The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-29 00:00:00

particularly expressive countenance.—(Cheers and
laughter. The modesty of the landlords is truly
most remarkable. They think us unreasonable
because we seek not to, be overcharged for
our bread, and required to pay the landlord tat out of
our own pockets. I should like to see the Minister of
these landlords come down to the House of Commons,
and demand that the manufacturing portion of the
community should pay the taxes which should in justice
fall upon the farmers—perhaps I am wrong in using
the word farmers • it should, more properly, be the
landlords. Lord Beaumont was also at that meeting.—
(Laughter, and hisses.) You have often heard before
of silly lords—(Laughter)--but these Anti-League
meetings seem entirely to be got up for the purpose of
making exhibitions of all these unfortunate individuals.
—(Cheers and laughter.) Lord Beaumont said that
the theory of free trade was a very beautiful one, but
still it was only a theory; and therefore could
not be perfect. I always thought that such a
sentence as this would, amongst any reason-
able set of men, be put down as sheer nonsense.
If free trade be a theory, and that it be beautiful, I
hold that it must be said to be perfect. We have no
authority to show that a restriction of industry and
commercial intercourse with other nations ever confer-
red the slightest benefit upon this country, while we
have the authority of some of 'the most eminent men in
the kingdom to prove that it Would be attended with the
most beneficial results. He said that the profits of the
manufacturers were admirably protected in this country;
yet three quarters of all our manufactures are exported
to foreign countries ; and if Lord Beaumont tells us how
Parliament gives to any goods in China, the Brazils, and
America any protection, I certainly shall say of him
he is a wiser Lord than ever it has been my good fortune
to meet before.—(Laughter.) Why, I know many
weavers in my country would not argue with, but
laugh at such aristocratic reasoning as this of my Lord
Beaumont's. These monopolists, when talking of the
rate of wages, always take their parallels fro:Poland,
Russia, and such places, but they never make the
slightest allusion to that great country at the other side
of the Atlantic, where the labourer is paid at the rate
of 4s. a-day. Neither do they ever reverse the picture,
and turn to Ireland. On the last night when we
assembled in this building we were addressed
by the representative of, if not the whole, at
least three-fourths of the Irish nation—(Tre-
mendous cheering and waving of handkerchiefs)—
and he showed the ratio of prices doled out to the un-
fortunate labourers in that country.—(Cheers.) A per-
son named Godfrey Wentworth got up at that meeting,
to move that a committee should be formed for the pro-
tection of British industry. What a misnomer I For
British industry ? It should have been for the protec-
tion of British idleness—to protect the "do-nothings."—
(Cheers and laughter.) There is another Noble Lord to
whom I shall allude, although I know that he does not
stand very high in the estimation of the audience now
collected in this theatre—l mean Lord Winchilsea—
(Hisses.)—who called them a bloody and revolutionary
body.—(Groans.) If he meant to refer to the term
" reign of terror," which prevailed at one time in a
neighbouring country, the sense in which it was then
understood and acted on, the Noble Lord is much
mistaken ; but I believe that in a literal sense
the term is applicable, for I believe the Anti- Corn-
law League is bringing on a reign of terror
against certain monopolising classes in this country.--
(Cheers and laughter.) The man who comes to this
meeting, and who positively shudders, may be said
to have something (of terror upon him. Certain light-
fingered gentry feel the same kind of terror when those
men who wear large blue coats, and who wear girdles
round their waists, make their appearance.—(Laughter.)
The. monopolists accuse us of using harsh language.
Why, men do not take straws to cut down oaks.—
(Cheers.) Why should those who are in earnest go
about " with bated breath, and whispering hum-
bleness" before men who trample on the people
of this country ? Every one knows the charac-
ter of the monopolists—every one knows that
they have clutched the existence of the people.
They have for years held in their grasp the property of
the industrious classes of this empire. They are men
who are remorseless for what they have done—who are
regardless of the cruelty they inflict upon the poor, and
who are determined that, whatever the result may be,
they will perpetuate the injustice of which they have so
long been guilty ; the proof of which is to be seen in the
starvation of thousands—aye, of millions of this
country.—(Cheers.) Oh ! they are a sensitive class !
Last night there was a motion brought forward in the
House of Commons by certain gentlemen who
had a great affection for Don Carlos.--(Laughter.)
About five hours of the time—the valuable time—of
" the collective wisdom" of the country was expended
in a debate upon the merits of that very respectable and
unfortunate Prince.—(Laughter.) There was a great
indisposition evinced to hear that debate on the part of
many, and there was a still greater indisposition to hear
a debate which was expected to come on after the one
respecting Don Carlos, upon a proposition to allow
wheat and flour to come from the Cape, the East
Indies, and Australia at the same duty as
wheat and flour now comes from Canada—that
is at no duty at all.—(Loud cheers.) It was
intended that the notion respecting Don Carlos should
be thrown overboard, in order therefore to throw over-
board the other motion, which they considered a little
nibbling of the' corn-laws. But, however, it so hap-
pened that there was something else to talk about,
namely, certain actions, which go by the name of qui
tam actions, in which certain Noble Lords and Hon.
Gentlemen are deeply concerned, owing to some mat-
ters not very reputable, which are connected with the
turf and horse-racing. It was amusing to see what s en-
sitiveness there was shown with respect to
the propriety of bringing wheat from India and
the Cape.—(Hear, hear.) The monopolists were seen in
singular attitudes and postures, and with expressions of
countenance which could betoken little less than a
serious conspiracy against the State. They tried to
persuade each other that it would be a dreadful thing
to bring wheat from India—that freight all the way
from Calcutta was a matter not to be considered, and
that if this motion should be carried then agricultural
protection would receive a " great blow and severe dis-
couragement."—(Cheers.) Well, now I confess that I
feel unmitigated and unspeakable contempt for that class
of men who go into either House of Parliament, and who
watch every motion and every Bill with an apprehension
that by some trick or other it is likely to diminish their
rents by some very small sum. The Ministerial party ap-
pears now firmly compacted. They are cemented by
views of self-interest. Their country is forgotten, all
the sufferings of the poor are unheeded, and they bind
themselves together to maintain their own interests, and
their own class. They are not disjointed as they were
last session, but they are a happy and united family.
Oh, it is delightful to see brothers dwelling together in
unity.—(Cheers.) You have no doubt often passed
the National Gallery. - You must have seen the " Happy
Family," pent up in a cage there. I saw yesterday
three rats—(Loud laughter)—nestling and warming
themselves under the warm fur of a cat, which, under
other circumstances, would have been their deadly enemy.
A friend of mine who was with me asked the keeper
how he managed to suppress their natural instinct and
propensities, and make them so tame and friendly to
each other. "Do you starve them into it ?" said my
friend. " Oh, no, your honour, I feeds 'em well," re-
plied the man.—(Loud cheers.) This is the secret of
the compactness of the Ministerial corn-law majority.
One party luxuriate in the enjoyment of power, and
place, and patronage, which they widely distribute
amongst their followers whenever the opportunity occurs,
and they make new places whenever there is the slightest
show of necessity; while the others bind themselves toge-
ther because Sir R. Peel has promised them, or they say
he has—l confess I should not be inclined to place any
confidence in his promises made in his character as
Prime Minister—they say Sir Robert Peel has promised
that he will maintain the corn-law, and the corn-law
being the basis of their high rent rolls, they bind them
selves together, and they are a happy family, because
they are well fed.—(Loud cheers and laughter.) But
there is great insecurity amongst them. They do not
speak with confidence in the Houses of Parliament, but
they speak in bold terms when they are in some snug
room in some inn at Aylesbury, or at Buckingham, or
some such place, but they will not do so in Parliament.
They know hat there is a spirit rising up
amongst the people of this country which will
not be denied, and which cannot be deluded.
They have lately had a proof of it in the county of So-
merset' at a meeting called by themselves. To get that
meeting they turned the county upside down. The
meeting was held' in a small town, occupied and sur-
rounded by four or five thousand agricultural inhabi-
tants, and yet, I declare, upon the most respectable au.
thority, that a majority of eight or ten to one voted in
favour of a vote of thanks to the Anti-Corn-law League.
—(Loud cheers.) The publications which the Anti-
League Societies are issuing to the world with so much
importance, assert that seven-ninths of the population of
the country are with them. But, notwithstanding this,
they cannot get it unanimous vote, nay, they can
get hardly a bare majority in favour of the
principle which they wish to secure, and which
the landholders are voting to maintain. Why, let them
look to, your metropolis. We have 57,000 registered
members of the League in London.—(Great cheering.)
We are strangers from Lancashire, too—(Cheers)—a
the
mercantile
mere mob, who voted for Mr. Pattison, while none of
respectableclas
sine
se:crest merchants
said,
we anyehrtrinot w support!ith tthe
League. The
My answer to this is, that 57,000 of the inhabitants of
National
Anti-Corn-taw
trie.cgiosrnter4inaivg thLeeair names Isssin'h
this metropolis have fairly registered themselves, and
of e paid s°Nin
have
bei.s
should
not have said so much, but that I have been driven
do so, because I find that there is still in this count t°
consiA amongst the
aristocracy, although your conduct may make some of
them shudder. We shall get rid of this false and worth-
less idolatry.—(Cheers.) It is bowing down to Baal.
It is not the worship of intellect, industry, and virtue,
but the worship of pomp and riches—riches obtained out
of the sufferiugs of the people. I have no hostility to the
good institutions of the country, but I will always op-
pose that which, if continued, I believe, will some time
drive the people of this country much further than they
are now anxious to go.—(Cheers.) We obey the
law we vindicate the law, when that law is
the embodiment of just principles. We reverence the
law when it is in accordance with Christian principles,
and when it is in accordance with the interests of our
countrymen. But the aristocracy that we see walking
in the streets, or riding in their carriages, and entering
their gorgeous mansions, and taking their seats in the
Legislature—these men who are never known to do any-
thing, and who scorn you because you do something that
is honest and useful—these men, I tell you, are not
worthy of your worship and respect, and the sooner you
get rid of that false and mischievous principle, which
was instilled into you in your childhood--the sooner will
the people of this country shake off the burdens which
now oppress them, and they may then stand forth, as
they ought to 'stand forth, the greatest, the freest, the