The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-08 00:00:00

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SALE BY SHARES,
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3. A FINE BATH HOTEL, and its Dependencies, with a
very abundant Spring of Mineral Water, situated on the
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5,000

3,000

Forming a Total (in 40,000 Shares of £1 each) of•. • • £40,000

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SOCIETY FOR THE EMANCIPA-
TION OF INDUSTRY.
BANK RESTRICTION.

The weekly meeting of the Society for the Emancipation
of Industry was held last night at the offices. The subject
of discussion for the evening was "Bank restriction;" the
introduction of the Bank Charter resolutions of Sir Robert
Peel imparted additional interest to the discussion, the
question being so closely connected with the subject-matter
of the Premier's speech, which was frequently referred to.
Mr. Spottiswoode was called to the chair.
The CHAIRMAN commenced the business of the evening,
by giving a definition of the term restriction, which he said
had not been properly understood, and having given a review
of it, both historical and commercial, proceeded to the ques-
tion of Bank restriction, which he said had become a much
wider question than when he addressed them last week. It
was now proposed that every bank of issue should be restricted,
in short every effort was to be made to diminish the currency
of the country, and to extend the bad system established by
the Act of 1819. From 1797 to that time the country was
prosperous ; it not only fed itself, and enriched itself, but
defended itself against the opinion of all the civilised world
that was armed against it. A system which enabled them
to do that was, he conceived, not one to be sneered at.—
(Hear, hear.) They were not to be told that the adoption of
that system was false and fraudulent, or was a " fatal mea-
sure," which was the phrase now applied to it. Gentlemen
who used such words as these should look a little at the
results of their own system before they applied them. Sir R.
Peel boasted of being the author of the Currency Bill of 1819 ;
he had always been a supporter of the Right Hon. Baronet, but
had he been an enemy he should have wished him joy of the
adoption of that measure. Ile could see no cause for congra-
tulation in it, but, on the contrary, most serious consequences
had flowed from it. It was too serious a matter to mix up
any kind of flippancy with. lie should therefore drop that
part of the subject, and merely state in a few words what
the feelings of the Society were on the subject. The Society
did not think that a system that had carried the country
through the last war, during which it raised fortunes for
many—among others that of Sir R. Peel himself—ought to
be treated so flippantly, for on the other side, looking at the
system that had been followed since, they did not see that
it had done anything of the kind. Its effect had been de-
cidedly the reverse. When Sir Robert Peel boasted of the
present system, and attempted to lay the fault of the panics
among the banks on the system of his great predecessor, Mr.
Pitt, they ought not to let the attempt pass quietly. They
must all see that there was great danger impending over the
country; it was their interest that the truth should prevail,
and they must not permit themselves to be diverted from
the subject by any flippant jests. It appeared that there were
no w to be other bank restrictions ; every bank in the country was
to be pinched and cramped, till they should at last be all ab-
sorbed
judgment,fthe
e themselves.was
convinced, li would
a
elelnent:youhldetstaeyr nothing of
m mem-
bers control
sorbed inallontietebnaffnkairoafeifsstulete.
conceit that must possess any one man who thought he could
btleiersirtla-
bourer, as a man of business, that it was most repugnant to
his notions, and he should not feel inclinedto give way to '
any such principle. The Prime Minister declars that his
object is to reduce prices—(H productiveleave that
ear, hear)—to contract the cur-
rency, and to cripple the exertions of trade and commerce,
which he is pleased to call speculation. These were his ob-
jects; but theiobjects of this Society were to increase
prices, and by increasing profits, increase wages.—(Hear,
hear.) In society there was •
a mixture of all classes,
some productive and some unproductive. Their wealth had
been created by the productive classes, but the unproductive
classes had accumulated capital that they now could get no
interest for, and there was a cry of there being too much
money in the country. Let us contract our money. Cer-
tain great people had doubled their fortunes by the present
system, and, having done so, instead of being able to get four
per cent. for their money, they could barely get one-and-a-
half. They had come to that pass, and therefore found
themselvesjust as bad off, Comparatively, as the working
man whose wages were diminished, except that the differ-
ence between them was this, the one was starved, while with
the other it was only a question of diminished income. This
led him to wonder how any man, who had turned his
thoughts to the subject, did not see what every broker's
clerk in the City could see, that a panic was approaching.
money was everywhere seeking for employment. There
were more railroad Bills now before Parliament than in any
former session. This was not that these speculations were
sound ones ; in some of them there must be absolute loss, as
there were as many as three lines to one place. It was a
desperate struggle for the employment of capital. The next
thing would be that money would be diverted into all kinds of
trades and operations—gold would depart from the Bank—
the much-desired object of a diminution of the currency
would be obtained, and then would come the panic, and by
as much as the wealth of the country had been increased,
though it was not well distributed, by so much would that
panic be greater and more awful than the last. That with
all this before them they should not try to restrict their cur-
rency was astonishing. The Society, therefore, thought it to
be its duty to spread information on this subject, to show the
community its danger, and to call on it to resist the wrong
courses which he was sorry to see were being pursued by men
in power, and endeavour to direct the intelligence of the
country into a proper channel.
Mr. TAYLOR next addressed the meeting. He said the
subject before them was a somewhat dry one, but they ought
to consider it not merely in an historical point of view, but
as it applied to the present moment. It was a question of
choice between the system established in 1819, and that es-
tablished in 1797, and they had, as the two antagonists on
those systems, Pitt and Peel, men who, on general questions,
were of the same political principles, but were opposed on
this question. Among the men who admired Pitt, and fol-
lowed him during his life, there was a mixed party—some
condemning and some approving his financial policy. But
those who most admired him—who celebrated his birthday,
and made the most of his memory—were, singular to say,
those who depattod the most from him in practice. That dif-
ference showed a split of a most extraordinary kind. They
might go back to the period of 1797, and challenge Sir R.
Peel to prove how the system then introduced could be called
a " fatal measure." Sir Robert was himself of the opinion
of Pitt till he sat on the Bullion Committee; but since that
time he had presumed to sneer at his master ; but he would
have saved the country a vast deal of misery if, instead of
sneering at him, he had imitated him. Ptir. Taylor then
detailed at sonic length the transactions between the Bank
of England and the Government of that day (1797), which
was obliged to be very pressing in its demands on the Bank;
those demands the Bank, careful of the interest of the pro-
prietors, were compelled to refuse. The Bank Restriction
Act was then passed, and the power the Bank acquired, so
far from being abused, that its issues, after that Act was
passed, were more limited than before. Why, then, should
that be called a " fatal measure," which placed the people
under greater restrictions than before? It certainly did not
produce a superabundance of paper money. Before the war
began the proportion of paper money to the tax-
ation of the country was about sixty per cent.
After that event it was reduced at different times
to 56, to 48, and latterly it was not more than 33 per cent.
At the present moment the issue of the Bank of England is
about 20,000,0001., and the taxation of the country is
50,000,000/. ; that gives a proportion of about 40 per cent.—
it had even gone as low as 30 per cent. All this proved that
there had been no abandonment of duty on the part of the
Bank of England, so as to justify any one, in calling the Act
of 1797, a "fatal measure.' Ire thought a 3iinister ought
to be cautious how he pronounced a sentence that he might
himself have to reverse. Lord Ashburton once said that the
first gun fired in another European war would destroy our

paper credit, and if there should be another war, and Peel
should be Minister, he would be compelled to adopt the Bank
restriction he had censured. That measure he contended
was an expedient one at the time, and he would now
ask whether it might not be called a just and humane mea •
sure ? From 1790 to 1797 they could not raise more than
20,0001. of taxes, but by the operation of that Act, the
people were enabled to meet the taxes by charging the
consumers with the amount of them over and above the
natural price of the articles they produced. Even in the
first year afterwards the taxes were raised from twenty-
millions to thirty, yet the burdens were not complained of.
The landed interest certainly had no reason to complain, for
their estates were preserved to them by these exertions.
He now came to a different state of things. This memorable
measure was destroyed in 1819, but the anticipated effects
of that destruction began to be felt much earlier. The Bul-
lion Committee made its report in 1810. The Bank of
England foresaw that it would be compelled to restrict its
issues, and, not knowing when the Act might terminate,
became very rigid, contracted its circulation, and prices
began to fall in 1812, 1813, and 1814. This caused so
considerable a change that some people said on
this account that it was not the return to cash payments
which caused the mischief; but these changes were
produced by the anticipation of the restrictive system. Prices
continued to decline still more after it, and in the seven years
after 1819 the agricultural interest began to feel it, and the
farmers not getting more than 435. 4d. a quarter for their
corn, the landlords began to think that they had gone too
far in destroying the paper currency of the country, which
gave the farmer his prices and the landlord his rent. They
therefore pursued a course which left all the rest of the com-
munity to suffer from the pressure, while it exempted the
farmers. They passed the cora-laws, which were intended
to secure the farmer 50 per cent. for his corn above the natu-
ral gold and silver price of it, on the ground that he could
not, in consequence of the amount of the taxation of this
country, compete with the foreign corn grower. The manu-
facturer could not contend with low prices, and•on this ground
the attempt to interfere with the hours of labour in factories
was resisted—it would compel the master to reduce wages,
and thus place the labourer in as bad a situation as he was in
before. He had no objection to a Restriction Act, compelling
the Bank to take up its notes with gold; but then it should
be with gold at the market price. He concluded by stating,
that the Act of 1797 was an expedient measure and a hu-
mane one. The country could not flourish if it disregarded
the common principle of doing unto others as we would be
done unto, especially to those who were not adequately re-
presented ,in Parliament when the change was made that so
much affected them. When the poor man was forced to pay
the taxes he had no share in imposing, but which the mea-
sure of 1819 threw upon him, it became a serious question
whether that principle should not be carried out which would
give him a larger share in the representation.
Mr. SPARKHALL put several questions to Mr. Taylor as to
the issues of the Bank, particularly as to whether he would
not wish the Bank to restrict its issues at any time or under
any circumstances ?
Mr. TAYLOR said the Bank issued its notes for Exchequer
bills, on which the Government paid discount. With that
paper money the Government paid the interest of the na-
tional debt, and also defrayed the charges of the current year,
and these sums amounted to about 50,000,0001. The deposits
in the Bank were employed in the business of discounting
private bills, but this formed but a small part of the business
of the Bank.

Mr. SPAREHALL thought that by an exclusion of foreign
manufactures, keeping up a fixed price for corn, and giving
employment to the labourers, by cultivating the 15 millions
of waste land at present idle, the people would be enabled to
pay the taxes without any alteration in the currency.
Mr. RICKARDS said that some instrument of exchange
besides gold was necessary ; the nations that had confined
themselves to gold had remained in statu quo, and not made
such progress as others that had adopted soma other repre-
sentative of value. All the gold in this kingdom would not
be enough of itself to pay one fortnight's wages of labour.
All we possessed was barely sufficient to represent the labour
of the country withont its taxation.
Mr. J.;HOLLAND on the contrary, contended that France
raised within a million of as heavy an amount of taxation as
this country, and it only had six banks of issue, three in
Paris, and three in the provinces. Napoleon carried on his
wars without a paper currency. He thought it immaterial
what quantity of gold was in the country provided it was
left free to find its relative value, and provided that a small
quantity of it answered the purpose of a great deaL
Mr. CAPPS said at that rate the condition of the labourer
ought to improve as prices rose, but was that the fact ?
Mr. O'Bmxx having stated what he considered to be the
objects of the Society, said he had no objection to the cur-
rency.being depreciated, provided it was not done ad libitum,
or indefinitely. He was for a depreciation to a certain ex-
tent ; the question was to what extent. He thought the Act
of 1819 had operated with great injustice to the debtors of
the country, by compelling them to pay in one currency debts
contracted in another of less value. The bulk of the national
debt was contracted between 1793 and 1815 ; by the opera-
tion of the Act the people were compelled to pay the public
creditor 33 or 34 bushels of wheat for every 15 bushels the
Government borrowed. This was most unjust, and this

he contended against. He illustrated his argUment with
great clearness and ability.
The CHAIRMAN said the objects of the Society were much
in accordance with the views just expressed ; but they did
not want a depreciated currency; that they had already.
They did not want a depreciated currency, they only wanted
the honest use of it.—(Hear, hear.) If the Government
added fifty millions of taxations to the natural cost of pro-
duction, their currency must be depreciated. They might
have Acts of 1819, and resolutions of 1844, but it remained
the same. The reason of the panic that took place among
the banks was, that the law compelled them to pay double
the amount that they had promised to do.
Mr. RICLIARDSON said there was another element which
acted on the currency that must be taken into their consi-
deration—the exchanges, and instanced the operations of the
" clearing-house," by which large sums were transferred
without any money at all.
M. T. .ATrwooD then addressed the meeting at great
length. H said he had had the misery the night before of
hearing the speech of Sir R. Peel ; he had read that speech
since, and he came there to say that he altogether despaired
of any good being done for the nation ; the doom of the
country was sealed. Hearing the cheers that greeted that
speech from all parties, though it abounded with such wrong-
headed sentiments, he thought it was no use striving
any more. He altogether despaired now of any good being
done. As Lord Spencer once told him, " To the devil we
must all go." Nothing could rescue this blasted, blighted,
and doomed nation from the fate that was approaching it.
eswithout, upen
and the
all countryrrottenness
nas a
whitened s e s
loneliness lookedsThere were groans in their ears, but they heard them not—ruin
was before them, but they saw it not—and would not see it
ti
sepulchre,upon tl
allen.
within. He gave it up. He had tried to save it for thirty
years, but now he might as well attempt to swallow the
it broke
Thames.—(Laughter.) If the Chairman was a great Duke,
and the gentlemen present all Barons, then something might
be done—then there might be some chance. But the coun-
try was in such an unhappy state of morals, that he be-
lieved what was once said by Lord Western was correct,
" Bad as the Ministry are, the people are a d—d deal
worse."—(Great laughter.) 'With respect to the question
before them, he denied that he wanted an irresponsible cur-
rency, but he deprecated laying down any fixed plan, before
they had got rid of the great evil—the Bill of 1819. They
had got into a mess, and must do their best to get out of it,
as they used to do when he was in the volunteers. When
they were in all sorts of confusion and botheration, the adju-
tant could only get them out of it by calling out, " As you
were." So he said with respect to this subject. Let them
crush the Bill of 1819, and get as they were before. He did
not mean that the Bank Restriction Act was a perfect mea-
sure, but it was good pro tanto ; the country flourished under
it, and they should endeavour to get back to a similar
condition.

The CHAIRMAN then announced that the subject of next
week's discussion would be the " Bank Charter Resolutions,
and Sir R. Peel," and the meeting separated.

HER MAJESTY'S INT ENDED MA-
RINE VILLA.
The general impression now is that Norris Castle, East
Cowes, will again become the Royal residence, as Osborne
House would not accommodate one-half of 'the Royal suite ;
and, therefore, the idea of making it a permanent residence
for the Queen is all but abandoned. Norris Castle, the seat
of Robert Bell, Esq., is Windsor Castle in miniature. Its
erection cost 180,000/, and its furniture upwards of 70,0001.
The Castle stands on the middle of a beautifully intersected
woodland, commanding an uninterrupted view of the sea,
which breaks its waves against the surrounding walls. Its
approaches and site are most picturesque. Sir E. Engle-
field thus describes the position of Norris Castle :—" Seated
on the steep descent of the coast to the Solent sea, it com-
mands a view of that strait superior in beauty to any other
point in the island. To the east Portsmouth crowded with
shipping is in full view, and the richest line of the woody
coast of the island, from Barton to Nettlestone, appears in
long and varied perspective. To the north the Southampton
river is seen in its whole extent, and the town of Southamp-
ton, with its spires and tower, though at more than ten
miles distance, is no inconsiderable object. The woods of
the New Forest clothe the view to the west, while Calshot
Castle, on its point of long bank of shingle, stands boldly out
amidst the waves, and marks the separation between the
Solent sea and the Southampton river. The house is of a
very general form, and its clustering towers, in every point
of view, particularly when seen from the sea, are striking
and commanding, and a most splendid addition to the scenery
of the coast. The choice both of the site and form of the
mansion reflects the highest honour on the taste of the noble
owner." It was originally built by Lord Henry Seymour,
from the designs of Mr. Wyatt, after the ancient Norman
style, and is so extensive that seventy beds can be fitted up
Norms
and
in it, while the out-offices and servants' apartments cover
nearly two acres. The grounds and woods are most beauti-
fully laid out and intersected, and upon every side the most
enchanting views of the sea and the surrounding scenery pre-
sent themselves. But the great advantage which Norris
Castle presents is, that at all times the Royal yacht can
anchor under its windows. 'When George the Fourth pro-
ceeded on a marine excursion, in 1819, he visited Norris
Castle, and was on that occasion most magnificentlys nasetiie-
tained by Lord Henry Seymour ; and in 1831
was the residence of the Q
ueen (then Princess Victoria)
her Royal mother. When her Majesty u q 3'
tl visited
her Majesty formerly
ants the apartments and walks which
occupied and promenaded in her youth.
gentlemen who are now,
H. Saunders, Esq., and the other
the Castle, have expressed
by Royal command, inspecting
awith t as a residence well adapted
the Castle last year she repeatedly pointesdobuset tuoener attend-
themselves much please
for Royalty, and are now in treaty with the proprietor for
the furniture. Various sums have
been mentioned as the purchase money, but none with cer-
tainty. The amount asked, however,varies between 60,000/.
and 80,0004 It is also recommended that Osborne House,
its purchase and that of
which is adjoining Norris Castle, but which, as has been
already stated, and is on all hands admitted to be wholly un-
fitted for a Royal mansion, should be also purchased, and
added to Norris Castle. Although the purchase for Norris
Castle appears considerable, yet Mr. Saunders, Mr. Anson,
and the other inspectors, give it as their opinion that ulti-
mately it would be much cheaper to purchase Norris Castle,
' or any other mansion fully suited for the reception of the
Royal Family than to take a smaller building, the enlarge-

ment and beautifying of which would require time, and a
large outlay of money, before the Royal Family could reside
in it.

PARLIAMEN TAR Y DIVISIONS.

From the rotes and Proceedings of the Houseqf Commons.)
TUESDAY, MAY 7.
LEEDS AND BRADFORD RAILWAY BILL.

Report considered ; Motion made, and Question proposed,
" That the Amendments made by the Committee to the
Bill be now read a second time :"—Amendment proposed, to
leave out from the words " That the" to the end of the Ques-
tion, in order to add the words " Report be taken into fur-
ther consideration upon this day six months," instead thereof :
—Question put, " That the words proposed to be left out
stand part of the Question :" The House divided :

MAJORITY—AYES, 124.
Aglionby, H. A Elphinstone, Howard Parker, J.
Ainsworth, Peter Estcourt, T. G. B. Philips, GI B.
Arkwright, George Evans, William Philips, M
Astell, William Fellowes, Edward Phillpotts,*John F.
Bailey, Joseph Ferrand, W. B. Pollington, Viscount
Baillie, H. J. Flower, Sir James Protheroe, Edward
Baird, William Forman, T. S. Rashleigh, Wm.
Barclay, David Forster, Matthew Rice, E. R.
Bating, Henry Fox, S. Lane Round, John
Baring, F. T. ' Fuller, A. E. Scholefield, J.
Barnard, E. G. Gardner, J. D. Shaw, F.
Baskerville, T. B. M Gladstone, W. E. Sheppard, T.
Beckett, William Goulburn, Henry Somerset, Lord G.
Bellew, R. M. Greene, T. Stanley, W. 0.
/B Berkeley, Captain Grey, Sir G. • onifield; W. R.
Bewring, Dr. Grimsditch, Thomas Staunton, Sir G. T.
Browne, Hon. W. Hamilton, J. Hans Stuart, Lord J.
Buckley, Edmunl Hervey, Lord A. Strickland, Sir G.
Buller, C. Hinde, J. H. Strutt, Edward
Buller, E. Hodgson, Richard Thompson, Ald.
Buller, Sir J. Y. Howard, P. H. Thornhill,
Busfeild, W. H
owick, Viscount Tollemache, F. J.
Carnegie, Captain Humphery, J. Trelawny..l. S.
Chapman.7l3. Hutt, W. Trench, Sir F. W.
Christopher, ft. A. Johnstone, Sir J. Trollope, Sir John
Chute, W. L. Labouchere. H. Tyrell, Sir J T.
Clive, E. B. Langton, W. Gore Vane. Lord Harry
Compton, H. Law, Hen. C. E. Vivian, J. H.
Copetdod, Alderman Lawson, Andrew Walker, R.
Crawford, W. S. Lemon, Sir C. - Wawn, J. T.
Cripps, William Lowther, Hon. Col. Wilshere, W.
Darby, George Macaulay, T. B. Winnington, Sir T.
Denison, E. Seckett M‘Geachy, F. A. Wortley, Jas.
Dickinson, F. H. Marsham, Viscount Wortley. Hon. JohnS
Divett, Edward Masterman, John Wyndham Colonel
Douglas, Sir H. Miles,. William Wynn, C. W.
Douglas, Sir C. Milne', Richard Yorke. E. T.
Drummond, H. H. Mitcalfe, Henry Yorke, R. H
Duncan, Lord Morris, David
Duncan, George Muntz, G. F. TELLERS.
Duncombe, A. Murray. A. Colebrook; Sir T.
Easthope, Sir John Norreys, Sir D. Wood, Charles
Ellice, E. Ord, W