The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-16 00:00:00

.....
THE NEXT DISTRIBUTION of MONEY
A. DIVIDENDS, AUTHORISED and GUARANTEED
64 HIS MAJESTY the EMPEROR of AUSTRIA, contains
ONEY DIVIDENDS of
£5O £6O £7O £BO
£9O £lOO £llO £l2O
£l5O £2OO £4OO £609
£E3OO £l,OOO £1,500 £5,000
and £23,000 sterling.
Amounting together to £70,170 sterling.
Direct for PROSPECTUS with full particulars, WITH-
OUT DELAY, to
HEINE BROTHERS, at HAMBURGH,
Or. to HEINE BROTHERS, at LUBECK.

TO CORRESPONDENTS.
We are obliged to " R," and though we have turned our at-
tention to the principal documents referred to, perhaps some
may have escaped notice. We shall be able to judge from
the extracts which he proposes to communicate.
We have no knowledge of the arm about which " Henry Ash-
croft" makes inquiries.

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, JAN. 14.
THERMOMETER, Lowest, 27 ; Highest, 43 ; Noon, 33.

BAROMETER, 30.4.—W1ND, N.N.E.
NOTE.—The run3ber 32 on the Thermometer denotes
the freezing point, and 55 temperate. In Barometers
fair is usually placed opposite 30, and rain at 29.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON-BRIDGE THIS DAY.
Morning ... 23 minutes after 10. f E►ening ... 6 minutes after It.

LONDON:
TUESDAY MORNING, JANUARY 16, 1844.

Never did the Crown, or what is far more true
those who wield the powers of the Crown, go to
a jury under circumstances, such as usher in
the now pending trial. Never did Crown prose-
cutors, armed with all the power and authority
which belong to official prosecutions, contrive,
first of all, to place the parties prosecuted in such
an unfavourable position, as regards themselves,

their privileges, their chance of justification, and

all those important requirements which the

accused ought to possess, without claim,

and as matters of absolute right. And never

did Crown prosecutors place themselves in such

a position, as the Irish law-officers have assumed,
upon the present occasion; a position unpa-
ralleled in English history, in the history of
Irish judicature, and in the annals of every
tribunal of the whole world. For, liberty with-
out reality, is worse than despotism—trial by
jury, without purity in the selection of that jury,
is a farce—and far better, is open tyranny,
than affected liberty, with the reality of tyranny.
The freeman, who lives under free institutions,
relies upon the freedom which is his birthright—
he takes no particular care, to guard against the
encroachments upon that freedom, until painful
experience tells him, in a voice not to be mis-
taken, that he has leant upon a broken reed ;
that he has lived in fancied security, whilst really
in the very midst of dangers, and that the free-
dom in which he believed, was slavery in dis-

guise, not the less so, because its fetters were
bound round with roses.

The objects of the present prosecution have
felt and suffered all this ;—they have found, to
their cost, that trial by jury, in all its preliminary
stages, was nothing but the first proceedings of
an inquisition, excluding every privilege to the
accused, and placing them under every disadvan-
tage; in truth, that, instead of having the pre-
sumption of innocence in their favour, they were
foredoomed, predestined, and their convictions
fully determined upon. No privilege acceded ;
every usual indulgence withheld ;—no opportu-
nity of learning with what they were charged,—
before whom they were arraigned,—by whom the
testimony had been given,—but every informa-
tion denied, as to all preliminary proceedings.
The indictmentpresented to them ;—but by whom
found—under what authority so found—and by
what evidence so supported, no information af-
forded. Called upon, to plead to this indictment,
no liberty allowed,—no privilege conceded,—no-
thing, but, like the Jew in Shylock, the pound
of flesh demanded. And plea pleaded—issue
joined—trial in prospect—a jury panel, that—
but we dare not say what we feel and think, of
the jury panel offered to the traversers.
Let any man read the proceedings, in the

Irish Court of Queen's Bench in Ireland, of
Friday last; let him find the fact admitted that
the jury list, from which the jury to try O'CoN-
NELL has been chosen, was not the jury list

settled by the Recorder, inasmuch as many
names had been by accident (accident in the
formation of a jury list:) omitted, and can he
doubt that there has been foul play, (whether
accidentally, or designedly, we leave to that
honest Judge PERRIN, to decide,) most grossly
affecting the interests of the traversers. And
this is the position in which the advisers of the
Crown have placed the accused; a position the
most unfavourable, to men called upon, to
establish their innocence of a charge almost in-
definate, almost impossible fully to meet; and

yet one, which not fully met, may affect their
liberties and their lives. For the lives of free-

men are in danger from incarceration
in a dungeon —the man accustomed to
breathe the pure air of Heaven, cannot
exist under the care of the gaoler; and to deny
the free intercourse of kindred spirits, is to deny
the very essence of life. Never were men placed
in a position so unfavourable, as the accused have
been placed by the Crown lawyers.
And yet the singularity of the case is, that
whilst the Crown lawyers have placed the ac-
cused in the most unfavourable position in which
men could be placed, they have placed them-
selves in a far worse position. A total denial of
justice may be tolerated in a pure despotism, for
there is no power of appeal, nor any remedy that
can be applied to ; but in Ireland, even with
Tory officials, and a Tory Government, justice
cannot be totally denied, without raising doubts
as to the propriety of the course adopted. And
when such doubts strengthen into certainty,
when it is in the mouths of every one, and every
tongue repeats it,—that the Tory officials have
behaved most partially, most indecorously, most
injudiciously, and most unjustly,—are we not
justified in saying, that the Crown lawyers have
contrived to place, both the accused and them-
selves, in a position the most unfavourable before

the jury
It is the province of the jury to weigh in-
tents—to test the acts done, by those intents
—to give to ~the accused that justice which is
their right—and, packed as is the jury (for any
jury must be packed, when the power to make a
proper selection is withheld, either by accident
or fraud), to show, that though crammed into
the jury-box, by the will of the Crown officials—
GOD forbid we should say, by will of the Crown
—they have the minds of men, free as the air
they breathe, pure as the breeze that fans their
`isle, and equally devoid of taint or corruption.

The Roman Catholics of Ireland:are promptly
and boldly resenting the gross insult passed on
them by the law authorities of Dublin who, by
striking all the members of that faith off the jury
list, have deliberately proclaimed it as their
opinion that they are not to be trusted on their
oaths. Lord KENMARE, Mr. Wyss, of Water-
ford, Mr. SHEIL, and several eminent Catholic
Prelates, who have hitherto either taken no part

in Repeal, or shown themselves decidedly hostile
to it, have come publicly forward to mark
their sense of this flagrant indignity;
and at the Aggregate meeting which was
held in Dublin on Saturday last, the Lord
Mayor, who was in the chair, correctly expressed
the feelings of his excited hearers, when he ob-
served that " as in religion he was a Catholic,
the conduct pursued by the Crown within the
last few days showed that they considered him
unworthy to act as a common juror in the city of
Dublin. Every citizen who professed that creed,
sincerely believing it to be best, was declared
disqualified to discharge the functions of a juror.
There are seven and a half millions of Catholics
in Ireland; they were excluded—practically dis-
qualified by the act of the Crown, which
expunged the name of every Catholic from
the jury panel in the State prosecutions."
It may perhaps be imagined that these
gentlemen were struck off merely because they
were Repealers, and might naturally therefore be
presumed to be so biassed as to be unable to
give an impartial verdict; but this was not the
case ; their sole crime was their .religion—a fact
to which Mr. WysE thus alludes :—" It was not
until after the Catholic jurors had been struck
from the list that any idea was entertained of
inquiry into their political principles ; so that it
has been clearly ascertained that it was not
the connection with any political associa-
tion, or the profession of any principles
which might be considered as forming any
particular political creed, which had incapa-
citated those gentlemen for the enjoyment of
their privileges. Their sole crime was their Ca-
tholicity. The conduct of the Crown had esta-
blished the principle that the being Catholics
implied a suspicion which in itself was sufficient
to deprive men of the rights which belonged to
the great mass of the people of Ireland." And
this is the way in which the Catholics are treated,
—fourteen years after the passing of the Act
which professed to emancipate them from all the
legal.and political and civil disqualifications under
which they had hitherto laboured ! And the
Government, which treats them thus cavalierly, is
the same which brought forward and carried that
Act, which was intended—in the language of its
authors—to be one of grace and conciliation
Yes, the Tories, who were the Emancipators, are
now, true to their old instincts, become once
again the oppressors of the Catholics. They
cannot divest themselves of their old hereditary
prejudices—they cannot get rid of their favourite
system of government—but must needs betray
the cloven foot, no matter how indispensable
it is to their interests that they should
keep it carefully concealed. Justly observed Sir
ROBERT PEEL in the year 1836—only a few
hours before he crossed over from the Treasury
bench to the Opposition side of the House—that
his great difficulty was Ireland. It was his
great difficulty then—it, is his great difficulty
now—and it will continue to be his great diffi-
culty, until he sees fit to huMble himself and
cry " Peccavi"—to retrace his whole course of
policy—and turn over a new leaf as regards the
sister-country. Surely he must by this time be
convinced that a one-sided system of legislation
—a petty, temporising, neither-this-nor-that
line of conduct, will never do for Ireland! He
has already given it the fullest trial, and it has
failed—failed so egregiously that not a few, even
of those who have hitherto been its warmest ad-
vocates, have at length seen their error, and re-
fused any longer to sanction such a blundering
system of policy. Beset with difficulties as the
Premier now is—difficulties in a great measure
of his own courting, and which he might have
overcome, bad he been possessed of the requi-
site energy and decision of character—we suspect
that it is in Ireland he is destined to meet with his
downfal. That is the rock on which he will
split—the country in which his reputation for
political sagacity will ere long find its grave.
Let the issue of the State prosecutions be what
it may, he cannot fail to be the sufferer. If the
result be an acquittal, his Ministry will have the
mortification of having been beaten by O'CoN-
NELL in a trial of strength of their own seeking,
and in which they had put forth all the resources
of the Crown ; if, on the contrary, the
result be a condemnation, not a Catholic
in Ireland—no matter which he be a
Repealer or a non-Repealer— but will be
firmly convinced that such a result was
brought about in bold defiance of justice.
The consequence will be that a spirit of discon-
tent and distrust will become more general than
ever among the Irish people ; and Mr. O'CoN-
NELL will resume the agitation of Repeal with
more vigour and confidence, in his solitary
dungeon, than he would if he were declaiming
publicly in the Conciliation Hall, or at one of his
famous monster meetings.

Mr. THOMAS ATTWOOD has addressed a letter,
on the irresistible necessity for an immediate ex-
pansion of the currency by an enlargement of
our paper circulation, the facts and general rea-
soning of which the Editor of the Times will find
it no easy task to evade. It is a communication
marked by the same singleness and earnestness
of purpose, the same enlarged views of the ne-
cessity for squaring the amount of our powers of
distribution by a medium of representation and
exchange, in proportion, on the one hand, to the
increasing productiveness of our industrial and
manufacturing activity,—and to the colossal de-
mands of our state taxation and of our intersocial
debts and liabilities, on the other—which have
always actuated the consistent efforts of the late
Member for Birmingham in pressing upon the Le-
gislature the adjustment of this vital question.
Mr. ATTWOOD feels warmly and speaks out;
and like all enthusiasts, it may be that
his intimate acquaintance and habitual dealing
with the subject on which he treats, occasionally
exaggerates his impressions upon some of its
bearings. We are not prepared to say that this
is the fact; but, for the sake of the argument,
we are willing to concede the point to our Con-
temporary. Now the Times must see that it by
no means follows, because its correspondent may
occasionally overrate the tendencies of particular
facts, he must be, therefore, mistaken in the
results of the general statistics on which his
arguments are founded. Had Mr. ATTWOOD
erred as egregiously as the Times has assumed,
in attributing a higher antiquity to the circula-
tion of bills of exchange in this country than the
reign of CHARLES 11., a misconception on that
point was scarcely worth dwelling upon in an
attempt to refute a condensed review of the
whole immediate operation and ultimate effect
of PEEL'S destructive Bill of 1819. It served a
purpose, however ; and our Contemporary was
not slow to seize it. He contended, by implica-
tion, that all the other premises propounded by
Mr. ATTWOOD were equally unfounded; and
being thus in a position to blink the difficult and
inconvenient task of discussing with his adver-
sary the real and complicated question at issue,
lie indulged in his vein for " bantering," ad
libitum, but with no great degree of candour, and
infinitely less of success.
In his letter of the 9th instant Mr. Anwoon
has done well, we think, to leave this little
triumph undisputed ; he has graver points to
press; and, like the Ambassador who stumbled
over the threshhold of the very presence-cham-
ber, never drops the missives which he has
charged himself to deliver. In passing, however,
we must take leave to protest against any doc-
trine so absurd as that in which, for the wise
purpose just mentioned, he acquiesces. We have
yet to learn that since it is matter of history that
the bills of exchange of the MEDICI of Florence,

and of their factors in all other cities of the
civilised world, passed currently from hand to
hand, all over Europe, and even in the marts of
Asia, from the close of the fourteenth century—
and the bills of the DIGGERS of Antwerp, as
early as the time of CHARLES V. were ex-
changeable and negotiable here, under HENRY
VIII., by the guilds and private merchants of
London, having dealings with the Low Coun-
tries, such bills were never seen here till the
reign of CHARLES 11. The mistake has its
origin in that common error, which limits the

OS e3i,

t., _._ 1:1 ~:.:.~

definition of " money" to coinage, as metallic
currency, instead of including within its designa-
tion, promissory and bank notes, bills of exchanger
and, perhaps, bankers' deposits.
For ourselves,' we see no way of escaping from
the propositions contended for by Mr. ATTWOOD,
that " nearly all the complicated and innu-
merable transactions of life are effected through
the agency of monetary debts ;" and that " the
transfer and exchange of acknowledgments of
debt for each other has literally become vital to
the existence of society amoFigst us." He has
the advantage, we take it, of our Contemporary,
in retorting the coarse epithet of " rascality" on
those capitalists, fundholders, annuitants of fixed
incomes, unencumbered landlords, and mortga-
gees, whose active partisanship precipitated the
measure of 1819. The late Lord LIVERPOOL—
Mr. ATTWOOD reminds the Times—told the
House of Lords that " their rents had been
doubled and trebled in paper money." After
this, to enforce their payment in a currency
vastly diminished in amount, and prodigiously
dearer in material, does seem to have been the
height of injustice. " The means of the people,"
he adds, in allusion to the quadruplication of
the National Debt, the duplication of official
salaries, and the consequent increase of taxes
within the last thirty or forty years, " are
cut down to the metallic level. Are their
burdens to be kept up at the paper
level ?" This question is a concise and
pithy one : and it is one of many connected with,
resulting from, and inevitably incident to, the
present anomalous condition of our monetary
system, with its multiplying wants, its increasing
functions and liabilities, and its extravagantly
diminished bases. In these three conditions we
assign the elements of the whole disturbance and
danger which beset it. Shall we be told that
our category does not include the decay of trade,
but too sensibly experienced already by a large

portion of the community ? Let us subjoin what
was stated by that profound thinker, and saga-
cious and experienced money merchant, the late
Mr. N. M. ROTHSCHILD, in his evidence before
the Bank Charter Committee. "If this country
has money in abundance, it will have all the trade
from the whole world ; and if you make money
very scarce, the trade will go to other countries."
The preferable alternative of these two is at least
the polar star of Mr. ATTWOOD'S financial plan.
Let the country adopt it.

We have accounts from Madrid to the 7th
inst., and though the capital and the provinces
were perfectly tranquil, many feared that it wa
only the 'calm before the storm. GONZALES
BRAVO and his Ministry are becoming every day
more contemptible, and as soon as General NAR-
vnEz has served his purpose with them he will
get rid of them, as he did of LOPEZ and OLOZAGA.
One point of importance has already been
gained, the renewal of the pension to the Queen-
Mother. The Gazette of the Bth was to contain
the following, Royal decree :
"According to the advice of the Council of Ministers,
and following the dictates of my heart, I have decreed as
follow :
" Art. 1. The decree issued by the ex-Regent of the
kingdom at Vittoria on the 26th of October, 1841,
which suspended the payment of the pension assigned in
the budget of the Ist of September of said year to my
dearest and most beloved mother, Queen Maria Chris-
tina de Bourbon, is hereby revoked.
" Art. 2. The Minister of Finance is charged with the
execution of the present decree.
" Given at the Palace, on the 6th of Jan., 1844."
M. L. A. de Cueto had been appointed Minister Ple-
nipotentiary at Lisbon. M. Martinez do la Rosa was to
proceed to Paris in a few days, and the Duke de Rivas
to embark at Cadiz for Naples.

The Paris Papers bring the Address to the
Royal Speech, agreed to by the Committee, and
a full report of the financial statement fur the
year 1845, made by the Minister of Finances on
Friday. The Address varies little from that
adopted by the Upper Chamber, and requires no
comment. The Budget is of more importance,
as it shows the good effects produced on the
country by peace and security. The subjoined
brief outline, which is sufficiently favourable,
is extracted from a Governm t paper, the
Journal des Debats. The Budget for 1844, pre-
sented a year ago, required for the ordinary ser-
vice a sum of 1,281,013,7101., and the receipts at
1,247,228,366 f., leaving a deficiency of 33,783,344 f.
For 1845, the ordinary expenses are put down at
1,276,106,797 f., and the receipts at 1,276,925,231 f.,
giving a surplus of nearly 1,000,000 f. Besides
for 1834, the extraordinary Budget amounted to
123,500,000 f., 80,000,000 of which were to be
covered by loan, and 43,500,000 were imputable
to the floating debt. For 1845, the first part of
the extraordinary works, that which is to be
acquitted by Tans of the loan already voted,
amounts to 62,431,3441.; the second, charged to
the floating debt, amounts to 34,000,000. But it
must be remembered that among the expenses
is included the dotation of the sinking fund, the
larger portion of which, or that which corres-
ponds to the Four per Cents., Four-and-a-Half
per Cents., and Five per Cents., remaining un-
employed, is applicable to covering the floating
debt. For 1845, the resources of the sinking
fund will amount to double the sum which the
floating debt will have to bear on account of the
extraordinary works.
The writer, after quoting some other proofs of
national prosperity, adds, with what we hope is
well-founded exultation—" We do not think
there is in Europe such an instance of the in-
crease of revenue, without an aggravation of
taxes. Since 1833, all being balanced, it has
been at an average, above 26,000,000 a year, half
of the budget of Sweden. The augmentation is
continual and progressive, and when we compare
the foreseen receipts with the receipts realised,
as the anticipated receipts are reckoned after the
receipts of the two preceding years, the overplus
is much increased. Thus 1843 will have yielded
45,000,000 more than was reckoned. In 1842
the overplus has been 77,000,000. Hence the
consoling result to those who had been alarmed,
by the additional expenses imposed by circum-
stances in 1840, that the extraordinary disburse-
ments the Treasury was in consequence con-
demned to, will involve us much less than had been
supposed. Our financeswill soon bear no vestige of
it, provided we be wise enough to persevere in the
same policy, of which a doubt must not be enter-
tained. This state of the revenue will relieve the Go-
vermeil tfrom some anticipated difficulty in com-
pleting and maintaining the fortifications, and, if
we are to credit a statement in the Reforme, the
latter operation is in a very advanced state.
From 12,000 to 15,000 gun-carriages it says have
been cast at Nevers, Toulouse, Douai, Lille, and
Strasburgh, of which a specimen may be seen at
Vincennes, and at the esplanade of the Invalides;
and as the Government has written on its banner,
Peace everywhere, and for ever,' and as the
arsenals contain from 8,000 to 10,000 pieces of
cannon, the twelve bastiles which are ready to
ceive their artillery may be supplied with their
guns and mortars as soon as it pleases the Go-
vernment.'
BOURSE—PARIS, SATURDAY, JAN. 13.
First Highest Lowest Last
Price. Price. Price. Price.
French Five per Cents. 124 41)... 124 65... 124 45... 124 65
Fourper Cents. 105 50... 105 50... 105 50... 105 50
Threes. B2 50... 82 60... 82 50.. n 55
Bank of France. 3260 —.3262 50...3260 ...3262 50
Laffitte Bank 1,000f...1112 50 ..1112 50...1112 50...1112 50
Belgian Bank .. 652 50... 660 650 660
1841 ...1080 ...1080 „JOS° ...1080
Belgian Fives .... 105* ••• 1051 ... 105* 105*
1840.... 1081 ... 1081 ... 108* ... 108*
Threes.. ....... . 76 40... 76 40... 76 40... 76 40
Dutch 2} per Cents... 541 ••• 541 ... 541 541
Spanish Passive ...... 5i ••• 5i ••• 5* ... 51
PortugueOseldFiDveesfe.r..re.d.
4:1 4551
455*
451
Neapolitan ..... ........ 106 15... 106 50... 106 15... 106 5()
Roman
RAILWAY SHARES.
Versailles, RB 3lO ... 310 ... 310 ... 310
L 8...
Rouen .825 825 ••• 825 .. 825
Rouen to Havre .. 650 ... 650 ... 650 ... 650
Orleans.
Strasburg to Bale 230 ... 230 ... 228 75... 230
Avignon to Marseilles 662 50... 662 50... G 62 50... 662 50
RAILWAY SHARES, FOR THE ACCOUNT.
Versailles, LB l7O ••• 175 ••• 170 ... 175
..Rouen to Havre 650 ... 650 ... 650 650
Orleans . 840 ... 840 ... 832 50... 837 50
'Strasburg to Bale 2.30 ... 235 ... 230 ... 235
;Avignon to Marseilles 662 50... 663 75... 662 50 .. 663 75

The General Steam Navigation Company's Mail.
Packet Ocean, from Rotterdam, arrived at Blaekwall ai
one rix on Sunday.
1.)3t!

73Z 21,

373 j

*
4-1„ IP • ' . '4"41.7.‘ •
• 4 67.1 M.

,411eit