The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-06 00:00:00

room a quarter the size of this, and when the largest sub-
scriptions amounted to ss. That is seven years ago. I have
been hopeful and sanguine from the first ; but if ever there
was a time when 1 felt a cold shudder of apprehension, it was
when I read that startling article of the Times at Stroud yes-
terday. I no sooner read it than I wrote a hasty letter to my
friends at Manchester, and said, " Now, don't let us have any
throwing up of caps. This is just the time when cool heads
will,be most wanted.—(Hear.) Don't let anybody become
so intoxicated (I don't mean with drink), but so elated in
spirit as to believe that somebody else is going to repeal the
corn-laws for them." I recalled to their recollection what
took place on the Reform Bill. The people became delirious.
They handed over the charge of watchiag that Bill to others.
They shouted something about the Bill, the whole Bill, and
they left the Bill itself to be frittered away in piecemeal.
You bad the 501. clause added to the Bill, and the whole mea-
sure fearfully marred and injured. I remember the friends
of anti-slavery were tricked in the :same way. They had
the seven years' apprenticeship—which they had afterwards
to get rid of—and twenty millions to pay, which some did
not bargain for when they began the agitation for abolition.
Now, as I said to my Manchester friends, let us profit by
the experience of past agitation. Let us take care now that
when the hour of triumph comes that triumph is not turned
into a fearful defeat. When we fancy that we are going to
pluck the fruits of our long toil, let us take care those
fruits are not turned into dust and ashes when in our

hands to fake it ; but remember that it will not be given
to you'as a free gift. It will be conceded with a sullen re-
luctance, and I repeat that the only question will be whether
you will put out your hands to take it.—(Hear, hear.)
The repeal of the corn-laws, like other great changes,
will not be given to you as a free gift, and it will,
like those other great changes, be the result of the
steady and persevering exertions of the people themselves.
There are at present, I am satisfied, no less than 80 or 100
Members of Peel's majority, who could not hold up their
heads against him ; and if you take these, and add them to
the numbers of the Opposition, you will find it will place him
in such a position that he can carry any such measure as
this.—(Hear, bear.) Well, then, it will be asked, will Wel-
lington agree to such a measure? Perhaps not at first. Per-
haps the House of Lords would in the first instance reject it,
but let the country be appealed to, and let it pronounce in
favour of the measure, and the House of Lords will submit
to it, and bishops will not oppose it, but will express wonder
how long they could have been supporters of such a horrible
thing as monopoly.—(Laughter and cheers.) Sir Robert
Peel would have no difficulty in repealing the corn-
laws, and what a dreadful responsibility must it be upon a
Minister who knows the effects of monopoly as well as any
man, and yet having the power to do so, hesitates to repeal
the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.) The whole responsibility now
rests on Sir R. Peel—he can command the Cabinet—he can
command the House of Commons, and if he now takes the
proper, the bold, and the manly course, I believe the country
will support him.—( Hear, and cheers.) Opening the ports
has been talked of, but that is not what we want; such a
course may be necessary in a great emergency, but it is only
an expedient, and our object is not to provide against the
present scarcity alone, but against scarcity in future.—
(Cheers.) I believe, if we exert ourselves, the time is ap-
proaching when this odious law will be swept from the
statute-book, and will be consigned to the records of the
past, only to be regarded as a beacon to future generations.
Mr. BRIGIIT next addressed the meeting, followed by
other speakers of less note, when the party broke up.

OPENING OF THE PORTS.
MEETING OF THE WARD OF EARRING DON
WITHOUT.
Mr. WALKER (in continuation from our Afternoon Edition
of yesterday) said—
It was not in consequence of the present state of the
country alone that he had been induced to come forward on
that occasion. Without regarding this question, as con-
nected with the produce of the year's harvest, their
duty was still the same. They ought to have been
actively anxious to have had them removed long
before. They should have been impressed with the convic-
tion that the prosperity and well-being of the country and of
the industrious classes demanded their removal, and it was
on this broad ground, and not on the mere exigencies of the
time, that he took his stand. Why should they be considered
through the distorted medium of political considerations or
party feelings ?—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that a better
time was coming, and that the sympathies of all classes
would be aroused ; that their patriotism would be
called into action, and that they would consider what were
the most effectual means of promoting the welfare of the
rising, as well as future generations.—(Hear, hear.) Their
cause would be successful, for it was based upon sound reason,
and was not influenced by crooked or party policy; they
rose in dignity, with the consciousness that they only asked
that justice which should be the foundation of all their laws,
and they were anxious to see that the improvements which
so eminently marked the period should be extended to their
legislative enactments. By the removal of these laws an
impetus would be given to the industry of the masses :
the thought which inspired, the wisdom which directed, and the
interest which secured, would each be brought into play, adding
not only to individual property, but to the efficiency of every
department and institution of the country.—(Hear, hear.)
And if these advantages could be secured them by the
abolition of these laws, would they, he asked, cease their ex-
ertions until they were fully done away with ?—(Hear, hear.)
In asking the repeal of these corn-laws they did not wish to
depress others ; all they wanted was to elevate themselves,
and they felt that in thus elevating themselves they were
benefiting all classes of the community.—(Hear.) With these
views, he would impress upon the meeting the propriety of
assisting those who had formed themselves into an union
for the purpose of relieving' the people from the trammels
which had been thrown around them ; of assisting those who
wished to break the last link of the chain which had been
placed upon their necks by the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.)
He knew that there were many gentlemen present with more
talents than he could boast of; who could do greater justice
to this important subject, and he trusted that they would
come forward then and do so. They could do themselves no
higher honour than in being instrumental in effecting the
consummation they all so anxiously desired. He would but
add for himself that he had no personal object apart
from that of his fellow-citizens to serve in this matter.
He had come forward as an independent man, anxious to pro-
mote an independent object.—(Great cheering.) It was the
duty of every Englishman to do his best to get these laws
repealed, no matter what his station in society might be.
He did not despair of their ultimate triumph ; nay, more, he
hoped to see the day when civil and religious liberty would
be freely extended over the world.—(Cheers.) They were
anxious that their views should be fully understood ; they
were not of a _destructive or injurious tendency; but, while
they sought not to inflict injury on others, they were
equally determined to have justice for themselves.—(Loud
cheers.) They were anxious to have good laws, and to
improve to the utmost the advantages of their present posi-
tion in society.—( Hear, hear.) The speaker then read and
proposed the resolution.
Mr. CauressrrEst said that he had been requested to
second the resolution which had just been proposed by Mr.
Walker, and he did so from exactly the same motives and
feelings which had prompted that gentleman to move it.
He felt that that was a time which rendered it impera-
tive on all men to discharge a public as well as private
duty, especially in a' case of great emergency like that
which had brought them together—(Hear, hear)—and no
man, however humble his station or contracted his talents,
should shrink from the duties which society imposed on him.
—( Cheers.) The resolution which had first been read had
reference to the prospective state of the industrious classes of
the community, and their anticipation that in consequence of
the disease of the potato crop and the scarcity of the wheaten
harvest the depressed condition of those classes would
be exceedingly increased. Whatever men's opinions
might be in reference to the corn-laws—whether
in the eyes of one party they were unjust and
not so in the eyes of another, was of no consequence.
Neither of the parties who divided the country would, for a
moment, blame Sir Robert Peel for a calamity which was
;oiely attributable to the seasons under Divine Providence ; at
the same time it was right to look beyond the immediate
causes of the present pressure, and to ascertain what course
should be adopted in this comparative dearth of the
ordinary productions of the country.—(Hear, hear. ) And
they had a right also, if they believed that these laws were
calculated to aggravate the distresses of the people ; if they
believed that, in the present extraordinary state of things,
their removal would mitigate these evils by rendering the
importation of food comparatively easy, in those circum-
stances, and with this belief, they had a perfect right to have
these laws abrogated.—(Cheers.) It had been even an
axiom in politics that when capital was in great
abundance there was an increased demand for
labour, and that when there was a great demand
for labour the wages of the productive classes were corre-
spondingly high. It has also been admitted that for the last
four or five years, while profits have been high, wages have
been low, and this because there was too great an inequality
between the two classes of society. What was the state of
things at present? They found capital in great abundance—
in such abundance, indeed, that theydid not know how to dispose
of it, and the wildest projects, therefore, had been brought before
the public, and such was the superabundance of capital, that
men rushed, with open hands and pockets, into the arms of
those who proposed the wildest schemes to them. They
inigiit London,bet w had heard before the railway speculation commenced of
bankers
who
om hadillionlys
of lying in
money,their coffers one million.
orit m
willing to lend at two per cent., and yet were unable
to find persons to borrow it from them.—(Hear, hear.)
And what had been the tendency of this accumulation of
capital ?—was it to increase the wages of the working
classes on the one hand, and to enhance the profits of the
trading classes on the other? They found that there had
been, during the last fourteen or fifteen years, a gradual
declension in the wages of the labouring classes, and a
gradual reduction in the profits of the trading classes. Now
was not this state of things calculated to excite the sympathy
of all reflecting and right•thinklng men? Let them put this
state of things before those who entertained a different view
of the corn-laws from what they did, and let them be asked
to explain the contradiction. Let them be asked to
account .for an increased capital and diminished wages and
profits. They would find that the corn-laws were in part the
cause of this anomaly, because their tendency was to
fetter and restrict the industry of the working men.
It was gratifying now to find that men of all parties were be-
ginning to see their injurious tendency, and to acknow-
ledge that they pressed most unjustly on the humbler
classes of the population. It was lamentable to find that
is consequence of these the distinction was gone between
the poorer classes and the industrious classes. In-
dustry and poverty were synonimous terms, as were riches
and ialeness.(Hear.) But they were glad to find that the
causes of this anomaly were being investigated, and he hoped,
sincerely hoped, that with increased knowledge, they would
do away with the causes which had resulted in these evils.
We were told that the question was settled. It was nearly
ten years ago that a letter was published from one of the two
great leaders of one of the two great political parties in this
country. He alluded to Lord John Russell, who, after
twenty years' experience, had been converted to sound politi-
cal economy. He reminded him of Rip Van Winkle, who,
after twenty years' sleep, awoke. Lord John Russell had
been asleep for twenty years, and now suddenly woke up,
and came forward to aid in the work which so much inte-
rested them all. He had found eut, after twenty years, that
corn does not form an exception to political economy, and
had contributed his influence to do good and realise the
important aid they were seeking. It had since then
been announced in a sort of demi-official way that
the Premier (who ought to be called the great
Corn-law Silence) had been impressed with the ne-
cessity of doing something to relieve the country from
the oppression of these laws, which had so long disgraced
it. He was not one of those who would judge the motives
of statesmen. It would be unfair to decide upon them by
the same principles that were usual to men in the ordinary
walks of life. They appeared to him to be governed by
principles of which the generality of people had very little
idea, and to which most men were strangers, and they would
be in error who attempted to fathom their reasons when they
were actuated by so many particular circumstances. It was
enough for them; to know that if that announcement was
founded in truth, the two great leaders of the two
great parties had at length found it necessary to sub-
mit themselves to the decision of the public will,
and to express their readiness to do what was
required. He had heard it mentioned after the announcement
of the decision of the last Cabinet Council, that this meet-
ing was not to be held to-day. He was delighted to find
that it was held, and that the expectations of some persons
in that ward were disappointed, because it was certain that,
whether the announcement of the Cabinet Council was true
or untrue, there was the same necessity for the very same
course of proceeding on the part of the public. If it was
true, Sir R. Peel would require all the support which the
public could give, as it would give a great blow to the aris •
tocratical power of this aristocratic country; and if the
public mind decided that he did not intend to do any-
thing, there would be the same necessity for coming
Loud
forward to help themselves, as the landed interest
would take advantage of any indecision. They would fight
the battle to the last step, and would not give up their last
And if
great holdthe on
publicth the financeswe
re n not
tf
alivethis c
toou country.—(Loud
supportt ry
a Minister who.—( applause.)
was thrust into the battle against his will, they would not
succeed in their endeavours, and would be foiled in their
attempts on all sides. He felt that he had already occupied
the time of the meeting longer than he should do—(Cries of
"No, no," " Go on")—and he would conclude by begging to
second the resolution so ably proposed by his friend Mr.
Walker.—(The speaker then sat down amidst thunders of
applause.)
Sir JAMES DUKE then put the resolution to the meeting,
and it was carried unanimously.
Mr. C. WOOD then said that he had been called on to pro-
pose the second resolution. He would begin by calling to
their attention the resolution :—" That Sir R. Peel, by not
advising her Majesty immediately to assemble Parliament to
consider the necessity of repealing the corn-laws, had been
guilty of a neglect of duty, and had rendered himself re-
sponsible to the country for the present deficiency
in corn." In support of the resolution he would call
their attention to the feeling of the public mind some
Cabinet Council. It was then the universal feeling that an
five or six weeks ago, previous-to the assembling of the
Order in Council on the more important measure of assembling
Parliament would be necessary, in order to open the ports.
Sir Robert Peel was in a situation to open them, but he
required the support of the people. It was an act which, as
the chief member of the Cabinet Council, he was enabled
to perform, and on him lay the responsibility if he neglected
this important duty. It was seen that there was a difference
of opinion in the Cabinet Council, as nothing resulted from
their deliberations. The corn market went up in conse-
quence, as many persons suspected from the evident
difference of opinion that the ports would not be opened.
The inferior sort of corn now in the market was at from
50s. to 545. per quarter, and it was of such a bad quality that,
in order to use it, it was mixed with a better quality of
corn. That better quality was at 745. per quarter, and the
duty was so high that the good corn, necessary to mix
withsthe inferior stuff they had already, could not be im-
ported. The duty at present amounted to 14s. per quarter.
He was told that the report that the ports could not be
opened had closed the hands of all who held bonded corn,
and it was now worth from 4s. to ss. more than it was at
that time. An objection might be made to the second reso-
lution, on the ground that it placed Sir Robert Peel in an
improper position—(Hear, hear)—and he would defend it on
that point, as Sir Robert Peel had taken no measures to as-
semble Parliament. Supposing that in the Cabinet Council
the Duke of Wellington, Lord Wharncliffe, and the Earl of
Ripon should hinder him from doing that which he con-
sidered necessary for the good of the country, and which, as
First Lord of the Treasury, he bad a right to do,
could he not say that if he was hindered from prosecuting his
own measure, they should seek another Minister? He had
not done so, but had called meetings from which nothing
had resulted. The Times had asserted one thing yesterday

grasp.—(Cheers.) Peel and his oolleagues have had a month's
consultation. They have had ten Cabinet meetings.
Nobody doubts that there has been great disunion,
and a long controversy, and nobody doubts either that
what Sir Robert Peel has been aiming at is to bring over a
majority of his Cabinet, in order to save him from the dis-
agreeable issue of a rupture of the Government. We are
now told, and I believe the report to be true, that he has
gained over a majority of his colleagues, who have given him
a carte blanche to act as he likes. Now, what sort of argu-
ments think }roil has he been using to bring over his col-
leagues ? Has he been offering them some compensation ?
Has he been offering any nice conditions ? If he has been
offering any compensation or condition, if he has made a
bargain, recollect it is you who must pay the price. Now,
there is the malt-tax (and though I have not the privilege
of our friend Punch to be under the council-table) I venture
to surmise that tax has been talked of. I know the farmers
have an infatuated opinion as to the injury the malt-tax in-
flicts on them. I never met a farmer, however rational and
intelligent, who was not bitten with this notion, and quite
irrational on this subject. Every farmer I ever knew
labours under the delusion that the farmer pays the
malt-tax. They do not seem to understand that
the farmer, when he pays the tax, charges it to
his customers, and that these are found in far
greater number in the towns than in the country.—(Hear,
hear.) I don't deny that getting rid of the exciseman for
the malt-house would be a great boon to the maltster. Sir
R. Peel, knowing the feelings of the farmers on the subject,
may propose to get rid of the malt-tax. But how does he in-
tend to make up the five or six millions of taxation thus sa-
crificed? Does he interfd to tax any particular class more
heavily, in order to get rid of that tax ?—(Hear, hear.) Not
the malt-tax only, but other questions have no doubt been
discussed. Will he attempt to conciliate his colleagues by
a re-adjustment of taxation? We have heard a great deal
of exclusive burdens, though we could never get a word of
evidence on the subject, and though the monopolists refused
to attend any tribunal for the examination of the subject.
But, no doubt, a great deal has been said about exclusive
burdens in the Cabinet ; and, it may be, that Sir Robert made
an offer of this kind : if you will give up the corn-laws we
can make the towns pay the poor-rates for the country, and
the highway rates, in addition to their own paving-rates, and,
it may be, that he proposed the church-rates in the rural dis-
tricts should be somehow paid by the towns; and that, in
addition to the expenses of prosecuting and maintaining pri-
soners, you should be liahle to a similar charge for the relief
of Mr. Miles and his supporters in the agricultural districts.
—(Hear, and a laugh.) I merely suggest these as probable
topics of discussion in the Cabinet; and at all events as
they have been so pressed by the protectionists, it is right to
assume that Peel, who is the protectionist's Minister, is still
ready to do the dirty work of his masters on these ques-
tions, as he has been on others.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.)
Now, I am ready to agree with the Noble Lord who spoke
here, and to say I am as ready to take this measure of re-
lief from Sir Robert Peel as from any one else. We should
not be true to our principles if we did not make that candid
avowal. But our principle is the total, immediate, and un-
conditional repeal of the corn and provision laws.—(Loud
and continued cheering.) We do not intend to buy their
repeal. I say we could not, in the face of this country, or of
the civilised world, come before them with any decency and
say we were willing to purchase our freedom. We demand
it as a right, and we have no right to it unless we can so de-
mand it.—(Loud cheers.) We say the moment we acknow-
ledge any conditions, the moment we begin to huckster
about a principle, that moment we become contemptible in
the eyes of our countrymen. The Premier may be desirous
of winning the honour and fame in history of being handed
down as the instrument by which the corn-laws were re-
pealed. But if he do repeal them, it is the League and the
League only that is entitled to the credit of the good
work.—(Loud cries of " Yes," and cheers for some time.)
We are stronger than Prime Ministers, and the way in
which we have become so is by working honestly and con-
sistently in the face of our countrymen for seven years, and
our countrymen trust us, but do not trust the present Prime
Minister.—(Loud cheers.) Now, do you think that Sir R.
is disposed, at the meeting of Parliament, in the same manly,
frank, and honourable way that Lord John Russell has done,
to declare his reasons for a change in his opinions, and to
submit a proposition for the total and immediate repeal of the
corn-laws? No, I don't believe he is so prepared, because I
never saw him do anything of that kind yet.—(Hear, and
laughter.) But if he will propose it, and do it fairly, and do
it honestly, he shall have our support to enable him to carry
it.—(Cheers.) But don't take it for granted that Sir Robert
Peel intends to do anything of the kind. I have been assum-
ing that he was about to propose this change, and if ho do
we shall take it at his hands; but if he does come to our ser-
vice, he must bear in mind that he will come without a good
character from his last employers.—(Much laughter.) When
he comes into our service he will have to act very differently
from the manner in which he has hitherto conducted his
administration. We will have no more of that double-faced
dealing which I have witnessed with disgust in the Homes of
Commons for the last four years, of openly playing into the
hands of opposite parties, in a way which one can hardly
say is more discreditable to the intelligence or morality of
his countrymen.—(Hear, hear.) You have heard allusion
made to one specimen of this dealing, when he told one set
of Members, " 'Tis true you have to bear an income-tax, but
you will be compensated for this by the cheapness of provi-
sions, guaranteed by my tariff;" and then, before our faces
turning round, he told his supporters, " Don't be alarmed, no
cattle can come to lower your prices from Spain or any other
country."—(Hear, hear.) During the progress of our career
we would fain have a strong hand or two from the political
parties to rock the cradle of that infant freedom over which
we watched; but now that it has reached a giant's strength,
don't suppose that Peel, or any other Minister, is to conduct
it in its maturity. There is more neceasity than ever for re-
solution, not as displayed in mere talk, but in active working.
We intend to work still, and we have come here to talk about
the mode of working with most effect. You have heard of the
progress of the 40s. franchise. The agitation of the ques-
tion of free trade compelled us to ponder over the instru-
ments by which we could hope to effect this great end, and
I think we have some merit in having induced our country-
men to think more on this subject. We saw ourselves con-
fronted in the House by Members from every county. With
one venerable exception, Mr. Yilliers's motion had not a
county supporter. We asked how it was that the counties
were in the bands of the monopolists? We took up the
Reform Bill, and we found, to counteract the Chandos clause,
the 40s. franchise. Having so far succeeded in our county
operations in the north, we have made a selection of twenty-
five counties more. Our agents are visiting them, and we
are visiting them to stir them up, as we hope to do you to-
night.—(Cheers and laughter.) Don't relax because you
hear tidings of the decisions of Government, or of the break-
ing up of cabinets. Do not relax for any consideration.
We are influencing Government. The most potent argu-
ment Sir Robert Peel has to influence the aristocracy is,
" Look to the League.—(Loud cheers.) What is it doing?
It has won the large boroughs, it has won the largest
counties. It now possesses four counties, which in wealth,
population, and influence are more than equal to all the other
counties in England. They are now extending their ex-
ertions to twenty-five counties more. They have money at
hand, and can in fact have it to any extent. How can you
stand against such an organisation as that? You must put
it down, and dissolve it by abolishing the bread-tax, or very
possibly it will not content itself with the downfal of that
odious impost, and the end will be that that formidable body
will put you down."—(Cheers.) Such is the argument held
by Sir Robert Peel to the aristocracy, and the only one by
which they are likely to be moved. The forty-shilling free-
hold movement is one which is at this moment striking ter-
ror into the hearts of the aristocracy. Therefore, I say,
persevere in it.—(Cheers.) Form your committee. Work
it. You will want funds. Well, we shall supply them. Yon
have contributed here to our stock, very many of you hand-
somely, some munificently. All that has been so given has
flowed into a common reservoir. We want no money in
South Lancashire, but we can't be idle either with purse or
tongue, and are interested in the great work wherever it be
carried on. We shall come and help you to achieve it here.
—(Loud cheers.) I have done. I attempt to wind up my
speech with no ambitious peroration. I simply, in conclu-
sion, repeat my request, my entreaty to form committees, to
commence in good earnest the battle in the registration
courts, and from this to the 20th of next January let your
watchwords be—Qualfy, qualify, qualify !—(The Hon. Gen-
tleman resumed his seat amid cheering, which lasted for
many minutes.)
Mr. MILXER GIBSOX then came forward, and was received
in the most enthusiastic manner. He said—After the very
impressive and powerful speech which has been delivered by
my friend Mr. Cobden, it would be presumptuous in me to
endeavour to amplify the subjeot of his address, or to trespass
long upon your indulgence. I must, however, thank you
cordially for the kind reception which you gave me when the
Chairman introduced my name to this meeting, and I beg to
express to you all the gratitude in my power for the enthu-
siasm which you have displayed in my regard.—(Cheers.) I
feel proud to witness such an assemblage, and I shall go
hack from this meeting with the strongest impression that
the citizens of Bristol are, as the citizens of this commercial
and important city ought to be, animated with a firm deter-
mination to put down the odious and detestable system of
corn-laws, and they are resolved not to be diverted
from their purpose by deceptive promises or sur-
mises from newspapers, however influential.—(Loud cheers.)
I shall go away from this meeting with a feeling that
the people of Bristol are a type of those whom I have met in
other parts of the district—that they are resolved to assert
their rights to commercial freedom, and that they will be con-
tent with nothing but a total and unconditional repeal of the
corn-laws.—(Leud cheers.) I wish that our opponents were
present at this meeting, for they can have no idea of the in-
telligence, and unanimity, and enthusiasm, which prevail
here : they think that our meetings are like the meetings
which they witness of the protection societies—(Laughter)—
and they cannot imagine the logical arguments which are
brought forward—the application of the principles of political
economy to those ordinary details which most affect our hap-
piness; but they think that ours are like the meetings of the
protection societies, at which they talk of the glorious con-
stitution—(Laughter)—and the wooden walls of Old Eng-
land; but the?, might more correctly say, " the wooden
heads of Old hngland"—(Renewed laughter and cheers)—
for it is to the wooden heads of Old England we owe that
unfortunate policy which impedes trade, which restricts in-
dustry, and which, in fact, is the cause of most of those
evils in our commercial system which this country has to
deplore.—(Hear, hear.) I have not been over sanguine in
expecting a speedy success of the cause of free trade,
for I was conscious of the great barriers which pre-
judice and error and ideas of self-interest had raised against
us ; I therefore never imagined that our success would be so
speedy as it has been. It seems to me that no great public
vcitltloslelasofotribleycotrnbe-lasawms eh
astimbeeebnefohread theveerpusalsclihc
cithuaetBttih°ins
rapid end decided success.—(Cheers.) I was always of
opinion that truth must eventually triumph over error, and
that freedom would succeed at length against tyranny and
injustice. But remembering the amount of
timidity, and error, which we had to prejudice,
ecommanding struggle aga against,
°I
smi t
iuosnt
confess that I am astonished at the
which we have so rapidly attained.—(Cheers.) I believe
the final triumph of your principles, in the total repeal of the
corn-laws, is within your reach if you only put out your

OPENING OF THE PORTS.
BATH, DEC. s.—An anti-corn-law soirée was held in the
Guildhall of this city last night, over which the Mayor
(Mr. Batchelor) presided. It was attended by many of the
influential inhabitants of Bath ; but the issue of tickets at
Is. 6d. for tea was limited to 500 only. After tea, however
persons were admitted by sixpenny tickets, and the number
of auditors was thereby increased to nearly 700.
The intelligence announced by the Times that the Govern-
ment were about to give up the corn-laws was very generally
circulated through the city in the afternoon.,
Mr. HUNT (a town-councillor), having repeated the news,
it was welcomed with loud shouts of joy and waving of hats.
Mr. Hunt proceed to remark, that the funeral of the corn-
laws was about to take place. No doubt some of the gen-
tlemen on the platform were ready to become pall-bearers,
more especially as they had been instrumental in producing
the dissolution of the party.—(A laugh.) He had thought
that Lord J. Russell would be the undertaker, but it ap-
peared that Sir R. Peel and the Duke of Wellington were
candidates for that office.—(Laughter.) He was sure that
his auditors would join with the rest of the people in making
up a multitudinous procession of " merry mourners."—
(Cheers and laughter.) He was quite sure that the people
of this country would never have endured the corn-laws so
long had they not been surrounded by political terms and a
paradoxical play upon the phrases of " low wages " and
" cheap bread ;" but that illusion was now destroyed, thanks
to Cobden and Bright.—(Cheers.) Those gentlemen had
made not only great exertions, but sacrifices in the cause of
free trade, and after much labour had succeeded with the
sagacity of statesmen in convincing the Senate and Govern -
ment of the land that the measure which they advocated
was the right one to be adopted.—(Cheers.) The conduct
of the Government in resisting the repeal of the corn-laws
so long, and particularly under the present scarcity and
prospect of general famine, was neither just nor humane.—
(Hear, hear.) But, if the Government would not adopt
the only remedy for existing and threatened evils, the people
must provide it themselves.—(Cheers.) He concluded by
proposing a memorial to the Queen, praying for the opening
of the ports and the importation of foreign corn free of
duty.—( Cheers.)
The Rev. J. Mortar (Unitarian minister) seconded the
adoption of the memorial.
Mr. COBDEN, on presenting himself, was uproariously
cheered. He said
,this enthusiastic reception was the mora
welcome because this was the first time he had appeared
before an assembly of the inhabitants of Bath, who had
already done much to promote the repeal of the corn-laws by
returning Members to Parliament to support Mr. Villiers's
annual motion and by other demonstrations.—( Cheers.)
Some of the manufacturing districts had not acted so nobly
and so independently, but still on the part of the manufac-
turing districts generally lie tendered the citizens of Bath
his grateful thanks.—(Applause.) In opposing the corn-
laws, they were not opposing a mere Custom-house tax for
the sake of supporting the national income. He believed,
indeed, that the time would come when all indirect taxes
would be abolished, and it would be seen that much trouble,
annoyance, and expense might be avoided by collecting all
necessary taxes directly.—(Cheers.) At present there were
two sets of Custom-house officers —one representing her
Majesty the Queen, God bless her !—(Cheers)—and the other
the Duke of Richmond and Co., who collected a tax for their
own benefit. Now, he decidedly objected to the collection
of any tax for the exclusive benefit of a class.—(Cheers.)
It was said that goods in bond were under the
Queen's lock. He did not object to that, but he did
object to the food of the people being under the Duke of
Richmond's lock.—(Laughter and cheers.) It was called
protection, but it was just that sort of protection which the
sparrowhawk afforded to the sparrow.—(Hear.) He had
never been of opinion that the rents of the land would de-
crease because manufactures flourished. He thought the
value of land would rise. It was suicidal to themselves for
landlords to admit that they were living in mansions of the
value of 5001. to 1,000/, a- year, and that all this was got out
of the bread tax.—(llear, hear.) Landowners must not ex-
pect to continue to raise their rents by means of the corn-laws,
and by keeping nests of vermin, called game, to destroy the
produce of the farmer—(Cheers.) No, no! They must
learn to act like the manufacturers. They must study,
think, and mind their own business, and let their tenants
have farms on terms which would induce them to lay
out capital and labour upon them ; they must let their
tenants to do as they liked with the land and with their
votes also.—(Cheers.) The matter must be treated in a
mercantile way, without any reference to Church and State
and our glorious Constitution ; just the same as the buying
and selling of a piece of cloth.—(Cheers.) If all Gloucester-
shire were cultivated on the terms and principles upon
which Earl Ducie's example farm at Whitfield was, there
would be three times as many labourers employed, and the
profits of the farmers, as well as the rents of the landlords,
would be greater.—(Hear.) He had repeatedly told the
landlords that if they would have a committee and call their
own witnesses, he would prove out of their own mouths that
the corn-laws were of no benefit to themselves nor to any
one else. But that challenge had never been accepted.—
(Hear.) He believed that they were approaching a perilous
crisis.—(Hear.) There had been frequent meetings of the
Cabinet, and it had appeared that the Duke of Wellington
and Lord Stanley had stoutly opposed the repeal of the
cern-laws. How had Sir R. Peel reconciled them to repeal ?
By conditions ? By clogs on the measure ? By bartering
away the rights of the people, which had been withheld from
them during a long series of years of wrong? If he has
(continued Mr. Cobden), it will be our business to see that
this compact for bartering away any portion of our rights
in this unjust manner shall not be completed.—(Cheers.)
The League was founded upon a principle which has been
the rock of our salvation—the total and unconditional repeal
of the corn-laws.—(Cheers.) There can be no midway course
between total repeal and total abolition. If Lord John
Russell or Sir Robert Peel can show us any justice, or right,
or reason,—if one fact, one sound argument can be adduced
to warrant the imposition of a single shilling duty on corn,
or a tax of any kind on bread, or the slightest restriction on
the food of the people of this country, then we will submit;
but if not, then not one single shilling or farthing shall be
imposed.—(Cheers.) Now, I don't care for dukes or lords.
—(Repeated cheering and laughter.) I say this question is
taken out of the hands of dukes and lords, and prime mi-
nisters, either in posse or in esse. The question is placed in
the hands of the people of this country.—Cheers.) They will
profit by past agitation, and not fall into a state of joyous
intoxication because they are told that this minister or that,
this duke or that lord, happens to agree in opinion with them.
No, but they will profit by the experience of the Reform Act
and the Negro Emancipation Act, and will be determined.
The people are fixed and determined on this question. They
are prepared for every trick or act of jugglery that may ema-
nate from any quarter.—(Loud cheers.) The people are pre-
pared not to accept the repeal of the corn-laws from any party
as a boon, but to take and claim it as a simple act of justice.
—(Renewed cheering.) The Hon. Gentleman then went on
to say that he knew, from personal observation, that the
country was with the League in this object, and that the
people would not suffer themselves to be tricked by any
party.—(Laughter and cheers.)
The memorial was then put by the Mayor, and unani-
mously agreed to.
Mr. EDWARDS moved the second resolution,—
" That the efforts now being made to secure, through the
medium of county freeholds, a more effectual representa-
tion of the people deserve the warmest support of the meet-
ing."—(Hear, hear.)
Mr. J. KEANE seconded it.
Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., who was enthusiastically cheered,
next addressed the assembly, repeating his usual arguments
in favour of an immediate and total repeal of the corn-laws.
It is not out of any disrespect to the Hon. Gentleman that
we do not repeat them, but because they have been fre-
quently published before. In the course of his remarks he
said, there was a paper—he did not know whether to call It
one paper or two papers, for one half was published in the
morning, and the other half in the evening—he meant the
Herald and Standard—(" Oh," and laughter)—that paper,
or double paper, or half-paper, had lately said that the abo-
lition of the corn-laws would drive the people to a potato
diet—(Laughter)—just as if the introduction of more wheat
would make the people eat more potatoes.—(Renewed
laughter.) In allusion to the United States of America, he
contended that if we ran any risk of a war with that country,
we had to thank the restrictions upon free trade for it. But
he believed that there was a vast number of the Americans
who were free-traders, and who would make any sacrifice
rather than go to war with us. And surely the English did
not desire a deadly conflict with those who were not in
theory, but in fact, " bone of their bone, and flesh of their
—(Cheers.) But beyond that, let the Americans
know that our corn-laws were abolished, and down would
go the American tariff, and every little dispute would
cease, for the two nations would perceive it was their mutual
interest to maintain peace, and would refuse to go to war
to gratify the ambition of a warlike Minister, whether
in America or in England.—(Great cheering) He con-
cluded by observing, that the people in this country could
have no hope in a privileged aristocracv—he doubted
if they could in any country—their only hope must
be in themselves, and, therefore, let them not be satis-
fied until they had beaten down the tyranny of the corn-
laws,—(Cheers.) It was true that Lord J. Russell had writ-
ten a letter, giving in his adhesion to the cause of free trade,
and a more honest, statesmanlike document, he had never
seen. But still the repeal of the corn-laws was no Whig
movement. Lord Morpeth, too, had joined the League, and
his talents and principles were more honourable to him than
his alliance with nobility.—(Cheers.) Still the League had
not sought to promote a Whig or party movement. If Sir R.
Peel should send in his adhesion, he would be received with
as hearty a welcome.—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But,
after all, the people, by their votes and their opinions, must
do the work. The Hon. Gentleman resumed his seat amidst
much cheering and waving of hats.
The resolution was carried unanimously.
Mr. WIT SON, a magistrate of the city, proposed a vote of
thanks to Messrs. Cobden and Bright, which was seconded
by Mr. Moger, banker, and carried by acclamation.
A vote of thanks was also presented to the Mayor, and
three times three cheers for the repeal of the corn-laws,
vociferously given, terminated the proceedings at a few
minutes past ten o'clock.

DEAL.—An occurrence of a very distressing nature
took place here a few days ago. The infant son of Mr. Pain,
baker, an interesting child, of three year of age, tempted by
the contents of a box of colours, abstracted unobserved a green
paint, and swallowed it. The disooloured state of the bed
indicated the nature of the mischief, and though some portion
of the poison had been dislodged, medical assistance arrived
too late to be of service. Tho child died shortly after the
discovery.--Kent Herald,

~.,~ .

T 11E S UN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, DECEMBER 6, 1845.

morning, and it was contradicted the same evening by the
Standard, and this morning the Chronicle asserted the state-
ment of the Times to be true, inasmuch as the allegations it
contained were quite consistent with the professions of Sir R.
Peel and the Duke of Wellington. Whose assertion were they
then to believe? If the Duke of Wellington advocates the
repeal of the corn-laws in the House of Lords, while
the Premier advocates it in the Commons, then by
these meetings they were assisting them in their
endeavour, but, if otherwise, they were forwarding
their own views. He wished Sir Robert Peel to remain in
office, because he did many things for them which, with all
their efforts, they would be unable to do themselves. If he
was guilty of neglect of duty they ought to impress it upon
him, and point out to him the necessity of some immediate
remedy. Supposing that Lord John Russell's letter had
not appeared, would the article in the Times have appeared,
or would any change in the views of the Cabinet have taken
place? Cobbett and his assistants had done all in their
power to forward that change, which was undertaken with
the view of benefiting the working classes, and enabling the
industrious man to get his own living.—(Loud applause.)
He knew that from ten to twenty-five per cent. had
been taken off from the wages of the men in the north,
and even now in some of the large manufacturing towns they
were working short work. Take a bushel of wheat new from
the last harvest, and its quality was such that it would be,
if cleared, two or two-and-a-half pounds lighter than a
bushel from the preceding harvest; and then let them think
what a deficiency that would amount to when spread over
millions of bushels. Let them add to that deficiency the
failure of the potato crop, and what a frightful picture was
there. They heard daily the accounts from Ireland and from
Somersetshire, that the decay was going on to an alarming
extent. He knew a potato-merchant who bad pur-
chased a quantity of potatoes at 6s. per cwt., and
in i short time after he was glad to be able
to hell half of them to the cowkeepers at Is. per
cwt. Let them, therefore, impress it on the mind of
Sir Robert Peel, who was the ruling power, and who was
personally responsible to the whole country. for his own act
in case of an impeachment—and such a thing might occur.
He saw that Sir James Duke was smiling, and well he might,
and laugh also, as he knew how tenderly that word was used
in the Houses of Parliament. Supposing that such a thing
was to arise as an impeachment for neglect of duty—a neg-
lect of duty which brought hundreds of his countrymen to
starvation and death—who did they think would be im-
peached? Would it be the Duke of Wellington? No.
Lord Wharncliffe, or the Earl of Ripon ? No ; it would
be the First Lord of the Treasury—the man who had
the nomination of his colleagues, who has, or ought to
have, the whole power of the country in his grasp. Who, he
again asked, was responsible ? Sir R. Peel, who would alone
be looked to for the remedy for a grievance, and who alone
could remedy it. He felt that he had taken up enough of
their time. He would conclude by proposing the resolution,
and saying, that so long as they obtained what they re-
quired, he did not care who got it for them—Sir R. Peel or
anybody else.
Mr. floyme was then called on to second the resolution. He
said that he was taken quite by surprise. He had come there
more as a looker-on. He was sorry that the task had fallen
upon him, but it was necessary that those in power who
did not do their duty properly should have their neglect
expressed to them. Yet the gentlemen of the ward had
not the boldness to come before the meeting and give ut-
terance to sentiments that he had heard them often express
in private. There should be no question of delicacy which
should hinder them from expressing what they considered
the wants of their country called on them to do. They
knew that in consequence of the increased prices of provi-
sion trade had been paralysed. Many of them knew
that the mills were decreasing in work ; the work-
men in consequence were -earning less, and could not
afford to spend so much with the tradesmen
around them. That train of reasoning was simple enough.
It might be that the famine was further off than their fears
had represented it to be, but it was their duty to prevent
its recurrence at any time. If the Prime Minister was not
quick to do his duty, they should not delay. If Sir Robert
Peel had not been so wedded to party, and had adopted the
simple principle of buying in the cheapest market and selling
in the dearest one, there would have been no necessity for
this meeting. They were all convinced of the neces-
sity of free trade in order to save the country from
ruin. How much better off would the country have
been if those engaged by right in commercial
pursuits had followed their own business and paid less at-
tention to railways. Had those persons, whose offices in the
City entitled them to go into the presence of their So-
vereign, done something for the poor instead of attending to
railways, the poor would perhaps have been better off.
Sir J. DUKE said that the Corporation of London had
done all in their power to assist the poor and to obtain the
required measures for them.
Mr. BOYLE said that there were splendid reminiscences
connected with the city of London, but the time had passed,
and they bad now become so bad and so degenerate as to
become a by-word and a reproach to all men.---EA round
of continued and loud applause followed this declaration.]
Instead of leading on every great question, they are found
the last. They come in after Manchester, Glasgow, and
other minor communities. One's heart throbs while think-
ing of the glorious deeds of old ; but now the most they do
is, if a gentleman's character be irreproachable, but because
he differs in some sentiments from them, to expel him from
amongst them, and make an election null and void.—
(Immense applause.) He (Mr. Boyle,) seconded the reso-
lution with the greatest pleasure imaginable. He hoped this
would be the beginning of a change in the ward, the largest
in London, and that it would take its proper place in leading
on these great questions. When it was thought that every
luxury we taste, every gem in her Majesty's crown, comes
from abroad ; that not a wind that blows but wafts a vessel
laden with the riches of other countries; that this inter-
course has a power to civilise, an effect most desirable,
considering that round the globe the people are from
one great hand and for one great object—(Applause)—
it would be lamentable indeed if the cause of these
laws being continued till now were traced to our
own supineness. If this ward had done its duty—
if the Corporation of the City of London had done
their duty—they could have compared with pleasure
the glories of former days with the present. They
would, in that case, look upon each alderman as he passed,
and say, there is a man who spends all his time for the good
of his fellow-citizens; did you read his speech ?—(Laughter.)
But, on the other hand, they, the degenerate descendants
of former aldermen, are occupied with some trivial matter of
a sewage.—(Applause and laughter.) If they are not car-
ried away with the gold chains, the sword, and other gew-
gaws of office, they would act so as to be entitled to the
name of the poor man's friends.—(Loud Applause.)
Richard Cobden, that great man, has borne on the contest
to a victory without the aid of such men as Lord
John Russell or Sir Robert Peel. Is not that
man of genius deserving of being presented with the
freedom of the City of London?—(Applause.) Why should
Glasgow and Manchester be forward in this, and anticipate
the City of London. If a soldier, who has been fighting
with savages, unknown and unacquainted with the modes
of European warfare—if such a soldier come home, honours
are heaped upon him, snuff-boxes are handed to him, but
such a man as Richard Cobden, who labours to ameliorate
the condition of the people, and to christianize the world,
such a man is passed by.—(He sat down amidst great applause.)
Mr. RICHARD TAYLOR said he had been requested to se-
cond the resolution read and moved; but,having declined, he
just begged to say his reason was, that while he agreed in all
that had been said by the mover and seconder, he could not
agree to censure the ward, or to put Sir Robert Peel in the
position which the resolution puts him in. He thought that
we should speak courteously of our opponents when they
were coming over to our side. The framer of the resolution
perhaps had not made allowance for opposing forces. Sir R.
Peel has been moving round to free trade, and Lord John
Russell has but lately declared his conversion ; allowance,
therefore, ought to be made for these things. He moved as
an amendment to the former resolution—" That this meeting
expresses its satisfaction with Sir Robert Peel's course in re-
ference to free trade, and begs that, since he has admitted the
scarcity of food, he would advise her Majesty to repeal the
corn-laws, and thus merit the lasting gratitude of the people."
Dr. LYNCH said he had great pleasure in seconding the
resolution as amended. They ought to be thankful to
Sir Robert Peel : he has launched the barque and it is for the
people to waft it along. The intimation made in the Times
is by the same journal affirmed to. day in every circumstance,
therefore they owed a debt of gratitude to Sir Robert Peel.
At such a moment of congratulation it is a pity to hear one
word out of keeping with the spirit of the times. Such hap-
piness is too great indeed, he was afraid, to last long He
had read an anecdote of a gentleman who went to dine with
a miser, where he had never dined before. After dinner he
rhymed it thus :
here we have dined, where we shall dine no more—
Chimneys smoked that never smoked before."
—(Laughter.) In public calamities it is better to try to
prevent than to cure. Sir Robert Peel is trying this. Sir
Robert had the best interests of the country, he believed, at
heart, and would secure them, if the power with which he has
to contend be not too great for him ; for in all times, ancient
and modern, the power of the British aristocracy of Eng-
land was unequalled •, and their interests were wound up
in monopoly. But this proud aristocracy, yielding only to
necessities, must yield before the terrible necessity of public
calamity.—(Applause.) Truth and matter of fact reach the
peasant and the prince, the castle and the cottage. He said
he would just give them a few facts. Typhus fever and pes-
tilence are never out of Ireland. For one hundred Years
typhus fever had always accompanied scarcity, and this
scarcity of food in Ireland is never absent. Oar
reports on health of towns prove this. Round this
neighbourhood there were hovels and huts. 11l drainage
and sewerage, and if there be a scarcity of food the
people will die, as if the angel of dowth had broathod upon
them. To make England the emporium of the world, and
make it available to all, should we not merge their differences
for this noble object ? Sir Robert, the most powerful Mi-
nister ever existing, before whom Pitt sinks into insigni-
ficance, who puts away his sliding-scale when he finds it will
not work, and every consideration natural to a Premier, and
carries the object for which the meeting had come together,
the meeting would be worse than foolish to censure Sir Robert
or to express other than gratitude. (He sat down amid
great cheering.)
Mr. ANDERTON begged the mover and seconder of the
original resolution would agree to allow it to be withdrawn
in favour of the amendment.
This was complied with by both.
The amendment was carried unanimously.
Mr. PRENDERGAST said he had been taken by
surprise. He would always express himself in favour
of the repeal of these laws ; but to come on now
with an harangue against the corn-laws seems like
a person coming in at the end of a fight who
had stood coldly by. They might now light their fires and
glory all day. He would not debate about the share of
honour due to each party in bringing about this issue.
He was certain Richard Cobden was a man too high
for having -the„ freedom of towns presented to him.—
(" No, no !") But he must say the Corporation of Lon-
don, long before Cobden or the League were heard of,
was in the front of the fight.—(Disapprobation.) Lord
John Russell deserved greatly the honour which
any and all might be inclined to render him. lie had
not published his letter to oust Sir Robert from his office,
but to retain him longer in it. And who does Lord John
represent? The City of London itself, which his friend
had thought fit to censure so severely. Time had elapsed
during the debates on the corn-laws, but there is a season
for everything. Considering there was a large aristo-
cracy in the country, and a Church connected with
that aristocracy—considering there are so many op-
posing interests. Sir Robert Peel has done just that which
a great statesman would do—lie has delayed till the proper
time arrived the bringing in this great measur?. The aris-
tocracy must now see that either this measure must be car-
ried, or Sir Robert must resign his office, and throw the
country into confusion : hence the propriety of Sir Robert's
delay to the proper time. His friend had censured the corpo-
ration. He would not go over these points to-day,
as it was not St. Thomas's-day; therefore he would
leave corporate matters. But why dared his friend to
bury that great talent of his in a napkin ?—(Laughter.)
He has not done his duty-. After this, he knows what he
has to do.—(Laughter.) lie moved, " That in the opinion of
this meeting, the time had arrived when the corn-laws and
all differential duties should be abolished, and an outlet
opened for the produce of the country into foreign markets,
thereby securing the prosperity of the people."
Mr. WATSON seconded the resolution.
The resolution was put to the meeting and carried
with Out
opposition,

Mr. ANDERTON said he would take no honour to himself in
appearing there that day, but he would say he had been one
of fifty gentlemen who contributed first to the abolition of
the corn-laws, when Mr. Hume and Mr. Warburton entered
themselves on the long list of opponents, long ere Mr.
Cobden was heard of. Not corn only, but tea is necessary to
the poor. In 1804 tea was purchased at 10d. per lb. ; the
duty was 2s. 3d. Now tea is down to 7d. per lb. in China,
but the duty remains the same. He would draw their
attention to soap. In Ireland, Dr. Lynch's country,
the poor man had his soap without duty, but if he came over
the water, it must be under an additional duty. He hoped
Sir James Duke would draw Sir Robert's attention to those
particulars. He moved that Sir James Duke be requested to
present the foregoing resolutions to Sir Robert Peel, and im-
press on his mind the great necessity of repealing these laws
at the present moment.
Mr. BUCKMASTER seconded the resolution.
The resolution was put and carried unanimously.
Sir JAmEs DUKE said he would with great pleasure wait
on the Prime Minister, and give effect to the resolution.
He said he owed it to himself and to them to correct any
' error. ffe had the requisition sent to him late on Saturday
evening, and early on Monday morning he waited on the
gentlemen sending the requisition, to know what day would
be most convenient. A gentleman had said that the Corpo-
ration had not been the friends of the poor; for himself he
must say it did not apply to him.—(No, no.) ,
Mr. OBBAiD moved that the thanks of the meeting were
due to Sir James Duke for his kindness on the present oc-
casion, and on all occasions.
It was unamiously carried, and Sir James shortly and
warmly acknowledged the honour they had done him.
It was afterwards resolved by the meeting that the reso-
lutions should be advertised in the papers.
The meeting was then adjourned.