The Sun.
London, England, 1845-08-09 00:00:00

THE FISHERIES.

Captain PECHELL moved for n return of all Bri-
tish and French fishing ♦essels that have been seized or
detained under the provisions of the Act for carrying
into effect a convention with France concerning the
fisheries, with the dates :of such seizure or detention,
and the amount of the penalty incurred or paid, with
the time of detention in each case ; likewise, a return
of all British fishing vessels that have been taken into
ports of France since 1839, for breach of the oyster
fishery regulations, with the amount of the penalty in-
curred or paid, and the time of detention in each case.
—Agreed to.

AFFAIRS OF SYRIA.
Lord PALMERSTON then rose, and said he had
given notice of making only some observations on the
affairs of Syria, because he bad hoped that some motion
might have been before the House to which his remarks
might have been appended. As, however, no such op-
portunity had occurred, it would be necessary for him
to make a specific resolution, so as to enable the
Right Honourable Baronet opposite, in accordance
with the rules of the House, to reply to his observations;
he therefore moved that an humble address be presented
to the Crown, praying for copies or extracts of the cor-
respondence relative to the affairs of Syria, subsequent
(as we understood the Noble Lord to say) to the de-
parture of the allied forces from that country in 1841.
It was not his intention to occupy the time of the House
at any considerable length, but before Parliament se-
parated he wished to direct the attention of the Govern-
ment and the country to the state of Greece, social and
political, at the present moment. In dealing with this
subject he should consider, first, the unsatisfied
claims of the Emir Beschir ' • and secondly, to the un-
fortunate disturbances which now harassed the kingdom
of Syria. When in 1840 and 1841 the allies restored
Syria to the authority of the Sultan, one of the Emirs
enlisted in the interests of another power, and for that
was subjected to stipulations in the compliance with which
some delay accidentally occurred. Because he did not
comply with certain conditions he was deposed by
British officers, acting under the authority given by the
Sultan, and the late Emir- Bechir was appointed in his
place, who then held a high and public station in his
country. That Emir continued to exercise the au-
thority belonging to his appointment for about twelve
months. At the end of 1841, or the beginning
of 1842, in consequence of the civil war
that broke out between the Maronites and the
Druses, the Emir was besieged in his residence.
He was called down by the Governor, and was found to
be incompetent, by age and infirmities, to conduct the
affairs of the Government, and he was. consequently de-
posed. In his passage from the town in which he then
was, in obedience to the order of the authorities he was
pillaged by the Druses of all his property, and his house
was burned. The Turkish Government of the period
gave him a guard of honour, but he received no salary
from the Sultan. He claimed, then, a salary at a certain
rate for the period he exercised the authority. He re-
ceived no compensation for the losses he sustained by
the plunder to which he was exposed in his journey, nor
any compensation for certain lands of which he was de-
prived by the disturbance to which he had alluded.
Now, his claims had been admitted to a, certain extent by
the Turkish Government, and orders had been granted
for the payment of the amount to which he might be en-
titled, yet, although they dated some time back, up to
the last accounts he had not been able to obtain any
payment whatever. He (Lord Palmerston) conceived
that the Turkish Government ought to satisfy the
amount, or at least some part of it. It was by officers of
the British Government, acting under the authority of the
Sultan, that he was induced to accept the appointment
which brought upon him all the disasters he had enu-
merated. He rendered very important services to the
common cause by taking it at the time it was offered to
him. He (the Emir) had suffered greatly in conse-
quence of his remaining a private individual, otherwise
he might have reclaimed all of which he had been
master. The first set of papers laid on the table, in
connexion with this case, were copies and extracts of
correspondence between the Emir. the British Ambas-
sador, and the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, relating to
the firman in the Emir's favour. That firman promised
compensation for his losses, and the British Government
was a party to the promise. But the last instructions
given to the Ambassador at Constantinople were by no
means commensurate with the influence which the
British representation at Constantinople ought to exer-
cise. The instructions were contained in a dispatch from
the Foreign-office, dated 20th January, 1845, and reply-
ing to a communication from the Ambassador, dated the
20th of preceding July. This dispatch (which the
Noble Lord read at length) simply directed the Ambas-
sador, Sir Stratford Canning, to " make representations,"
&c., to the Porte. Now, he (Lord Palmerston) thought
that, considering the extent to which the honour and
good faith of Great Britain were concerned, such an in-
struction was insufficient, and that Sir Stratford Canning
should have beeu directed to insist that the Porte should
carry out its own firman. He thought that the Govern-
ment ought to have sufficient energy to see the contracts
carried out, to which it was a party. He trusted that in
future the instructions to Sir Stratford Canning would
l,e permanent and definite. the next important branch
of the subject to which he would advert was the
condition of Syria. This was a complicated and exten-
sive subject. England, Austria, and Prussia were parties
to the operations that had taken place in that country.
)n the other band, it involved a departure from the
ordinary rules which ought to govern nations in their
relations to other parties. But nothing was more at
variance with national obligations than for one Power
to interfere with another in relation to the manner in
which it should treat its own subjects; and it was only
because of certain circumstances that we had any obliga-
tion to address ourselves to th,, state of affairs in Syria.
It was the object of the four Powers to induce, in
1840, tho people of Syria to take arms against the
usurping authority of Meheruct Ali, and to declare for
their legitimate sovereign ; and the allied Powers 'first
furnithed the Syrians with arms, and then induced them
to employ those arms in the service of the Sultan. The
Sultan, plot/used, not through the ruedium of Turkish
wheers, but through British officers spatially authorised
and empowered he promised the Syrians that, if they
returned to their lawful allegiance—if they assisted
to expel the arms of Mehemet Ali—they should
be relieved from the oppressions under which they had
been suffering, and their future privileges and religious
liberties should be secure dto them. That had not been
done, and on that ground he considered that Govern-
treat ought to take further steps in the matter. The
position of Syria was very singular—it was not a pro-
vince, it was not inhabited by one race alone—it was
not inhabited by a people professing one religion only,
for in the central part of Syria, commonly called the high-
lands of Lebanon, the population consisted of two races,
professing dissimilar religions. In the first place, there
were the Maronites, a sort of Christians ; and, again, on
the other hand, there were the Druses, a sort of Ma-
hometans, not exactly belonging to the Mussulman faith,
because they had a faith peculiar to themselves. But
those two races were not separated by geographical
distinctions, because it was not in one part of Lebanon
alone that the Marortites existed, and there was not a sin-
gle district that did not cunt:tin the Druses.—(Hear.)
These two races were interspersed, but portions of the
Maronites were feudal lords, and the Druses vassals, and
vice versa. This created considerable difficulty, because
if there was one governor of the whole of the provinces,
supposing him to be a native chief, he would be a Druse
or a Maronite, and would therefore exercise a rule over
one part of the population which was animated by feel-
ings of hatrid and jealousy towards the other. The
Emir he referred to was old, infirm, and deficient in
energy and talent ; under him it was impossible to pre-
serve peace. If the population were geographically
separated, contact would be less frequent, and civil war
less seldom ; but intermixed as they were in the same
towns, it required a vigorous hand, a clear head,
and a sound judgment to repress the social
disorders arising out of the condition referred to.
When the late Emir was removed there was no one
found capable of governing the country except Emir
Eman, and even he was not considered fit to occupy
such a position ; for he could not allay the discon-
tents that existed. The interference of Turkey and the
five great Powers then became necessary. After much
communication and consideration, a plan was proposed
in 1842 which, he thought was well calculated, it carried
out, to remove dissatisfaction, and to restore that peace
and tranquillity which was so much to be desired. That
was, that there should be two Governors—one a Druse
Governor, for the Druses, arid the other a Maronite Go-
vernor, for the Marenites, both to be under the Turkish
Government. This, however, did not remove the diffi-
culties which from time to time arose in those villages,
whteh werejointly inhabited by. the Druaea and the Ma-

ronites. It was then further suggested, that permis-
sion should be given to the population in the mixed dis-
tricts to retire to the districts where their respective Go-
vernors ruled—the Druse population to go to that dis-
trict where the Druce Governor ruled, and the Maro-
nite population to retire to the district of the Ma-
ronite Governor.—(Hear, hear.) And it was
also proposed that whereas this emigration might cause
great losses to both portions of the population these were
to be made up by the Porte. Now the five great Powers
were unanimous in that plan, and when they were
unanimous on any subject it was to be presumed they
were right ; and whatever it might be, of course they
were sure to be successful in carrying it out. When all
these Powers, therefore—Engla'nd, Russia, Prussia,
France, and Austria—had concurred to recommend such
a plan, it must be an agreement founded on right, and one
which, et' ur-e, would be very easy of execution. It
was quite, evident, therefore, that if the different parties
had emigrated—if the compensation which had been pro-
posed had been made—if the two Governors had been
appointed—and if, in short, every point of that arrange.
ment had been carried out, the peace of Syria would
have been attained, tranquillity would have been estab-
lished on a permanent basis, and the integrity of the
Turkish empire would never have been jeopardized.
Thai plan, however, was never carried out. Up to the
present hour no step had been taken to carry it into
eff,ce Pretence upon pretence had been resorted to,
and every expedient was exhausted to delay its execution.
Two Turkish officers had indeed been appointed, whose
duty it was to enter into the requisite arrangements. They
summoned the people to decide upon their claims, and
instead of deciding upon them at once, they referred the
matter to Constantinople. In short, they interposed
every delay in their power to retard and prevent the
execution of what had been proposed. The result was
intrigues of all kinds. The family of the Emir Beschir
thought the arrangement was anything but an advanta-
geous one for them, and of course they threw every ob-
struction in the way. It was needless for him to recite
the cruelties of this tyrant ; but it was quite a common
practice with him to torture by plucking out the eyes,
and when one of his victims cried out too loud, he
ordered him to have his tongue split. This family
exerted themselves to the utmost to delay these arrange-
ments, and it was natural that they should be desirous
to do so. Great intrigues were naturally to be expected,
when their interests were so much bound up with the
existence of that state of things which these plans were
designed to remove. In addition to the obstruction of
the Maronites, their clergy also interested themselves to
delay the preparations. They, of course, knew that
their influence would be greater with the existing state of
things, than with any change that might take place. All
these parties had an interest in the continuation of the
disturbing influences that were at work. Now the
Porte had no interest whatever in carrying out the
proposed arrangement. But it was not to be expected
that a Government like Turkey should act in accord-
ance with its interests in such cases. All its officers
had different interests, and there was not one of them
who looked upon a movement as one where the interests
of his country might be served, but rather bow his own
private purposes might be promoted. That was the
calculation of the Turkish officers. So that in conse-
quence of the factions of the people themselves—in con-
sequence of the opposition of the clergy, and in con-
sequence of the obstructions which the Turkish officers
created, every difficulty and delay was thrown in the
way of the arrangement proposed being carried into
effect. The Turks, it was quite apparent, did not wish
to put an end to these disturbances. In fact, they en-
couraged them to strife with the view of weakening
both parties, but especially the Maronites. The Druses,
after the former were subdued, would become easy
of management. In this state of things the contentions
still continued. The Maronites, stimulated by the Emir
B schir, though disarmed by the Druses, procured a
fresh supply of arms. Great numbers of both parties
assembled together, conflicts ensued, and the whole
country was a' prey to civil war. That state of things,
however, came to an end. A convention afterwards
took place between them, but no step had yet been
taken to bring out a permanent peace. The five Govern-
merits, and especially the British Government, did not
teke those prudent and energetic means which they
should have done under the circumstances. There was
one British officer, Colonel Rose, of whose conduct,
zied, and energy in these transactions, be could not
speak too highly. This officer was appointed during
the time he (Lord Palmerston) held the seals of the
Foreign-office. He thought his conduct deserving of
the greatest praise. The advice which he 'gave often
prevented those disastrous occurrences which occasion-
ally took place, and preserved the Turkish Government
from those disgraces which their conduct not unfre-
quently brought upon them. He had, on one occasion,
preserved the lives of from 700 to 800 Maronites,
who, but for him, would have been cut off.
to a man. 'He (Lord Palmerston) did not think that
Colonel Rose was so well supported as he might have
been led to expect. In the dispatches that were sent
out,.frequent approbation was, no doubt, made of his
conduct, but he was entitled not only to receive appro-
bation for his past conduct, but also to receive special
instructions as to the course he should pursue in future.
He (Lord Palmerston) thought that the British Govern-
ment did not show that energy which it did in former
times to put an end to these differences. Any one must
know how such a Power as Turkey managed its affairs.
It was not, however, by side negotiations or mystified
diplomacy that she ought to be dealt with. That would
never do. They must come to the point with her, and
he thought the allied Powers were entitled to press on
that Government in the strongest possible manner, and
to have asserted in a more energetic manner than they
did the necessity of a speedy compliance with the
arrangements which had been unanimously agreed on.
If they had done so, he (Lord Palmerston) had no hesi-
tation in saying that many of the events which took
place would never have occurred. And unless some
vigorous steps were resorted to, they must expect a con-
tinuance of them. Some interested parties might attempt
to show that the Turkish Government were not in fault,
and that it had not the means of preventing these con-
flicts, and others again said, that it would be far better
if Syria was completely independent of Turkey ; but he
agreed with neither party. On the sth June, of the
present year, a dispatch was received at the Foreign-
office from Colonel Rose. This dispatch gave the clearest
and best developed view of the causes ef the late disturb-
ances that it was possible to do. He referred them
principally to the intrigues of the Beschir family, and
the differences which arose from the mixed population.
This, however, might have been collected from the dif-
ferent dispatches which he had from time to time sent
home. Now, that dispatch was received on the sth
of June, and what was the dispatch sent out the
day following (the 6th of June) by the Secre-
tary of State to Sir Stratford Canning ? "The
present state of affairs in Syria was of such moment-
ous importance as to cause the deepest concern
to her Maji sty's Government" (and very naturally they
should). " Measures, however, were then under con-
sideration, with the object of arresting the progress of
those untoward events." Now, it was naturally to be ex-
pected that some instructions should be sent out to their
ambassador that he either separately, or conjointly with
the other ambassadors, should take some steps to put
an end to that state of things. But what was the con-
clusion ? He says, "Until the result of these affairs
was known, and a clear insight obtlin9d into their
nature, her Majesty's Government were unable to come
to a certain conclusion as to the course proper to be
adopted." Greatly must Sir Stratford Canning have
been assisted by that dispatch. He (Lord Palmerston)
contended that a clear insight had been obtained into
the causes of those events, and when a correct state-
'cent of the case had been made to her Majesty's Go-
vernment, they ought to have been provided with a
remedy for them. All this had been already communi-
cated to them, and he thought they had shown
great torpidity in the way they dealt with
the case. Re had no hesitation, therefore, in
saying that a part cif the responsibility of
these calamities fell to the share of the Government.
tle thought it wae a subject of the greatest importance.
It belonged not merely to a great English interest, but
to a great European interest. He thought that the in-
terests of Europe were involved in the integrity of the
Turkish empire. He would not enter into the question
whether thee evils might not be obviated by the change
of government in' Syria, and substituting for a Turkish
a civilised and Christian Emperor. But they must, deal
with the kingdom as it at present existed, and with cir-
cumstances as they were now found. If the
stronger powers of Europe would only combine
with the Turkish Government, sad assist her to
maintain the integrity of her territorial possessions, that.
poser would soon be resuscitated, as every thing
tiering the last few years had shown the empire to be
increasing in social and moral civilization. The treaty
et' the Dardanelles, signed in July, feel, by England,
France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, implied an aban-
donment by those five Powers of all selfish views and
interests in regard to Syria, to consolidate the domi-
nion of that province for the benefit of its population.
Considering, therefore, that the present disturbances in
Syria affected the tranquillity of the entire Turkish
empire, and that the tranquillity of the Turkish empire
was intimately connected with that balance of European
Power, which, in a great degree, preserved the peace of
the world, he had felt it his duty to state that he thought
her Majesty's Government had not shown that active
energy which the circumstances of the case required,
and he trusted when they next met, at the commence-
input of the ensuing session, those disturbances would
have ceased, and that the stipulations of that treaty—the
due execution of which would have prevented the late
serious disasters—would have been practically carried
into effect, and thus render unnecessary that perpetual
inteference of our Ministers and officers with the Sublime
Porte, which was inconsistent with our national honour
and international usage.
Sir R. PEEL said ho understood the Noble Lord to admit
that, on rererence to the official papers, he found that the
fire Powers had acted together in cordial co-operation
to carry out the stipulations of the treaties of 1839 and
1841 ; that they were not actuated by private considera-
tions, that they had given advice to the Porte, which if
acted upon would have been for the benefit of Syria as
well as the entire Turkish empire. The only complaint
the Noble Lord made was that the five Powers were not
very em retitle in enforcing these conditions upon the
Porte. But interference on such a question was very
delicate. There was the difficult and conflicting, if not
contradictory position, in which the Powers stood to re-
concile and overcome. They were to require from the
Porte a ratification of those conditions into which the
Turkish empire had solemnly entered, and they
had to fulfil the object they themselves had agreed to-
ge!her to effect, viz., the maintenance of the integrity and
independence of the Turkish empire. This latter the
Noble Lord might have suggested as' a reason for not
strictly insisting on the performance of the treaty.
When Syria was delivered over to the Porte in 1839 and
1840, it should have been well considered, that such rule
was precarious if not dangerous. He did not wish to
enter into the question of the policy that dictated such a
course—he did not wish to discuss the motives or dispute
the expediency of so signal and serious a step ; the

••••..N.i.bM1016e1IMI.•••;:•11.10

British Government had then to determine, not ;whether
Egyptian rule was bed and ought to be discontinued—and
worse rule never was evidenced—but the question then to
decide was, whether the peace of the Turkish empire was
not endangered by the inefficient Government of Syria.
But, again, what bad been done in respect of Greece ?
Why, the Turkish Government had, by the administra-
tion of the Noble Lord, been found so bad there, that
they had allied with others to rescue Greece from that
dominion, and had actually succeeded. Had the Noble
Lord, however, referred to those acts in which he himself
took so prominent a part ? Had he adverted to the en-
gagement entered into by Lord Ponsonby in regard to
the Government of Syria, immediately after the decisive
measures for securing peace had been adopted and con-
cluded by England On the 23d of May, 1841, he
found Lord Ponsonby writing to Lord Palmerston of the
dangerous state of the country, in w hich he was Minister,
and admitted that the very first Governor was a traitor,
and friendly to Mehemet Ali. lie (Sir R. Peel) admitted
that the Porte had not fulfilled its engagements, there
had been a shabby evasion of pecuniary claims, now ad-
mitted, now rejected, now frittered down to nothing.
He did not wish, he did not attempt to vindicate such
conduct, and short of actual compulsion, no exertion had
been spared to enforce the satisfaction of just claims from
the Sublime Porte. He was ready to pay the highest
tribute of admiration to Sir Stratford Canning, for his
tact and meritorious conduct throughout the protracted
and intricate circumstances which had required so much
prudence, temper, and ability ; all of these attrie
bates: the Minister at Constantinople had proved
himself eminently possessed, and qualified to carry the
honour of this country and the safety of Syria and
Turkey fully into effect. Colonel Rose also was en-
titled to the warmest approbation, if not gratitude, of
the country ; it had been said that that officer 'had
unduly interfered in the-course pursued by the Turkish
Government. The conduct of Colonel Rose through-
eut the entire proceedings between Syria and the Porte,
the sacrifices he had made, the dangers he hail under-
gone, was a sufficient defence against any charge of
unnecessary interference, or excess of duty. Again, it
had been said that the Secretary of State had not given
sufficiently definite instructions to their officers abroad.
The Noble Lord should have remembered the
difficulty of sending any specific orders, at such a
distance from the scene of their execution. Time and
distance both in this case combined to render an un
deviating course impossible and abortive. He always
thought that the best mode of effecting a safe and suc-
cessful Government abroad was, in the first place, to
appoint able and efficient officers, and then to leave to
their discretion, the perfect adoption, or partial devia-
tion from any course marked out by the Administration
at home ; except under such understanding, the attempt
to carry ont a safe policy in such a country as Turkey
would be preposterous and unsuccessful. On the 17th
of September, 1844, Sir Stratford Canning wrote to the
Government at home that he had received information
that the Maronites and Druses hai come to a satisfac-
tory understanding, and that the long pending question
of Mount Lebanon might be deemed settled.
This was the impression of that Gallant Officer at that
time. If the Noble Lord did not think this statement of
Colonel Rose sufficient, he would refer him to an-
other. He would read to him a letter received from that
officer within the last three months, which would bear
him (Sir Robert Peel) out in what he had just said.
The Right Hon. Baronet here read the letter referred
to, which was dated Beyrout, July 1, and in answer to
certain dispatches approving of the steps he had taken
to restore peace to Mount Lebanon. After expressing
his sincere gratification at this proof of the confidence of
her Majesty's Government, the letter went on to state
that the writer had acted with the desire of-doing jus-
tice to all parties, and that while assuring the Druses of
maintaining for them equal rights with the rest of
the religious persuasions of Mount Lebanon, he impressed
on them the necessity of showing in turn the same re-
spect and consideration to others which they expected
to be shown to them. There was. a warlike chief there
who had been the cause of much fear and apprehension,
and whose depredations were much to be dreaded, the
hostile intentions of whom the writer (Colonel Rose)
had succeeded in arresting. This (continued Sir R.
Peel) had been the conduct of this excellent officer—
(Hear, hear)—not favouring one party at the expense
of another, but doing the best in his power to protect
the interests of all.—(Cheers.) He had shown that he
had no partiality for any one class of the Porte's sub-
jects in Syria over another, or that one should profit at
the expense of any other.—(Hear, hear.) Considering
that the five Powers were agreed on the policy to be
pursued respecting Syria, he could see no object to be
gained by the motion of the Noble Lord. He had re-
ceived advices from the Porte that very day, inti-
mating . that steps were taking to -settle all these
differences. Whether this promised settlement was
likely to be soon carried out he could not say. On this
head he could not speak with much confidence. He
merely stated the fact to the House. Under these cir-
cumstanees he was not anxious of going into details on
the present occasion. Sir Stratford Canning had brought
measures under the serious consideration of the Porte,
and there was every reason to suppose matters would be
properly settled. Such was the state of affairs according
to recent accounts. He would not go further into the
subject at present, beyond saying that it was the interest
of all the Powers that this country (Syria) should be
well governed. He had no other observation to make
on this immediate subject. He bad no opposition to
offer to the production of the dispatches and documents
required. He however considered it would have been
better to have waited until next session, when a more
complete series could have been presented. Before
sitting down he could not take leave of the business of
the session without attempting to do justice to the Mem
bers of that House who had attended to its private
business. The greatest attention, he must say,
had been paid to this department. Those who
had been engaged in attending on the Com-
mittees on private Bills had not the same
stimulus to exertion which those who took part in the
public business of the House had. Those on the benches
of that House appeared more prominently before the
public ; they were engaged on more exciting subjects ;
and their success brought more gratifying results. Yet
he must say those who had attended to the private busi-
ness of the House had done their duty in the most satis-
factory manner, and at great personal sacrifice. He
spoke not of Committees of Railway Bills alone, but in-
cluded all other Committees who had sat on private
business in that House. Take the Standing Orders Com-
mittee, for instance. No one thought of naming it, yet
look at what it had done. It had sat 39 days—a far
greater period than ever it had done before. The
number of cases in ordinary years brought under its
consideration were about 6; this session the cases had
been 185. The Committee of Selection had sat forty-
one days, far beyond the ordinary number. The usual
number of Bills brought before it were 180 ; this session
there had been 350. The Committee en Petitions bad
also sat more than its usual number of days. There
had been forty-five Railway Committees, each Commit-
tee having five Members, making in all 225 Members of
that House. These Committees had decided upon 163 Bills.
Of these Committees, nine sat from six to twelve days
each ; six, from 12 to 18 days ; three, from 18 to 24
days ; five, about 24 days, and to the honour of the
Members of one Committee. they sat 83 days. This had
been done by the Members of these Committees, besides
attending to other important duties. He must say that
Members who had discharged their duty on private Bills
were entitled to a public expression of acknowledgment,
and he was sure that he would be speaking the senti-
ments of the Members of both aides of the House in thus
doing justice to the conduct of these Memb rs, and the
motives by which they had been guided. Nor had there
been the least suspicion thrown upon the integrity of the
Members who had attended to this important branch of
business. It' they compared the charaeter of former
Comoittees of that House with the present, they must
admit that a very great improvement had been made.
These Members, thereftire, were entitled_to carry away
with them the public acknowledgments of that House,
for the manner in which they had discharged their duty
as Members of Parliament.—(Hear, hear.)
An Hoer. MEMIER thought that such a-subject should
not be discussed in so thin a House, and moved that the
House be counted.

Strangers were then ordered to withdraw ; and on our
return, -there being only. twenty five Mi.4nbers present,
the Hotiie adjourned till to-morrow (this day) at Ter
o'clock.

PARLIAMENTARY BUSINESS.
FRIDAY, AUG. 8.
Sheffield and Lincolnshire Junction Railway Bill,—Report
:onsidered ; amendments agreed to ; Bill to be ingrossed.
Railway Bills (Group X ), Special report-brought up and
read ; to lie on the table, and to be printed :—Bills withdrawn
London and York Railway (Sheffield Branch) I3lll,—Re-
parted; report to lie en the table, and to be printed.
Railways,— Return of Railway Acts passed in the present
session, with the length of each line (ordered 4th August),
laid on the table, and to be printed.
Standing order, No. 23a, read, and amended, by leaving
out the words " together with the line of the projected rail-
way laid down on a-map of a scale not less than that of the
Ordnance map of England," and inserting the words " toge-
ther with a published map to a sbale of not less than half an
inch to a mile, with the line of railway delineated thereon, so
as to show its general course and direction."
Piers and harbours —Address for " Return of all tolls now
authorised to be levied for the maintenance of any piers or
harbours on the coast of Great Britain and Ireland, on ves-
sels passing by but not entering within such piers or har-
bours; distinguishing the amount of any such tolls,-the pe-
riod at which they were authorised to be levied, and the time
Ph and Surgeons, &c.,—Address for
during which they are to be continued; together with the
amount of such tolls received in each year, from the year
18.38 to 1844, both inclusive."
Colleges- of
" Returns from the Colleges of Physicians and Surgeons, the
Phi
Societies-of Apothecaries, and the Universities of Great Bri-
tain and Ireland, showing, for the three years ending the
31st day of
each College, Society, of December, 1844, the number of candidates ex-
aminect
and University, for diplomas
or licenses in medicine and -surgery, the numbers of such
diplomas or licenses actually granted. and a definition of the-
rights and privileges which such diplomas or licenses have
conferred on their possessors."
REPORT FROM THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON
- • GROUP (X) OF RAILWAY BILLS.
(SPECIAL REPORT.)
-
EASTERN
-COUNTIES (HERThORD AND BIGGLESWADE), MID.
LAND RAILWAYS EXTENSION (sWINTON AND LINCOLN),
MIDLAND RAILWAYS EXTENSION (LINCOLN AND FLY),
YORK AND NORTH MIDLAND AND DiNCASTER EXTENSION,
RAILWAY BILLS.
Lord Courtenav reported from the Select Committee on
Group (X) of Railways, That, in the case of the Eastern
Counties (Hertf;)rd and Biggleswade), Midland Railways
Extension (Swinton and Lincoln), Midland Railways Ex-
tension (Lincoln and Ely), York and North Midland and
Doncaster Extension Railway Bills, the parties promoting
those Bills respectively, had intimated to the Committee
that, in consequence of the advanced period of the session,
it is not their intention to proceed. further with them at
present.
Ford Courtenay further reported frora- the Select Corn-
mitttee, that,,in reporting as above to the House, they think
it (right at the same time to state, that it is owipg solely to
the length of time occupied in the previous investigation,
and not to any lathes of tke parties, that the Bills are not iit

a position to render it L :rabic that they should be further
proceeded with.

The PREMIER and the CURRENCY.
Sir Robert Peel rarely condescends to joke. When,
however, he does, the subject will generally be found to
be a weighty one ; and not less certainly will the cha-
racter of the subject be found to exhibit itself in the
Premier's witticisms. The specific gravity of these
effusions is always remarkable.
The currency question is one with which Sir Robert
loves occasionally to dally. He can at times no more re-
sist the temptation to say smart things about the
"standard of value," and " Birmingham economists," than
he can repress his disposition to be pompous when deal-
ing with matters which, to men endowed with a larger
measure of fancy and with greater flexibility of manner,
supply sometimes not ungraceful occasions of jocularity.
The Premier's recent reply to Mr. Spooner abounds in
passages distinguished by what Si:akspeare styles
" heavy lightness."
Sir Robert sneered at Mr. Alison, as well as at
" Spooner and Attwood;" and, after adverting to what
he deemed inconsistencies in Mr. Alison's doctrines, ob-
served with infinite contempt, " this is the philosopher
who is to instruct us on the currency r'
And what may be the pretensions of Sir Robert Peel
to a larger measure of economical wisdom than has
fallen to the lot of the "Birmingham economists ?"
Did not Sir Robert Peel commence his career as a
legislator on the currency, by resisting that scheme of
" philosophy " of which he now boasts that he is the
chief apostle ? Did not Sir Robert Peel struggle in
1811 against the theory which Ricardo fabricated,
and which Jones Loyd has strengthened and ex-
tended ? Did not Sir Robert the now unbending
champion of " the true currency principle "—maintain
with Lord Bexley, in 1811, that Bank of England
paper had undergone no depreciation ? Did he not
maintain, at the time when a guinea was selling in the
market for a one-pound Bank note and seven shillings,
that the market value of the guinea was not more than
one shilling and the one-pound note ?
Did not Sir Robert, a few years subsequently,
abandon without apology or explanation his anti.
bullionist opinions ? Did he not unblushingly em-
brace the Jewish system which he had previously de-
nounced ? Did he not, in 1819, while still styling him-
self a Tory, repudiate the economical faith of Mr. Pitt,
and lend himself to the schemes of the usurers, and of
the other enemies of English industry ?
Does not Sir Rober: s Currency Bill of 1819 stand•
revealed before the world as a blunder and a mighty
fraud ? May not the fraudulent character of that
measure be, in fact, established by the aid of Sir
Robert's " principles " and declarations ? Did not Sir
Robert adopt the words of Ricardo, and proclaim that
the action of his money-law would not lower prices
more than four-and-a-half per cent. ? Have not prices
been lowered by the action of that law more than
fifty per cent. ? Did not Sir Robert promise in 1819
that his money-law would supply the country with
"a steady and sufficient currency ? Did not Sir
Robert, when, in 1844, he introduced his Bank Charter
Act, admit, virtually, that his Currency Bill of 1819
had proved a most disastrous failure ? Was not the
Bank Charter Act, indeed, introduced for the express
purpose of securing to the country what the Currency
Bill of 1819 was declared to have secured to the country
a quarter of a century before ? And, because Sir
Robert's beautiful " currency principles" had led to
nothing but industrial disasters, these principles were
declared by him to .be deserving of more stringent
application !
Yet this most profound and most consistent of legis-
lators on currency ventures to sneer at " inconsisten-
cies" which he imputes to Mr. Alison, as well as to
" Spooner and Attwood !"
Sir Robert fears-that if gold were allowed to find its
value in the English market, the precious commodity
might rise to the plice of 101. per ounce. And can Sir
Robert really imagine that such an inferential argument
proves the inexpediency of establishing a system of
paper money that shall represent the taxation of the
country, and be convertible into gold only at the merit et
price of that metal ? If he does, his ignorance must,
indeed, be fathomless.
Why. should Sir Robert Peel dread the prevalence of
a high price of gold ? Does he not rejoice in a high
price of Consols ? Has he not dilated on the fact that
the funds have been at par, as proof of the wisdom of
his economical policy ? Why, we ask again, should
our consistent and most logical PreMier regard with
dread a rise in the price of gold from 3/. 17s. lOid. per
ounce to 101., while he rejoices over a rise in the price of
Consols from 58 to 100 ?
Let us, moreover, direct attention to certain arrange-
ments that are sanctioned by the Bank Charter Act,
which our consistency-loving Premier has forced upon
the country.
Sir Robert, who contends that paper money should
represent and he of precisely the same value as gold—
gold being, in the first place, artificially cheapened—has,
nevertheless, permitted the Bank of England to issue
fourteen millions on the security of Exchequer-bills, and
of the debt due by the country to the Bank.
If the principle of this arrangement be sound, are we
not warranted in inferring, that everycreditor of Govern-
ment is entitled to exercise the privilege of issuing paper
money?
" We owe the Bank of England eleven millions of
money; therefore," so argues Sir Robert Peel, "the
Bank ought to be allowed to issue promissory notes to
that amount."
• :This reasoning may be perfectly irresistible ; but if it
be, then it would seem to follow that, as the country owes
to a certain class of persons eight hundred millions of
money, that class of persons ought to be allowed to issue
eight hundred millions of promissory notes.
How may a statesman, so enamoured of" consistency"
as Sir Robert Peel is, escape from this conclusion ?
Has not the Premier declared, besides, that it is every
nation's " wisest course to buy cheap and to sell dear? '
flow, then, may this "consistent" gentleman venture to
declare, as he (lid during the discussions on the Bank
Charter Act, that "he does not want the greatest quantity
at the cheapest rate"—but that "he wants the best article ?"
Sir Robert, it will be noted, assumes that system of
currency to be " best " which best suits—not the indus-
trious classes—but the classes which prey on industry.
Sir Robert has, we repeat, told his agricultural sup-
porters that the true rule of national policy is " to buy
cheap and to sell dear." As soon, however, as there
arises an occasion on_which this—his pet maxim—might
he turned to account by agricultural producers, Sir Ro-
bert unhesitatingly repudiates it. If it be good to " buy
valuedeelroi and
dt ofproduce
cheap and to sell dear," the agriculturist is surely en-
titled to demand the privilege of selling his produce
buying
is
"c
measured.h e a
'the
Ton,
" interposes money
n whieh
theth e
consistent Sir Robert. "I like corn cheap, but I like
money good. I will tolerate, therefore, only the best
money—that money . which shall best promote the pur-
poses of mortgagees, annuitants, and usurers."
The " consistent " Sir Robert is, in short, the true
"farmer's friend." II is always busied either in directly
cheapening agricultural produce, or in adding, directly,
to the agriculturist's debts and burdens.—Post.

HOW TO REBUILD QUEBEC ?
(From the Sentinel.)
We are not about to enter into the mysteries of bricklaying
or masonry ; we have no present concern with granite or
cement ; neither have we any opirien to offer on styles of archi-
tecture. Our business is to show in what manner the destroyed
city of Quebec may be restored without private subscriptions
or Parliamentary grants, without costing one shilling either to
Canada or Britain. What Oriental fiction fabled of Aladdin's
lamp; plain common sense can realise without incantation or
magic. Nothing is wanting to an end but adequate means,
and certainly the means to ends have long existed, though in
latent forms, before they have been discovered by philosophy
or applied by science. Need we cite such familiar examples as
gas or steam ? As these had a beginning, so also must we
have a commencement to the true system of productive power
—even to the power which can raise a fired city from its ashes
by a new combination of intelligence and industry. We take
it for granted that the materials of construction exist in
Canadae-bricks, stone, lime, timber, tiles, iron, &c. ; and that
there
.are architects to design, and, labourers to execute
what is designed. We want no otherelements to rebuild Que-
bec. What !" exclaims the sceptic, " can you do this great
thing without funds ?" " And pray," we ask in reply, '6 what
do you mean by funds?" 1' Gold," answers the sceptic;
" ounces, aye, tons of gold." It is quite natural that. men of
the old school should talk thus. Living in an atmosphere of
illusions, and muddled by prejudices, they suppose, that gold
must be dug out of the mines before labour can build a house.
construct a ship, or Plough a field, forgetful that society must
ueceesarily have made very considerable progress in many of
the useful arts before the precious metals were discovered ;
for surely man acted on the surface of the earth before he ex..
plored its interior. If the possession of gold must precede all
other forms of property in the order of time, and be the antece-
dent to their creation. scethat gold is the of eent cause of all
the realised wealth scattered over the fate of the globe,
how did man contrive .to emerge from barbarism and pass
the boundaries of the nomadic state ? Does not testi-
mony and fact contradict this doctrine? Nay, more; is it
not true that the countries possessing the gold and silver
mines have ever been inferior to those possessing coal and
iron? And does not history certify, that, when Spain began
to import the precious metals, she began to decline both in
the powers of production and national defence? Or, must
we mount up to the traditions of Greece and bring forward
the apologue of Midas, in refutation of the fallacies of Jones
Loyd and the mystifications of Capel Court ? We beg attention
to the following facts. Those who doubt them may consult
official documents, living witnesses, and the very edifice itself
of which we are about to speak. If the facts are admitted,
then, we shall ask, where is the difficulty of rebuilding Quebec
without private subscriptions, Parliamentary grant, or any the
Tightest conceivable mode of taxation ? These, then, are the
facts. The States or Parliament of Guernsey, about the
year 1821 (we have forgotten the exact date), determined
to build a meat market, at the cost of 4,0001. ;
but, not possessing gold, they issued symbols of their national
wealth.in the shape of one-pound paper notes, not bearing in-
terest. With these they paid the contractor, who discharged
wages with them, and other debts due for the materials he used.
In due course of time the edifice was completed, and thus, pith
these symbols, a substantial reality was created, witheut t..e
assistance of a single grain of geld. This market was divided
into shops, which were let to butchers, and the rental amounted
to 4001. per annum. At the end of the first year of tenancy,
the holders of the symbols or notes, numbered from I to 400
inclusive,
.brought them to the treasurer of the States, atei
received for them the rents of the butchers; the notes were
then burnt, and,. by repeating this operation, all the symbols
were destroyed in ten years, while the market remained,
and still dies remain, affording great accommodation
to the inhabitants, and yielding an annual revenue
to the States. Now, where is the. difficulty of ap-
plying .this system to the rebuilding of Quebec ? What
is there to hinder our creating
.a reality with a
symbol? Let not the plan be condemned because it is novel,
for there was a time when gold coin was a novelty; let it not
be rejected because it militates against preconceived opinions,
for wisdom will alwaye be ready to revise opinions when pre-
sumptive evidence is offered that 'they are wrong. If the .
symbols of Guernsey, guaranteed by the whole tangible pro-
perty of Guernsey, could construct a market, why should not
the symbols of England, guaranteed by the whole tangible pros
perty of England, build up a city ?No Guernsey-man was
fool enough to refuse giving his commodities for the market
notes. What Englishmen or what. Canadian would be so sense-
less as to reject the city of Quebec notes, in exchange for what
he had to sell ? When Qtiebec is *rebuilt, and its houses
tenanted, what can be easier than to cancel the symbols olt

of the proceeds of the rents ? To effect this mighty good. Nee
need net a grain of gold ; we shall not have to pay any tri,ney-
monger a farthing of interest, nor impose a feather of taxation
either on the present or. future generation. This is Alad-
din's lamp. Who can possibly topple so simple, so efficient,
so costless a plan ? None but the holders of gold, the dealers in
money, discounters, usurers, loan contractors—men who say,
" We will lend you the means of rebuilding the city of
Quebec." We answer, that it can be built without the means
these gentry proffer, and for the loan of which they make a
charge. We undertake to do it without their intervention,
without any payment whatever for interest. We want no third
party, no middle-man, between Parliament and labour. Let
Parliament vote the symbols, and we will erect the streets and
squares without setting foot in Lombard-street or the
Bank parlour. But it may be said, " Charity begins at home;
and, if you can effect these things in Canada, why not convert
the mud. cabins of Ireland into comfortable d ?" No-
thing easier; and, by the same plan, we could bringall the waste
lands of Ireland into cultivation. In fact, was Glasgow built
with gold or with symbols? or. was the soil of Scotland ren-
dered fertile by the precious metals or by paper ? Every one
knows that the banking system of North Britain made North
Brit-in what she is. However, instead of the symbols of
Joint-stock Cotivanies, as in Scotland, we would use national
symbols, by which means we should save interest charges, and
prevent the possibility of a run,—since he who did run would
run against himself. The millions would not be debtors to the
hundr, de there would be no division into bees and drones ;
no lazy fundholders exacting tribute from active industry. He
wbo produced most, would get hold of most of the symbols,
and, through the symbols, most of the realities which the
symbols would create ; while, on the contrary, the property of
the idle would depreciate, just as the labour of the industrious
would be appreciated. If gold be the necessary antecedent of pro-
duction, then are the holders of gold the absolute masters of
all the producing classes, and British industry is the slave, the
bondsman of a foreign metal. The Duke of Wellington insists
that we must not be dependent on foreigners for corn, but up-
holds a law which makes us dependent on the presence in the
Bank cellars of a foreign metal. When the metal is shipped
off to Hamburgh by speculators in currency, or to Dantzic by
buyers of wheat, masters go into the Gazette, and workmen
into the unions. This shows the power of the yellow metal,
as the master of industry; its withdrawal paralyses the brawny
arm of labour, just as the withdrawal of air produces suffoca-
tion in the body natural. Let us, then, emancipate ourselves
from this idol which our folly has enshrined in the temple of
Mammon, for the sole benefit of the Priesthood of Usury. Let
us make money our servant, not our master, and then just as
the wise Guernsey-men built their market, so may we rebuild
Quebec, house, feed, and clothe our people, and make this
globe what God intended it to be, an earthly Paradise, where
all may live within the pale of plenty and virtue.