The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-20 00:00:00

TOE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 20 J 345.

for the exclusive benefit of that portion of the landed

aristocracy which are not overwhelmed by mortgages,
of great capitalists, especially large fundholders, and
the creditor interest in general, who have been thus
relieved, as we have repeatedly demonstrated, of at
least 30,000,0001. of indirect taxation, which that in-
dustrial community is made to bear in their places.
But these are truths which we regret to find our
Contemporary cannot yet be brought to enforce.)
The " Country Lawyer" proceeds—" This (legacy
duty) is a tax levied on one description of property,
in exelusion of large landed estates, the proprietors of
which are so much more able to bear it. This is one
of the circumstances, in the present state of our law,
which estranges the middle from the upper classes
and forces the conviction that, hitherto, class legislation
has prevailed, the landed aristocracy being the fa-
voured, the middle the victimed class." These are
truths, in the force of which we must, unhappily, ex-
press our full concurrence. By the same species of
class legislation our social condition has been up-
held, so far as regards the middle and the poorer
classes, with all the abominable evils of the Poor, the
Game, the Money, the Corn, the Excise, the Common
I losure, and even the Marriage (statute) Laws—
laws, all of them, palpably, notoriously protective to the
rich and the powerful ; as notoriously and palpably
oppressive and victimizing to the middle and the
poorer classes. It is not to be questioned that that is
equally correct which our Contemporary's corre-
spondent affirms, namely, " that there is a growing
impression on the minds of a large proportion of the
people, that the aristocracy have contrived to slip
their own shoulders from under the burden, and to
leave the middle and the lower classes to contribute
the funds necessary to the support of the State."
This selfishness—sordid, shallow, and short-sighted
as it is—is the real curse of our modern legislation.
It seems to provide almost the moiety of the laws
passed in every session. The money power, or the
land power, represented by the landowner or the
great capitalist—in Parliament, are the two Mam-
mons to whom our representative assemblies are so
much too ready to offer up whole hecatombs of
victims, with the incense of outraged feelings,
violated rights, and unpitied affliction. The case of
the legacy duties is succinctly put in the following

terminated, did it consult England on the conditions
of the treaty ? There is nothing to authorise such a
supposition ; it signified to Morocco all those conditions
which it suited France to impose. What is it prin-

cipally reproached with ? With not having occupied
Tangiers. But when it was decided on attacking.
Tangiers, a city half English and three-fourths Euro-
pean, it thought with reason that it would not be just
to submit Europeans to all the damage resulting
from the war, and it was in this view that it confined
itself to destroying the fortifications of Tangiers, and
respected the town. When, therefore, the Govern-
ment had determined not to make any conquest,
after having publicly declared to France and to
Europe that it did not aim at conquest, it com-
mitted the great crime of repeating it to England !
This, then, is the complaint of the adversaries of
the Cabinet ! Truly the reproach is without
foundation. A conversation has been alluded to
which took place between the English Prime Minister
and a Member of Parliament in the House of Com-
mons. This is not the first time that an English Minis-
ter, when speaking to the Opposition, has employed
expressions stronger than his thought, and had after-
wards to regret; neither will it be the first time that
in exaggerating the exaggeration itself, an interpreta-
tion has been given to words which they did not bear.
A good harmony between France and England is, is
must be admitted, the condition of the peace of the
world ; but this does not say that it is necessary to
sacrifice to that good harmony our interests or our
rights, but which might lead two Governments,
moved by reciprocal goodwill, to make mutual con-
cessions on questions more or less delicate. It is
necessary to take into account the difficulties which
both Governments have to smooth down, the common
efforts which they are making for this object, and
the consideration which they are obliged to show
towards one another. This is the proper part of a
reasonable and sensible policy."

This speech elicited loud approbation, and when
the Marquis DE BOISSY rose to reply to it, and said
he would prefer the alliance of Russia, the House
lost all patience and refused to hear him. The speech
of the Duke DB BROGLIE, of course, is praised by

the Jourual des Debats, but its merit cannot be denied
even by the Opposition journals, though some of them
speak of him rather in terms of contempt. The Na-
tional says :
" However we may differ in opinion with the
Duke de Broglie, we must admit that there is at
least order in his logic, together with a simple and
correct manner of connecting facts, a principle
clearly established, and consequences accurately de-
duced something, in fact, which commands at •
tention. He re-made M. Guizot's speech, but he im-
proved it, and reduced to their exact proportions the
doctrines of the existing Administration. With M.
Guizot, when he is well inspired, it is possible to be
mistaken. He raises a trifle to such a pointlof elevation,
he covers an indigent body with so splendid a clothing,
that we often ask whether we have not been deceived
with respect to the miserable facts to which he has given
so much splendour. With the Duke de Broglie all is
dry, cold, and confined as if it were within a piece of
machinery. The Duke de Broglie has not language for
ideas which are foreign to him. Confined to a limited
space, he scarcely breathes, and he proves to his hearers
that this confined space is sufficient for his short sight
and his limited aspirations."
The Constitutionnel says the Duke spoke only for
one reason.
_" When Count MOLE rises, the Duke DE.
BROGLIE finds it almost impossible to remain seated
when M. MOLE opens his lips, the Duke DE BROGLIE
is impatient to break silence. M. DE BROGLIE, in
fine, is jealous of M. Mor.n, and M. GUIZOT is much
more indebted to his adversary than to himself for
the support he received to-day, if it can be called
support." The observations of the other Opposition
journals require no notice. The Peers on Saturday
brought the discussion to a close, when the Address
was adopted by a very large majority-75.
In the Chamber of Deputies on Friday, M. SA.UZET,
the President, read the Address as agreed to in Com-
mittee. A. paragraph in favour of unhappy and de-
serted Poland has been inserted, simply expressing a
wish that France will not forget that Foreign Powers
should be the hope and support of a generous nation
whose rights they have consecrated. The following
are the paragraphs relative to the right of search and
the visit of the KING to England :
" Incidents which at the first moment appeared calcu-
lated to disturb the friendly relations existing between
France and England, had sensibly moved the two coun-
tries, and occupied the attention of your Government.
We are satisfied to learn that a mutual feeling of good-
will and equity has maintained between the two states
that happy aeeord which is indispensable for their pros-
perity, and the guarantee of the repose of the world.
We hope that this mutual spirit of justice and concilia-
tion will soon bring to a favourable issue the negotia-
tions commenced at the repeatedly expressed desire of
the Chamber, with a view to insare the repression of the
slave trade, and replace our navy under the exclusive
surveillance of the national flag. The reiterated marks
of a friendship so precious to you, and your wish to re-
spond to it in a becoming manner, induced your Majesty
to pay a visit to the Queen of Great Britain. France
beheld with legitimate pride the homage offered on all
sides to her King. Those signal and spontaneous maul-
few ations of respect for the Monarch, and of cordial
esteem for the French people, have afforded new pledges
of the long duration of that general peace under the
wgis of which our country, in maintaining abroad its
power and dignity, finds the elements of a constant pros-
perity, and the quiet enjoyment of its constitutional
liberties.
The Journal des Debate in adverting to this docu-
ment says :
" This Address fully realises the hopes that the majo-
rity of the Committee, and the choice of its reporter,
M. Ilekiert, led us to conceive. It expresses in terras
perfectly dignified, though moderate, a free and sincere
adherence to the policy of the Cabinet. It has cur un-
reserved approval, and we trust it will obtain the assent
of all true Conservatives. The debate, which has occu-
pied the Chamber of Peers throughout the week, has
already done much good, and shed sufficient light to
authorise our declaring that the Government has nothing
to fear from another discussion, however more enlarged
and profound it may be. We have a conviction that the
discussion which is to be opened on Monday will com-
plete the work, and totally dissipate the clouds, which
passion and intrigue have accumulated."
The remarks of the Opposition journals on the
subject possess no interest.
The following extract of a letter, date,l Greece,
Dec. 9, appears in the Courrier de Nantes :
" The Court of Assize of Bathurst, presided over by
the Chief Justice, has acquitted the captain of the ship
Curieuse, which was seized and sold in the Gambia, for
having been engaged in the slave trade. This is an
anomaly without example. The ship condemned, and
the captain acquitted ! At present this affair is assum-
ing a favourable turn for us, of which we shall not fail
to take advantage. We expect the details of the cap-
tain's trial, which we shall publish, and at the same
time we shall bring an action for the value of the ship.
Could you believe that the captain and crew of the Cu-
rieuse were deprived of their wearing apparel ? Every
article was sold, and it was with regret they were per-
mitted to retain the clothing in which they were clad."
THE BOURSE.---SATURDAY, JAN. 18.
First Highest Lowest Last
Price. Price. Price. Price.
French Five per Cents•• 122 25 .. 122 25 .. 122 5 .. 122 5
Four•and-a•Half..•• 112 75 .. 112 75 .. 112 75 .. 112 7.5
Fours ...... •• •• •• 108 •• 108 108 .. 108
Three per Cents.•• •• 85 20 .• 85 20 .. 85 15 .. 85 15
New Loan •• •• 86 45 .• 86 45 .. 86 40 .. 86 40
Runk of France • ••• 3265 "3267 50 3265 -3267 50
Gouln Bank. I,ooof. Shares 1100 -1100 1100 1100
Belgian Bank..• ••• •• 630 .. 632 50 • • 630 .. 632 50
Belgian Fives, 1840 104% .. 104% •• 104% INN
1842...•.• 106!../2 .. 106 Y, •• In6y4
Four-and•a•Half. . 103 .. 153 •• 103 .. 103
Two-and•a•Half 62 10 .. 62 10 .. 62 10 .. 62 10
Spanish Threes .• •• • • •.•••• 37 ti •• 3734 •• 37% .. 37%
Active •• •• • 361,,:i • . 311% • • 36% .. 363,
Passive........
New Deferred..• l6 .. 16 • • 16 •• 16
Portuguese live perCeuts•• 59!4 .. 59% •• 59% ••
Neapolitan •••• •• •••• • •. 98 50 .• 98 50 • • 98 30 .. 98 50
Roman „ „ lO5 .. 105 .. 10414 •• 10414
RAILWAY SHARES.
St. Germain • •
490 .. 490 •• 490 •• 490
L. 8.•• •• •• •••• 397 50 .. 397 50 .. 397 50 397 50
Rouen ...• ••.• • • 1045 . 1046 25 ..1045 ..1045
Rouen to Havre— ••• • • 822 50 822 50 822 50 .. 822 50
Orleans ..•• • • .•• ...••1130 -.1130 ••1127 50 ..1130
Strasburg to Bale• ••• ••
Avignon to Marseilles..." 950 • • 960 . 953 • • 960
RAILWAYS FOR THE ACCOUNT, Fat 3.
St. Germain ..... lOlO -1010 -1007 50 ..1007 50
Versailles, MB.- •• • •
L. 8.• ..• .•
Rouen .... •• •• .• -1050 ..1050 -.1045 ..1047 50
Rouen to Havre „ 820 8.•,0 •• 816 25 .. 816 23
Orleans .. •• •• ••...........1130 ..1131 2S ••1126 25 ..1127 50
Strasburg to Bale• • .• • • .... 302 50 .- 302 50 •• 298 75 .. 298 75
Avignon to Marseilles.• •• .. 920 .. 927 50 .• 920 .. 920

words :
With regard to the probate and legacy duties. It is
true that as between the freeholder and the mere pos-
sessor of money there is some reason (I will not say to
what extent) why the former, so long as his estates are
subject to so large a proportion of the poor-rates and
county and highway-rates, should not be also charged
with probate and legacy duty ; but what shadow of rea-
son can be assigned for imposing it on leaseholds, which
are subject to the same rates, stamps on transfers. &c ,
as freeholds, whilst the latter are untouched by either
probate or legacy duty Acts ? What can be mere ab-
surd or unjust than that an estate held for a term of
years, long or short, contributing in rates and taxes ex-
actly the same amount as if it were freehold, should, on
the death of its owner, be charged with the tax to which
I have alluded, whilst the estate of the great 'squire of
the parish, dying perhaps at the same time, and leaving
to his family 10,000/. or 20,0001. a year, should not be
chargeable with one farthing towards the public. ex-
penditure."
It may—indeed it must—appear invidious to test
these positions and questions by applying them to the
cases of living individuals ; nevertheless there seems
no mode of illustration more impressive or so accurate.
If we imagine, then, the heir of such estates as those
of the FIENNES and CLINTONS succeeding to his free-
hold inheritance of lands, without the payment of any
legacy duty upon them, and the heir of some good
and great man, whose intellectual labours have en-
nobled the renown of his native country, and
ameliorated the general tone of public feeling, being
compelled to pay from 5/. to 101. per cent. duty
out of the humble, but hardly-earned bequest left to
him by a poet, a genius, and a philsopher, like THOMAS
CAMPBELL, we shall have some adequate notion of
the gross and disproportionate consideration which
this law has shown for property, at the expense of
comparative indigence. The Legislature will commit
an irretrievable error, the extent of which will be
some day terribly manifested, if they much longer
persist in sanctioning a scheme of taxation so essen-
tially unjust and iniquitous as that which establishes
the present scale and scheme of legacy duty.

Madrid journals of the 11th and 12th inst. have
been received ; but they are very barren of news of
any importance. The affairs of Government seem
now to be conducted without any violent outrages on
the liberty of the people, who, indeed, appear to be
completely subdued. The Ministerial journals state,
and they are not contradicted, that the most perfect
tranquillity prevails throughout the country.
On the 11th the Three per Cents. closed at 31 7-16
for cash, and 31i at 60 days ; the Five per Cents.
at 24 for cash, and 24} at 60 days ; the Four per
Cents. at 211 for cash ; the Floating Debt at 78 at 30
days; the Coupons at 27* at 60 days; and the Debt
without interest at 7 for cash, and 7 3-16 at 60 days.

The only speech made in the French Chamber of
Peers this session that has attracted public attention
in Paris, is that made by the Duke of BRoGLIE en
Thursday. It is almost entirely in favour of the
Ministerial policy, and must render considerable
support to M. GUIZOT, while, at the same time, it is
exempt from all party feeling, is temperate and im-
partial. The Npble Duke considered the occupation
of the islands in the Pacific an injudicious measure,
and in this all the world concurs ; but he justified to
the full extent the whole policy of the Government
with respect to the Morocco war, and also the main-
tenance of a good understanding between England
and France. In place of blaming the Government
for treating Morocco so generously after the success
of the French arras, he praised the Government for
that wise policy. France had already enough
on her hands with Algeria. He rather
wanted less than more territory, and she should
take a warning from the position of the English in
llindostan, where, in fact, more territory was forced
upon them than they either wanted or knew what to
do with. His allusions to England, and the difference
between an English and a Russian alliance, show the
same good sense, candour, and total absence of
national rancour. " France," said he, "at present
has no alliance in Europe, but she has interests, and
these interests she is at liberty to maintain by what-
ever means she deems best. But as to alliance with
England, she has none, more than with any other
power. Does that imply that we ought to hold our-
selves with respect to that country in that state of
coolness which I spoke of just now? I think not.
In the general situation of Europe, France cannot be
to-day the intimate ally of any one. If I were to be
told (to offer an hypothesis) that France was at peace
with Russia, but not in good intelligence, I would
say that I regretted it, but that I could
console myself, for between us and that Power
there are but few points of contact. I would
say, too, that this state of things can continue for a
longer or shorter time without any great inconve-
nience, in consequence of the geographical position of
the two countries and distance between them, and
on account of their interests being distinct and diffe-
rent in many respects. Is it the same with respect
to England and France ? I think not. They are
, two great nations, both free, and where liberty and
the press exercise a vast influence ; both almost
touching each other, and having every day immense
commercial relations together ; both possessing es-
tablishments in the Mediterranean, in America, in
India, and even in the Pacific, which latter circum-
stance, I may parenthetically observe, I am not at all
delighted at. This situation requires that the two na-
tions should live in good intelligence. I say then, if
when France decided OR attacking Morocco, with which
country England kept up commercial relations, and from
whence she revictualled Gibraltar, if, I say, the
French Government had taken into serious conside-
ration the interests of England, if it endeavoured by
its acts and its language to convince her of the right
of France, of the legitimate character of her com-
plaints, and of the moderation of her pretensions ; if,
even for this object, the French Government had
made some slight sacrifices, in no way infringing on
.ts rights, I say the Government acted sensibly and
reasonably. The question, the only question then to
ascertain is, whether it has gone too far in this way.
In the first place, then, has France taken England
as the arbitrator of her differences ? Certainly not.
She has herself freely regulated the conditions
which she made known to the Emperor of MOROCCO.
When she had decided on her mode of warfare,
(lid she consult the interests, the taste, or the in-
clination of England? Not at all. Has the French
Government abandoned any of her belligerent rights ?
No, it declared on the contrary that it would use
those rights to their fullest extent. When the war was

A Misraxri.—On Sunday, about one o'clock, as a
lady and gentleman were walking along Rankillour-
street (having just left St. Paul's church), and being
closely followed by a boy and two
men, the lady ima-
gined she saw the boy put his hand into the pocket of the
gentleman's surtout, to whom she communicated her sus-
picions, who, on putting his hand into his pocket, found
that his purse was gone. The gentleman immediately
seized the boy, accusing him of the theft, which he de-
nied. On feeling the boy's pockets, and not finding it,
but seeing both the men, whom he justly supposed to be
accomplices, valking swiftly away, he quitted the boy,
and collaring the nearest, threatened to give him into
custody unless he immediately restored the purse. The
fellow at first denied the charge, but seeing it was likely
to be no joke, at last threw it into one of the common-
stair entries in Clerk-street, and rushed down Gifford -
I--ark ; while the gentleman, too glad to recover his pro-
perty at so easy a rate, was content to let the fellow thus
easily off. It would have been an excellent capture, as
the purse contained, in paper and gold, nearly 20/. What
i
greatly adds to the atrocity of the case s the fact of the
thieves having been is the church.—Scotsman,