The Sun.
London, England, 1844-12-12 00:00:00

threatening and so likely to produce permanent and
incalculable mischief ? An attack thus in front and an
attack thus in the rear, as the landlords have
been attacked, shall we not soon see a capitulation ?
(Hear, hear.) I say we shall ; but it will not be an
honourable capitulation.—(Hear, hear.) No ; for
men who have basely betrayed their country—who
have thus sold its dearest interests—who have thus
placed the iron hGof of monopoly upon the dearest
welfare of their countrymen, there could be no ho-
nourable capitulation—their surrender must be dis-
dishonourable as their conduct has been disgraceful.
—(Cheers.) Now the Anti-Corn-law League asks
still further the support and confidence of the coun-
try. You have a right, therefore, to ask what has
been our past policy—whether our policy hitherto
has been such as to make it likely that we shall suc-
ceed at some future time? Our past policy has been
peaceful.—(Hear, hear.) The landlords and mono-
. pelists have said that we have instigated to sedition
and rebellion. They are false in this as on all the
grounds on which they base their monopoly—we
never did instigate to sedition or to rebellion.
He appealed to the reason of our countrymen—
to their sense of justice—and that appeal
has been answered in a wonderful manner. Has our
past policy accomplished anything ? I say much ; and
th;s meeting affords me a proof of it ; and the interest
which has been taken in our proceedings in the metro-
polis is a convincing proof of it. Look, for instance,
at the City of London. You have two men returned
by it who vote for the sliding-scale. You have one
who prefers a fixed duty, but does not exactly see
his way to vote on our side when the question of total
repeal is brought forward. You have another, when
he came into Parliament was said to have demon-
- strated the great fact that the City of London was
against monopoly. Now we intend, at the next elec-
tion, the City shall send four men to Parliament
pledged to vote for free trade. The men who, by
their property and station in the City, must be sup-
posed likely to become leaders of the free trade party,
' refused the honour which was tendered them. Weil,
somebody else must be selected to lead. We have a
plan to propose. It is, that the great middle class
amongst the electors of the City of London should
organise some plan of intercourse with each
other, altogether scorning the efforts of the
monopolists, and repudiating the time-serving policy
of the men who do not know which side to choose.
I propose that we should take a decided course upon
this question, and insist upon free trade opinion in
the City of London being represented in the Com-
mons House of Parliament. It may easily be done.
No man who goes through the streets—no man who
rides, day after day, in an omnibus, or who passes
along the river in a steamer, hut can fail to be con-
vinced that five-sixths—aye, nine-tenths, of the opi-
nion in. the City of London is in favour of the
measures of the Anti-Corn-law League.—(Hear:)
We will use moral means in future. The assertors
of great national rights should be the very last
persons to commit wrong. Of such rights we hold
ourselves to be the assertors, and we would gain
them, if possible, by the peaceful means which we
have hitherto adopted. If you come to force in any
matter of this description, why, then the struggle is
decided by force, or by the chapter of accidents in
the field ; both are upon a level ; but keep to reason,
to the sense of justice, to the consciences of men,
• appeal 'to this great, and, in the long run, unerring
tribunal; and then every blow you give tells, every
speech you make, every article you print, every fact
you bring forward, is a thrust which the enemy cannot
parry, and you go on conquering and to conquer.
Why, we are winning now.—(Cheers.) Who doubts
it ? The fie yields at every point—the spoiler is
abashed—and it will not be long before the rout is
complete. No man whom I have met with supposes
it possible that the corn-laws could, be maintained

for any long period.—(llear, hear.) If things were
worse, we should not despair—we have never despaired
yet.—(Cheers.) If we had been men who were sub-
ject to this feeling, we should not now be in the
seventh year of the League's existence, with more
determination and confidence than we ever felt

at any former period. My hope is brighter than
ever—my faith is undimmed by the slightest
shadow of a doubt. There is everything to
betoken final triumph.—(Loud applause.) He must
have read very little history who does not know that
liberty is triumphing. There is more liberty and
more justice in the world now, than there has been
at any former period. The oppressor is now cowed
ani abnshed ; he does not come amongst us with force
and violence, but insidiously and treacherously ; he
wraps his chains in chaplets of flowers. when he
would Enslave his fellow-men.—(Cheers.) Yes, free-
dom is Heaven's first gift to man ; it is his heritage ;
Le has it by charter from heaven ; and notwithstand-
ing the length of the struggle, it is still living,
breathing, and flourishing in its strength. But
bear in mind, that precious and excellent as liberty
is, there are certain conditions by which alone
it can be obtained and secured. You must rely upon
_yourselves for it. Liberty is too precious a thing—
too sacred to be trusted to the keeping of another
man. Be the guardians of your own rights and
your own liberties. Make the struggle a matter
of business—make it a question as impor-
tant as that of providing food for your family.
What is it but this. It is the liberty to live for
what we struggle ; it is the liberty to eat our bread
by the sweat of our brow; it is the liberty which was
given to us by the primeval curse—and shall man