The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-11 00:00:00

erward and said that he would do a great deal towards
the amusement of the people. But there was something
beyond the recreation of the people required. There
were other elements required for the well-being
of the people. The third reason for interference
by the Legislature was that, since the first discussion of
this subject, a statement had been made public by the
master manufacturers themselves, that three-fifths of
the .persons employed in manufactures were females.
This he thought was a very powerful reason for inter-
ference with adult labour by the Legislature. The
principal argument used against this interference was
that it would reduce the wages of the labourer, and the
argument used by the Government was, that if any
farther restriction were to be placed on the manufac-
turers they would be driven out of the foreign market.
He would ask with what decency did this argument
come from the Government?—(Hear, hear.) Had this
never been stated in former debates, and passed over by
the Government without notice? How often had this
fact been urged by the gentlemen who advocated
the repeal of the corn-laws ?—(Hear, hear.) It
was now generally admitted, that the great bulk of the
manufacturing classes themselves were desirous of
change—that they were sensible of the evils under
which they laboured. The Hon. Member for Oldham
said he specifically put the question at a public meeting
of operatives, " Are you prepared to submit to a re-
duction of wages, in order to work a less number of
hours ?" and they answered they were. His impres-
sion was, that the Government should receive this ques-
ion as a whole, and take into especial account the pre-
bable improvement in the condition of the labouring po-
pulation. If they would legislate on those considerations,
he believed there would not be the slightest danger to
be apprehended to manufactures. A great deal had
been said about the wickedness of exciting the feelings
of the people, and they had been cautioned, in solemn
tones of warning, against raising expectations which
were doomed to disappointment. That sort of danger
might be urged in almost every change—there was ge-
nerally more or less of risk. He had no fear of such
danger—(Hear, hear)—but was there no danger •to
be apprehended on the other side ? Did they incur no
risk by refusing to legislate ? Was there no counter-
balancing evil? Whether was it more dangerous to expect
nothing from legislation or everything from it?—(Hear.)
Was it not injudicious to allow a feeling of sickening
disgust and hopelessness to take possession of the minds
of the people—was it right to encourage a belief that the
Legislature would only consultahe interests of the upper
classes—of the landlords—and that the moral and phy-
sical condition of the people would not occupy their at-
tention?—(flear.) When a great practical measure was
brought forward was it wise to exhibit so much indiffer-
ence? These observations did not apply to the Factories
Bill alone, but to the questions of education, and to an
enlarged field of employment, as if these measures were
beyond the cognisance of Parliament, and as if they
would say " Go and shift for yourselves."—(Hear, hear.)
The people would say that they were left unprotected by
the Legislature, although they had to bear such heavy
burdens of taxation.—(Cheers.)
Mr. ROEBUCK said there was still more danger in
telling the people they must expect everything from
Legislatures than from trusting to themselves.—(Hear,
hear.) It was the most dangerous thing for the peeple
to be told by anybody in whom they had confidence that
the rate of wages was to be regulated by Act of Parlia-
ment. The rate of wages, as attempted to be regulated
by the Noble Lord, was wholly futile. Its only object,
if carried into effect, would be step by step to increase
the number of the labouring population, and to create a
low rate of wages.—(Hear, hear.) Let not his Hon. and
Learned Friend meet him with any taunts of humanity—
let him not turn round, and, after painting the picture
of misery in its strongest colours, say—" Do you con-
template that with satisfaction ?" " Are you, or are
you, not prepared to legislate for this misery ?" He
acknowledged the horror of the picture, but he quar-
relled with the remedy. The remedy proposed, and he
said it advisedly, was an aggravation of the evil.—(Hear.)
His Hon. and Learned Friend, and every Honourable
Member who had spoken on the subject that night,
had contrived to escape from the real question—they
confined themfelves to an exaggeration of the mischief,
but did not point out the effects of the remedy. The
Noble Lord, the Member for Sunderland, indulged in a
day dream of a new era of enlightened legislation—he
magnanimously termed it bold legislation. Let him
(Mr. Roebuck) give it another term—rash legislation.
"Fools rush in—" He would not finish the quota-
tion.—(Great laughter.) He wanted to know what was
the object of the Noble Lord's (Lord Ashley's) proposal
—what were the grounds of his interference ? He had
challenged the Noble Lord and his supporters on this
subject before, but he had had no answer. His Hon.
and Learned Friend acknowledged that interference
with labour ought to be an exception to the general
rule. The principle was to let things go on according
to the ordinary causes which regulated ordinary con-
tracts between man and man. On'this subject he had
been grievously misrepresented on a former occasion.
What he said was, that the general rule respipting
contracts should be to let those persons enter
into them who, being most interested, were naturally
most alive to the difficulties incidentally connected with
them, and who were best calculated to form a judg-
ment of those incidents. That was the rule ; and his
Hon. and Learned Friend said he acknowledged• the
justice of the doctrine; the departure from it he admitted
ought to be only the exception. He took it that all
the labouring populasion of this country, according
to the general rule, entered into contracts with the
master for the best wages they could obtain for their
labour. But the Noble Lord said he would show them
the cause for their interference. He met the Noble
Lord, and said, "Very well ; but you must point out the
circumstances that form the exceptional rule." But
what did he show?—and now he would challenge an
answer to the statement. The Noble Lord stated that
the labouring population in the manufacturing districts
were so congregated together that they were
more alive to the influence of publicity and responsibility
than any other portion of the working classes. Ile
would tell the Noble Lord that the factory population
were better off, better paid, better fed, better clothed,
and better lodged than any other portion of the labour-
ing population.—(Hear, hear.) Now, he defied the
Noble Lord to deny that position. He defied them to
show there was any one reason for interfering with
factory labourer except the one of easiness to interfere
with it. The condition of the factory labourer was
better, he repeated, than any other part of the population
of the United Kingdom. That required an answer.—
(Cries of " Oh.") He repeated that required an an-
swer; and all the humanity-mongers would not drive
him from his position. Were they worse off-s-he said
better? Now, they would never drive him from that
position. The Noble Lord, the Member for Sunder-
land had mystified his arguments, and talked a great of
what might be done. He regretted that the Right
Honourable Baronet had invaded the principle of
interference with labour, and the Honourable and
Learned Member had sarcastically taunted the
Hon. Member for Nottinghamshire with voting three
times for the Noble Lord, and now about to vote with
the Government, but the Hon. Gentleman ought to turn
to his left and right, and there he would find abundant
examples of such inconsistency. Those who kept a
glass-house should not throw stones. He should
not be so ready with his sarcasm when
those friends were around him.—(Hear.) He
honoured the boldness of the Hon. Gentlemen oppo-
site, who had dared to oppose this system of " hurnauity
mongering"—they had stood out against it in spite of
all temptations held out both by friends and foes—from
foes that would wish to put them down, in consequence
of disaffection in their own ranks, and of friends who
shot their shafts from aside at the Right Hon. Baronet
But to return to the question before the House. Had
they in any way laid the grounds to show why they
slfOnld interfere with the free exercise of labour, or if
so, had they proved that it would benefit the labouring
man ? The Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland
had threatened them with the consequences of rejecting
the proposition of the Noble Lord the Member for Dor-
setshire—he said, beware how you disregard the condi-
tion of the -labouring population. He (Mr. Roebuck),
as well as many on that side of the House, said, when
speaking of the wishes of the labouring population,
that all they ' wanted was a due ' and a fair
representation in that House. He was not now about
to be alarmed by the Noble Lord's sudden alarm at
popular demonstration's, the more so when he recol-
lected the Noble Lord's decided opposition to the
strongly-expressed wish of the people on the subject of
the franchise. He (Mr. Roebuck) should confess' that
he had such respect for the opinions of the people, that
he did not want to take them second-hand from any
person, no matter who he might be. His desire was,
that the people should have the power of sending their
representatives to that House to speak their opinions,
and not to take the pseudo humanity of any. man. When
he said this, he did not mind also stating, that when he
heard the Noble Lord the Member for Sunderland talk
of consequences, he could afford to treat the warning
with indifference. He certainly could not at all under-
stand the arguments of the Noble Lord the Member for
Sunderland —in fact, he could not glean any
meaning from any one syllable of that Noble
Lord's speech.—(Hear and laughter.) In saying this,
he begged to state he meant no disrespect to the Noble
Lord, far from it, for he usually attached much respect
both to his personal character and the character of his
mind ; but, in the present case, he certainly could not
see from what source he gained his knowledge. Was it
from the " Moral World" of Mr. Owen?—(A. laugh.) He
thought if the Noble Lord reflected closely, he would
view himself something in the light of a plagiarist of
that visionary gentleman and great master of political
economy, and that like him, he was about to introduce
some new and bold scheme of legislation.—(Laughter.)
He (Mr. Roebuck) asserted boldly that prices could not
rise on account of the ruinous foreign competition
wi'h which this country had to struggle. In the
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his a distinct and direct answer should be given, and not
by vague generalities. If they imposed the restrictions
proposed by the measure of the Noble Lord, hoW was it
possible that England could compete with other nations,
who had so much greater facilities than she possessed?
Then came the next proposition, namely, that of falling
profits ; and it was proposed to keep them up by a re-
duction of the hours of labour. He thought his Hon.
and Learned Friend, who had spoken a short time ago,
might have paid a little more attention to the authority
of those who were the lights of political science. The
next point to which he should refer, was what he
thought the great erime of those who took part in
this discussion. When the question was put to
the people as to whether they were prepared to chance
this subject, the reply might be " yes." But he would
ask, had it ever been distinctly answered by those people
whether they thought that this measure would cause

wages ,to fall, -and if so-whether they were prepared to
take the consequence? No such question had ever been
put as to whether they were willing to chance it—for if
it had, the answer would be—" we are willing to
chance it, because we believe wages will not tall."
He had put the question in the manufacturing districts,
and the answer had invariably been, if they did believe
that wages were to fall, they would have been the first
to oppose the measure.—(Hear, hear.) And why ? The
measure was simple enough : at present the people were
only able by their labour to obtain that which was
nothing beyond a comfortable subsistence—certainly not
that subsistence which a man would consider luxury.
It was a life of hard work, and it was hardy paid. He
sympathised with them, and he wished their condition
was ten thousand degrees better. But that was not the
question here ; the question was, could the House make
it better. The labourers wished to work for the means
of subsistence, and they were unwilling to forego any
portion of those means of subsistence by so many hours
of idleness. They heard much of the advantage to be
derived by the people from those two hours of leisure,
in their moral habits and manner of living. But they
might depend upon it, there would never be any im-
provement in the morality of the people, if they di-
minished their wages. Diminish their wages, and at
tha same time they would destroy every chance of ini
proving their morality. lie was not there to say that
the condition of the people was such as he could desire ;
but he was there to say that their nostrum was a
piece of mischievous quackery, and which, under the
pretence of doing good, would act as a mischievous
and detestable opiate ; they were doing all they could to
spoil and deteriorate the condition of the people, under
the pretence of alleviating their misery. Before they
came to anything like reasoning legislation, they
must do more than lay as their ground for doing so great
misery on the part of the people. They could go to Ire-
land, and they could ask the same question. What did
they see there ? A labouring population suffering under
greater misery than it was pretended was suffered by the
labouring population of this country. And he wanted to
know where was the gentleman so full of humanity on
the other side of the House, who had listened to the
statements that had been made, and who had suddenly
turned round, and said it was in the power of the House
of Commons to alleviate the miseries of the people of Ire-
land. Were they prepared to listen to these statements?
Then how black was their guilt that they had done
nothing to alleviate these evils ? Why, had they not
before—at least those who had more than a mere pre-
tence to the name of legislators—(Laughter)—attempted
to do this, or told them that the distress of Ireland could
not be alleviated by any Act of Parliament ? If he
(Mr: Roebuck) by obtaining statements of unheard of
misery among the peeple of Ireland, had demanded that
a portion of the land should be taken away from the
landlords of Ireland for the purpose of alleviating that
distress, why, would they not have said tlit
he was a madman, that he was a fool—or worse
than a fool—a desperate knave ? Yet that
was a distinctly analagous case to that of
the Noble Lord opposite. He had painted the whole.
sale misery, or what he considered the misery, of the
manufacturing districts. He (Mr. Roebuck) charged the
Noble Lord with gross exaggeration; he had only read
one half of the evidence. Ile charged him with mis-
stating and misrepresenting evidence; he charged him
before the assembled Commons of England with a total
and gross disregard of the evidence he had pat into
his hands. He was not there to make any underhand
charges.—(A laugh.) He was not there to question the
motives of the Noble Lord; he spoke only of his acts.
He contended he was dealing with evidence which he
had grossly misapprehended, and that he had misrepre•
sented facts.—(Oh, oh.) The facts were not as he had
stated them. That labouring population of which he
had given so lamentable an account, was the class the
farthest removed from misery and degradation. He
would do all that could be done to better the condition
of the people. He would secure them au education
based on the broad principles of Christian legislation.
He would do all they could do and all they ought to do,
but he contended that no legislative enactment could
raise the rate of wages. Those who endeavoured to
limit the hours of labour did in reality establish a
minimum of wages, and would give the labouring
classes a right to demand a fixed rate of wages for less
work; They would have the right, and having the
right would enforce it; and if they did enforce it, adieu
at once to all the means of sustaining the population
of the country by labour. They would then behold
a deteriorated people; then they would learn the con-
sequences of their misplaced humanity; they would see
a people made miserable from their injudicious inter
ference, and the labourers would learn too late the un-
happiness of having listened to their ignorance, and the
House would have learned too late how fatal and mis-
chievous is the acting on insufficient and ill-digested
evidence.
Mr: FERRAND said the Hon. and Learned Member
had made a speech attacking the motives of those who
supported the Ten Hours' Bill, and boasting that he was
the friend of the working classes. He could tell him
that the working classes considered him one of
their bitterest enemies. They had assisted • him
in procuring the liberation of Mr. Oastler from prison.
They were anxious for his release, that he might
aid them in obtaining the measure he advocated to-
night. The working classes had advocated the measure
themselves for twelve years, and it was a question they
would continue to agitate till they had succeeded. It
had been said by one party in that House that they
ought not to interfere with labour—that the masters and
men were free agents, and they had no right to inter-
fere with the contracts they chose to make. There was
then the proposition of the Government, and then the
ten hours' proposition. With regard to the la-
bourers being free agents, he begged of the
House • to recollect the engagements entered
into by some manufacturers of Manchester with
the Poor-law Commissioners. They proposed to
draw a number of labourers from the agricultural into
the manufacturing districts, and he had an important
return in his hand, showing what the result of that had
been. The result was laid on the table of the House on
the 12th of May, 1843. It showed that 4,228 labourers
were induced to leave the agricultural districts under a
promise of their condition being improved. Out of this
number there were several mothers, who had only from
4s. 6d. to ss. 6d. a week. There were twenty-six fathers
who received wages from ss. to 9s. a week ; seventy-two
Who received from 9s. to 12s. ; fourteen who received
from 12s. to 155., and two who received from 15s. to 20s.
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and Learned Member for Bolton, and both the Members
for Sheffield declared the manufacturing labourers of
Manchester were existing on lid. a day ; and the
Member for Manchester declared there were many in-
stances of persons pawning their clothes to redeem their
bedding for the night, and pawning their bedding in the
morning to redeem their clothes. He would not now
weary the House by entering into the details of the op-
pressions inflicted on the working classes by the truck-shop
system; The only means of rescuing them was by passing
a Ten Hours' Bill, and they were determined to have it
whether their wages were reduced or not. They
studied the question in all its bearings, and he was
satisfied two-thirds of the adult labourers in the manu-
facturing districts were more competent to judge of the
question than three-fourths of those whom he now
addressed. He held in his hand an account of no less
than sixteen individuals who appeared before the magis-
trates of Manchester asking their aid to remove them to
the agricultural districts from which they had been
kidnapped. He did not want to extenuate the conduct
of the landed proprietors who lent their aid to
this system, and he thought the conduct of the
Poor-law Commissioners ought to be reprobated.
Those men represented their case to the magis-
trates, and the magistrates expressed their in-
dignation at the mode in which they had been
treated, and said that those who caused it ought to

tleman, it appeared to him, from. his own statement,
he did not deny that it was so, in fact—that they must
be right.—(Great laughter.) He really did not think
he could agree with the Hon. Member for Bath.—
(Laughter.) He saw him going here, there, and every-
where, and finding fault with everybody.—(Cheers.)
He did not, however, propose any remedy himself, al-
though he opposed a Ten Hours' Bill.—(Hear, hear.)
The Government had done all they possibly could to
oppose the proposal of the Noble Lord, and the wisest
thing which they could do now was to give way. He was
quite satisfied that if they did not they would even-
tually repent of their decision. He was as sure as he
was of his own existence, that if they did not grant the
measure in a decent manner they would have to grant
it in an indecent manner.—(Laughter.) He only re-
gretted that the Noble Lord had not gone for a Ten
Hours' Bill at once. He would like to see the thing
fairly tried, and he would take his chance of the result.
Let them have none of this petty legislation, but let
them have such legislation as would convince the work-
ing classes that they were really anxious for their benefit.
Mr. M. PHILIPS complained of the gross exaggera-
tion which bad been put forth respecting the treatment
of females and children in the factories. He must have
been in the whole course of his life under a great delu-
sion, if it was possible to restrict the labour of the
country without restricting the trade. He did not think

' that the Legislature would either benefit the country,
or do credit to itself by adopting a scheme
which was merely an experiment, and would
prove in its results to be a legislative farce.---(Cheers
and laughter.) He had never held any other
than one opinion upon this question—(Cheers and
laughter)—and no fear of unpopularity would prevent
him from expressing tharopinion.—(Cheers, laughter,
and great interruption.) It had been felt and thought,
in the manufacturing districts, that the House had
been too prone to the other side of the question.
The Noble Lord the Member for Dorsetshire had corn •
plained of the inspectors giving notice to the millowners
of their visits of inspection. He had on that occasion
joined the Noble Lord in making the same complaint,
and had stated that the plan he himself adopted in visit.
ing factories, was to give no notice, and the consequence
had been, that on the first visit he had paid to a factory,
accompanied by his friend Mr. Potter, the late
Member for Wigan, he had found one of
those individuals who haunted the lobby of the
House of Commons session after session, a dele-
gate in favour of diminishing the hours of labour,
he found this man working two children under the age
allowed by Act of Parliament. He bad taxed the man
with it at the moment, and the man knew that he could
not deceive him. He had mentioned the circumstance
in his place in Parliament, but his observations had not
appeared in Hansard. A speech, however, had been
reported, which had never been delivered—(Cries
of ' Question, question," " Divide, dividei)—and
that led him to believe that there must
have been some interference behind the scenes. In
presenting the petition which had been sent to him he had
acted in accordance with the wishes of those who had
signed it. He could himself have wished to draw atten-
tion to the allegations of that petition. There bad
been a great deal of exaggeration on the subject.
He was not a cotton-spinner himself, but be
was convinced that there were gross exaggerations.—
(Cries of " Divide, divide.") He denied that he had
ever received anydeputation to attend meetings upon
this subject and had refused to do so.—(Cries of" Divide,
divide.") He was convinced that if they legislated
on this subject they would soon be called upon to legis-
late upon
wacres.—(Hear,
to legislate upon wages the
hear, and cries of " Question
question.") If they were ,
operatives would be the first to suffer. The more seri-
ouslyl he considered the question, the more he was con-
vinced that the measure of the Noble Lord would work
injury to the working classes, and therefore he felt it
was his duty to oppose it.
Sir R. PEEL rose, but was met with a loud cry of
" Divide, divide," 't Question, question," in the midst of
which he sat down,
Mr. BROTHERTON said that many Hon. Gentle-
men wished to address the House on the subject, and
therefore he thought they ought to adjourn the debate.--
(Great confusion.)
Mr. HINDLEY hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would
consent to the proposition, as this was a most important
and grave subject, and ought to be fully considered.
After a scene of considerable confusion the debate was
adjourned.

be prosecuted. The late Member for Kendal was one of
the magistrates who presided on the bench, and he ad-
vised that Mr. Muckeridge, who was employed as the
agent between the Poor-law Commissioners and the
manufacturers, should be called, when it was provided,
that measures should be taken to send them home. He
did not wish to enter into many details of this kind—
(" Hear, hear, " and " Question, question.") He would
not have spoken on the subject at all, but that he was
requested to do so, and if Hon. Gentlemen heard him
out, he would not detain them very long. It had been
said, that the mothers remained at home to take care
of and provide for their families. The reports of the
factory inspectors showed, that instead of remaining at
home to attend to their household duties, they were obliged
to work in the mills, and sacrifice their lives to obtain
the means of subsistence for their families. In the
autumn of 1842, the working classes in the manu-
facturing districts took the advice of the Hon. Member for
Halifax. They were told that if they would better their
condition they would refuse to work, they would lesson
their toil. They accordingly acted on the advice,
and in rags they traversed the country, and it was
not until the military were called out and blood was
spilt that the majesty of the law was asserted. The
working-classes would not be satisfied with any mea-
sure, but that of the Right Hon. the Member for
Dorsetshire. At present the hours of work for young
persons between the ages 'of thirteen and eighteen were.
sixteen and a half, while the hours" for sleep, recreation,
&c., only amounted to seven and a half ; and mothers
of families worked seventeen hours and a half per day,
and had only six hours and a half for sleep and. recrea-
tion. If, then, they refused this measure to the people,
the day would come when the working classes would
extract it from their unwilling hands.
Mr. MUNTZ said there was one circumstance connected
with this debate, which appeared to him to have been
lost sight of by all, by the lawyers and the philosophers.
That was whether any vote of that House could prevent
the evils so much complained of. His opinion was that
no vote could prevent those evils ; and he would recom-
mend the Right Hon. Baronet to concede that which he
could not prevent taken place. The people had power
in their hands, and of that power they would be sure to
make use. They wanted a Ten Hours' Bill—that he
ascertained from themselves—and that they would
effect by a strike, which would be more
injurious to trade than a Ten Hours' Bill.
He had asked every one of the parties with whom he
had come in contact on this subject, whether they were
prepared to put up with an abatement of wages, in case
the Ten Hours' Bill tended to produce such an effect,
and the invariable answer was, that they were.
The advantages which they expected to derive from
having more time, more comfort, and more amusement,
would- more than counterbalance the loss sustained
in wages.—(Hear, hear.) He believed the working-
classes were right in the view which they took of this
question • but though there would necessarily be some
small reduction in wages it would not be at all in propor-
tion to the benefit derived. Now, who were the parties
to be acted upon ? Why, they were only the women.
It was said that women, being most suitable for this
species of labour, always obtained a preference over the
men, provided they could do the required quantity of
work, and that the men were compelled, in many in,

The other orders of the day were then disposed of,
and the House adjourned at One o'Clock.

_
SHAFTESBURY.—On Friday Capt. Loftus's troop of
the Queen's Own Dorset Yeomanry Cavalry dined toge-
ther at the Talbot's Head Inn, Iwerne Minster, to spend
their forfeits, preparatory to assembling on permanent
duty at Blandford on-the 9th inst. The occasion passed
off with the greatest conviviality. Mr. John Mill, Mr.
Wni. Foot, and Mr. Edward Buckland, all of Shaftes-
bury, left the Talbot's Head about two o'clock in the
morning in a plimton, drawn by a high-spirited horse,
and when about midway between Iwerne and Shaftes
bury the phaeton was upset, and the three young
men received severe injuries. The bruises which Mr.
Mill received about the head rendered him quite insen-
sible, consequently it became necessary to place him in
a cottage by the road side, where he breathed his last on
the following Sunday. The event has caused great sen-
sation here, as Mr. Mill was only 30 years of age, and
the son of the late Rev. Mr. Mill, of this place.—Sher-
liurne Journal.

LARGE EGG.—We have received from Mr. Her-
bert, of Bickerstaffe, a goose egg, weighing 9 ounces,
and measuring in length 4f inches. The goose has laid
40 eggs of the same dimensions.—Liverpool Mercury.
NEWLY-INVENTED SPECTACLES,TELESCOPES, OPERA
GLASSES, MICROSCOPES, &c.—Messrs. S. and B. Solo-
mons, Oculists and Opticians, 39, Albemarle-street, Pic-
cadilly, have succeeded in effecting a most scientific Im-
provement in Spectacle and Telescope Lenses, &c., of the
greatest transparent power. The extraordinary advan-
tage derived from this invention is that vision becomes
preserved and strengthened, and very aged persons are
enabled to employ their sight either by day or candle-
light at the most minute occupation, and can see with
those Lenses of a much less magnifying power ; nor
will they require the frequent changes to further helps,
as the Spectacles now in common use. Also, newly -
invented Achromatic Waistcoat-pocket Telescopes and
Opera. Glasses, which are invaluable at the sea side, and
on the race-course, as well as at the theatre, &c. Every
kind of Telescope for Shooting, Sea purposes, and upon
stand for Astronomical Observations, with the celebrated
Lenses of the most clear transparent brilliancy ; the
powers are so great, and the Lenses so bright and bril-
liant, that minute objects at an extraordinary distance
brought completely under the eyes. SpOrtsmen are,
Tourists, and Sea-side Visitors will, indeed, have a great
treat. Their invisible Voice Coriduclot gives immediate
relief to old-standing extreme cases of deafness. Caution
—Messrs. S. and B. Solomons, Opticians and Aurists,
are not in any way connected with a person of the same
name, in their immediate neighbourhood, nor in any
part of the country. To prevent mistakes be cautidus,
and observe—Only to be had at 39, Albemarle-street,
riccadillytiopposite the York Hotel,

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MAY 11, 1844.

FRIDAY NIGHT'S GAZETTE.
WHITEHALL, MAT 9, 1344.
The Queen has been pleased to direct letters patent to be
passed under the Great Seal, constituting and appointing Robert
Maunsell, Esq., Companion of the Most Honourable Order of
the Bath, and Captain in her Majesty's Navy, one of the Com-
missioners of Greenwich Hospiial, in the room of Edward
Hawke Locker, Esq., resigned.
WHITEHALL, MAY 9.
The Queen has been pleased to present the Rev. Charles
Goodall to the church and parish of Dron, in the presbytery
and county of Perth, vacant by the death of the Rev. Patrick
John Macfarlane, late minister thereof.
WAR-OFFICE, MAY 10.
Ist Dragoon Guards—G. Briggs, Gent., to be Cornet by
purchase, vice Stuart, promoted, May 10.
Bth Light Dragoons—Cornet Lord A. S. Churchill to be
Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Carden, who retires; J. V.
Allen, Gent., to be Cornet by purchase, vice Lord A. S.
Churchill, May 10.
sth Regiment of Foot—Second Lieutenant G. Renny to be
First Lieutenant, without purchase, vice Scott, deceased, May
1 ; A. E. C. Forster, Gent., to be Second Lieutenant, vice
Benny, May 10.
7th Foot—Lieut. C. F. Wedderburne, from the 52d Foot, to
be Lieutenant.% vice Stewart, who exchanges, May 10.
22d Food—Lieutenant R. Blackall, from the 49th Foot, to
be Lieutenant, vice Stopford, who exchanges, May 10.
24th Foot—Lieutenant W. G. Brown to be Captain, with-
out purchase, vice J. A. Lutman, who retires on full-pay ;C.
M. Drew, Gent., to be Ensign, without purchase, May 10.
25th Foot—Ensign C. D. Pogson, to be Lieutenant, by
purchase, vice Birch, appointed to the 51st Foot ; G. A. Hart-
man, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Pogson, May 10.
39th Foot—J. T. W. Bacot, Gent., to be Assistant-Sur-
geon;Vice M'Gregor, appointed to the Staff, May 10.
47th Foot—Lieut. W. Armstrong to be Captain, by pur-
chase, vice M'Nally, who retires ; Ensign G. P. Drought to
be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Armstrong; G. C. D.
Nangle, Gent. to be Ensign, by purchase, vice Drought,
May 10.
49th Foot—Lieutenant C. P. J. Stopford, from the 22d
Foot, to be Lieutenant, vice Blackall, who exchanges, May 10.
52d Foot—Lieutenant J. H. F. Stewart, from the 7th Feot,
to be Lieutenant, vice Wedderburne, who exchanges, May 10.
73d Foot—Lieut. Sir C. Shaw, from half-pay 90th Foot, to
be Lieutenant, vice Bicknell, appointed Adjutant ; Ensign T.
Nash to be Lieutenant, by purchase, vice Sir C. Shaw, who
retires ; W. L. Peto, Gent., to be Ensign, by purchase, vice
Nash, May 10.
81st Foot—Lieut. H. Farrant to be Captain, without pur-
chase, vice Brevet-Major H. Dixon, who retires on full pay;
Ensign D. A. Murray to he Lieutenant, vice Farrant;
F. S. De V. Lane, Gent., to be Ensign, vice Murray, May 10.
94th Foot—Lieut. W. Fisher to be Captain, by purchase, vice
Aldwnrtb, who retires; Ensign T. C. Poole to be Lieutenant,
by purchase, vice Fisher ; G. D. D. Cleveland, Gent., to be
Ensign, by purchase, vice Poole, May 10.
Cape Mounted Riflemen—Ensign M. Rorke to be Quarter-
master, vice D. S. Schonfeldt, who retires upon half-pay ;
Sergeant-Major J. Salts (Riding-master) to be Ensign, without
purchase, vice Rorke, appointed Quarter-master, May 10.
UNATTACHED.—Lieutenant L. Clare, from the Ceylon Rifle
Regiment, to be Captain, without purchase, May 10.
HOSPITAL STAFF.—Assistant-Surgeon J. M'Gregor, from
the 39th Foot, to be Assistant-Surgeon to the Forces, vice
Hormblow, appointed to the 72d Foot, May 10.
ADMIRALTY, MAY 6.
Corps of Royal Marines.—Brevet-Major J. R. Ceryten, to
be Lieutenant-Colonel, vice Lieut.-Col. D. Campbell, to re-
tired full-pay ; First Lieutenant J. Mitchell, to be Captain,
vice Brevet-Major Coryton, promoted ; Second Lieutenant
H. H. Geoid, to be First Lieutenant, vice First Lieutenant
Mitchell, promoted.
Commission by the Lord Lieutenant of Sussex.
C. G. Eversfield, Esq., to be Deputy Lieutenant, April 30.
WHITEHALL, MAY 4.
The Lord Chancellor has appointed G. F. Brown, of Dias,
in the county of Norfolk, Gent., to be a Master Extraordinary
in the High Court of Chancery.
BANKRUPTCY SUPERSEDED.
GIO VANNI BATTISTA SALVI, wine merchant, Duke-
street, Portland-place.
BANKRUPTS.
MOYSE BRUNSWICK, merchant, Lime-street, to sur.
render May 22, at half-past twelve, and June 21, at half-past
eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official as-
signee, Basinghall-street ; Robinsons, Queen-street-place.
JAMES ELLIOTT, innkeeper, Caxton, Cambridgeshire,
May 24, at one, and June 21, at half-past twelve, at the Court
of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee, Birchin-lane ;
Peppercorn and Wilkinson, St. Neots; Mitton, Southampton-
buildings, Chancery-lane, London.
FRANCIS BANNER, provision-merchant, Upper Thames-
street, London, May 22, and June 21, at one, at the Court of
Bankruptcy. Alsager, official-assignee, Birchin-lane, Corn-
hill ; Badham and Houghton, Verulam-buildings, Gray's Inn.
JOSEPH CLARK, colonial broker, Mincing-lane, Fen-
church-street, City, May 21, at one, and June 21, at eleven,
at the Court of Bankruptcy. Graham, official assignee,
Coleman-street; Casterton and Co., Angel-court, Throgmor-
ton-street.
RICHARD SCRASE SAXBY, wine-merchant, Old
Fish-street, City, May 21, and June 18, at twelve, at the Court
of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee, Frederick's-place,
Old Jewry; Gilbert, Hooke, Street, and Gutteres, Brabant-
court, Philpot-lane, City.
CHARLES STYLES, grocer, Worthing, May 21, at one,
and June 26, at twelve, at the ourt of Bankruptcy. John-
son, official assignee, Basinghall-street ; Buchanan and
Grainger, Basinghall-street.
THOMAS KEMPS TER, builder, Blackman-street, South-
wark, May 22, at half-past two, and June 26, at one, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee, Basinghall-
street ; Stenning and Carnell, Tunbridge, Kent ; Stenning,
Staple Inn, London.
SAMUEL WOODROFFE, wine merchant, Chepstow
Monmouthshire, May 17, and June 21, at eleven, at the Bristol
District Court. Kynaston, official assignee; Beavan, Bristol.
GEORGE PARKER, shovel manufacturer, Sheffield,
May 25, and June 22, at eleven, at the Leeds District Court.
Hope, official sssignee, Leed3 ; Duncan, Featherstone-build-
ings, London; Unwin, Sheffield ' • Blackburn, Leeds.
JOHN DIXON, linendraper, Sheffield, May 22 and July 3,
at eleven, at the Leeds District Court. Freeman, official
assignee, Leeds ; Walker, Furnival's Inn, London ; Black.
burn, Leeds.

stances, to walk about unemployed While the women were
at work. It was argued that if the women worked only
a rational time, the men would have more work, and he
confessed that he thought the argument was a good
one.—(Hear, hear.) He was quite willing to admit,
that as a general principle this was improper legislation.
But he asked, what had they to do with principles
(Laughter.) Had there been any principle of legislation
in that House for the last thirty years ? He
had searched very carefully for principles of legislation,
and he must certainly confess that he could not find any
principle of legislation in connection with any one Go-
vernment. The whole of the legislation had been a le-
gislation of expediency—entirely a legislation of expe-
dieney.(Hear.) Well, then, upon. what principle were
they to go then into cold philosophical calcu-
lations when the interests of the people were con-
cerned—when every measure which was brought forward
for the last five-and-twenty years against their interest
had been founded on the principle of expediency ?
(Hear, hear.) He denied their right to treat the ques-
tion in that nianner. Talk of philosophical legislation!
Why it was merely an idea.—(Hear, hear.) Philosophy
was brought forward at a time when it could
be but of little use. For his own part,
he repudiated • the principle of interference
altogether—(Bear, hear)—but believing that they could
not prevent the proposed change, he thought the House
would do well to try the experiment. What was the
worst which could happen ? Why a few months' inter-
ference. Their export trade was not worth their having.
—(Hear, hear.) Did not the Right Hon. Baronet tell
them the other night, when speaking on the Bank
question, that if there was any improper interference,
he would come down to the House to rectify it. Could
he not, then, come down to the House to rectify any
improper interference with trade ? Did he think that, in
such a case, the people would not assist him ?—(Hear,
hear.) Why, it was making a mountain of a mole-
hill to suppose that there would be any dif-
ficulty. What were the laws which had been introduced
for the last five-and-twenty years, materially inter-
fering with the interests of the country? Why, there
were these five excrescences in their system of govern-
ment—the corn-laws, the poor-laws, the truck-laws, the
emigration-laws, and, last of all, the factory-laws. He
need not say anything on the question of the corn-laws.
What did they do by the poor-laws ? Why they placed
men in such a condition, that whereas no honest indus-
trious man, of good character. could ensure to himself
labour, when he applied for relief they said to him" No,
we cannot give you out-door relief ; that is impos-
sible ; you must go into the house, you must submit
to the workhouse test ; you must sell what little you
have got, and yourself, your wife, and your family
must be separated from each other, in order that you
may receive relief.' That principle was still worse than
the principle of the corn-laws,,-(Hear, hear.) The next
question was the truck question. He contended
that they had no right at all to interfere
with the trade of barter ; that it was in
every sense of the word justifiable and right. They
only interfered in consequence of their system of
legislation being so bad. Look next at the emigration
question. Now it appeared to him that nothing could
be so unnatural as to pay a large sum to export men
because their laws were so bad that they could not
live here.—(Hear, hear.) It was unquestionable
moreover, that whenever they exported their population
they exported the best men—the worst would not go.—
(Hear, hear.) Now, he contended that these four
questions of law were contrary to principle, contrary to
right, and contrary to the interests of the country ;
and they were all founded on the principle of
expediency. The Right Honourable Baronet had spoken
of going out of power. in case he were defeated on this
question. He hoped the Ministry would not do that, as
it might turn out that no other Ministry could come
into power.(Laughter.) He had a great accession in
the Hon. and Learned Member for Bath. It was quite
clear that all the knowledge, all the intelligence, all the
law, and all the philosophy of the House, was concen
trated in that one quarter—(Laughter)—and if the Go.
vernment took the advice of that Hon. and Learned Gen.

NOTICES OF INSOLVENCY.
C. W. Spear, waiter, LiverpooL
W. Tipper, traveller, Lady Lake's-grove, Mile-end-road.
E. Harris, attorney's clerk, Branch-place, Banton Old-town.
J. Purer, licensed victualler, Liverpool.
J. Patten, messenger, Paradise-street, Lambeth.
J. Marchant, sen., builder, Boxley, Kent.
R. Coppers, schoolmaster, Coppers, Kent.
H. Parrott, Marlborough-place, Walworth-road.
J. P. Hillhouse' tea dealer, Bedford.
E. Croft, bricklayer, Castle-street, Southwark.
J. Friend, boot maker, Hythe, Kent.
J. Nye, surgical instrument maker, Alfred-place, Southwark.
W. Parker, coal dealer, Norwich.
T. Mason, tailor, Sheffield.
T. Hodgson, joiner, Otley, Yorkshire.
J. Sutcliffe, carrier's agent, Halifax, Yorkshire.
D. Henry, engraver, Leeds.
G. Small, pig butcher,
. Liverpool.
N. Daniell, dentist, Charlottee-street, Fitzroy-square.
R. Sutcliffe, common carrier, Rochdale, Lancashire.
J. Hilton, clerk, Meare, Somersetahire.
W. Newman, builder, Hammersmith.
P. Lancashire, gardener, Chorlton-upon-Medlock, Lancashire.
J. Daniel, farmer, Langstone, Monmouthshire.
R. Vinter, St. Helen's, Isle f Wight.
J. M'Larty, lodging-house keeper, Spring-street, Shadwell.
J. Parker, sen., coach maker, Bath.
E. M'Corrnick, tailor, Carlton-street, Regent-street:
T. A. M. Browne, Stoke St. Mary, Somersetahire.
E. Howell, tailor, Henstridge-place, St. John's-wood.
W. Harris, baker, Oxford.
J. Collins, toy dealer, Blackfriars-road.
J. Unsworth, butcher, Liverpool.
J. Balls, jun., omnibus driver, Holloway-road, Islington.
R. H. Talbot, Millbank-street, Westminster.
J. Ball, plumber, Union-road, Clapham-rise.
T. Bevins, beer retailer, Regent-street, Vauxhall-bridge-road.
T. Adams, Blackman-street, Southwark.
E. Russell, Oval, Kennington.
J. Baker, grocer, Goudhurst, Kent.
J. Taylor, painter, St. Alban's-street, Kennington-road.
F. J. Foreman, licensed victualler, Seven Oaks, Kent.
J. Harwood, tailor, Hatherleigh, Devonshire.
J. Walker, King's Norton, Worcestershire.
F. R. Williams, St. James's-place, Walworth-common.
H. Mopsey, sheriff's officer, Baker's-row, Walworth-common.
R. Blackhurst, auctioneer, Toxteth-park, Lancashire.
H. Ward, blacksmith, Eckington, Derbyshire.
J. Young, auctioneer, Durham.
W. Canner, cabinet maker, Brighton.
J. Sparke, Princes-street, Drury-lane.
J. Dyer, innkeeper, Kingston St, Michael, Wiltshire.
T. Clough, provision dealer, Bradford, Yorkshire.
E. Hodson, clerk, Birmingham.
J. W. Hentig, wine merchant, Hamilton-place, St, Pancras.
E. Coxson, wheelwright, Sonthchurch, Essex.
SECOND NOTICES.
J. R. Wood, druggist, Alpha-place, New Peckham, May
18, at eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Groom, fficial
assignee.
G. Cordrey, carman, Putney, May 38, at eleven, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Edwards, official assignee.
J. Levings, painter, Putney, May 16, at half-past twelve, at
the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee.
A. G. N. Malcouronne, French teacher, Putney, May 16, at
half-past twelve, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore,
official assignee.
J. J. Cafley, fish merchant, Great Yarmouth, May 16, at
one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee.
R. Atkins, omnibus driver, Richmond, May 16, at one, at
the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee.
0. Gandini, professor of fencing, Great Marlborough-street,
May 16, at one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official
assignee.
D. Offord, cutler, Great Yarmouth, May 16, at half-past
one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee.
R. Prichard, merchant's clerk, Park-road, Marylebone,
May 16, at half-past one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whit-
more, official assignee.
J. Samuel', dyer, Guildford, Surrey, May' 16, at half-past
one, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee.
J. Robinson, pork butcher, Brewer's-street, Somer's-town,
May 16, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore,
official assignee.
F. Crook, commission wine agent, Marylebone, May 16, at
two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official assignee.
W. Borthwick, furniture broker, Tottenham-court-road,
May 16, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Alsager, official
assignee.
G. Sladden, farmer, Herne, Kent, May
.16, at two, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee.
J. R. Torbock, carman's clerk, Windsor-street, City-road,
May 16, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official
assignee.
H. Martin, wheelwright, Chelmsford, May 16, at two, at the
Gourt of Bankruptcy. Belcher, official assignee.
T. W. M. O'Keefe, Jermyn -street, St. James's, May 15, at
eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official assignee.
W. G. Stanaway, coach painter, Hammersmith, May 15, at
half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Johnson, official
assignee.
R. Dinham, Tiverton, Devonshire, May 16, at twelve, at the
Exeter District Court. Hernaman, official assignee.
J. Hargreaves, otherwise J. Bond, shoe maker, Blackburn,
Lancashire, May 15, at twelve, at the Manchester District
Court. Pott, official assignee.
H. Channon, porter, Exeter, May 15, at twelve, at the
Exeter District Court. Hernaman, official assignee.
14, at twelve, at the
W. Linscott, ivory turner, Exeter, May
Exeter District Court. Hernaman, official assignee.
W. Harris, beer-house keeper, Cardiff, Glamorganshire, May
16, at one, at the Exeter District Court. Hutton, official
assignee.
N. Banes, licensed victualler, Bath, May 16, at eleven, at
the Bristol District Court. Kynaston, official assignee.
J. Cock, labourer, Chapel Allerton, Somersetahire, May 16,
at half-past eleven, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Acramao,
official assignee.
T. Frankis, jun., Gloucester, May 16, at one, at the Bristol
District Court. Acraman, official assignee.
W. Alsbury, licensed victualler, Bath, May 16, at eleven, at
the Bristol District Court. Miller, official assignee.
H. Johnson, butcher, Liverpool, May 14, at twelve, at the
Liverpool District Court. Bird, official assignee.
W. Dickin, land surveyor, Chorlton-upon-Medlock, Lanca-