The Sun.
London, England, 1845-10-30 00:00:00

crease the number of our customers, anti to create new

markets for our goods.—[At this moment Mr. Bright, M.P.,
came into the room, having just arrived from Manchester by
the seven o'clock train; and was received with loud and long-
continued cheers.]—lt is with this view that I have ever
been in favour of emigration. It is with this object that I
have always considered colonies to be of great value and
importance to our country. Ido not value them as means of
increasing our empire. I donot consider them of importance
because by them the extent of our dominions
is enlarged, and the number of our subjects is
augmented; but I look upon them as communities planted
for the purposes of trade, as bodies of our countrymen sent
to distant regions to develop their resources, to reap their
varied productions, to exchange those productions fer our
manufactures, to become prosperous and wealthy, and to aug-
ment her wealth by commerce.—(Cheers.) We have planted
colonies in every portion of the globe. Men of our race are
rapidly spreading themselves over the vast northern continent
of America, are menacing the Spanish colonies of Central
America, and already grasp in their imagination the pro-
vinces of the swath. During the last half century, the pre-
viously unknown lands of the southern hemisphere have been
invaded by Englishmen ; flourishing communities are spring-
ing up in Australasia ; emigrants are settled on the shores of
New Zealand; and at no remote period an Anglo-Saxon
people will rule as sovereigns throughout the islands of the
Southern Seas. I cannot over-estimate the influence
in our commerce of this fact, that some of the
richest portions of the earth's surface- are Low
being inhabited by men of our own race, who have carried
along with them the arts and civilisation of Britain, who have
wants, feelings, and interests similar to our own ; who will be
ready and willing to purchase our goods, and who will create
great and daily increasing markets for our manufactures.
Whether they remain subjects of the British empire, or
whether they become, like the United States, independent of
us, in either case they N'v-illbe equally the colonies, and equally
useful to us. In their infancy, colonies require some care and
protection from the parent country, but they soon reach that
maturer age when they should be left to theme Ives, to their
own self-government, and when all control over them should
be merely nominal.—(Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, England is
indebted for the position winch she now holds among the
nations of the earth to her free institutions—to her ships,
colonies, and commerce ; and by that means, with unfettered
trade, she will long be able to maintain that position.
Before I conclude, there is another question to which I must
refer, not only on account of its intrinsic importance, but be-
cause its discussion formed a prominent feature in the late
contest for this borough—l alto-le to the question of religious
liberty and equality. Ts the opinions which I expressed on
that subject. and to the approval which they received from
yourselves, I was mainly indebted for the large majority by
which I was elected.—(Cheers.) In my opinion, there is no
principle of greater importance to the peace and well being of
society than that of religious equality. There is nothing
which more closely marks the progress of a nation in know-
ledge and civilisation than the degree of liberty which is
permitted in matters of faith. No attempt to call a man to
account for his religious belief—to blame, or even to praise
him for his conscientious convictions; to force him, either by
punishment or by reward, to acknowledge any set of doc-
trines as tree, is a proceeding wholly at variance with sound
reason, and with the spirit of the age. It is an
attempt to return to the policy of times long gone by,
when the Romaa Catholic Church was at the summit of its
power, and endeavoured to pat down every opinion of which
it dieapproved.—( Hear, hear.) In saying this, let me not
be supposed to speak with want of reverence or of respect
for the ancient Church of Rome, or in any way to deny or
undervalue the important services which in tunes long past
it rendered to the human race. It preserved, amongst the
barbarian invaders of the Roman empire, the remains of
ancient civilisation and literature.—(Hear, hear.) It formed
the only bond of union between their scattered and hostile
communities. It taught their feudal chiefs that there was
something nobler and better than brute force.— (Cheers.) It
inculcated peace, charity, and equality amongst them. It
was the civilising- 'principle of the dark and middle ages.—
( Hear, hear.) All knowledge, all learning, and all philosophy
were confined to the members of its hierarchy, and amongst
them there were very many acute and profound thinkers,
able reasoners, illustrious statesmen, great moralists, and
learned divines. It aspired, however, to a dominion, not
only over the actions, but over the feelings and reason
of men. It did fur a moment reach this summit of
power, and constituted a theocracy. No one dared to
think, to act, or to reason in opposition to its will; no one
dared to hold opinions in science, philosophy, or religion, in
opposition to its decrees ; and the mightiest monarchs of
Europe were at its feet. From that moment its power began
to decline. The sovereigns of Europe resisted its temporal
authority. With the progress of learning and investigation,
with the discovery of the art of printing, and with the con-
sequent facility of acquiring knowledge, the infallibility of the
Church of Rome in matters of science began to be doubted,
its decrees in religion were questioned, and the Reformation
commenced. The great principle of the Reformation was the
right of private judgment and free inquiry. The Reformers
protested against the authority of Rome; they contended
that reason, that argument, not the will of Rome, should
guide a man in his religious belief. And then for the first
time in history the principle of religious liberty and equality
was proclaimed. Alas, it was little attended to, or put into
practice.—(Hear, hear.) It was soon lost sight of in the con-
flict of sects who demanded liberty to disagree with Rome,
but refused a like liberty with regard to themselves.
Each sect persecuted its neighbour with a fury more intense
in proportion to the smallness of their doctrinal differences.
Thus Calvinists persecuted Lutherans, and Lutherans Calvin •
ists, Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Nonconformists, and every
denomination of Dissent, were equally intolerant, equally per-
secuting, when they had the power, and equally forgetful of
those principles of religions liberty and equality to which
they owed their existence. These times, unfortunately, can-
not be said to be passed, though I trust they are fast passing
away.—(Loud cheers.) The repeal of the Test and Corpora-
tion acts, the emancipation of the Roman Catholics, the
majorities in the House of Commons in favour of the eman-
cipation of the Jews, the conduct of that House with regard
to education in Ireland, and the establishment of universities
in that country—all prove the progress of public opinion, and
that the most important branch of the Legislature is favour-
able to religious liberty and equality. Mitch, however, still
remains to be done to give practical effect to that prin-
ciple, and especially in the great matter of the education
of the people. The want of a good system of national edu-
cation is the subject of great and well-merited reproach to
our country. If any danger is to be apprehended from the
progress of free institutions, and from the growing power of
the people, that danger can only be averted by educating
and instructing:the masses.—( Hear, hear.) Therefore, both
the friends and the foes of the extension of popular rights
ought to be equally anxious for a good system of national
education. What has prevented it in this country ? What
has defeated the efforts of the friends of education ? I
' answer, religious bigotry and intolerance, which have re-
quired that, in the education of the people, religious tenets
should be inculcated, and we cannot agree what those tenets
should be. The Church of England wishes that the people
' should be instructed in its own peculiar doctrines; so do the
Roman Cathtlics; so do the Dissenters. Thus a general
system of education is rendered impossible. We ought
to take example from a kindred people—from the in-
habitants of the New England States of America.
In those States there is as great a variety of religious
belief as in this country, yet there is one system of general
education. In the State of Massachussets, with a population
of only 730,000 inhabitants, 100,000/. are annually raised for
the purpose of education. In one single city—Boston—the
education-tax amounts to 30,000/.a-year—a sum equal to the
whole of the Parliamentary grant for a similar purpose. Tha
law ordains that every district containing fifty families should
maintain a school, for which the inhabitants are required to
tax themselves. Perfect religious equality is preserved, for

the law prohibits in those schools the use of any books cal
culated to favour the tenets of any particular sect of Chris-
tians. What prevents our acting in a similar manner? I
answer, bigotry, intolerance, and disregard of the principles
of religious liberty and equality.—(Loud cheers.) I thank
you for the patient manner in which you have listened to me.
I have endeavoured briefly to explain to you what principles
will guide my votes with regard to the most important ques-
tions of the day, and I trust that my conduct in Parliament
will merit and receive
.your approval.—(The Hon. Baronet
concluded amidst loud and continued cheering.)
Mr. Ashton then sung a song, composed for the occasion
by one of the stewards, which was received with great applause.
Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH rose, and said he had great
pleasure in proposing a toast. It was the health of their
worthy Chairman—a gentleman to whom he was under a
great debt of gratitude for his exertions during the recent
borough contest; coupled with which, he would propose the
Liberal electors of the borough of Southwark.
The toast was received with loud and general cheering, and
drunk with all the honours.
The CHAIRMAN briefly returned thanks.
The CHAIRMAN next proposed " Free Trade, and its
untiring advocates, the Anti Corn-law League."
Mr. BRIGHT responded to the toast. He said—When he
first received the invitation to attend the present dinner, his
answer was that he could not attend, as the Council of the
League had arranged to hold a great meeting on the same
evening, and at the same hour, in the Manchester Free
Trade Hall. A change in that arrangement had enabled him
to attend this night; and he was, therefore, exceedingly
glad to be present. The result of their election was mos,
important and cheering to the cause of free trade. He was
however, strongly of opinion that, wherever there was a
large population and an extensive constituency, and where
no large proprietor or small clique had power to
exercise any undue influence, free trade principles
would be sure to triumph, and Members be elected in agree-
ment with them. They had had three candidates seeking
their suffrages, and yet not one of them had declared in
favour of the protective system.—(Cheers.) Although the
editor of the Standard had been pleased to say that no po-
pulation in the kingdom was so savage and heathenish as
that of Southwark, he (Mr. Bright) viewed the abuse of such
an editor, acting under the corrupt influences of monopoly,
as only the writhings of defeat, and es proofs of the great
progress of free trade principles.—(Cheers.) They were
free traders in the borough of Southwark, though at the
present time thero was not so much credit in being
so, as it was difficult to meet with any
person who was not. —(Hear, hear.) People were
now somewhat like what they were at the time of the triumph
of negro emancipation. They declared then they had always
been in favour of it, only they said they did not exactly
agree with the course that was taken to obtain it.—(Cheers.)
It was said that the Anti-Corn-law League had used hard
language in denouncing the corn-law. He admitted it to be
so, but it was not half hard enough, considering the diabolical
character of that law, which brought famine to the doors of
thousands, and was now about to press with the greatest
severity on the people of the British islands. The Hon.
Gentleman, after dwelling at some length on the injurious
nature of the corn-laws, commented on the recent
address of Lord Ashley as an evidence that the
corn-laws were doomed, and pointed out the great
progress the, League had made in the recent county
registrations. By the additional votes gained, he stated that
North and South Lancashire, North and South Staffordshire,
and Middlesex, were safe from the power of monopoly. He
concluded by urging the electors of the borough of South-
wark to come forward and secure the county of Surrey to
liberal principles and free trade.
Glee—" Ihil, smiling morn."
The CHAIRMAN proposed the health of "William Cooper
Christie, Esq , M.P., and the education of the people."
Mr. CHRISTIE returned thanks for the high honour done
him. 'He expressed himself in favour of education in its
broadest sense. He had advocated in Parliament the open-
ing of the national universities to all parties, without regard
to civil disabilities—a course which had been advocated by
the Hon. Baronet (Sir W. Molesworth) when there, where
he (Mr. Christie) hereafter trusted he should receive the
able assistance of their:Honourable Member.—(Loud cheers.)
Sir Wm. MOLESWORTH said be should be most happy to
8:7717 theo motion of the Hon. Gentleman (Mr. Christie) for
theHe ttaa..tt:4)_.s _ testa enforced by the national universities.t to Pro Posts It was, "tThe Liberal elector', of