The Sun.
London, England, 1828-09-04 00:00:00

4Ptitlt (,P ME PUBLIC JOURNA

Adjutant-General, vice Sir Henry Tor-
office of
-rant fr mane, .-
deceased, has. given
relief
have been the fortu ac ul
It seems to .
The appointment of SirHienrubceirit
s'alt'aisyclaocrti, towiltit:
the army.
1 general respect of those with
le
which ire filled; t,..
Pim into official contact. In
whom it brought 1,
this officer to
secretary to the Du' ke ,t)t-
his post of 31ilitary .... '.)r, as we uncle) sta oti.
York, Sir Herbert Tar,
- of maul ser th4e
service, coin ithi 6_
acquire, in every military situ ation
wfrioitiiii
gnrieaantyciontidritevi,dyuaainsainuithbaen.iti
maw solid virtues of a straight on• rt t -,'.
in his communicationsj. an anxiety u ) ect Wi-
t()
friended merit, and strict aj...lbercu` e' to i.,
.6
,:,.
word.— ?Imes.
O:.!.
The public have not Irs:en prepara, we itwd-
Ole; for the formidable anmuncement 'in our
threatened with war by his
.fir'.Ae
rial Majest.7 f Morocco.
It seems, morc -
over, that British coerce`. rya% considered as
furnishing diet too scanty or-ct)O, Ino;pid for the
cravings of his
ther
ajest3since it' !tail pleased .
hmerchandise oflAtistsia and
in to involve
Russial in the tt
the same destruction witii, at of
England. What steps, beyond the protesv (tt
the Consul, arc likely to 1)e taken by his Mit--
jesty's Government, it is not for us to conjec-,
tute, GreA Muth] may perhaps continue soma,
time Imager that spirit af nomplaisance nutlet,
indignity which she is supposed to have al-
ready carried to a pitch rot often manifested in•
her policy. The Emperor of Morocco has
most of the recommendations to our acquieL-
cence in his will, Oils!! appear ter have.
weighed with his
.Majt,Oy s' Ministers in la-
your of other delinquents. He resembles
Miguel in plentitude of tyranny. lit the ar-
ticle of usurpation, likewise, he may. not be.
found greatly wanting; and if somewhat less
hillaceil:smatalnradlietrsltaly,
conspicuous for treachery, . ingratitutfe, awl
hatred of the English name, his ehastiSenient.
ought to be suspended in hopes of the effect
which so bright an example as that of M:_.
guel must one day have upon the docile emula-
tion of his neighbour. While Algiers con-
tinues at war with France, the Emperor of Mo-
rocco may declare hostilities- against Great Bri-
tain. It may be doubted which nation has been
most, insulted—whether our neighbours, whose
Consul has been bastinadoed, or ourselves, whose
ships have - been seized. The -Mediterranean
pass here alluded to is an unworthy submission
to barbaresque insolence, which we
had never been dreamt of since Lord Exmouth'
• triumph
expedition. The result of his. Lordship's
Poofwerscou Gibraltar,ld i ioir safetyat,f
along
imagined
over Algiers wag an engagement never to make
.Christiati captives, or to demand passes to-Ail
o"r'i.tiplouurcthasin ini-
merchant, ships; Before that time no vessel,
tifio
Spain
thesbaillo' coasttnlgirio"uggo
being pro-
tected by the -British flag,
punity by presents to the barbaresque des-
pots. Has our victory already been forgotten,
and the insolent claim of passes again renewed ?
By a piece of intelligence posted at Lloyd's, it.
would appear that the Emperor of Morocco it.
hardy enough to risk a. quarrel at the same time
with three of the great European Powers, hav-
ing seized and detained vessels bearing the Eng-
lish, Russian, and Austrian flags. Yet such is
the want of tact among the speculators of the
Stock Exchange, that while they swallow flout
day to day tile most idle and improbable ru-
mours, they have not honoured an event of so
much importance, and well authenticated too,
with the slightest attention. We refer tv the
following extract of a letter for particulars. :.---.
" GIBRALTAR, AVG. 14.----By a communication
from his Majesty's Consul-General, . resident at
Tangier, received this morning, it appears- an: ex-
press had arrived there from Rabat, giving an ac-
connt of the capture by the two illarcptin brigs of
war that were lately in this port undergoing repairs,
of the following vessels :—Theßritish Perseverance-,
Simms, of . Yarmouth, from Antwerp, bound to
Seville, captured off Cape Finisterte; the Austrian
pelacca brig Veloce, Blasinich, arrived in the port of
the 27th ult., from Trieste, and cleared the 29th,
bound to Rio Janeiro • and another vessel, supposed
to be a Russian, which were all carried to Sallee,
and are _POW detained there. The British Consul-
General has made a protest against the capture of the
Perseverance, and forwarded a demand for her re-
lease to the Emperor. The ground for her deten-
tion appears to be, that she was not provided with
a Mediterranean passe-444

Our readers may remember that the keepei
of the House of Correction in the county of
Chester, some years ago promulgated the no-
table discovery he bad made, that nearly all the
eye, had fair hair and
dark-browndb lewhourmurderersee r sh ea}save)leyes.
sb
. a
en 1
generally
In
i personsyuleisAd.enrdlha
ni
blackl gsu us c
ti i
aahl
rt ,
wyeeasruplpBolsoe, mur-
derers
o of
hair, savageand b lelircikm' cos;
Akerman, at that time Governor of Newgate,
stated, that with the exception of perions con-
victed of forgery, not 'one person in one hundred
of those executed could read. It did not re-
quire much more penetration to discover why,
when education was not diffused, but in a great
measure confined to the better classes, thieves
should in general be unable to
extensively
read, any more
increase in the number of sea-
oefoasesta
into
than why, in districts where the population
aepslei
vxesovi
la:
ertl-aftcr•apist,t:i
sea-ports
ratio
mst.efieoer rtbvei murderersyieder:yhmtphelworthy
irtieilifit,shouldgchieteoyrogrrwpltyd;iretunosipoolnadui
titeiwljiisntbh,poibie.coireicill.erieprcebasrra.
oesleato,:iclnoskliievi
reasoning
oaio.fiohrtouoti
h‘lni
e%il.
e 5...--
ceived that it a certain
yielded -go much revenue to his
_most Christian
the capital convictions would be diminished
much of the eagerness with
Majesty,
thefexecuted could read, '
4To visionary dred of those
read,
'dredfold.
,siich,education was patronized '
in this country.
nit:tire; we attribute
e by education would
-The, real benefits
sufficient attractions for those
worthy persons, and tl
tiolt.y.havwe
a' s a motive for their ac-
le exaggeration to which
we allude was'nec
• •
diffused, and
now it is found that there are
still as ma
many criminals.as ever, but that crimi-
nals can now read. Mr. Wontner, the Keeper
of Newgate, says, in his evidence .hefore.the
Police Committee, " four out of five of the
boys can read, and three-fifths' of the boys can
read and .write." A very worthy Magistrate,
for whom,we entertain a high respect (Mr. Raw-
linson, of Marylebono Office), draws a conclu-
sion from the
.diffusion of education, which,
with all due submission, we think as irrational as
that drawn, .by, the Philanthropists, in 1810,
from the absence of it :—.— -
ii Have you stated all the causes to which you
think the increase of crime may be attributed ?
There is one other head, which toy opinion may be
peculiar; but I - colifess I think the over-cdlicalion
of the lower class. o people has done harm. Ido
not mean to say that it is not desirable that children
should be educated ; but if they are educated, ut:(1
afterwards have no employment, you have inkre4

kiveu them expertness to become thieves ; I make a I
-point generally of aAing the boys whether they have
'been educated, and I find in genera! they hale
educated, but the moral effect of education I find
totally wanting, while it has given them great2r ex-
pertness at depredation. Do you find general
that the youths brought before you, criminals have
been educated ?—Decidedly ; L "should say that
nineteen-twentieths have beeP. By education you
mean reading and writing ; "what expertness in com-
mitting crimes does t>.at give ?—All increase of
knowledge increases 'expertness to a certain degree.
Are any of those crimes of a nature in which read-
jng and writing, are at all employed, or assist them in
tommitting —Not merely reading and writing, but
we know 'that all boys who are educated are cleverer
than who arc not."
l'.:nus we here see a very worthy gentleman
Arrive at the conclusion that ability is an evil,
lseeause it may be abused. The great object on
this principle would be to discover some means
of weakening the intellectual faculties of the
lower orders, so that when they possess the in-
clination to do evil they may be less successful
in the commission of it to the injury of their
neighbours. This merely a modification of
the old doctiine Imputed to the Papists in former
times. Mr. Rawlinson forgets that criminals
arc merely the exception to the rule, that the
great body of the people are well disposed, that
- the idea of a society generally criminal is a sole-
cism, that thieves suppose always the existence
of a large body of honest men on whom they can
prey, that if we even suppose the sixteen thou-
sand commitments every year to give but a faint
idea of the criminal population, still, with every
allowance, the number of thieves in twenty mil-
lions must be but a very stn it fraction of that
amount. Now, though reading and writing
may make the thie‘ses cleverer, it also makes
those who are nit thieves cleverer—it multi-
plies their means of enjoyment, makes them
more useful in their several vocations when
employed (for want of employment is but the
exceptson), frees them from ennui which
drives them to seek relief in sensual enjoy-
ment ; and, in short, elevates the species in the
scale of being. What man would wish to be
physically inferior to what he is, merely because
he may abuse his strength ; and why should we
I;ish to lower the species morally from a dread
of abuse of power ? That the improvement of
the faculties does not eradicate evil propensities,
is a discovery which might to have been made
without the aid of criminals. Do we not see
literary men in all ages selling themselves for
lucre ? Do we not see the Clergy of all Churches
in the world, equally ready to take advantage of
their neighllours as other men ? Do we not see
the higher ranks of this country preying bare-
facedky on their inferiors ? Do we not hear
Afrinbers of Parliament owning that in their .
);irivate Committees the grossest abominations
have been constantly perpetrated, and that the
only chance of obtaining.honesty was the letting
in light on them ? Nay, in the very last
Session of Parliament, were there not the most
scandalous robberies perpetrated by the highest
men in the land ? Yet who would say that we
have too much talent in the two Houses of Par-
liament, or even in the Church, because reading
and writing (though sometimes not spelling) are
generally in the higher ranks ? Or, who would
say that Members of Parliament, who at present
are, according to Colonel Jones, unacquainted
with the rules of arithmetic, would be greatly
deteriorated by the possession of that qualifica-
tion ?—Morning Chronicle.
It was felt desirable by Parliament that a
Prince, who might ultimately reign over the
British Empire, should be educated within its
soil ; and should imbibe, in early years, that
love and reverence for its institutions which made
the boast of George the Third, who, on ascend-
ing the throne, made it his first avowal that he
was " born and educated a Briton." When,
therefore, a further grant was sonic years since
applied for, on behalf of the Duke of Cumber-
land, on the ground of educating his son, Prince
George, it was made a condition of the grant
that the young Prince should be brought over to
this country to be educated ; and that not having
been the case, the country has a right to pre-
sume that no part of this new grant has ever
been issued. Most people imagined, when the
young Prince was brought to England this sum-
mer, it was for the purpose of fulfilling this
plied engagement ; and the marked affection with
which he was received by his Majesty served to
strengthen the idea. On a sudden, however, the
young Prince and his father have returned to
Germany ; am! the foreign journals announce
their arrival at Berlin, in good health. While
here, a ridiculous story was trumped up, of an
infantine affiancing between the Prince and his
juvenile cousin, the Princess Victoria—an idea
which we ridiculed at the time, and for which
we have no doubt that there never was a shadow
of foundation. The young Prince's apprOach
to the throne is certainly,--for the present, at
least--exceedingly remote; and, perhaps, under
all circumstances, it is vile
as well that he
should not, by being placed here for education,
have ideas brought uppermost in his mind which
may never be realised ; especially while, by
avoiding it, the country saves 6,0001. a year.—..
Morning Herald.
The Report of the Select Committee ap-
pointed to inquire into the state of the Police of
the Metropolis has established the fact of a
regular system of traffic in stolen property have
been long carried on between the Police and the
agents of the London thieves. This scandalous
traffic, in which the dignity of the laws and the
interests of the public were. compromised, and
the . compound/ made. a. sort of
ng of felonies
partnership concern between the ministers of
justice, and the directors of gangs of robbers,
was, as far as the Committee have been able to
ascertain, confirmed to tire Police of 13(9w-street
and the City Offices. The Repots which
.we
published on Tuesday contains the following
passage, in reference to the practice of com-
pounding for the restoration of bankers' parcels
With respect to the agency of police-officers,
the evidence before your Committee is confined
to those of the Cit—
y and of Bow-street. No
others have, it is believed, been engaged in the
negotiations about the property
of bankers, and,
though general imputations upon other offices have
bee, thrown out by some who acknowledged their
own delioquency, your Committee have no
proof of such transactions, and wish their remarks
to be understood as limited to the two sets. of
officers above mentioned." The Committee, in
going so far in the investigation of this very se_
rious charge against the Police, have done well ;
but they should have gone a step further—they
should not have been satisfied with ascertaining
that the practice of lending themselves to cem-
pound felonies for a venal consideration—or, in
other words, a bribe—was confined to the City
Police, and those of Bow-street ; they should
have also ascertained why the practice was con-
fined to those two sets of ojicers. Were they
more exposed to temptation than the others—
or were they more corrupt ?_ If the former,

vsliat was that peculiar temptation that affected
tionc of the officers attached to any of' the Police
establishments beyond the precincts of the city,
except those of the Chief Magistrate's office ?
If the latter, should not the corruption be
punished and corrected ? Every body recol-
lects how strenuously Sir Richard Birnie denied
that the officers of Bow-street lent themselves
to such transactions. It is strayge that the
Worthy Magistrate should have been so completely
asleep while the honour of the office over which
he personally presides was compromised by
those whose conduct it is his duty to observe
with a vigilant Superintendence. It appears too
that there was not a great deal of caution exer-
cised by the officers who engaged in this dis-
graceful traffic ; for the Committee say, in one
part of their Report, " Your Committee think it
right to state that, however readily the officers
of Bow-street and the City Police have under-
taken the negociation of these compromises, they
seem, in some instances, to have been induced
to it without a corrupt or dishonest motive."—
It is evident, from the words " however readily,"
•that the officers in. question were not remarkably
coy or secret in lending themselves to those trans-
actions ; and even, in some instances, must have
thought they were acting meritoriously, as not
having any corrupt motive, snd therefore not
likely to practise much concealment. How
many of those instances of disinterested vio-
lation of tf..e law there were the Commit-
tee do not tell us; but, as the instances that
were not dishonest formed the exception,
we must infer that dishonesty was the ge-
neral rule. Accordingly, the Committee go on to
say, " Suspicion has arisen in one case, that
800/. more was received by the officer who ne-
gotiated, than the thieves asked or received ;
and, in another, 501. was paid to procure restitu-
tion of 5001., and neither the 500/. nor the 50/.
were ever restored." Here arc fine Police do-
ings ! Here is a specimen of the honesty that is
appointed and paid to prevent crime, and to pro-
tect the property of the public Yet it does not
appear that any persecution or dismissal of the
offending parties is recommended in vindication
of justice, and as an example to others. In re-
ference to the Magistrates, the Report says,
" Your Committee have before adverted to the
ignorance in which the Magistrates appear to
have been kept, as to those practices, by their
officers. It should seem, from the evidence of
Sir Richard Birnic, that they only supposed a
very small number of compromises to have taken
place, and those through the medium of attor-
neys." 'We cannot, ourselves, understand how
the number of instances could make any dif-
ference with respect to the badness of the
principle. The Report goes on to say, " It
has been distinctly asserted to your Com-
mittee, by officers, that they had the sanction of
higher persons of their establishment for en-
gaging in such negotiations. This, however, has
been as distinctly contradicted ; but that a be-
lief in the connivance of the Magistrates has ex-
isted is corroborated by the evidence of an
officer long retired from Bow-street, and on
whom no such charge has been fixed." Some
of the observations made by the Committee, in -
reference to a venal and dangerous system, are
very just, and descriptive of the evil. They
state that these transactions have 44 led to the
organization of a system which undermines the
security of all valuable property, which gives
the police-officers a direct interest that the rob-
beries to a-large amount should not be prevented,
and which has established a set of " fences,"
with means of evading, if not defying, the arm
of the law—who are wealthy enough, if large re-
wards were offered for their detection, to double
them for their impunity—and who would, in one
case, have given 1,0001. to get rid of a single
witness." This is the system to which a large
portion of the Police have long been accessary ;
and who can wonder that crime increases, when
the very officers of justice have a direct interest
in wholesale depredation.—lbid.
The Christian portion of the British public
will learn with satisfaction that the Dean of
Westminster hasa concurred with the Dean of
St. Paul's, in refusing permission to a Club of
the professed admirers of Lord Byron, to erect
a monument to his memory in Westminster Ab-
bey. That the Noble Lord was highly gifted,
Can no more be denied than the utter abuse with
which his whole career has treated the talents so
muni4cently bestowed upon him. It was not the
force of mind which made Inni vicious, but
the miserable ambition to be greatly bad. He
would not take his place amongst the good and
the enlightened, and rank amonst the first—no,
he would rather 44 reign in hell than serve in
heaven." He, perhaps, more than most inen, has
endeavoured to debase and degrade the sacred sys-
tem ofour pure religion,aud practically exemplified
in his life the lessons which are so banefully cast
over his most splendid pages. Were he " minded"
to he good, he might have proved a benefactor
to his country ; but despite the strength, the Oc-
casional sublimity of his poetry—despite his
pathos, and extraordinary discrimination of dm-
racter, it is hazarding little to say, that posterity
will qualify their admiration of his talents, with
their regret of the dreadful perversion to which
they were subjected. He only is a benefactor to
mankind who paints virtue in the most amiable
characters, who " shews vice her deformity,"
and who urges every incentive for the production
of peace and happiness amongst men. Lord
Byron, according to the true standard of
greatness, was
theso,wa s diminutive indeed—he degraded
worm on which he treads—
he scorned, or rather affected to scorn, the
world's flatteries, but vanity was at his heart's
core—he lived upon its breath, and popular ap-
plause was that goal which alone he panted to
obtain. He has tricked out vice with all the
blandishments that really belong to virtue, and
garnished infidelity with those allurements which
are the exclusive property of religion. We read
his works with surpnse—often withaditnhierairtiol
but we never heard of one, who, after
pe-
rusal, felt the dignity of man to be stronger within
him, or the Importance of morality anti virtue to
ilenll
be more firmlyinculcated or enforced.—Lord By-
ron had the means of effecting much for the inno-
cent pleasure and niis )or,al,eirinsp; le as td oofrl mankind;roiva
eni
lie
iu ianst
labuseday toe
that
rhrenderio,
der real greatness despicable ;
brigands and infidels are the constant themes of
his panegyric, while virtue is denuded of her fair
attributes, and moral feeling is sacrificed at the
shrine of philosophical profligacy. Lord Byron
was the declared enemy of religion, and should
not therefore be allowed a monument in a church
dedicated to its sacred observances. Hate pro-
posal had been made to a Committee of the
London University, to allow a bronze statue of
this Nobleman to be put up in the portico of
their own liberal institution, -we should have
said that they would have acted Most, illibe-
rally and inconsistently if they had denied the
request made to them. But it would be unfair
to insualate that any reluctance had been shewn

to such a request. We believe that such a pro-
posal would have been received with acclama-
tions, and the oilly difficulty would be, as to the
quantum of honours to be bestowed upon his
statue. Some one has observed that Lord Byron,
as a poet and a public man, is a kind of exem-
plification of a real character, and in a high
station, of the great principles of the day in these
liberal institutions ; that is to say, of the para-
mount importance of geeius and talent, and the
absolute insig,nifleance and indifference, whether
such talents are separate from or associated with
religious practice and belief. Lord Byron, there-
fore, and his statue, would have been perfectly,
at home in the hall of an academy which is de-,
voted to this Pagan principle. This would of
right be the Pantheon in which to consecrate
his memory, and in which to decree him, after
the fashion of the French Institute (in one
period of the Revolution), the honours of an
apotheosis. But we trust we shall never see
the day when the reviler of the decencies
of life, the underminer of the morals of man, and
the scoffer of religion, shall be allowed a niche in
the temple consecrated to that Supreme Being
who is the giver of all good. If it were a ques-
tion. of merely civil rights, %ye should perhaps
admit that the community had nothing to -do
with Lord Byron's private religious opinions ;
but where the claim is to distinction and marked
pre-eminence, and not to the ordinary rights of
sepulture, in a Christian temple, and as regards
Christian honours, it surely cannot be contended
for a moment that he is entitled to any eminence
or distinction of this kind, -whose life (as inch-
' cated by his writings) was passed in contempt
and enmity to all religious principles. If the
dignitaries of the Church wish to maintain and
uphold religion, they must not hold up to public
honour, or general imitation, such a character as
Lord Byron.—Morning l'ost.
A petition to the King against any further con-
cessions to the Roman Catholics is »ow in the
course of signature in every county of Great
Britain. The petition is certainly worded cau-
tiously, though not wisely ; and brilliantly orna-
mented with all manner of illustrations, which
we willingly allow do great credit to the artist,
but not much to him who imagined them. The
petitioners do not pray his Majesty to take the
state of Ireland and of his Majesty's Roman Ca-
tholic subjects into consideration, but " to grant
no further concessions to the Roman Catholics"
—thus dictating to his Majesty what course he
shall pursue, instead of deferring to his judg-
ment, and praying him to advise what may most
contribute to the peace, the safety, and the
strength of his dominions. The petitioners, in
fact, tell his Majesty, in all but direct terms, that
he cannot grant any further concessions to his
Roman Catholic subjects ; but though they are
thus peremptory in declaring to him what he
must nut do, they point out no means by
which the agitation and dissension and alienation
of his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects may
be allayed. On those, however, who were giving
counsels of the former nature, we think it was
imperative to have pointed out in what way the
latter object could be effected. It is easy to sign
petitions praying his Majesty not to grant any
further concessions to his Roman Catholic sub-
jects ; but such petitions are little better than
idle gabble, unless they include a remedy which
along with " no further concessions" shall allay
the discontent which now pervades the country.
Are the petitioners prepared to say that they
have such a remedy ? or that not having such a
remedy, the adoption of their advice may not en-
velop the country in flames, and stain it with its
best and warmest blood ? We should think
not. How then can they counsel his Majesty
against a line of policy, which, while it proved
the means of insuring the peace of Ireland,
might be adopted without any detriment to the
Constitution ? Are they prepared to say that
the condition of Ireland is now such as the So-
vereign of the United Kingdom could wish it
to be—as is consistent with the welfare of the
country generally, or of Ireland in particular—
or such, in fact, as can endure ? When the
petitioners have answered these questions satis-
factorily, we may, perhaps, be inclined to join
with them ; but until they have done so, we
must protest against their conduct as fraught
with folly and calamity, and as insulting to the
Sovereign of these realms, as it is calculated to
increase their discontent, and diminish their
power.—Morning Advertiser.
The question between his Imperial Majesty of
Russia and the British Cabinet, is simply one
of explanation and indemnity. For several cen-
turies the British flag has been respected by the
Ottoman Porte. Our merchants have carried
on a valuable and lucrative trade in the Levant ;
the navigation of the Straits of the Dardanelles
has been open to us ; our trade in the Black Sea
encouraged ; and, what is of still greater import-
ance, this trade, these privileges and advantages,,
were secured against foreign aggression by the
natural position of Turkey. Austria could not
touch us, Russia could not molest us ; we might
be at war with all the nations of Europe ; but so
long as the Porte remained fidthful—and her
faith has often been severely tried—no arm could
reach us, without passing through the heart
of European Turkey. This was our proud
situation previous to the outrage of Navarin.
—The Turk stood between us and all mo-
lestation from the Northern Powers. With
Persia on her flank and rear she formed a sort
of entrenched camp between Europe and our
Indian possessions. In such a position Turkey
was a cordon sanitaire on the frontiers of
Northern Europe. She was our best ally in
the Mediterranean, and the strongest out-work
of British India. In considering therefore the•
danger to which she is exposed by the invasion
of Russia, we ought in some degree to partici-
pate in it, and be extremely desirous to avert it.
True, Russia may have grounds of quarrel with
the Porte, and perhaps she has a right to march
to the foot of the Balkan to avenge her wrongs,
What these wrongs are we do not here stop to
inquire. They may be real, they may be feigned,
they may be mere pretexts conjured up to veil
ulterior designs, and carry into execution her
sanguinary policy, and her long meditated views
of aggrandisement. What these real or pretended
injuries arc we leave to be discussed here-
after. She is, however, on her march to
avenge them. She has put forth a declara-
tion, in which she declares she will never lay
down her arms till the expenses of the war arc
defrayed,sec:depailiyd the passage of the Bosphorus hi-
vol a 6
•Y
red! But are there not third par-
ties interested in the inviolable secu-
rity of the passage of the Straits as the magnani-
mous Nicholas? It is simply a dispute in whichfe
r " barbarian"n the North
one the
side o
the S o u
ft ,maonudn the Mount
H w"llbllairs:
bar-
barian" o
have alone any concern ? Has his Imperial
Majesty forgotten that the Russian flag is not
the only one that passes the Dardanelles ? Or,
in the excess of his chivalry, has he overlooked
the trifling fact that England is as much rote-..

rested in the free navigation of the Black Sea,
and its channel of ingress alai egress, as the
Emperor of all the Russias Now, this •
is precisely the question at issue, and upon
which Lord Heytesbury is authorized to de-
mand explanations. We must not, by any
concessions, or any rights of conquest, be placed
in a worse position. It would be degrading to
the guardians of British commerce if they were
not to watch narrowly our long-established rights,
now that they are thus assailed. We must be in-
demnified against the consequences of victory,
against the defeat of the Turkish armies, against
the march of the Russians upon the forts of the
'Bosphorus. The Emperor's honour may be above
suspicion—his magnanimity as pure as an
angel's dream—his liberality as boundless as
his own wide dominions—but still, we, who
are practical persons, demand such indemnity,
or at least such satisfactory explanation, as will
strengthen our faith in Imperial promises. For
this purpose has Lord Heytesbury (and we were
the first to announce the fact) been sent to the
Court of Russia, and, if necessary, to the Impe-
rial camp. His Lordship, it appears, however,
was rather out-manceuvred in his attempt to
reach the lines of Shumla. The Emperor was
well advised to make a precipitate retreat from
Odessa. There may be occurrences passing be-
tween Shumla and Varna, which perhaps it is
not convenient to bring under the notice of an
English Ambassador. What these occurrences
are we may probably venture to guess at ere
many days elapse.—New Times.