The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-03 00:00:00

to avoid exciting suspicion, and taking a knife in his
teeth to defend himself from sharks, which had been
attracted by the whale, swam to the ship, after a hard
struggle of an hour and a half, during which two
sharks kept him company, but did not offer to molest
him. Having reached the ship he dived under, seized
the rudder at the heel, and climbed to the star-
board cabin-window, through which he made his
entry. Laying aside his clothes, and ascertaining that
no suspicion existed of his being on board, he groped
about fur arms, and found two cutlasses and two
muskets, which he loaded. While loading one
he heard some one descending the stairs. Running
thither he grasped a cutlass, and a struggle en-
sued. Mr. Clough succeeded in throwing his an-
tagonist, thrust out one of his eyes, and left
him for dead, having been severely wounded himself
in the contest. No sooner had he left his supposed
victim, than he got up and furiously renewed the at-
tack, but finally fell down from loss of blood. Mr. Clough,
going again to the gangway, saw another person with a
cutting spade : he shot him from below, through the heart,
but just as he fired the spade was thrown at him, and dis-
abled his left arm. A third person came to the gangway,
with another spade, but soon went forward. Mr. Clough
then hailed the boats, which were very near, told them
he had killed two of the mutineers, and was himself
dangerously wounded, and urged them to come at once
on board. They refused, as they had heard but one dis-
charge, fearing only one had been killed, and they did
not think it safe. After about half an hour, hearing no
noise, they came aboard, struck a light, and went into
the cabin. The man with whom Mr. Clough had first con-
tended was found on the transom, his eye hanging on his
cheek, and his body covered with gore. He did not move,
but merely groaned, whereupon Mr. Smith the mate, fired
a musket at him, and one of his men thrust him through with
a cutting spade; he was thrown into the sea. The deck was
tracked with clotted blood ; the headless body of Captain
Norris was found, with that of one of his murderers.
The other mutineer jumped overboard, but returned, sur-
rendered, and was taken to Sydney. The Sharon com-
pleted her voyage under Mr. Smith, Mr. Clough act-
ing as second mate. This is an extraordinary nar •
native, and in some of its details almost in-
credible. If it be entirely true it is difficult to tell
whether most to admire the heroism and daring of Mr.
Clough, or to despise the cowardice of Mr. Smith and the
crew. The Mercury says that the owners of the Sharon
have given Mr. Clough the command of a fine ship,
which, if the narrative be true, he has well deserved. We
, believe the fact of this mutiny was reported some months
. ago, though its details have never before been so fully
• stated.

on it by the exposures which had already taken place. A
majority of fourteen in a House of ninety Members, saved
Sir James Graham from the implied censure of the motion.
Thus, by implication, the House voted that the rights
of hospitality, due to foreigners resident in this
country, may be violated ; their letters detained ; their
contents examined ; and the worst description of espionage
exercised against them by the Government, without regret
on the part of an English House of Commons. These fo-
reigners thus treated neither were, nor were they suspected
to be, engaged in any conspiracy or seditious correspondence
against the British Government, on whose good faith and
protection they had cast themselves. But some foreign
State, with the fears characteristic of despotism, chose to
regard them with jealousy, and sought to entrap their
connexions still within its power, with whom they might
correspond. By inducing the British Government to
intercept their letters on their passage through the Post-
office, and thus to perform the ignoble office of spies upon
these exiles, the vile purpose was sought to be accomplished.
No blame can be cast on the foreign Power which asked such
acts at the hands of a British Minister. But what will be
said—rather, what ought to be said—by a British House of
Commons of the compliance of a British Minister with such
an application? Is not a refusal to express regret at the
conduct we have described, very much like an approval of
that conduct?
STANDARD.—Mr. Sheil brought forwerd the Mazzini
case once more last night, in a speech marked by the Right
Hon. Gentleman's peculiar style, but the House was a thin
one, and the speech failed of the usual effect of Mr. Shell's
speeches ; it however had one good consequence, in callin g forth
from Sir J. Graham not only an ample and unreserved dis-
closure of all the circumstances connected with the opening of
Mr. Mazzini's letters, but also a very curious and interesting
sketch of what is believed to be Mr. Mazzini's political his-
tory. This person, who has been hitherto supposed to be a
mere wild political dreamer, a sort cf Italian Sieyes, manufac-
turing, as an amusement, constitutions for his country in his
present safe retreat, was, it appears, regarded in France, in
Switzerland, and in Belgium as something not quite so harm-
less. Sure it is that he did not favour England with his pre-
sence, or Mr. Tom Duncombe with his friendship, until he
had found it convenient, if not necessary, to withdraw from
the three free countries referred to. So long ago as in 1831,
Mr. Mazzini, with other fugitives from an unsuccessful attempt
at rebellion in Italy, fled to France, and domiciled themselves
at Marseilles, where they soon organised a society under
the name of " Young Italy," of which Society Mr. Mazzini
was President. This Society appears to have kept up an
active correspondence with the malcontents still remain-
ing in Italy, and to have maintained a hot war upon
the established Italian governments, through the medium
of publications at Marseilles and in the Maltese journals,
This was an occasion of considerable annoyance to the
Governments assailed, who remonstrated with the French
Government, and, through the British Minister at Florence,
Sir Hamilton Seymour, with the Government of this country.
Neither the British nor the French constitution, however, al-
lowed the power to silence the appeals of "Young Italy," and
so the war of journalism went on until some Italians, either
employed by their Government, or volunteers—which is not
known— entered the field against the association at Mar-
seilles, making the attempt fairly to write it down.
This was undoubtedly a legitimate course, and one
which would delight men confident in the strength
of their cause. It was a course that we wish
to be adopted by all despotic Governments, and there would
soon be an end of despotism. The process of literary defence
is a process of moral ablution, which forces those engaged in
it to really purify themselves, that they may appear pure. If
the "Young Italy" of Marseilles had been in earnest in
pursuit of the freedom of their country, they would have
rejoiced in nothing more than the opportunity of discussing
the political rights which it ought to enjoy. We have not,
however, now to learn from the confederacy of Marseilles,
that political conspirators are not always true to their
profession—indeed, it has long been well understood
that they who claim a monopoly of the love of " liberty "
are lovers so jealous, that they will allow none to share with
them the favours of " the mountain nymph." The confede-
rates of Marseilles were no exception to this general rule.

. MEL AND.
REPEAL ASSOCIATION.
I DUBLIN, MARCH 31.—The weekly meeting of the
:Association was held this day in the Conciliation Hall,
Caleb Powell, Esq., M.P.for Limerick, in the chair, who
congratulated the meeting on the glorious demonstration
in favour of repeal which had lately taken place in Kil•
kenny, and which, he observed, clearly demonstrated
that the spirit of '43 was still triumphant.
Mr. O'CoeeEta. handed in a number of remittances,
and read a mass of correspondence which accompanied
them. In reference to a letter from a parish in the
county Kildare, complaining of apathy on the part of the
repealers with regard to the registry, Mr. O'Connell
urged the absolute necessity of an immediate registra-
tion. It would, in his opinion, be much better to return
Tories than pretended friends. For hie part, he had no
- reason to quarrel with the Tories at all ; their measures
were admirable, and he was almost afraid he would have
to fall in love with Sir Robert Peel himself.—(Loud
cheers and laughter.) The Hon. Gentleman then ad-
verted to the outrages which had been recently com-
mitted in the north of Ireland on unoffending Catholics,
but as an investigation into the matter had been directed
by the Government, he would abstain from going into
particulars.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN brought forward the report of
the judges appointed to consider the essays on the repeal
of the union. The report stated that there were forty-
eight essays sent in, each of which the judges read sepa-
rately, and on the termination of their labours they corn
pared their nptes and opinions, and unanimously awarded
the first prize to M. J. Barry, Esq., (barrister), the
second to M. Staunton, Esq., Alderman ; and the third
to an " Irish Protestant." The judges expressed their
regret that they were not at liberty to mention the name
of' the author of the latter essay, as the publication of it
would expose him to persecution. The Hon. Gentleman
announced that the Committee of the Association had
determined on offering a prize of 100/. for the best his-
tory of Ireland down to the present time, such history to
be delivered to the secretary of the Association on or be-
fore the 30th May, 1846.
Mr. O'CONNELL seconded the proposition, and ex-
pressed his conviction that no man was calculated to
write a history of Ireland unless in heart and feelings he
was thoroughly Irish.—(Cheers.) He wished the his-
tory to be written in a manly, uncompromising, and can-
did spirit; that all facts should be stated clearly and dis-
tinctly, and that all partiality should be studiously
avoided.
Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN, M.P., then moved the following
resolution :—" That the Committees of this Association
be empowered to support the efforts now in progress for
promoting the industrial education of the Irish people,
and that they be instructed to report whatever mea-
sures they may recommend for adoption." The Hon.
Gentleman dwelt at considerable length on the necessity
there existed for the formation of polytechnic institu-
tions, and for the promotion of industrial knowledge,
and dwelt on the equity of having the public establish-
ments in Ireland supplied with the produce of Irish
industry,
Mr. J. M‘Neves (barrister) seconded the resolution.
M. O'CONNELL announced that he had received an
invitation to a grand public entertainment in Dundalk,
which would take place upon Ascension Thursday, and
another in, the county Meath on Corpus Christi. He
would take that opportunity of calling the at-
tention of the Association to the propriety of having
a grand banquet and procession at Clontarf on the 30th
of May.—(lmmense cheering.) The Hon. Gentle-
man, adverting to the late intelligence from America,
said there was much to deplore in the annex-
ation of Texas to the United States. He beheld with
horror the annexation of another slave state to the
union—it was deplorable to witness a further accumula-
tiou of such human misery. It was idle for the Ame-
ricans to talk of liberty, and practise slavery. Fur his
part, he would repudiate any assistance from America if
tainted with human blood ; and he was glad he had that
opportunity of denouncing the atrocious system. The
President talked likewise of seizing Oregon—he would
certainly do it, and would then point to the disaffection
existing in Ireland for impunity,—(Cheers.) The Spec-
tator had announced that the Government had only to
make a few concessions pro forma to Ireland, and the
Irish would rush in all their chivalry to the banner of
Queen Victoria. Yes, England should have the assist-
ance of Irishmen, which would enable her to obtain
Oregon, and prevent the annexation of Texas ; but the
equivalent should be justice to Ireland, and the restora-
tion of her domestic legislature.—(Cheers.)
After some other routine business, Mr. O'Connell an-
nounced the rent for the fortnight to be 4731. 95., and the
meeting adjourned.
THE COLLEGE OF MAYNOOTH.
In pursuance of a requisition very numerously signed,
a meeting was held this day at the Rotunda, for the pur-
pose of considering the Ministerial proposition of an in-
creased grant to the Popish College of Maynooth, and
to adopt petitions against it. The meeting was nume-
rously and respectably attended.
The chair was taken by Mr. Grogan, M.P., on the
motion of Archdeacon MeonE, who, in putting the pro-
posi,ion, regretted that he did not see more of his bro-
ther electors of the city of Dublin on the platform. They
were taunted, he said, with having acquiesced in the
grant of 8,0001. to Maynooth, and that the principle was
the same, whether the sum were large or small. But
their present object was to abolish the grant altogether.
--(hear.) The larger the grant, the more the religion
of Popery would be confirmed ; and the baneful effects
which have resulted from a Maynooth education would
be extended.—(Hear, hear.)
THoetesost (who acted as secretary to the meet-
ing) read the requisition, to which it :appeared there
were attached the names of fifty clergymen and four
hundred laymen.
The Rev. Mr. PRIOR, at the request of the Chairman,
then opened the business of the meeting with prayer.
The Rey. H. M. EYRE moved the first resolution,
which was as follows:—" That it is the opinion of this
meeting that the Protestant religion, as by law esta-
blished, is according to the sacred word of God, and
that it is but a just acknowledgment of his gracious Pro-
vidence to attribute to the maintenance of that religion,
under his divine blessing, the many mercies and the
prosperity which the British empire has enjoyed." This
meeting, he observed, was not a political meeting, but a
religious one, and assembled for a religious purpose.
They were met to oppose the disgraceful proposition of
enormously increasing the grant to Maynooth College.
They maintained that Protestantism was true, and they
called upon the Government not to depart from that
principle. We are ready, he said, to rally round the
ihrone for it, and never to surrender in its defence.—
(Hear, hear.) They were asked to multiply the teachers
of Romanist error, and spread it more widely than ever.
All concessions made to Roman Catholics had failed to
satisfy their priesthood—whom nothing could satisfy but
the destruction of the Established Church. He called
upon this meeting to protest solemnly and religiously
against the guilty conduct of the Minister, as calculated
to bring down the judgments of God upon the nation.
The Rev. SA:SIUEL WALKER seconded the resolution.
England, he said, was about to continue, or rather to ag-
gravate a great crime. It was therefore his business,
and that of every clergyman, to cry aloud and spare not
on such an occasion.—(Hear.) Ministers were inex-
cusable in this business—so was England—for they
knew well what Popery was. As to Sir Robert Peel—
(Tremendous hisses)—if he were a truly religious man,
he could not act thus. He called himself a physician ;
but his system was evidently homeopathy. Ireland
complained of too much Popery ; but Sir Robert Peel
thought to cure her by giving her still more of it. He
thought that a hair of the rabid dog must cure her.—
(Laughter.) The Rev. Gentleman then enlarged with
great eloquence on the iniquity as well as impolicy of
the contemplated measure.
The next resolution was moved by the Rev. T. D.
GaIEGG, who was teceived with immense cheering,wo.v-
ing of handkerchiefs, &c. He rejoiced to see so large a
meseing assembled, and to know that on this question
the most perfect unanimity prevailed amongst Protes-
tants. The real power of the nation was its Protestant
heart, and that heart was now against Sir Robert Peel.
The Protestants of Ireland were three millions, and the
total population being but nine millions, the odds
against them were not worth speaking of. He prophes
cicd that Sir R. Peel's present proposition would be his
downfal.—(Hear, hear.)
The Rev. C. M. FLEURY supported the resolution, and
maintained that the Minister was guilty of treason to
the established religion of the country iu entertaining
Lis present project as respects Maynooth.
The Rev. ROBERT M‘Getes said he did not conceive
how the Protestants of Ireland could have remained
silent on such an occasion as the present, and then en-
tered at great length upon the general subject. Ho had
written to the President of Maynooth College, with a
view to draw from him some explanation or extenuation
of the class books and divinity taught in that institution,
but had received no answer to his letter. He then en-
tered upon a long detail of Romish errors, and denounced
in the strongest manlier thegreadtanngatetroonuasl
acnrdimseouol.f.
countenancing and teaching such
destroying delusions.
After ether similar displays of self-interest and bigotry
the Christian assembly broke up.

ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE.
NORTHERN ClRCUl7'.—Liverpool, April 1.
CROWN COURT.—(Befere Mr. Justice COLTMAN.)
Ann O'Donnell was indicted for the wilful murder of her
illegitimate child, by strangling it.
Mr. Halton conducted the prosecution ; the prisoner was
not defended by counsel.
The particulars of this case were not suitable for publica-
tion. Itappeared generally, that from the appearance of the
prisoner, the persons who resided in the same house were in-
duced to think that she had been delivered of a child. The
prisoner at first denied that such was the case, but she sub-
sequently admitted that she had been so delivered ; that the
child lived for some little time, and that she afterwards
wrapped it in an apron, and put it up the oven chimney.
The body was found there. There were a few slight marks
on the body, not sufficient to account for the death, and
which, in the opinion of the medical men, might have been
inflicted in the process of delivery.
The prisoner was found Guilty of disposing of the body,
with intent to conceal the birth, and was sentenced to be
imprisoned for two years.
Jane Leach was indicted for bigamy.
Mr. flulton was for the prosecution, Mr. Wilkins for the

THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.

The Message of an American President is, under
ordinary circumstances, an important political document;
but the inaugural Message of a new President is more
peculiarly so, while recent events in America give to it
an interest of the gravest character. The very unex-
pected turn which the Texan question has taken, has
certainly come upon this country somewhat by sur-
prise ; but before we advert to this intricate point of
our relations with the United States, we shall examine
the general features of the Message. We wish to ana-
lyse it, to separate it into its component parts, to anato-
mise it in fact—in order to discover the political physio-
logy that is likely to form the groundwork of Mr.
Polk's administration. We may pass over without
comment all the laudation of America, the virtue
of its citizens, and the perfection of its demo-
cratic institutions, unequalled, in Mr. Polk's
estimation, since the creation of the world. The corol
lary from all these, however, deserves attention ; for he
invites all the nations of the earth to follow the example
of America ; that is, he tells the people of the Old
World that monarchy is altogether an error of the dark
ages ; and he invites them to shake it off, and to em-
brace the glories and advantages that are offered by de-
mocracy. Such is the spirit, almost the language, that
pervades every part of the Message ; while among the
other glories and advantages of their institutions, do-
mestic slavery is not forgotten ; for it is to him " a
source of deep regret that in some sections of the
country misguided persons have occasionally indulged
in schemes and agitations, whose object is the destruc-
tion of domestic institutions existing in other sections ;
institutions which existed at the adoption of the consti-
tution and were recognised and protected by it."
Viewing the democratic institutions of his country as a
work of the most consummate wisdom, the new Pre-
sident evidently thinks that America should labour to
extend to other countries the blessings that she herself
enjoys ; and that as the end justifies the means, this
object alone would entitle her to extend her dominions
without any very rigid attention to the rights of other
nations. Various passages in the Message exhibit
this feeling. " Who shall assign limits to the achieve-
ments of free minds and free hands under the protec•
tion of this glorious union ?" asks Mr. Polk ; and
referring to the annexation of Texas, he says,
" Foreign Powers do not seem to appreciate the true
character of our Government. Our union is a confe-
deration of independent States, whose policy is peace
with each other and all the world. To enlarge its limits
is to extend the dominion of peace over additional ter-
ritories and increasing millions." With such views of
universal philanthropy, it is easy to comprehend that
the acquisition of territory, no matter in what way, will
be the leading characteristic of Mr. Polk's administra-
tion. After stating his intention to use all the means in
his power for the annexation of Texas, the new President
goes on to say, " Nor will it become in a less degree
my duty to assert and maintain, by all constitutional
means, the right of the United States to that por-
tion of our territory which lies beyond the Rocky Moun-
tains. Our title to the country of the Oregon is clear
and unquestionable ; and already are our people pre-
paring to perfect that title, by occupying
wives and children." According to this doctrine pos-
session is all that is necessary to perfect a title ; where-
ever an American citizen thinks proper to plant his
foot, the soil becomes his. The claims of England to
the territory in question, the negotiations that have
been carrying on respecting these claims, are not
so much as hinted at. Great Britain is evidently
a country beneath the official dignity of Mr. Polk
to notice ; and it is altogether a curious feature
in the Message, that no allusion is anywhere made to
the relations which subsist between the Government of
tho United States and any of the countries of Europe";
There is, on the contrary, a sort of repudiation of these
States, implied in the following passage :—" All
alliances having the tendency to jeopard the welfare
and honour of our country, or sacrifice any one of the
national interests, will be studiously avo'cled ; and yet
no opportunity will be lost to cultivate a favourable
understanding with foreign Governments, by which our
navigation and commerce may be extended, and the
ample products of our fertile soil, as well as the manu-
factures of our skilful artisans, find a ready market,
and remunerating prices in foreign countries." Although
the allusion is made in general terms there can be no
difficulty in understanding that England is the power
designated in the first clause of this paragraph. Eng-
land will remonstrate against, if she does not resist, the
annexation of Texas. She will exert her influence with
that republic to prevent such a consummation ; and she
will, therefore, in Mr. Polk's view, " jeopard the wel-
fare and honour" of the United States. Again, England
claims a portion, at least, of the Oregon territory, to
which the President says the United States has a clear
and unquestionable title, which they are preparing to
perfect by taking possession. here also England " jeo-
pardy the welfare and honour" of the Union, and he
gives us timely warning that he has a rod in pickle for
us ; he will studiously avoid all alliance with us ; and
we firmly believe that this will be the least offensive part
of his policy towards this country.—Shipping Gazette of
Last Evening.

defence.
The case having been proved,
Mr. Wit.KlNs addressed a few words to the Court, admit-
ting that he could not deny that the prisoner had been guilty
of the legal offence charged in the indictment, but urging
the circumstances of the case in mitigation. Some witnesse I
were called, from whose testimony it appeared that the pri-
soner was some years ago married to her first husband, Leach,
with whom, however, she only lived two months. During
that time he treated her with great cruelty, having, as was
alleged, been disappointed in not receiving some money
which he expected with her. At the end of that time he
turned her out of doors ; and she returned to her friends so
altered as to be scarcely recognisable. Leach then went to
America. The prisoner received the highest character front
a number of witnesses. It appeared that up to the time of
the present prosecution being set on foot she had been living
very happily with the person to whom she was since married.
To be imprisoned one month.
Several other cases were disposed of during the day, which
were, however, of no public interest.

STRANGE STORY.

SPIRIT of the I'UBLIC JOURNALS,

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OT Vagr
GLOBE.—Sir James Graham is to the CatainDet 7.
of Sir
Robert Peel what Jonah was to the mariners of Tarsh' h
Almost every storm that rages against the policy of Ministers
is directly or indirectly, by some measure whielherifrgrs
tutted with, or emanates from, the department over which the
unfortunate Home Secretary presides. If not more damaged,
Ministers have been more humiliated and disgraced in the
estimation of the country, by the impertinent interference
and pertinacious adherence to wrong doing which seems
to fiiaracterise the Right Hon. Baronet's department of the
Government, than by the enormities of the income-tax,
or the paltering commercial policy of Sir Robert Peel.
Another of those annoying discussions which—
though they, end in a majority in favour of the
Government in Parliament—elicit facts which generally
produce deeply-.seated contempt and scorn beyond its doors,
cane Dir last night in the House of Commons. Mr. Shed
moved, in specific terms, •' the regret of the House that letters
.addre,ssed to a foreigner residing in this country had been
evened without his knowledge ; and that information in refer-
eace to disturbances in the Papal States, obtained by such
means, should have been communicated to a foreign Power."
The detention and opening of letters at the Post-office, by au-
thority of warrants issued by Sir J. Graham, as Secretary of
State, had been already the subject of long and fierce de-
bate, on various forms of motion, and had been inquired into
by Select Coinmittees of both Houses of Parliament. It was,
therefore, scarcely to be expected that any additional facts
toutd be imported, or new matter be introduced into the his
mot Arr. Shell, with considerable tact, so shaped his
ion as to exclude direct censure upon the act of de.
••lin, and opening the letters of a foreigner resident in
tat,.
this country' and confined the motion to an expression
of regret on the part of the House, that such a course
f oce Aing should have been adopted. The motion
o pr .
was in this form of an abstract proposition, involving no
vfooeeding. It might, therefore, have been
ulterior the House of Commons without doing
adopted by
Additional injury to the Government,
any positive
gomeecretarv, than had been already inflicted
through its

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, APRIL 3, 1845.

AMENT.

the Bill ; but he thought there would be great difficulty
in carrying its enactments into effect.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL thought, that after the
expression of a hope by the Noble Lord at the
head of the Woods and Forests, it would have
been better had this measure . been deferred
until after the introduction of the Health of Towns Bill.
He should, under these circumstances, vote against the
second reading of this Bill ; at the same time he gave
every credit to the Honourable Gentleman for the ex-
cellence of his intention, and for the pains
he had taken in the details of the measure. lie granted
that a great nuisance existed, but he did not agree in the
particular mode of remedy advocated by the Honourable

---
ever, assent to that part of the Bill which proposed to
allow children to work during the summer mouths from
nine in the morning till nine, because in that time there
was generally no necessity for artificial light. It hap-
pened that in the slack time of the year, when the chil-
dren employed at this business were more at liberty, the
schools for the education of the children belonging to
that class were generally shut. Depending upon the
experience which he had had, he would offer a sugges-
tion to the House that, as in the case of the other fac-
tories, they ought to make provisions for the education
of the children, there were circumstances which called
forth for provisions of the same nature. For four months
out of the twelve they could very safely afford some
education to the children. The arrangements which he
would propose was, that for one hundred days
in the year, about one-third of the whole year, the chil-
dren employed in these factories who had not attained
the age of thirteen years, should attend a school insti-
tuted for the purpose, for three or four hours in the day.
He thought that this would be found applicable, and if
adopted would turn out as he had hoped; the Noble Lord
(Lord Ashley) referred, and with great accuracy, to the
fact that in America the course now suggested to the
House was adopted ; during that part of the year in
which there was a slackness of business, there was a por-
thee of the day appropriated for the education of the fac-
tory children. The same system was adopted in Aus-
tria. He hoped the House would see the necessity of
the education of these children ; and he would state to
the Noble Lord that, if the House should be of opinion
that such a reformation as he had suggested should be
adopted, it would be very advantageous that the Bill
should be made a substantial measure. The Bill, as it
now stood, had reference to many other matters to
which he would not now allude, for he did not think
them objectionable ; but if it should be adopted with the
amendments suggested, he did think it would prove very
advantageous, and make the future regulation of the
trade perfect in all its parts, as far as the calico printing
trade was affected, without affecting the regulations of
any other branches of the trade.—(llear.) The
Noble Lord (Lord Ashley) having paid much atten-
tion to this subject, he might be prepared to
go much further in proposing modifications, that he
(Sir J. Graham) was not acquainted with ; but, on the
whole he hoped the Noble Lord would consent to
limit himself to the boundary he (Sir J. Graham) had
proposed, and when they went into Committee upon it,
he would give it any assistance in his power, so as to
enable it to go through the third reading at as early a
period as possible, so as to bring it to bear with effect
with the least possible delay. With these considerations
he begged to say, he should give the Bill his assist-
ance.— (Cheers.)
Lord ASHLEY said he was yesterday made ac-
quainted with his Right lion. Friend's intentions in
respect to this Bill, and therefore he could not say
that the course now announced by his Right Hon.
Friend had taken him by surprise. Ile looked upon
the result of the amendment to be, to a certain ex-
tent, disadvantageous. For instance, the Bill did not
go to the extent he wished in reference to the bleaching,
dying, and calendering branches, which were in some
measure connected with calico printing. The next ad-
vantage he lost was the protection to children under
thirteen years of age for a limit to labour ; and though
they would be protected from night work, still they would
be liable to be compelled to work sixteen hours in the
day time. The Bill now proposed a protection to
children at and under eight years of age, by which
they as well as females of all ages were excepted
from night work. He should admit also, that he
would gain a great many other advantages by the
concessions of his Right Hon. Friend ; for instance, he
(Lord Ashley) would be spared the necessity of wearying
the house by long and fruitless divisions, and he would
also have the benefit of the approval and co-operation
of many great proprietors and capitalists.—(Hear, hear.)
This he conceived to be a great advantage, for any law
carried in opposition to them, could be rendered either
ineffectual or exceedingly vexatious.—(Hear, hear.)
Therefore, although he would reserve his opinion for a
future occasion, yet he would say he received with
thanks the offers now made ; and he was delighted to
find that many of those heretofore opposed to him, were
now about to-co-operate with him.—(Hear, hear.) He
would accept of the offer which the Government had
made, and ho did it with satisfaction and delight, because
he hailed it as the commencement of a grand co-opera-
tion on the part of all employers—for one great and
grand effort for the improvement and protection of the
working classes of the British empire.
Mr. M. GIBSON said it was a matter of fact, that at
present a great number of the calico printers did not
take children under the age of eight years into their
employment, and did not suffer children to work at
night. It was a matter of great doubt whether they
should legislate, where there seemed to be a disposition,
on the part of individuals, to perform what legislation
could but imperfectly accomplish. In reference to that
part of the proposition which referred to education, he
thought it overlooked one most important considera-
tion—it was designed to educate the children
during the " slack," or the times when they
were unemployed ; but these were precisely the
periods when the masters had no control whatever over
them, and could not, therefore, be held responsible. If
they prop ised to raise the character of the labouring
classes at large they should look to the agricultural dis-
tricts, which sent an almost continual stream of labour-
ers into the manufacturing districts. This labour
coming from a poisoned source was identified with that
which naturally belonged to the manufacturing districts.
Until they directed their attention to the moral training
of the whole population he contended they would not
effect any great practical good, if any good at all. The
Noble Lord did not define what he meant by " work,"
which was necessary, for a person might be in a print-
work for many hours, but it did not follow that during
all that time he was employed in work injurious to
health. The question was whether the amount of work
usually perforated there was so irjurious to health as to
call for Parliamentary interference in order that its du-
ration might be lessened. Until somebody showed that
the whole existence and condition of the factory la-
bourer would be benefited by the diminution of the
hours of toil, nothing was proved. The true way to im-
prove that condition would be to cheapen the price of the
necessaries of lite, so that by working a fewer
number of hours he could purchase as much food as at
present. It was not fair to diminish the poor man's
fund, even though motives of philanthropy were the
assigned cause. Why could not the Legislature compel
the farmer to require the children whom he employed to
produce a certificate that they had been so many hour- at
school as well as the manufacturer? If it was right in
one case it was equally right and proper in the other.—
(Hear, hear.) This was done by the farmers in Ireland.
It was rather hard upon the capitalists and employers in
the manufacturing districts that when they were im-
proving the moral condition of the people around them
they were compelled to submit to legislative regulations
for the hours of labour and for education, whilst at the
same time people utterly uncultured, who had not
the advantage of any moral training, were con-
stantly poured in upon them, and the odium of their
unlettered condition thrown upon those employers.
They should at once proceed to deal with the agricul-
tural districts, and he called upon the Noble Lord to
attend to the moral training of the poor in Dorsetshire.
Mr. Horner, the factory inspector, in a pamphlet pub-
lished three years ago, recommended that a general plan
of education and moral training should be adopted
throughout the country. There should be no further
delay in the adoption of this principle. After what had
fallen from the Right Hon. Gentleman the Secretary of
State for the Home Department, he did not think it ne-
cessary to make further observations at present, but
would reserve his opinions until the details of the mea-
sure were brought before the House.
Mr. COWPER wished to see the same principle ap-
plied to the manufacturing as to the agricultural dis-
tricts, but thought their condition differed a good deal.
The same class of persons were not unemployed in the
one as in the other—none so young were employed in
agriculture as those commonly employed in manufactures.
He liked the principle of giving leisure to the labouring
classes, and was glad to see that principle was gradually
gaining ground. He felt entirely satisfied at the course
pursued by the Right Hon. Gentleman. It was most
desirable that there should be as much unanimity as
possible on a question like the present ; and he thought
they should advance gradually with public opinion- in
changes of this important nature.
Mr. HUME said that he did not see the necessity of
into rfering with the use of labour at all, but that if they
did interfere to any extent, they ought to interfere with
every class in the community. Let the children of all
classes be cared for equally, and he would not find fault
with a well-intentioned but erroneous object. He did
not believe that the children in manufacturing districts
were at all worse off than those in the agricultural dis.
tricts. He had himself seen, during the late inclement
weather, in several parts of the country, children exposed
to all the severity of frost and snow, for the day to-
gether, in the care of farming produce, and engaged in
keeping birds from the land, and these were children
whose tenderness of years was such that he was con-
vinced they were more in need of the care of the Noble
Lord than the children in the manufacturing districts.
His Hon. Friend the Member for Manchester (Mr. M.
Gibson) had stated that children under fourteen years
were never employed by manufacturers in his district,
Mr. M. GIBSON—Eight years, not fourteen.
Mr. HUME—WeII, under eight years then. Now, if
the condition of these children was to be complained of,
what did the cause of complaint arise from ? Why,
from this—that they were the introductions from the
adge
pr ilcourlatnuireali
gdnios trraincet se,
tahnadt bthri
eoyu gwh
et r
eu
spni n
eseutceh at
os
alltatet ofe
evil influences of the vice and immoralityb' of dlargecom-
munities. What he wished for was, that some compre-
hensivepn2wreeo:
rntc,
profession
measure
wuaiiarhiiiier,wih,nfhgstahhatoennhglse,reihweoodaumgitldeedhsnrteabreeaetiioenvtorroydueclead by
ss
otheth G e
commu-
nity v er n -
Icomplain
t philanthropy, oof
w
rise
itanhs
ei,
gt
Government
cvpoircuoeilitdroyHa;e
satuhniiiidatohigoehntodyiitdotcfvomensds
iatdloteaert
dot
theta
et yft r ofd everye Government
itbhti
o
e
for all the evils which arcane from the t. e.
they were guilty. The Noble T of which
era who had introduced
this measure made a pretence to a de t ee of feeling for the
lower classes whistle 110 was sorry to
sy,
borne out by the acts of the Noble Lord, was
and
thosebutlittle
w h who
acted with him, They professed that the people were
y
overworked, and yet on every occasion the voted for
measures to keep food dear, and thus compelled the over-
work of which they complained. This
was only a mea-
sure intended to interfere with commerce, and he
thought that the better plan was to leave commerce alone
but if it was to be interfered with, let it be done by '
Par-
liament, and in a direct manner. The busines •
the Ho s which
use had now to de wee to difthse education, and
not Ace so as to, prevent the exhibition of those natural
ties Whioli all over the world proved the best protection
for children, and, in his opinion, by attempting to make
food dear they destroyed, or at least largely marred, that
natural affection which all parents were disposed to show
to thgiv children. They kept food up as high as possible.
They tried to keep wheatat
80a., thee at 605., thee at

505., and it was this which obliged the overwork of
which they complained. The parents of these children
were driven by distress to the manufacturing districts,
and their parents thought that it was better to send the
children to work, in order to obtain a subsistence, rather
than suffer them to starve. He (Mr. Hume) thought, as
he had previously said, that it was better not to interfere
with commerce at all. The Right Hon. Baronet at the
head of the Home-office had referred to the several ob-
jections taken to the system upon the continuity of the
days or the term of day-work which the children were
required to perform. Now, it was well known that the
manufacturing industry of the country was supplied by
children from the agricultural class, and he thought that
the protection of these children might well be left to
the natural affection of the parents, and to the common
feelings of the community ; and he thought if any mea-
sure at all were passed, it should be introduced by the
Government, and be a comprehensive measure, affecting
every portion of the- industrial classes—the farming
children as well as thb children in the manufacturing
districts—and not be of that character of partial legisla-
tion exhibited by the Bill before the House.
Mr. P. BORTHWICK said that he rose to congratu-
late the Noble Lord on the extent of success that he had
achieved, and the position which he had attainee by his
laudable efforts. The Hon. Members for Manchester
and Montrose had stated their belief that the protection
of the children might well be left to the natural affection
of the parents, when, by their own showing, the children
were already grievously neglected. He thought, under
all the circumstances, the Noble Lord had done wisely
in acceding to the proffers of the Right lion. Baronet
the Secretary for the Home Department.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that, in the present state
of the debate, he might be permitted to allude to a peti"
Lion which he had presented the other night from a very
large body of operatives in Lancashire, who complained
that they were frequently compelled to work fifteen,
twenty, thirty, and even sometimes forty hears at a time,
in these print-works. This, of course, included night"
work. It was right to observe that they did not assent
to the principle of the Noble Lord. Their position went
farther than the Bill before the House ; for they desired
to impose a restriction on machinery, and they thought
that if there were an imposition on machinery, there
would be no interference with their labour. lie had
thought it right to caution them from expecting all
encouragement, and he was glad to find, from the repre-
sentations of the Noble Lord, that some of the master!.
had also petitioned for the restriction of the hours of
labour, and, above all, for the abolition of night-work.
He had intended to oppose the second reading of the
Bill, but he must say that the concessions of the Go-
vernment, as expressed in the declarations of the Right
Hon. Baronet at the head of the Home-office, had pieced
the matter in a very different position, and he thought
the Noble Lord had exercised a very wise discretion in
acceding to the proffers of the Government.
Mr. ESCOTT said that he was entirely opposed to
the whole principle of this Bill, and he was astonishe,
after all the previous declarations of the Right lion.
Baronet at the head of the Home-office, to hear biro
accede to the second reeling of this Bill, until he round
that the Right lion. Baronet had accompanied his ace
cession with the reservation of striking out, in the Cotir
mittee, all those clauses which might be obnoxious to
him ; and he (Mr. Escott) felt convinced that the Right
Hon. Baronet would take care to make such alterations•
as would make this Bill a very different Bill when it
came out of the House, to what it was when it Went
into it. The Hon. Members for Manchester and Mold
trose had made speeches against the Bill, and yet vroula
not give any decided opposition to it, although they re;
presented large manufacturing districts. He believe':
that great mischief had been wrought, within the lad
`
few years, by this sort of piecemeal legislation. Mali
attempts had been made, during the last twenty-five years'
to direct the use of labour ; but it was a well-kneel
circumstance, that not a single Act had passed through
Parliament, which had not proved a grievous wron'
and which did not require another to remedy the evilg!
it produced. If they looked only to the measure %Ole':
had been passed for the regulation of apprentices, Wheat'
was the effect of that ? Why, that another Act 1111,
immediately required to interfere with those who ever"(
not apprentices. And what was the consequence
that ? Why, that an immense number of women Weil
brought from different parts of the country into Us,
manufacturing districts. And last year they we""
obliged to interfere with the labour of these woniee'
The Hon. Member for Montrose had said that two
should introduce some measure of this character into tb
agricultural districts. He would tell the Noble Ler;
that he dared not introduce such a measure into tb
agricultural districts.—(" Hear, hear," and a laugh,
from Lord Ashley.) Well, then, what he meant to 01
was, that they could not carry such a measure into effec
in the agricultural districts. It was, in his opinic°'
unwise and inexpedient to attempt to legislate on the
evils. The law of England was sufficient for the a'
pose already, and the evils would remedy themseice*
and he thought, therefore, that the Bill was unnecessary
and might be mischievous.
Mr. BROTIIERTON said that he totally disagreed
what had fallen from the Hen. Member for Winchester;
He had had large experience during the last thirty yam
in the manufacturing districts ; and he well reneenebee
what was the case thirty years ago. He had at that Oa
stood almost alone in the attempt to obtain legislatil'
interference for protecting the children in those districts'
The late Sir Robert Peel was the first individual totn:
troduce a Bill for the restriction of the labour of childre:
in manufactures, his object being to reduce the labour tut
ten hours and a half each day. At that time it was lie°o
at all an uncommon thing for children of six and sef'
years of age to be kept at work for sixteen, seventeelk
and often eighteen hours in a day ; and he (Mr. pro;
therton) thought that the restriction to twelve hours Wei
a great boon. lie therefore rejoiced in the concession'
the Right Hon. Baronet at the head of the Home Dt.7,1
pertment, and he thought that the Noble Lord had 07,
a very wise discretion in consenting to agree "t;
them. It would not only be well for fp
children, but also for the masters themselves. bp
thought that the legislation advocated by the bir°
Lord had been most advantageous to the working eltiesebe
and he begged to congratulate the Noble Lora eneeet
wisdom exhibited in acceding to the wishes of the Illeleed
Hon. Baronet. lie trusted that all his measures I'm*"
be equally beneficial to the manufacturing population.
Lord F. EGERTON said, as far as his experierece
went, he believed that on the whole a great and sibi;
stantial benefit had accrued from legislation upon leea
subject. It required, no doubt, great watchfulness
the framing of such measures, and he therefore Of
gratulated the Noble Lord on the wisdom of the releci
sure which he had brought forward that evening. 't -aif
himself great credit, and would be of permanent We,i"'
to those that were to be benefited by it. ig
Mr. P. AINSWORTH thanked the Noble Loru, ece
the name of the constituency which he representen+
his exertions in their behalf. He thought that tee
measure before the House that evening would be of t"
greatest service to those engaged in print-works. eels
Lord ASHLEY trusted the House would allow r;01
to refer to a letter which he had that morning reee' ed,
from an operative in Lancashire. The writer stilt
cs
that in the very mill in which he had worked sill'
1826, the improvement in consequence of the Factle
Act was so marked in the morals and manners °lege
children, that they did not appear to be the seine Pe
sons.
The Bill was then read a second time ; to be °Sr
mitted on Monday next. pt
On the motion of Mr. EWART, the Muscat be
Arts' Bill was read a second time, and ordered to
committed on Wednesday next.
SUPPLY.—ARMY ESTIMATES. ~•
On the order of the day being read for tete e'°-
mittee of Supply,
Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said, that if the o°°-itse
would not object, he should propose to take the 100
upon the third estimate, relating to the increase of e,
number of men, as the assent of the House less Le
cessary to that vote before introducing the Mutiny ""fer
The House might take the discussion on the vote
tile
the amount of money required, He trusted there 10
be no objection to this proceeding,
PROSECUTIONS Ff TOOR-RATES. ;tig
Sir JOHN EASTHOYE hoped that, before g(,)," to
into a Committee of Supply, he might be allow,e7net
call the attention of the House to the two petitl'eocl
which he had presented at an early Pelee
of that evening. He would take up
time of the House as shortly as possible9.oo
explanation of the circumstances to which these pet
beep
imprisoned i shoTenaehr dai
hearing
gnarr
asecotdoftenht
hhseoenai
aqsdiu)phpe eeno aecv
rnee
liberated,rbopt
eyfe,rtoi
dhbrf
eeeul
bnttt
yhoai
tnef
referred. The petitioner complained that he had nor'
detvioaess:t.aekslieonerdoweut against him for the amountof -°%e
go to gaol. eeePereraowsloaamnenr.
ttsedynesi non-payment
::Lshf
wge:iirab
esc eePi.ticto:
thatw as
if
fnot
he permitted iiierteeedgt;dt 0-tik/o.
buth
,waheedn he ewae attended,
stated L to, I
tEoapitahyotphee) choasdt s
whreitintetinst
te
House that stoning, and re gaol of Leicester, and he - He g (Sir
tho. the committinge before -
meg° the
stating his intentie,•d :get hehinisutleo :otuaratoilit
of the ease to some Hon.gMember, bet h°o(tbe
and rihceeiswedas
JtinLeasthope) in endeavouring to procure redress e lee
hade party, should unintentionally injure the other:nipp
bringing
lay there. He tote,
enesdwienroyfrogmrieLveeidcesttoer
say
rie7s teat
an
nexca that 0
letter admitted, in substance, the fee-geese
he had stated them. There was no denial that for
parties had been committed, on the second evarran'ecoes-
the longest period it vas posible for a magistrate to were
mit them. There was no denial that the partie,s deed,
nut heard in the second instance. It was said, t et'
that the parties had been summoned, but hadene° poor
tended. The petition affirmed, however, that t",," eeeses
man and woman did appear, but were preventeu bsi
going into the magistrate's room, because thee.i eerl
brought no money. They were prevented by t",,°. ov
parties whose duty it was to take them before, t"tees
gistrates, and, without the opportunity of a hearing.nd tee
were sent to gaol. It was a most painful case ; peel
could assure the House that it was with the Iltalt)s of ite
that he came there to represent the circumstance; 004
The case had produced the greatest excitement, nOt the
in the town he represented, but throughotitce bog
county also, and every person there Wail Wi!.,,i00
with the most earnest attention the deternelebieete
to which the House might come upon this slie'bee.
He would beg leave to ask the Right Hon. Baroneteeee,
ther the facts of the case had come to his knowl7r
and if so, whether he had made it the subject of ttlea
cial inquiry? He begged also to ask whether any r;
aria
had been received from the committing magistrates .robet
whether it was the intention of the Right 13° Of
es
to take the proper steps so as to prevent the nee ositY0sitY
ese
his (Sir John Easthope's) again troubling the
upon the subject ? a t
Barone J. GRAHAM said that the Hon. Bs_e 0.r!50
his
been so obliging as to notify to him that Inorne,-
intention of bringing the subject under the co telly
Lion of the House. He had, in addition, at tiling re:
keriod of the evening, presented two petitions ilegra-Egop/
terenee to the same circumstance. lie (Sir ""--