The Sun.
London, England, 1828-01-19 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUI3LIC JOtnNALS.

We are at length enabled to eoilnbunieate the
r ew Ministerial arrangements to r ar readers.

CABINP"
•
The puke of Weill-
..agton to be First Lord of the
Treasury; and to retain his office of Commander-in-
Chief.
[ln th,.r.at Course of yesterday forenoon, we heard,
from '4l good source, that it was in contemplation to
tte:c the office of Commander-in-Chief in Commis-
sion ; and Sir Herbert Taylor, Sir George. Murray,
and Lord Fitzroy Somerset were spoken of as the
Commissioners; but we do not find this confirmed.]
Lord LYNDHURST, Chancellor.
Lord BATHURST, President of the Council.
Lerd MELVILLE, President of the Board of Controul.
Lord ELLENZOBOUGH, Privy Seal.
Lord DUDLEY, Foreign Secretary.
Lord ABERDEEN, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
Right Hon. ROBERT PEEL, Secretary for the Home
Department.
Right Hon. WILLIAM HuaxissoN, Secretary for the
Colonies.
Right Hon. HENRY GOULBURN, Chancellor of the
Exehequer.
• Right ik.M. CHARLES GRANT, President of 'the Board
of Tra,e.
7Right Hon. J. C. HERRIES, Master of the Mint.
The Ordnance, and the Woods and Forests, are not in
the Cabinet.
Mr. PEEL is to lead in the House of Commons.
So much for the arrangements: We may now
expect disclosures in abundance respecting the causes
of the breaking up of the rate _Cabinet. We have
heard more on this subject than we are at liberty to
state; but there will soon be no secrets. The main
points, however, are—is the Ministry, as now con-
stituted, such as ought to satisfy the just expecta-
tions of the country—and will they be enabled
to stand ? A good Ministry for the country, may
be a bad Ministry as far as its own vitality is
concerned. We arc prepared to hear much sur-
prise expressed ; first, that the Ultra Tories, who
are:predominatit in the New Administration, should,
after the abuse so lavishly poured out by them
against Mr. Huskisson, who has been held up as
deserving the execration of the country fin' the ruin
brought on it by him by his Free Trade System,
should have pronounced sentence o f condemnation
on their late opposition, by their in itation to that
gentleman, in order to strengthen taemselves by his
reputation with the nation; and seamdly, that Mr.
Huskisson should, under all circumstances, have
joined the new Ministry. It is the reputation of
Mr. Huskisson with the nation as an able Financier,
and a firm and-consistent Statesman, and the con-
viction that in the present arduous times, he of all
public men is best qualified to regulate our eommer-
'siftl policy with a view to the protection of the in-
dustry, and the improvement of the resources of the
country, that can alone have led the new Ministry
to Wish to retain him. This of itself affords a pre-
sumption that Mr. Huskisson, in retaining his situa-
tion, has not compromised his principles. In ba-
lancing the account between 'him and the late Op-
position, the inconsistency is all on-their side. As
between Mr. Huskisson and those with whom he
lately acted, the Taestion will be how far a public
man. would to; justified in refusing to serve his coun-
try, if Ite means of giving effect to those principles
whie:nle believes best calculated to benefit it, are
considerations suggest
Laced in his power. Many
themselves as to these arrangements; but we will
reserve them for a future day.-11.forning Chronicle.
Still no communication, at least of a decisive and
authentic nature, on the formation of the Ministry !
This stem.; rather surprising. As the friends of
altra principles have now a charta rasa, why. do
they not at once inscribe their names upon it, accord-
in to their various degrees and pretensions ?' Per-,
naps they wish to temper their own principles with
a little alloy of a different kind; or to increase their
stock of talentby an importation from other quarters.
We and the country may like them the better from
this doubt of themselves and deference for their ad-
versaries : but what will be said of the .new matter
which i 3 merely introduced to solder up the old
vessel, that after long use had gone to pieces ? How-
ever, in any case, we wish to see the Ministry form-
ed, whatever may be its constituent parts. The
Gazette of last night contains the new Peerages of
which we spoke the day tefore yesterday. . They
have this to be said in their favour, that they were
conferred by the last Administration, and approved
by the power, whatever it may be, that presides over
the existing interregruun. The posthumous honour
conferred on Mr. Canning, by creating his widow a
Viscountess, will impart a melancholy satisfaction to
the country. Mr. -Bootle Wilbraham has absolved
his godfathers, by choosing-as difficult a title as they
gave him a name.—Tinter.'

We present this day an official despatch, ad-
dressed by Mr. Huskisson to Sir J. Keane, •Lieu-
tenant,Governor of Jamaica, which, whether it be
considered in relation to the ability with which it is
executed, or to the circumstances of the writer,
may be pronounced a document no less remarkable
than intrinsically valuable and important. The
despatch hears date the 2-2 d of September, and fills
seven columns of the Jamaica Gazelle. Mr. Hus-
kisson, after Mr. Canning's death,had been sent for,
early in August, by Lord Goderich, to fill the office
of Colonial Secretary. The Right !lon. Gentle-
man, in broken health, was obliged to retard his
journey homewards, and did not arrive until nearly
.the end of the month. The interval between his
return and his entrance to the colonial department,
was filled by anxious and unremitting exertions to
bring the new Ministry into shape. His appoint-
ment took place not before the 3d of September,
and was gazetted on the 4th ; so that, in 20 days
from his acceptance of office, with his full share of
the distractions of a raw and ill-assorted Cabinet,
and under the pressure of impaired and precarious
health, this indefatigable Minister found time to
master the almost endless details of those
thorny and repulsive subjects which had em-
ployed a whole year's labour to the House of As-
sembly at Jamaica, and produced a despatch of as
much temper, 4tiscrito,ination, .comprehensive saga-
. city, statesman-like power, and disregard of selfish
clamour, as has often proceeded from a public office,
the analysis of a mass of political questions,—
for the correction of a series of legislative errors, or
for the guidance of a deliberative body. Mr. Hus-
kisson's purptre was to state the objections of the
Government at home to the very Inefficacious manner

in which the Colonial Assembly of Jamaica- at-
tempted, or professed, to realize the principles of
the British Parliament,' and to execute the mstruc-
tions of Lord Bathuret; and well has the Right
Hole- Gentleman performed his ungracious part.
We never read an official paper so voluminous in
which there was such compression of matter. Mr.
Iluskisson starts from the post like a man of busi-
ness, full of his subject, but holding it under the
easiest and most absolute control—with perfect
courtesy, and admirable simplicity and clearness,
never using a phrase that does not contain sonic
forcible and essential argument ; and exhibiting,
ender, as we have before hinted, the most disadvan-
tageous circumstances, a vigour of application, and a
decision of judgment, which would be of themselves
sufficient to account for the almost feverish eagerness
of political parties at this moment to secure tothene.
selves his powerful support.—Hid.
Whoever arc Ministers they will have no plea-
sant time of it. Of the Duke of Wellington, we
have a good opinion; we believe him to be a man
of firmness, and that he possesses much of the most
desirable of all sense—common sense. In the House
of Lords he may not be what is called an orator;
but his speeches, as given inthe newspapers, read
well. He has the art of saying much in a few
words. But, whoever is Minister, he will have a
difficult task to encounter. There is the Turkish
arid Greek question to settle; should the Greeks
accomplish their independenCe under a President,
and should the Greek continent and islands flourish
and become a second United States, and be an Ally
to us, Greece might then be an additional barrier to
our East India possessions. But would Austria and
Russia choose that Ureece should become a second

y !Inked States, especially as example of a free Go-
vernment ? Would not Austria and Russia, both
bordering on Greece, be afraid that the infection of
a free Government might spread and seize the people
of both Russia and Austria? We may be mis-
taken, but we are of opinion that Russia and Aus-
tria are preparing to take advantage of circum-
stances, in order to divide European Turkey be-
tween them, as well as the continental part of
Greece, including the Morea. Russia, in such a
case, would take the Principalities, and extend
her conquests to the whole of the Peninsula,
of which Constantinople is the extreme point—
Austria would 'fall upon Macedonia, and the
rest of the Greek territory contiguous. Russia
would then become a maritime Power in the South,
as well as she is at present in the North. Austria,
in possession of Greece, might also become a naval
Power. The only thing that, in all probability,
keeps back these Powers, is the state of their mo-
ney matters. At present, their credit is good in
England. They are raising loans to almost any
'amount they can require; but 'if they were to go to
war with Turkey, and we were to send an army and
a fleet to assist the Turks, the power of Austria and
Russia to borrow from us would cease, and their fi-
nances, like those of Spain, would be thrown into
confusion. So far, however, as Turkey, Greece,
and our East India possessions are to be considered,
f_the Debt is the thing that will plague whoever are
i Ministers. That clog requires from the taxation of
the country 30 millions a year; and the Revenue,
the last year, of Britain, exclusive of Ireland, was
only 47 millions, or thereabouts. Take away from
the 47 millions 30 millions required for the Debt,
and there are only 17 for the expenses of Govern-
ment; and it is well known that the Government
are expending, ordinarily, 20 millions a year. Here
is a deficit of three millions—added to which there
will be another deficit, wising from sums wanted
to defray the Greek and Portuguese affairs, and
.for the building of palaces and other works.
Both thele extra expenses may, probably, be met
by the Revenue of Ireland, which, happily for us,
increases every year, though the Revenue of Bri-
tain decreases. As for the Sinking Fund, that has
to be provided for by Lord Bexley's financial ope-
ration called " Dead Weight," by which one set of
men pay another Set of men for a certain number of
years 2,800,0001., and-from whom they will receive
this year about 4,Boo,oool.—thus receiving for this
year a balatice of 2,000,0001., which is _ called Re-
venue; and,which, we think, will be found, when
the financial accounts come to be presented, the
only Sinking Fund, or surplus of income beyond ex-
penditure—that is, provided all the extra expences
for the Greek and Portuguese affairs, and the outlay for
palaces, &c., be brought into the account, but the lat.
ter we think will not be' brought into the account,
but will' be kept back, at least enough in amount to
show a Sinking Fund of 5,000,0001. In the pre-
sent complicated way of keeping the accounts, it is
very easy for a Minister to show a surplus of five
millions when there might actually be a deficiency;
but the " Dead Weight" scheme of Lord Bexley is
getting more against us every year, till, in a very
few years, instead of having any thing to receive
from it as a revenue, we shall have to pay the
2,800,0001,, and not receive so much every year as
2,800,0001.; and the last year we shall receive no-
thing, though .we shall still have to pay 2,800,0001.
This has been a sad delusive thing, and we hope
the new Ministers will not proceed on the same
principle as the former Ministers with respect to the
remaining part of the " Dead Weight."—Morning
Herald,

As we yesterday stated, it is confidently expected
that the arrangements of the new Ministry will be
finally completed to-day. There can indeed be no
doubt on the subject, provided the report of last
night be correct, that Lord Melville, whose absence
has hitherto retarded the completion, had arrived in
town, and immediately waited on the Duke of Wel-
lington. The new Administration, we have the
happiness to know, will be formed upon the princi-
ples of the Earl of Liverpool—and so formed, and
treading in such safe steps, it will be found to com-
mand a degree of Parliamentary support, greater
even than what that Administration at any time or
on any occasion enjoyed. For, in the first place, it
will be supported by all who gave their aid to that
Ministry, and by those in addition (no inconsiderable
number of Senators we believe) whom the occurren-
ces of the last ten months have awakened from ihe delu-
sions of a spurious or imaginary liberality. The his-
tory of the rise, progress, and fall of the ten months'
Ministry, which has just dropped to pieces, un-
touched by any hostile hand, and merely from its
own rottenness, is more than sufficient to disgust
all generous and honourable minds, for once and for
ever, with the specious hypocrisies of Liberality.—
Was there ever in private life a household of me-
nials, of men and women the meanest and the '
basest, who in their petty jealousies, their sordid
and selfish objects, more thoroughly forgot their
duty to their employer—neglected his affairs—
invaded
his comforts—disturbed his tranquillity—
compromised as far as it depended upon them
his respectability—abused in every possible way
his confidence—and requited his kindness with
ingratitude,—than the late Ministers of the
King of England in their political relation to
their Royal Master 1 Have they not, from the first
moment of their official existence to the last, kept
the Sovereign and the country in 'perpetual agita-
tion and uncertainty, through their sordid or male-
volent bickerings or intrigues, disguising all the
while, or rather attempting in vain to disguise, their
selfish manoeuvres under the thin pretence of zeal
for the public service ? Can we therefore suppose
Parliament or the nation to have been so dull as to
derive no instructive lesson from the degrading and
disgusting scene which has been made to pass be-
fore them ? And then with regard to the deluded
followers of liberality, have they not seen the leaders
of the cause, during the ten months that they have
been gathered together, employed in little else but
attempts to smite each other,or to parry each other's
assaults ; and will not even they begin at length to
perceive, what has long been evident to all the rest
of mankind, that these leaders are interested pre-
tenders, that their watchwords arc so many solemn
hypocrisies, and their banner no better than a jug-
gling phantasmagoria ?-34-orning Post.

We have received Jamaica Gazettes to the 3d of
December, and give in another part of our Paper,
from the Gazette of Nov. 18th, among other highly
interesting extracts, a long and important document,
in the form of a letter from Mr. Huskisson to Sir
John Keane, the Governor of Jamaica, on the sub-
ject of the Slave Amelioration Act, passed by the
Colonial Legislature of that Island in December,
1826. The portions of the Act on which the Right
lion. Gentleman, writing in the name of the Privy
Council, chiefly remarks, are those which go to im-
Pose restrictions on the slave in the exercise of his
religious duties—which disallow of slaves becoming
religious
teachers, contrary, it is said, to the tenets
of some of the religious bodies who have Missiona-
riesin Jamaica, by whom mutual instruction is con-
sidered as an essential part of discipline—which pro
hibit attendance at public worship between sunset
and sun-rise, a regulation which, it
is argued, must
prevent the attendance of domestic slaves, in
towns to whom the evening service only is acces-
sible—which denounce penalties on persons col-
lecting contributions from slaves for religious or cha-
ritable purposes; and which prohibit private meet-
ings of the slaves for any purpose. On these parts
of the Act Mr. Huskisson observes—and, as a gene-
ral principle, no one who has any feeling of Christian
sympathy, or any regard for Christian doctrine, will
refuse to applaud the resolution—that " it is the set-
tled purpose of his Majesty's Government to sanc-
tion no Colonial Law which needlessly infringes on
the religious liberty of any class of his Majesty's
subjects." The despatch goes on to remark on the
inefficiency of the " Council of Protection," which
our readers are aware is selected from the planters
as a substitute for the Slave Protector, recommended
by Lord Bathurst's despatch of May, 1826. Mr.
Huskisson objects to the admission of markets
on Sunday, however limited as to their duration ; he

objects also to certain alleged ambiguities of expres-
sion in reference to the penalties to be levied on per-
sons employing their slaves in labour on Sunday. On
the clauses of the Act respecting the punishment of '
slaves it is observed, that no report of domestic in-
flictions is declared necessary—that no interval
between the offence and the punishment is appointed
—that the presence of free witnesses at the flogging,
of a slave is not provided for—that any kind of pu-
nishment, save whipping and imprisonment, is, by
implication, permitted—and that females are still
subjected to the lash. There arc a great many
other objections in the despatch, on7the subject of
the judicature to which the slave is to apply for
redress—on the subject of marriages, on relatives,
on manumission—indeed, on every thing. The
Act, according to the view of it taken by the
Right 11011. Gentleman, is so deficient, that to
mend it would be a task of more difficulty than to
make two others. As rejection is the conclusion
ultimately come to, the plainest and least irritating
expedient would, perhaps, have been to reject the'
Act in toto, without comment. The question
between the advocates for abolition in this country
and the colonists, is one of much difficulty.
—We are far from imputing fanaticism or
hypocrisy to the one party, but we are also far from
ascribing selfishness and tyranny to the other, as its
opponents are perhaps too frequently in the habit of
doing. Could the Colonists lie ever persuaded that
the Abolitionists really sought nothing but to ame-
liorate the condition Of the slaves, and could the
Abolitionists be persuaded that the Colonists really
sought nothing but \that most legitimate Object—the
security of their prOperty—which is, we honestly
believe, the motive of the great portion of them;
and could it be shown, as it might very easily be
done, that certain modifications of the Slave Code
were not incompatible with the security of property
in the Colonies—were the question, in fact, reduced
to a question of means, we can easily believe that
much trouble, anxiety, and irritation, would be spared
to all parties. The Abolitionists must be prepared,
however, for opposition, so long as they impute,as
Mr. Huskisson's despatch pretty clearly does, im-
proper motives to their opponents. The Planters say
to the Abolitionists, " It is well for you, whose
property is lodged in the funds of Great Britain, or
in some other secure investment, and to whom an
insurrection of the Colonies would bring no greater
hardship than a small rise in the price of sugar and
coffee, to sit at home by your sea-coal fires, and
plan regulations for a population of which you know
nothing, save by report, and that report a partial
one; and it is a mighty easy thing to talk of our
obstinacy, as you term it in rejecting your philan-
thropic theories, which go to hazard our lives, ruin
our properties, and may, if carried into practice,
send us and our children to the workhouse." Such
is the language of the planters, and really we must
allow that there is no small reason in their com-
plaints. The effect produced by the nature of Mr.
Huskisson's despatch seems to have been still greater
than that arising from the mere disallowing of the
Act by his Majesty, in compliance with the recom-
mendation of the Committee of Privy Council for the
Affairs of Trade and Foreign Plantations. Five
hundred copies of the Despatch were immediately
ordered by the House of Assembly to be printed
and disseminated throughout the island, to collect
the general sense of the inhabitants; and meetings
of freeholders took place in every direction, to pass
condemnatory resolutions upon its contents. It is
certainly to be.lainented that an Act which, it is
avowed; comprised " many wise and beneficent pro-
visions,''. should have been rejected, instead of be-
ing received as the first fruits of a sincere wish on
the part of the Colonists to comply with the public
voice in this countrya disposition which it would
have been more prudent and just to encourage, and
which is now turned into a bitter conviction, " that
nothing which they could do would satisfy their
enemies. "--New