The Sun.
London, England, 1844-11-29 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY--; MOANING, NOVEMBEn 29 1844.

STATE OF SPAIN.

LITERATURE.
DRAWING-ROO2ll SCRAP-BOOK.
Fisher, London, 1844.
There are not less than thirty-six plates in this
- Annual, many of which are executed in a style and
with a finish far superior to the ordinary run of such
engravings. Among them is a half-length portrait,
engraved by Holl from an original painting by
Carrick, of the great Irish agitator, Daniel O'Connell.
He is represented sitting in an easy chair, in an atti-
tude of deep contemplation, with one hand lightly
pressed against his breast, and the other hanging
carelessly over the arm of the chair. Doubtless Ire-
' land is the subject of his musing, but from the staid
and somewhat pensive expression of his countenance,
we infer that he entertains no very sanguine hope of
carrying a repeal of the union. "My Youth's Best
Friend," which is placed in the title-page, is a very
carefully finished engraving. A young girl, whose
back is turned towards the spectator, is in the act of
embracing her mother—an elderly lady, with a very
sweet and placid expression of countenance. The
attitude of the daughter is full of grace and ease, and
though we cannot see her face, we entertain a firm
conviction that she is exceedingly good-looking. The
flower-vases on the table, the handsome gold mirror
on the wall, the bird-cage hung up to the ceiling, and
the half-opened window through which we get a
glimpse of same of the luxuriant trees in the gardens ;
—these minor details give variety to the picture, and
consequently add to its effect. The " Prince of
Wales and the Princess Royal" are portraits of her
Majesty's two eldest children, which, it seems, have
been painted by Ross, in pursuance of the royal com-
mand. The faces of the children beam with health
and good-humour. " Give an Obolus to Belisarius'
is engraved from an original painting by David. The
picture is by no means deficient in expression, but
there is far too much exaggeration about it. The
countenance of the blind, supplicating Belisarius, in
particular, is full of grimace, when it should have
worn an air of touching, melancholy resignation.
But this is the painter's fault, the engraver has ac-
quitted himself with skill and judgment. The literary
department of the Drawing-Room Scrap Book, which
consists of a variety of prose and verse sketches illus-
trative of the different embellishments, is under the
superintendence of the authoress of the " Women in
England," which is a sufficient guarantee that the
articles are above mediocrity, if they be not emi-
nently distinguished by genius.

THE AMERICAN PAPERS.
At this juncture, when the people of the United
States have just given their decision upon the re-
spective merits of the contending political parties in
that republic by electing Mr. Polk, a summary view
of the results of previous similar elections may be in-
teresting. First, however, we will show the mode of
proceeding laid down for the Presidential electors.
They meet at the capital (Washington), and elect
from their own body a president and secretary, to the
former of whom the Secretary of State delivers three 1

lists of the names of the electors, signed by the Go-
vernor, and sealed with the seal of each State. The
electors then vote by ballot for President and Vice-
President, who must belong to different States. Dis-
tinct lists of the voters for President and Vice-Presi-
dent must be made, with the number for each, which
must afterwards be signed, certified, and delivered to
a messenger appointed to deliver the same to the Pre-
sident of the Senate, at the seat of Government. The
compensation of the electors is the same as allowed to
the Members of the Legislature for travelling the
same distance, and attending the same length of time.
In case of no choice being effected by the electors (the
number necessary to elect is 275), as instanced in the
election of 1824, the House of Representatives (we
believe) gives the decision. The following view of
the results of former Presidential elections shows the
votes given for each candidate from 1796 to the elec-
tion of 1840. 'Washington was unanimously chosen
the first President, and was inducted into office on
the 30th of April, 1789, and he continued in for
eight years. For the third Presidential term the
votes were as follows :

1796.
For President. For Vice-President.
John Adams received 71 1 T. Pinckney received . 58
Thomas Jefferson ... 681 Aaron Burr ... ... 50

30th of May, and he might add to the 6th of September
again. The eyes of Europe were rivetted upon it.
Every man in every nation of Europe read the British
newspapers to try and collect What erirliinal act they had
been guilty of—to learn who they had stabbed, who
they had trampled under foot ; what person they had
injured, whose land they had tresspassed upon—in a
word, whether it was forgery or robbery, or burglary,
or phlebotomy, or what they had been guilty
(Laughter.) But if they were now to ask Mr. T. B. C.
Smith himself--could they get him for a moment in
good humour, which he was told was very difficult—
(lkar, hear)—" Lie so good as put down in fifteen lines
what crimes you have accused those persons of," he could
not do so. Ho talked of a deep and foul conspiracy—
of the deepest conspiracy that ever was hatched ; but
where was the bird or where was the egg? It was to
be fund in his (Mr. Smith's) imagination, but now hale
else.—(Hear, hear.) Oh, what a hurry was that jury in
in finding them guilty.—(hear, hear.) But little had
been as yet said of the exertions of their counsel be-
fore the House of Lords. He felt a stain of ingrati-
tude upon him for not having sooner poured forth his
weed of national thankfulness to their counsel. The
first of these was Sir Thomas Wilde, who was at the
very head of his profession.—(Hear, hear.) Everything
that human intellect could do had been effected for them
by Sir Thomas Wilde, and his memory would ever live
in the grateful recollections of the Irish nation.—(Loud
cheers.) The next gentleman to whom he would refer
was Mr. Hill, who, he believed, was Recorder of Bir-
mingham, and had been known as Mr. Hill, of Hull.
His argument was most powerful, and he had been fol-
lowed by Mr. Peacock, whom he had not known before,
but who made his fortune by the admirable manner in
which he had acquitted himself, as the occasion enabled
him to exhibit his great faculties in the full noon-tide of
public notice. The gentleman who, after Sir Thomas
Wilde, he was most anxious to have engaged for him
was Mr. Kelly, the Member for Cambridge. He had
at the very first stated, " If we are to go before the
House of Lords, retain for me Mr. Kelly." He had the
last word on their side, and much indeed of their success
was to be attributed to his masterly address.—(Hear,
hear.) Lord John Russell declared in tho House of
Commons, that they had not bad a fair trial. Some
persons say that the Whigs were as bad as the Tories.
They were bad enough, Heaven knows, and he would be
as sorry to see them remain in power as that the Tories
should continue longer there. They should guard against
them more cautiously than against the Tories, for
the latter were their open foes ; but still he made this
distinction between both parties, that whenever the
Whigs were right he was for them ; but as to the Tories,
he never knew them to be right yet.—(Laughter.) Lord
John Russell, the leader of the Whig party, pledged his
high character—and it was a high one--eat they had
not had a fair trial ; but what did Peel do ? Before the
session broke up, he had the unparalleled audacity—the
indescribable impudence—to nssert that they had a fair
trial.—(Hear, hear.) As for the Whig press, it had done
more to injure the Whig party in this country than it
probably imagined, and he hurled at it his most con-
temptuous defiance—(Cheers)—whether as regarded the
eo:emn impudence of the Morning Chronicle when talking
of the Irish looking for repeal, or the slanderous mum-
mery of the Examiner, or that of the paltry Globe, Lord
Palmerston's paper, which also indulged in insolence and
derision towards the people of Ireland. Let them argue
the question if they pleased, but let them know that there
was nothing so unsafe as to ins At an entire people. and
to turn their just aspirations f& freedom into unholy
ridicule.—(Hear, hear.) He wanted to know what re-
tribution would be made to him and his fellow-pri-
soners for their one hundred days' incarceration.-
-(Hear, hear.) He had endeavoured to procure an
inquiry, at least, into that matter. He would also probe
the disposition of England on the subject. They had
been often told that the people of England wished them
well, and that it was the Government only that injured
them. He would test that delaration now. He wanted
the Association well and deliberately to consider what
steps they should take under existing circumstances.
Since his trial and liberation advances had been made
towards him from many quarters—from men of great in-
fluence and large property, who talked of joining them
for a repeal of the Union Statute upon what was called
the federal plan. He inquired what that plan was, but
nobody could tell him. However, as they showed a dis-
position to join for Ireland, he was bound to meet that
disposition in the spirit of conciliation, otherwise why
should he have built a Conciliation Hall ?—(Hear, hear.)
His anxious wish was to conciliate Irishmen of every
class and persuasion. Every man who would join
Ireland was his sworn brother.—(Cheers.) Federalism
should be an open question ; although he confessed that
he did not think that question ought to commence until
such time as Ireland should have her Parliament ; be-
cause until then she would not be on a footing with Eng-
land, or in a position to make her own terms. He had
conjectured that there might be something preferable in
federalism, if carried far enough. But he had bound him-
self to no plan, and yet a cry had been raised against
him by some young gentlemen (alluding to the Young
Ireland party), who thought themselves fitter leaders
than he was, but who, instead of reading his letter, and
discovering their mistake as to his opinions about fede-
ralism, made the mistake, and did not read his letter at
all.—(Laughter.) These gentlemen were urged on in
their declamation against him:by those violent oppo-
nents of repeal who conducted the Tory press, and who
accused him of compromising that question, because of
his letter on the subject of federalism, and of his en-
deavours to induce those who professed to be federalists
to join for repeal. Even the press of Louis Philippe took
it up ; so did the National, the newspaper of Odillon
Berrot, whom the repealers of Ireland had treated
with some courtesy, and more contempt when he
offered to join them.—(A laugh.) In the first place,
they were friends to monarchical government, and in the
next they were Christians, Protestants, and Catholics,
two great offences in the eye of the National. He
heard of a gentleman being so violent a disbeliever that
it was thought unsafe to bin his company. A friend
of his (Mr. O'Connell's), however, meeting him on one
occasion at a dinner party, at which he maintained his
atheistical doctrine with great violence, turned to him
and said, " I assure you I do not mean you any personal
offence, but I must aver that I really do believe in a
God." So, without meaning the National any personal
offence, ho must inform that journal that the repealers
were really Christians.—(Laughter.) From the Con-
stitutionnel tbey had nothing to tear. Thiers was out of
power, and not likely to get in again. In his history he
gave an account of the massacre of the 2d, 3d, and 4th
of September, 1792, when 15 bishops' and archbishops,
and nearly 300 priests, were massacred in the streets of
Paris ; but he related the event with all the gentle flip-
pancy of an ordinary occurrence, instead of its being
one of the most horrid and horrifying scenes of blood
that were ever perpetrated. Aye, and if he had it in
his power be would have the massacre of September
enacted over again, he (Mr. O'Connell) had no doubt,
from the report which he published on the education
question. Next came Louis Philippe's paper, the
Journal des Debats, which contained most terrible arti-
cles against him (Mr. O'Connell) for abandoning repeal.
It called upon him not to imagine for a moment that, if
there was a war with England, Ireland would get assist-
ance from France, for that France was too honourable to
take such an advantage of England. For Heaven's sake,
don't talk of such a thing ! cried the Debats.—(Laugh-
ter.) Why, he hurled defiance—and he spoke the senti-
ment with the most utter contempt—he hurled defiance
to Louis Philippe and his newspaper, and could tell him
that he would not accept a repeal of the union at the
hands of France.—(Cheers.) He could not forget their
immorality and their want of religion, and he detested
their base submission to each a crafty and miserable
usurper as Louis Philippe. Repeal or no repeal, the
Irish people held him and them in the utmost abhor-
rence. He was a swindler of power—power got by the
blood of the people who deposed a King because he was
oppressing them. Louis Philippe took no part in the
fight, but he took all the prize money.—(Hear, and a
laugh.) Having reached the throne, he pledged himself
by his charter to the freedom of the press, to education,
to religion, and to the maintenance of trial by jury ;
and how had he acted ? He had enslaved the press,
by introducing laws which were more stringent than
any that ever marked the oppression of the press
in England. He had mutilated trial by jury, and
made it a crime to publish the names of the jurors. The
man who promised that trial by jury should be main-
tained was the very man who had trampled on it, and
rendered it a delusion, a mockery, and a snare. Edu-
cation was to be free, and he was now scheming to give
it into the hands of infidelity. Ho (Mr. O'Connell)
would tell the Debuts and its master that he cared little
for either, and that he would consider religion tarnished
if they were the means of producing it even for the
country he loved best in the world.—(Cheers.) To illus-
trate what these Frenchmen were he would tell them a
story which he had from Lord Monteagle. Carnot, when
one of the Directory, had formed a plan, with his usual
consummate genius, for the invasion of England and
Ireland, and with a view to securing the adoption of it
by the Directory, had communicated it to only two of
the other members of it. Within a fortnight after it was
laid before them, the paper was in the hands of the Bri-
tish Minister.—(Cheers and groans.) Just such fellows
were those newspaper men. They were not rascals for
nothing, and they were brothers in nature to the rascals
who sold Carnot to the British Minister.—(Cheers.)
Having paid a tribute to Dr. Maunsell's fairness, in
freeing him (Mr. O'Connell) of tergiversation on the
federal question, he declared, that any one who
took the trouble of reading his letter must
admit that he never had conceded one particle of
Ireland's rights.—(Cheers.) The Examiner said so—
Tait said so. Every man who read it would see that he
was incapable of giving up for one moment one particle
of Irish rights.—(Cheers.) He would give his heart's
blood, his existence, everything on earth, but her rights.
—(Cheers.) What have the enemies of repeal done by
that charge ? They had redoubled his zeal and his

anxiety to promote repeal, and repeal alone.—(Cheers.)
He would tell them a secret. Federalism (exclaimed the
Hon. Gentleman, snapping his fingers) is not worth that.
—(Roars of laughter.) He wished it no harm ; they
might go on with their talking and meetings. Much
good might it do them.—(Cheers and laughter.) He had
great respect for them, and wished them well, but they
were none of his children.—(Cheers and laughter.) Mr.
O'Connell then proceeded to comment upon Mr. S. Craw-
ford's letter on federalism, and followed up the line of
argument and stricture which he took in his recent reply
to that gentleman's letter. He denied that ho would

make a bear garden of the Irish House of Commons. He

would be too good humoured to quarrel with any one.
The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then proceeded to
refer to the mode by which the union had been effected,
and said that he would follow that subject still further
at their next meeting, when he would bare occasion to
address diem at even greater length than he had done on
that day, when he intended to enter into the following
propositions in detail :
" 1. That the union was not a contract, or bargain,
between the two countries, but was forced on the Irish
ciththeul
efomogestt
disastrousfraud. rhealuifinedionfoprrende and
el
nation
2. byah
autu
re-
sults to Ireland.