observing, that the laud-
able curiosity which carried him to visit that country,
whose situation is now the subject of discussion, and, still
more, the curiosity which led him to visit that Imperial
Republic of the English race, which occupies the other
best portion of the American Continent, gave evidence of
a mind actuated by the most enlarged and liberal views,
and evinced a spirit of inquiry into scenes and subteen,
which have been disdained by the modern travellers who
seek foreign countries from a passion for the Fine Arts, or
as a source of elegant amusement. After having presented
a petition signed by eighty-seven thousand of the inha-
bitants of Canada, comprehending among its numbers
nine-tenths of the heads of families in the province, and
more than two-thirds of its landed proprietors; and after
having shewn that the petitioners had tile gravest causes
of complaint against the administration of the government
in that colony; I think it would be an act of inconsis-
tency on my part, to attempt to throw any obstacle in
the way of that inquiry which the Right Honourable
Gentleman proposes. It might seem, indeed, a more
natural course on my part, if I had seconded such a
proposition. Perhaps I would have been contented
to give a silent acquiescence to the appointment of
the Committee, and reserved any observations I may-
have to offer until some specific measures were proposed, or
until the House was in insseeeion of the information
which may be procured through the labours of the Com-
mittee.—Perhaps,
ii I had nnioi gt
might
eehaaveenbt reuesntedd disposed r.,
those
persons with the presentation of their petition, and, there-
fore, bound by honour, ad well as by a sense of the confi-
dence reposed in me, to allow opportuity to pass over
of calling the attention of this House to the grievances of
a:lopthis
these petitioners, and to their claims for redress, and for
the maintenance of their legitimate rights. To begin
what I have to say upon this subject, with the speech of
the Right Hon. Gentleman, I may take leave to observe;
that in all that was contained in the latter part of it, be
has my fullest assent. In 1522, when the subject of the
Canadas was last before the House, 1 stated the principles
which are to be maintained with respect to what the Right
Hon. Gent. has very properly called the Great British
Confederacy. I hold now as I did then, that all the differ-
ent portions of that confederacy are integral parts of the
British Empire ; and as such, entitled to the fullest pro-
tection. I hold that they are all bound together as one.
great rlass, by an alliance prior in importance to evern
other, more binding upon us than any Treaty ever entereA
into with any State, and the fulfilment of which we can
never desert without the sacrifice of a great moral duty.
My maxims of colonial policy are few and simple. A
full and ef i
ficient protection from all foreign nfim,nce—
(Hear,)—fullpermission to conduct the whole of their own
internal affairs—(Hear)—conipelling them to Pay all the
reasonable expenses of their own government, sod giving
them at the same time, a perfect controul over the egp,„_
diture—(Hear, hear)—and imposing no restrictions of any
kind upon the industry or traffic of the people. These arc
the only conditions which I would impose in the bond of
alliance with the Metropolitan Government, and the ore'.;.
tennis upon which I well that all of them should be go-
verned. And it may be a matter of doubt whether,
in
such circumstances, the Colonists would not be
under
more gentle controul, and in .
a happier state, than if ad,
witted to a full participation the rule, and brought:
under the immediate. protection of the parent government.
(Hear, hear.) This is my creed upon the subject of Co-
itunee_.-(Ilear)--and I agree most fully with the Hems
Gentleman who spoke last (Mr. Labouchere), when he
expresses, a wish that. they should leave the regulation
ne the internal affairs of Colonies to the Colonists,
except
in cases of the most urgent necessity. The most
urgent necessity, I and few and rare ought to be
the exceptions to the rule upon the strength of those
necessities._(Hear, hear, hear.) Under these circum-
stances of right, I contend, that it is prudent to regard all
our Colonies, and peculiarly, I might say, the population
of these two great Provinces ; Provinces placed in one 0,
those rare and happy states of society in which the pro..
gless of population must be regarded as a blessing to man
kind: Provinces exempt from slavery--exempt from the
evils produced by jarring systems of religion, enjoying uni-
versal toleration, and presenting a state of society the most
unlike that can possibly be imagined to the fastidious dis-
tinctions of Europe. Exempt at once from the slavery at'
the West, and the castes of the East--Exempt too, from
the embarrassments of that other great Continent which we
have chosen as a penal settlement, and in which the preju-
dices of society have been displayed, I regret to find, its a
most unreasonab;e degree. Exempt front all the artificial
distinctions of the Old World, and many of the evils of
the New, we see a great population rapidly growing up
to be a great nation.—(Hear, hear.) None of the
claims of such a population ought to be cast aside, and
none of their complaints can deserve any butt the most se •
rious consideration. The Right Hoc. Gent. divided his
speed) into two parts, or rather, I ought to say, he entered