The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY MORNING, SEPTEMBER 12, 1844.

new turn to my Protestant fellow-countrymen, those
mon them who have not yet had the spirit of man-
liness evinced by the gentlemen near me to unite with
their Catholic countrymen for their common intereete
And I ask them, are they timid or doubtful of our inte-
grity after all that has hitherto been done by us to show
them our real feelings. Oh, if we were strong enough to
shout, ought we not to be strong enough to do some
violence, or rather, what but the re-animating spirit of
affection and conciliation towards each other could have
brought them together without some violence taking
place ? Nay, more, were we not in the midst of our
strength, with more power than any monarch in Europo
possesses in his hands ?—(Tremendous cheering.) How
did I acquire that power ? I acquired it by the cone
viction that rested on the minds of every man, woman,
and child who obeyed me, that I would not abuse it.
I acquired that power because I coincided in opinion
with them, and guarded against the contingency of
any crime whatsoever.—(Hear, hear.) My Lord
Mayor, I never could attain that power without the
assistance of the Catholic clergy, and they would not
have given that assistance to me if they had not
known the use which I would make of it. Oh, my
Protestant fellow-countrymen, listen to this—they
knew that I was the first apostle of that political sect
that proclaims the possibility of effecting all great
changes by moral means alone, and that there is no human
revolution worth the shedding of a single drop of
human blood to obtain.—(Hear, hear.) No, human blood
is not a cement to the public station, it possesses rather
a crumbling than a binding property, and it brings down
to the ground any public edifice in the erection of which
it has been expended.--(Hear.) We proceeded without
crime ; we shuddered at the shedding of a single drop
of humon blood. The Catholic clergy saw these were
our principles, and that there was no danger to the
laws, either of God or man, being violated by those
who united with us. Protestants of Ireland, what
objection can you have to our principles ? and why
not seek to carry them out ? But have I not to
boast of this, that even yesterday my revered friend
the Most Rev. Dr. Murray, the Catholic Archbishop of
Dublin (and lam almost ashamed of using so familiar a
term in speaking of him), at the head of the clergy, stood
before the altar offering up his hands together to the
God of all, in grateful recollection and thanksgiving for
the triumphant assertion of the mercy that the Al-
mighty had vouchsafed towards us? If we had acted dis-
loyally, immorally, or illegally, is not Dr. Murray loyal
enough to refuse to sanction our acts ? Is there, con-
fessedly, a more loyal man in the nation than he is, and
is not his entire life a continued instance of his loyalty
and wortk ? Oh, I feel a pleasure beyond expression,
that, yesterday, we had his testimony in our favour.—
(Hear.) Yes, when the moment came, in which the
conspiracy was hatched in the purlieus of the Castle
when the Attorney-General used the foul language that
had fallen from him, of calling us foul conspirators—
when we were bringing in argument after argument for
our defence—though, after all, what can argument do
under such circumstances as we were placed in ?—how
was the heart of your leader—shall I call myself so ?
(Great cheers)—oppressed with anxiety for your future
conduct, and how grateful that heart can now be for obe-
dience and confidence that it can never merit ! At that
moment, at that time when your leader was torn from
amongst you, his beloved son was also most scandalously
included in the same charge. Would it not have been
punishment enough fur my beloved John to see me im-
prisoned, without being himself sentenced to captivity
Oh, malignant vinegar-cruet on two legs—(Loud cheers
and laughter'—it was John O'Connell's opposition to
you at Yough-al—his defeat of you at Youghal—his op-
position to you before the Committee, and his overthrow
of you there, that caused him to be placed in the indict-
ment !—(Hear, hear.) I saw that he had reasonable
grounds for his animosity to me. I had impeached
his father, and I succeeded in one stage of that impeach-
ment, and I respect his filial piety—(Great laughter)—
that made him persecute me ; but the very spirit that
would animate such enmity should make him leave out
my son.—(Hear.) But, could there be anything more
unstatesmanlike than the conduct of the Government
throughout ? They knew their danger, and they crowded
troops over here ; but they doubted that they were, even
then, sufficient to keep the country, so they boxed the
troops up in barracks, and put loopholes in the walls,
every one of which appeared to possess a tongue telling
them that they were not able to keep the country, andm
that they required something to keep themselves. Bat
could anything be more foolish than the expressions
that fell from the Minister on the occasion ? Think
you that they bad no effect on the old diplomatist Louis
Philippe ? or that if they had not been used, and if the
weakness of England with regard to Ireland were not
known in France, that Tangiers would not have re-
mained untouched—that Mogadore would not still be
uninjured—and that the plains of Ouchda would not be
untainted with Moorish blood ?—(Hear, hear.) But
what could be more peaceable than our conduct through-
out ? When an occasional outrage was committed
against us we did not prosecute ; we behaved kindly to
those who were opposed to us ; and have I not these
facts and the conduct of the people throughout all
Ireland to appeal to in support of my calls for concilia-
tion and union ?—(Cheers.) Oh ! the people have
conducted themselves admirably.—(Hear, hear.) Every
confidence can now be placed in their peaceful
determination. We can repose on their good con-
duct, and they have most completely shown fitness for
self-government.—(Cheers.) More particularly have
they done so in giving up the only vice which prevailed
in Ireland. They have thrown themselves into the tem•
perance movement, and the blissful result of abstaining
from intoxicating liquors is now known to millions.—
(Hear, hear.) 0 ! here is a people, Protestant brethren,
fit to govern themselves and worthy of your support and
confidence.—(Cheers.) I have conclusive evidence that
Pe are beginning to feel so. Look, here is Mr. Grey '
orter's pamphlet : the work of a high Protestant gen-
tleman—high sheriff of a Protestant county.—(Cheers.)
What does this book say ? I will give you three sen-
tences The union of 1801, the 41st of George 111.,
cap. 47 (all on one side), does, and always will, draw
away from Ireland her men of skill, genius, capital,
and rank—all who raise its strength and distinguish a
nation." "A federal (the only fair) union bostween Great
Britain and Ireland inevitable, and most desirable for
both islands."—(Loud cheers.) These are the principles
on which this gentleman sets out. The first shows the
evils of the union, the second advocates its repeal.—
(Cheers.) I want to know will Sugden, that cursed, con-
tumelious little English dog—(Cheers and laughter)—
will that currish„ contumelious little gentleman,
I ask, venture to supersede Mr. Grey Porter ?
(Cheers.) I call him a cur, becau-e ho barked at us when
he dared not bite.—(Cheers.) He has not the courage
to supersede Mr. Porter. lie wen't venture to act
towards a gentleman of that high station as he has done
towards some poor county magistrates.—(Hear, hear.)
I admire this pamphlet ; for, though mistaken in some
of its facts, it contains the genuine principle of nation-
ality—that spirit which I wish to pervade the people,
and which seeks Ireland for the Irish.—(Cheers.) I
invite that gentleman to join us,and I tell him that he will
get that leading place among us which his talent, rank,
and patriotism deserve. Nay, more, I undertake to dis-
solve the Association if he does not approve of our con-
duct, or can detect us committing one single act affect-
ing our loyalty or allegiance.—(Cheers.) From this
place I call upon him to join us. Perhaps he may hear I
me yet, and though he may think the present time toe •
soon, I think the day will come.—(Loud cheers.) This, I
then, is the time for conciliation. By it you may gain
such men as Mr. Porter ; and is he not worth concilia-
ting ?—(Cheers.) What would I not do to persuade
him ? Would I not give a portion of my heart's blood
to gain him over ? I say, that the man is not honest
who does not wish to see Grey Porter at the head of this
national struggle.—(Cheers.) As for myself, I do not
want to he a leader ; I am willing to work in the team,
and I will cheerfully resign to Grey Porter the reins and
guidance of the whole.—(Loud cheers.) The question
for us now to consider is,—what are we to do ? The
principle of conciliation is admitted, but we are not the
less ardently to persevere in working for the repeal.—
(Cheers.) In answering the question more fully three
different subjects arise to my mind. The first relates to
the meeting at Clontarl.—(Cheers for some minutes.)
That meeting was called legally. It was illegally sup-
pressed.—(Cheers.) We are bound to adhere to prin-
ciples, and it is now to be considered whether that rule
extends so far, or whether it has been sufficiently vindi-
cated without calling the meeting. For sonic time I
did think that it was absolutely necessary to call it to
vindicate a great principle, but on reflecting deeply on
what has occurred in the House of Lords, and the vin-
dication of its legality put on eternal record by Denman
—(Cheers)—Cottenham—(Cheers)—and Cam pbell—
(Cheers)—l began to doubt that it was necessary. It
might create ill-feeling, and be construed into a wish to
insult, and it might alienate friends. What I mean to
do is, upon this day week to propose that it be referred
to a select committee whether or not it is necessary to
hold the Clontart meeting.—(Cheers.) I do not a ish to
prejudice their decision, but I must say that my opinion
is against the calling of that meeting. The next point I
wish to lay before you is with reference to a plan which
I frequently proposed last year. I mean the collection
of the Preservative Society for Ireland, consisting of a
body of 300 ;entlemen sitting in Dublin.—(Great ap-
plause.) This point is surrounded by legal difficulties,
and must be approached with serious considerations,
which we were last preventedsub from applying to it
by the proclamation and segment proceedings. My
plan, which I have deeplyconsidered, is shortly this—
that 300 gentlemen from taous counties in Ire-
land should meet on a certain dayv Dublin—(Cheers)
and that their title to meet should be the handing
in of 1001. each—that they should havee aterierasure;
of their own, and have the working r
funds,—(Cheers.) I do not intend that they
shall
initiate anything, but that they shall con'rul every-
thing, and that the Repeal Association shall becom-t
pletely governed by them, and not venture upon any ne
without their previous sanction.—(Cheers.) A body of
this kind would comprise so many of the wealthy and
influential of Ireland, that it would he an effectual cheek
outbreak, and would be a
to any rash revolutionesrY
steady drag upon the wheel of the movement. It would
be of that -bearing on society and high station that it
could enter into treaty with Government.—(Cheers.)
It could arrange its own plans with Ministers, and stipu-
late terms.—(Great cheering.) No handover-head work,
but steady, deliberate agreement.—(Cheers.) And
here let me say that I quite agree in making the expe-
riment of a federal Parliament. I want any Parliament
which will protect Ireland, and ask for no more. If we
arrive at the period of repeal without some body of this
description, Government may dictate a plan to you, per-
haps, which may fall short of justice, though it may satisfy
some of you. They can never do so with this Preser-
vative Society of three hundred.—(Cheers.) The terms
of any treaty must be well considered—financial as well
as political—and it seems to me that we shall here have
the workmen to build up the palace of justice to Ireland.
—(Cheers.) I will this day week move for a Select
Committee to con`sider the possibility of such an assem-
blage, and to prepare cases to have laid before the most
viremeinwenia
t lawyer; of England and Ireland.—(Cheers.)
notsate to bring a single individual within

the power of the law, and we will see whether Nee cannot
get a second managing body fot the people—not a
House of Lords, indeed, but a body possessing more
power, as representing the whole Irish people.—(Loud
cheers.) Three hundred wealthy Irish gentlemen would
make such a body as would bring about the repeal of the
union with the greatest ease.—(Cheers.) I am not a
person of overweening confidence in my own judgment,
but I have so matured this plan in my own mind,
whilst in prison, that I rely strongly on it, although
prepared to abandon it on the instant, if found to be
at all dangerous or impracticable—(Cheers)—whilst it
must be embraced, if found calculated to bring back
our Parliament to College- green.—(Loud cheers.) I
have addressed you at great length, but I owed you
for three months' rent.-- (Much cheering and laughter.)
I am now like an honest man, paying my debts.—(Re-
newed laughter.) And now I come to my third plan,
and it is one to which I am greatly attached. I want to
procure impeachments of the judges of the Court of
Queen's Bench and of her Majesty's Attorney-General
in this country, on these grounds—(Great applause fie.
some moments;—on these grounds, I repeat, which I
shall set before you, as briefly as I can, consistently,
with clearness. The first ground is that of the mon-
ster indictment which was preferred against me—
thirty-six yards of an indictment.—(Cheers and
laughter.) Lord Denman has well described it as a
document calculated to prevent a man from defending
himself. Such an indictment no poor man could escape
from. We were backed by the repeal rent—(Cheers)
—but if such an indictment were preferred against a
poor man, where could he get a brief of it for his coun-
sel? Why it would cost him ten times more money
than ever he saw to do so.—(Cheers.) My excellent
friend Richard O'Gorman (the dissentient grand juror)
ought to be a proud man this day. He alone was right
as to this unjust indictment, and had the manliness and
honesty to maintain his opinions in open court. He said,
" We have spent five days over this bill, and not one of
us can understand it." To be sure they did not care
much for that.—(Groans.) They found it a true bill.
I am much obliged to them.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Now, this is no idle act of the Attorney-
General. Sugden planned it—Peel has adopted
it.—(Groans and hisses.) Impeachment, I say, then is
our only remedy.--(Loud cheers.) No man is safe from
such a monster indictment. What ought the Court to
have done with it ? I say an honest court should have
quashed it again and again, if necessary, and have said
to the Attorney-General in the words of Lord Denman,
Pick out your counts, and do not suffocate them be-
neath the number of your accnsations."—(Cheers.) The
judges of the Court of Queen's Bench did not refuse to
receive it ; nay, more, they countenanced it ; and, pro-
ceeding as they commenced, refused us copies of the
witnesses' names, the caption of the indictment, and other
privileges which we should have received as a matter of
course in England.—(Groans.) By their conduct they
made this monster indictment a babe of their own luck,
and I say there is no use whatever in the doctrine of im-
peachments if we have not the jddges of the Queen's
Bench brought before a proper tribunal to answer for
their conduct.—(Cheers.) I assert this, and I shall be
able to prove it by competent witnesses, that the Lord
Chief Justice—(Groans)—had the air of a counsel fur
the prosecution throughout the trials, and might have
been taken for such but for the place he occupied. It
may be said I am rash in taking this up. Ah ! I do not
fear their prisons.—(Tremendous cheering.) I am a
freeborn British subject, standing in this place defending
my rights, and I do accuse those men of injustice.—
(Renewed applause.) I am here to call upon the people
of England to aid me in impeaching those men.—
(Cheers.) I have to complain too of their manner to-
wards me. Mr. Justice Crampton—(A laugh)—used to
squeeze up his face at me, as if to strike me with terror
at his lion aspect.—(Roars of laughter.) Now, I ask
you all, did it ever occur at any trial before this, that
the Chief Justice borrowed the Attorney-General's brief
to make out his case and charge from?—(Cries of " No,"
and groans.) You saw him do so.—(Loud cries of " We
did," and groaning.) Now, I do say that this is a fact
which must and shall be heard.—(Cheers.) I care not—
not I—for the authority of the Lord Chief Justice.—
(Loud cheers.) I call upon the English people to join
with me and Ireland, and drag him before a proper tri-
bunal, and ascertain whether such conduct as this is to
be tolerated.—(Loud cheers.) My next ground of im-
peachment against him, in particular, is his factious, his
indecent charge.—(Cheers.) It was one-sided and un-
just. In the House of Lords, in the House of Commons,
no one could be found hardy enough to defend it.—
(Cheers.) It was impeached by all, and admitted to be
indecent. I want to know, does it not deserve impeach-
ment ?—(Cheers.) Who is safe from such a charge ?
We have no remedy against the injustice of such a charge,
for it was not upon the record, and so we were deprived
of the advantage of its influencing my appeal.—(Cheers.)
There is no other redress or remedy for this wrong but
impeachment. The next ground I have against them is,
that they admitted newspapers as evidence of facts against
me, and brought in my friend Barrett's paper, and the Na-
tion, allowing them to be used for the purposes of the pro-
secution. They allowed them as evidences of facts, as if
witness got into the jury-box and swore, " We heard
O'Connell say so and so." Judge Perrin—though cer-
tainly, poor man, he was asleep during great part of the
trial—(Great laughter)—did, however, vindicate his
character on this point, and refused to sanction this
evident illegality.--(Cheers.) I will not go into all the
wearisome details of the packing of the jury, for it is now
universally admitted that it was fraudulently packed. I
shall be able to prove, I tell you, that not only were pro-
per names omitted, but names which ought to have been
omited left on.—(Cheers.) That will be one of my facts.
I want to know, too, if the doctrine is to be sanctioned
that Anti-Repealers only are fit for the jury-box ? If
so, they will soon have to make short work of it, and try
all their cases with the same jury, for there will not be
more than twelve Anti-Repealers in the whole country
shortly.—(Cheers, and laughter.) They'll have to pack
their twelve men into a box like the Wizard of the North.
and carry them about Ireland.—(Laughter.) It was
alleged that fraud had been committed ; and what was
then the duty of the Court—their sacred duty?—
(Cheers.) To discountenance such proceedings and
such a jury, and to put off the trial over and over again.
One of the articles of impeachment shall be this fact :
Perrin did well here.—(Cheers.) But, here, I have
something for you. I know a man who was offered
to have his fortune made if he would give some par-
ticular information.—(Sensation.) The information
did not exist, and therefore he could not give it •
but, I shall be able to prove that the expres-
sion, " Your fortune shall be made," was used
on the occasion in question, and that by a witness of
the first credit and respectability.—(Cheers.) Again I
say that if that jury had been left to itself, it never could
have returned such a verdict. I say it emphatically that
some one helped them in making up this verdict.—
(Cheers and groans.) I do not wish now to detain you
in this place, but I may remind you that judges, if not
accessible to bribes, are not superior to favour. Well,
the Lord Chief Justice's nephew has got a place in the
Castle of Dublin.—(Loud cheering.) Young Penne-
father has been placed, and it is said Lord Heytesbury is
to do more for him. Now I say that there should be no
suspicion in such a matter, and that the Chief Justice
ought to have seen his nephew provided for in some
other way.—(Cheers.) He should have taken care that
no inference—and here I declare I believe that inference,
however natural, to be untrue—should be drawn from
the judgment of the judge, and the promotion of the
nephew.—(Loud cheering.) I do only protest against
the example set by a public man, and the insecurity of
public opinion in a public officer, consequent upon
such conduct.—(Cheers.) There is also some story
of a relation of Mr. Justice Crampton's having been
provided for, but it is not sufficiently authenticated for
me to dwell urn it. Well, to proceed now—l have
been three months in gaol.—(Cheers and laughter.)
I want to know, do they think I am to submit pa-
tiently to this ? I am not acting from any feeling of
resentment or revenge. I spent an exceedingly plea-
sant three months—(Cheers)—pleasanter because
after the first fortnight I was secure from those ap-
prehensions of an outbreak which had disturbed my rest
for five months previously—(Cheers)—during which
time I never slept quietly.—(Renewed cheers.) I do not
complain of my imprisonment—pleasanter companions no
man ever had. We had, too, the blessing and the
honour of the sweet companionship of our fellow-cap-
tives' wives— the talent and power of facetious entertain-
ment. No set of men ever lived in more social harmony.
Well, I am not vexed for this, but I am determined on
atonement.—(Cheers.) I defy Vinegar Smith to wipe
away his injustice. I defy England to do us justice here,
or compensate for the harassing of our families and our
and their hours and days and weeks of suspense. Will
they do nothing to remedy these things ? Are these
things nothing, which have now admittedly been done
contrary to law and justice ? Who did so ? It was the
act of the Irish Government that imprisoned us, and
Crampton had his mother wit about him, and put it to
the Attorney-General to let us stand out till the result
of the writ of error was known. Now, I charge the At-
torney-General for not consenting to this proposition.
I charge him and the Government with the crime,
with the sin of refusing to accede to it, and thereby
running the chance of punishing innocent men.
In their conduct was a most plain, palpable want of
honest intention.—(Loud cheers.) How did the At-
torney-General know but that the judgment would be re-
versed, as it has been ?—(Cheers.) He did not care
for that. He punished us upon the chance of its not
being so.—(Groans.) During the trial he was in con-
stant consultation with Government. I do not know
that poor what's his name—the shin-of-beef Lord—
had much hand in it, but his Government is responsible
for the evil. When Mr. Moore proposed to let the
names be put upon the list by consent, which Mr.
Justice. Burton said might readily be done, the At-
torney-General had not a word to say for himself, but
he would not do it.—(Groans.) Now, I want to know,
will not England join me in impeaching these men ?
They have had us three months in gaol ; we are pro-
nounced innocent, and they might have avoided that
crime if they would.--(Cheers and groans.) From this
spot I call on England to join me. I mean to propose
that a Select Committee be formed, of which I shall
cheerfully make one, to go through all the principal
towns
of England about two months before the meeting
of Parliament, to obtain an
answer to this appeal. We
will say,. " Here is injustice done. A packed jury, an
unjust judgment, a sentence inflicted
before its
right is
ascertained, and innocent men imprisoned. English-
men, I will test you
I will see whether you will join
me,n one •
if not, I will come back, and say to
countrymen,ryend at all." if
Look no more to the pretences of
John Bull; look alone to your Parliameet in College-
green."—(Hear, and cheers.) If they did not approve
of this, I will go at any rate. Curiosity to see the lion
who had been caged for three months would bring many
together, and collect crowds around me; and I look for-
and to success. But here, I ask you, are the Ministers
to escape?—(Groans and yells.) Is Sir J. Graham to
escape?—(Loud cries of " No, no," and groaning and
hissing.) He who had the unparalleled impudence in
the absence of two Members of the House to call them
convicted conspirators.—(A voice, "He's a liar." Cheer- I
ing.) Why, you seem to be AS uncivil as Sir James him-

self.-=(Laughter.) I do not called him that, but I do
term him a foul-mouthed letter-breaker.—(Shotits of ap-
plause and laughter.) I come to what Shell did in the
House. He produced Sir R. Peel's declaration before
his face. He had that paper before his eyes, and yet he
had the power of farce, the audacity, the intensity of
falsehood to say, according to the newspaper reports, that
he bad a fair trial.—(Several voices—" He's a liar.")
To be sure he is.—(Great cheering, and loud laughter.)
There's a British Minister for you—the Premier of the
first country in the world.—(Groans and laughter.) With
a packed jury, a one sided Chief Justice, the excluiion
of jurors and evidence of justice, he ventured to say we
had a fair trial. Oh, a very fair trial, sweet Sir Robert!
Ah, my good man, you were wrong to call him a liar.
He thinks what we got was a very fair trial for an Irish
Catholic.—(Cheering and groans.) That foul falsehood,
however, identified him with the whole of the proceed-
ings here, and the union is but a mockery indeed, if the
English people do not join us in hurling Peel from office,
and driving him from power as a Ministerial leader in
Parliament.—(Cheers.) I have done. I want to consider
the affair of the Clontarf meeting.—(Cries of " Have
it.") I want to consider the assembling of the Preser-
vative Society. I see, I know I can rely upon the people.
—(Cheers.) There will be no revolt, no riot, no tumult,
or violence. They would not be the shrewd people that
they are, if they did not perceive the advantages they
have already derived from the same course at the time
of the emancipation and other agitations.—(Cheers.) I
tell you, repeal is irresistible, if you continue peaceable.
—(Cheers.) Oh, how my heart throbs with delight when
I see the O'Briens, the Butlers, the Hutchinsans. the
Mocklers, the Porters rallying round old Ireland.—(Great
cheering.) What a day will we have round King
William in College-green.—(Great laughter.) What a
triumph we had on Friday, when the news of tardy
justice done at last was spread through the country.
Oh, it is a proud feeling, a noble hope, an endearing
anticipation for us to look forward to the day when we
shall have old Ireland free and a nation again—(Tremen-
dous cheering)—to have her commerce spring to life,
her agriculture crowned with riches, to make her merry
maids and brave men more merry and cheerful and
happy. Old Ireland for ever—hurrah for the repeal !
[The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amid ap-
plause nearly as protracted and quite as enthusiastic a;
that which greeted his opening address.]
Several sums of money having been handed in by Mr.
O'Connell and Mr. D. O'Connell, jun.,
Mr. J. O'CONNELL came forward, and after handing in
some subscriptions, proceeded to address the Associatioa
amidst great applause. He stated that he regarded the
glorious triumph that they had just achieved as but the
harbinger of the still more glorious triumph of repeal.
He fully concurred in what his father had stated of the
pleasure and comfort they had experienced during their
confinement, and wished to take that opportunity of re-
turning thanks to Mr. Butler for the present which he
had sent them, of some fine Kilkenny venison. He was
delighted that the Attorney. General had included him
in the indictment, for what higher honour could a young
man, or any man, desire than the honour of suffering
for old Ireland—(Loud cheers)—but he had more—he
had the deepest and the sweetest pleasure that a son
could have, of sharing and of endeavouring to mitigate
the captivity of a beloved parent.—(Cheers.) They had
also given him the further pleasure of sharing the cap-
tivity of the fearless, devoted, and true- hearted men
who were in prison with them ; and he would tell the
people of Ireland to cherish these men in their heart of
hearts, for he had an opportunity of knowing how de--
serving they were of every honour that could be con-
ferred upon them. After referring to the decision in the
House of Lords, and promising to redouble his efforts
with renewed energy in the cause of Ireland in future,
the Hon. and Learned Gentleman resumed his seat amidst
loud applause.
Mr. 'l'. STEELE, who was loudly cheered, said that
he had never enjoyed such a high honour as on the pre-
sent occasion, and that the greatest glory of his exist-
ence was being included in the martyrs fur Ireland. The
people had heard his last words at their parting, and by
no act of theirs had violated the awful tranquillity of
the country—that tranquillity which had struck horror
into the hearts of their enemies.—(Cheers.) Having
passed some high eulogiums upon the perfection of the
repeal organisation under the guidance of Mr. O'Con-
nell, which he compared to that of the steam-engine in
the hands of Watt, Mr. Steele proceeded to refer to cir-
cumstances connected with the State trials, more parti-
cularly to his protest against being put on his trial by
the Attorney-General, on the ground that he would re-
ceive no justice from that gentleman, and referred to
the result as verifying his predictions. He concluded,
amid loud applause, by expatiating on the necessity of
repeal.
Mr. S. 0 BRIEN, in handing in 421. from the county
of Limerick, said, that he was anxious to congratulate
them upon their liberation from their imprisonment, for
their proud position as vindicators of Ireland, for their
noble and manly bearing.—(Cheers.) He tendered his
gratitude to them.----(Cheers.) Was he at liberty to
tender the gratitude of that meeting also ?—(Loud cries
of "You are, you are," and cheers.) lie regretted that
the scene of Ireland's vindication was not Ireland herself,
and that it had been reserved to English judges to do
justice to Irishmen. To Lord Denman alone were they
indebted, and to him they were indebted through an ac-
cident for the liberation of the friends of Ireland.—
(Cheers.) He did deeply regret that their liberation
had not been effected by an Irish jury ; but the worst
features of their provincialism had prevailed over the
spirit of justice. It was a subject of sincere regret to
him that the character of the Irish bench had been so
seriously impeached.—(Cheers.) Ile had hoped to have
found judges upon the bench in Ireland who would not
have had to go to school to their brothers in England
for the merest instruction in the first principles of law
and equity.—(Cheers.) As to the proposed impeach-
ments, he would not venture to say more than that he
believed the parties threatened most richly deserved
them.—(Cheers.) But the imprisonment, the sin of the
premature imprisonment rested with the English Go-
vernment, for it was distinctly suggested to the Attor-
ney-General by Mr. Justice Crampton, that the impri-
sonment of the traversers should not take place until the
result of the writ of error were known.—(Cheers.) It
was a most fortunate thing that that result had been suc-
cessful, for he would not answer for the conduct of tke
Irish people if they had beheld their leader imprisoned
throughout the long winter, whilst a foreign war was
impending.—(Cheers.) They were now, however, tri-
umphant, and he implored them to be as calm and dig-
nified now as they should be in the hour of their danger
bold and defiant.—(Cheers.) Let them persevere in
their course, and assist their great leat:leader in his soon-
to-be-successful struggles for theFiberty and happiness of
fatherland.—(Loud cheers.)
Mr. BARRETT (rising in obedience to a call from va-
rious parts of the meeting) said, that though he was
not a member of the Association, he would not refuse
the expression of his sentiments which the courtesy of
his fellow-countrymen had called for. He was delighted
that he had had an opportunity of sharing the martyr.
dom of the father of his country. He proceeded to ex-
patiate upon the iniquity of the State trials and the in-
nocence of himself and his quoadam brother prisoners.
They had, he said, administered justice as they would
have read Hebrew—they commenced at the end.—(Loud
cheers.) They first inflicted the punishment dictated
by injustice, and then they proceeded to investigate that
injustice.--(Cheers.) Could Irishmen be insensible to
the wrongs of their country ? Did they not see their
brethren aliens and exiles, their name a mockery, and a
subject of gibes and insult ? They must unite. Let
them do so, and they would triumph. Let them hesi-
tate, and they would fall.—(Cheers.)
Dr. GRAY then came forward amid loud applause, and
having tendered an apology for addressing the meeting
similar to that given by the last speaker, proceeded to
say that there was a difference of opinion between some
of the conspirators. His friend Mr. Steele had said that
he had had no redress. Was not that redress ? Was
not that hour redress enough ?—(Tremendous applause.)
They had sought for redress, for inquiry from England.
They had been refused.—(Loud cheers.) Like that un-
righteous city, wherein 50 good men were sought for in
vain, wherein 40, 30, 20, 10, aye, even 5, were looked
for fruitlessly, and Sodom was destroyed—(Loud cheers)
—so had it been with England. Well was it that there
were three men of probity and of honour—all praise to
them—who declared that a packed, fraudulent jury was
not an instrument of justice.—(Great applause.)
Mr. O'CONNELL came forward, in answer to loud
cries for Mr. Duffy, and assured the meeting that that
gentleman had been obliged to retire from illness. The
Hon. Gentleman proceeded to hand in numerous contri-
butions to the repeal rent.
Mr. Scorn brought in 201. from Edinburgh, which
was, he stated, altogether contributed by Scotchmen.
Mr. N. BOYLAN, ex-justice of the peace, handed in 201.
from the county of Meath.—(Great cheering.)
Mr. S. O'BRIEN gave notice that he would move, on
the next day of meeting that Messrs. Hutchinson and
Butler should be added to the general Parliamentary
Committee.
Mr. O'Coatarzu. formally entered his notice of motion
for a Committee to inquire into the expediency of hold-
ing the Clontarf meeting, and to inquire into the mate-
rials requisite for the impeachment of the parties he had
named connected with the recent state trials.
Several sums of money having been handed in, some
letters read, and a few speeches made, amid great noise
and confusion,
Mr. O'CONNELL announced the rent for the week to
be 5751. 6s. 6d. —(Loud cheers.)
The usual vote of thanks having been passed to the
Chairman,i the meeting, which was very turbulent after
Mr. O'Connell's speech was over, then adjourned.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS.-We have to acknowledge
the courtesy of our Contemporaries the Evening Free-
man, The London Sun, and Dublin Monitor, for placing
at our disposal the proceedings on the Writ of Error in
the House of Lords. By an extraordinary edition of
the Freeman on Wednesday the public were put in pos-
session of the opinions of the judges delivered on Hon-
day; and yesterday, through The Sun and Monitor, we had
the result of the judgment as delivered by the L. inl
Chancellor, after the voting of the law Lords on Wednes-
day. The Dublin Evening Post also brought the intelligence
to town yesterday.; From these journals we have
made extracts which will be found in another column.—
Tua'n Herald.
The following distingnished persons have visited
Astley's Royal Amphitheatre during the past evenings,
to witness Mr. Carter, the American Lion King, with
his wonderful trained animals, the French in Morocco,
Scenes of the Circle, Chinese War, Feast of Lanterns,
&e.:—His Royal Highness the Prince of Prussia, his
Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, his Serene
Highness the Prince Mecklenburgh Strelitz, Prince
Edward of Saxe Weimar, Lord Combermere, Lord Head-
ford, Lord Stannes, Lady Seymour, Sir Wm. Martins,
Sir M. Fleetwood, Hon. De Lacy, Hon. Mrs. Wyndham,
Cu].. Wyngard, Col. Angerstein, Capt. Forbes, &c., &c.
In consequence of the prosperous condition of the
building trade in Glasgow, the in,,ster masons have una-
nimously come to a resolution to raise the rate of wages I
of their workmen to 19s. a week.

THIRD REPORT OF THE COM
MISSIONERS ON THE FINE ARTS,
WITH APPENDIX.
We resume our extracts from this important docu-
ments. With the terms of the papers Nos. 1,2, and 3 of
the Appendix (a list of the contents of which Appendix
we gave in a former paper), our readers are already
too well acquainted to make it expedient here to re-
peat them ; but No. 4 is a "Letter from the Right
lion. Sir Robert Peel, Bart., respecting Public
Monuments to Men distinguished for Civil Services,"
addressed to Mr. Eastlake the Secretary to the Com-
mission, and dated " Whitehall, August 17, 1843."
This letter does appear to us to contain the germ of
all the absurd blunderings and inconsequences which
have hitherto marked the progress of the two New
Houses, and their decorative embellishments. It is
also eminently characteristic of Sir Robert's egotism.
By his own showing it was the wish of Parliament
that he should do one thing. He takes it noon
himself to do another ; and Mr. Barry—distracted as
it seems to us between his homage to some not very
fortunate suggestions on the part of Prince Albert
(to which we have already referred), and this patronis-
ing expression of the wishes of the Premier—does not
substantively carry out either object; but expatiates,
in the attempt, into the costly and ill-judged excres-
cence of the new Queen's Gallery: Sir Robert com-
mences his letter to Mr. Eastlake thus—
" Dear Sir,—A proposal was recently made in the
House of Commons that the Commissioners should be
empowered by her Majesty to inquire into the best means
of doing honour by public monuments, in sculpture or
painting, to be erected at the public charge to the me-
mory of men entitled to the gratitude of their country
by eminent civil, literary, or scientific services."
A very intelligible proposal, surely ; a proposal on
which (one would have thought) any body of men,
uninformed or uninspired by that royal a fflatus that
constitutes A, B, and C into "a Commission on the
Fine Arts," might very well deliberate and report.
But Sir Robert, like some pedagogue fearful of over-
taxing the powers of his promising pupils, reduces
and alters the " theme" which the House of Commons
would have set them, and recasts it after his own
diluted and wordy manner, thus—
" I was unwilling to devolve on the Commissioners a
general inquiry of this nature, not immediately con-
nected with the original object for which the Commis-
sion was appointed; but I willingly undertook to recom-
mend to her Majesty to give to the Commissioners full
authority to consider whether there is any portion of the
edifice intended for the accommodation of the Houses of
Parliament, ur of the buildings connected with that edi-
fice, which could with advantage and propriety be
allotted to the reception of monuments such as those to
which I have above adverted, and to report their opinion
to her Majesty, not only with regard to the particular
site of such monuments, but, inithe event of an appropriate
site in connexion with the New Houses of Parliament
being recommended by the Commissioners, with regard
to the principles generally which should govern the se-
lection of the names to be honoured by so distinguished
a record of national gratitude, and to the best mode of
combining the public acknowledgment of eminent service
with encouragement to the arts in this country."
Now, the reader will not fail to bear in mind that
the one object common to the proposal of the House
of Commons, and Sir Robert Peel's recommendation
to her Majesty, was the erection of monuments,
either in sculpture or painting, to the honour of those
men whose services to the country had entitled them
to such a manifestation of the national gratitude. Mr.
Barry, who was clearly referred to only for informa-
tion, and his opinions as to the capacity and means of
location possessed by his buildings for such statues,
&c. in his "Report" to Mr. Eastlake addresses him-
self other and very different matters ;—on which, we
contend, it was never meant he should be consulted.
The consequence of this mistake, on Mr. Barry's part,
is to commit him to the expression of much nonsense,
and suggestions at utter variance with all good taste
and propriety. He is also betrayed into some re-
marks on the highest branch of the poetry of art,
which it !sad been much better for his reputation had
he kept to himself. There was no necessity, at any
rate, for his announcing them to all the world. The
first instance of Mr. Barry's supererogatory advice
to the Commissioners occurs in this passage :
" I may, however, mention that, in addition to the
statues of royal and military personages, which I recom-
mended to be placed in the niches forming part of the
architectural decoration of the several halls, those of emi-
ment men of this country, who have at various periods
distinguished themselves in the advancement of art,
science, and literature, but whose services have not
hitherto been specially recorded by any public acknow-
ledgment, might form part of the series.
Of what possible value can these eclectic notions of
Mr. Barry's, as to the parties to be "singled out from
all the world" for the posthumous distinction here
contemplated, be, to a Commission numbering among
its members men so profoundly read in all the
branches of learning and tradition connected with the
history, and institutions of this country, as Lords
Lyndhurst and Lansdowne, Aberdeen, J. Russell,
Melbourne and Palmerston ; as Hallam and Macaulay,
Knight and Rogers 1' Far more seemly and to the
purpose is the professional statement which follows :
" The following is an enumeration of the niches pro-
vided for such purposes in the several parts of the build-
ing:—ln Westminster Hall, 12; in the Victoria Gallery,
106; in the Queen's Porch, 4; in the House of Lords,
18; in St. Stephen's Hall, 12; in the Central Hall, 68;
making altogether 220 niches, averaging seven feet in
height."
But perhaps Mr. Barry's taste for " sculpture"
was of so elevated and classical, and pure a character,
that it is well to have elicited from his informed and
critical judgment some hints for the judicious execu-
tion and arrangement of this portion of the national
records to be raised to the memory of our great men.
We think, involuntarily, of heroic ages and heroic
statuary; of the divine, but simple forms, which
Grecian art chiselled from the unconscious rock into
immortal legacies, to be bequeathed by the inspiration
of antique genius to the passionate reverence of the
remotest posterity. Alas ! Mr. Barry seems to have
imagined himself in Sir Robert's crowded saloons in
Whitehall .gardens among the gilded castes of modern
Parisian foundry. He would debauch our reviving
taste, nourished as that has been for years past, by
such wholesome nutriment as the contemplation of the
simple forms of the Theseus and the Illyssus, or the
draped compositions of Phidias and Lysippus—still
extant in the virgin purity of their original marble—
by the vile and barbarous accessories of the declining
ages of Greek and Roman greatness. This abomina-
tion, be it remembered, was one of the most shameful
indications of debased genius in the most degraded
and brutalised ages of the lower empire, and the most
superstitious darkness of the Greek Church, when
coloured stones were used to repair the disappearance
of architectural design, and the vestments of the
Virgin and the Saints were profusely gilded, to amuse
that indolent and lifeless worship of the senses, which
was no longer genuine or pure enough to be able to
fix its contemplations on less obtrusive symbols of
celestial piety and innocence.
" Those in the Victoria Gallery, Queen's Porch, and
House of Lords, might be of bronze gilt, but in order to
gilding should be matted
oavr(u'irdibfuarlsneisilifedh
" In other parts of the building above adverted to, the
.ts and effects, the
statues might be of coloured marbles, in harmony with the
prevailing tone and colour of the architectural decorations."
And then, again, as to the drawing-room " conven-
tionalities" (as General Fladdick has it in " Martin
Chuzzlewit"); if Mr. Barry imperatively insist on the
glitter and the gilding of the statues that are to come
into contact with the well-bred company assembled
within the walls ; the others, which are to be placed
out of doors or any where—about and all over the
building—these statues " of the lower classes," as it
were, he remits in the nakedness of their ungilded
bronze to the pelting of the elements, with as little
compunction as if he were giving them orders for ad-
mission into a poor-law union-house.
" The statues should invariably be of bronze, on ac-
count of the imperishable nature of that material; those
on the exterior of the building might be left to the natu-
ral colour of the metal, but in the interior, where the
light will be much subdued, I would recommend that
they should be coated with matted or unburnished gold,
as being best calculated to render the statue most effec-
tive, and allow of its being seen to the greatest ad-
vantage."
But Mr. Barry recollects that he has got an " Om-
nibus" confided to him ; and in the most business-like
manner he thus determines to consult the " accommo-
dation" of his metal and marble passengers. (These
do appear to be in-siders.) They are, actually, too, to
be subject, like drivers and cabmen, to regulations for
their standing !"
" The principle which he would adopt for the location
of the mneuments generally, is that of confining them to
such portions of the building only as might, at all times
without inconvenience, be open to the public, under
proper and efficient control, and such regulations as
might be deemed expedient. This principle, and the
amount of accommodation that could be provided for
public monuments, as well as their arrangement, is illus-
traced in the accompanying plan ; by which it appears
that Westminster Hall might contain 58 statues; St.
Stephen's Hall, 16; the Central or Octagon Hall, 24; the
Corridors leaning to the Houses of Lords and Commons,
20; and the Public Corridors and Waiting-rooms con-
nected with the Committee-rooms, 69; making in all,
accommodation for 187 statues. The Crypt of St.
Stephen's Chapel, which is proposed to be restored, and
to which convenient access will be Node from Westminster
Hall, which would also afford accommodation for about
14 monuments."
He thus proceeds to recapitulate his plan and dispo-
sition. The reader cannot fail to be struck with the
insignificant, nay paltry, proportions of 220 niches
(see preceding paragraph) for statues, averaging each
about seven feet high ! The fact is this adaptation of
the edifice can have formed no part of the design ori-
ginally contemplated by Mr. Barry. It is an after
thought, and it is clear the means have no proportion
to the end. Now, for Westminster Abbey :
" The cloister of the chapel, which is
n.l
co to he re-
stored, and will be connected pith the ball and the :_,r) pt.
might atlbrd accommodation for thirteen statues, placed
externally ; and a surface of wall for mural monu-

ments and tablets, under cover, 330 feet in length, and
20 feet in height. The accommodation in the proposed
quadrangle on the site of New Palace-yard, would be for
56 statues ; and for mural monuments and tablets, under
cover, a surface of wall 369 feet in length, and 16 feet in
height. Thus the entire number of public monuments that
the building and its quadrangles could accommodate
would be, in isolated monuments or statues, 270 ; and in
mural monuments and tablets, about 400 ; or in the
whole, 670 monuments of all kinds. In Westminster
Abbey, the number of monuments of all kinds, forming
a collection commenced (with a few exceptions) from the
end of the thirteenth century, amounts to 357 ; of which
63 are table and other monuments, with figures in a re-
cumbent or devotional attitude ; 15 are isolated statues
in an erect position ; 98 are mural monuments, with
sculpture fur the most part allegorical ; 122 are tablets
with inscriptions only ; 20 are busts ; 8 are brasses let
into the pavement ; and 31 consist of table monuments,
slabs, and stones, with sculpture either decomposed or
defaced to such an extent as to be nearly obliterated."
We have all heard that the great Nelson, in leading,
with his resistless intrepidity, one of his most mag-
nificent and successful attacks on the enemy's fleet,
exclaimed, " A peerage—or a tomb in Westminster
Abbey." Mr. Barry repudiates this' " longing after
immortality" in sculptured marble, if the record is
to be raised in our cathedrals. We have been amused
with his reasons for this discouragement of an ancient
practice, founded, we suspect, in part, on the caprices
of his own somewhat apocryphal taste in such matters;
in part, on the pharisaical prudery of certain prelates
and parsons of the Established Church. Of St. Paul's,
he thus discourses :
"'ln St. Paul's Cathedral, the number of monuments,
being a collection of the last fifty years, amounts to 43,
of which, 14 are isolated statues of the men they are de-
signed to commemorate ; 5 are historical reliefs ; 3 are
partly historical and partly allegorical ; and 21 consist
wholly of allegory. Of this number, those which have
been erected at the public expense amount to 36. From
the above statement of the existing monuments in St.
Paul's Cathedral and in Westminster Abbey. it may
safely be inferred, that the accommodation afforded by
the New Palace of Westminster, for public monuments
alone, would suffice for ages to come ; and if the feeling
which now very generally prevails in favour of the ex-
clusion of all monuments from places set apart for Divine
worship, which, from their character, are not calculated
to excite in the mind of the beholder emotions of piety
and devotion (in which number would be included,
above 200 in Westminster Abbey, and with two excep-
tions, the entire collection at St. Paul's Cathedral),
should ultimately lead to their removal, the New Palace
of Westminster might afford accommodation for those of
a public character, either in the open arcades, or in gal-
leries to be provided above them in the proposed addi-
tional quadrangle, on the site of the New Palace-yard.
But whether this removel and transfer of monuments
should or should not ultimately take place, it might per-
haps be worthy the consideration of Parliament, whether
it would not be advisable, both for the sake of encourag-
ing art, and evincing a renewed and grateful remem-
brance of services rendered to their country, to order
statues to be erected in the New Palace of Westminster,
at the public expense, to the memory of a certain num-
ber of the most eminent of its public characters and be-
nefactors of bygone times, in order that a collection of
monuments, to the memory of all whom the country de-
lights to honour, msy be at once commenced, and be
ever after maintained and increased within the walls of
one and the same public ediffce."
We have lamented the apparent absence of all the
poetry of art from this gentleman's conceptions of a
scheme of decorative illustration for the New Palace
at Westminster. He first recommends the adoption
of such devices for portraiture in sculpture as we see
resorted to by the Bubbs and Bacons of bygone years,
who represent Britannia weeping over an unintelli-
gible mask of a decayed hero, on a sort of marble
dish-cover, and then very coolly, ex cathedra, de-
nounces that true poetry which ancient and modern
sculpture and peinting have embodied or transferred
in.their most sublime productions :

" With respect to monuments which may hereafter be
decreed by Parliament to be erected at the public ex-
pense, to the memory of not only those eminent men who
have Ciistinguished themselves in the civil and military
services of their country, but also of those who have pro-
moted its honour and advantage in the cultivation and
advancement of urt, science, and literature, no building
can, in my opinion, with greater propriety or effect, be
appropriated for their reception than the Palace of the
Legislature, whose site is hallowed by the most interest •
ing historical recollections connected with it from the
most remote periods. Such monuments might be ar-
ranged with considerable effect, both within the building,
as well as in the New Quadrangle, whichl have ahead),
suggested as au addition to it, on the site of the New
Palace-yard ; and in order that due importance and
effect may be given to them, they should not, in my
opinion, be confined by, or form part of, the architectural
arrangement of the design of the interior; but should be
wholly detached from the walls, and be restricted either
to the statues of the men they are designed to comme-
morate, or simply to mural monuments and tablets, with
likenesses of the deceased in the form of busts or me-
dallions, with suitable inscriptions ' • BUT ALL ALLEGORY,
and its absurdities, should be carefully avoided."
" Likenesses of the deceased or medallions !" 'Why
not cheap profiles, scissors cut, in black paper?
But here is a wholesale exile pronounced against that
allegory in which, not to remount to antiquity, Michael
Angelo in sculpture as well as painting, Raffaelle and
Rubens in painting particularly, have left such terri-
ble or beautiful, such rich or impressive, ex-
amples. With this flippant condemnation by
Mr. Barry, let us contrast, for a conclusion to the pre-
sent article, the following eloquent passage from a
paper by the accomplished and gifted author of the
"Middle Ages" (Appendix, No. 8. Mr. Hallam s
Letter) :
" Would there not be something ridiculous in covering
the walls of our Houses of Parliament with Caesar or
Caractacus ? that is, if we determine to exclude all
that religion, or mythology, or poetry, or classical history,
would offer, and at the same time are compelled to ex-
clude, by the infelicity of recent times, which prefer
utility to picturesqueness, and choose what is convenient
to themselves, rather than what would look well on a
wall, the most important events, and the most distin-
guished personages of our annals. In a larger view,
that is, if we give full scope to the artist's genius, neither
Caesar nor Caractacus need be set aside."

And what does Mr. Gaily Knight—fresh from his
memorable tour devoted to the pictorial illustration
of a magnificent school of Ecclesiastical architecture
on the Continent—what does he propose among his
"Resolutions ?" (Appendix, No. 9.)
" That if allegorical figures should be 'excluded from
the halls and galleries of the Houses of Parliament, yet
it might not be improper that in the Queen's porch, the
eyes of the Sovereign should first be met by statues em-
blematic of religion, justice, mercy, and fortitude."
With these extracts we shall close our notice of Mr.
Barry's paper.

CITY OF LONDON ASSESSED
TAXES.-COURT OF APPEAL.

Yesterday a general Court of Appeal for the City of
London was held in the Land Tax- room, Guildhall-
buildings, before the Commissioners appointed fur the
execution of the 48th Geo. 111., c. 141, called the
Assessed Taxes Act, for, the purposes of hearing ap-
peals against the first assessment for the sth of April,
1844. Pursuant to the provisions of the above Act,
duplicates of the first assessment of the duties of the
said taxes on the inhabitants of the City of London
and its liberties, was given by the Commissioners to
the collectors appointed to receive the same,'on the
13th of July last.
A number of appeal cases were entered for hearing
in the Court, most of which were disposed of withnut
any material points being elicited during their -he:tr-
ing. Out of the number of appeals which had been
made, in thirty-five cases the applicants were suc-
cessful.

The Court, having disposed of the business of the
day, adjourned.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.
(YESTERDAY.)
MANSION-HOUSE.

A man named John Brown, who was without a
coat, and appeared to hare suffere.l in a conflict, was
brought before Alderman Gibbs, charged with having
committed a daring robbery. The case was made
remarkable by the display of extraordinary spirit and
energy upon the part of a lady, of rather small stature
and delicate appearance.
Mr. Hobler appeared for the prisoner
Mrs. Sarah Elizabeth Bradshaw, wife of Mr. Brad-
shaw, of No. 103, Bishopsgate-street Within, hosier
and glover, stated that, about.ten minutes past eight
o'clock on Tuesday night, a man came into the shop,
dressed in a green shooting-coat and yellow buttons,
and asked to look at some ribbons. Witness showed
him some, and cut off a yard and a half. While she
was engaged in cutting, the prisoner entered, followed
by the shopman, who had been out, and whom sLe
desired to serve him. The moment she saw the pri-
soner she suspected that he was a thief, and she ob-
served his motions. The shopman incautiously placed
upon the counter, near the prisoner, a bundle of hand-
kerchiefs, and the man with the shooting-coat and
yellow buttons at the moment exchanged glances
with the prisoner, who took up some of the handker-
chiefs in the bundle, put his own handkerchief over
them while the shopman's head was turned another
way, gracefully wiped his nose with them, and put
them into his pocicet.—(Laughter.) When I ob-
served that, said the lady, I lifted up the flap of the
counter. I said to him, Don't any of these handker-
chiefs please you, Sir ? No, said he. Then said I,
interrupting him and preventing him from going out,
allow me to look at those you have in your pocket ?
He declared that he had none, and that he was a gen-
tleman, and had a cab waiting for him at the door,
and out he rushed into the street: I ran after and
caught hold of him, and he struck tue ; but I would
not let him go. The fellow with the green coat
seized me by the wrist to disengage me from him,
but I kept my hold, and the prisoner and I were up
and down together three times, he struggling to get
away, and I struggling to hold him. The fellow in
the green coat then kicked me in the hip, and the
prisoner struck me a blow on the neck, and then he
ran off. I followed him along the street, an(' caught
hold of his coat, which gave way, and Vie tails of his
coat remained in my hand. He then escaped from
me, but was soon brought back in custody. He
denied that he was the person accused, but there he
was, with the upper part of his coat on his person, and
the lower part of it in my possession.
James Kinnaly, of Hoxton, bookbinder, stated that
at about a quarter past eight o'clock he was in
Bishopsgate-street, a few yards from the shop of Mrs.
Bradshaw ; that he heard her cry out, and saw her
and the prisoner struggling on the ground ; that the
prisoner ran away, and that he ran after and secured
him, without losing sight of him. The witness
added that the handkerchiefs were picked up near the
London Tavern, where he secured the fellow.

Nicholas Merry stated that he picked up the hand-
kerchiefs at the time.

Mrs. Bradshaw identified four silk handkerchiefs,
by the private mark of the house.
The prisoner here stated that the handkerchief
which covered the others was his property, and he re-
quested the Alderman would cause it to be restored
to him.

It was stated that the handkerchief which the pri-
soner called his was unhemmed, and in all probability
had been stolen by him.
The prisoner very coolly said that it had been
washed two or three times, and nobody but himself
could lay claim to it.

John-Scott, City policeman (626), stated that he
heard_the cry of "Police" near the shop, and saw the
prisoner escape from the grasp of Mrs. Bradshaw. As
the prisoner approached, witness asked him what was
the matter, supposing it was an assault affair, and the
prisoner said " That man struck me—take him for
God sake." Witness said, " What man ?" "That
man in a buff waistcoat," replied the prisoner, and
when witness looked in the direction pointed at, ran off.
Witness followed and apprehended the prisoner.
Mrs.:Bradshaw—A jeweller in the same street was
robbed of property on the same evening, and nodoubt
by this prisoner, assisted by the fellow with the green
coat. He has no doubt that this prisoner was one of
the thieves, but as he has no proof, he does not wish
to come forward.

The prisoner—Now don't say that. Don't say
that things are worse than they really are.
Mrs. Bradshaw—When •he came to the shop he
had a black patch upon his lip, but he tore it off be-
fore he got to the station-house.
Alderman GIBBS committed the prisoner for trial,
and congratulated the lady upon such uncommon
self-possession and courage as she had exhibited
throughout.
The green-coated gentleman will, in all probability,
be very soon in custody.