The Sun.
London, England, 1828-03-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS,

No circumstances have been made public since
our last, of a nature to dear up what may yet re-
quire elucidatiOn, in the acts of Russia, or in the
immediate policy of England and of France. Russia
has alleged, it is understood, many offences on the
part of Turkey towards herself, which go to esa-
finish, on behalf of the Emperor Nicholas, a right of
redress for Russian injuries, distinct from the right
of interference for the sake of Greece, which his
Imperial Majesty derived from the Duke of Wel-
lington's Protocol, and from the Treaty of London.
Is that Treaty still in force ? The provocations
which Russia has received from the Porte, and
which were consummated by the famous Manifesto,
have been such as, in the eye of a calm observer,
abundantly justify a recourse to arms on the part of
the Russian Government. The main inference to
be drawn from that Manifesto is, the utter disre-
gard entertained by Turkey for the treaties formed
with Christian states, and the consequent necessity
which it imposes upon them to keep in their own.
hands the guarantees of their own just pretehsionS.
In other words, the acknowledgment of Turkey that
she meditated, both in the Treaty of Akerrnan, and
in her subsequent assurances on the subject of Greece',
nothing more than to gain time and to cheat the Chris-.
tian Powers, was an unanswerable justification for
any one of those Powers to redress its own injuries
6s/ force. Yet it is not to be denied, that the posi-
tion in which Russia has (however fairly) placed
herself as a belligerent, relatively to the Porte, puts
zm end to her former character of mediatrix, with
-which the treaty of London had clothed her. With-
out any formal declaration, therefore, the Emperor
Nicholas has actually ceased to be a party to that
convention. Under the treaty for the independence;
of Greece, Russia having virtually withdrawn from
it, has no right to call upon either England or
France to make any further effort for its execution.
But to France this country is still bound by her en-
gagement, if France be still ready to fulfil her part
of it. If France, therefore, notwithstanding the se-
paration of Russia, forced upon the hoer Power by
the barbarous impolicy of the Porte,--if France pre-
serve her readiness to execute the tr,:aty of London,
and call upon England to co-operate with her, and
to liberate Greece, we cannot conceive it possible for
his Majesty's Government to refuse compliance with
such a demand upon its good faith, its justice, and
sound policy. From Greece herself the requisition
will come with equal or even superior force. That
oppressed and desolated country has done nothing
to forfeit her sacred rights, under the treaty, to
the, pledged interference of Great Britain. Eng-
land could not, when she promised protection and
a release from bondage to the Greek people, have
meant to render the maintenance of her own word
of honour to Greece contingent on the duration of
tranquillity upon tine Ti ussian frontier. Suppose
Russia to be, which she is not, an, aggressor upon
Turkey in the passage of the Pruth, what participa-
tions have the poor Greeks in that offence ? And
if they had, why make it a pretence for withholding
from Turkey the advantage (for such it was truly
described to be in the treaty) which would accrue to
her from the establishment of the Greek independ-
ence ? If, on the other hand, and as the case really
is, Turkey has brought this northern mischief on
herself, can the Duke of Wellington lay hold of such
reprehensible conduct in the oppressor, to excuse his
abandoning an oppressed people to the fate from
which he had solemnly pledged his Sovereign to
rescue them ? It is impossible that the reports
upon this subject can be well founded. It seems
impossible that such bad faith would be shown to
Greece, or that the noble office of her liberator
should he surrendered by England to any other
nation in the world. It cannot lie true, as surmised,
Mar the British Government hangs back on this
occasion, in order to give to the Government of
France the exclusive honour, or the solid power, to be
achieved through a complete fulfilment of the obliga
Lions of the Treaty of London.—Timcx.

The French are making great preparations for the
embarkation of troops. " Nobody doubts," says the
Gazette de France, " that the troops, as well from
Brest as Cadiz, viii join those at Toulon, and that

the destination of the whole is the Mediterranean ;
but will it be for Algiers, the Morea, some Island in
the Archipelago, or the Dardanelles ? This is the
subject of many conjectures." The same paper
contains an extract from another Journal (not named)
ill which it is stated that Lord Stuart is gone to St.
Petersburgh to represent that Great Britain, by the
Treaty of London, did not mean to intervene, except
as a maritime power, to protect the Greeks against
the arrival of succours to the Turkish and Egyptian
army; that as a Continental war and invasion of
Turkey must have consequences much more exten-
sive than those which could have been foreseen at
the time of the negotiations, the result would be
that the British Cabinet in that case would have
other measures to take for its honour and its interests

.ind;that the passage of the Prtith by a single Rus-
sian regiment would lead to the annulling of the
Treaty, as far as Great Britain was concerned.—

'NV logree of reliance ought to be placed on

.above

statement we can certainly_ have

)10 means of knowing. But it is hardly ne-
cessary" to encumber the case t i1:11 a consideration
of the fiirlomatic movements which our Government
may deem it necessary to make, to save appearances,
to be able to :ell the course which Russia will take
and the fate of the Alliance. It is the policy of a
power of the magniOnle of Russia, when it has de-
termined on a certain course, to announce that de-
termination as finally taken, and to proceed to act
,on it with as little delay as possible. It is always
policy, when a certain course has been resolved

on, to submit the reasons for it to others, as if with
vice of soliciting their assent, more especially if
there be a suspicion that the assent would not be
given ; because, when a party is invited, as it were,
to the discussion of measures, he may feel his pride
interested in resenting, the slight offered to him by
the disregard of his suggestions; whereas, when a
determination is boldly announced and acted on
without delay, the party who afterwards interferes
does so with a knowledge that such interference is
an act of hostility, and without he have made his
mind fully up to the consequences, he will remain
passive. An appearance of hesitation invites to op-
nosition ; and the opposition may proceed to such
an extreme, that a party, without at first- intend.' I
ing it, may feel his honour so far implicated
as to be unable to recede, whereas decision in the
outset repels all who are not equally decided, The
Rus-sians having a cause of justification (she has,
we believe, many causes of justification,) did wisely
an communicating her intention to invade Turkey
without delay as a matter decided on, thus throwing
on the Poweo who may dislike her proceedings the
grave responsihiDy of challenging them. England,
borne down with a heavy National Debt, and strug-
crling under a financial deficit, will naturally' pause
before she takes up a question which only remotely
concerns her, with the certainty of thereby entailing
a war on herself. France is at present in circum-
stances somewhat similar to our own. Her recent
exterior operations " have (says M. Benjamin Con-
stant) cost this conquerors three hundred millions to
give to the conquered anarchy and scaffolds ;" and
the expenditures of a revenue of a thousand millions,
*with large deficit, has by no means disposed the
minds of the people to fresh wars, even on the suppo-
sition that a war for the preservation of Turkey would-
be not unacceptable to them. But how stands this'
matter We have now better means than we had
of inferring what the conduct of France will be
-under given circumstances. The late Elections hav-
ing given the victory to the Representatives who
Are in unison with the feelings of the nation, the
Government must, as a matter of necessity, be
liberal) and when we know what is the language
held by the popular Journals, we may predict that
the conduct of the Government cannot be very
much at variance with that language. Now, what
is the language of the popular Journals regarding