The Sun.
London, England, 1821-01-29 00:00:00

A FARMER.

WITCHCRAFT.

We little expected to hear of a trial for Sdrcery
in the nineteenth century, much less did we ex-
pect to find the theatre of the Magician's-ex-
ploits in a Village which, from its proximity to
Paris, would seem to belong to the faux-
bourgs of that capital, one of the seats of 'learn-
ing, arts, and sciences, in the present enlight..
ened age. —. It must however be admitted,,
that a love of the marvellous, which was for-
merly so powerful in villages and in towns,
and which was the parent of so many
customs, prejudices, and imaginary fears and
hopes, is still very ,preValent. In vain have
religion and law attempted to eradicate it. Even
Philosophy herself, notwithstanding all her ef-
forts, has been unable to extirpate this taste for
the marvellous, which has descended to us from
times immemorial.

It appears by the circumstances disclosed on
this trial, which came on about ten days ago in
the Royal Court at Paris, that—
" A mason named Norville, and has son, living at Vitry,
near Paris, had been ill a long time, and continuing to get
worse daily, applied to Laurent, the gamekeeper of the Count
Dubois, who persnaded them that they were the victims of a
spell cast over them by some shepherds, and assured
them that he was himself a sorcerer, and possessed the
Means of relieving them, if they would furnish him
with, money. Norville accordingly gave him a sum of
money, and from that moment Laurent, to keep up the fears•
of this, credulous villager, invented daily the most absurd
stories. 'Sometimes he persuaded him that he had just re-
turned frow,an interview with a spirit; at other "times
that be had contended. in his favour against some magi-
cians who had sworn his ruin ; and occasionally: he
gore - him, as mysterious specifics, a bloody tooth just
extracted from a. corpse taken out of the earth by the
light of thelVfoon, or a' piece of black thread, a toad, an egg
laid. by a black ben, small bags of vervain, a sheep's heart
stuck full of pins, and other, amulets and charms.
" The poor deluded creatures never experienced the least
pain or. uneasiness Without immediately taking a pecuniary
offering to Laurent,' who, after repeating some magical invo•
cation or words,.gravely delivered his directions ; but at length,
not finding their' health iMprOved. Norville began to suspect
he had been deceived; and imagining there were more skilful
' sorcerers living at Paris than LaUrent, proceeded thither with-
his son, and consulted several fortune-tellers, who told him,
after be had drawn one of their cards, that he lind been
cheated by one of their friends, hut that they would be re-
venged of him. One of them,however, persuaded Norville
to purchase crosses of vervain as a certain preservation against
the ills that threatened him and his son. Placing entire con-
fidence in the declarations of the Parisian sorcerers, Norville
brought this action against Laurent for defrauding him of his
money."

The evidence adduced proved these facts ; in-
deed it appeared to be matter of notoriety at
Vitry that Laurent had succeeded in making the
peasantry of that village and its neighbourood
believe he maintained intercourse with good
and evil genii ; and that he kept up this popular
belief by nocturnal apparitions, cabalistic words,
and marvellous tales ; converting the fears with
which he had inspired these simple and credulous
villagers into so many engines for extorting money
from them.

M. Cadet-Gassiconrt, formerly apothecary to
Bonaparte, a man of science and intelligence,
heard of these reports, and mentioned them to
Count Dubois, who replied that Laurent was
certainly possessed of the power of working 'ma-
gic, and that he told him (the Count) soon after
his mother-in-law died, that her death was occa-
sioned by witchcraft.
That the victims of Laurent's delusion should
have belonged to the labouring class, the most
uninformed and superstitious order of society, we,
'naturally anticipated; but great was our surprise,
that he should have obtained faith for any super-
natural powers front Count Dubois; Who was for-
merly Prefect of Police at Paris, and one of whose
duties for many years was the detection and
punishing. of Diviners and Fortune-tellers.
Since Laurent ventured to-say what has been
just stated to Count Dubois, there is very little
doubt but he practised on the feelings and fears
of those simple peasants by the most marvellous
stories and extravagant delusions. Indeed this
trial exhibited a singular - spectacle, not unwor-
thy the study of the human mind ; for it was
observed that not even the presence of the Court
and the spectators - was capable of removing the
apprehensions of the crowd of villagers whO-came
to give evidence on this trial, and that they re-
lated with fear and trembling the cabalistic arts
and contrivances of which they had been either
the witnesses or the dupes. The wife of Mor-
ville was in tears during the whole of the trial,
evidently impressed with the belief that the
death of three of her children was owing to the
witchcraft of the accused.
The Court condemned, Laurent to one year's
imprisonment, and to pay a fine of fifty francs.

The LORD MAYOR of Dublin, Sheriffs, and a
numerous party partook of an elegant entertain-
ment on Saturday at SHELLEY'S. Hotel Cokspqr-

street.

.-41ttNCg SSVINDLLIt

.The Allowing, singular. fax Wer4. lately dis,.
closed on a trial pefore the,COrrectional Tribgnal
S:aint:_gdentin; and serve toshew how easy it
skill: is, foy bold and. designinglmen to impose upon
theeSimPle and eredulous.:7--
"On the 19th of January .3.818, Mall named.
tatile Chevriri, about :9.'8 years ord, was con-
demned by the Court of A,ssites,. of the Pepart..
ment of the, ,omme., to five years imprisonment
for theft ; but being taken ill, was sent to the
Hospital at Perotine, from Which, he soon after..
wards made his eScape. Ite,arrived.in rags at
the Village of Seboncourt, in the district of Saint
Qtientin, and Welit,to the house of a gentles an,
named Lobjeois; whO .gave him some refresh..
ments out of. .charity.. At this, very tbni-,..th •
ballot for the-cOnstription 01818 was just finished,
and LObjeois. was engaged. in administering con-
solation .to his sOn, who had been drawn as a
conscript, and was alniost distracted at the idea
'Of leaVin,liis,father: An • old man called Blau,-
chard .was also present, and spoke the most
, • .
iffe'ctiOnatetwni of his son Atignstin, whom he
had not seen since he (Augutin) joined the
army,. upwards,,of eight years before. Chevrin
paid particular attention to all that was said,
then quitted' his host, and took the read to
Wassigny: At eleV'en,o'clock at night he mturn-
ed to Seboncourt, went to the house of Blanchard,
arid announced himself as his son, who. had just
arrive.d,frouißussia, where he had..been detained
as a prisoner. Blanchard did not in the slightest
degree recollect having seen him at' the house of
his friend. Lobjeois only a feW hours before ; and
though he could not trace in this -individual the
features of. Augustin, yet 'he received him into
his house, treated him as a father; and continued
.the dupe of his artifi.cesior several days ; pro-
viding him 'with new chithes,-and-supplying him
with money. Eniile Chevrin was extremely ac-
tive in spreading the report.that he was the son
of Blanchard;, nobody, however, believed- him,
yet he..was every where welcomed, as such.
" After having related a great many military
anecdotes and adventures, he pretended to be in-
timately.acquainted and to have considerable in.:
terest with the Military Intendant, .who was_one
of the Council for conduCting the recruiting ser-
vice in the department cif the.Aisne, and said that
he had served iri Russia under this Officer, to
whom he had rendered important services ; and
having obtained credit for these inventions. with
the fathers of several ofthe young men who were
to he examined at the office of the 'Recruiting
department, he offered his services- to procure
their exemption from all military service... The
whole party proceeded to Latin: Chevrin lodged
his proteges in an inn., and desired them not
to appear before the Council ; '11:e then left
them, returned, again went out, and at length
came back a 'second time, informing them that
his efforts had been crowned witlistOcess. The
young men and their fathers, the victiths of a blind
credulity, were transported with joy,' and he had
now no difficulty in accomplishing :his original
design ;, he stated, that,'to ensure sucess, he had
incurred great expenses, having paid for one 90
francs, .and for another 123 francs. His pre-
teuded payments were without a monient's delay
gratefully returned to.him.
"The whole party then returned to Seboncourt
in excellent spirits ; but Chevrin thought it was
high time to decamp from this village,. and set off
to Wassigny. lIIe went under, the name of
Blanchard the younger to an Inn, the=.. master of
which.was acquainted with Blanchard the elder.
The next day he expressed a wish to go to Ca-
teau, and, feigningindisposition, borrowed a horse
of the. Innkeeper, and was accompanied by a
guide-fdr fear he should be taken ill on the:road.
He had a sumptous dinner at Cateau,
,and after-
wards went to.visit a friend, who, ',he said, lived
about six miles from that place, promising to re-
turn in a couple of hours :he set out-on horse-
back, and they heard nothing more of Chevrin or
the horse. He was at length apprehended in the
month of May last, tried, found guilty of breach
of trust and. swindling, and sentenced-.to ten
years imprisonment, and to give security for his
good behaviour for a like number of years, after
the expiration of his confinement) in the sum of
2000 francs."*

WILL Or THE MARQUIS OF ORMONDE.—The
Will of the late Most Honourable Wat.ren,_ Marquis and
Earl of OamoNns, Earl •of Ossoter in Irelatia; and Baron
BUTLER in England, was proved in "the Prerogative Court,
Doctors' Commons, on the 10th ins'ant, by 1 he.,oaths of Sir
James GrahaM; •Bart.:.and Charles Butler, ESq., two of the
Executors, to whom the•athoinistration was granted ; power
being reserved for the same purpose to the Right Hun. George
Lord Gordon; Marquis of Huntly, the other of the Executors.
The Will comprehends only the' Marquis's property in Eng-
land, a separate one having been made, of the same date
.(ifithFehruary,•lBio), for the disposal of that ip Ireland, to
which, of course; the present Probate does not extend. The
.effects withitt the provitiCe of Canterbury are •'sworn under
'30,0091. All the.freehobls in England, .lying, we believe, in
the counties of. :Stafford, -Warwick, 71(tint, and Mid-
dlesex, are entailed;• in the first instance, upon the heirs
of the testator's own bridy, in case of no sons to daughters,
with the usual remainders, and in default (A any its' e
then the • mansion-house, called Ulcombe•place, with the
estates of Pcorube and
.Chegwortli, and other ,manors and
estates in the aforeiaid 'counties particularly nientroned, sire
devised to the Marquis's second brother, Charles Howard.
Butler, and his heirs male in succession,-(whu 'p.fe, to take tl:e
name and bear the arms of Clarke, in addition to their own!,
with power of charging thereon jointures to the amount of
10001. per annum forAheir respective wives % and fifr younger
Sons the sum of, 10,09P1,, irt-sucli portions as tm.qbe thought
proper. • The rest of estates are devised toHtte Nlarquis's
- eldest brother, tliC Hon. James Butler, for life,' and after his
death to his son- John Bittler,- and his heirs male, with re-
mainder in succession as aforesaid, and with hpower of charg-
ing thereon; by way •Orjoilittirei the sum of 1,5001. per an-
mum,-and 10,0001. for -yotinger sons. The furniture, stock,
pictures, and all contents of the mansion-house at Ulcombe, in
Kent, are left to the said'Charles Howard Butler. The small
service of plate -in the Castle at Kilkenny, in Ireland, is di-
rected to be held and enjoyed by the .persons from time to
time occupying the estate at Ulcombe,, which it is to accom-
pany as an heir-loom; proper inventories being kept both by
the trustees and the occupier, and all necessary repairs to bm
Made at the charge of the latter. The leasehold house irk
Bryanstone-square,- with the stock, furniture, pictures, plate,
books, and contents, are left to the said Hon. Jahves Butler,
except only the pictures of the late Marchioness and the tes-
tator, painted hy.Saunders,.which are given to Miss Margaret
Meredith;-and a miniature a.the Marchioness, also by Saun-
ders, btqueathed to the wife of S. Marriott, Es-q., Barrister-
at-law.!.--rOne hundred per annum is. left to his Lordship's
housekeeper, Mrs. Bates, to be paid without any deduction,
• on account of the legacy-tax. The residue is left to the stud
Hon. James Butler. The testotor died at UlcOmbe-place in
June last. - .

The ipreparatiOp ;for the. Coronatiou,in West-
minster 1411.. are. nowsproeeeding,
.and rumour
fixes the, we tot :May, forthis.spleudiq specta-
ole. . -

TilE LONDON ,TOURNALS.

[DAILY EXTRACTt', FROM THE MORNING rArERs.I

prornine Chronicle.]
Our private communications froM Paris, con-
firmed by a Gentleman who arrived last evening,
assure us that the Government of Aladrid.have
giVen peremptou orders to their Envoys, to de-
liver in a Protest to the Governments of Austria
and France, against the unduct of the Allied
Sovereigns with regard to Naples, ana from the
former to demand an explicit explanation on the
subject of such stigmas as have been thrown out
against the Spanilh Constitution, in the late De-
claration laid before the.people of Europe; and
e naturally suppose the protest will be extond-
ed to the other Allied Powers.

• [British Press.]
The :Ministers having, in the discussion. of Lord
A. Hamilton's motion, expressed their determina-
tion to pursue towards her Majesty the system of
punishment which they had commenced, have
thereby discountenanced' every hope of seeing
the existing. differences in the Royal Family
Lnully and tranquilly adjusted. They have
sot the voice of the people at defiance, ,Ind are
satisfied to witness the continued irritation of
the public wind, rather than submit to the
smallest sacrifice in a matter of no intrinsical
importance. We know not, neither do we
much care, what the pecuniary grant may be
-Which they mean. to submit to the House ,of
Commons on Wednesday, for money must be a
matter of secondary interest compared with the
allowance of that respect and observance which
belong of right to her 'Majesty at Queen. In-
deed we cannot conceive how the Ministers can
reconcile the proposal of any allowance to the
Queen in. her political capacity, with their
refusal of all those marks of distinction and
honour which appertain. to her rank.

[Morning Post.]
The Opposition have made their grand effort,
and never was defeat more signal than that which
they have.experienced. Availing themselves of
the temporary delusion, produced by the most
infamous expedients of a base and mischievous
faction, to hold up flagrant guilt as -perfect inno—
cence, and the most depraved licentiousness as
pure virtue, they came forward on the
question of the Liturgy with so powerful
an aid of adscititious circumstances, as to
have filled them with the vain hope of cer-
tain victory, and the consequent immediate pos-
session of all power in the State. The event,
however, has most woefully. disappointed their
expectations, and the vote of Saturday has-set the
disgusting and abhorrent question at rest, by es-
tablishing the rectitude and wisdom of that ad-
-vice by which.his Majesty was led, to the adop-
tion of. the late
.painful, but most just and neces-
sary measures, as well with regard to the, honour
9f his Crown as to the character of his Country.
This is the second discomfiture Which interested
faction has experienced in the course of the few
days .that have elapsed since the commencement
Qf, .the Session of Parliament ; for in their short-
sighted view of the affairs of Naples, and
in fond anticipation of complete triumph, they
made all the arrangements necessary for a vigo-
rous assault ; and so certain were they o,f success,.
that, without examining the ground, they opened
one of. their heavy batteries on the first day of
the Session. Their defeat_ was signal; and yet it
would be too much to hope that it will render
them more circumspect for the future. It must
certainly have been a great mortification for
them to find that they had procured a triumph,
instead of embarrassment, for their opponents.
It was a great act of indiscretion, at the opening
of the Parliamentary campaign, to shew the un-
assailable character of one great branch of Mini-
sterial policy. They will not get over this mis-
take ; and it proves that they are as bad tacti-
cians as they are shuffling and arrogant politi-
cians.

[New Times.]
Most heartily do we congratulate our readers
on the political occurrences of last week, crowned
as they were with one of the proudest triumphs
ever obtained by the good sense of the Nation
over folly and faction. •A majority of 101 would
in any case be considered as
.strikingly impres-
sive ; but in the present instance the Whigs had
sustained a far more complete discomfiture before
the Debate began. They had been compelled
to abandon the very idea of an Address for plac-
ing the name of Queen Caroline in the Liturgy !
Let us reeent on the whole extent of this deter-
Mination. When the Queen came to this country
her chief legal adviser openly declared in Parlia-
ment, that the omission of her name in the Liturgy
was not a matter of serious importance. He af-
terwards negociated for.an equivalent to it. Mark
that! An equivalent, for what we are now told
is a violation of the Canon and Ciyil„the Common
and Statute Law, a shaking of. the very founda-
tions Of the Monarchy—a gross illegality—a
niOnstrous injustice !—For all this there was to
he an eqnivalett; but the negociation broke off,
and then for the first time began some murmurs
that the Queen had a right to be prayed for by.
name. Still nobody stirred to- vindicate that
right either in the competent -Courts of. Law, or
in the High Court of Parliament. What is most
astonishing a very learned Lawyer, who 66 from
ifiemoment the Order in Council issued, had re-
solved to oppose it," and who thought it " gross-
ly illegal," " unconstitutional," 64 monstrous,"
66 wretched," 66 miserable," " contemptible"—
even this Learned Gentleman, we say, slept over
the matter from the 12th of February, 1820, to
tilt: 26th of January, 1821.

[Mc Times.]

The very singular issue of Lord Archibald Ha-
milton's motion is such, we apprehend, as will
give satisfaction to no party, even as a stage of
the business. f t decides nothing—it leaves all
to be done. hereafter. Lord Archibald proposes
a Resolution, the effect of which is to condemn
Ministers for the erasure of the Queen's .name
from the Liturgy ; and Ministers simply propose
and carry—an adjoarnmgmt of the House: When

we conslder the can thathas kern -made through-
out the kingdom for the re-insertion of her Ma-
jesty's name, and find this to be the reply to it,
we.should say that :it is not.exactly like giving
those who ask for bread, a stone; but it is re-
questing those who ask bread,-only to put off their
time of feeding-. Much indeed was said about the
Queen beforethe House adjourned, but this, what-
ever sev.ue may pretend, will, as we before hinted,
really satisfy no party; for those who have slandered
her Majesty will regret to find that their masters
have ventured to say nothing against her in de-
bating the question, b6t have ascribed to her all
the oral homage due to her station. We confess
we are almost afraid to notice this fact ; for, as
her Majesty is known to be a defenceleSs.unpro-
tected woman, and as much advantage, it is also
well known, may be gained by abusing her, and
none by defending her, the omission of abuse
may . be soon supplied: yet, as the case now
stands, all the Ministers have done is to assert
simply the legal right to exclude the Queen's
name—a right of exclusion,therefore (vested in the
Privy Council), which may affect any other
Queen as well as the present, or any other Prince.

OBSERVATIONS ON THE POLICY TO PE PURSUED
TOWARDS THE NEAPOLITANS.

The general policy about to be adopted by
the British Court is essentially Peace, and non-
interference with foreign nations ; in other words,
that it is not the purpose of this country to inter-
pose between Naples and the Allied Sovereigns,
or, at least, not to enforce our interposition with
arms. If this principle is to be rigidly acted
upon, we directly and decidedly disapprove of
it, as unworthy of the station of England in Eu-
rope, and as a narrow, and most mean view,
both of our duties and interests. There are
three reasons which justify, and indeed require,

a powerful nation to-interfere in the quarrels of
its neighbours I.—The first is, where these quar-
rels menace to alter and disturb that relative po-
sition of the States ►vith each other and with

Europe in general, upon which the security of
the whole, and of each other (and the per-
manence of the general peace,) rests as
upon its basis in other words, the balance
of power, properly so called, and fairly
so considered. The' second is, . where an

assault is made upon those principles of public
law, private property, and great general ele-
ments, upon which not only the particular so-
cieties of single estates but the common wealth
of Europe depend ; and the third; where our
own interests are immediately and directly con-
cerned. An example of the assertion of the first
of these principles was in the Russian armament,
as it was termed, of Mr. Pitt, when the Empress
of Russia had taken Ockzacow by assault, and
therein made her first step towards the disturb-

ance of the general European system, by the ag-
grandisement of the Russian Empire. An example
of the second, was the war (a war for ever ho-
nourable to the virtue, wisdom, and courage of
the British empire) against the armed jacobinism
and atrocious irreligion and immorality of France.
The third reason requires no example.
But is it not almost undeniable, that this inva-
sion of Naples, if executed by these armed des-
pots, will fall under both these principles, and will
constitute a state of things rendering it a duty to
interpose effectually ? Will it not.disturb the
settlement of Europe under the Peace of Parr,
and the Congress of Vienna ? Has Russia come
forward without some promise—some secret ar-
ticles on the part, of Austria ? And if we suffer
Naples to be invaded and subdued to the passive
endurance of slavery, as an example to the ex-
isting impatience of the Austrian States in
Italy, shall we not be compelled to inter-
pose (and interpose suddenly, and at a great
cost) if the two parties should proceed to
divide what remains of Turkey Fe Europe
on this side the Danube ? And as regards the
second principle, is not the assertion of legi-
timacy, in the extensive sense adopted by the
Holy Alliance,—and is not the assertion of
the right of foreign interference, in prevention
of domestic reforms, in direct hostility with the
British Constitution, and with the principle of
national independence, as recognized and adopt-
ed by the public law of Europe ? Ought the
people of England, as a. free people, to
allow the assertion, by arms, of this " right
of Kings," in severance and distinction from

the rights of the people ? Ought they to
acknowledge this right of property in perpe-
tuity of Kings in their monarchies as they are,
and that all reforms and alterations shall be ren-
dered impossible, by this confederacy of Kings
to maintain their own despotisms ?
Suppose, as we have before said, such a guaranty
of Kings had existed at the time of King James
the Second—would the Revolution of William
the Third-have been accomplished ? or would not
this country—this free, noble, and high-minded
country, have been at this time bound down un-
der the basest servitude. to the meanest tyrants ?
Such is the necessary effect of these guarantees
of existing institutions ; they assert neither more
nor less than the unchangeable property and es-
tate of kings in their governments ; and are effec-
tually confederacies against the progressive im-
provement, liberty, and welfare, of the human
race. It is one source of consolation, that the
common sense of mankind will not now endure
the assertion of such principles ; and that, if the
attempt be made, the Russian hordes will have to
encounter the free Germans rising in mass against
. them. We anticipate this event, if these barba-
rous principles be carried too far,—and what is
more, we wish it; for, being born under the
blessings of a free Constitution, we can have no
hesitation in choosing between kings and their
people, where their interests are unnecessarily
brought into an anti-pesition.—(Bell's Weekly
Messenger.)

The accounts of the Revenue .of Ireland have
been presented to, the House of Commons. The
whole receipt for the financial year,- ended Ja-
nuary 5,' 1820, was 4,251,902/. That for the
year ended January '5," 1821, is 3,605,416/. be-
ing a reduction in one year of- G,16,4513/...

A POLITICAL VIEW OF THE TIMES ;
on, A DISPASSIONATE INQUIRY INTO THE
MEASURES AND CONDUCT
OF THE MINISTRY AND OPPOSITION.
tNo. I.]

" Per ros, Quirites, et gloriam majlrom, tolerate adrersa
et consulite Iteipubliew."—-Fragm. SALLusr.

This is by far the most able pamphlet we have
seen for many years. It is written with great
vigour, perspicuity, elegance, and impartiality;
and, generally speaking, we concur with, the
Author in many of his views of the present time's,
and of Public Men and measures ; but there are
many other serious grounds of complaint which,
we think, he should not have overlooked, and
from which, in our opinion, arises in . a great
measure the dissatisfaction of the rational and
respectable part of the community. Indeed, the
evils we allude to are admitted to exist, by im-
partial men of both parties, in the upper ranks of;
life, and that they ought to be removed. We
most cordially agree with this admirable writer
in the line of conduct which ought to be pursued
id the present state of the country—and, " with
regard to the Government, we may say," with
him "that the true poliey of Ministers, and the general line
of conduct which they should adopt,can hardly be mistaken.
" It is their interest, as it is their duty, to commiserate the dis-
" tresses of the people, if they cannot remove them—to hear
" their grievances, if they cannot redress them—to consider
" their petitions, if they cannot grant them. A generous na-
" tion, like England, will learn to endure with patience the
" evils which it perceives to have been necessary, and will
" be in some degree consoled by flatting attention paid to its
"complaints, and sympathy expressed ter its affliction. The
" Members of the Cabinet, too, must recollect, that these af-
" flictions, if not caused by their misconduct, have at least
" occurred under their Administration. Prudence and jus
" lice, therefore, will enjoin them to make large allowances
" for the-existing spirit of discontent;—and it will be manly
"in them to acknowledge, that whatever may be the mis-
" chief occasioned by the labours of pitriotism, or the licen-
" tious press, yet that these instruments of disturbance could
" could not have had half their present effect in a flourishing
" state of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures. The
" Ministers, for their own sakes, while they have sufficient
" nerve to resist the infatuation of the mob, should have suf.-
" ficient prudence nut to irritate the people by unnecessary
" oppositioo—To•day a change of measures may he sntlicient—
" to-morrow nothing may satisfy the people but a change of
" mcai. They will look with suspicion on every alteration in
" the system, if they cannot trust the Government by which
"it is adopted. A Ministry in this country, which is once
"thoroughly hated and despised, may pursue the most popu-
" lar measures—but it will never regain the lost confidence
" and affections of the nation. The Ministers have their
" own burden to hear as well as the people ; yet they have
" a buiad and open way before them—their real interest is
" ni.t involved in ant; intricate labyrinth of perplexities.—
" They ought most particularly to take . care that no abuses
" are suffered to remain which will admit of a speedy and
" effectual removal; because every single abuse furnishes
" a plausible pretence of opposition and invective against
" t hemselves. They must endeavour, by every method, to
" preserve peace and respectability abroad—good order and
" harmony at home ;---4 hey must avoid every .appearance of
" useless expenditure—they must despi e the wretched sys-
" tern of paltry shifts and temporary expedients—they must
" enter upon some regular and extensive plan to improvc,
"the public revenue, and lighten the overflowing burden of
" the National Debt—they must put our commercial regula-
" lions upon a more enlarged and liberal basis—they must
" inform themselves accurately, and in the (Mail, of the
" mutual relations and the actual state of every portion of
" the community—they most begin nothing which they are
" not resolved to bring to a conclusion—they must seem to
" have reliance on themselves, or how can they expect the

" Confidence of th'e.people?"
To enable our Readers to form a correct idea
of the Author's style, we give his preliminary
observations, and as opportunities present them-
selves, we shall give them, further extracts from
this interesting-publication :
" The.stuily of Politics, in its true and ancient significa-
tion, was that high and noble science which embraced all the
social relations and interests of man. It regarded him in his
mast exalted character; not as a wretched and helpless indi-
vidaal, but as a constituent number of a regulated Collllllll'
nity. It taught him his own dignity, as well as his duty to
his species. It contained aII the arts within itself which can
strengthen or adorn a nation ; it bound society together by
all the ties Which can give safety or value to existence. It
dwelt not in mere theory or speculation, but it entered into
the real buginess of life, and directed public affairs Ott the
most. extended scale, and in the most momentous occurrences.
It was, in this sense, the most sublime and comprehensive
branch of human wisdom: it was the study of Kings and
Legislators, the nurse of civilization, the guardian of common-
wealths: and even morals, as they attended merely to the re-
gulation of private and domestic --conduct, formed a suln.rdi-
nate part of science, inferior in utility and importance. But
this meaning of tire term seems no longer understood—the
grandeur anti elevation of the study are no more. In the
stead of the finest and most magnificent attaiement of the
human intellect, there has sprung up among us a bastard and
de,xent rate science, assuming to itself the name of politics,
which as much mistakes the office as it disgraces the title. It
has descended from those universal and immutable princi-
ples, which are founded on the firm basis of acknowledged
equity, to particular views and temporary purposes, wavering
with the uueestainty of individual opinion, and varying with
the iluctnatiisn of personal interest. It grasps no primary
maxims of law and government ; it undertakes no generous
labours for the public good : it pursues only the petty designs
of faction, the low objects of vulgar ambition; the miserable
contest for power and preferment. It is the science of sup-
planting a rival, of influencing a party—and not unfre-
qaently of deluding a multitude, and throwing a kingdom
into confusion. The politician, in those•older times of which
have been speaking, was a man who first. studied with at-
tention the law of nature and of nations, and the grand rules
on which all Government is founded, that he micht after-
wards apply the maturity of his knowledge to the due main-
tenance of the Constitution under which he lived, and the
universal welfare of the community of which he was a mem-
ber. He was not a Statesman only in his closet ; but he exa-
mined, together with the past history of the land, the existing
genius and temper of its inhabitants. He had no party
but his Country—no public wish, but its prosperity.—
Our modern politicians no more resemble such a character,
than a Greek of the present day resembles Lyeurgns
or Pericles. They arc either Theorists, who, lost amid
the chimeras of metaphysical abstraction, frame in
their disordered fancies something which Burke would call
' a monster of a constitution who chase, with eager fond-
ness. some visionary plan of impracticable improvement ; who
never take into consideration the actual disposition, of the
people, or the peculiar circumstances of. tire -times; who can
neither make their systems fur men, oar adapt men to then
systems : its short, they are either speculative projectors, car
they are something worse—they are dangerous innovators,
and factious alarmists. They affect to admire the glorious
fabric of our constitution ; they wish, therefore, as they say,
to restore their original stability and beauty, some parts of it
which arc decayed and tottering to their fall. But their ef-
forts. in reality, would tend to demolish the whole. edifice,
and level with the very ground, like the devoted temple of
Jerusalem, that proudest monument of human reason, erect.
'
ed by the wisdom and virtue of our forefathers. They.flatter
the Multitude by
filling their minds with wrong notions and
extravagant pretensions; they tire impelled by a wild desire
of transient notoriety, and forget that for true public virtue
tits re is such a reward as lasting reputation : they court the
fickle affections of the
populace, while they neglect the solid
approbation of the country. In their &twit-sighted views.
they lOok only to' the advancement of their party and them-
selves—yet esen their own interest they seem little to under-
stand. In pursuing their object, the means are generally as
ridiculous as the end is-despicable. I might trace other fea-
tures in the portrait—but I already sicken at the task. It
is
a portrait a hich no lover of his country can contemplate with
pleasure. I may be compelled, perhaps, as I proceed, to de
pict in stronger colours our modern politicians and our
modern pat riots• Yet, whet occasion is there to give in detail
the dem iptian of use!) characters, when the examples, how-
ever we might wish to forget or oserlook them, daily and
hourly. farce themselves upon our notice ?
" These are general remarks ; but they are closely connect-
ed with the subject before us—a Stied' of the present period.
and the existing posture of affairs. Let us apply them more
particnlarly. I would say then, that the present syssrm
politics in this country, and -the present race of politic ant,
are one great cause of our difficulties as a nation. The pub•
lit men on all sides are pulling a different way; and while
they are madly engaged in contending with each other. Eng-
land herself is torts and lacerated by their divisions. Oa the