The Sun.
London, England, 1845-08-06 00:00:00

The AILANDLORDS AND TENANTS BILL.
'arqui of LONDODERRYenants presented several pe-
agalost the Landlords
N and T Bill.
r• he SUNDERLAND ELECTION.
Maactuts then proceeded to remark upon the
hl d election. Great excitement prevailed there,
a
t 1• 4;14 all appearance, would be prolonged till next session,
✓"l3Peared no prospect of the writ being at present
t gadlh's.was. state of things that ought not to exist.
t,
ese remarks, as he believed the difficulty arose from
te_r-arl (the late Lord Howiek ) not taking those
llltti At th7,4ures that were required to qualify himself for a
House
11,4 t se'ISSAGE FROM THE Coro,sMblMouOgNhtS.up
h Ex-
t e
Wequerejl,R, from the House. of
(Ireland)
the
:ark , 1114 Bill, the Fisheries Bill, Merchant
thBllill, a Bill for enabling the Eastern Counties Rail-
t-e te°„h, auy to construct a railway Irons Ely to Huntingdon,
l'atie•Asyloyaii (Ireland) Bill and ethers.
04 ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.
Tb tfie mntinn of Lord WHARNCLIFFE,
eir Lordships adjourned until Thursday.

rt, ROUSE OF COMMONS, Aug. 5.
•ne SPIUMER took the Chair at Four o'clock.
Returns from the Commissioners of Sewers were presented.
o
, kr. WILSON PATTEN brought up the report on Should-
arn's Divorce Bill, which was read a third time and passed.
SUNDAY TRADING.
Mr. PI-UMPIRE presented petitions from various places,
comdingplaining of the inefficiency of the law relating to Sunday
tra, and praying
the law. the House to adopt measures to alter
rMr. WYSE presented a petition from Battersea and Chel-
s praying for another representative, in consequence of the
"t'ease of the population of those districts.
vtt FREE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.
syst(IIRIGHT presented a petition horn the members and
of tfl of the Free Church of Glasgow, complaining
let e proprietors of land in Scotland refusing to
~,.: their land for the building of free churches,
ituirrtoneularly the Duke of Buccleuch, and praying the House to
t them such relief as it should think proper.
Th COUNTY GATES BILL.
The Lords' amendments to this Bill were agreed to.
kr p NEWFOUNDLAND.
lstiv • AKINGTON presented a petition from the Legis-
-1)4 f Assembly- of Newfoundland, signed by their Speaker,
ging for direct steam communication between that colony
,r,England.
tian• 4"
Marquis of isiv'estminster's Estate Bill was read a third
e and passed.
Th
atsej LORD-ADVOCATE moved amendments of the
ltti„ 'ng orders, No. 23 A and 39 A, for the purpose of assimi-
tl the regulations for the Scottish railways with those for
, oglish railway. az ped to.
jtIA'r.IMIIIIIDtig `A' Nb-HUNTINGD, ON RAILWAY.
etolbr ndments to the
WARD moved that the Lords ame
fi d
rp,_ idge and Huntingdon Railway Bill be con rme .
o',, motion was agreed to.
tll, The motion of Mr. DA RI3Y, the Lords' amendments to
lostrghton, Lewis, and Hastings ( Hastings, Rye, and Ash-
- l'Illiti) Railway Bill were agreed to.
kr tty LUNATIC ASYLUMS.
tska: o' AKLEY moved that an inquiry be made into the
'ligethent of public and private lunatic asylums.
e Motion was agreed to.
AL. , LONDON AND YORK RAILWAY.
tlis - "NISON presented a petition from the Directors of
ttetii,oclon and York Railway Company, containing
which
tti,,," of the allegations exhab.ted in the petition wilttie
Catibitrt tented yesterday from the Chairman of.l
that tlid:7-e and Lincoln Company, and which stated
e
ttaa ftne subscription list of the Lotteon andh York
resented
Dra„audulently made up. The petition which.
fal4,' that a lull inquiry might be made into the truth
t or
th4i'd of those alleg-..;ions ; and, in case the allega iond
Rist ~.. be proved to be false, that the House woul
IN ue Directors of the I onion and 17 rk Company power to
he i.rte the • arties who had made those false statements. As
41414 l'u'e wo°lild adjourn front to-night until Friday next, he
hoe 4,111" w move that derino the interim the petitio.n be eh-
`tork4es -;irtd printed, and-then' on Friday he would be in a pos,-
o'4° -uAu,n,d a motion on the subject.
"",, rec'tor-'1 ON seconded the motion, and said that thrieo
j;lPt'a -' of the London and York Company had spared
-;t• 'hit°r, trouble, in order to make up a proper subscription
it
Zti°lllde Lett satisfied, if the matter were fully inquired into,
;". I pti,found the list was correctly filled.
l'llisen le; "ES said that the subject seemed to. assume some
e
'-escri7ti ,He had :rescnteda petition complaining that
tl
14,4441 e lf`p,l2 i_,,t. of thel‘London and York line was frau u eTnhj:
hewils:urda "u new a counter petition. w.as presented. L
' bound to make every inquiry into the matter, and
lt,ttoistan "t allow the investigation to lest until. all the cir-
:l4 s,„ees uere fully inquired into. He had received the osi-
'hat illr,anee of the party from whom the petition emanated, Pthat
I,e ftob, the allegations which it contained were true, and could
'Niue sjihstantiated. For his own sake, and the credit oft theor
ttlaeluLt:e inquiry ought to be instituted into the. truh
be
go i"," of the allegations,'and he trusted that it. would .
be : into
at an earbperiod in the neat session : until that time
1'i1t.%,1 Postpone his opinion on the matter.
tlitio. AtitußToN wanted to know how a petiltdiobnecorne:
eeivedbagainstategatios as had been described eon .
I. „ and acted on
10'3-00 aod York l'inegwas placed. He had been requested
latresent
t , a petition which contained similar allegations
tlitions'ktue Dublin and Galway project. In answer to the
.reerqsuai-s
tregarr,e ha.d stated that the whole system of standing omrd
_e
0_
Aracedeu railway Bills had been altered, and that the mode
n. f
tic% ur.e, ill his opinion, ought to he by presenting the pe 1.•
i,v. t and then mom, that' a Select Committee be appointed to
LeCtitgele the matter.'' Counsel should also be heard
Ai* L,the Committee in support of and against the petition.t
tar,ill4l'n. Member had presented a petition, preparatory,
too
thiu .g„f°, a Select Committee, with the view of inquiring in.
the,„,-I',ultal frauds, and he (Mr.' Warburton) thought that in
inse'reumstances it would le an injustice if' an examination
Ilia these allegations did not take place. At all events, if the
1,,,d were to be left over till next srssion it should be perfectly
tin,t'stond that the further proceedings should be suspended
teplourttlii:lS,Select Committee -which had been moved for should
~.i.. ti tio,use.
te'utee WAKLEY said that when the petition signed byLMr..
.beih, itWaS. presented yes-eriiay by the Ht n. Member. for Lam-
be be „v.., was distinctly understood tt•at a specific motion..was .
44 *ue this ,fter,,,,,tl for a Gminittee to inquire into the
tai(rtorts contained in that petition. But his Hon. Friend
fe,., it was too late in the session. Then lie (Mr. Wak-
Tye ,aid the mischief was alieady done.—(clear, hear.)
frauctl,e tition presented last night contained allegations of gross
Ratin The petiticti presented that evening denied those ails:-
410 a and stated that they were grossly and scan-
eta false. Be could see no remedy for the
tine, louoless the Committee were to sit some
'7estigat7ge,r.—(Laugilter.) lle proposed that they shpuld in-
eight in' .t" matters in these petitions, even if they sat from
t
4t least the morning till eight at night, in order that they rntgh
the understand
the session.
al cm
th CHANCELLOR of the pXCIIEQ. UE II thought
1 t
the f, rg.l to be caution; in (*ranting the inquiry sought for at
' rinslu?lt'e "Pose. All private Bills were referred to a select
is
ttlitiforeeetthoemexamine evidence and report upon their merits,
ample opportunity was given for examination
Ito int tWth things. That was the proper tribunal for inquiry
e" anegations.—( Hear, hear. ) The promoters of priva;e

FIRE AT QUEBEC.
Col. DAMER brought a message from the Queen, stating
hat her Majesty had given orders for the allowance of 20,0001.
for the sufferers by the fire at Quebec.
INDIAN CORN.
Mr. 11. ESCOTT said that as some misapprehension existed
as to the exact meaning of his notice of motion on yesterday,
he begged to say that it related to Maize, or what was com-
monly called Indian corn.
EDUCATION IN IRELAND.

Mr. WYSE gave notice that on an early day next session
he should call attention to the school system, and the state of
education in Ireland.

OTAHEITE.
Mr. lIINDLEY gave notice that he would, on Friday nex
ask a question of the Right Hon. Baronet, relative to the at
nexation of Otaheite by the French to the island of Rio—
( The remainder of the name was inaudible in the gallery. )
RAILWAY ACCIDENTS.
Lord PALMERSTON said he had a question to ask of the
Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, and he would state the reason
why he asked it. He had received a letter from a friend of his
who stated that he had travelled by one of the trains on the
Swindon line, and bad observed an engine behind. He re-
monstrated against this ; hut the answer he received was, that
it was the constant practice. Now, the question he wanted
to ask was, had the Board of Trade any power to prevent this
practice ; and, if they had not, whether the Government would
bring in a Bill this session to provide a remedy ? He conceived
it to he very easily done, and prepared and passed in one day.
Sir G. CLERK said that the Board of Trade had no power
whatever to remedy the practice complained of ; but they al-
ways remonstrated, and offered suggestions.—He was not
surprised at the statement which the Noble Lord had urged in
reference to this subject, as the matter had already excited con-
siderable attention. It had been customary to attach two en-
gines to the mail trains. This he believed was the regular
practice between Euston-square and Camden-town. With re-
gard to this practice, the Board of Trade had always repre-
sented to railway companies the extreme impropriety of this
course ; and it had to a great extent been abandoned. He
had, however, no doubt but that the Board of Trade would
give its best attention to the subject. Should the Noble Lord
think its power was not sufficient, some legislative steps should
be taken next session ; but if the Noble Lord thought fit, a
Bill might be introduced and carried through its various
stages in the present session.
ECCLESIASTICAL LIVINGS.
Viscount CLI,VE rose to ask the question of the Right
Hon. Baronet, the Secretary of the Home Department ,of
which he had given notice. It was, whether any communi-
cation had taken place between the Right Hon. Baronet and
the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, as to the formation by them
of a scale for augmenting small livings, in which area shall be
taken into consideration as well as population ; also, when such
scale is likely to come into operation, as proposed Churches
Sir J.
Graham, during the progress of the Cathedral Churches
( Wales) 8.11 ( Act 6 and 7 Vic. c. 77), through the House
of Commons, in the session of 1843?
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that as yet, on acccuot of the
deficiency of information received, no precise arrangement
had been come to on the subject • referred to. The commis-
sioners however were busy in getting up their scale, and as
soon as it was completed, he would be able to lay the matter
before the Weise.
ACCIDENT ON THRAEILW EAAYSTERN COUNTIES

Mr. WADDINGTON;ished to ask the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, if he had re-
ceived any information of the frightful accident on the Eastern
Counties Railway, by which one unfortunate man, the stoker,
was killed. He had seen the accident after it had occurred,
and a most frightful one it was.
Mr. WARD said, that as the Right Hon. Baronet was not
likely to have had any information upon the subject, he ( Nlr.
Ward) might perhaps be allowed to state the particulars of the
unhappy occurrence, and the Howe would see that no human
prudence or foresight could possibly have averted it.
had been a regu-
Since
the opening of the new line to Cambridge, it
lar matter to send a superintendent of the locomotive depart- ,
ment with the train, in order to see that the whole worked pro-
perly. He had seen the gentleman who accompanied the train
ye-terday, and be ( iNli-. Ward) had taken the report of the
sad event from his lips. He stated that the engine was run-
ning perfectly steady, and at the rate of 28 miles an hour;
there was no vibration, no oscillation, nothing, in fact, tc make
any one apprehend any danger, when on a sudden the engine
was struck by the rail where one of the wedges had got loo,e.
The engine was forced off the rails, and ran for upwards of a
hundred yards on the gravel, drawing the carriages atter it.
It was expected that they would have been enabled to avert any
danger by letting off the steam, but unfortun itely the engine
got upon the embankment and was stopped. The carriages
which followed were thrown upon it in a heap, and the stoker
was unfortunately thrown under the mass and killed. The
superintendent found himself under the pile of wreck, and
within nine inches of the man who was killed. The guard,
1 who was 'sitting on the second-class carriage, had

osse---eiesese-so----ms—see -
Bills often, by compromise, agreed not to oppose each other his leg broken, and was conveyed to the hospital
on the standing orders. or to expose the malpractices at Cambridge. Not one of the passengers had been
of which each other hsd been guilty. Such a course. as he injured. After the most stringent examination, he
understood, nail b ,en taken by the parties at issue in the pre- did not find that any blame could be attached to any One con-
sent tues' ion, and now that one party came forward to oppose ' netted with the nee, and he could assure the House that every
the other on the standing orders. he considered the House should precaution had been taken to prevent any accident of any kind,
he careful what course it took. They ought not Co be en• for before it was opened enormous quantities of dust waggons
cenraged in doing that at the public expense which they had ran up and down under the inspection of General Pasiey, and
an opporinnity doine, in Committee. The one party had they had therefore every reason to believe that the works were
made an accesation, the other had furnished a denial, (lithe safe. He did not think that any caution had been neg-
and that ought to be considered sufficient, without going further kited, and therefore no blame could be attached to any one
into tee subject. The one would stand against the other. Be- connected with the ralleay.
yond the printing of these he would not advise the House to go. Colonel SIBTHORP asked was it not necessary that her
Mr. BROTH ERTON agreed with the Chancellor of the I Majesty's Government should take some measures to prevent
Exchequer in the course he recommended. The House such accidents, anti to prohibit all persons who had the manage-
ought not to be called on to bear the expense of such an in- ment of the railwa in question from carrying on the work
quiry. until a full inquiry should have been made into the manage-
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said that he objected to the course ment of their tunics. He thought, also, it was incumbent on
recommended by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He thought her Majesty's Government to see that there was a proper and
there ought to be an immediate irquiry, so as to give the parties ample compensation made by those rich Companies to the un-
who had been charged an opportunity of defending and vindi- fortunate people who were mutilated in their service, and also
eating themselves from the defamation in tbe petition presented to the relatives of those who were slain. The law required
last night. The real object of the petition presented by his Hon. coal proprietors to cite such compensation.
Friend (Mr. Hawes) was to effect a stock-jobbing purpose ; Mr. GREGORY could bear testimony to the want of suf-
but that being defeated, they now wanted the matter put off ficient accommodation, to the delay, and incivility' of the
till next session. All the petitioners of to. night, as Eastern Counties Railway. Ile thought the Board of Trade
given in the petition of the Honourable Member should have more power. Some time ago he presented a me-
tor the East Riding of York. required was inquiry, that a morial to the Board of Trade, complaining of incivility, delay,
foundation might be obtained for seeking redress in a court of and want of accommodation. It was signed by twenty-two
justice for the allegations u-ged against the subscribers to Members of Parliament, and Lords Exeter and Strailbreke, and
the London and York line. He had no doubt the allegations had reference to the Eastern Counties Railway.
were entirely false, and the House was bound to give redress. Mr. WARD said that on the Newmarket week there cer-
They were allegations, he had no hesitation in saying, got up taiely had been a great succession of mishaps on the Eastern
for a particular and sinister purpose. Three days, commencing Counties Railway.
on to-morrow morning, would be quite sufficient for all the Sir. C. BURRELL said he thought that Government ought
purposes of the inquiry. to have the power and controul over those railways, so as to
Mr. B. DENISON said that there appeared to him to make laws to prevent these accidents.
be two ques'ions in this matter—the House itself and the Colonel WOOD said that a fixed salary should be paid to
parties themselves. —( Hear, hear.) Here there was an the Directors, and one of them should be compelled to reside
attempt to impose upon the House for the purpose of pre- on the railway.-(Laughter.) He had the greatest respect
venting the progress of a Bill. The question then was for the Member for Sheffield, yet he would say that it was im-
whether the House would take up the matter itself, possible for that Hon. Member to attend his duties in that
or leave it to the parties to defend themselves. There were House and discharge at the tame time those of a railway Di-
two petitions before the House, the one impugning the cha- rector. Again, he would say they should fix the salary and
racter of the other petitioners who asked the House either togrant limit the number of Directors, and compel one of them to re-
them inquiry or to allow them to vindicate themselves in a side at the station.
court of law. The petitioner (Mr. Bruce) stated that he Mr. P. 110Vs'ARD was of opinion that all parties suffering
had employed sixteen or seventeen persons to make inquiries, by accident on those railways ought to get compensation. Ile
and that from their discoveries he made out the list which he was aware that on the Carlisle line such was the practice.
(Mr. Denison) held in his hand. Now, of the persons named Mr. WARD said it was only this very morning that his
therein, twenty had informed him this day, and stated that they Board had agreed to pay all the expenses of, and every atten-
had beet' called on by " Inquirers," whostated—some that they tion to, those who had been sufferers by the late accident.
were sent by the House of Commons—others by the House of MEDICAL BILL.
Lords—and others by the London and York Company. 10 answer to a question put by Mr. WAKLEY, in reference
Now those twenty persons were represented in this list as non- to the Medical Bill,
existent—( Hear, and, a laugh)—although they had all seen Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Bill had, for some time,
inquirers, and assured them they were ready to meet their' been in the hands I
of the prinORKHOUSES.
ters.
engagements. Perhaps Mr. Bruce himself was imposed RISH W
neon. But his agents had misrepresented persons of The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in answer
nigh respectability, who were ready to come forward before a to a question from Mr. Hume, said the Irish workhouses had
Committee.—( Hear, hear.) For his part, he should persist in been built, not by order of the Government, but under the
the motion of which he gave notice on Friday night.—( Hear.) provisions of an Act of Parliament, entitled the Poor Relief
Mr. H AWES said that he was willing to move for the Act. However, after those workhouses had been built, it ap-
Select Committee to inquire into the allegations of Mr. peered by the representations of those in whose parishes they had
Bruce's petition, notwithstanding the late period of the been erected, that they were not worth the sums charged, And
session, and he would persevere in it, if they should have to that it was sought to compel them to pay more than the sum
lit-for forty-eight hours. —( Hear, and a laugh-) originally contracted for. A very experienced officer was then
Lord NEWARK said that he did not object to the appoint- sent down to make inquiries, and the result was that the Go-
meet of a Select Cienmittee, if it were possible to get through vernuieet had agreed to make a reduction in the original
the inquiry at this period of the session. amount demanded.
desultory convertio Mr. HUME said he would bring on a motion on the subject,
After some sa n,
Mr. HAWES moved that the petition of Mr. Bruce, pre- as fir o
it a violation of the rules of the House.
sented yesterday, should be referred to a Select Committee, Sir D. NORREYS asked a question as to the mode of
and that the inquiry be gone into at once.—( Hear, hear.) valuation under the poor-law to be adopted in Ireland in future.
Mr. WARBURTON had heard nothing to alter the °pi- Sir T. FREMANTLE said that a measure had been intro-
nions which he had already expressed. He would not object decent into Parliament upon the subject ; but he regretted to
to the Select Committee it the inquiry were to combine Rail- say it was re:eetted in the House of Lords.
way Companies generally. U this inquiry were to he prose- Mr. MJ. O'CONNELLIre hoped that sufficient time would
cut ed at the public expense petitions would he hereafter presented be given to the people of well whatever
to obstruct the course of public business—in short it wo Ad be means might be proposed to be introduced on this subject next
the uniform way of preventing Railway Bills pas Sing through
the House. At any rate, if the inquiry went on, the parties
who sought for it should be made to pay the expenses of it.
Desiring to give the utmost facilities to parties making ellega-
tionslie should yet very much question the policy of the present ,
proceedings.
Sir R. PEEL said --I very much doubt, Sir, whether one
of the remedies pointed out in the petition actually exists. In
the first place, I doubt the policy of the course pointed out. even
if the House could give the permission sought by the parties
who have presented a petition to the House. But, Sir, I am
not sure that a person making a false allegation in a petition is
a legal offence, for it has teen ruled by competent tribunals
that a party presenting a petition to the House of Commons is
privileged to make allegations against third parties by virtue
of the presentation of said petition. You cannot, therefore,
prosecute a man for doing that which he is privileged to do.
The question is not, however, as to the truth of the allegations
or counter-allegations. but we are now dealing with an offence
against Parliament.—(Hear, hear.) A party has alleged as a
reason why you should not read the Bill a third time, that that
Bill has been fraudulently got up—that several frauds exist in
the subset iption deed, and those allegations they say they.are
ready to establish. If, Sir, that party can substantiate these
allegations, he was perfectly warranted in presenting the peti-
tion, but if not, I think there is good reason for telieving that
be has committed an offence against the House, because he was
making a statement which might influence the decision of the
Legislature. We have read the Bill a third time, and we are
now dealing with the question as a Parliamentary offence, and
I cannot see that any great evil would result from inquiry.
What I would recommend is, that a Committee be appointed to
inquire into the allegations contained in this petition—this
Committee might, after a short inquiry, repo t to
the House what progress they had made—( Hear,
hear)—and whether or nut it would be advisable
to resume it next session.—( Hear, hear.) Let the House re-
collect that there is a positive statement that the allegations
contained in a position presented to the House are false and
fraudulent. Ido not see how you can pass over such matters
without notice. The circumstances of this case are very pecu-
liar, and I cannot perceive any objection to the appointment of
a Committee with the functions I have mentioned.
Mr. WAKLEY thought that a selection might very easily'
be made, and it was a bounden duty for the House to make an
inquiry into these allegations, and tie trusted, at least, that the
Hon. Member for York would be appointed. There might
be no sufficient opportunity for inquiring into these charges to-
day, but it was incumbent on the House to inquire into the
truth or falsehood of these charges, and there might be time
for it by Friday. These persons complained that they were
seriously injured in their characters and commercial muffins)
by these allegations, and therefore it was but an act of justice
to free them from any imputation, or establish the truth of the
charges to which they were liable.
Lord J. RUSSELL said that he could not asseht to the
course proposed by the Hon. Member who presented the peti-
tion. Neither could he assent to the course proposed by the
Hon. Member for Finsbury (Mr. Wakley), and he thought
that he should sufficiently guard himself if he assented to the
proposition so far as it went to institute the inquiry, and he
trusted, therefore, that a committee of inquiry would be ap-
pointed.
Sir R. INGLIS thought, as the course proposed by the
leatler on one side was supported by the leader on the other,
the best Course the House could pursue was to appoint the
Committee, and net leave the parties simply to that remedy
which was provided by the laws of the country.
On the motion being put,
Mr. HAWES said that he trusted, no gentleman would re-
fuse to serve on this Committee.
But considerable difficulty was experienced in appointing a
Committee. several Hon. Members stating objections to serv-
ing. At length Mr. Hawes, Mr. E. B. Denison, Mr. Baring,
Mr. Warburton, Mr. B. Escott, Mr. Hutt, and Lord Clive
were appointed.

session.
COMMUNICATION WITH NEWFOUNDLAND.
Mr. PAKINGTON wished to know if the Gotiernmeni
were in a position to afford steam communication between St.
John's, Newhiunaland, and this country?
Mr. HOPE said that the Government ware aware of the
importance of giving such a means of communication to that
colony ; but it appeared that great delay would be occasioned
by the present steam vessels calling there, even in summer,
in consequence of the quantities of floating ice, and in winter it
would be out of the question ; besides, the present contractors
were not bound to do so.
HYDERABAD.
In answer to a question from Mr. HUME,
The Cil ANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that no
decision had yet been come to in reference to the prize money
obtained at Hyderabad, in Sinde.
SILK WORKS BILL.
Mr. BRIGHT said that the Bill stow before the House on
this subject was one purporting to amend a similar Bill of last
session, which Bill proved useless, and the present one would
prove equally so.—(Laughter.) In fact, there was no man
who knew anything at all of manufactures but must see that
it would be an inoperative measure.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that, with respect to the
present Bill, he was ready to admit he had no satisfactory in-
formation, and he was not sanguine that measures interfering
with labour would be successful. On the other hand, he be-
lieved that they generally were found nugatory and ineffica-
cious ; nevertheless, as the labourers themselves felt a deep
interest in the legislation now contemplated, whether the in-
terference should prove beneficial or not, he could not think it
inexpedient to make an attempt to meet the wishes of the in-
dustrial classes.
Sir JOHN EASTHOPE regretted he was not perfectly
informed of the provisions and merits of this Bill, and as he
had as yet received no intimation from his constituents to op-
pose it, he was not prepared to express any specific opinion
upon it.
Mr. P. BORT EIWICK wished that some member of the
Government would take the responsibility of the Bill upon
him, as hitherto it appeared to be disowned by everybody.
Mr. GREENE said that the measure had been introduced
in consequence of the recommendations contained in the re-
port of the Board of Trade.
Mr. W ARBURTON said, that as he was not inclined to
put his conscience into the keeping of the President or Vice-
President of the Board of Trade, he should move that the
further consideration of the Bill should be postponed till this
day three months.
Colonel ROLLESTONE defended the Bill, which he con-
sidered as eminently calculated to obviute some of the hard-
ships, and even cruelties, imposed by many master manufac-
turers on their operatives.
Mr. HUME supported the amendment of his lion. Friend
(Mr. Warburton), and trusted that the Government would
throw in the weight of their opposition to the Bill:
Mr. DUNCAN regarded the Bill as most injurious to the
manutacturing classes, and fraught with danger to the com-
munity generally.
Mr. VILLIERS thought it most irregular, and even un-
precedented, to be discussing a measure affecting the interests
of trade, in any other mode except before a Committee of the
whole 1-louse. He therefore supported the amendment of his
Hon. Friend (Mr. Warburton) for delay.
Mr. FIELDEN opposed the Bill as mischievous and un-
called for.
Mr. EWART said he thought the best course the Govern-
ment could adopt was to withdraw the Bill.
Mr. BROTHERTON concurred in regarding the mea-
sure as calculated to entail both danger and discontent upon
the trade it professed to benefit.
Sir J. GRAHAM suggested that further debate on the
subject should be postponed until Friday, and in the mean-
time he would try and meet the wishes of all parties.
The debate was then adjourned, on the motion of the
Right Hon. Baronet ( Sir J. Graham ). to Friday next.
CASE OF LIEUTENANT HOLLIS.
Mr. ESCOTT moved for copies of all letters and other
documents which had passed to and from the Court of Di-
rectors of the East India Company and Lieutenant W.
Hollis, and to and from the said Court and the Board of
Control, relative to the dismissal of that officer from the Ea.t
India Company's service. The Honourable and
Learned Gentleman said that he would not attempt
to justi:, the language used by Lieutenant Hollis,
and which led to his dismissal, but that language was
drawn from him by irritating conduct on the part of his superior
officer. Utter ruin had been brought upon him by the sentence
which he had now been four years suffering under. He did not
think the Court which passed the sentence upon Mr. Hollis
was legally comtituted, and, at all events, he had been a long
time suffering, and he trusted the Court would think it right
to replace him in the position which he had formerly filled with
such credit to himself and advantage to the country. Lieute-
nant Hollis was a man of good family and kind disposition, and
surely a rash word should not for ever be allowed to operate to
his detriment.
Lord JOCELYN had no objection to the production of the
correspondence sought for, and the Honourable Gentleman
would be enabled to see by it what moderation had been exer-
cised by the Court of Directors towards Lieutenant Hollis.
That officer had been guilty of one of the gravest
offences known against military discipline—he broke
through his arrest, and used language which. one gentle-
man should not use towards another. The Court of Directors
had, notwithstanding the sentence of the court-martial, allowed
Lieutenant Hollis 501. a year, within a few pounds of half pay
allowance. He trusted the House would show no sympathy
with an officer whe had acted in a manner inconsistent with the
interests of the public service. There could be no doubt but
the tribunal that tried him was by the 4th Geo. 4, e. 81, qua-
lified to do so. He would not trespass further on the attention
of the House.
Mr. HOGG said he would take no notice of the taunts
that had been thrown out by the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man against the East India Company. He thought the Noble
Lord had answered the complaint of the Hon. Gentleman, and
he would not occupy the time of the House unnecessarily.
REVIEW CF THE SESSION.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose amidst some slight con-
fusion at the bar from Members entering the House. He said,
Sir,—l am very glad that the notice which I have upon the
paper will offer no interruption to the other business, and I
am perfectly satisfied that the other notices should have been
got through before I proceed to lay the few observations 1 have
to make before the House. Sir, I shall take this opportunity,
one of the last of the session, to consider how we have performed
the duties which we were called on to perform by her Majesty
at the commencement of the session ; and, in doing so, I shall
refer to these subjects with a view to measure the progress that
has been made—to point out the defects which are to be found
in the measures that have passed—and to ask the House to
consider the prospect before them, rather than with the view
insisted on, on other occasions, namely, of proving that the
Ministers of the Crown are incompetent for the functions with
which they have been entrusted. The latter is not my intention.
If it were not my purpose to deviate from the previous practice
to which I have referred—if it were my purpose to found
charges of incompetency en the fac
to that measures had been
delayed till a late period of the ssn, that they were only
sent from one House to another as late as the Ist of July, when
no time was left to consider them properly ; that many mea-
sures were brought forward in the begiening and given up at
the end; if I were inclined to found a charge against minis-
ters I should find ample materials for my purpose. ( Hear,
hear.) One Bill alone—the Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet
opposite on Physic and Surgery—would form :a subject for
lengthened comment.—( Hear, hear.) He was accustomed to
lay great blame upon me for bringing forward the Poor•law,
and afterwards making amendments is compliance with the
suggestions and objections of Members of the House. It
is not the custom of the present Government to
listen to objections frcm the Members of the House ; but
they had from time to time altered measures to obviate the ob-
jections of certain classes, and so with respect to this mea-
sure. The Right Honourable Gentleman had altered it to meet
the views of the members of the College of Surgeons; then the
general practitioners had objections to urge, and the Bill was a
second time altered ; the physicians and surgeons were also
considered and the Bill was altered again. and b :fore it was
brought into this House it was put into at least a dozen shapes.
I have done 'enough to show, without going further, that I
could found a charge of incompetence, and not on this Bill
alone. Bet, Sir, I consider that there are other questions that
are far more important than the executive mode in which the
Legislat,e is carried on with respect to meresietails. It is
a question of graver consideration how the great interests of
the country have been affected by the measures which have
been brought before the House, and in what position the coun-
try stands in relation to these measures. In referring to these
subjects, I shall take, in the first place, in some measure, the
order of the Queen's speech with regard to these measures.
The speech at the commencement of this session opened by an

speeches of Mr. O'Connell, you would have seen what the policy
of the country is. In the whole of those addresses there is but
oneleetings evident, and that was exhibited in the cry of justice
to Ireland. To this cry there has been no reply. The Irish
people conceive that they have a right to participate in the ad-
vanta.ses enjoyed by Englishmen ; and this, and this-alone it
is,, which has prompted the cry of repeal. During the whole
of the monster meetings, pf which so much complaint has been
made, what was the general feeling among the whole of those
who took the mcst active part in those proceedings? Not re-
peal—not assessment—not ecclesiastical jurisdiction—but a long
complaint of the inequality between the two countries. After
some further observations on the policy pursued towards Ire-
land, the Noble Lord adverted to the measures affecting the agri-
cultural interest, and alter alluding to the tenacity with which
the Ministers had formerly adhered to their opinions, continued—
But your course has been altered, not only with respect to the
letter of the Act of -Parliament, but with regard- to the lan-
guage held by a Minister of the Crown. Sir, the Ministers
of the Crown have held language which is inconsistent with
the maintenance of their own Act, and have given an assurance
to the agricultural interest that the maintenance of their law
would be like the sliding scale itself, descending from 20s. to
ls.—an assurance that it would "grow small by degrees and
beautifully less.''—( A laugh. ) So that, in the present year,
there is far less security for the maintenance of the corn-laws
than in any preceding one. We had a confession from the
Right Hon. Baronet the secretary of State for the Home De-
partment that the sliding Seale would, of itself, cause consider-
able evils, and that it was necessary to prop it up by a fixed
duty, with regard to some part of the corn that came into this
country, and that as corn from Canada was generally intro:
slimed in the mouths of May, June, and July, when corn from
foreign countries would not come in, waiting for a diminution
of duties, it would be necessary to have a Canada Corn Act,
in order to make the sliding scale bearable by the people of this
country.—( Hear, hear.) This was a distinct confession that
the sliding scale was, in itself, insufficient. You were, as I
said, obliged to prop it up with the Canada Cern Act, which
has become a bugbear to all the farmers of this country, and
which, as has been justly said, was not calculated
to do much good, and more than counterbalance any ad-
vantages it may possess by the harm which it does
to the sound principles of free trade. But the Right Hon.
Baronet at the head of the Government took away another
argurrient from the sliding scale ; because whereas the advo-
cates for protection relied on this—that the labouring classes
would be lasers by the admission of foreign corn, inasmuch as,
w;th a reduction in its price, the wages of labour would diminish
in proportion ; but the Right Hon. Baronet said this was not
the ease, and that the low price of corn and bread was an ad-
vantage
to the labouring classes. And that which the Right
Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government stated as his
belief, the Right Hun. Gentleman who sits near him ( Sir J.
Graham) proved by details, viz., that cheap corn not only
gave greater and better wages to the labouring classes hut that
with cheap corn there was less crime and less mortality.
Is not the case of the present Corn Laws greatly weakened by
this admis-ion ?—( Hear, hear.) But let us look at the founda •
tions upon which you propose they should rest.—Can anybody
have heard what has been passing for the last ten days without
feeling the misery of the uncertainty of the law respecting
corn ?—( Hear, hear.) Can anybody who entertains a doubt
as to whether the next fortnight will bring a good harvest or a
miserable deficiency, and not wish that the labouring classes of
this country should be provided with food from -every quarter
whence it can be procured ?—( Hear, hear.): I maintain that it
is the duty of this House to provide for any contingency. But
what is it you do ? I freely admit that whether there
be a small fixed duty or a complete free trade in
corn, it must always be a matter of deep anxiety whether
or not the harvest w ill turn out favourable or unfavourable—
that if there were not at the present moment complete free
trade in corn, so loner as there exists a doubt as to whether
there will be an abundant or a short harvest, it is impossible
there should not be very considerable speculation—it is impos-
sible there should-not be a rise in the price of grain, foreign
and domestic, to a considerable extent, and there will be
danger to the, currency and to the subsistence of the people.
—( Hear.) I admit these things, but these are consequences
for which the Legislature is not responsible. If there was a
fixed duty or a free trade in corn we might be sure of such
supplies as could be obtained from other countries—the fixed
duty would in such ease only diminish the price at which the
merchant abroad would sell the corn. But at all events, ac-
cording to such a scheme, the plan would be uniform—there
would be no longer any doubt or contingency as to the price at
which foreign corn would be admitted. But, as the matter
stands at present, by the uncertainty of the seasons and the
difficulty of foreign supply, you, by your legislative wisdom,
add another new and artificial incumbrance to this complicated
question, for by the variation in price during at least ten
weeks from is. to 20s. per quarter, you double the amount of
speculation—you double the hazard to which the people of this
country are exposed—you double the difficulty of supplting
them with that article which ranks first among the necessaries
of life. Is it wise to continue such a law—is it wise in those
who advocate the principles of free-trade—is it wise in a Prime
Minister who boasts that he has done more than any former
Minister for a long period of years to promote free-trade eoc-
trinee—is it wise in him to rest on a law which he must own
to be defective not only in respect to all the principles of po-
litical economy, but with respect to the principles on which
commercial transactions should be governed? We have a Gen-
tleman averring that he did not think the law would be
permanent—a Gentleman who constantly supports the
present Government, and especially the sliding scale,
but yet avowing publicly that he did not think
the law would last, and that he thought two years would pos-
sibly see the end of it. When people hear this language used
by the supporters of the Government, not by one of those
agriculturists who might, in a moment of irritation, say that
the ltlinisters would not support the corn-laws, but by one of
their steady supporters—when, I say, such language has been
used by such a person, what can the farmers think but that
the law will be abandoned? Well, then, if it is to be aban-
doned, let us not continue in our present state of miserable
uncertainty.—( Hear' hear.) Let us begin next session early,
and let us begin with the consideration of the corn-laws. The
farmers must feel that if there be a necessity for a large pro-
tection against the introduction of foreign corn, it is necessary
that that protection should be kept up—especially necessary in
dealing with their landlords—and that they should not find, at
the end of two years, that this law should be swept away, and
the whole system connected with it. However such uncer-
talnty may suit the interests of parties, it cannot suit the
farmers.—( Hear, hear.) It is quite impossible that any
one can wish the continuance of a system which entails such
evils upon the country, and that they would prefer the adoption
of the measure proposed by his lion. Friend the Member for
Wolverhampton rather than be kept in such uncertainty—a
feeling that the Corn-laws would be kept up until their aboli-
tion was forced upon the Government. I say, therefore, with
respect to this subject, that while you have done much to make
an approach to free trade, there is still upon these main articles,
timber, sugar, and above all. corn, a keeping up of restriction,
contrary to every sound principle, and which it is impossible,
according to your own theory, that you car. adhere to. At
this very moment, with respect to corn, the supply in this
country is unusually small, and i would, therefore, move for
an amount of the quantity of corn now in bond. I say again
that the quantity in bond is unusually small, :and let it not be
forgotten that it is in consequence of our own laws ; and when
the Government refer, as they sometimes have done, with
great satisfaction, to the decline of speculation in the foreign
corn trade, let them remember that want of speculation may
prove a national misfortune, and that corn-laws may in this
way prove injurious, not only to the speculators but to the
country at large. It is some advantage to have a supply got
together in our warehouses, on which the country can rely in
ease of any sudden and unforseen failure of the harvest.-
-( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then went on to re-
mark upon the various measures which had been proposed
by former Whig Governments, and which the Members of the
present Government opposed, upon principles which, they have
advooated and supported; in particular be alluded to the Bill
introduced by the late Government on the subject of education.
The state of the population in the rural districts, and in many
of the towns, too, was deplorable, in a moral and intellectual
point of view. The Noble Lord adverted to reports which had
been published respecting the demoralized condition of the popu-
lation, which showed that many beings could not read or write
—had never been at church or chapel, and had never even
heard the name of God or of Jesus Christ mentioned in their
lives. The first time they heard of any religion was, when
the chaplain of the gaol instructed them. A great clamour
had been raised aAiiost :the (formation of normal schools, and
against the mode in which the Committee of the Privy Council
appointed to superintend the progress of education had been ap-
pointed, but the very same principles which the Home Secretary
and the Prime :Minister then opposed, they now supported,
and the constitution of the present Privy Council Board on
this subject was not different in any important particulars from
that which he (Lord J. Russell) proposed. He thought that
sums should be advanced from the public funds so as to make
charitable endowments really available, and he was really very
glad to see that the Government had this year proposed votes
to carry out this laudable object. Provision should be like-
wise made for the maintenance of schoolmasters, for, at pre-
sent, it was almost impossible to get any competent person to
remain more than ten years in the profession. Marks of
honour and gain should be held out to them, for the trust con-
fided to their care was a most important one—nothing less
than forming the minds of the rising generation. The Right
Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government spoke in the
broadest and most lucid manner of the distinctions between
creeds when speaking of the Irish Academical Education ques-
tion, but the Right Hon Baronet the Secretary of State for
the Home Department drew the most acute and subtle distinc-
tion between the tests in the Presbyterian universities.
Why, it is very difficult for the Houee-e-even willing as the
House is—( Hear, hear)—to give its constant concurrence with
measures so inconstant and so variable—( Hear,andlaughter)—
and by diminished majorities it has .shown some reluctance to
be so forced on.--( Hear, hear.) The House, Sir, has shown
a degree of dislike to being forced to vote one day for one set of
principles, and the next for a set directly opposite.(—Hear,
and laughter.) Is it then too much to ask her Majesty's
Ministers, before the next session, whether it begin in Decem-
ber or in January, to consider in their Cabinet meetings what
their principles are to be ?—(Cheers)—for instance, in re-
spect to the Established Church, to the endowment of the
Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, and to the administration
of Academic Tests.—( Hear.) If they do not, however
permanent and fixed may be their majority in this House,
they cannot expect that the people will go on, in quiet
acquiesence with the acts of their. represeetatives.—(Cheers.)
I find that the people of this country, however various may be
the occupations in which they are engaged—whether in large
manufactories, or in labour more domestic—in foreign com-
merce, or in the busy trades of towns, hold each individually a
peculiar set of political opinions, and whether these be different
or not from those of the Ministers, if he sees that those of the
Government are fixed and founded upon principle, he bows to
them. But if he finds them always changing, he cannot
have any o her feeling than contempt.—(Hear, hear.) There-
fore it is, at the end of the session I put in my prayer, that we
may have from the Government an- avowal of one set of opi-
nions to which we may acquiesce, or from which we may at
once dissent.—( Hear, hear.) Whatever those opinions and
principles might be, it would still be for the Opposition
to say how far they would carry on or relax their opposi-
sition.—( Hear, hear.) But if at present any man were asked
Are you a supporter of the Government ? ' and he should
say " Yes ;" let him be then asked, " But what do you think
of the new colleges in Ireland ?" Most probably ho would
answer, " That he liked the principle very well—the Romish
Bishops were a set of bigots, and he saw no necessity for tests."
What, then, will be ha answer in the next month, when he
finds these very principles abandoned, and the obnoxious test
adopted?—(Cheers.) I think, then, that we might know
what the opinions of Ministers were, at longer intervals than
from month to month. We ought to know them at least from
session to session.—(Cheers.) Before I sit down I wish to
refer to circumstances which I believe to be interesting in this
country. We are told that her Majesty is about to leave this
country for some weeks to visit Germany. Now, in former
reigns, there was a custom, for oer Sovereigns, having German
possessions, to leave this country for short periods. But in all
hose eases a Council of Regency was appointed. In the time
of George I. Lords Justices were appointed. But now we
hear that her Majesty is about to go to Germany for some
weeks without any such provision for carrying on the functions
of the Crown. Sir, I think this is without precedent—( Hear,
hear)—and hope her Majesty's Ministers do not intend to de-
part from the constitutional example I fear, hear.) I cannot
sit down without making one reference to the state of Ireland.
—( Hear, hear.) There is no doubt that her Majesty, having
visited Scotland, would wish to visit Ireland also. The people
of all parts of her dominions are loyal and attached.—
( Hear hear.) But when an address of invitation was presented
to her Majesty by the mayor of Dublin,
the answer put
her Majesty's mouth was studiously ambiguous, implyi into
ng a
doubt as to the disposition of the people.—(Hear, bear.)

ject of our foreign affairs. v And now to come to shat has been
done in the course of the session with reipect to our domestic
peliey. My opinion on this subject is, that we ought not
to he altogether disappointed at tEe result of the session, not
that there has been much done which gives great prospect for
the future, but while we, on the one hand, congratulate
ourselves on the progress that has been made, and especially
in the statement of opinions; still, on the other hand, much
m u crhe thatn
s u relatesndon
et o
whichprinciple
is clearly
sealreifyt
muchhuanseebrettaminle;ftanndegtlhecattett,
wanted to serve the interests of the country, there cannot be
a doubt. Now, Sir, I shall take in the first instance that which
has so often been brought before our attention in this House,
during this session, and which will, I have no doubt, occupy
us during the next and future sessions-4 mean the unhappy
state of Ireland. Sir, in adverting to this subject, I cannot
but in the first place rejoice that those opinions which were
heard from Gentlemen who sat opposite some years ago, have
been in a great degree abandoned—( Hear, hear)—and that
even language that we heard from one of the Ministers of the
Crown has been, since he came into office, revoked. I rejoice
that the Government is so far repouncing former erroneous
opinions that they are ready- to commence a new course, anti
have reason to congratulate the House on what has been
already done for Irelaiid.—( Hear, hear.) Rut, Sir, let it not
be forgotten that, many years ago, when the Government of
the lately deceased Earl Grey was divided on this subject,
not only did those who are opposed to us now oppose the appro.
-priation clause, which I still think would have been at that time
a fair and moderate compromise to the Church of Ireland,
they not only opposed that Church—l do not ray that that was
unnatural considering their views on this subject—but they
always denied to the Irish those rights which had been ex-
tended to the English and to the Scotch: With regard to their
electoral and municipal rights, Sir, a gentleman holding a dis-
tinguished situation in office there, who had been raised to a
higher office on the Bench of Ireland, and who has but lately
died ; I mean Chief Baron Wolfe. lie expressed his opinion
that there was no legal reason why the same rights ought not
to be granted to Ireland, and his language expressed the indig-
nation he felt at the degradation of his country. He stated that
he thought these privileges were a matter of common right,
belonging to the United Kingdom ; that, therefore, popular
elections and corporate rights were due to the Irish people, and
that some strong reason of necessity must be argued before
a people can be refused those rights. He stated
further that if refused it could only be on the ground that
Irish families were unfit to be subjects of a free kingdom. The
whole of those Gentlemen opposed these just claims with one
exeeptisn— the Earl of St. Germans. There were ether ques-
tions with regard to Ireland, on one of which those who were
opposed to us were inclined to raise in this country both a
national and religious feeling, to assist them against the claims
of the people of Ireland. Sir, that course of policy they, since
their accession to office, have abandoned. It is now admitted by
them that the Irish ought to have equal rights. It is now
admitted that, both as regards electoral rights, the right of voting
for Members of this House, and municipal corporate rights
they ought to have the same rights as England and Scotland.
This is in principle a great deal, but let us examine a little how
far their measures have been consistent with their professions,
and what have been their great objects for effecting the re-
conciliation of Ireland,—for reconciling the people of Eng-
gland, and inducing the subjects of both countries to join in
amity at home, and in defence of their empire against foreign
enemies. On this subject they have hardly done what they
professed to do. With regard to municipal rights, and the
rights of electing representatives to serve in Parliament, no
Bill has been introduced, and it .is notorious that the
number of electors, in many of the Irish counties, ha dimi-
nished in a great degree. That was a grievance that required
the attention of Parliament.—( Hear; hear. ) But has the
attention of Parliament been called to it?—( Hear, hear.) With
respect to another subject on which they proposed to legislate,
anti on which they made elaborate inquiries, for the purpose of
calling attention to it—l allude to the subject of the relations
between landlords and tenants. Now, I stated my opinion
that issuing a Commission on the relations of landlords and
tenants might be a wise measures but that I could not be en-
abled to say it was a wise measure, until I could see the re-
sult.—( Hear.) It was evident that considerable evils attended
the issuing. of that CommisiOn. It was, in the first place,
calculated to excite great hopes—it was calculated to make
the poor tenants believe that some great benefit was to attend
the inquiry; something to relieve the scarcity of food, and fix
security of tenure, which they had ever felt to be the greatest
misfortune of their lives. In the next place it was very likely,
unless accompanied with great care, to excite in the country
itself considerable enmity on the part of the tenants against
their landlords, by making them believe that they had a Govern-
ment which would take their part against the landlords. In
this respect the objection was very great, for the saying of his
lamented friend Mr. Drummond was a correct one, 't that pro-
perty had its duties as well as its rights." But that evil might
be remedied if the Government had explained the general
nature of .the remedy which they wished to introduce. I sup-
pose that some remedy was in the contemplation of the Govern-
ment, but it appears after all that they brought forward, as the
result of that Commission, a Bill which I must say is one of the
most extraordinary measures which was ever brought before the
consideration of this House. The plan of interposing between
landlords and, tenants in the manner devised by the Bill is most
impracticable. But the Bill has never arrived at this House,
and I suppose, therefore, it has been given up and abandoned.
I suppose that the universal cry among the Irish generally has
induced Government to abandon it. Why, then, what further
measure had they introduced? They had produced a Bill
for the endowment of the College of Maynooth, and a Bill
for the academical education of the Roman Catholic priesthood,
which was pointed out in the speech from the throne. Sir, I
do not wish to go over the arguments on this subject. I think
the endowment of Maynooth a goo.l plan, but I think the ob-
servation that was made on it by a gentleman who has written
well on the subject of Ireland, is a perfectly just one. He says
that there are two objections to the endowment-of Maynooth ;*
one is, that the grant was a trivial measure—that the boon was
altogether too small ; and the other is, that it will tend to the
endowment of the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church. Sir,
one argument confutes the other : if the Government intend
that the measure should lead to an endowment of the Boman
Catholic Church, that, Sir, would be an intelligible line of
policy ; and wi'hout discussing the propriety of endowing the
Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland, it would he a perfectly
intelligible policy to introduce this meaeire,-as it would re-
ceive the consent of the hierarchy of that Church. But the
present measure had not had that consent, because it was not
intended to lead to that endowment. The members of the
Government had carefully declared that such was not
their intention ; and considering the great clamour
that has been raised in this country—considering
the deep feeling which has been aroused, I would ask, has an
adequate result been obtained ?.. If the Ministry do not
mean to proceed further—if they have no measure in contem-
plation for next session, then surelystheY were unwise in pro-
voking that clamour. But with regard to another measure—l
mean that of academical education—it appears to me that
though the Government does not love much to hear counsel
within doors, yet they do take counsel from necessity out of
doors, and that such a necessity prompted this measure. The
First Lord of the Treasury told us in a speech, which I for one
was sorry to hear, on the subject of the Maynooth Bill—he told
us that its object was as much to break off a confederacy that
existed in Ireland for the purposes of carrying repeal, and of
dividing the Roman Catholic clergy, by propounding a
measure which would satisfy at lea-t one portion of them.
ft appears then that this Association was a chief
instrument in procuring this Bill. It was nut for its merits
given—it was not because it improved the Roman Catholic
spproduced greatest priesthood of Ireland, but because it would break up the
Repeal Association. Well, that Bill and its course through
sed. excitation i t
ba tyi on
thosein onlonly England,
opposedan d
considerable
to the Roman Catholic faith, but by those also who held
that Goverment should only assist in secular matters, and
that religion should be supported altogether upon the volun-
tary principle. In order to soothe this clamouring party
the Government again in May introduced a measure, which
they supported by the very arguments that in the former
thisHou e
opsit
i o
n the
was
raised,
instance had been used in that House and out of doors
against any Government support to religious establshments.
But I must beg to impress upon this Honse that these measures
have been both late and imperfect. In the first place they are
late. And, in saying this, I allude to the measures of the
Government now in existence, and think that the observation
is applicable to the ministry, whether they were in opposition,
or whether as now they exercise the functions of Government,
and I would more particularly allude to the claims of the
Roman Catholic:. Many years ago, when the present First
Lord of the Treasury was Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Grattan
had, under the authority of the Roman Catholic hierarchy of
Ireland, pledged his word that if the claims of the Roman
Catholics were conceded, no prelate of that church should be
appointed whose views were opposed to those of the Government,
and that if any Roman Catholic prelate of that country, either
by his writings or proceedings, should be instrumental in excit-
ing any disaffection
to the Crown, that his benefice should be
estreated, and himself reprobated by the church. This was a
great concession. But the Ministers of the day did not take
advantage of it, and serious were the consequences which
had flowed from the neglect of the power which hail then
been accorded to it, of removing any prelate of the Irish
Church who should promote or be a party to promoting
political or religions agitation. But the opportunity had
been lost, and cannot now be recovered. ln 1825, another
attempt was made, and a Noble Lord, who is still a Mem-
ber of this House, proposed that some provision should be
made for the priests of the Roman Catholic Church, but
the Government of the day refused to accede to the reso
lution Which he proposed ; but in three years after that
question had been mooted the true principles of Church
Government were perceived, and though the Government
would not aid them, yet there sees an explicit declaration
even to those great churchmen—whe were the most steady
adherents of Catholic erinciples, that something should be
done for the provision of the Roman Catholic clergy. Anti
in 1825, the same declaration was made to the Roman
Catholic prelates. Tl e object then was to obviate the
hostility of the Roman Catholics, by making them to blame
for the very outrages which they denounced. Then came
the grand measure of Catholic Emancipation ; and who
were the grand opponents of that great measure ?—why, the
who during the whole their lives had
very men, course
been tie great opponents of civil and religious liberty, were
the very men, who under a different phase of circumstances,
and when credit was to be obtained by the granting of
that which was irresistible, at mice turned round on all their
supporters, and passed that measure against which such an
outcry hail been lately made. Their plea was the choice
of two alternatives—the prosecution of their designs, or the
risk of a civil war. They chose the former evil, and the
concession of the Catholic claims was the consequence.
Anwher measure to which he had to allude, was that of Muni-
cipal Reform. In 1e36, the King of this country, by the advice
of his Ministers, caused a Bill to be introduced for this pur-
pose, with the hope that Parliament would sanction so great
an improvement of the social condition of Ireland, and agree
to the reform of municipal corporations, so that they might be
conformed to those of England and Scotland. I did really
hope that this resolution would have been unanimously passed
through this House, and with the consent of the whole of the
Members. The question then is, whether you will grant
equal rights to Ireland ? If you would have but attended to the

You, remember, Sir, that a similar doubt as to the reception cent. increase in consequence of the reduction of duties
of the Sovereign was raised, when King William IV. intended but by the offieial returns it rather appeared, that thirty-
te visit the city of London—and you remember the result.— throe per cent. had been the actual increase. The diminution
(Cheers.) I trust that it was oat on the s ,me grounds the in the revenue might have been entirely saved by taking a bold
visit of the Queen to Ireland has been postpened.—(Cheers, ) tterse—by opening the market.; of the world to our produce.
I think that her Majesty might rely upon e most cordial recep- The course taken on the subject of sugar had been a short-
tion in Ireland, if her 'Ministers would govern that country ; sighted one.' The distinction between free-grown sugar and
with a regard to the interests of the people. With these ob- 1 slave-grown sugar had been perfectly futile, yet these were
servations I would conclude, having already trespassed lone ! the great obstacles to carrying out the police,' he recommended.
upon the House, but I have an example of a different kind. I By the fal e reel they had pursued. they had also lost the
have read a speech delivered in another place, of which the benefit of a reciprocal treaty with Span, that would
object was to show that measures had been delayed and have been of the greatest advantage to this country. There
postponed, when the unscrupulous opposition of the party was I was another point on which he would remark—it was in re-
the cause of the delay and the postponement. But now ference to India. The increase of trade with that country had
it is impossible to say that Ministers, with a large majority, not been at all commensurate with the opportunities they had
have not abandoned and postponed measures to which no fac- had. The high duties on imports, both from India and China,
times opposition was offered.—( Hear, hear,) I do not deny I had operated most injuriously against extending our com-
that many of those measures were such as could not have been merce in those regions of the globe.—( Hear. hear.)
He
further proceeded with. But I think that the executive part i could not, therefore, give his assent to the principles or. which
of the Government ought to have well considered the measures I the Government had conducted the commercial affairs of the
which were brought forward by them, and not leave themselves j country during the pest year.—( Hear.)
exposed to the necessity of withdrawing and postponing them j Mr. C. P. VILLIERS thought that what. the Hon.
from time to time.—( Hear, hear.) No complaint can be Gentleman ( Mr. Plumptre) had stated respecting tee county
made of the House in this session. There never was shown in of ^Kent was very intere,ting. Ile hod stated that the wheat
any session so much labour.so much attention to public in- crop was blighted. anti therefore it was clear they could not de •
terest, apart from all party and personal influence—as in the I vend on that county this year for a supply of fond.—( Hear. )
present session. I may instance the inquiries respecting rail- Bet ween that Hon. Gentleman expressed his surprise that
ways.—( Cheers.) I must say that no House ever exceeded the Noble Lew' (.1. Russell) sheet(' be alarmed at the subject
the present in its regard to the public interest, as you, Sir, of the harvest, he (Mr. Viiliers) thought he was
—(to the Speaker)—must well know.—(Cheers and laughter. ) inconsistent. It was a most important question the
The Noble Lord concluded by moving, according .0 his motion, most important that could engage the attention of
for returns relating to the amount of Bills passed, &c., during the Government anti the House. It had been shown that they
the session. depended on accident for a supply of food.—( Hear. hear.) The
Sir JAMES GRAHAM, who was throughout his speech real question was to put bread, the staple article cf food to the
painfully indistinct, wcs understood to say that he was not pre- people, on a proper footing. He wanted, then, to know the
pared to offer any opposition to the motion. But however the single Act of this session that would be of the least effect if they
House might think that it was not his duty to follow the Noble ha I a had harvest ?—( Hear, hear. ) Let there be a scanty
Lowl, yet, as the Noble Lord had thought it his duty to refer supply of the means of subsistence, anti where would be the
to domestic matters which were in his (Sir James Graham's) use or service of all the measures of the session? lie thought
department, he felt that the House would permit him to offer a the data of the Hon. Gentleman must be very exclusive, if he
few observations.--e( Hear.) The Noble Lord had asked what Could show how any of the business of the present session would -
course her Majesty s Ministers intended to follow, and had said operate in saving the country from the calamity of a bad harveso
that several measures of importance had been abandoned. He If the harvest was not a favourable -nne, what would became
trusted, however, that the abandonment of the Physic and f the great public works of which they had heard so much
Sureery Bill was no proof of incompetency—(A Laugh)—for during the present session ? Why were many of them discon-
he could appeal to the Honourable Members for Fins- tinued last session ? Simply because the means of the country
bury and Lambeth if there was any more difficult question to were not in so prosperous a state as at the preSent moment.
deal with.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) He had consulted Then there was not a great surplus of capital as now. is Len the
the most eminent persons in each department interested in that capital of the country had very much inmeesed. Bet if that
Bill, and he had no doubt that if the House would give him prosperity should cease. thou°ands would be t nined—persons
time he would succeed in producing a satisfactory measure.— who had engaged in these public woks would he exposed so
( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had next adverted to our great suffering. If that was to happen this year, there never
foreign policy, anti had congratulated the House anti the was a time when it would lie more total to the interests of the
country on the favourable appearance of our relations with country.—( Hear, hear.) He said, then, that the' experience
France as compared with that which they presented at the of time past showed that the House ought not to separate
close of lsst session. ale agreed with the Noble Lord in that without adopting some measure to aver the consequences
congratulation; anti with respect to America, bethought there which, in the event of a deficient harvest, might ensue.—
was no prospect that the relations of amity which were so im- ( Hear, hear,) They had now the experience of the failure of
portant to the interests of both countries would not he main- the corn-laws, which ought to indicate how mischievous it was
tained.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord, in passing from foreign to to centinue them. Both abundance and cheapness.had occurred,
domestic relations, adverted to tae administration of Irish anti had each produced their own evils, augmented as they were
affairs. In doing so the Noble Lord adverted to an ex- by restrictive imposts. They ought. then, to have better se-
pression of his (Sir James Graham's) which he had curity that they would have plenty before they could judge of
frequently explained, but he hoped the House would do the utility of the law. Having, then, this experience of the
him the justice to admit that the whole of his conduct in failure of the law, when the measures of the Government were
respect to Ireland was in consonance with his explanation. in direct opposition to the wants of the people. there never
With respect to the elective franchise, it was shown that in was a time when there was less excuse to continue this system
cities anti towns the elective franchise did exist. In counties, than at the present moment. They (the flee trade interest)
a great deal of doubt existed as to the legal interpretation of hol declared their faith in a wholesome competitionin every'way ;
what constituted a franchise in Ireland They had removed thee gave every encouragement to rival works. When a great line
those doubts, and they had introduced a system which had en- of railway had been projected, if the Government:encouraged
larged the basis of the franchise in that country. The Noble t some rival work—some rival line for the purpose of cheapen-
Lord next proceeded to refer to the Landlords and Tenants ing the transit of the people from one past of the country to
Commission. The Noble Lord, however, did not blame the another, and of giving relief to the community. He asked
Commission, but he censured the Government for not giving them, then, why they maintained protection and monopoly,
effect to the report of that Commiision. He ( Sir J. and upheld it in every way in their power? They told them that
Graham) would beg the House to remember that the evidence it was necessary to protect the public from undue competition•
given before that Committee was not presented until after the that the parties might not abuse the power with which they
commencement of the present session of Parliament' and that it were invested, but that it might be used in the most efficient
was most voluminous. It was admitted that in Ireland and Eng- way. Look at the state of the country since protection was
land different customs prevailed with regard to the outlay on pro- firer established, it had been constantly subjected to a deficient
perty held by tenants. In Ireland a great hardship existed, supply, to high prices, and to scarcity ; and the. Hon. Gentle-
where the tenant was liable to be ejected without possessing man said that there was a constant increase of necessity, so
arty claim for compensation. He azihered to the opinion of the that it was only reasonable to ask the Ministers, under these
Government that the same security should be given to the circumstances, to give the means of satisfying the wants of the
tenants in both countries for compensation for outlay made before increasing population. As Parliament was about to separate.
they were ejected from their holdings. The object of the Bill it was right that the Government should state how the wants
was to give to the tenant that which would do him ample of the people were to be supplied. That question ought to be
justice. The principle of the Bill he adhered to, and he answered. They told the Government that they could obtain
felt confident a better principle could not be exercised. The cheap food for the people, if the objectionable imposts
Noble Lord then adverted to the Mavnooth Bill, and the were removed. They had ships in all the markets of
Colleges Bill. He thought, after the discussion which had the world, they had enterprise, they had every means
been entered into on these questions, he would at least have of obtaining an ample supply.—(Haar, hear.) Call the mer-
not touched on that point. Be did not think that references chants and manufacturers to their bar, and ask them if this was
to political differences would be productive of any benefit. not so, and they would tell them that they would give security
It was, however, a measure which he did not hesitate for a cheap and efficient, instead of deficient. and dear. supply
conscientiously to support. The Noble Lord then alluded to of fowl to the people, if they would open their ports for i:s re-
the Appropriation Clause ;he charged the Government with ceptien. That was their case. The Government had been
bringing before the House the question as to how to arrive at pur=uiug a roost dangerous course of late. They were elected
religious equality in Ireland. Whether they should endow the to promote the docienes of protection,but their conduct latterly
Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland, or whether they should abolish had exposed the hollowness and the mere pretensions of protee-
the Protestant Establishment. He could not see at any time tion. They had done everything they could to slew the public
anything that would induce him to support the abolition of the that no reliance could be plaeed on it. They had become snore
Protestant Establishment in Ireland. It would give a terrible enlightened, anti it was now dangerous to tamper or trifle with
shock to the possessors of property in Ireland, and would them. In 1841 and 1842 they heard a great deal about the dis-
create something like violence in that country. He at the same tress in the country being caused by machinery, by the want of
time thought it necessary to state that he had no insuperable money, and by the overwork of the people. They were, in fact.
objection to the endowment of the Roman Catholic clergy in brought- to believe that the distress of that period was produced
that country, but he thought that, under the present circum- by other than the real cause. But now there was more machinery
stances, that a general endowment of that country would not than et that period, there was more production, and with re-
be advisable. The Noble Lord then alluded to the system of specs to money it. never was so plentiful, and et six and seven
national education. Though the Government had not been hostile tariffs had been adopted for the purpose of preventing
very successful in that system, it could not be denied that the the free interchange of commodities.
system had done an immensity of service. He was harpy to ' Mr. M. GIBSON was glad that his Hon. Friend had
say, that in the working classes of this country there was brought that part of the Noble Lord's speech which more im-
an astonishing progressive decrease of crime.—( Hear; hear.) medtately related to the corn laws under the attention of the
But to return to the question, of finance, the Noble Lord had House. The Noble Lord called attention to the subject of
alluded to the continuation of the income-tax, and contended civil and religious liberty in Ireland; but he ventured to doubt
that it was an increase of the taxes of the country when consi- whether there was so great an infraction of civil rights
dered in conjunction with the reduction of the duty upon the practised upon the people of that country as was inflicted
raw material of cotton. Now, in justice to the Government, it upon the people of England by those who supported the
ought to be remembere I that. from the necessities of the case, corn-law monopoly. They were injuring the beet
the time of the Government was occupied from so early a period t ights of their fellow-subjects—tire right of selling their labour
as the sth of Apia in discussing the policy of continuing the in the best market, and the right to get a full reward for their
income-tax ; and, therefore, at this late. pet iod of the session it industry. Therefore, even as a question of civil liberty, lie
was rather out of time to introduce that subject. Then, with did contend that the question of the corn-law was not second to
regard to the timber duties; when the present Government any question of civil or religious equality in Ireland. At pre-
came into office, they found the duties on timber to be such sent the corn trade was a mere matter of gambling, and, there-
that they felt warranted in removing the duties on colonial fore, when a bail harvest came, they were obliged to
timber, and that those on Baltic timber should be greatly re- send their agents all over the country, serenading up all the
duced.—( Hear, hear, hear.) With respect to sugar, corn they could lay their bands upon and invading stacks o
here again the Noble Lord did not agree with the corn which had been provideli fur the supply of other coon-
measures of the Government; but still it had been found tries.—(hear, hear.) On the other band. hail they tree trade,
that these measures had worked favorably for the they would have their merchants and capitalists keeping stocks
people, for it appeared that the result of the Government upon hand, and whenever a time of scarcity arrived there would
measures was that there had been an increase of the consump- be ample supplies to fall back upon.—( Hear, and cheers. )
tion of that article to the amount of 40,000 tons, or 20 per In his opinion there could be nothing more humiliating tban
cent.—( Hear, hear)—and that increased consumption had seeing the landed gentlemen of this country support the corn-
beers owing to the reduction in the price of sugar, which law erinciple because it served their own interest, anti urging
amounted to about I ed. per lb. Well, then, in respect to that it was indispensably necessary for the best interests of
corn, there were at this moment 450.000 quarters of corn in State.—(Cheers.) It was nothing better than a direct mo-
bond ; and in the year 1839, when the Noble Lord was in nopoly, and it was, in fact, mean, shabby, and unjust.
office, let him ask what was the position of the country. At lie was neither for a fixed duty nor a sliding scale, and he only
that time there were only 50,000 quarters of corn in bond, anti hoped that no time would be lost in setting the corn trade free.
only 2,400,000/. in bullion in the Bank of England, while at Mr. DARIIY said that the Hon. Gentleman who had last
this moment the amount of bullion in the Bank exceeded spoken would forgive him if he retorted the charge of dis-
-6,000,600/. Well, then, that was scarcely any proof of the No- seminating false intelligence, for never in his life did he see any
ble Lord's statement in reference to the sliding-scale. of the prophecies of the Anti-Corn-law League verified.
which he said hail been " growing small by degrees, and beau- Mr. SHEIL agreed with the Hon. Gentleman behind him
tifully less."—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Fortunately for the that the corn-laws was a question of the first importance, and
Government, at present the supply of home-grown corn in to Ireland it was particularly so • but at that late hour of the
bond had greatly increased, and the average price, during the night he should not enter at length into that topic. The
time the present Government was in office, varied from 495. Academic Bill for Ireland, he believed, had been proposed
11d. to 545.—(Hear, hear ) On those grounds, then, he did with tho best intentions, but the idea had not beer, properly
hope that the apprehensions expressed by the Noble Lord would carried out; and then, with regard to the regis•ry, that had been
not be realised ; and that, at this very late period of the ses- getting " Small by degrees, and beautifully less ;" and in proof
sion, no change in the existing law would be expected to be of this he had only to refer the House to Tipperary and other
made.—( Hear, hear.) Before he sat down, there was counties. Ile wished to see the 40s. freeholds perpetuated in
one other topic mentioned by the. Noble Lord to which fee, and the holders of these entitled to a vote.
he would wish to allude—namely, that of the expected Mr. SHERIDAN drew the attention of the House to the
visit of her Majesty to Ireland. An address had petition of Richard and James Keynes, grocers, residing at
been presented to her Majesty by the Lord Mayor of Dublin, Shaftesbury, presented on the 2d of August last, respecting the
praying that her Majesty would state when it was likely she seizure of tobacco by the Excise, by which they had been sub-
would pay a visit to her loyal subjects ; and it would appear, jected to trouble and expense. The tobacco, it had been stated,
from the reception the deputation bad met with, that. some was not genuine, but these grocere, his (Mr. Sheridan's) con-
doubt was implied as to the reception her Majesty would meet stituents, were not aware of any adulteration, and hail no
with at her landing on the Irish shores. But the Noble Lord means of detecting it. Two of the most celebrated chemists of
must have misconceived the purport of the answer given by the day had declared that it was impossible for them to aseer-
her Majesty to the Dublin Corporation ; for that answer im- certain whether there wasesaccharine matter in tobacco. Yet
plied a conviction that her Majesty woud be received with all the officers of Customs, after half an hour's inspection declared
the loyalty and enthusiasm she could wish, whenever she on their oaths, that it was,adulterated. The Hon. Member
should please to land on the shores of Ireland.—( Hear.) concluded by moving for a select committee to inquire into the
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said that, as an Irish Member, matter.
he wished to express his most sincere thanks to the Noble Lord Mr. CARDWELL thought the Honourable Gentleman bad
for the manner in which he had spoken of the affairs of Ire- been unfortunately induced, by zeal for his constituents, to.
land. He did also believe that from what he had already seen magnify the ease he had laid before the House, and was pre-
ef the disposition of the Government towards his country, that pared to prove that the conduct of the Custom-house officers,
a friendly disposition had been evinced in regard to it.—.( Hear, and the proceeding of the Excise were fully warranted by the
hear.) But he would wish to know what steps were intended circumstances of •he case. He, therefore, regretted the lion.
to be taken in reference to a most important measure—be Member had felt it to be his duty to bring the matter under
meant the landlord and tenant question.—( Hear, hear.) With the attention of the House, anti to follow it up with a motion.
regard to the Church question, the Noble Lord had quoted a Mr. HU el E was glad the subject had been brought forward.
very able writer on the subject. This man took one for he thought that the proceedings of both the Customs anti
view of the question, and another clerical writer ',f the Excise often inflicted injustice upon the public.
considerable eminence took another. He had no hest- After a few words from Mr. Sheridan, Mr. Cardwell, Mr.
tattoo, however, in saying that they must either Hume, Mr. Hawes, Dr. Bowring, and the Chancellor of the
endow the Catholic Church or the destruction of the Exchequer, the motion was withdrawn.
Protestant Church would be the inevitable result. Whatever ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.
course they should adopt must be come to soon, and if i Sir R. PEEL moved that the House do, at its rising, ad-
did not suit her Majesty s Government t• grapple with theset journ till Friday.— Agreed to.
difficulties the most fatal consequences would sooner or later LONDON AND YORK COMMITTEE.
ensue. With regard to the Landlord :and Tenant Com- On the motion of Mr. HAWES leave was given to the
mission he must say that the Bill introduced in the other Committee on the London and York Railway Bill to sit to-
House, based on that report, was a mockery. If they were morrow (this day), and every day until the prorogation of
not prepared to bring forward a measure in conformity with Parliament.
the report of the Commission, they should not have issued it at The remaining orders of the day were then disposed of and
all. They raised hopes only to blast them. He was sure the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock.
that not one of the five Commissioners had been consulted on
this Bill. In all its details it showed its paternity. The
schedules contained eleven separate columns, and there was a
marked similarity between it and other Bills which came from
the same hand, which at once showed its author. The simili-
tude between it and the Registration Bill of the same Noble
Lord was very marked. The same ostensible privileges were
held out on the one side, and the same restrictions and fetteres
en those privileges which characterised the Registration Bill,
were equally discernible on the other. He did not speak of the
Noble Lord in a party spirit, but it must be evident that he was
totally unfit to legislate on these matters. He was glad that
the Commission had recognised the right of the tenantto com-
pensation, but of what use would this recognition be, when the
Bill which was pretended to be introduced on their recommen-
dations, was fettered with such restrictions. He hoped the
Government would take this Bill as well as the County
Franchise into consideration during the recess, and would in-
troduce measures on these questions of the same liberal cha-
racter as the Maynooth Bill. If they did so, he trusted that
if not at the end of next session, this House would, before very
long, be able to congratulate itself on setting at rest these mat-
ters which, as they stood at present, were a subject of odium to
the Government and a disgrace to the country.
Mr. PLUNIPTRE thought that the Government had dis-
played an assiduity this session with regard to the measures they
brought forward which entitled them to the greatest credit. He
could not, however, help saying that, with regard to certain
measures,it wasvery badly exercised. When the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet at the commencement of the session announced his inten •
tinn of peoposing in additional grant to Maynooth, he expressed
his dissatisfaction at the measure, and throughout its progress
in in that House he had strongly and systematically opposed it.
And now when, he was sorry to say, it had b
Parliamencand wheel, at the close of thesesesciootausi:hfaeenithnaodilt:ds
au opportunity of observing its effect in Ireland,
dissatisfaction, no less opposition to it. ndfhte_ would ask the
House what had been the fruits u
.measure?
Had it proved satisfactory in Ireland ? Had it conciliated the
animosities of the Roman Catholtc populetion in that country?
And how had it been carried through this House? Why 1*52
usual supporters of the Government had, on its second reading,
been found in the minority, while only withlsovotedto the
the
Government. The measure he regarded as a disgrace
satute book ; and though he had not hitherto committed him-
self by giving any notice of a specific motion on the subject, he
- now gave notice that at the earliest opportunity next session he
would do what in him lay to remove from the statute book
what he and the entire country with him regarded as a most
obnoxious tied unnecessary measure.
Mr. MOFFATT said he roust beg the indulgence of the
House, to whose customs he was comparatively a stranger,
while he adverted to two topics which had hitherto escaped
notice during the progress of the debate. In the first place,
he wished to make a few observations in reference to the
alterations in the sugar duties. The Right Hon. Baronet
opposite (Sir J. Graham) had said that there was thirty per

RAILWAX COMMITTEES
(YESTERDAY.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.
EPPING R,AILWAY.
The Committee appointed to inquire into this fill met at
eleven o'clock, Lord Monteagle in the (lair.
There was no opposition whatever, except in a few formal
matters respecting amendments in the clauses, which were
speedily adjusted.
The Bill then passed through Committee, and their Lord-
ships re e.

HOUSE OF COMMONS•
GROUP X.

szErrxmx.D AND LINCOLNEIBIRE LINE.
IMPORTANT DECISION.
This Committee met for the last time this day, there being
present Viscount Courtenay (Chairman), Mr. Wall, Mr.
Darby, and Mr. Scrope.
Mr. Sergeant WRANCIIA.m made a few observations in addi
tion to those of yesterday, in favour of the Bawtry branch of
the London and York line, pointing out its superiority in re-
spect of economy, speed, and saving of distance.
At one o'clock the Learned Sergeant had concluded his
address, and the Committee cleared the room in order to de-
liberate.

At half-past two, strangers having been re-admitted,
The CHAIRMAN Slid—l am instructed to inform the various
parties interested in the schemes before cur consideration, that
we have come to the following resolution :
That the Committee are of opinion that so much of the
preamble of the London and York Bill as has reference to the
Sto.ffield Branch is not proved; and that the preamble of
the Sheffield and Lincolnshire Bill is proved, omit4ing the
words City of Lincoln.'"
The CHAIRMAN then inquired whether e pro-
moters of the Sheffield and Lincolnshire Bill were pre-
pared with causes to obviate the injury to property
complained of by Messrs. Foljambe and Hutchinson ?
Mr. Hope having expressed his readiness to accede to any
course which the Committee might see fit to recommend, and
Mr. Talbot declining to enter into any compromise on the
subject, the Committee proceeded with the consideration of
the clauses.

---
Report says that the following officers are about to
be superannuated :—Mr. Atkins, master-shipwright, and Mr.
Iloyse, assistant master-shinwright, both of Sheerness dockyard;
and Mr.- Aliward, assistant ma,ter:shipwright, of Dev,npott
dockyard.— Unasti So vice Gazette: