The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-08 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.

r 11.03: 7.7TF-...41 DAILY PAP P. 115 OF SATURDAY.
GLOBE.—Notwithstanding the vaunted numerical
strength of its majority, numerous and formidable
difficulties surround the Government, which seem
rather to increase than to diminish. These have
chiefly arisen from the party which placed Sir Robert
• Peel in his present position, and are traceable, partly,
to the tendency of his party to be dissatisfied with the
measures of a Ministry which has been invested with
, office through their means, but principally to the
-raised hopes of the Conservatives. These the dis-
honest course pursued by Sir Robert Peel, ne leader•
• of. the Opposition, contributed to inspire, which, as
Minister, he finds himself compelled to discourage
and disappoint. Ever since the present administra-
tion - was installed, each successive session
has afforded fresh illustrations and proofs
of the disappointments, distractions, and con-
sequent growing disaffection of the Conservative
party. One or other of the interests into which' it is
divided has been in alarm and agitation. Those who
looked to the Minister their own hands had made for
increased advantages, in the shape of added power, or
more stringent proteotion to their exclusive interests, ,
by his means, have been doomed to deplore his 1
'broken promisee, and are provoked to denounce his
breaches of faith with them. The new tariff, and
the improved sliding-scale of the first session, dis-
pelled delusion from the agriculturists. Though
-the benefits to the consumers of beef and
bread were found to exist only in the fair speeches
of Sir Robert Peel, whose sole object was to check
the popular dislike to his income tax, the landed
'interest saw, with alarm, their corn-law disturbed, and
the other restrictive duties upon the admission of
foreign agricultural produce diminished. They heard
in the House of Commons principles enunciated with
_approbation by Sir Robert Peel, and his fidus Achates
at the Board of Trade, which, practically applied,
would accomplish the destruction of protective duties.
They remembered the Premier's character for facile re-
nunciation of principle; and they dreaded lest he should
be induced to betray the agricultural protection cause,
as he had formerly that of Catholic exclusion. The
following session saw the Canada Corn Bill, which
would admit American cora, via Canada, at a small
duty,.passed into law : thus, with characteristic chi-
chane, introducing the commodity by the back door,
thus, opened, while the front gates were barred and
bolted with au affectation of determination truly laugh-
Able. These measures have sadly shaken the faith of
the agriculturists in Sir R. Peel's sincerity of inten-
tion, and have induced the formation of associations
for the protection of agriculture. The landowners thus
hope to preserve their rents from the ruinous reduc-
tion, which they fear would follow the diminution or
• entire abolition of the import duties of corn of foreign
Frowth. They avow their renunciation of confidence
an Sir Robert Peel. They make no secret of the
course they will henceforth pursue. The Duke of
Richmond's expressive threat is now the motto of the
landlords :—" We made him; and, if he stir another
step in the path of free-trade, we will show ourselves
strong to depose and destroy, as we were to exalt and
support." The declaration of Sir Robert Peel, in the
present session, that he "does not, at present, con-
template any further alteration in the Corn-laws,"
though it has somewhat quieted the apprehensions,
has by no means restored confidence to the alarmed
landlords. A kind of armed truce is kept up ; which
will be converted into open hostility upon the first
indication of an intention, on the part of the Ministry,
to legislate upon the protective duties.
- STANDARD. The intervention of " Good
Friday" has caused all our Contemporaries of the
daily press to have the start of us in observing upon
the auspicious revenue returns of the 4th of April,
1844. There is no aspect in which we can contem-
plate this index of the national progress in which it
does not present occasion of pride and hope. The
empire whose securities in Three per Cents. are
within a shadow of par; whose revenues are largely
increasing annually ; the nation, one section of which,
and one section only—though that is the most impor-
tant—contains classes at ease, if not affluent, possessing
incomes to the extent of much more than two hundred
millions sterling the year (of this the income-tax of
five millions and upwards is the proof)—the empire
that affords such evidence of credit, industry, and
wealth, has little to fear from war in a stage of the
world's history, when war is made principally by
money. We have rated the income of persons pos-
sessing 1501. a-year and upwards at much more than
200 millions; and upon that point the evidence of the
property-tax is conclusive ; but is this evidence ade-
quate to the exhibition of the whole truth ?* By no
means. The property-tax scarcely extends at all to
Ireland (and, by the way, let this be recited
in the next schedule of Irish grievances, that
under the heads of property-tax and assessed taxes,
which do not reach Ireland, Great Britain pays
twice as much as the whole Irish revenue), and it
certainly is not collected to its full amount even in
this island. It was said of the income-tax previous
to 1816, that Glasgow paid, as we recollect, six
times as much as Manchester. Is there any reason
to suppose that the Leaguers of our day are snore
honest than their fathers thirty years ago ? Pre-
viously to 1816 the millocracy had but one motive to
understate their gains—the desire to save so much
tax ; now they have another, and if possible, a more
powerful, motive, in the' necessity of showing that
their profits are so low as to require the sacrifice
of the happiness, health, lives, and morals of the
labouring classes to save these profits from dis-
appearing altogether. We look with anxiety for
the property-tax returns from the manufacturing
districts—these -returns being general, and con-
solidated,• will cause 'no invasion of any one's privacy
by their publication, and they surely will supply an
important element in the discussion of the great
question which now occupies the public mind—What
is 'the income of the inillowners ? Surely this must
be knoWn, before it can be determined whether the
people ought to be sacrificed. As yet, the only data
that the public have is their own boast, that in about
twenty-five years they realised snore than the
purchase money •of the fee simple of the
United Kingdom. Now, if their - income 'be
very great, though not quite so great as the
boast referred to implies, it is plain 'that they are
milder' no necessity of compelling women and young
persons to work twelve hours, and to remain fourteen
hours io the mill daily. If their income is not great,
of what importance Is their pauper-making and
misery-extending pursuit to the nation, to justify the
sacrifice of, the health, happiness, lives, and morals, of
the labouring classes to its . preservation. They may
he like the person of whom the wise man speaks_
"Who think life a plaything, and time a market fir
gain ;
though it be by evil means ;" but whatever they may
think, -the people of England will not endure such a
code of social morals, except upon the ground of
invincible necessity. We ought to have some know-
ledge of the ageere•sate gains, in order to determine as
to the existence of such a necessity. , The ,considera-
• tion of the millownera' property-tax has 'led us away
from the more general view of the subject. The whole
rateable income of the United Kingdom can hardly be
less than the enormous sum of three hundred millions
sterling, a perfect security against foreign aggression,
and a glorious means of softening the condition
of all classes of the people—and that' condition will
be softened. • England does not become less moral or
less humane as she becomes more rich, thanks to the
hieppy influence of our pure Protestant Christianity.
The moral health of the country improves with its
• " wealth; contrary, certainly, to the experience of all
Pagan and Romanist nations. The very humblest will,
edoner or later, share in the common affluence of the
nation. It may be now ; it may be a few years
hence ;- but the result is inevitable ' • unless what we
trust to be impossible, the moral feeling 'of the
country shall retrowade. " The blessed. .reform,
said the excellent Michael Sadler, " can hardly
hough be perfected in my time, I am not a
• very old, man, but I trust to Providence that Lord
Ashley's years may be spared—and if they are,
ha will c (induct and complete it before he arrives at
my age., ' This prediction was pronounced by the
admirable patriot and philanthropist thirteen years
ago, when the speaker was about fifty years old.
Whe deubts of its literal fulfilment ? Lord Ashley
his ten years before him of the term allowed ; and
if,ever the prayers of millions were answered,
they
will be ten years of success and happiness.
POST.—It is curious to observe, that while in
matters of mere discussion the French are much
more given to abstraction than we are, yet, in the
• affairs of government, they are precisely the con-
tester In these respects, it- -appears to us that our
foreign neighbours have the advantage of us. In
their common conversation, even about trifles, they
are accustomed to use a kind of brilliant and expan-
siye logib which throws an interest around matters
that, with us, are dull as ditch-water, or a Whig lec-
ture on education. -But when they come to thiek of
mutters of government, they take into account the
personal. feelings of the people concerned, and deter-
mine their' policy accordingly. The French have
plenty of people who talk political economy with as
much 'cool unconcern as any English disciple of
Adam Smith, Ricardo, or Malthus. They have pro-
fessors at their colleges who lecture upon 'the benefits
of machinery and of cheapness almost as well as Mr.
Lsbouchere, M. Gladstone, or even Sir R. Peel.
lint, isr.the Government, and in the Chamber, men
place thestsselves in the situation of those who are to
be affected by any proposed piece of policy, and they
refusesei be charmed by. any abstract rules of right,
however seductively scientific they may appear to be.
'lt-is an, undeniable abstract truth, that coal and cotton
:thkeatrean be had cheaper from England than by the
empedyment of French labour in their production.
DA the French legislators do not much trouble
_
, thodelves with that consideration. They bear in
- • •
mug that a good deal of French capital and a great
many French people are employed in providing fuel
'se' and cotton goods for French consumption, and they
say to themselves, "We must take care of these