The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-23 00:00:00

of opinion who agree with us in thinking one thing ne-
cessary—the repeal of the union.—(Cheers.) I read
with pleasure, though with some surprise (I called for it
to the secretary), the letter of Mr. Sharman Crawford.
—(Hear, hear.) He seems to think that the leaders of
the agitation have excluded the federal principle from
their consideration, and will not act with those who are
simply federalists. lam happy from this spot—and I
deem it part of my duty—to inform him that he is
mistaken in that supposition. We prefer—most of
us prefer—the simple repeal of the Act of Union ; but
there is not one of us that would not be content to re-
peal the Act of Union, and substitute a federal parlia-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) Not one. I don't think federalism
to be the best ; but I never was one of those who had
such an overweening opinion of the infallibility of my
own judgment, not readily to yield to argument, and
co-operate with any man that thinks better. lam ready
to join with the federalists to repeal the Act of Union,
and obtain, in the words of Mr. Sharman Crawford the
power for Irishmen to make laws to bind Ireland.—
(Cheers.) We have in the Association numbers of per-
sons who have joined us as federalists.—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. Grey Porter has proclaimed himself a federalist,
and in the name of the Irish people—(Cheers)—l pro-
pose that he should become the leader of that move-
ment.—(Hear, hear.) I don't want to be leader. lam
quite satisfied to be driver.—(Cheers and laughter.) I
ask, is there any man who can doubt the truth of this
proposition, that the union was carried by the foulest
and most profligate means that ever disgraced a Govern-
ment—force and fraud—bribery and bloodshed—the
bayonet and the triangle—the corrupting influence of
gold—every base passion was sent abroad—every foul
motive was fostered into increased guilt—our country
was filched from us, while we were made to contend
against each other, and the greatest crime that
ever was perpetrated by one nation against another
was perpetrated by England against Ireland, in the
extinction of the Irish Parliament ?—(Hear). I turn
then to the people of Ireland, and telling them that the
guilt was -that of the English Government, I ask them
whose was the punishment ? The English Government
sinned, and the Irish people bewailed and suffered for
the crime in misery, poverty, distress, and destitution.
-"--(Hear, hear.) Oh, sacred Heavens how can I look
round this beautiful island, and not see that she contains
all the material elements of the greatest prosperity?---
(Hear, hear.) The industrial resources of Ireland have
been recently brought before the public in the most dis-
tinct point of view by Dr. Kane in his work.—(Cheers.)
Her natural advantages are such, that in describing them
even my prosy language assumes the dignity of poetic
diction. Her perpetual fertility, her green fields, her
verdant valleys, her noble mountains, pouring forth
unceasing torrents that would supply power to turn
the machinery of all the manufactories in the world.
Her spacious bays—hei noble harbours—her majestic
estuaries open at every heur of every tide, and secure
against every wind that sweeps through heaven, renders
her a nation qualified in a transcendent degree to attain
a proud and eminent position amongst the commercial
countries of the universe. Nature has endowed her with
all the elements of greatness, happiness, and freedom
yet how comes it that she is not great, nor happy, nor
free ? She is no nation—she is a pitiful pelting pro-
wince, with a people who are everywhere the victims of
distress, and would be the victims of despair were it not
for their virtue. How comes this, I ask ? It is all the
effect of the deleterious union, and the unhappy system
of things which now exists must for ever exist unless we
resolve upon achieving legislative independence, and in-
sist that Irishmen shall have Ireland for themselves.—
(Hear, hear.) But there are men who decline to join us
from an apprehension of religions ascendancy being one
of the consequences of a repeal of the union. Ali, Sir
(turning to the Chairman), if you thought so, you
would not be in that chair to-night.—(Hear, hear.)
Yon have been actively and incessantly engaged
in our movement during the last twelve months.
Not only have you taken part in all our public
manifestations during that period, but you have been
sedulous in your atttendance upon our private com-
mittees, and you best know whether, from the first day
of your connexion with us to the present hour, you ever
heard from one of us a single expression derogatory to
the religion of those who hold different tenets from the
vast majority of the Irish people.—(Hear, hear.) No
such expression you ever heard issuing from our lips,
and for this manifest reason, that no such thought ever
had existence in our hearts. As a Catholic, I hare seen
nothing but evil effects from religious ascendancy, and I
hate it too intensely to permit that the pure faith which
I conscientiously profess, and which I think the best,
should be contaminated by it.—(Cheers.) But, while we
disclaim all idea of ascendancy on our own parts, it is a
privilege too odious that we should suffer it to be onjoyed
by any other party whatever. Equality, not ascendancy,
is what we labour to attain, and the whole philosophy of
our political principles may be comprised in this sentence
—the smooth level of freedom—equal rights and equal
liberties for all ; bat ascendancy or superiority to none.
--(Cheers.) This is our creed—this is our practice—
these are the objects of our political ambition. How
proud would the enemies of Ireland be if our conduct
had been such as to afford any colour or pretext for
a doubt as to the sincerity of our motives. We are
candid when we declare that we will not permit any as-
cendancy on the part of others; and we are equally sin-
cere when we say that we will not lay claim to any such
thing for ourselves. We are struggling for the three
greatest blessings that can be enjoyed by any people ; a
free press—freedom of education—and freedom of con-
science. This is the reason why we frankly and warmly
call upon our Protestant fellow-countrymen to join us.
The struggle in which we are engaged is one iu which
all classes of Irishmen may, whether Protestant, Catholic,
or Presbyterian, zealously combine and co-operate with-
out the slightest sacrifice of principle. True, lam now
only once more repeating what I have uttered many and
many a time before; but political truths ripen in repeti-
Limn and, as a new generation is every hour arising,
and as a new flow of blood is clay by clay gushing into
the national veins, it is not absurd nor inexpedient., but
on the contrary highly judicious and advisable, to
reiterate continually a great political fact.—(Hear hear.)
I speak to the young blood of Ireland, and from this spot
I tell them that the hope of their country's salvation is
based on the practical acknowledgement of this great
truth, that that man who for the enforcement of his oe n
doctrine has recourse to the soldier's bayonet or the
policeman's staff, affords by his conduct the strongest
possible presumptive evidence to show that he has no con-
scientious conviction of the genuine and intrinsic value of
the tenets he professes. W hen he thanks it necessary to
have recourse to the soldier, the constable, the excutioner,
or the gaoler, he shows that he has no very strong con-
fidence in the intrinsic superiority of the opinions he
professes, -and that he suspects they have not truth or
reason to support them. I care not who is the man who
pursues such a course—l care not who may he the per-
secutor, whether Protestant, Catholic, or Presbyterian,
in my mind he is no Christian at all.—(Cheers,) An-
other impediment in the course of repeal is the alleged
danger of a convulsion in property ; but nothing was
ever more absurd or more irrational than any such appre-
hension,, for the danger consists in not repealing the
union.—(Cheers.) Property is not safe, and I will go
the length of saying that it ought not to be so while the
present system of things continue. How can there he
prosperity in the country—how can there be security to
property, as long as six millions of money, which ought
to Jses expendechiaeaising.ewages and creating a conapeoe
tiem labour, are, dreirsectout ,tef the country fur the.
.purpose of enriching and aggrandising other lands
l'hey who have no inheritance nor patrimony but the
vigour of their frame, would, if the union was repealed
to-marrow, -have six millions of mone y competing fur
their labour, and wages would then be secured to them
such as- would essentially promote their comfort and
happiness. And if conscience be secure, as it would be
an case of repeal, and if property would also be secure,
as it would b, what possible excuse can there be for
any man who professes to have the interests of his coun-
try at heart keeping aloof from our movement ? We are
desirous that the lead in this movement should be
taken by such men as you, Sir (Mr. O'Brien), by the
ancient gentry and landed proprietors of the country,
and also by mercantile men eminent for their standing
and wealth. I tell the men of property who now keep
aloof from us, that they are wrong in doing so, and I
forewarn them that opportunities of which they will not
avail themselves may not be again presented. Theeudg-
went of the House of Lords directed that I, in common
with the other State prisoners, should be restored to all
that we lost by the original judgment which was reyersed,
but was there ever heard anytning more preposterOus
than that ? They take away three months of my life,
and then they gravely tell me that that period of time
shall be restored to my existence.—(Hear, hear.) In
the year 1752, Lord Chesterfield brought in an Act for
changing what is called " the old style," and it was
done by striking eleven days from the old calendar, as
originally framed. Thus it was that the almanac was
set right, but the indignation of some parties knew no
bounds, and Lord Chesterfield was near being put to
death by the London mob, who ran after him in the
streets, exclaiming " My Lord, my Lord, give us back
the eleven days of our life."—(Loud laughter.) Now, I
do not say to the English Government, give me back my
three months, but I say, give me compensation for it,
and I call upon every man in Ireland who loves justice
to
rally with me against that Government. They
unhesitatingly charged the Queen's subjects, aye, the
representatives of the people, for I have the honour of
being colleague to ray friend, whose admirable speech
interested you so much to-night.—(Hear, hear.) Now,
to come back; we have obtained the triumph, and we can
afford to be good humoured. I forgive them the three
momths as well as the eleven days.—Cries of " Hear
hear," and a laugh.) I have stated the evils which the
union has entailed—l have given a short sketch, rather
a bird's-eye view, of the necessary advantages that
would result to Ireland from the six millions of absentee
rents being spent' amongst the fie•ar, hear.)
It may be said that to the Protestant portion of the
community the patronage of the Establishment would
be a ducat lost in the tint place. I do not know
any class of men who are worse paid than a great
number of the Protestant elergymen. Ido not know
any set of men who are obliged to practise more rigid
economy than they are.—(Hear, hear.) I think they
would be better paid by a voluntary principle than they
are at present. But, at all events, my principle is, that
whoever prays with the clergyman should pay the
clergyman, and nobody else.—(llear, hear.) But if that
patronage be lost, I ask the inhabitants of Ireland
whether an immense accession of patronage will not be
obtained in many of the public offices ? Why, the
Custom-house is filled with Englishmen and Scotch-
men. You hear the broad accents of the Scotch, the
chirping flippancy of the English note, but you hear no
Irish note.—(Hear, hear.) Every situation is filled
by Scotchmen or Englishmen, with very few and
paltry exceptions ; and if there be a question of ba-
lance of patronage, if we had the union re pealed I think
we would not have any functionary but an Irishman.
Well, bat what are we to do ? Agitate, agitate, agitate.
—(Cheers.) Atter one victory we are to be more de-
termined ; no time is to be lost ; every man's duty, clay
and night, is to consider how he can "forward the cause
of rePea----(Dear.) Ireland cannot tolerate the con-

tinuance of the union, and it is only those who have in-
fluence over the people that are able to answer for it,
that separation shall not come in their time ; but that
separation may—will come, as the period arrives when
death has annihilated the authority of some and lessened
that of others.—(Hear, hear.) This is, therefore, the
time for the anti-repealers who give into the federal prin-
ciple to come forward. In 1825 the British Minister
might have conceded emancipation as a matter of grace
and favour ; such a concession would have been received
with thankfulness, as a begger receives alms, with per-
fect gratitude. Such a concession might have annihi-
lated popular organisation in Ireland, and the Ministry
would have had an experiment to make at all events for
a considerable period how they could work out the union
without disgusting the people of Ireland ; but the oppor-
tunity passed by ; it was allowed to escape, and we
forced emancipation in 1829. Our plans are developed
in the Repeal Association. All we want is to arouse the
patriotism of Ireland. Is it not a country worth strug-
gling for ? If a foreign foe were to invade the land, is
it not a country worth fighting for?—(Cheers.) If the
Queen and the constitution required it, is it not a coun-
try worth dying for ?—(Cheers.) Oh ! my spirit arises,
and walks abroad in more than usual serenity, when I
contemplate such an assembly as this collected here to-
night—when so many goodly beings are gathered round
the festive board ; and I ask, is not that a specimen that
your people deserve to be free ?—(Cheers.) When I
cast my eyes there (pointing to the ladies' gallery), and
behold those fairy, sylph-like forms, transcending, in the
charms of their youth and loveliness, all that the most
glowing imagination of poetry or romance could picture'
to itself—l ask, are their husbands, their sons, their
brothers, their fathers, to be slaves? Oh, but there are
some amongst the Irish who think the English are better
able to govern them than they are to govern
themselves—who think there is some superiority
in the English. I wish some of those youths
who think that were present, and I would ask them in
that presence (pointing to the ladies), whether they
would consent to acknowledge Englishmen their
superiors ?—(Cheers and laughter.) But the ques-
tion I asked to-night, included as it is in the
narrower circle of this room, partook in some respects
perhaps of ludicrousness, though not intended ; but
applied to the entire nation it must find an echo—an an-
swer in every Irish heart, for that heart is not Irish that
will not join in the cry of liberty to Ireland.—(Cheers.)
Yes, it is a delightful task—l envy the men that are
younger than me, because they have more time to serve
Ireland—(A laugh)—feeling what a precious treasure
that is which the man possesses whose soul is devoted
to the benefit of his native land.—(Cheers.) Can there
be a higher, a more ennobling emotion ? Can there be
anything calculated to produce more self-exaltation ?
Can there be anything more deserving of the approba-
tion of others than the love of country—the love of
fatherland—the love of old Ireland ? What treasure in
life—what pleasure in existence—what satisfaction can
there he, equal to contending for one's native land ?
Where is the pleasure to equal it—where is the delight
to he compared with it ? Oh, I pity that base and gro-
velling slave that does not devote all the throbbing of his
heart and emotions of his soul to obtain the liberty of his
native land.—(Cheers.) The Irish are a noble people—
'enerous, temperate, and religious, with the finest climate
on the face of the earth. Oh, the demons of darkness shall
not stalk alone through the land—the tyrants of con-
science and man shall nut have this country to themselves,
The people of Ireland are entitled to their native land ;
and depriving no man of his property, liberty, or rights,
but increasing every man's comf,rt, Ireland shall be a
nation.—(Cheers.) Yes, the day is coming—it is not
distant—when the Irish shall have Ireland.—(Tremen-
dons cheering.) The late victory is but an omen, a
proof of the success that is to come; and I implore of
all who hear me to spread abrOad the likelihood of that
4uccess.—(llear, hear.) We have the representatives of
the nation—not only the chief magistrates of all the
great towns of Ireland surrounding me, but I am sur-
rounded by many of the foremost friends of liberty and
freedom—l am surrounded by the genuine representa-
tives of the people, for the esteemed hierarchy of Ireland
have sent their holy prelates here.—(Cheers.) Protes-
tant patriotism fills the chair.—(Great cheering.) This
is a glorious day for Ireland. Let us then rally—let us
proclaim throughout Ireland—and each of you will pro-
claim it in your respective districts—that the time is
come when we should be doubly energetic—when there
is a perfect prospect of success to encourage us—and
when, if despair exists, we should be only doubly active
to counteract it.—(Cheers.) This is the period to call
upon Irishmen to rally round me, to be strictly peace-
able, loyal, tranquil, but determined.—(Cheers.) Active
and energetic, submissive to the law, but full of love
of country.—(Hear.) Ireland, beloved Ireland, you
shall be a nation again.—(Cheers.) Christians of every
denomination shall, under the angel wing of mutual
benevolence, meet together and transact their worldly
business without religious animosity—leave their differ-
ences in religion to be settled by piety, charity, and good-
will, and join together for the peace and happiness of
fatherland.—(Cheers.) Oh, is there not distinct evi-
dence presented to English statesmen that their policy
to this country is not prudent nor safe to continue ? It
was prophesied that it would not continue. At the time '
the union was carried, Lord Grey prophesied that the
Irish people would find out the insult and insist upon
retribution.—(Cheers.) We have found it out, and are
here engaged in demanding an honest retribution.—
(Cheers.) Repealers of every class, whether federalist
or not, I call upon you to rally round me—the day is
come—the hour is arrived—rally with me for Old Ire-
land and repeal. Mr. O'Connell resumed his seat amidst
greet cheering.
Mr. John O'Connell, Dr. Gray, Mr. Steele. and other
traverser., responded to the compliments paid to them
as fellow-prisoners of M r. O'Conn el I, the Rev. Dr. Can twell,
Prelate, Mr. O'Hea, Dr. Mncnally, the Catholic Bishop
of Clogher, the celebrated guest, the Rev. Thomas Ma-
guire, Mr. Grattan, M.P., the Lord Mayor, Caleb
Powell, Lq., M.P., Mr. Staunton, and Lord Ffrench,
subsequently addressed the assembly, which broke up
about twelve o'clock.

INSTRUCTIONS FOR REPEAL WARDENS.
The following document has been just issued by the
Burgb-quay Executive :
"To insure the legislative independence of Ireland,
but one thing is necessary—the legal, peaceable, and
complete organization of her people.
" The organization of the people is confided to the
repeal wardens. From the repeal wardens of Ireland
must come triumph or defeat in the present struggle. If
they will discharge the duties of their high office, Ireland
will again rank among the nations. But if they neglect
them—if they prove deficient in zeal, in activity, in per-
severing patriotism—lreland must continue to be, what
silo now is, a wretched pauperised province.
" Repeal wardens of Ireland, if you have the will, you
have the power, to make your country a nation—shame,
shame upon you, if through your apathy or neglect she
continues a province !
" Repeal wardens of Ireland, the destinies of your long-
suffering country are in your hands ! Is it your will
that Ireland shall continue an ill-governed, because not
a self-governed province ? or do you determine that she
shall again be a nation, under the British Crown, pos-
sessing a Parliament composed of her own sons, freely
chosen by her own people, and really representing the
8,000.000 of her brave, generous, moral, and temperate
wula!ion , .
.ast .ear ,Oip
.people of Iretand were assembled to
pronounce upon repeal ; and in town and city, in county
and in province, the national voice declared in favour of
legislative independence. It was right that the people
should be so consulted, and the sense of the nation so
collected. The result was a glorious one !
"The people of Ireland are now committed to repeal I
A nation cannot, without the deepest dishonour, abandon
opisiens so loudly and so unanimously proclaimed. •
" 1843 was a year of display; of 'demonstration, of
most noble promise ; 1844 must be 'the year of steady,
persevering, unostentatious work. Be it your care, re-
peal wardens of Ireland, that 1844 fillfils the promise of
1843.

" The National Repeal Association can alone legally
appoint repeal wardens—other persons, bodies, or meet-
ings may recommend, but they cannot appoint to the
office. All coMmittees of repeal wardens are in fact only
local Committees of the Association, to be appointed by
that body, and subject to its control.
" We now proceed to describe the manner in which
repeal wardens are to be appointed :
" Firstly, we recommend as the best and wisest mode
of proceeding, that proper and efficient persons should
be recommended to the Association by the parochial
clergy. .

"gecondly, should the clergy be unwilling to inter
fere, that persons anxious to become wardens should be
recommended at a public meeting of the parish, con-
vened for that purpose, and their names transmitted to
the Association. In either case reliance may be had,
that unless for some very strong reason, the recommen-
dation of the persons named either by the clergy or at
the meeting will be confirmed by the Association.
" When a repeal warden shall have been appointed, he
will receive a written notification of his appointment
from the secretary of the Association ; and on his com-
pleting remittances to the amount of 54 he will be pre-
sented with a handsome diploma of office.
" The first duty of the repeal wardens is, to divide
each parish into sections of convenient size for the pur-
pose of collecting the repeal rent. To each section there
should be a repeal warden, whose duty it would be to
apply to every repealer in his section for one halfpenny
fortnightly, or one penny monthly.
," It is advisable that in each parish there should be
two inspectors of wardens, each to have half the parish
under his care. The inspectors to be selected by the
clergy, in conjunction with the local committee of war-
dens, and their names to be transmitted to the Association
for appointment.
" The inspectors' duty shall be to receive from the
wardens, and remit weekly, if possible, to the secretary
of the Association ;the sums received from each warden ;
and also to answer any queries which the Committee of
the Association may, from time to time, transmit to them.
" The wardens and inspectors of each parish are to
constitute a Comtniteee, to be named' The Committee of
Wardens of - pZtrish,' and wherever it is practicable,
a eenwiient place for holding weekly meetings should
be obtained
•

" All committees thus formed will be allowed the pre-
sent dravrbaek of 2/. out of every 101. contributed by
their parish, for local repeal expenses, such as rent of
reading-roods, purchase of newspapers ; and will, be-
sides, be supplied with all the publications and docu-
ments emanating from the Repeal Association. But in
all cases where one of those most invaluable institutions,
repeal readfing-rooms, exist, such repeal reading-room
will he considered by the Association the best and most
fittinz place foi• the keeping of their documents.
:Aso the duty of the repeal wardens to procure
signatures to the various petitions agreed on by the Asso-
ciation, and to take special care that none but genuine
signatures are affixed thereto ; or, when persons cannot
write, to obtain their authority for affixing their names ;
and also to transmit such petitions, according to the in-
structions of the Repeal Association, to Dublin.
" Another duty of the repeal wardens is to promote

the registry of Parliament, municipal, and poor-law
electors, in the repeal interests, by ascertaining the names
and qualifications of all such persons, not registered, who
are qualified, and inducing them to take the necessary
steps to have their franchise established.
" The chief duty of the repeal wardens is to be always
actively alive to preserve the public peace, and to pre-
vent crime. They should call in the aid of the police
and magistrates to prevent riots, or breaches of the
peace, or any acts of violence ' • and they are bound to
prevent the formation of illegal societies, of whatever de-
scription ; or, if any such subsist, to denounce them to
the legal authorities of the State.
" All the proceedings of the repeal wardens must be
open and public—no secrecy can be allowed.
" The Loyal National Repeal Association disclaims
and rejects all force and violence. It proclaims that the
cause is to succeed by peace and perseverance, and that
the man who violates the law gives strength to the
enemies of Ireland.

" In order to the working out of a peaceful and legal
agitation, pecuniary funds are essential.
" The repeal rent, therefore, is absolutely necessary,
"in order to work out our peaceful and legal purposes.
' " Extraordinary occasions will ever produce extraor-
dinary exertion upon the part of the people of Ireland.
'They have marked their indignation at the imprison-
ment of our beloved leader and his fellow-martyrs, by
pouring into the national treasury, in the first month of
his captivity, 12,3941. 14s. 9d. Still it is most desirable
that the weekly amount of rent should not depend upon
the impulse given by extraordinary events. Every exer
lion should be made to place the fund on a perfectly
regular and permanent footing.
"A general collection in small sums would greatly
tend to prevent fluctuations, and would have the addi-
tional advantage of being more convenient to a great
majority of the contributors.
"We therefore again impress upon the wardens the
fact that the Association is more anxious that the sum
collected by each repeal warden every week should be
sent at the end of the week through the inspector of his
half-parish, than that it should be retained until other
sums would be added, with a view to send a larger
amount. The Association would feel more indebted for
small sums regularly transmitte.l than for large sums
occasionally forwarded. Every half parish. in Ireland
should send a weekly remittance to the Association
through its inspector.
" It is on all hands admitted that much more than
3,000,000 of Irishmen declared last year for repeal.
Were one-third of that number to contribute a halfpenny
a fortnight, a penny a month, a shilling a year, an an.
nual fund of more than 50,000 L would be created; which,
with extraordinary subscriptions, would amount to a
weekly average of more than 1,000/.
" Repeal wardens of Ireland, it is right you should be
made acquainted with the greatness of the responsibility
which attaches to your office ; you should understand,
and duly appreciate, the importance of the services your
country calls upon you to render her. If there be among
you, which we do not apprehend, men unfitted for the
office, from want of zeal, activity, or perseverance, they
should, at once, if they are honest men, resign. Ire-
land requires real, not nominal, services ; working, not
professing, friends.
" Therefore, let no man who is not conscious of pos-
sessing the following qualifications assume the office of
warden. All honest men shrink from the assumption of
a position to the duties of which they are unequal.
" The title of' repeal warden' is a noble title, of which
all true Irishmen should be ambitious ; but they alone
deserve it who,
" 1. Are men of industrious habits, of good moral
character, and enjoying the respect of their clergy,
let them be of what religious denomination they may,
and possessing the confidence and esteem of their neigh-
bours.

" 2. The wardens should possess an intimate know-
ledge of the district over which they are to act, and they
should labour to increase that knowledge by a study of
such maps, statistics, and other documents relating to
the neighbourhood to which they can get access.
" 3. They should be men determined to discharge
their duties zealously and perseveringly, and look on a
week in which they do not collect repeal rent, and trans-
mit it through the inspector of their half-parish, as a
week of dishonour.

"4. They should be disposed to reason civil and
calmly with those who are yet opposed to repeal. They
should love peace, avoid strife, suppress hatred and
animosities, and ardently seek to conciliate all—to alie-
nate and insult none.

" 5. They should, in the repeal reading-rooms and at
home, in town and in field, try to learn the resources,
statistics, history, and prospects of Ireland. They should
especially. study the arguments for repeal, both for their
own benefit and their neighbour's. A repeal warden
should be able to explain, to all who require information
on the subject, the strictly legal and peaceful means by
which repeal is to be attained. He should be capable of
detailing the disastrous effects of the union upon our
trade and manufactures, and of explaininc, the advan-
tages that would inevitably result to Ireland from the
restoration of her domestic legislation. In short, the
Repeal wardens should be the instructors, the teachers of
the people, anxious to disseminate among them useful
and wholesome political information.
" In order to make these attainments easier, the Asso-
ciation will give every help in their power to the Repeal
reading-rooms.. _ _ _

" In conclusion, we call upon the Repeal wardens, in
the name of our common country, to do their duty, to
worthily perform the glorious task assigned them—the
regeneration of a nation ! Again, we tell them that the
destinies of their country are in their hands ; let the
repeal wardens in every parish in Ireland act ener-
getically, zealously, and, above all, perseveringly, and
repeal is certain.
"Let every man in Ireland act as if the legislative
freedom of his country depended solely upon his indi-
vidual exertions.

"Repeal wardens of Ireland, we repeat it, your coun-
try's dependence is upon you 1 Upon your exertions,
upon your active, persevering patriotism, rest her hopes
of regeneration.

" Be active, then, zealous, persevering. Be so, for your
own great honour—your children's welfare—your coun-
try's gratitude.
" A. R. STRITCH, Chairman of Parish Committee."

" N.B. Each person having paid up one shilling is enti-
tled to be enrolled as an Associate Repealer.
"Each person having paid 11. is entitled to be admitted
a member.

"Each person having collected twenty shillings is
entitled to be admitted a member (provided he is him-
self a contributor of one shilling or more to the repeal
fund).
"Each person subscribing 10/, is entitled to be enrolled
a volunteer.

" Each person collecting 101. is entitled to be enrolled
a volunteer (provided he is himself a subscriber of one
shilling or more to the repeal fund).
"In each and all of the above cases, the individual
must be moved and seconded at a public meeting of the
Association."

COMMISSION OF LUNACY ON THE
SON OF THE LATE POET, T. CAMP-
BELL, ESR.
J 4 I,n •
X Commissionite. tun' a tico inqicireiido was opened at
.the. Ship Inn, Waltham Abbey,. before Mr. Commis-
sioner Winalow," and a Special pry of sixteen gentle-
men of the county of Essex, of whom J. Colvin,
was foreman, to inquire as to the state of mind
of Thomas Telford Campbell, Esq., aged forty, only,
son of the late poet, Thomas Campbell, Esq., de-
scribed in the Commission as of " Dr. Allen's Asylum,
High Beech, Essex, bachelor." -
The case excited the greatest interest in the neigh-
bourhood, and the court was much crowded.
Mr. Moxon appeared as counsel, and Messrs. Der-
ton, Barker,, and ChOppin appeared as solicitors to
the Commiision, which was unopposed. The Com-
mission was taken out at the instance of the trustees,
under the will of a relative, from which the subject
of the Commission derives an annuity. The inquiry
was rendered necessary by the demise of his father,
under whose will he, however, takes no property.
After the jury had been sworn, and the proceedings
were about to commence, Mr. Campbell, having ex-
pressed a wish to be present, walked into the room
unattended, and after bowing respectfully to the
court, took his seat by the side of the Learned Com-
missioner.

He is about five feet five inches in height, dark
complexion, very good-humoured countenance, with
a stout, robust, muscular frame. He throughout paid
the greatest attention to the proceedings, and evinced
no symptoms of a disordered intellect.
The Learned COMMISSIONER having addressed the
jury explanatory of the laws of lunacy,
Mr. Moxon addressed the jury at some length to
the following effect :—He had the honour to appear
for the trustees for the annual payment of a sum of
money to Mr. Thomas Telford Campbell, and who
felt it unsafe to continue such payment until a jury
had decided as to the state of his mind. It was about
fourteen years since that Mr. Campbell's father, in
consequence of some extraordinary conduct, had
deemed it necessary for his protection to place
him under the care of Dr. Allen, at his asylum, High
Beach, Essex. He was sent there under the usual
medical certificate, signed by Dr. Scott and another
gentleman. Mr. Campbell had continued to reside
there up to the present time, but for the whole
period from his first entering the establishment he had
been fully at liberty, without the slightest confine-
ment or restraint, as Dr. Allen deemed it a mild case,
and only thought a little moral control necessary,
such as restraining him from drink, to which he had
formerly been accustomed ; he, therefore, used to
walk where he pleased daily after breakfast, returning
to dinner, and again, season and weather permitting,
until between eight and nine o'clock in the evening.
He was a great pedestrian, frequently walking thirty
or forty miles per day; in fact, he was computed to
have travelled over a distance of 80,000 miles during
his residence at High Beach Asylum. He is parti-
cularly attached to the neighbourhood of Woodford
and Epping Forest. He was perfectly harmless, but
had several singular delusions. One was, that Chinn's
Lozenges, which he had formerly taken, had
got into his bones and destroyed his constitu-
tion ; and he had some time since accustomed
himself to lie down in the sun in the Forest,
in order, as he said, to evaporate Chinn's Lozenges
out of his bones, and eradicate the diseases they had
engendered. He took occasional dislikes to some of
the inmates at Dr. Allen's, and had been known to
attack some, when, as he said, they got in his way in
the passage, although, on such occasions, there was
Plenty of rem for hiln, and he would afterwards say