The Sun.
London, England, 1826-11-10 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF TRE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Our attention has. beets called by several correspon-
dents to the provisions of an act passed last session of
Parliament, for " consolidating the trusts of the turn-
...

pike roads in the neighbourhood. of the metropolis
north of the Thames," commonly called " the Metro.
politan Turnpike Act." Probably the majority of the
inhabitants bl London and Middlesex are as yet tunic-

.. .. , . ,
quainted with a great` revolution tnat awaits them on
the Ist of January next, as regards the government of
their roads. They most likely have slept unconscious
for the last four orfive months (and might, but for this
notice, have continued in the same happy ignorance
for two months to come), that at the commencement
of thenew year they are to pass from under the domi-
nion or protection of a host of turnpike trustees to that
of a single Board Of !Commiasionera, 'at the head of
which is a NOble Lord as Prafteins Viarum: that
they are no longer liable to be way-laid or interrupted
in their, rides by the toll-bar keepers of local trustees
but are to have their tolls fixed by a little parliament,
nominated without their coesent, and including even
Irish and Scotch Members—that this powerful body
can.: assess .them at its pleasure ; and that, like the,
councils of the Scotch burghs, it can perpetuate itsau-
thority by self-election. The act which thus impends
over us may be taken as a grand specimen of. our pon-
derous legislation. It occupies 114 closely printed
folio pages, conteins 191 sections, beside sundry sche-
dules, and after enumerating about forty arts of Par-
Miament, destroys them all at a blow. Its havoc
amongst trustees is even more terrible. About 1,400
of them are disbanded with less ceremony than a use-
less regiment at the conclusion of a war ; and all their
important powers, duly registered on turnpike-gate,
ail :their local patronage, and all their trust-dinners,
eaten for the public good, are either to be abolished
or engrossed by a peace establishment of forty-eight
public men, who are appointed their successors. Such
are some of the changes •introduced by this consoli
(lation 'Act. We are not, however, of opinion that it
must necessarily be mischievous, because it reduces
what we may call our highway establishMent—because
it brings fort's. Acts of Parliament within the compass
of one—because it puts the. fourteen or fifteen roads
leading from London on the north side of the river,
under the direction of Parliamentary instead of local
Commissioners ; or becanse it details at unnecessary
length, the duties and powers of these Commissioners.
We -even! allow that the multiplication of turnpike-
trusts is often a great evil ; that they are sometimes
rank nurseries of jobbing and patronage ; that they
cover. by their shield the mismanagement of the publie
funds, and inflict upon us bad roads and high taxes,
for the benefit of their friends, or the maintenance of
their corrupt influence. But we may get rid of
one evil by_ submitting to another, and aceoedingly
we see, in some of the provisions of the 'Conso-
lidation Ati`, in, question, great liability and temp-
tation to abuee. In the first place, the Com-
missioners, though numerous, , end, in the first in-
stance, not unfairly_ Omen, are not likely to com-
pose an efficient board, where duty or controul alone
is concerned, though efficient enough for making con-
tracts and managing jobs. The 3/Numbers for Lon-
don, Westminster, and Middlesex, are the only gen-
tlemen who may be always presumed ,to be within con-
venient call for forming a board; and their attendance
is An little secured, by the. Act, that we may venture
to say they have scarcely ever attended any of the pre-
liminary meg,tio vs, All the other Commissioners may
strangers to rtittMlesex, and many of them actually
reside part of time year a! great distances f'rom the me-
tropolis. Can Sir Henry Purnell, for instance, 'be
called across the Irish Channei for the election of a
clerk, for the assessment of a rate, os. the letting of a
turnpike-gate ? The business of the I!:Pard is likely
to be left, therefore, to a few busybodies and iobbers,
who. expect to convert the public interest into a mea;:s
of -.promoting their private views. We should not
even suspect that Lord Lowther would travel from
Westmoreland, where he may have roads 'to super-
, intend, and poachers to prosecute, to examine the
'qisidifications of a road surveyor, or . settle the "con-
.ditiona of a turnpike lease, in London, did we
not know that, as the father of the bill, his pa-
ternal affection has hitherto led him to watch its
been,
and to appoint its guardians. There has
been, we understand, already. a place to give away ;
and so stronia are bis Lordship's feelings of paternity,
that he could not allow: it to be intrusted to any bu
one of his own friends. The love of this friend for
Ins Lordship's legislative of must he doubly
P
o,aerful, as he has not only been appointed the se-
`cret,ao to time C001)1118 slolli butt had before been elected
a Cormoissioner. The salary is stated to be 400/.
a-year, fin; as there is little question that this gentle-
man, and the noble Lord, with a few of their friends,
will soon compoo; the whole efficiency of the com-
Mission, the emohments will be raised, and patronage,
as desirable as emolun:ent, be enjoyetL as we
have likewise heard, the ,Rolieitor, who acted as oc-
' cOucheur to the Bill' in Parkamenta is appointed to
give its mature age the benefit of hiss professional skill,
and if that gentleman,is, likewise a friod of the noble
Lord, we have another instance of his Lordship's pa-
ternal affection for the new Act. Independenay of
these objeCtions, there are many clauses or. sections of
the Act, which adMit'arbitrary and despotic conduct
in the Commissioners or their agents. We refer to
tbe 'l3d section, whiCh gives the watchmen of time
Coomissioners powers to determine who ought to be
on their tmaninke-roads at night; and who may be
takers' 4t and secured as " rogues, vagabonds, night
Walkers, a.ld Malefactors ;"—to the 76th, which itn,
poses A penOty
,on victuallers or publicans for har-
bouring watehmt,4l;.--aud to the clause which enables
the board to fill up vaeaneiei in its own composition.—
Times. -

Another letter has aappeaed from Mr. Ellice. We
heavily at present upon a
are unwilling to press more
man, one of whose crying aril really
defend in la . e oils
Mint .t. hi .
lams&
seem to us to be alt utter inability to
upon the charges.
We the relative
We shall therefore touch no more
We shall only show him how, even
mate?, he 'cannot write without involving himadf in
contradictions. lie calls the coati aa with the French
contractors " conditional," and that with the Eng.
yet immediately after
lish ones " aiwolute ;" and
he says, " that iijs advice to the Deputies not to
hesitate in their decision (that is, i!' ratifying this
latter contract) was founded on certain reasons, ant„
ctf which was, that if the arrangement with the
English contractors failed, after. the negociation had
proceeded so far," &c. Thus, after having once as-
,,erted the etmtract to be absolute, lie al
10,,;;s twice that
it was not so„ and that it was not even conclutkid.
Again, after having said (without the slightest reason,
by the way), that the Deputies 46 are all either guilty
or intweent," be takes care to invalidate that opinion
41 the next sentence Ity stating that they were totally
Aetached rtitom each other ; that they had nothing nit
tommon ; and 1,044 his time 44 had been waged in en-

deavpuring to reconcile their quarrels with each
" other." We are sure it would be a much more
hopeless task, if it were imposed on the Deputies, to
I !lake them reconcile him with hinaself.---Eid.

hi another column will be found a Report of the
procec,l ings of a Meeting of the parish of St. Andrew's,
publiti, at which a Report was agreed to, recommend-
ing distinctly an adjuhttneni of the National Debt, the
restoration of Church Property—that is, its appropria-
tion to the Clergy, the repairs of Churches and the
Poor—the total repeal of the Corn Laws, and the re-
peal of the Union. This Meeting, like every other
in Ireland; proves the existence of a deadly hatred
between the. Orangemen and Catholics. The Church!
the Church ! and Tithes ! find their way into every
proceeding. The Ascendancy party become of course
more furious as the Catholics become, more powerful ;
and we verily believe that there is not a Churchman
in Ireland, who would not devoutly return thanks to
Heaven, were he to be favoured with an opportunity
of embruing his kinds in the blood of his adversaries.
The great ,annibling-block with the. Protestants, is the
possibility of reconciling the perpetual union of a
Church without a people, and the possession of
Church property without an ecclesiastical object. Dr.
Magee tells us that the Reformation is only beginning
in Ireland. Would that it had begun when the Pro-
testant occupation of Church property commenced. • It
would have been an easy matter with a Protestant people
to have secured the property of a Protestant Church ;
but now property constitutes the grand obstacles to the
peace and security of Ireland.—Morning Chronicle.

If a correct account could be obtained of all the com-
mitments made by Magistrates throughout the country,
and of the party feelings that influenced not only the
prosecutor but the committing Magistrate, we have
little doubt there would be brought to light instances
of cruelty and oppression, hardly equalled in the most
tyrannical Governments. In London proceedings are
in general conducted with much impartiality. and jus-
tice, owing as much to the publicity given to every
case of importance, as to the upright and impartial
views of the Magistrates. In the country the case is
quite different—the Magistrates there adhere to the
good old system of secrecy, and, as much as they can,
prevent all remarks, or discussions, on their conduct.
The consequence is, that the public know little or
nothing of- their Magisterial conduct, except when
some gross case of injustice has roused the indigna-
tion of the neighbourhood, or when an appeal is made
from their decisions to a supreme Court, where no-
thing. can be concealed. An appeal of this kind was
made to the Court of King's Bench on Tuesday. A
young woman, said to be of a respectable, family, had
been committed to the House of Correction by a Ma-
gistrate of Chichester, for refushig to answer certain
questions as to the father of her illegitimate. child.—
She had not applied for relief, nor was there any pro-
bability that the child would become burdensome to the
parish ; yet because she refused to acknowledge the
authority of the parish beadle, or some inquisitive
overseer, and preferred concealing her shame from the
world, she is dragged from her home and thrown into
prison. It is not necessary to - point out the cruelty
and injustice of such conduct, and we sincerely hope,
that the principal actors in this inquisitorial proceed-
ing will not be allowed to get off with impunity.—
Such a law, if law it can be called, was never meant
to apply to a young woman in independent circumstan-
ces. She wanted no assistance of the parish, and conclu-
ded the parish consequently had no right to interfere.
This is onlyone instance ofthe proneness, or rather epide-
mic rage of our Magistrates to commit to the house of
Correction persons charged with the most trivialoffences.
If they would pay the least attention to the subject,
they would see that, instead of diminishing, it tends
to increase crime. The man who has been committed
to trod-mill must tver after be degraded iii the
eyes of the world. He must feel degraded in his own
estimation, anti consequently loses that self-respect
and regard for character which are the surest safeguards'
of vn tae, Doctor Saugrado had too grand specifics,
the Magistrates of England
bhiaeveedionngl.yald one---tie, water;ttetrosti-mill. We hope that, like
most of the panaceas of Doctors, it will soon get into
lessgeneral use, and be applied only to those crimes
which merit a degrading punishment.-rrMorning He-
rald.

It has been communicated in an extract of a letter
from. Bordeaux that " Sir Francis Burdett has left
that place to resume his Parliamentary duty in Eng-
land.' If the worthy Baronet intends to give us such
a specimen of the " performance of his duty" in the
ensuing Session as he has done for several preceding
years, it might be as well, perhaps if he remained
where he was, and continued to make the representa,
tion of Westminster, as near as possible, a sinecure.
That people in general are led more by names than
things, is a trite observation, and the patriots of West-
minder furnish a remarkable proof of it. Had Sir
Francis Burdett obtained the representation of that
City on what is called the Tory interest, his habitual
neglect of the duties which he had solemnly ensaged
to perform would call forth more than the indignant
remarks of the " free and incorruptible electors ;' but
as Sir F. Burdett is a 44 Radical Reformer," his post-
poning the interests of his constituents. and of the
country to his own pleasures or convenience, does not
risk the 44 sovereign people" at all suspect the zeal or
efficacy of their llepresentatire, It is true he comes
now and than into the House to make' a holiday
speech upon some popular question, but he disdains
the homely labour—the ,watelifid scrutiny of public
measures—the searchings of Ministerial statements,
and the sifting of accounts, in which consists the sub-
stantial usefulness of a Member of Parliament. We
do not say that the talents of expressing a man's ideas
ce
with for and propriety is an accomplishment unbe-
coming a Senator : but when a man attends to no
other business but that of making an occasional speech
on some exciting subject, we do not hesitate to affirm,
`that he is fonder of Ostentatious display than of useful
application. Is it such a -Betiator that tunes like these
require ? or is it one who is steadfast at his post,
gilant to watch every turn of the measures, on which
the destiny of.thp country,depend,
and indefatigable In
procuring the informatim Which is necessary to expose
fallacions statements, and give an enlightened direction
to the public mind? We Irate also 'observed, Of late,
that M. Hobhouse has endeavoured to establish a
similar exemption from the real dutiea of Parliament,
no doubt in grateful sympathy with the example of his
mice, when, tune political patron. Who can wonder at what the
"reek " "re cause" has suffered under such superintend
of little More
'representatiOn of Westminster has
that of. Gait consequence to the empire than
oh or. Old Saw!.The centre of re-
form sadly Want f t: ! ria
s orma,,,one,---4-41.

. .
k is generally
, supposed that Min.
soot as PUP!Pent hati gone throe Igtrtilli
18n11, of Indein. mty, to
Ire Matithicrs, I Intend,
for in 4, :4
"Cting a Speaker, anci:!lvw
in February. If such be the irkten.
propose an adjournment
istflitseildei naigi r 2 t
week

Lion, we can only say that we consider it a most inju-
dicious one. To say nothing of the time occupied in
election petitions, and the various other matters inci-
dent to a new Parliament, it is quite clear, that since
the practice of assembling before Christmas has been
abandoned, the Session has frequently been run much
later intdthe summer than has been convenient, and
the consequence has been, that many Members having''
left town, the most important matters have been fre-
quently left to be discussed in very thin houses, and a
great deal of the public business slurred over in a way
not very creditable to the Legislature. Ministers have
this year an opportunity of correcting this manifest
evil ; but instead of doing so, to repeat it, will be doubly
culpable. As to the objection to bringing Noblemen
and Gentlemen to town from their estates, where their
presence may be desirable, that certainly cannot be
put in competition with the greater importance of the
public business. Besides which, the facility of com-
munication with all parts of the kingdom is now so
great, that a journey of one hundred miles is now no
more than one quarter of the distance used to be fifty
years ago. But if any additional argument were want-
ing to keep Parliament together after it is once as-
sembled, beyond the pressure and the demands of pub-
lic business, it would be the extreme importance to
suitors in the Upper House of the hearing of their
Appeals not being delayed longer than may be una-
voidable. Many of these appeals are, it is well known,
brought for the sake of delay, an object which the
House has of late years taken no small pains to defeat,
and where that is not so, the value of property depend-
ing upon some of these causes is such as to render
their final conclusion at the earliest possible period most
important. It is very true, we dare say, that Ministers
are glad of almost any excuse for postponing, and
thereby shortening the Session. To say nothing of
the additional labour both of mind and body which it
imposes upon them, it is pretty well known, that on
some of the most important topics which are to come
before Parliament (as the Corn Laws, Free Trade,
and the Catholic Question), they are not very well
agreed among themselves. But though these reasons
may weigh with diem, they can and ought to have no
weight with the country, which, in its present situation,
has a right to look, and naturally does look, to the as-
sembled Council of the Nation as the source from
which a remedy should be applied to the errors of our
past system, and a greater share of wisdom characterize
the future.—lbid.