The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-02 00:00:00

held it impossible that these men could say, "Give
us more protection."—(Loud cheers.) It was the
grossest ignorance to believe that the agricultural
labourers could be anxious to perpetuate such
a state of things. All classes complained
of the present state of things, and they did not com-
plain without reason. It was true a majority of the
farmers in Somersetshire were opposed to the repeal
of the corn-laws. Why were they so ? Becausi
they were told by those who had an interest in per-
petuating the present state of things, that a repeal of
the corn-laws would make corn much lower, and
that they would be altogether ruined. Some of these
silly farmers looked as it were with suspicion on the
manufacturers, because they agitated for a free trade
in corn. Many of them said "the manufacturers
agitate for cheap bread in order to keep wages low."
Could there be a greater insult to common sense than
such language as this.—(Hear, hear.) Was it not
well known that wages was a marketable commodity,
(Hear)—and that the prices of wages and bread never
harmonised ? The demand for labour regulated the
price of bread. Others of these deluded men said
the manufacturers wanted to sink the price of corn,
in order to invest their capital in land.—(Cries of
" Oh, oh !" and laughter.) Such arguments were
more characteristic of the inmates of a lunatic asylum
than of men pretending to common sense. If the
manufacturers, as Lord Radnor remarked, possessed
the power of applying skill, and capital, and industry,
then there was the greater likelihood of their being
able to give employment to the surplus population,
and the greater prospect of their enabling the con-
sumer to buy a cheaper article. He looked upon the
manufacturer as the " farmer's friend." The agri-
cultural population should look for real protection not
to the landed proprietory, but to the manufacturers who
would enable the people to consume their commodities,
and to give a high price for them.—(Hear, hear.)
Let the manufacturers prosper, and the farmers would
have nothing to fear. If the artisan had full employ-
ment, the farmer would have no reason to complain.
He would then have a ready market for his beef and
mutton, for the people would have the means of buying.
At present the restrictive laws forbade these advan-
tages. It was said the farmers were against free
trade. He had already said they were so, and he was
sorry for it, but they might not care much for that.
If a few of the landowners, such as the Noble Lord
in the chair, would come forward, and advocate
free-trade princip!es, the farmers would soon
follow in their train.—(Hear, hear.) He thought
there could not be a stronger argument in favour of
free trade than the case of wool. When the duties
on this article were about being reduced, some years
ago, the sheep-breeders exclaimed that they would
be ruined, and calamity was foretold to the com-
munity ; but the fact was, that the wool-trade had,
in consequence of the reduction of those duties, be-
come much better, and had been greatly improved.
'Why should not the same results follow as regards
corn ?—(Hear, hear.) There was not the slightest
doubt but such a result would occur. The land-
lords saw the farmers were an important class,
and deserved support; very true, but was
there no consideration for the great bulk
of the community—those men who earned their bread
by their labour and by their intellect ? That was the
class that required protection—that was the class
which needed the sympathy of the Legislature. The
question was, whether it was more prudent to extend
commerce, and give general employment, and pro-
duce general comfort, or maintain high rents for
the benefit of the landlord class ? The ques-
tion of free trade would be soon agitated again in
the House of Commons, and he could easily '
see what the result would be. Among other
arguments which would be adduced in favour
of monopoly, it would be said that a great number of
petitions were presented against a repeal of the corn-
laws. Well, so there were some, but how were those
petitions got up ? He would tell them. It was the
custom in the counties where they wished to have a
petition signed, to give a pint of cyder to each man
who signed it. Indeed, for a draught of strong cyder
the ignorant peasant came and put not only his name
to the petition but the names of his innocent children,
and the babe at the breast, as ignorant of the real
nature and objects of the petition as himself.—(Hear,
hear.) Why, for a sovereign he could get a hogs-
head of cyder, and he would be bound to say that. he
would get a petition signed for any purpose what-
ever by all the rustics in a country parish.
And then those petitions were held forth by the
monopolists as an evidence of the disposition of the
people of England towards free-trade principles. He
had once called a meeting in his native parish, in
favour of free trade, which was numerously attended.
He explained his views and opinions to the occupiers
of land who attended, and they all signed a petition
in favour of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) An Hon.
Member had recently moved for an inquiry into the
burdens which affected land. This inquiry was re-
fused, and for very obvious reasons—the majority of
the House of Commons refused to grant even a Com-
mittee to inquire into the tendency of the present
corn-laws. He was convinced the period would soon
arrive when the principles of free trade would be
triumphant, for, according to Scripture, the success of
the wicked would be but of short continuance. He
looked for the triumph of the principles which the
League advocated, in the progress of information, and
in the result of a long and painful experience. The
sooner that triumph was achieved the better for the
people. After thanking the meeting for the kindness
with which they had listened to him, the speaker sat
down amid loud cheering.
Mr. COBDEN then advanced to the front of the
platform, and was received with the most enthusiastic
cheering and waving of hats and handkerchiefs in
every part of a densely-crowded house, which lasted
for nearly five minutes. He said fortunately for him
phrenologists who had examined his head had assured
him that neither the organ of self-esteem nor the love
of approbation were developed there, for if he had
possessed them they would have quite spoiled him.—
(Laughter and cheers.) .At that late hour he would
not long trespass on their attention. It was a duty
he owed to the. Noble Lord who had taken the chair
so kindly, and who possessed the true nobility of na-
ture, who was the second of his body to come for-
ward and preside at their meeting, to thank him
for the honour he had conferred upon them. They
had answered his Grace the Duke of Richmond long
since by the speeches of Mr. Lattimore and Mr.
Hunt at that meeting. They gave him a further an.,
swer in the speech of Mr. Somers on that evening.
These men were tenant-farmers. These were answers
to his Grace from farmers residing in the three great
agricultural counties of Herefordshire, Gloucester-
shire, and Somersetshire. They were not the mere
creatures—the serfs—the toadies of the landowners.
They came forward, and boldly, manfully,
and fearlessly gave utterance to their sen-
timents, and were not afraid to declare that they
believed the corn-laws were injurious to the best in-
terests of the country. He was once travelling in
Scotland, on the banks of the lake between Taymouth
and Killeen. It was late at night, and a Highlander
drove him who believed in witches and ghosts. He
said his father had seen many of them, and they were
worse than the evil one who sent them. " Just," said
" he, as the factor over there, (pointing to Lord Bread •
albane's seat) " just as the factor there is waur than
the laird."—(Laughter.) They had not a very
wide choice amongst the free trade farmers, who
could speak at a public meeting like that; but this he
could tell them from his own experience, that where •
ever there was a man of thought, and of independ-
ence, he was almost invariably found to be on the
side of free trade.—(Hear, hear.) In reference to
free trade generally, he must congratulate the meeting
on the progress which it bad made during the present
week. They had a budget.—(Hear.) He could not
say that it was a free trade budget, such as the
Leaguers would produce when they came into power,
but still there were some little things done in the
budget of Monday, and every thing that was done
was done in 'the direction of free trade.—(Cheers.)
What had the Duke of Richmond and the Protection
Society been about ? He thought they had orga-
nised themselves and declared that the Prime
Minister should go no further.—(Laughter.) It was
quite clear that the Prime Minister did not dread
these carpet knights—he relied on the free traders.
Now there was one thing that was well done, because
it was totally and immediately done. He referred to
the entire abolition of the protection upon wool. Five-
and-twenty years ago, there was an uprising of the
Knatchbulls and Richmond& upon this subject. They
insisted that 6d. per lb. should be imposed on foreign
wool. Five years afterwards Mr. Huskisson said he
had been told by Leeds woollen-manufacturers, that
unless this duty was thrown off, the woollen trade
would be lost. By dint of great management, he was
enabled to take off, in 1824, sd. of the mis-
chief which had been put on ; now they had
got rid of the other penny.—(Lauhter.). The
Knatchbulls and Buckinghams of the period to
which he had referred declared that if the
duty was .repealed there would be no more shepherds
employed—they would all go to the workhouse ; that
there would be no more mutton in the land, and that
all the shepherd dogs might be hanged. There were
now, however, going to carry on the business of
sheep rearing and wool shearing without any protec-
tion. Why should they not carry on the trade of corn
without protection ? If it were unreasonable to abo-
lish the duties on corn why had the Prime Minister
abolished the protection on wool ?—(Hear.) Take
again, the subject of coffee ; that matter was not en-
tirely done—it was but half done. The duty on
coffee was, at that moment, 4d. on colonial coffee and
Bd. on foreign. Sir Robert Peel had abolished the
duty on foreign by 2d., or in other words, he had left
the colonies with 2d. less protection. They would have
the other half by and by. Now the next matter
was sugar. Ladies could not make the coffee unless
they had the sugar—at least with all their smiles
they, could not make it'sweet.--(Laughter.) Now
they were in a little difficulty about' this sugar,-for
scruple of conscience came over -'the. Government