The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-22 00:00:00

pting

LONDON, MONDAY, APRIL 22, 1344.

The first anniversary dinner of the Governesses'
Benevolext Institution' took place on Saturday last
at the City of London Tavern. The object Of this
Society is three-fold—first, to Assist governesses- in
(emporary difficulties; secondly, to place money in
the funds, from the interest of which permanent an-
nuities may be granted to
,aged governesses; and
,to assist them in purchasing annuities for
thcreseives. These objects, based as they are, on the
os t •principles of amity, cannot be too warmly
commended nor are we acquainted with any public'
institution which puts forth more urgent claims on
the support of all thoughtful, considerate, and liberal-
minded individuals. Justly and feelingly observed
Mr. CHARLES Diciam,'Whornemwasberpresefnt at the
dinner, " he knew no
more useful or more honourable
ee
lzthaw toheimsopcaireter
of knowyrlge; at the
.same time
.none who
o
WAS so generally despised, and whose 'talent s • - were-so
ill-rewarded. Now, if this were true in general
with what peculiar force did it apply to those ut,-

kind, ungenerous slights which patient merit of the
unworthy takes' in the person of governesses ? It
was very well to say that knowledge is power,' but
how often did they forget that it was the source of
weakness tool Knowledge had not its right place in
society, and he believed that it did not obtain a just
recognition and reward anywhere." This is notori-
ously the fact in the case of governesses, who, though
from the peculiar character of their very delicate and
difficult vocation, they must necessarily be intelli-
gent, accomplished, and well versed in the art of
imparting useful instruction, are but too often treated
with contempt and indifference, and regarded in no
higher light than that ofa sort of upper servant. Andyet
the unfortunate individuals thus cavalierly dealt with,
are many of them—as we see by the daily advertise-
ments—sprung from good families ; have known what
it was in early youth to enjoy the luxuries of life and
the pleasures of society; have been the objects of
consideration, respect, and affection ; but having
"fallen from their high estate," by the improvidence,
or it may be, the ill-luck of their parents or guar-
dians, have been compelled to make those accom-
plishments administer to their necessities, which in
better and happier days, were cultivated only for the
sake of the refined, intellectual pleasure they af-
forded. Any institution which has for its object the
improvement of the condition of these ill-starred in-
dividuals, deserves the cordial support of every real
gentleman and every real lady.

In advocating, as we have lately done, and as we
shall still continue to do, the Ten Hours' Factory
Bill—that righteous and equitable measure, which
Lord AstrLur has thought fit to surrender, if not in
so many express words, at least in effect—we have
been influenced solely by a strong sense of humanity;
and should deem that we were performing only half
our duty, were we not, from the same vigilant regard
to the rights of humanity to, advocate also the total
and unqualified repeal of the accursed corn-laws—
those laws, which for the enrichment, or
fancied enrichment, of the Few, impoverish
the Many ; which indirectly, if not directly,
narrow the field of enterprise ; which cripple
the powers of industry, and hang like a mill-stone
round the neck of the people, bowing their energies
to the earth. It is in vain to hope that the situation
of the poor operative and his toil-worn family can ever
be materially or permanently improved till these
laws, which are the disgrace of the Statute-book, are
wholly abolished. A Ten Hours' Bill may do some-
thing towards ameliorating the sufferings of his lot in
the manufacturing districts, and therefore it has our cor-
dial support—for we regard it as a sort of instalment of a
great debt owing by the rich to the poor—but, after
all, it is to the total abolition of the corn-laws only,
that the oppressed and destitute operatives must look
for substantial and lasting relief. We call, then, on
all those who from motives of kindly and humane
feeling have advocated the ultra-discreet Lord
ASHLEY'S Bill, from the same generous motives,
to come forward and support the unqualified
abrogation of the food-tax, when the question is next
mooted in the House of Commons. The same sense
of duty which induces them to support the one meal
sure, should induce them also to support the other; for
we cannot at all understand, or sympathise with, a
one-sided humanity, which can strain at such a gnat
as a Ten Hours' Bill, while it can contrive to swal-
low such a camel as the corn-laws.

Among the essential distinctions that give to the
hostilities of party in England a very different aspect
from that which they assume in the United States,
(and certainly a much better and more decorous one,),
the tone of respect and forbearance adopted towards
the judges in this country, is of the most remarkable.
There can be no doubt that this feeling of deference
for our judges arises in part from the tendencies of
our education. One of the first principles inculcated
in the minds of our youth, is a profound veneration
for the law. One of the first duties of the adult citi-
zen is to protect, with a jealous vigilance, the inde-
pendence and official inviolability of those who are,
chosen to expound and administer it. But the reve-,
rence with which the judges are habitually regarded,
by all ranks of the British people, arises chiefly (much
to the honour of those functionaries be it sail) from
the high feeling, the impartial judgment, the learning,
and the constitutional spirit which they bring to the
practical discharge of their duties, so responsible, so
solemn, as they are. The fast that, against the com-
petition of such a bar as we can boast, they should
have attained to the dignity of the bench, is, in
itself, a certain guarantee for their personal integrity,
their general deportment in private life, and the con-
scientious propriety with which they will fulfil the
duties devolved upon them by the confidence of the
Crown. It happens, therefore, that infirmity of tem-
per is rarely to he objected to our judges. They
have already passed through a long ordeal of pro-
fessional education and business, in which the exi-
gencies of their position have come in aid of obvious
merit and social considerations, so as to have accus-
tomed them to the discipline of that beautiful self-
control which is indispensable on the judgment seat.
True it •is, that from time to time we have had
great judges who have manifested little petulances;
but these petulances have been, for the last half cen-
tury, the full extent to which objections to the de •
meanour of our judges in court could fairly be
stated. With the essential purity, the' scarce less
essential dignity, of justice, has been maintained.
We have had, certainly, on a recent occasion, to re
mark upon a very premature development, in a high
law officer—(not a judge, however)—of bellicose
propensities. But this was a mere lulus natune—or,
in the parlance of our provincial journals, " another
proof of the extraordinary mildness of the season."
One Mr. Attorney-General Sterru no more indicates
the professional morale of functionaries in general
occupying such an office, than a single swallow
establishes the approach of summer. Such excep-
tions only illustrate and corroborate the rule of that
contrary course of things which, as we con-
tend, obtains in our judicial system. In
the United States we fear that these mat-
. ters fall out very differently. The judges there,
do not seem to be more remarkable, as a body, for
the exalted professional qualifications we have touched
upon, than individuals among them are for exem-
plary morality, decorum, or propriety in private.
What more common than to read—and especially of
late—in American papers, of sanguinary duels, the re-
sult of disgraceful brawls and miserable squabbles, be-
tween "honourable" judges, or some such func-
tionaries? The scales of justice appear to be thrown
down very unceremoniously when there is some
private feud to be revenged by those who hold
them. The sword of the law is abandoned, without
even a decent show of regret or compunction, for the
rifle or the bowie-knife. Scandals like these sound
as impossible absurdities in an English ear. Never-
theless, they are but too frequent in America, and
are, we fancy, as much the result of education there,
as with us are the worthier notions and associations
that we attach to the judicial office, character, and
bearing.

But we are compelled to own that a recent case,
in which a native born American citizen was capi-
tally indicted in one of the Courts of South Carolina,
tried, convicted, and condemned, for the offence of
aiding the escape of a female negro slave from her
" owner," has elicited a written statement from a
judge of appeal (I)—a judge of the free United
States,--the vaunted home, the so-called " cradle,"
the professed refuge of Liberty (! !), which is twenty
times more disgraceful to the writer, the judicature
to
which he belongs, and to the Government under
which it is established, than twenty such atrocities,
those we
even,t
h e 9th sothf
ch (the
eeeanntlly nfotaice
jdudigne TrrhueßSnviuLLoE
of Nashville, and the murder of
g.
o r of Judge HORSPORD, at
Texas), and the 16th instant (the murder of the Hon
BENJAMIN MAJOR, a Senator and Judge of Mis •
We need go no further back, as we could
multiplythese melancholy examples. On this last ease ofJouN
BaowN, of Fairfield district, sentenced to be hanged
for, the offence we have described, under an old Caro-
lina statute of 1754, a public meeting, it seems, had
been called at
.Pittsburgh; and certain resolugona
were agreed to, such as a body of freemen, nobly
alive to the natural rights of their fellow-creatures,
might be supposed to come to. Thcss resolutions
were forwarded to the functionary, 'whose coarse and
brutal mode of expressing himself at the trial will be
fresh' in the recollection of many of our readers..-a
certain Judge O'N2X1:1::
" Stung," says the editor of the Pittsburgh Emanci-
pator, "by the severity of the remarks made, the

judge sent for publication a letter, of which the fol-
lowing is the principal portion :

" John L. Brown is a native of FairEe!d district ; be
was tried and convicted, on very clear proof, of aiding a
negro woman to run away and depart from her em-
ployer's service. The proof created a strong belief that
the woman had been his kept mistress for some time."

As to the righteous instinct of attempting to escape
fro:n a condition of bondage—accursed both of GOD
and man, indefensible on principle, demoralising and
degrading in its influence on any society in which it is
permitted—we disdain to utter a word in the nature
of a plea vindicatory. But the disgusting cant and
hypocrisy of this judge (himself, if we mistake not, a
slave-owner) in reference to the humiliating, but
enforced viciousness of all slave connexions, and
writing in the polluted atmosphere of South Carolina,
affecting to introduce this topic of aggravation against
the prisoner, is an ingredient of additional disgust, in
the paper he has thus ventured to put upon record.
He proceeds to quote the Act of May, 1754, under
which BROWN had been convicted. It is a charac-
teristic document, and makes us blush fur the blunted
perceptions and one-sided morality of our fathers to
have tolerated (as the English Legislature must have
done) a colonial statute in which the most odious
pretensions of slave property are stated and vindi-
cated in this barefaced and shameless manner :
"'Whereas, by the laws of this province, negroes and
other slaves are deemed to be chattels personal, and
are, in every respect, as much the property of their
owner as any other goods and chattels are. And
whereas no punishment can be inflicted by the laws
now in force upon persons inveigling, stealing, or
carrying away any such slaves from their lawful
owners or employers. And whereas the inhabitants
of this province are liable to and receive great preju-
dice and damage by such unwarrantable and perni-
cious practices and wicked proceedings," therefore,
any person who shall so " inveigle, steal, or carry
away as aforesaid any such slave, so as the owner
or employer of such slave or slaves shall be
deprived of the use and benefit of such slave, or
slaves ; or that shall aid any such slave in running
away or departing from his master or employer,'
shall be guilty of felony, and suffer, on conviction,
death for the same. No matter (it would seem) for
what base or dreadful purpose the slave might be so
inveigled—that is of no consequence. That is not
the question. To bring the offender within the sta-
tute, it must be shown that the abduction of the
slave has deprived the owner of the use and benefit
of such slave. This, however, is not the comment of
the Christian-spirited, the free-born, republican,
liberty-loving Judge !—No ! O'NEALL remarks:—
" This Act, it will be seen, is nearly 100 years old,
and could, therefore, have had no direction against
the abolition folly of the present day." From hence
we learn that WILBERFORCE and PITT, RoMILLY,
MACKINTOSH, and GREY, have all been very silly
fellows—to his thinking. Poor fellows. Their
laurels, then, must wither; for the venom of this
Judge of Appeal has been shed upon them. He
proceeds in the scolding strain of a store-owning
small planter :—" I have no doubt it may check such
philanthropy as that of the editor of the inclosed, if
he should ever venture to try his hand in stealing a
negro or aiding one to run away." Therefore we
must infer that in Pittsburgh " philanthropy" is dis-
couraged from the bench where justice is assumed to
be administered in mercy—and that judges deco-
rously suggest the commission of felonies which they
themselves are afterwards to try. His own simplicity,
his sensitiveness to harsh constructions put on such
enlarged views of law and mercy, are absolutely
touching :—" How a judge can be justly styled a
murderer fur enforcing the law of the State whose
officer he may be, is rather strange : perhaps the
editor can find something in the new code of morals,'
of which he seems to be an exponent, which may
justify it." Does he gravely suppose that the mora-
lity which would excuse the act of one party in en-
abling another to escape—in a country of free insti-
tutions—from slavery is new Y But let his own
language tell his own case. We despair of rivalling
the sustained dignity and graceful energy, the judge-
like, dispassionate calmness and generous sarcasm of
the subjoined passage from his Honour's letter :

" Our revolutionary sires thought precious little of the
rascals who stole or aided negroes in running away ; little
of their blood would have been poured out to keep such
from the gallows ; they would sooner, much sooner,
have tied the noose, than cut it with their swords. Say
to the worthy editor of the inclosed that John L. Brown
will not be hanged. By the recommendation of myself
and my brethren of the Court of Appeal he was par-
doned by the Governor, on the condition of receiving, on
Friday, the 26th of April next, at Winnsborough, thirty-
nine lashes on his bare back. If the editor will then
and there attend, I have no doubt John L. Brown will
gladly accompany him to the West, vt here he can soothe
and cherish him, as one of • the young and ardent men'.
who loved negro women, and advised them to escape from
slavery.—Jous BOLTON O'NEALL."
On perusing this extract, we began to doubt whe-
ther the waggery of CHARLES DICKENS had not pre-
vailed on Joax BOLTON O'NEALL, to allow him to
write this most cutting of " American Notes" for
hint! But the " nine-and-thirty lashes," which will
probably be so inflicted as to equate poor BROWN'S
commuted punishment with the extreme penalty of
his original sentence, are genuine " American stripes."

We have accounts from Madrid to the 14th inst.
The new decree against the liberty of the press had
come into operation, and had extinguished one jour-
nal, the Manda, though a supporter of the Govern-
ment. In announcing the fact, it states, "the decree
respecting the press having appeared yesterday, we
must cease to appear to-morrow." The decree, it is
said, was drawn up by BRAVO himself, who, while
editor of a journal, was the most licentious and scur-
rilous writer in Spain. Some of the, journals an-
nouncz: the " glorious" capture of a Moorish boat by
a detachment of militia, at Melilla, on the coast of
Africa, when several Moors were killed and wounded.
This contemptible Government seem anxious to go
to war with Morocco to please France, and no doubt
they will find a sufficient reason, if France finds the
money.

The Three per Cents. were done at 361 cash, 37
5-16 at 60 days, and the Fives at 231 at 60 days.

The Paris papers of Saturday are almost entirely
occupied with the discussion in the Chamber of De-
puties on Friday, and the documents presented by
the Minister of Foreign Affairs relative to the late
transactions at Otaheite. M. BILLAULT, put for-
ward as is generally believed by M. THIERS, com-
menced the attack on M. GUIZOT (for against the
"stranger" all the batteries of the Opposition are di-
rected), and after recounting the history of this con-
temptible and thread-bare subject, he said, " the
Government, in striking at Admiral DUPETIT
Tuotatts, forgot the deeds of Queen PoaLARE and
the intrigues of the English agent. Your blow has
only fallen on your own flag; it would have been at
least as just that Commodore Nico Las should lose
his command as that you should recal the French
Admiral. This disavowal of the acts of an Admiral,
known for his courage and his patriotism, will have
the most disastrous effects. Whilst our seamen are
afflicted by such a proceeding, they will meet the
English officers, whose arrogance will be increased
by the disgrace which has fallen on our Admiral,
without affecting the Commandant of the Vindictive.
I have heard that the English Consul has been re-
called. If that has been done by negotiation, I here
demand that the documents connected with it be pro-
duced." In conclusion, he distinctly stated that in
bringing forward the motion he had no idea of making
it a Ministerial question, and the majority of the
Chamber had determined to keep the present men in
power until their unpopularity at home and their
humility abroad brought about their don•nfal. M.
GUIZOT, however, cut the debate short in a brief
speech, and laid at least thirty documents upon the
table. As these must be read to be understood, the
debate was closed and the Chamber broke up. The
affair probably is at an end, for the French public
it seems take little interest in the question, and as
the Opposition profess their inability to turn out the
Ministry no object can be served by renewing the
discussion. M. GUIZOT made a manly and straight-
forward speech in reply to M. BILLAULT. He stated
distinctly that there were two parties interested—
the English and the French authorities—and
that it was his bounden duty, as far
as possible, to act impartially, and, at the same
time, to withhold any documents that might have
the slightest tendency to cause a bad feeling be-
tween the two countries. In adverting to the re-
peated attacks made on himself, he made a few re-
marks which the Chamber . listened to ,with much
attention. " When I first entered this arena," said
he, " I anticipated and accepted the certainty of
many a struggle, many a casualty, many an injus.

Cyce, and many a trial ; but I confess I never expected
what has taken place with respect to this question—l
never thought that the truth could be misconceived
or misrepresented to such a point. Ido not, however,
complain, nor am I astonished—there are, in fact, im-
putations which do not merit the honour of exciting
astonishment. I have listened in silence to what has
been said, and I shall reply as if I was not myself con-
cerned in the question. It doest not, I acknowledge, cost
roe any great effort to act thus—l pretend to no merit
for remaining, in the midst of this discussion, tran-
quil and confident in the judgment of my country.
I shall take the utmost care in what I am about to
say, not to sin against any Parliamentary rule by any
word direct or indirect. I prefer submitting to cer-
tain disagreeable matters, rather than, by picking
them up with my own, to throw them back on those
who have flung them against me."—(Loud cheers
frequently interrupted the Minister, who, after some
further remarks gave the following sound reasons for
not producing all the papers) :

" The inevitable consequence of their productions would
have been to envenom the question, and cause irritation. I
know that out of this assembly there are people who do not
fear to raise hostile questions, who, on the contrary, seize on
every opportunity to throw oil on the flame of discord ; for
our own part, as friends of peace, that is not a part of our po-
licy. It has been implied just now that this was not, in any
sense, a grand diplomatic discussion. But, gentlemen, it
is impossible to close one's eyes on facts ; no one can
deny the lively interest that is felt by a great number
of people in England in this question, and the importance
which on its own account alone it acquires with the Eng-
lish Government. We should have been blind, senseless,
imprudent, not to have paid great attention to this ; we
have not on that account acted with complaisance towards
England, but we have taken care not to irritate the question,
nor to throw before the public details which would have only
tended to have inflamed passions, and it is for that reason we
have stopped in communicating the details demanded.—
(Approbation). But I will state another reason more spe-
cial, and not less powerful. The recal of the Consul
Pritchard was just now spoken of. He is, in fact, recalled.
He is removed to another post two or three huildred leagues
from Otaheite.—(Murmurs on the Left). We wished for
this, but we did not ask it ; we opened no negotiations on
the subject; we have, therefore, no documents to produce.
I am astonished that we have met with a reproach on the
subject."

The Fauds on Saturday continued firm, the Five
per Cents. closing at 122 f. 20c., and the Threes at
83f. 70c.

THE BOURSE-SATURDAY, APRIL 20.

First

Highest Lowest

Last

Price. Price. Price. Price.
French Five perCente 122 15 .. 122 20 •• 122 15 .. 122 15
Four per Cents 106 30 • • 106 30 .. 105 60 .. 106 30
Three per Cents 83 70 • • 83 75 .. 83 60 .. 83 60
Bank of France... ....... 3lOO .. 3100 ..3098 75 ..3100
Belgian Bank. ..... ... .

1841 1110 ..1110 ..1110 ..1110
BelelulFlves,lß3l.
1840

1842 ........ 108- .• 108 •• 108 108
Spanish Active . 341 • . 341 • • 341 .. 341
TilreeB.• •••• • • . • ... 36f • • 37 • • 361 .. 37
Passive 6l • • Gi • • 61 •• .61
Portuguese Five per Cents.. 451 .. 461 • • 451 .. 451
Neapolitan lOl 80 .• 102 05 .• 101 80 .. 102 05
Roman . .. 106 .. 106 .. 106 .. 106