The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-02 00:00:00

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With respect to admitting sugar tainted with slavery.
Now he was going to let out a secret. There was a
secret correspondence going on between the Govern-
ment here and the Government of Brazil, and it was
to this effect.—(Hear, hear.) These statesmen some-
times wrote private letters of instruction to their
agents, which were not published till a hundred years
afterwards.—(Laughter.) Now he would give them
one which would be published in about one hundred
Years to come, passing between our Government and
the Government of Brazil. The present Ministry turned
out the late Administration on the question ofsugar, and
Lord Sandon grounded his argument on the allegation
that it was very impious to use slave-grown sugar.
Therefore inform the Brazilian Government that we
Stand pledged in the article of sugar, and when we
bring on the budget we shall be obliged to tell the
People of England who are "gullible," that it would
be very improper to encourage slavery by taking Bra-
zilian sugar; but to convince the Brazilian Govern-
ment that we don't mean to do them any harm, we
will take their coffee at 2d. per pound less than we
did formerly; and whereas four out ;of five of the
slaves in Brazil are employed in the coffee planta.
ti°os ; and whereas three-fifths of all the exports from
Brazil are coffee and sugar, which are compara-
tively insignificant articles—(Laughter)—this will
convince them that we do not mean to inflict any
injury on the Brazilian planters, by refusing to take
their sugar. We are simply bound to do it by the
Peculiarity of our position, after having tripped up
the heels of the Whigs.—(Great laughter.) That
was the dispatch which would be published a hundred
!aI•S hence, as having been sent to their Envoy and
zainister Plenipotentiary at Brazil. Now, no
doubt they were honest, well meaning philanthropists
who were opposed to the admission of Brazilian
lager, but philanthropy should always be guided
by reason ; and there was a class of men growing into
considerable notoriety in this country, who wanted to
Subject them not to the dictates of enlightened bene-
v, but to the control of pure fanaticism.—(Hear.)
CO was regarded as a conductor of morality,
to ()tree as
a non-conductor. He remembered talking
one of these very benevolent gentlemen upon this
slbject, who had on a white muslin cravat. He (Mr.
Cobden) immediately said to him, " Before you say
another word, strip that slave-grown cotton from
Your neck."---(Great laughter.) He replied that it
end Practicable, but this he (Mr. Cobden) de-
pied, for he knew a gentleman who had taken to
Worsted stockings in the summer, and would not allow
!,".,3 garments to be put together with _cotton thread.
hat right had they to go over to Brazil and to fill
their ships with cotton, and then turn up the whites
of their eyes, and shed crocodile tears over the slaves ?
Ile thing was, in the first place, inconsistent, and in the
second, hypocritical. Did they say that he was an
itth'ocate for the continuance of slavery because he
was an advocate of free trade ? No. He maintained
that one just and sound principle could never be at
war with another just and sound principle.—(Cheers.)
!re they could show him that free trade was promotive
-e slavery —,
he should hesitate between freedom of
trade and freedom of person. Nay, if they could
Show him that free trade would propitiate slavery he
would be prepared to abandon it. But he had al-
ways held a contrary opinion. He had always thought,
with all the greatest writers on the subject, that slave
a' hour was more costly than free labour : and that if
both were brought into fair competition, the latter
hllld supersede the former.—(Cheers.) He found
vuaself borne out in this by the Anti-Slavery Con-
intim), which sat in 1840. (The Honourable
ember then read a resolution of the
convention in confirmation of his statement.) This
,'"nlvention had, he continued, declared that slave
lbahour was more costly than free labour. It would
ti! a monstrous anomaly in the moral government of
eu.,,e World if it were not.—(Cheers.) But if the
itunvention believed this, why did they wish to prevent
wili!oln being proved ?—(Hear, hear.) He was
V., mg to believe that they were honest, and they
.wr. proved themselves disinterested by: the labours
atoll they had gone through ; but he warned them
I‘,s,inst being made the tools of designing men who
474 an interest in upholding this monopoly of sugar,
• out who were using the anti-slavery party to carry
be their selfish and iniquitous purpose.—(Hear,
tar.) Before he sat down there was one point
At which he particularly wished to advert.
el?. Ricardo had spoken of the probability of an
do to
He would tell them what the people must
,to carry out the principles of free trade. Sir
,onert Peel had, on a former occasion, advised his
at .Y to register, and, by following his advice, they
the
succeeded in placing him in power. Now,
re were a number of persons in this country who
a"tve at that moment voluntarily disfranchised. There
tewere forty or fifty thousand persons in the metropolis
r" who were entitled to vote who had not regis-
led) and there were many thousands besides in
anchester, Leeds, and other towns.—(Hear, hear.)
t 7," ventured to say that, in the City of London,
there was
hardly a single house rated at less than 101.
o,ear. How many of the inhabitants were there who
itu,pot registered? Let all such persons remember that
w the next election the League meant to bring for-
:2l four free traders.—(Great cheering.) In about
ti;" Weeks the time would have elapsed for claiming
vote. In order to have a vote for the next year a
11°11 must have occupied a 101. house for a twelve-
p°oth. Previous to the 31st of July, he must have
41 an the, rates and taxes due up to the 6th of April,
d then he would be entitled to have his name re-
( ea
'Pre& h
on the list of voters for the next year.—
r
that b' ear-)
It ought also to be generally known
ever Y a late decision of the Court of Common Pleas,
Nvereyeman who rented a room in a house, if that room
of
that seParate tenement, that is, if he had the key
of rcwznn
t and could go into it and out
vote f tin,
he pleased, he was entitled to
rate tha
°I• that room. If his landlord paid the
Were t was a sufficient payment, provided his name
of theut down along with the landlord's in the books
theoverseers. Now that decision alone had given
pity landlords about 1,500 or 2,000 votes in the
pai°f London, besides many thousands in other
thing of the country.—(Hear, hear.) It was a sad
that
Ply be so many persons should have no vote, sim-
ter.
Ile
they would not take the trouble to regis-
hear, Ile hoped that every individual who either
if him, or read his remarks on that subject, would,
"titled to do so,
VOt immediately register his name as
by er• Even the non-electors might do something
ur •
tia.tnegln all who were entitled to vote to enrol their
would. It was by such means as these that they
gran bet
prepared to meet their opponents in that
roust '' constitutional fight by which that question
tip' be decided ; and if they were true to their prin-
h es' th9Y would not suffer another election to pass
Withoutwe sending a majority to Parliament who
Thin favour of free trade.—(Great cheering.)
e cmeeting on the
414, HAIRMAN congratulated the
thei„ the enthusiasm, and patience which had marked
tale Proceedings, auguring well for free trade, and
the m'ated to strike terror into their enemies. Let
ra but break down the corn monopoly, and they
Ivhe fi lad the landowners, like the fox in the fable,
dowu had lost his tail, ready to join with them to break
1, , all others.—(Cheers.)
e Meeting then dispersed.