The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-05 00:00:00

IMY'ER,IAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS, April 4.
The House met at the usual hour.
IRISH CONSTABULARY.—SANITARY
REGULATIONS.
The Maquis of NORMANRY gave notice that he would,
on Monday next, move for a return of the appointment of the
coLstabulary from the Ist of May, 1838, to the present time.
Ile wpnld on the same day aloe present a petition from
the Mayor and town council of Kilkenny, in the county
of Leinster on the subject of sanitary regulations in towns.
The Noble Marquis also gave notice that he would put a ques-
tion on the same day, in order to ascertain how soon the Go-
vernment Bill on this subject would be introduced before the
House.
HILL-COOLIES—SUNDAY TRADING—LOCAL
RATES.

The NOBLE MARQUIS also presented a petition, numerously
signed, from the town of Leeds against the introduction of hill.
coolies into Jamaica : also petitions from Yorkshire against
the opening of public-houses on Sunday ; also a petition from
the Nlayor and Town- Council of Cork, praying that instead of
the grand jury, they should have some other tribunal for the
settlement of local rights.
THE WELSH BISHOPRICS.

The 13. shop of BANGOR presented several petitions from
places in Wales praying for a repeal of the Act uniting the
bishoprics of Bangor and St. Asaph.

INCOME-TAX.-IMPRISONNIENT FOR DEBT,

Lord BROUGHAM presented a petition from a house-
owner in the district of St. John's-wood, complaining of the
oppre.sive operation of certain parts of the Income-tax Rill.
Ihe Isl,,ble Lord also presented a petition from tradesmen
against the administration of the Act passed last year abolish-
ing imprisonment for debts under 201. The petitioners did not
object to the abolition of imprisonment, but they complained
that creditors had not an adequate remedy.
THE OREGON TERRITORY.

The Earl of CLARENDON—I yesterday, my Lords, gave
notice of my intention to call your Lordships' attention to the
subject of the Oregon territory, in terms which, I fear, have
given rise to a misapprehension—not because I propose to enter
into the subject or to occupy your Lordships' attention at any
kirsTatt JtleThOiii:...,hinCsonsequence o a sa;ges-tion. horn the
Noble Duke, that the practice of putting questions to the Go-
vernment in speeches which did not conclude with a distinct
motion should be abandoned. I have no wish to interfere with
any rule your Lordships may make upon the subject,
although I confess I see no inconvenience in the practice,
as it seems to me to be the most simple mode of obtain-
ing any information from the Government which your Lord-
ships may be justified in asking and the public have a right
to expect, whether documents or correspondence may or
may not exist, the production of which, if they do exist,
may or may not be refused. Nevertheless, if my Noble Friend
should pefer, in conformity with what appears to be the rule
of this House, to lay the papers in this case upon the table of
this House, I have no objection. But, whatever course is pur-
sued, I am sure your Lordships feel that we should not be per-
forming our duty if we neglect this opportunity of noticing
the inaugural address of the President of the United
States, and asking from the Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs such information as he may think it consistent with his
duty to afford, respecting that portion of the address
which has a direct and immediate bearing upon British in-
terests. With respect to the annexation of Texas, which is
mentioned in this speech of the President, as it may be
said to bear remotely upon British interests, and as our
rights in a case so unprecedented, as well as the obli-
gations contracted by Texas towards us, may not be clearly
defined or understood, I shall not trouble your Lordships
upon this occasion beyond the expression of my surprise
and regret that a body of men so talented and so just
as ordinarily composes the Senate of the United States,
should have given their sanction to a measure which has
been brought about by such means, which will be so deeply in-
jurious to the cause of humanity, and which may. at no distant
time, endanger the raceful relations of the United States with
our country, by affording to the restless and encroaching people
of Texas an opportunity of gratifying their tastes for esta-
blishing a boundary quarrel, and thus creating a cause of war
with Mexico, which must be viewed with interest in every
quarter of the world. But it is the Oregon territory with
which we are immediately connected, and it is most imoortant
to know in what position we are to stand in reference to that
territory, and what course her Majesty's Government are pre-
pared to adopt under circumstances which seem but too pro-
bable from the extraordinary language of the President's
address, and from what I may call the studied neglect of that
courtesy and deferential language which Governments are
wont to observe when publicly treating upon international
affairs. It is almost impossible to believe that any other
country but Americn is interested in the pending negotia-
tions, if we are to draw from the President's speech the in-
ference which naturally suggests itself—for not only does he
make no reference to any other country or negotiation,
but distinctly informs the United States that their claim to
the Oregon territory is clear and unquestionable. Conse-
quently, my Lords, I do not see on what grounds he could jus-
tify his Government in consenting to a negotiation at all upon
a question which admits of no doubt, because the citizens of
the United States, whatever predilection they may have to
enter into a treaty for what is not their own, have never exhi-
bited any great desire to give up that to which they have an
unquestionable right. Therefore, if the President were to con-
sent, it would seem that it could only be upon the basis of an
unconditional surrender by England of whatever was claimed
by the United States. In fact, my Lords, the whole question
is treated as completely settled ; as if all negotiations were
concluded, or had never been commenced at all. lam sure
that is the only inference which it is possible for persons igno-
rant of the circumstances—and a great majority of the people
of this country are ignorant of them—to draw from the Presi •
dent's speech. On the other hand, it is so impossible for us
to believe that the question has been neglected by her Majesty's
Government, knowing as they do its importance, and the great
and growing excitement which has prevailed for some time past
in the United States—l say it is so impossible for us to believe
that they would not have used their endeavours to bring about an
amicable and satisfactory adjustment of it, that I am sure nay
Noble Friend will be desirous, either by reply to me or by the pro-
duction of such papers as he may think fit, to satisfy the people of
England that their rights have not been abandoned, or their
cause neglected. Both with respect to the past and future, I
think the public are entitled to this information, and it is for
the purpose of obtaining it, and thereby satisfying the great
and natural anxiety that prevails upon the subject, that I
take the liberty of thus trespassing our your Lordsh ps' time.
I do not think this a fining opportunity for discussing the
justice of the claims of this country to the Oregon territory.
I will, however, say a few words upon it, in order to render
more intelligible the character and extent of the President's
assumption. In the first place, my Lords, if priority of dis-
covery could constitute title, our claim would be unquestion-
able—for Sir F. Drake, when he first visited that country in
1558, found all the land unappropriated, and rook posse,sion
of it, giving it the title of New Albion. I do not mean to
say that this constitutes a claim, but owing subsequently to a
seizure of British vessels at Nootka, and to a dispute which
arose in consequence, it was arranged by the treaty of the
Escurial that the subjects of the contracting parties should
not be molested in fishing and making settlements in parts
not hitherto occupied. In 1792 the country adjacent to the
Columbia river was taken possession of by Cooke, and was
explored in !813 by the North-Western Company, now
called the Hudson's Bay Company, who established them-
selves in Port St. George, under the government of Bri-
tish laws, continuing to the present day, and being the first
establishment in that country of a lawful and national
character, and recognised as such by foreign nations. Now,
the claim of the American Government. derives its origin from
the sale of Louisiana by Napoleon in 1813. Nevertheless, the
boundaries had been distinctly described in 1712, in the reign
of Louis XIV., and in thole treaties with the United States,
which had for their object to define the boundaries of Louisiana,
reference was made to an rndefined line running through to the
Pacific,
having no precise boundary north or east; but in the.
roes.
that boundary. othfe latitudet etri 4y2 n c. le rg th re
if s treaty between Spain and the United State in 1818, called
H
the orida treaty, this undefined line was defined, and made
to run from the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific in the parallel
in coded
t o
Americath then c
e it
that we had no right to
the territory north of the parallel
latitude of 42 degrees, and that no other country thou Spain had
tned
S:niat i ended
that
a right to it. although we had formerly taken possession of it, in
1792. In 1818 a convention was signed between this counts
and the United Sates, by which the north boundary line was
fixsd, amity which it was arranged that the country berweeEt