The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-02 00:00:00

Peninsula. It was stipulated, under the same treaty, i THE
that thereafter no British settlement should be formed
in the island of Sumatra—no treaty be concluded with
any of the native chiefs by British authority—no
establishment be made on the Caremons, on the
islands of Bantam, Bintang, Lingan (by name),
any other islands south of the straits of Singapore, _
—no treaty be concluded, by British authority, with
any of their chiefs respectively. Again—his Bri-
tannic Majesty, on the one hand, withdrawing the
objections which had been taken on our part to the
occupation of Billiton and its dependencies by the
agents of the Netherlands' Government, the King of
Holland on the other, withdrew the objections which
h.id been taken to the occupation of Singapore by
British subjects, and engaged for himself and subjects,
" never to form any establishment on any part of the
peni.isula of Malacca, or to conclude any treat✓ with
any native prince, chief, or State therein."
(This stipulation is the more notable, inasmuch as it
is that the spirit and terms of which have been most
directly violated by the Dutch authorities, to accom-
plish indirectly the of which is thus stated and
disavowed.)
The first article provided that the subjects of the
two nations should be admitted to trade with their
respective possessions in the Eastern Archipelago, on
the continent of India, and in Ceylon, on the footing
of the most favoured nations. And by the second,
that the subjects and vessels of one nation shall not
pay on importation or exportation, at the ports of the
other on the eastern seas, any duty at a rate beyond
double that at which the subjects and vessels of the
nation to which the port belongs are charged. That,
as to any article on which no duty is imposed when
imported or exported by subjects or in vessels of the
nation to which the port belongs, the duty charged
on subjects or vessels of the other shall, in no case,
exceed six per cent. Other articles provided that no-
thing should be done to impede a free communication
of natives of the Eastern Archipelago with the ports
cf the two Governments respectively.
Second—Let us now see how these conditions have
been fulfilled on the part of the Dutch. It is needless
to inquire in what way they have been discharged by
ourselves, for no pretence of complaint has been ever
set up by the Dutch ; and, in these cases, they are
never the last to discover themselves aggrieved.
They retained possession of Rhio, in Bintang, al-
though affecting to consider it, under their own Go-
vernment, a dependency of Dutch Malacca, and
therefore covenanted to be given up to us. They
have—in disregard of previously existing relations of
amity which the British Government had established
with all the States on both sides of the Peninsula,
and of treaties of commerce which they had concluded
with all the chiefs of the western coast—forced some
of these native Powers to renew obsolete treaties which
had been entered into with the Dutch thirty years
back, and therefore have set up heavy claims under their
provisions. They have thus, too, strengthened the
machinery they have set in motion for subjugating
all Sumatra. They have annihilated the independence
of Acheen, which, in 1824, they thus pledged them-
selves, by treaty, to maintain. They have established
settlements both in Acheen and Siack, in contraven-
tion of modern existing treaties of those States with
the British Government, in which the former volun-
tarily undertook that no other nation but the latter
should be permitted to do so. They have totally
contravened the provisions of Articles 1,2, and 4
of the treaty, in many ways. By a proclathation of
the Government of the Netherlands' India (dated
Feb. 14, 1824), it had been among other things de-
creed that all cotton and woollen goods manufactured
in foreign countries to the west of the Cape of Good
Hope, whether imported in foreign or Netherlands'
bottoms, should, thereafter, pay a duty of 35 per cent.
when imported from any of the foreign settlements
to the eastward of the Cape. Such duty was, ac-
cordingly (though clearly illegal after the treaty of
March, 1824) levied on all cottons and woollens,
British manufactured, imported from Singapore into
any of the Netherlands' possessions, till the beginning
of 1334, when it was increased to a duty of 70 per
cent. ! The same Government passed a resolution,
dated November 14, 1834, effectually prohi-
biting the importation of British cottons and
woollens from Singapore into any of the
Netherlands' dependencies in the Archipelago, saving
only the ports of Batavia, Samarang, or Sourabaya,
in the island of Java, inasmuch as it declared that
they should not be allowed to be imported at all, unless
accompanied with a certificate from the Comptroller
of Customs at one qf those ports, that such goods
had been imported there and re-exported thence.
By this proceeding British cotton and woollen
manufactures have been totally excluded from
ALL ports in the islands of Sumatra, Banca,
Borneo, and Celebes. Again, the treaty of March,
182.4, expressly prohibiting interference with inde-
pendent native States by either party : the Dutch have
notoriously and unblushingly employed the influence
acquired by their possession of Macassar in Celebes,
" to extend their influence by force and intrigue, to
prevent the Bugis from carrying on their trade with
Singapore, to the great injury of our commerce."
This is a brief recapitulation of some particulars in
which the Dutch authorities have not merely in-
inged upon, but outraged the treaty of 1824 between
the two Governments. These facts, which are not
open to controversy, are extracted from the Asiatic
Journal, from the Pulo-Penang papers, Lieutenant
NEWBOLD'S "Account of the British Settlements in
the Straits of Malacca," private letters from Penang
and Singapore, " the Petition of Merchants and In-
habitants of Singapore to the King in Council"
(1837), and very many other documents and parties
of equal authority and standing. Tempted as we are
to pursue this subject much further, and to illustrate
(as we can easily do) still more forcibly the rapacity
and bad faith of the Netherlands' Government
throughout the whole of these transactions, we are
willing, on this brief " outline," to appeal to the
public for a confirmation of our own strong impres-
sion—"that that remedy which our Governments,
and even our Legislature, has. so long withheld from
these grievous dishonours to the British name and
injuries to British Commerce--notwithstanding all
the remonstrances, warnings, and memorials addressed
to them, year after year, and session after session,
by those, whose adoption of the facts must have suf-
ficiently guaranteed tl% perfect accuracy of the case
thus stated—ought not to be postponed one day after
the re-assembling of Parliament in February next,
beyond that at which the forms of the two Houses
will permit it to be organised and promulgated.

MAGAZ

ON i IN UED.)

tangled by the hind-legs, and could not relieve him-
self. At breakfast, I mentioned the circumstance of
Maida's distress. ' And did you relieve him ?'—' I
did not think it at all safe, as he holds me at a grudge.'
' Good heavens!' exclaimed Sir Walter the poor
brute's legs may be broken.'—' Do not be alarmed ;
I sent Tam Purdic to his relief.' And soon after the
dog made his appearance, much fatigued, and the skin
peeled from his hind legs."

FRASER'S MAGAZINE.
Fraser is certainly not among " the shining
ones"—ns John Bunyan would say—this month.
There are one or two clever papers in the Num-
ber before us, but the majority of them do not
rise above mediocrity, and the utmost we can
say in their praise is, that they do riot sink be-
low it. We miss that pleasant gossip about
English poets and poetry which used to be so
frequent in the Magazine a few months ago,
and whose place is ill supplied by the lucu-
brations of a writer who signs' himself
" One who has a Good Memory." This
gentleman's biographical sketch of the Queen,
which, in consideration of the subject,
takes preeedence of all the other articles in the
present Number, is a very wishy-washy affair,
fruitful of solemn . twaddle, and of anecdotes
which, even if true, were scarcely worth re-
lating. The close of the memoirs is exceedingly
rich. After describing her Majesty's appear-
ance on her return to Buckingham Palace, when
she had prorogued the last session of Parlia-
ment, and telling us what was passing in her
mind at the time—how she reflected with
delight that she had expressed herself
strongly in favour of the union between England
and Ireland ; bad announced her intention to
maintain the integrity of the Constitution unim-
paired ; to put down faction, and, in short, do
everything that a Sdvereign should do ;—after
assuring us that such were the varied reflections
that passed through the Royal mind, the writer
proceeds to observe, " the Queen looked all
t his !"—a most wonderful and comprehensive look,
which reminds us of Lord Burleigh's equally
comprehensive shake of the head, whereby
be intended it to be implied that he was
labouring with philosophic and statesman-
like thoughts too deep for utterance ! If a
gentleman must write nonsense, let bins at
least forbear from making Majesty the theme of
his twaddle. The Luck of Barry Lyndon" is a
paper of a far different order, in point of merit.
It is a smart—animated—rapid narrative, which
flows easily and uninterruptedly on, and ex-
hibits much of_ that breadth of humour, which
formed so prominent a feature in the periodical
contributions of the late Dr. Magian. The
sketches of Irish character show that the
author—Michael Angelo Titmarsh—had all
his wits about him during his late excur-
sions in the sister-country. " Scenes from the
March to Moscow," describe the gradual advance
of Napoleon's immense army, after leaving the
shores of the Niemen. According to the writer,
a Prussian Hussar it must have been a sad scene
of confusion and discomfort even from the com-
mencement of the march, for the commissariat
had been wholly neglected, and the enormous
masses of troops were in a great measure left to
shift for themselves. We quote from a brief
memoir of " Kate Kearney,' the following an-
ecdote, which originated the well-known Irish
proverb—" as old as Kate Kearney :"--
" But Kate Kearney, the charmer of Killarney, is
known to us only by report of her youthful beauty.
The Kate Kearney, whose longevity has passed into
a proverb, was a native of Wexford, and is, or ought
to be, an historical personage. In the year 1649,
Cromwell, reeking from the slaughter committed at
the storming of Tredah, appeared before Wexford,
and commenced the siege. The garrison made some
slight defence, but shortly held a parley, to treat for
terms of capitulation. During the parley the gar•
rison neglected their guards, as some write, or, as
others aver, the guards were drawn offby the
treachery of Stafford, the governor. Cromwell's
troops rushed into the town, and following the com-
mand of their stern General, to give no quarter, com-
menced a furious and indiscriminate butchery. The
young, the old, the woman, the infant, the armed, the
defenceless, all fell victims in the carnage. Cromwell
rode slowly and triumphantly up the principal street,
unmoved by the yells and screams, and the rivers of
blood and mangled carcasses, that met his ears and

" or

DUBLIN UNIVERSITY MAGAZINE.
This Magazine is one of the most carefully
conducted of the Monthly tribe) and usually
'
contains one or more articles of more than ordi-
nary interest. We have here not less than three,
which are well worthy the reader's attention.
The first is a glowing sketch of the gatherings of
the Marshals and Generals of France at Bona-
parte's private residence in Paris, just previous
to the memorable movement which gained him
the Consulate ; the second is an account of Egypt
and its capital, Cairo, with incidental notices of
the memorable battles of the -Nile and Alex-
andria ; and the third, the most entertaining of
all, is a copious memoir of the late Dr. Maginn,
evidently from the pen .of one who knew him
well. The portrait of the Doctor, which is pre-
fixed to the biographical sketch, is a good likeness,
and the estimate of his versatile talents, is, in
the main, just, though here and there if is rather
too highly coloured by the partiality of friend-
ship. The following tribute to Dr. Maginn's
extraordinary powers may, perhaps, interest our
readers :

" I sat, on last Friday, two hours with Doctor
Maginn in his bed-room. The Doctor has been
raking, I believe, since his family went to France;
he was quite ill when I saw him. However, he ma-
naged to write a leader for the Arzus newspaper, in
his shirt, and that completed, he jumped into bed, and
we had a long talk. The more J see of him, the
more I admire his talent. He is really a splendid
fellow. He knows every thing. He will teach you
as much in one hour as the best book will in ten.
His conversation is the most extraordinary thing pos-
sible. He jumbles together fun, philosophy, and
and polemics ; and in these (so incongruous) he is
pre-eminent. At first you would say that he spent
all his life reading jest-books; but then there is such
admirable philosophy and common-sense in his
reflections, that you get rid of your first notion as
quickly as possible. But just as you are on the
point of averring that this man reads nothing but
works of thought and reasoning, you are forced to
gulp down the exclamation, for he jumps into theology,
and will argue on it like a bishop. Then you declare
that he has studied nothing but polemics all his life.
Such a man is Maginn. He is a ruin, but a glorious
ruin, nevertheless. He takes no care of himself.
Could he be induced to do so, he would be the first
man of the day in literature, or any thing else. But
he lives a rollicking life; and will write you one of
his ablest articles while standing in his shirt, or
sipping brandy—so naturally do the best and wittiest
thoughts flow from his pen. His reading is immense ;
his memory powerful,, and his knowledge of the
world is perhaps equal to that of any man that ever
lived. In fact, I say he knows every thing, and so he
does. We talked about a war in France, about which
all the John and Jenny Bulls are getting anxious.
The Doctor asserted stoutly that there would be
none, and quoted Lord Brougham, who said, in allu-
sion to the national debt, that England was bound in '
eight hundred millions to keep the peace."

UNITED SERVICE JOURNAL.
An instructive article on the subject of
"Slavery in Sinde," which we find in the present
Number of this periodical, represents the slave-
system as being by no means so revolting to
humanity as it is in the southern States of
America. " The negroes," says Captain Hart,
" are always taken care of during their voyage
to India from their native country; and when
purchased, are, in the majority of instances,
treated with kindness and thrbearance, and be-
come, inconsequence, warmly attached to their
purchasers." This is certainly a redeeming point
in the Sinde slave-system ; nevertheless, we ex-
claim with Sterne, " Disguise it as thou wilt,
slavery, still thou art a bitter draught." A
" Voice from Cafferland" is a condensed abstract
of the political history of the colony of the Cape
of Good Hope, from the year 1805 down to the
present day..

eyes. As he advanced he came to an isolated group
of dead. There lay an old man weltering in his
blood, and the corpses of several young men heaped
around him. A girl, respectably dressed, and appa-
rently about seventeen years of age, hung over the
bleeding bodies, wringing her hands in an agony too
deep for words or tears. But she started up at the
near tramp of the war-horse ; and, snatching with a
frantic grasp at the bridle, she stopped the animal,
and glared upon his rider. Her hair was flung back
from her forehead, and fell dishevelled on her shoul-
ders ; her brow and hands were stained with blood,

CHURCH OF ENGLAND QUARTERLY
REVIEW.
As we seldom meddle with purely religious
questions, and this Review is almost exclusively
devoted to the consideration of such perplexing
themes, we shall be as brief as possible in our
notice, and content ourselves with observing
that the Number now lying before us contains,
among other articles, a clever essay on the
"Present Condition and Prospects of the Clergy."

her eyes were wild, and her cheeks deadly pale. She
presented such a ghastly appearance, that even Crom-
well's iron heart quailed for a moment. In the
name of God,' she addressed him, in a voice hoarse

from emotion,—' In the name of God, have you not
had blood enough ? Look ! there lie my father, my
brothers, my betrothed husband,—all that belonged
to me ; Does not this satisfy you ? have you not
had blood enough? How will you answer to a mer-
ciful Creator for what you have already shed ?' Crom-
well uttered not a word, but disengaged his bridle
from her grasp, and rode on. Yet the appearance
and the words of Kate Kearney had awed him, and
he gave immediate orders to stop the carnage : a rem-
nant was saved, a miserable remnant indeed ; but
Wexford was happier in this respect than Treciab,
from which but one solitary individual escaped with
life from the swords of Cromvvell's fanatical soldiers.
Kate Kearney survived the siege of Wexford, and the
slaughter of all near and dear to her, for upwards of
a century."

BRITISH MAGAZINE.
Another exclusively religious publication, in
which matters of interest
,chiefly to the clergy
are discussed at some length. The Monthly
Register of Ecclesiastical Information is a useful
feature in the Magazine.

SPORTING REVIEW.
There are here two engravings—one repre-
senting greyhounds in full ptitsuit of a hare,
whose eye expresses terror in its utmost intensity';
and the other, a gathering of fox-hounds, just
previous, we presume; to the chase. The back-
ground in this last plate is very pleasing and
picturesque. The literary contents are of the
usual quality.
SThIM'

AI. .OND'S COLONIAL MAGAZINE.
The best article in this Number is the one on
,le subject of our Colonies, is which occurs a
mief, condensed, and useful tiecount of New
Holland and Van Diemen's Land: The " Navies
of the World" evinces no little statistical resweli;

'
F
An intelligent Magazilie, addressed for the,
most part, to farmers and agriculturists, and em-
bellished this month with two plates ofcelebratcd
race-horses.

LONDON REPERTGRY.
Contains a succinct, and apparently correct,
account of all the most recent patents that have
been granted for improvements in mechanics,
manufactures, &c. The periodical, as may be
surmised, from this brief reference to it, is wholly
of a practical character.

PRIVATE TREATRICALS.
The first representation at Woburn Abbey took place
on Thursday evening, with the burlesque opera of Boni-
bastes Furioso. For further details of the performances
we refer our readers to the following play-bill, which
eras printed for the occasion :
" WOBURN ABBEY THEATRE.
Thursday, December 28, 1843.—This evening will be
performed the burlesque tragic opera of
Bombustes Furioso.
Artaxeminous (King of Utopia)—Mr. Geo. Jr. C. Byng.
Fusbos (Minister of State)—The Earl of Chesterfield,
(his first appearance on these boards).
General Bombastes—Lord Charles Russell.
Distaffina—Viscount Anson (his first appearance on any
stage.)
Attendants, Courtiers, and Brave Army by several noble,
and distinguished Amateurs.
Vivat Regina.
Doors open at half-past eight ; performance to begin at
nine precisely."
A very crowded and distinguished audience were pre-
sent, including—besides the noble host and hostess—
Lord and Lady John Russell, Lord and Lady Emlyn,
Lord William Russell, Mr. and Lady Georgians Itomilly,
Mr. and Lady Caroline Sanford, Mr. Blake, Colonel
Cavendish, Mr. and Lady Agnes Byng, &c.
An epilogue, very kindly contributed for the Occasion
by Lady John Russell, was very well delivered by the
eldest son of the Hon. G. S. Byng, who performed very
cleverly the part of Artaxomineus in the opera.

THE MILITARY AND THE RAILWAYS.---AD order
has just been issued from the War-office, intimating that
arrangements have been entered into by the Government
with the London and Birmingham, Great Western,
Brighton, Dover, Grand Junction, North Midland, Mid-
land Counties, Northern and Eastern, Eastern Counties,
Birmingham and Derby, Manchester and Birmingham,
Birmingham and Gloucester, Manchester and Leeds,
York and North Midland, Lancaster and Preston,
Newcastle and Carlisle, and Great North of Eng_
land Railway Companies, for the conveyance of the
horses of field and staff officers and infantry, When
pro-
ceeding by route, with regiments and detachments on
railways, and likewise for the conveyance of sick horses
of cavalry regiments. The rates of conveyance are fixed
as follows:—For any distance not exceeding fifty miles,
4d. per mile for each horse; for beyond fifty and not ex-
ceeding one hundred miles, aid.; and exceeding one
hundred miles, 3d. The route, or order of the command-
ing officer of the regiment or detachment is to be pro-
duced at the railway station, as the authority for the
conveyance of the horses, and the written appointment
of the principal veterinary surgeon, in regard to the sick
horses, is to be annexed to the charge in the public ac-
count for such conveyance. The regulation will have
effect from the commencement of this year.
HINTS FOIL DRAMATIC AUVIORS.—Prune off
shoots of the French stage, and transplant Vaudevilles
against the season. Dig up old plots, and nail mana-
gers. Drill supers, plait friends in pit, and train slips
to applaud.--Punch's Almanac,4.
BRITISH MUSEUM.—The number of visitors to this
national establishment in the whole of last year (1843)
was 517,375. This was a falling off from the previous
year (1842), when they were 547,718. In 1839 the
numbers were 280,850; in 1840, 247,929; and in 1841,
319,374. The number of visitors during the late holi-
day week was 41,151, being, on Tuesday, 18,377; Wed-
nesday, 13,281 ; Thursday, 1,683 ; and Friday, 7,810.
The useum was closed yesterday, and will remain so
during the whole 9f the present week.

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY El ENING, JANUARY 2, 1

CANADIAN POLITICS.
The following is Mr. Lafontaine's note to Sir Charles
Metcalfe, relative to the resignation of the late Cabinet:
".Mr. Lafontaine, in compliance with the request of
the Governor-General, and in behalf of himself and his
late colleagues, who have feit it to be their duty to tender
their resignation of office, states, for his Excellency's
information, the substance of the information which they
propose to offer in their places in Parliament.
" They have avowedly taken office upon the principle
of responsibility to the representatives of the people in
Parliament, and with a full recognition on their parts
of the following resolutions introduced into the Legisla-
tive Assembly, with the knowledge and sanction of her
Majesty's representative in the province, on the 3d of
September, 1841:
" • That the head of the Executive Government of the
province, being within the limits of his government, the
representative of the Sovereign is responsible to the
Imperial authority alone, but that nevertheless the ma-
nagement of our local affairs can only be conducted by
him by and with the assistance, counsel, and informa-
-1 don of sub Ordinate officers in the province; and that, in
order to preserve between the different branches of the
provincial Parliament that harmony which is essential to
the peace, welfare, and good government of the province,
the chief advisers of the representative of the Sovereign,
constituting a provincial administration under him,
ought to be men possessed of the confidence of the re-
presentatives of the people; thus affording a guarantee
that the well understood wishes and interests of the peo-
ple, which our gracious Sovereign has declared shall be
the rule i f the provincial Government, will on all occa-
sions be faithfully represented and advocated.'
." They have lately understood that his Excellency
took a. widely different view of the position, duties, and
responsibilities of the Executive Council from that under
which they accepted office, and through which they hare
been enabled to conduct the parliamentary business of
the Government, sustained, by a large majority of the
popular branch of the Legislature.
"had the difference of opinion between his Excel-
lency and themselves, and, as they have reason to be-
lieve, between his Excellency and the Parliament and
the people of Canada generally, been merely theoretical,
the members of the late Executive Council might and
Would have felt it to be their duty to avoid every possi-
bility of collision which might have a tendency to dis-
turb the tranquil and amicable relations which apparently
subsisted between the Executive Government and the
Drovincial Parliaments ; but that difference of opinion
has led not merely to appointments to office against their
advice, but to appointments and proposals to make ap-
pointments, of which they were not informed in any
manner until all opportunity of offering advice respect-
ing them had passed by, and to a determination on the
part of his Excellency to reserve for the expression of
her. Majesty's pleasure thereon, a Bill introduced into
the provincial Parliament, with his Excellency's know-
ledge and consent, as a Government measure, without
an opportunity being given to the members of the Exe-
cutive Council to state the probability of such a reserva-
tion. They, therefore, felt themselves in the anomalous
position of being, according to their own avowals and
solemn public pledges, responsible for all the acts of the
Executive Government to Parliament, and at the same
time not only without the opportunity of offering advice
respecting those acts, but without the knowledge of their
existencejiptil informed of them from private and un-
officiarstatKes.
" When the members of the late Executive Council
offered their humble remonstrance to his Excellency on
this condition of public affairs, his Excellency not only
frankly explained the difference of opinion existing be-
tween him and the Council, but stated that from the time
of his arrival in the country he had observed an antagon-
ism between him and them on the subject, and, notwith-
standing that the members of the Council repeatedly and
distinctly explained to his Excellency that they considered
him free to act contrary to their advice, and only claimed
an: opportunity of giving such advice, -and of knowing
before others his Excellency's intentions, his Excellency
did not in any manner remove the impression left upon
their minds, by his avowal that there was an antagonism
between him and them, and a want of that cordiality and
confidence which would enable them in their respective
stations to carry on public business to the satisfaction of
his Excellency or of the country. The want of this cor-
diality and confidence had already become a matter of
public rumour, and public opinion not only extended it
to acts upon which there were apparent grounds for dif-
ference of opinion, but to all measures of Government
involving political principles. His Excellency, on the one
hand, was supposed to be coerced by his Council into a
course of policy which he did not approve of, and the
Council were made liable to the accusation of assuming
the tone and position of responsible advisers of the Go-
vernment, without, in fact, asserting the right of being
consulted thereupon.
" While his Excellency disclaimed any intentions of
altering the course of administration of public affairs
which he found on his arrival in Canada, he did not dis-
guise his opinion, that those affairs would be more satis-
factorily managed by and through the Governor himself
without any necessity of concord amongst the members
of the Executive Council, or obligation on their part to
defend or 'support in 'Parliament the acts of the Govern-
ment. To this opinion of his Excellency, as one of
theory, the members of the Executive Council might not
have objected, but when on Saturday last they discovered
that it was the real ground of all their differences with
his Excellency, and of the want of confidence and cor-
diality between his Excellency and the Council since his
arrival, they felt it impossible to continue to serve her
Majesty as executive councillors for the affairs of this
province, consistently with their duty to her Majesty or
to hiellxeelleney, or with their public and oft-repeated
pledges In the provincial Parliament, if his Excellency
should see fit to act upon his opinion of their functions
and
" Daly's Hotel, Nov. 27, 1843."
To this his Excellency replied :
" The Governor observes with regret, in the explana-
tion which the gentlemen who have resigned their seats
in the Executive Council propose to offer in their places
in Parliament, a total omission of the circumstances
which he regards as forming the real grounds of their
resignation ; and as this omission may have proceeded
froth their ribt considering themselves at liberty to dis-
'close those 'circumstances, it becomes necessary that he
should state them.
" On Friday Mr. Lafontaine and Mr. Baldwin came to
the Government-house, and, after some other matters of
business and some preliminary remarks as to the cause
of their proceeding, demanded of the Governor. General
that he should agree to make no appointment;
and no offer of an appointment, without pre-
viously taking the advice of the Council; that the
lists of candidates should in every instance be laid before
the Council ; that they should recommend Any others at
eliscreioNsiind thlietbe overnor--Genireel in .deciding,
Orteet4l4singeitieir advice, should not tilake,ane' appoint
s.irJdieial to their influence. In other words, that
'the patronage of the Crown should be surrendered to the
Council for the purchase of Parliamentary support ;
for, if the demand did not mean that it meant nothing,
as it cannot be imagined that the mere form of taking
advice without regarding it was the process contem-
plated.

" The Governor-General replied, that he would not
make any such stipulation, and could not degrade the
character of his office nor violate his duty by such a sur-
render of the. prerogative of the Crown.
" He appealed to the number of appointments made
by him on the recommendation of the Council, or to tie
members of it in their departmental capacity, and to in-
stances in which he had abstained from conferring ap-
pointments on their opponents, as furnishing proofs of
the great consideration which he had evinced towards
the Council, in the distribution of the patronage of the
Crown.

" He at the same time objected, as he always had dare,
to the exclusive distribution of patronage with party
views, and maintained the principle that office ought, in
every instance, to be given to the man best qualified to
render efficient service to the State, and where there was
no such pre-eminence he asserted his right to exercise
his discretion.
" He understood from Messrs. Lafontaine and Baldwin
that their continuance in office depended on his final de-
cision with regard to their demand; and it was agreed
that at the Council to be assembled the next day the
subject should be fully discussed.
" lie accordingly met the Council on Saturday, con-
vinced that they would resign, as he could not recede
from the resolution which he had formed, and the same
subject became the principal topic of discussion.
" Three or more distinct propositions were made to
him over and over again, sometimes in different terms,
but alwaiys aiming at the same purpose, which in his
opinion, if accomplished, would have been a virtual sur-
render into the hands of the Council of the prerogative
of the Crown, and on his uniformly replying to their pro-
positions in the negative, his refusal was each time fol-
lowed by' then we must resign,' or words to that pur-
port, from one or more of the Council.
" After the discussion of this question at so much
length, being, as he has hitherto conceived, the one upon
which the resignation of the Council rested, he is as-
tonished at finding that it is now ascribed to an alleged
difference of opinion in the theory of responsible govern-
ment.

" In the course of the conversations which both on
Friday and Saturday followed the explicit demand made
by the Council regarding the patronage of the Crown,
that demand being based on the construction put by
some of the gentlemen on the meaning of responsible
government,' different opinions were elicited on the ab-
stract theory of that still undefined question as appli-
cable to a colony, a subject on which considerable diffe-
' rence of opinion is known everywhere to prevail ; but
the Governor-General during _these conversations pro-
tested against its being supposed that he is practically
adverse to the working of the system of responsible go-
vernment, which he has hitherto pursued, without de-
viation, and to which it is fully his intention to adhere.
" The Governor-General subscribes entirely to the re-
solution of the Legislative Assembly of the 3d of Sep-
tember, 1841, and considers any other system of govern-
ment than that which recognises responsibility to the
people and to the Representative Assembly as impracti-
cable in this province.
" No man is more satisfied that all government exists
solely for the benefit of the people, and he appeals con-
fidently to his uniform conduct here and elsewhere in
support of this assertion.
" If, indeed, by 'responsible government' the gentle-
men of the late Council mean that the Council is to be
supreme, and the authority of the Governor a nullity,
then he cannot agree with them, and must declare his
dissent from that perverson of the acknowledged principle.
" But if they mean that responsible government as
established in this colony is to be worked out with an
earnest desire to insure success, he must then express
his surprise at their arriving at conclusions which he
does not consider to be justified by any part of his con-
duct, and which he conceives his repeated declarations
ought to have prevented. Allusion is made, in the
proposed explanation of the gentlemen of the late Coun-
cil, to the Governor-General having determined to re-
gerve for the her Majesty's Government

44

one of the Bills passed by the two Legislative Houses—
that is, the Secret Societies Bill. If there is any part
of the .functions of the Governor in which he is more
than in any other bound to exercise an independent
judgment, it must be in giving the Royal assent ta Acts
of Parliament. With regard to this duty he has special
instructions from her Majesty's Secretary to reserve
every, Act of an unusual or extraordinary character.
Undoubtedly the Secret Societies Bill answers that de-
scription, being unexampled in British legislation. The
gentlemen of the late Council had his sentiments on it
expressed to them. He told them that it was an arbi-
trary and unwise measure, and not even calculated to
effect the object it had in view.
" lle had given his consent to its being introduced into
Parliament, because he had promised soon after his as-
sumption of the government that he would sanction
legislation on the subject as a substitute for executive
measures, which he refused to adopt on account of their
proscriptive character, although he deprecates the ex-
istence of societies which tend to foment religious and
civil discord. The gentlemen of the late Council canno•
fail to remember with what pertinacity those measures
were pressed on Lim, and can hardly but be aware of
What would have followed at that time if, in addition to
rejecting the proscriptive measures urged, he had re-
fused to permit any legislation on the subject.- Permis-
sion to introduce a Bill cannot be properly assumed as
fettering the judgment of the Government with regard
to the Royal assent, fur touch may happen during the
passage of the Bill through the Legislature to influence
his decision. In this e:'se the Bill was strongly opposed
end reprobated in the Assembly, but when it went to the
Legaslative.Council many of the Members had seceded,
and it did not come up from that House with the advan-
tage of having been passed in a lull meeting. Taking
these circumstances into consideration, together wish the
precise instructions of her Majesty and the uncertainty
of her Majesty's allowing such a Bill to go into opera-
tion, the Governor-General considered it to be his duty
to reserve it for her Majesty's consideration, as it was
much better that it should not go into operation until
Confirmed by her Majesty's Government, than that it
should bo discontinued after its operation had commenced.
" In conclusion, the Governor-General protests against
the explanation which those gentlemen propose to offer
to Parliament, as omitting entirely the actual and pro-
minent circumstances which led to their resignation ;
and as conveying to Parliament a misapprehension of
his sentiments and intentions which has no foundation
in any part of his conduct, unless his refusal to make a
virtual surrender of the prerogative of the Crown to the
Council for party purposes, and his anxiety to do justice
to those who were injured by the arrangements attend-
' ing the union, can be regarded as warranting a repre-
sentation which is calculated to injure him without just
cause in the opinion of the Parliament and the people,
on whose confidence he places his sole reliance for the
successful administration of the government. -
"Government-house, Nov. 28, 1843."
On Saturday, the 9th ultimo, the Governor-General
prorogued the Parliament to Monday, January 15, in
the following speech :
" Hon. Gentlemen of the Legislative Council, and
" Gentlemen of the Legislative Assembly-,
In consequence of the interruption which our joint
labours have undergone, entirely against my inclination,
and from causes over which I have had no control, I now
meet you for the purpose of relieving you from further-
attendance in Parliament. I am sensible of your unre-
mitting application to your arduous duties during the
session which has been so unexpectedly shortened, and
I trust that the measures which you have passed, and
to which I have given the Royal Assent in her Majesty's
name, will prove beneficial to the country. Some Bills I
have been under the necessity of reserving for the consi-
deration of her Majesty's Government, either from the
impracticability of their being carried into execution,
owing to their depending on other measures which have
not passed into law, or from their affecting the preroga-
tive of the Crown, or being of a character that, under the
Royal instructions, renders that proceeding imperative.
• " Gentlemen of the House of Assembly,
" I thank you for the readiness with which you have
voted the necessary supplies. It will be my duty to take
care that they be disbursed with the utmost economy
consistent with the efficiency of the public service.
" lion. Gentlemen and Gentlemen,
" I trust that on your return to your homes you will,
by precept and example, endeavour to secure the bless-
ings and harmony of brotherly love among all classes of
the community.
.Peace and happiness will render our
country a desirahle place of refuge for the superfluous
population of the parental state, whose settling here is
fraught with benefit to themselves and the colony ; while
discord and strife must have the opposite effect of deter-
ring them from connecting their destinies with those of
a country unceasingly troubled. I humbly hope that the
blessings of the Almighty will render this a prosperous
and happy land, reaping the fruits of its own industry,
and enjoying the powerful protection of our Gracious
Sovereign as an integral -portion of the British empire.
I will now, Gentlemen, say farewell; and I trust that we
shall meet again to renew our efforts for the public good
with greater success."

CORN AND CURRENCY LAWS.

TO TAE, EDITOR OF TUE MORNING POST.
Sir,—l have received your paper of the 20th instant,
containing my letter of the 14th of August last, and your
comments upon the same, which call for some further
remarks from me upon the all•important subject of a
general protection to agriculture and commerc7 through
an alteration of the monetary laws, instead of' the
partial and uncertain protection now afforded by the
corn-laws. I have no object whatever in recommending
a total repeal of the corn-laws, with the proposed alter•
ation in the money lens, except to relieve the agricul-
turists of the odium which the maintenance of the laws
casts upon them. My purpose would be nearly accom-
plished by only raising the nominal value of the ounce
of silver to the desired nominal value of the bushel of
wheat, which would render the present corn-laws
nugatory, excepting in the few cases when a great
scarcity raises the price very far above the general aver-
age. The only reason why I have named 7s. Gd. per
ounce is that it_ appears generally acknowledged that
7s: 6d. is a remunerating price, but it is of very little
importance to society at large whether the price of wheat
be 7s. Gd. or Bs., or even 10s. per bushel, provided the
ounce of silver be raised to the relative value.
You make me admit that the corn-law was a wise mea-
sure, because I say that its objects and effect were to in-
crease the value of English labour, but this is not a
correct view of the subject. The intention of the law aas
was right, but the working of it bad and unjust, because
kit only partially supported the wages of labour. The
law was a very unwise one, in my opinion—it was insti-
tuted to prevent the ruinous prices of agricultural pro-
duce which the, liability to return to specie payments
:within,six,ruontbs -after the 'pence, at the old and lorg
unused standard of value, produced in 1814 ; the com-
plete operation of which was partially suspended by cir-
cumstances till 1819, has never been permanently or fully
carried out ,and never will be till prices fall to the conti-
nental level. Had the promoters of the corn-laws in
1815 understood what they were doing, they would
have obtained their protection by coining the precious
metals of that nominal value which their corn had
obtained during the war by the depreciation in the value
of the unredeemable paper money. By that plan they
would not only have perfectly protected themselves, but
would also have protected all other interests. You say
that it
.appears to you, " if both laws were repealed, mat-
ters would remain much as they are at present ;" but
you forget that I do not alone propose the abolition of
the two laws, I also propose to alter the nominal price of
silver from ss. 2d. to 7s. Gd. per ounce, in which the
Bank would pay its notes ; and in this alteration lies all
my contemplated protection and improvement ; it would
protect produce and labour in England 50 per cent.
against foreign produce and labour. As the laws now
stand, the protection to agriculture, although very in-
sufficient, is destructive of our foreign trade, absorbing
all its profits; and, if persisted in, an unprostable state
of things, like the last four years, will continue. If, how-
ever, as is probable, the corn-laws alone are repealed,
the money interest will take possession of the land, anti
the interest of the debt will not be paid. To convince
yourself of the soundness of my views you should refer
to the state of agriculture in 1800 to 1514 ; the corn-
Jaws of that time were quite useless, for the price of
corn was always above the protecting price ; and that
price was alone maintained by the depreciation in the
value of the pound sterling. It was not the war which
made high prices--all previous wars made low prices ;
it was the new monetary measures which made high
nominal prices. Then why should not the same prin-
ciple now produce the same results? You and your
friends, seek for high nominal prices through a corn law
which only partially protects you, and ruins others. I
seelc for the same high nominal prices through a corre-
sponding alteration of the coins, which would, I contend,
protect all interests equally, and therefore justly and
permanently.
Trusting that these few remarks from a practical
tradesman of nearly forty years' extensive experience
may be interesting to your readers, I remain, yours
respectfully, G. P. MUNTZ.
Lcy Hall, near Birmingham, Dec. 22.

ETENTION OF THE OVERLAND INDIAN MAIL.—
A notice of which the following is a copy has been issued
by command of the Postmaster-General, and was put up
this morning at the General Post-office, St. Martin's-le-
Grand, and the several branch offices :—" The closed
mail for India via Marseilles detained. Letters in time
on the 6th inst. (Saturday next)."
MORE INCENDIARISM.—Information was received
last night, at Bow-street, that on the night of the 26th
ult., or early on the following morning, a large wheat
hovel, a rick of beans, and one of barley, six tons of straw,
seven loads of stubble, a large ladder, a quantity of elm
boards, and about thirty yards of rick staddles, the pro-
perty of Mr. Daniel Simons, of Middlemoor, in the bo •
rough of Daventry, were maliciously fired, and totally
destroyed. A reward of ten guineas has been offered
for the apprehension of the incendiaries, and a similar
reward by Mr. Roche. On the night of the 22d ult.,
some demoniacal persons wilfully set fire to the farm
buildings and ricks of Mr. James Speller, of High
Roothing, Essex, whereby the same were totally de-
stroyed. A reward of 1501. has been offered for the
apprehension of the incendiaries. In both of the above
cases Sir J. Graham has offered a free pardon to any
person not being the actual incendiary, who w ill give
such information as may lead to conviction.
FREEMASONRY IN WORCESTER.—(From a Corres-
pondent.)—The brethren of the Worcester Lodge, No.
349, celebrated the festival of St. John on Wednesday
last, by a banquet at the Masonic Hall, Broad-street.
The lodge was opened in form at four o'clock, and about
five the brethren were called from labour to refreshment.
The worshipful master, Brother Joseph Bennett, pre-
sided, assisted by Brother Richard Varden as S. W. (in
the absence of Brother Knight, from a severe domestic
affliction), and Brother Rising, J. W. Covers were laid
for 50, and 52 brethren sat down to a repast comprising
every seasonable delicacy. A magnificent dessert of
pines, grapes, and other suitable accompaniments, with
excellent wines, succeeded, and the evening_ was passed
with true masonic conviviality.