The Sun.
London, England, 1844-11-26 00:00:00

THE SUICIDE ON EPPING FOREST

On Saturday evening last an inquest was held at the
King's Oak Inn, High Beach, before Mr. C. C. Lewis,
the coroner for South Essex, on view of the body of
Alexander Scott Grove, Esq., agad fifty years of age,
who committed suicide at mid-day on Wednesday last,
in Epping Forest. The circumstances attendant on the
death of the deceased, seemed, for two or three days, to
be enveloped in considerable mystery, and the report
current in the neighbourhood was, that on Wednesday
morning he arrived from town, at the establishment of
1)r. Allen, at High Beach, on a visit to one of the female
patients there, and shortly afterwards was found hanging
from a tree in the forest.
From the evidence adduced before the coroner and
jury on Saturday evening, it appeared that the deceased
gentleman had been a patient in the asylum of Dr.
Allen for five months, and left in perfect health. ,
The week before last symptoms of his former disease
having presented themselves, his medical attendant in
town recommended another retirement to the
asylum of Dr. Allen, and on Monday last he was
taken there by his brother. There being no certificate
of his insanity, he was not placed under any particular
restraint. On Tuesday night his malady seemed in-
creasing, and in the presence of Dr. Allen himself let
drop some hints about his intention to commit suicide,
but the Doctor rallied him, and he subsequently joined
in a game of whist, and his mind seemed more at ease.
Dr. Allen, however, felt it necessary, from the symptoms
that presented themselves, to write to the brother of the
deceased, and request his attendance at High Beach
without delay. On Wednesday morning deceased was
allowed to walk about unrestrained, and had been seen
by many persons in the neighbourhood of high Beach.
About one o'clock he was found by two men, named
Clark and Morgan, suspended by a white silk handker-
chief from the branch of an oak, in a thicket in the
forest. They immediately cut him down, and carried
the body to the King's Oak Inn, where Mr. Scool, a
veterinary surgeon, made several efforts to restore ani-
mation, but without effect. The body was hardly cold
when the brother of the deceased had arrived at Dr.
Allen's establishment, where news of the melancholy
discovery had but a few minutes before reached.
Dr. Darling, a medical gentleman, under whose care
and treatment the deceased had frequently been, deposed
to his being subject to occasional attacks of insanity, and
said that Mr. Grove had latterly expressed his fear of
laying violent hands on himself, and he (Dr. Darling) in
consequence recommended him to go back to Dr. Allen's,
and keeping himself quiet there, and he should soon
recover from such a feeling.
The COIIONZR expressed his regret, after what fell
from the deceased gentleman himself about his intention
to commit suicide, that he was not put under some re-
straint or surveillance. Had such been done his life
might have been spared, and he considered that the con-
duct of Dr. Allen was not altogether free from blame in
the unfortunate affair.

The jury expressed a similar opinion, and returned a
verdict that the deceased'had committed the act of suicide
while labouring under temporary insanity.

Sir,—The sympathy you evince for the distressing
condition of the agricultural labourers induces me to
hope that the following remarks may not be unaccept-
able. The Times has treated the subject with so much
feeling and truth, that in the end a beneficial effect must
be produced upon those who have the power of apply-
ing a remedy to the evils of which we all so loudly com-
plain. The remedy is in the hands of the Government
of the country and its landed proprietors, to whom re-
spectively my suggestions are addressed.
As regards any Government measure of relief, I will
say, in a word, that the only principle upon which it can
proceed must be that of providing work for the labourer,
instead of the system at present pursued. This might
be done simply and effectually by the-adoption of either
of the following plans, or by a judicious combination of
them:—
I would propose, in the first plice, that, in accordance
with the recommendation of a Committee of the House
of Commons, the clauses of the present Highway Act
for forming parishes into districts, and for appointing
district surveyors, be made compulsory; that the appoint-
ment of the surveyors and the management of the high-
ways devolve upon the board of guardians ; and that
labourers in want of work be employed by the surveyors
under the authority of the board, being paid by the
piece, and at a rate of remuneration lower by twenty per
cent. than the average wages of independent labourers
in the neighbourhood. lam satisfied that the offer of
the workhouse as a teat of destitution might thus be
safely withdrawn, as no man would accept the inferior
wages and hard labour of the surveyor unless compelled
by actual necessity.
My second proposal is, that a labour rate be established
by law, to be applied solely in the payment of agricultu-
ral labourers who require employment, and to be levied
exclusively on lands of the value of 201 a year and up-
wards, as persons assessed below that amount aro una-
ble to employ labourers, and very frequently in difficul-
ties themselves. (See note 1.)
A third measure measure would be to prohibit the ad-
mission into the workhouse of unemployed labourers,
excepting a very small portion (say one in ten) of the
whole number who might at any time be without work ;
the remaining nine to be entitled to out-door relief suffi-
cient for the maintenance of themselves and families.
This would operate as a strong inducement to the rate-
payers to provide the labourers with work ; it would put
an end to offers of employment at low wages, with the
alternative of the workhouse ; while at the same time,
by permitting the offer of the house in a few cases, it
would furnish a security against wilful and profligate
idleness.

On the adoption of any of these plans, it should be
rendered penal to combine for the purpose of defeating
their operation. It is a frequent practice at present
to collect private subscriptions as well as the paro-
chial rates, with the view of giving a cheaper relief
than that authorised by law and sanctioned by the
board of guardians ; the object being, under the dis-
guise of charity, to relieve the pockets of the rate-
payers by obliging the labourer, under threat of the
workhouse, to accept an inferior rate of wages, or a
lower amount of relief than would be ordered him by
the board. And I may take this occasion to reprobate
another injurious practice, by which many children are
deprived of the opportunity of education. The young
children of widows and others receiving out-door relief
are compelled to work ; their trifling earnings are de-
ducted from the relief given to their parents, whose
forlorn condition is rendered even more miserable by
increased expenses in food and clothing consequent upon
the labour and exposure of the children. The employ
ment of such children under the ago of twelve should be
prohibited by law.
The last measure for the relief of the labourer falling
within the province of Government which I am prepared
to recommend, is the encouragement of well-combined
plans of emigration, in which labourers contributing
their labour and binding themselves to the fulfilment of
their part in the undertaking during a term of years,
would, at the expiration of the term, receive an equitable
share upon a division of the lands reclaimed. (See
note 2.)

By carrying out one or more of these measures, or
rather a combination of them, all with suitable modifica-
tions, the Government of this country would, I am con-
vinced, greatly ameliorate the condition of the agricul-
tural labourer, and that upon the only -sound and safe
principle—the only principle that is coisistent with his
Latta.' ut•cupaiiull
instead of alms.

I now proceed to remedies which are in the hands of
individuals; and these, though ineffectual unless sup-
ported by legislative interference, are simple in their ap-
plication, and in no respect open to objection. Let the
landed proprietors act upon a proper sense of their re-
sponsibilities, and not to be deterred by any personal
trouble, or the appearance (for I am persuaded it would
be only an appearance) of personal sacrifice, and I ven-
ture to predict that we shall hear much less of the suf-
fering and disorder of the labouring population.
It will not be out of place here to remark, that I be-
lieve the existing distress to be aggravated in no small
degree by the recent changes in the laws affecting agri-
cultural produce. At any time it would be natural that
the tenant (who has agreed to take upon himself the
payment of the rates) should endeavour to reduce the
burden ; but, under the present depression of prices, it
cannot be expected that he should fulfil his obligation, or
find work for the unemployed labourers, which many
landlords have insisted on, unless he be relieved by a
corresponding reduction of rent.
Having hazarded this observation, I proceed to express
my conviction that a judicious system of allotment is cal-
culated in the highest degree to insure the well-being,
both moral and physical, of the agricultural labourer.
Let the landed proprietor begin by putting a moderate
rent upon his cottages, refusing in every case to let them
in conjunction with the farms. It is unreasonable to ex.
pect a labouring man to lay by more than Ia a week at
the very utmost to meet his rent, yet 51. a year is not an
uncommon rental. Let every man ofgood character upon
an estate occupy a rood ofgarden ground. To a certain
proportion (perhaps one-half) of the whole number, let
an additional allotment be made of three acres of pasture
land, or so much as will enable them to keep a cow and
three or four sheep ; and, as a still further stimulus to
industry and frugality, let there be on the estate a cer-
tain number of small farms of forty acres, or large
enough to employ two horses, and support a family above
the condition of a labourer, thus encouraging the in-
dustrious by a prospect of advancement in life, and re-
storing to the community a most valuable class of men,
now almost extinct, between the mete labourer and the

large farmer. At present the agricultural labourer is
deprived even of hope—he has no opening before him—
nothing to look forward to bat a life of toil, and an old
age of destitution. (See note 3.)

It must, however, be remembered, that such a system
of allotment as I have recommended is on no account
to be looked upon as affording the labourer the means
of support. or rendering him independent of his
regular work. It is a means of bettering his con-
dition, and giving him some comforts and advantages ;
but these he only acquires by working at extra hours.
It delivers him also from the ruinous consequences of
occasional want of employment, to which ho is liable,
even if all other causes were removed, from bad weather
alone—such consequences, for instance, as becoming in-
volved in debt with the small shopkeepers, whose prices
are naturally high in proportion to the length of credit
and uncertainty of payment.
I have now laid before you my sentiments upon this
anxious and important subject, and will only make a re-
mark in conclusion. It is the opinion of persons more
conversant with these matters than myself, that under
such legislative regulations as I propose, the occupiers
of land would immediately find it their interest to leave
no labourer without employ, and the powers given by
law would seldom or never be called into direct operation.
I must also state, that the plans which I have recom-
mended for private adoption have been found by expe-
rience to be both easily practicable and singularly bene-
ficial. In many instances they have been defeated by
the selfishness and prejudices of individuals, but their
value has not been the less evident. As to the facts
stated, I am prepared to prove them by a host of wit-
nesses.—l have the honour to remain, Sir, your faithful
and obedient servant,

WILLOUGHBY DE ERESBY.
Grimsthorpe, Nov. 15.

Note I.—Suppose the number of labourers in a parish
to be 120—viz., 40 whose labour is valued at 12s. weekly,
40 at 10s., and 40s. at Ba.
Then 40 at 12s. would require weekly £24
40 at 1os.
40 at 8s l6

And the 120 would require for a month's wages 240
20

Or in shillings _ 4,800

And suppose (to make the calculation as simple as
possible) the amount of rateable property in the parish
to be 4,800/., excluding all occupations below 201., then
the monthly rate would be Is. in the pound.
As an example, Mr. A. is assessed at NU, bis
monthly rate therefore is 5/.
He has in his employment, during
a month, one man at 125., for £ a. 4. £ a. 4.
two weeks
Two men, at 10s., for one week 1 0 0
Three men, at Ss., fur two weeks 2 S 0 412 0

Remaining to be paid to the rate,
or, in other words, to be ex-
Il
pended in additional labour, by
Mr. A 0 8 0
Note 2.—1 wish to see in our emigration agricultural
projects undertaken by a combination of different daces
on an extensive scale, and with unity of design. Thus,
the capitalist and manufacturer .at borne—the one fur-
nishing money, the other goods—would combine with

FREE TRADE IN ALL THINGS.
(From the Struggle.)
There are very few that seem to understand, or are
willing to trace, the workings of monopoly. It
always shields itself under the plea of supporting
some feeble class whose interest the public should
consider more than their own. "Oh you should
stop French shoes, for if they are allowed to
come, whatever is to become of our shoemakers ?"
" You should stop foreign gloves, foreign silks, and
all that, or the people employed in making these
articles will be ruined." I ree-traders, to be con-
sistent, connot lend themselves to stop any of these;
for they maintain that it is the interest of the public
to " buy in the cheapest market," both as to grain and
every other article. And if they cannot show that
such freedom of imports is the greatest advantage to
the greatest number, they ought at once to abandon
their principles. Let us, for instance, take shoes
as a specimen. Suppose that, quality for quality,
we can get foreign shoes for eight shillings for which
we now pay ten shillings. I don't suppose we can
in reality get them any cheaper than the English
shoemaker's can sell them for, having the advantage
of a market at home ; but, for illustration's sake, we
will suppose so. The shoe maker is a loser by this
free trade, but all the shoe wearers are gainers, and
they, of course, are the most numerous class. Nay,
we shall see that others are gainers as well as they.
What becomes of all the two shillings saved at every
pair of shoes ? These are not thrown away, but ex-
pended with other artisans in purchasing additional
articles. The shillings will soon be converted into
new umbrellas, new pots or spoons, new shirts or
sheets, new books, or perhaps into an additional pair
of shoes in the year. Persons engaged in the manu-
facture of these articles are sure to get the difference.
Free importation, which is nothing more than free
competition, I believe is beneficial to all the parties
concerned, and to the shoemaker among the rest. It
is almost certain to set his wits to work, to enable
him to make as good and as cheap an article as his
Parisian competitor, who has to pay all the ex-
penses of import; and if he find out that one disad-
vantage he labours under in the contest is dear eating,
he will be ready. ^-^" --"%ron thp nr;.,t;ro-
ot compersza.A. szt this also. 1 o the purchaser of tie
article it must necessarily be an advantage. To the
country at large it is equally so. Every country gains
in proporion as it possesses itself of the greatest
amount of necessaries and enjoyments by the least
amount of labour. Whatever quantity of shoes are
imported, they must be paid for by something made
in this country : that is, the labour expended on shoe-
making in France must be exchanged for the labour
expended on something in England, say linen yarn,
or whatever else it may be. Whether the linen yarn
he sent direct to France, or whether it be exported
to some other place for gold, and that gold paid to
France, it amounts to the same thing. The cheaper
shoes can be got, and the better it must be to the
whole country. And if the English have a genius
for shoe-making this competition will stimulate it to
their advantage ; and if not, they will soon move
into other branches of labour wherein they really excel.
I believe we want nothing but perfect freedom to
bring out the capabilities of every country—freedom
to carry our labour to any part of the world we
please—freedom to the whole world to bring their
labour to us—and freedom for every workman
at home to apply his genius and talent in any depart-
ment of enterprise he thinks proper, without control.
If we are not prepared to go this full length in
carrying out our free trade principles, we ought never
to complain of the monopolist landlord who interdicts
the supply of foreign corn to keep up his own rents.
NEW

.SPAPER---PRESS OF- FRANC E.

In this present year, 1844, when the several parties
in the Chambers have their various echoes in the
journals of the country, and when the principal func-
tion of the preSs is to diffuse the ideas which are dis-
cussed there, we shall be able to give the best general
impression of the different portions of the periodical
press, by classifying the parties of which they are re-
spectively the organs. Whatever may be the sub-
divisions of parties in the Chamber of Deputies, one
broad line passes through it and divides the whole
house into two sections. On one bide are the dynasties
or those who support the Orleans family : on the other
those who are hostile to that family and who fovour
the Due de Bordeaux or a republic. The dynasties,
who occupy the centre droit and the centre gauchl.,
are subdivided into doctrinaires, juste milieu, tiers
parti, and ministeriel: of these the section most de-
voted to the preservation of the royal anthority, calls
its members Consereateurs. The principal organs of
the Conservative party are Le Journal des Debats, La
Presse, Le Moniteur Parisien, Le Messager des ('ha nz-
bras, La Revue des Deux Mondes, Le Globe, La
Revue de Paris. This party also has the direction of
Le Afoniteur, the only jonrnal which gives a complete
and regular report of the Parliamentary debates.
The centre gauche, conductrd in an irresponsible
manner by M. Thiers has its representatives in Le
Courier Francais, Le Constitutionnel and La Patric.
The tiers parti—a moveable body, now voting with
the centre droit, now with the centre gauche at the
bidding of M. Dufaure, is alternately blamed and
praised by the journals representing those various
shades of opinion. La gauche, directed by M. Odillon
Barrot, has its official interpreter in Le &irk, of which
the principal editor is another deputy, M. Chambolle.
L' extreme gauche, or g auche radicale, is sustained by Le
National, La Reform., La Revue Indepencla,nte.The views
of these three papers are very decided and uncompro-
mising, and they exercise at leastas much influence upon
their friends in the Chamber, as the latter upon them.
La droite legitimiste, the different portions of which
differ very materially in some respects, notwithstand-
ing their agreement in the general principle from
which they derive their name, is represented in the
press by La Quotidienne, La Gazelle de France, La
France, L'Echo Francais and La Mode. Each party
thus retains several counsel on its side, who plead its
cause before the bar of the public—a judge who some
sometimes, indeed, appears to nod amidst the most
impassioned speeches, but who, at others, takes per-
haps only too lively an interest in the pleadings, and
sums up and passes sentence with somewhat more of
heat and empressement than becomes the gravity of
the judicial character. Of course these counsel are
none of them paid : nothing could be more offensive
than such a supposition. They are none of them
paid : but some are feed—(subventione is the proper
term as applied to a journal)—and this subvention, as
far as the Ministerial journals are concerned, is
avowed in secret according to circumstances.—Foreign
and Colonial Quarterly Review.

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