The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-02 00:00:00

"ZILE CORN LAWS.
The turn of, the year, like the turn ot the road, always seems
to open a na-er prospect, and men begin to think of the meeting
of Parliar:tent, now no longer at a distance of months, bu
reckoned. roily by days, as the chief object of interest and
attent:or,. " What will be the leading feature in the new ses-
sion V' " How will Ministers meet Parliament ; with firmness
or 'with hesitation?" are the questions which now begin to be
asked in all societies.
The Whig journals, partly, no doubt, with a view to create
'alarm in the Conservat;va ranks, and partly in order to prepays
for a burst of affecte,l disappointment and indignation—have
been busy for some time past in assuring us, that the next ses-
sion of Parliament must either complete, or at least commence,
the repeal of the corn-laws ; a repeal, in all probability, pro-
posed by Sir Robert Peel himself! "No man," said the
Chronicle of December 2, " can expect the present corn-law,
or anything like it, to last two years. Perhaps the outlines of
is successor are already on paper, and are of such a character
as to account for Sir Edward Knatchbulrs absence from the
councils of the Cabinet." Such prognostics as these have been
constantly made use of in the Whig journals during the last
three months ; and they answer, as we have already sad, the
double purpose of alaaming a few timid Conservatives ; and of
forming an apparent ground fur vast indignation—when it
shall appear, at last, that the Ministry has not the slightest io-
Vsntion of the kind ; and when thus it will be said, " the uni-
versal expectation" shall have been" lamentably disappointed."
The plain fact, however, is, that but for these politic prog-
nostics of the Whig newspapers, and the clamours of the
League, not a single creature in her Majesty's dominions
would dream of such a thing as a further tampering with the
corn-laws. Why should they ? Sir Robert Peel is known to
be a cautious statesman : this measure, one of the chief acts
of the present Administration, was carefully considered, and
passed with great deliberation ; and it has entirely answered
all the purpose of its framers. On what rational ground, then,
should any one expect its sudden and causeless repeal, after an
existence of less than two years?
We say that the measure has entirely succeeded. Indeed,
we may challenge any politician to adduce a case, in modern
times at least, in which the objects professed by the proposers
ot a measure have been so fully realised by the event. The
Reform Bill, we all know, disappointed all parties; so did the
Municipal Corporations Bill; so did the New Poor-law; so
did the Penny Postage, which was to have augmented the
Post-office revenue in theory, but which has nearly annihi-
lated it in fact. Nearly every nostrum of the Whig Adminis-
tration turned out altogether another thing from what its pro-
pounders intended. But the corn-law of 1842, we broadly
and unhesitatingly assert, has in no respect fallen short of its
proposer's views and intentions. It has done all that it was
intended to do ; and the enmity shown towards it by the Whigs
and the League arises merely from its not doing what no one
ever supposed that it would do.
No one ever supposed, for instance, that it would stop the
clamours of the Leaguers. Those honourable and very worthy
persons, like their great master and exemplar in Ireland, thrive
by agitation, and have not the least wish or intention to give it
up, so long as a grievance can be imagined or invented. It is
the corn-law agitation that makes Mr. Cobden Member for
Stockport, and Mr. Bright Member for Durham ; and both
these respectable gentlemen have told us, that they will never
cease their agitation so long as there is an iota of duty on
corn ; in other words, that they will retain their present
" proud position" as long as they can find adherents to follow
them. All this Sir Robert Peel knew long enough ago ; and
his Corn Bill was not intended to attempt what he knew to be
impossible ; i.e., to persuade a vain and conceited demagogue
to retire into obscurity, se long as he had the means of keeping
himself at the head of a popular agitation.
Nor, in the next place, was the Corn Bill of 1842 designed
to satisfy, the clients of the Times—by establishing an exten-
sive and a steady continental trade in corn. That large and
regular imports of corn are needed, is disproved by the expe-
rience of the last ten years. That to import corn largely when
it is not needed, must be injurious to the main branch of our
national industry, is self-evident. Hence the law of 1842 did
not propose to encourage a large and steady import ; and it has
not encouraged it.
What, then, was the object of the change effected in 1842?
It was, to correct the previously-existing system, by apply.
ing the results of the experience of a dozen years. It was, by
a more carefully graduated scale, to obtain greater steadiness
of price ; and also a rather lower price in times of scarcity.
Precisely what Sir Robert Peel described as his object, in his
speech introducing the measure, has been attained, and at •
tained in the simplest and easiest manner, and at no cost of
principle, or even of pecuniary advantage.
We will quote a single passage from Sir Robert Peel's
speech of Feb. 9,1842, and then compare it with the event :
—" It is utterly beyond your power, and a mere delusion to
say that by any duty, fixed or otherwise, you can guarantee a
certain price to the producer. It is beyond the reach of the
Legislature." . . . . " But I should say, that for the
protection of the agricultural interest, if the price of wheat
in this country, allowing for its natural oscillations, could
be limited to some such amount as between 545. and 585., I do
not believe it is for the interest of the agriculturist that it
should be higher."
Such was the Premier's explicit declaration of his object.
Now what has been the result? Here are the averages of
the year 1843: s. d.
January 28 . 49 3
February 25 . 48 6
March 25
April 29
May 27
June 24 49 8
July 22
August 26 56 8
September 23
October 23
November '25
December 23 5O 3
These prices have followed two favourable harvests. They
therefore naturally fall rather below the figures stated by the
Premier as his maximum, A deficient harvest or two would
probably raise prices fully up to that mark. But two circum-
stances here call for observation--lst, The great steadiness of
price which has followed the adoption of the new system—
and 2d, That the price suggested by Sir Robert Peel has not,
in these favourable seasons, been fully realised; though pro-
bably the average of three years will prove the accuracy of his
calculations.
And this makes the idea of further change still more prepos-
terous. The elamourous party is that which demands low
prices . well, it turns out that Sir Robert Peel's measure gives
them, after all, at least up to this time, rather lower prices
than he himself intended. He has already been better than
his word ; and if any rectification can be needed, it must
rather be in behalf of the other party.
There is, then, not the shadow of a hoi,e, on any reasonable
grounds, that the Government, after eauliously and delibe-
rately adjusting this great question in 1842, will re-open it in
1"44. In fact, the mere desire or disposition to do so, on their
part, would necessarily so shake public confidence, that the very
Co,,sois themselves would waver and oscillate at the prospect.
There is no such inroad upon the public credit, however, in
proTeet for the chroniclers of 1844.
This single question disposed of, what have the malconterfts
to look forward to? In what part of the kingdom, in what
quarter of the globe, can a grievance be raked up? Truly, for
Whig expectants, the prospect is lamentable. The League is
indeed their " forlorn hope." Peace in all parts of the earth—
a restoration of our finances—a still advancing revival of trade
and manufactures, would seem to promise a session of more
than ordinary quietness. But these are stirring times. Much,
we are aware, will be demanded of the Government, and we
believe and expect that much will be endeavoured by them.
Party strife may sometimes defeat their best purposes, as in the
case of the Factory Education Bill of last year ; but they must
labaur on in spite of disappointments; and we anticipate that the
coming session will not be a barren one, of carefully-prepared
and well-digested measures of Conservative reform.—Herald.

STATE of the REPRESENTATION

(From the " Complete Suffrage Altnanack," 1844.)
It appears that there were upwards of one million
electors on the register in the year 1840. It must,
however, be recollected that a large proportion of the
electoral constituencies, about one quarter, never
exercise the franchise, so that the real effective
electors of the United Kingdom could not then be
estimated at more than 800,000. There is much
doubt whether the number of electors has been much

increased since that period, when we take into cons
ders.tton the severe distress that has, for the last few
years, visited all classes, except the higher, and the
wholesale disfranchisement that has been going on in
Ireland. If, therefore, we take the total number
of electors on the register in 1840, as representing
the whole of the electors who would now exercise the
franchise, it will, probably, be rather over than under
the mark.
It will hence appear that one person out of about
every seven male adults is represented in the House of
Commons—that is to say, that out of the 6,736,697
male adult population of this country, 5,724,411 are
taxed by the State without having a voice in the
making of its laws !
By analysing the list of constituencies, we arrive
at still more startling results. Thus, in England.
Wales, and Scotland, which return 592 members,
sixty-seven of the constituencies number less than 500
persons ; 145 less than 1,000 ; and 209 less than 2,000.
Accordingly, nearly one -half the representatives of
cities and boroughs of England, 'Wales, and Scotland
are returned by about 100,000 constituents. Nor is
this all. We find that, in the United Kingdom, 232
Members represent about 220,000; and thus it may
fairly be calculated that, out of the 658 Members of
thfii House of Commons, 330 of them—or a clear
majority—are returned by less than 300,000 persons.
The destinies of this country, therefore, are actually
confided to the hands of about one-third of the elec-
toral body. In other words, one twenty-third part of
the male adult population of this kingdom elect an
absolute majority of that house, which not only ex-
ercises an omnipotent control over the liberties and
property of all, but which is, according to the Con-
stitution of these realms, especially " the People's
House."
Much is said of our nicely balanced Constitution.
Let us examine it. The Crown is a mere puppet in
the hands of the aristocracy, and virtually, if not
nominally, possesses no political power. The House
of Lords, which, except in case of voting the supplies,
possesses a power commensurate with the House of
Commons, is, of course, the ready instrument of oli-
garchical rule. We now come to the third branch of
that Legislature, in which, according to theory, op-
posing interests are so impartially represented that
they form a counterpoise the one to the other. The
Commons' House of Parliament, designed to repre-
sent the people as distinguished from the nobility of
this country, who possess a House of their own, is
chosen by the votes of one-seventh part, and a majo-
rity of its Members by one twenty-third part, of the
male adult population. This is the House of Com-
mons, which, according to the theory of the Consti-
tution, represents the sentiments of the whole people
of Great Britain !

`TILL or TILE Bisiror OF JAMAICA.—The will of
Right Rev. Christopher Lipscombe, Bishop of Jamaica,
has just been proved in Doctor's-commons,
by Mary
Harriette Lipscombe, the
.e v, wid,oils
The will (which is
of the deceased, and
sole executrix named in th
extremely short) bequeatlies the whole of his property
l late, and paintings
(including valuable library, Jewe s' Receiver-
by the old masters) to John Edwards,' q"
General of Jamaica Henry Lipscomb°, Iraq., London;
and F. Mayow, Esq., Jamaica, in trust for his "dearly
beloved wife." The property within the province over
which the Archbishop of Canterbury has jurisdiction
has been sworn under 2,0001.; but, as the property lies
in Jamaica, the will when proved there will, it is ex-
-I:,Wd, =bract) a very large amount of property.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—The organs of the ultra section of the
Tories begins the year with a manifesto against Sir
Robert Peel, and the Ministry of which he is the chief.
Retrospection supplies matter for reproach--" the
future" is invested with gloom, across which frightful
forms are seen to flit, inspiring apprehension of coming
calamities. " Twelve months," says the Pos', " have
now rolled by since, at the close of 1842, we gave sorrow-
ing and reluctant testimony on the nature and conse-
quences of the political course which, denounced on the
hustings by Conservative candidates, had been supported
in Parliament by Conservative legislators." . . "We
allowed ourselves to hope better things for the future."
But " the future"—to which the excited fears of the
Post looked forward with alternate anxiety and hope—
brought no diminution, much less a removal, of the
causes which inspired disappointment and " sorrow" in
the organ of the deceived and betrayed Tories. "When
the last session of Parliament had reached its ignomi-
nious close," the Post " took occasion to represent how
the patient expecting friends of the Government —the
patient and suffering people who elected it"—had been
duped and injured by " the Ministry which they had
placed in office." The Post, therefore—in the name of the nu-
merous and influential section of the Tory party—proceeds
to justify the dissatisfaction with which that party con-
templates the policy of the Government. The incom-
petency of Sir Robert Peel for the post he fills is set
forth in a variety of particulars, extending to every part
of the policy of his Administration. As a financier,
his estimates are shown to have been erroneous. The
" grand scheme of finance," by which the Minister
boldly undertook to restore the exhausted exchequer,
and on which he consented to rest his claims to
public confidence, has proved a failure—a source of
disappointment to the country, and a proverb of reproach
to the charlatan who, with the confidence of a quack,
propounded it as a remedy for the national maladies.
'The "Arms Bill"—which the Ministers pressed through
Parliament with a pertinacity that indicated the im-
portance they attached to its provisions in dealing
with the popular excitement in Ireland—that chef
d'oeuvre of the Cabinet, is branded by the Conservative
Post as a " contemptible" measure I The Premier's
Church-extension scheme is designated " an ingeniously-
contrived illustration of the mountain-in-labour fable ; '
while " great and important measures, as the Factory
Bill and the Poor-law—measures grounded on the
actual pressing necessities of the poor—were muti-
lated, withdrawn, postponed, got rid of' in any way
that temporary expediency might suggest." To the in-
difference evinced by the Government to the outbreaks
in Wales, and the consequent inefficient means em-
ployed to suppress the disturbances, and then to remove
the dissatisfaction which had produced them—to this
want of perception and promptitude is ascribed the in-
surrection which ensued :—" The Welsh Rebeccaite
tumults, ostensibly originating in local grievances of a
subordinate character, were [thus] easily inflamed to the
aspect of a semi-political rebellion." The course pursued
by the Government in dealing with discontents and com-
motions in Ireland, meets with the same unqualified con-
demnation. With reference to our Indian empire, the Post
remarks—" The conquest of Sinde, and the revolution and
murderous massacre by which the Sikh territory has
been plunged into blood and anarchy, will not fail to
produce changes in the face of our empire in the East."
. . . . "It is still undecided whether the Punjaub
shall continue an independent ally, or be incorporated
with our enormous Asiatic dominions." These changes,
and the uncertainty in which they invest the
future with respect to India, are regarded with ap-
prehension, if not with positive alarm. The in-
ternal condition of France and Spain is then alluded
to in terms anything but calculated to inspire re-
spect for the foreign policy of the British Government.
Had Lord Palmerston directed that department, the
agents of France would have been detected, and their
machinations would have been defeated. No such
scenes—at once humiliating and disgraceful, would have
been transacted. To the solemn imbecilities of Lord
Aberdeen—no match for Louis Phillippe and his Mi-
nisters in statemanship—the fearful condition of Spain
is to be attributed. The Post pants for the return of Ab-
solutism as a cure for the anarchy which now prevails. We
desire the restoration of Constitutional Government, which
was overthrown with Espartero, and the consequent re-
moval of the foul traitors who, having acquired power by
treachery and perjury, use the child they have placed
on the throne as alternately a puppet and a tool ; and
thus insult, degrade, and endanger the monarchy they
hyrocritically afected to reverence and professed a desire
to uphold. Louis Philippe, the ally of England, with whom
the Government is not merely on terms of amity, but to
whom the Sovereign of this country has recently paid
a visit of friendship and interchanged cordial tokens of
royal regard—this Prince is selected as the subject of
the Post's vituperation ; his person insulted—his right
to the throne he fills impugned—and the speedy down-
fal of his dynasty predicted. And all this by a Con-
servative journal ! But the fortunes of foreign nations
must not divert our attention from troubles and ca-
lamities that afflict our own. Such is the exordium with
which the Post introduces a description of the condition of
the national interests at home, " now we are in the third
year of the official and parliamentary supremacy of the
most able body of statesmen whom the present generation
has seen embodied in one Cabinet." What are our gains
by their wisdom and ability ? " The En"lish produ 2er"
is " going headlong to beggary ;" while the,eondition of
the manufacturing population is not permanently im-
proved. We might continue the topics of retrospective
condemnation—of present dissatisfaction—and of antici-
p.ited ruin to each of the great national interests that
were to revive and flourish under the protection and
guidance of the heaven-born Minister. To his abandon-
ment of the policy which he gave his supporters reason to
conclude would be the system of his government, is
referred all the past, present, and predicted mischiefs
which have, do, and will afflict the community.
Through the space of four columns of mourning,
lamentation, and woe, the Post describes and deplores the
failure of the Peel _Administration. The topics thus dwelt
upon by a Tory organ, we have, on many occasions, ful!y
discussed. If we have not started from the same points, we
have generally arrived at the same conclusions as our Con-
servative Contemporary. A growing dissatisfaction—the
product of disappointment in some,and of a confirmed con-
viction in others, that a change of administration, as the
only assurance of a change of policy, is essential to the
tranquillity and prosperity of the empire—pervades all
classes. Events are co-operating, with the growing dis-
satisfaction ; and indicate, most clearly, that the disrup-
tion of a Cabinet denounced by most and confided in by
none, is not distant.
STANDARD.—We are able to contradict, in the
most distinct and positive terms the statement put for-
ward by the Globe and Morning Chronicle, that the Cabi-
net has resolved upon the recal of Earl de Grey from
the Viceroyalty of Ireland. There is not one word of
truth in the story, or even a shadow of foundation for it.
The colleagues in office of the Noble Earl have every
reason to be satisfied with, nay grateful for, the Lord Lieu-
tenant of Ireland's conduct in his arduous office, and he is
not the man to abandon his post in circumstances like
those in which Ireland is now placed. The fable which
we contradict is merely one of the natural productions
of the season. The least observant reader of newspapers
knows that such fabrications come as regularly at this
time of year as the short days—we were going to say time
snow, but that has not this year kept time as regularly
as the political fabulists. We repeat it, there is
no more truth in the story than in the projected repeal
of the corn-laws, which we had to contradict not many
days since. Earl De Grey is Lord Lieutenant of Ire-
land, and will remain Lord Lieutenant of Ireland as
long as it shall please him ; and we trust it will please
him to remain to the enjoyment of that pacific triumph,
in laying the foundation of which he has had so large
a share.

BUDE LIGHT AT THE BROONIIELAW.—According
to the resolution of the river trustees, the steam-boat

wharf at the Glasgow-bridge, which certainly stood very
much in need of such an improvement, was last night
lighted up, for the first time, with the Bude light. The
light, which is calculated as equal to upwards of forty
ordinary burners, stands upon a pillar about twenty-
live feet in height, and sheds a brilliant illumination
upon surrounding objects. It has all the appearance of
a lighthouse towering above the bridge, sheds, and other
elevations near it, and will be seen at a great distance.
Indeed, with such a blaze, accidents to vessels arriving
or departing at a late hour from that part of the harbour.
even on the darkest nights, must be exceedingly rare.
The site is well chosen, and the light will, doubtless, prove
an immense advantage to the bustling portion of the
harbour where it is situate. Notwithstanding this most
useful addition to the steam-boat wharf, there is still
another to bo made (the want of which is much com-
plained of by the public), and which could he supplied at
a very small expense to the trustees; we allude to the
erection of a small clock in front of one of the sheds at
the lower end of the quay, whereby persons waiting for
steamers or hurrying to them, can gain at once informa-
tion concerning a matter sometimes difficult enough to
be ascertained, viz., the exact hour of sailing, &c. The
advantages to be derived by this addition are so apparent
I that we do not need to enlarge upon them. We hope
the hint will meet with due attention in the proper
quarter.—Glasgow Chronicle.
TIIE COAL-WHIPPERS' ACT.—Yesterday, the Ist
instant, the Coal-whippers' Act came into force. It con-
tains 48 clauses, in eight divisions, in the following or-
der :-1. Government of coal-whippers. 2. Coal-whip-
pers' register. 3. Coal-whippers' office. 4. Coal-whip-
ping. 5. Regulations. 6. Legal proceedings. 7. Coal-
whippers' fund. 8. Miscellaneous." The Commission-
ers appointed are styled " Commissioners for the Regis-
tration and Regulation of Coal-whippers in the Port of
London." It is provided that after the Ist of January,
1844, a registry shall be opened for the registration of
coal-whippers on the payment of a fee of 4d., of which
register public notice shall be given, as also a warning
to the men to be registered, or to any other able-
bodied person wishing to follow the occupation. By
another enactment it is declared, that after the expi-
ration of one calendar month after the opening of the
registry, it shall not be lawful for a non-registered
coal-whipper to work in the port of London, the
only exceptions being actual servants of the owners
or purchasers of coals, or the labourers in the docks, or
in cases where an unreasonable demand is made by a
gang. An office is to be established, and the men paid
on board, or at the nearest office, the only deduction for
the purposes of the Act being one farthing in every shil-
ling. There are various penalties prescribed for disobe-
dience. Rules are to be issued for the guidance of the
coal-whippers. The Act is to continue in operation until
January, 1846, and to the end of the then next session
of Parliament. By the 31st section it is enacted, that it
shall be lawful for any justice or justices before whom
any conviction shall take place, if they or he shall think
fit, to order and direct any part, not exceeding one-half,
of the fines, penalties, and forfeitures, to be paid or ap-
plied to or for the use of the informer or informers, or
other persons aiding or assisting in the appre-
hension of the offender or offenders, or any of them.
The port of London is, between London-bridge and
Gruesynd, to be axed upon.