The Sun.
London, England, 1844-12-24 00:00:00

COURT CIRCULAR.

_ -
WINDSOR, MoNDAT.--The Queen and Prince Albert
went out for their early morning walk. On the return
of her Majesty and his Royal Highness, the Prince
left the Castle to shoot in the royal preserves, attended
by Mr. Anson and Sir Edward Bowater.
Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent visited
the Queen and Prince Albert this morning.
Her Royal Highness the Princess Royal went out
for a carriage airing this morning.
Their Royal Highnesses Prince Alfred and the
Princess Alice were taken a walk to-day.
The Earl of Aberdeen and Sir Henry Wheatley
arrived at the Castle to-day, on a visit to the Queen.
The Countess of Gainsborough is expected to
arrive this evening at the Castle.
Her Royal highness the Duchess of Kent, Lady
Fanny Howard, and the Countess Wratislaw, joined
the royal circle at dinner.
Her Majesty's private band was in attendance at
the Castle after dinner, and performed during the
evening.

The—Queen honoured Mr. Thorburn with a sitting
to-day for her portrait.
The Queen and Prince Albert inspected, on Satur-
day, an engraved portrait of the Princess Charlotte of
Belgium, engraved by Robinson, from an original
miniature painted by Sir William Ross, R A., for her
Majesty the Queen of the Belgians, which was sub-
mitted by Mr. David Thomas White. Her Majesty
and his Royal Highness were pleased to express their
approbation.

A deputation of the promoters of the Redcar and
Wear Valley Railway had an interview with the Earl
of Dalhousie yesterday, at the office of the Board of
Trade.

Mr. Hart Davis, Deputy Chairman of the Excise,
had an interview with the Chancellor of the Ex-
chequer yesterday, at his official residence in Down-
ing-street.
The Hon. Sidney Herbert transacted business yes-
terday at the Foreign-office.
A deputation to present memorials from Mon-
mouthshire and Breconshire had an interview with
the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday, at the Board of
Trade. The deputation presented memorials from
Monmouth county, from Monmouth town, from
Abergavenny, from Usk, from Brecon, and from
Crickhowell.

The Earl of Aberdeen left town yesterday after
noon for Windsor Castle.

Lord Granville Somerset had an interview with the
Chancellor of the Exchequer yesterday.
Dispatches from the Governors of the West India
Colonies were received yesterday at the Colonial-
office.

A deputation from the Rotherham, Bawtry, and
Gainsborough Junction Railway, had an interview
with the Earl of Dalhousie yesterday.

LITERATURE.
THE LAWYERS 1N LOVE. 3 Vola.
Cochrane, London, 1844.
The title of this work suggests the idea of fun and
drollery, and there is much of this to be found in it,
though it will certainly not quite answer the reader's
expectations. The tale is in the form of an auto-
biography, and professes to consist of passages from
the life of a Chancery barrister, which were written
many years since, and the manuscript of which was
found in an old musty, worm-eaten closet in the
author's chambers. Some of the characters, especially
that of Aunt Circumspect, are drawn with spirit and
discrimination, and the closing incidents of the story
are full of broad humour, and would form the
materials of an excellent farce. It is impossible to
read the account of the marriage of Aunt Circumspect
with her own brother's clerk, with whom she had
eloped, under the mistaken notion that he was a
nobleman of fortune, without indulging in a hearty
laugh, such as that which we enjoy when reading of
the matrimonial mishaps of the leading personages in
Congreve's Old Bachelor.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.
TAT FERSALL'S—YESTERDAY.
The Derby betting touched upon nearly all the
standard favourites, and, in a few instances, with some
effect on the prices ; thus 1,000 to 35 was laid agst
Anti-Repealer, and 800 to 20 agst Young Eclipse—a
fall of several points on the previous quotations. The
Rebecca colt and the one out of Calypso's dam were
backed at 1,000 to 30 each, the former with a de-
cided call ; 1,000 to 25 each was taken about Pan-
tasa, Fitzallen, and Weatherbit, and 500 to 10 about
Cabin Boy, their backers willing to go on ; 50 to 1
was laid to about 2001. agst Ironmaster, " all in," the
only terms upon which any business was or could
have been transacted. Against the principal favourites
the only bets were 600 to 50 agst Alarm, 500 to 25
agst the Cobweb colt, 1,100 to 50 and 500 to 25 two
or three times agst Pam, the takers, particularly the
Pam division, " fond." Of the general prices, and of
several engagements on the Chester Cup, we subjoin
the usual averages:—
CHESTER CIIP—(NAME OR NOT.)
1000 to 20 agst Ratan—taken
1000 to 20 agst Corranna—taken
1000 to 20 agst Extempore—taken
1000 to 20 agst Celeste—taken
2000 to 40 agst A-la mode—taken
2000 to 40 agst Wiseacre—taken
2000 to 40 agst Semiseria—taken
500 to 10 agst Mid Lothian—taken
300 to 5 agst Peggy—taken
Offers to take 35 to 1 about Winesour.
DERBY'.
11 to 1 apt Mr. Greville's Alarm
16 to 1 apt Lord Stradbroks's Idas—take 17 to 1
18 to 1 agst Colonel Anson's Kedger—t. 20 to 1
18 to 1 apt Col. Peel's Cobweb colt—take 20 to 1
20 to 1 agst Lord Chesterfield's Pam—taken
1000 to 35 apt Mr. Jaques's Anti-Repealer—taken
30 to 1 agst Mr. A. Johnstone's Rebecca colt
30 to 1 apt Mr. St. Paul's c out of Calypso's dam—t.
33 to 1 agst Mr. Gully's Old England—taken
33 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Laird o'Cockpen
—taken and afterwards offered.
35 to 1 agst Mr. S. Stanley's Minikin colt—t. 40 to 1
40 to 1 agst Mr. Colemaa a Young Eclipse—taken
40 to 1 agst Mr. Mostyn's Pantasa—taken
40 to 1 agst Mr. Gully's Weatherbit—taken
40 to 1 agst Mr. llesseltine's Fitzallen—taken
50 to 1 agst Mr. Lintott's Cabin-boy—taken
50 to 1 agst Mr. A. W. Hill's Ironmaster—t. (all in)
50 to I agst Col. Cradock's Jinglepot
250 to 200 on Idas agst the Cobweb colt—taken
1000 to 10 and 2000 to 15 laid agst Idas winning this
and the 2000 Guineas, and Lancashire Witch the Oaks.
OAKS.
10 to 1 each, in one bet, laid agst the Lancashire
Witch and Refraction.
12 to 1 agst Duke of Richmond's Refraction—taken
15 to 1 apt Lord G. Bentinck's Rose of Cashmere—t.
1000 to 30 agst Lord G. Bentinck's Miss Ells—taken
400 to 100 agst Kent's lot.

RATES OF POSTAGE FOR THE
ARMY AND NAVY.
The following notice appeared to-day at the General
Post-office, St. Martin's• le-Grand :

"nY COMMAND OF THE POSTMASTER-GENERAL.
"Notice to the Public, and Instructions to all Post
masters, Sub-Postmasters, and Letter Receivers.
" General Post-effice, Dec., 1844.
" The following regulations and alterations in the
rates of postage having been authorised by warrant
of the Lords' Commissioners of her Majesty's Trea-
sury, dated the 28th ult., will commence and take
effect on and from the Ist of January next. Letters
addressed to commissioned officers of the Army, Navy,
or Ordnance, while employed on actual service in any
of her Majesty's colonies, or on any foreign station,
who shall have removed to the United Kingdom in
the execution of their public duty, shall not be liable
to any additional postage on their re-direction from
such colony or foreign station to this country.
"British newspapers, duly stamped, addressed to
commissioned or non-commissioned officers of the
Army or Navy, or to any soldiers, sailors, or marines,
while actually employed on her Majesty's service in
any foreign country, or on any foreign station, may
be forwarded by packet free of postage, provided they
are made up and dispatched under the existing regu-
lations as regards the transmission of newspapers to
foreign countries.
" The privilege at present enjoyed by soldiers and
sailors in her Majesty's service, and by soldiers in the
service of the East India Company, of receiving and
sending letters, not exceeding half-an-ounce, at a re-
duced rate of postage, is extended to seamen in the
service of the East India Company while actually
employed in such service."

THE POACHING ArFRAY AT CROOME.—WOR.
CESTER, SUNDAY NIGHT.—The unfortunate gamekeeper,
who was brought to the Worcester Infirmary on Friday
night with a fractured skull and other injuries inflicted
on him by a gang of some twenty poachers early on that
morning, in the game preserves of Earl Coventry, in the
parish of Croome, still lies at the hospital in a very pre
carious condition. His name is Thomas Staite. The
two other men who were seriously injured by the
poachers are brothers, named Compton, residing at the
village of Kempsey, between Worcester and Croeme.
They are in a fair way of recovery. We have just
heard that one of the poachers, named Turvey, has been
captured by the police. A reward of 50/. has been offered
by the Earl of Coventry's steward for the apprehension
and conviction of the parties concerned in this outrage,
and in the printed notices issued to this effect it is
intimated that an application will be made to the Secre-
tary of State for a free pardon for any accomplice who
may be the means of bringing his confederates to
justice.
VISIT OF TILE BLUE-COAT BOYS TO THE ADE-
LAIDE GALLERY.—Yesterday the boys of Christ's Hos-
pital, nine hundred in number, visited the Adelaide
Gallery, in the Lowther Arcade, and appeared highly
delighted with the amusements and various curious spe-
cimens of mechanism exhibited there.

HEALTH OF GENERAL NOTT.—We are happy in
being able to state that the General is now somewhat
better, though still far from out of danger. For several
days he was lying insensible, but a favourable change
has taken place. He is now able to sit up for few
hours daily.— Welshman.

THE CHARITABLE BEQUESTS
BILL.

Deeply, seriously do we mourn over the triumph
which the Government have gained over the Church
of God. For a time they have succeeded in binding
three Prelates of that Church to the chariot wheels of
the State. This is a cause of mournful regret to
every Catholic in the kingdom.
We certainly were of opinion that the three digni-
fied Prelates whose names are now before the world
as the sanctioners of this insidious measure, the fruit
of Protestant and anti-Catholic legislation, would not
have accepted the power of administering that mea-
sure, until it had been weeded of all its most dan-
gerous clauses. It has been said that Dr. Murray, in
reply to a deputation that waited on him from the
Regular Order of the Clergy, admitted that there
were certain modifications required, and which
he himself judged necessary to the right work-
ing of the Act. Our surprise is, that Dr. Murray,
who must be supposed, even without this declara-
tion, to be intimately conversant with the open and
palpable as well as the hidden dangers to the Catholic
Church, should accept office under an Act which no
man, save perhaps an O'Malley, has had the hardi-
hood to approve (fin its present shape. We are poor
judges of what becomes the dignity of a bishop, but
our opinion is, that, laying all other considerations
aside, it would be more politic for one of the most re-
vered dignitaries of the Church of the unbroken
erarchy to have positively and decidedly refused
office from the Government until the Bequests Act—
so intimately affecting the independence of his Church
—had been freed from clauses to which he, as well
as the great body of the clergy and laity, conscien-
tiously objected. Now, Dr. Murray, Dr. Crolly, and
Dr. Denvir have taken office under the Act as it is,
with all its imperfections on its head, relying on the
honesty of Sir Robert Peel, and confiding in the good
faith of an anti-Irish and anti-Catholic Govern-
ment ! Did these exalted Prelates refuse office until
the Act had been purged of its insults and its snares,
the Government would strike in a moment, for "a
Catholic Bishop at any price" is the policy of a Ca-
binet whose greatest "difficulty" is Catholic Ireland.
To our mind, this acceptanee of office, for the admi-
nistration of a confessedly dangerous and imperfect
law, is more precipitate than becomes the grave deli-
beration of members of the most august body in the
community.
We have repeatedly shown that the regular orders
of the clergy, to whom the Catholic Church in Ireland
is so everlastingly indebted, are struck off, at one
blow, from even the sanction and acknowledgment
of this nefarious law—that they are placed beyond
the pale of its provisions—that the insult sand base in-
dignities of the so-called Catholic Relief Act are sanc-
tioned and perpetrated by one accursed clause, which,
as it were, outlaws the purest, the best, the most
learned men in the Church of God. Against this
injustice, this foul wrong, this undeserved stigma,
the secular clergy and the majority of the hierarchy
have spoken out in the voice of indignation. Why
not ? Is not the insult to one order an insult to
another? Is not a danger to one a danger to another?
When the one branch of the great tree is lopped off
by the spoiler, is there safety for the other ? If the
Church of God yield one step to the force or the
fraud of her hereditary oppressors, is not her power
of further resistance weakened, her prestige broken ?
It is this fear, no less than the gratitude which the
whole Church feels towards an order illustrious for
its services as eminent for its virtues, that now binds
our Church to one bond of fraternity and union, and
raises a mighty voice of indignant remonstrance
throughout the land.
We might, were we so inclined, point out the in-
dignity offered to the Catholic prelates whose vene-
rated names we, as Catholics, regret to see paraded
in the columns of a Government Gazette—the in-
sulting difference between " The Most Rev. John
George, Lord Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate
of all Ireland"—and " The Most Rev. Archbishop,
William Crolly." But it is not about such trifles
that we seek to arrest the attention of our readers;
it is of the principle of the act we complain--it is for
the iniquitous provisions we have fear—it is for what
we regard as the fatal entrapping of three of our
Prelates in the meshes of a Protestant and hostile
Government, that we mourn.

Oh, the history of our struggles and triumphs is
glorious in its lesson of firmness and fortitude !
When the altars of God were defiled, even in the
name of that Great Being; when the bishop was
hunted down by the bloodhound of an accursed law ;
when the priest fled to the cave and the mountain,
to offer up the holy sacrifice, of the mass in dark-
ness, or under the arching canopy of Heaven ; when
transportation and death were words familiar to the
ear of the minister of religion—even then there was
less fear for the independence of that Church, whose
first struggles were in the bloody arena, and whose
foundations were bathed in the life-tide of its martyrs,
than there is now, when, amidst the approval and re-
verence of the world, it is threatened by the vile
contamination of a Protestant State. v May that
threatened danger be soon averted by the determined
union of the clergy and the laity.—Cork Examiner.

THZ FROST AT HAMMIRGH.—We learn from private
sources that on the 17th inst., the London mails of the
6th, 10th, and 13th insts., had not reached Hamburgh,
in consequence of which, in addition to the entire ob-
struction of the navigation on the river Elbe by the ice,
business in general was exceedingly dull. On the
16th the intensity of the frost was much dimi-
nished, and on the following day—viz., the 17th, the ther-
mometer of Raumur exhibited one degree of
warmth. Rain had fallen on that day from
morning to evening, but there were indications of a very
early renewal of frost. The execution of Tschech,
at Spandau, for his attempted assassination of the King
of Prussia, was known at Hamburgh, and had created
no sensation whatever. The Turkish Government had
nominated a consul at Hamburgh, in the person of a
Portuguese gentleman, who already represents the Go-
vernment of his own country in the capacity of consul-
genei al, and he had aot felt himself at liberty to accept
the appointment without referring first for permission of
the authorities at Lisbon. This is the first appointment
of the kind which the Turkish Government have made
it. the north of Europe, and it is an indication of a desire
to extend the commercial relations of the empire, which
cannot fail to be interesting to the mercantile public.

SERIOUS FIRE AT THE MANSION OF THE EARL OF
HARRINGTON, WHITEHALL-GARDENS. - Considerable
consternation was caused yesterday morning (Monday),
in the household of the Right Hon. the Earl of Harring-
ton, in Whitehall-gardens, next door to the town resi-
dence of Sir Robert Peel, by the discovery of a fire,
which, it appears quite evident, had been smouldering
for a considerable time, and had broken out in the dress-
ing-room of his Lordship on the second floor, imme-
diately over the ball-room. About a quarter after six
o'clock the attention of one of the inmates was arrested
by a crackling noise, attended by a strong smell of fire.
Upon proceeding up stairs and making strict examina-
tion in the several lower rooms, it was at length dis-
covered that the fire had originated underneath
the hearth of the dressing-roem,, passed along by
the joists of the flooring, which at that time were
all on fire, whence it proceeded to an elaborately
finished recess, most richly ornamented with
cornices of gold, of a very beautiful design, and fur-
nished with a very handsome reclining couch, magnifi-
cently adorned. These at the time of the discovery
were burning rapidly, threatening the destruction of
the whole mansion. An immediate attempt to extin-
guish the flames was made by the servants, but, finding
they were unable do so, a messenger was dispatched
to the Chandos-street station of the fire brigade, thence
to Mr. Fogo, the foreman of the western station, and to
the West of England establishment, engines from which
speedily arrived. A plug in the gardens was drawn, but
the supply of water was very scanty, and buckets filled
from the cisterns supplied around the edifice were used
with much effect in staying the progress of the
flames. By a continuous line of buckets, the supply
of water was well maintained, which was judiciously
distributed by the firemen ; but the fire was burning
in so large a body under the flooring, that it was
found necessary by Mr. Fogo to cut away the floor,
quite into the ball-room, a considerable portion of the
ceiling of which is destroyed. This ball-room is a beau-
tiful specimen of modern architectural finish. It is
elegantly fitted up, and has a deep medallion pattern
cornice around the summit of the side walls. In the
end next to the dressing-room, where the fire broke out,
a hole is cut about two feet square, which it required
considerable labour and upwards of an hour to accom-
plish. This aperture passing through the ceiling of the
ball- room, which, by the smoke, the fire, and the water
1 is damaged, the whole will have to be painted and re-
gilt. In the dressing-room much damage is done. The
recess is nearly burned out, the couch is destroyed, a
great number of classical figures, beautifully overlaid
with gold, are broken, and a variety of articles of vertu
are spoiled, as is much of the furniture and elaborate
appointments, both by fire, water, and removal, so much
so, that it will cost his Lordship a considerable sum to
renovate the mansion and supply the loss occasioned by
the disaster.

DREADFUL ACClDENT.—Yesterday afternoon, be-
tween two and three o'clock, a man, having the appear-
ance of a bricklayer, after ascending a ladder in front
of the house, No. 26, Chapel street, Pentonville, for the
purpose of doing some repairs upon the roof, and walk-
ing a lew yards upon the parapet, either suddenly fell,
or precipitated himself to the ground. The house is a
three storey one. The unfortunate man fell upon his
face, and, though not literally killed upon the spot, no
hope can be entertained of his recovery. lie was taken
up covered with blood, several of his limbs being frac-
tured, and was conveyed by the police, on a stretcher, to
the North London hospital, Gray's Inn-lane. The
name of the man could out be ascertained by our infor-
mant, but he lived in lioward's-green, City-road. A
woman who keeps a fruit stall opposite the house from
which he fell, and who says she had her eyes fixed upon
him at the moment, expresses her firm belief that he
threw himself off, but this must be considered doubtful.

Why is the Polka like bitter beer ? Because there
aro so many hops in it.
It has been determined on to erect barracks in
Portsea for 1,000 men of the line, and orders have been
received here to that effect. The barracks are to be
erected on the Ordnance Ground, between the Lion and
Unicorn Gate .--Hampshire Independent

SLAVERY and the FREE CII URCIL

A correspondence, between Dr. Chalmers and seve-
ral other parties, relative to the question of slavery in•
the United States (as connected with the Scottish
Free Church), has been recently introduced into se-
veral of the Edinburgh newspapers. The interchange
of letters was founded originally on one sent by Dr.-
Chalmers to Dr. Thomas Smyth, of Charleston, Caro-
lina, in which the latter Rev. Dootor was thanked
most warmly for the contributions made by himself
and his friends to the cause of the Free Church in
Scotland. But Dr. Chalmers went further in his
epistle. lle used to Dr. T. Smyth certain language,
and gave vent to particular sentiments, which, as we
do not mean to print the correspondence separately,
we may here quote :
" I do not need to assure you how little I sympa-
thise with those who, because slavery happens to pre-
vail in the Southern States of America, would un-,
christianise that whole region, and who even carry
their extravagance so far as to affirm that, so long as
it subsists, no fellowship or interchange of good offices
should take place with its churches or its ministers.
As a friend to the universal virtue and liberty of man-
kind, I rejoice in the prospect of those days when
slavery shall be banished from the face of the earth ;
but most assuredly the wholesale style of excommuni-.
cation contended for by some is not the way to hasten
forward this blissful consummation."

Here is a different view of things, indeed, from
that taken by Dr. Andrew Thomson, a leader of the
Scottish Church, who may be named at any time
with Dr. Chalmers without a shadow of disparap-
ment to the latter. Many will remember the indig-
nant manner in which the former deceased champion
of religion and liberty denounced the half-and-half
views which Dr. Chalmers now advocates. Can we
be unmindful of the noble spirit which Dr. A. Thom-
son evinced in 1830, when, by the irresistible force of
his eloquence, and the backing power of a good cause,
he turned nearly the entire people of Scotland,
if not, indeed, the majority of the British nation,
from their hasty assent to proposed partial mea.
sures of slave-emancipation—rousing them to the
demand for a full and immediate abolition of that
most unnatural species of bondage where man holds
property in man ? We turn with pleasure to 'the
very words on that occasion of the illustrious And
revered speaker. "If the planter had property in the
slave," said Dr. Thomson, " he must be able to plead
that it is a right of property given to him by God.
If man has property in man, the white must have
property in the black, and why may not the black
also have a right of property in the white ? His
(Dr. T.'s) argument was, that slavery was essentially
opposed to the first principles of our nature, and at
variance with the spirit of our holy religion. It
would not do for the slave-holders to tell him that
they did not make men slaves. Had they not taken
them as slaves they might have been free, for it was
just as bad to keep a man in slavery as it was to make
him a slave."

But without dwelling on the events of that memo-
rable struggle, we shall allow an American to talk to
Dr. Chalmers on this point—an American eminent
as an anti-slavery advocate among his brethren of
the United States—Mr. Tappan, of New York.
Writing to Mr. Joseph Sturge on the letter of Dr.
Chalmers, Mr. Tappan says—
" I cannot convey to you an adequate idea of the
immense mischief such a letter will do in this coun-
try. The tendency is to pull down what we have
been attempting for ten years to build up. It is taking
sides with religious professors who hold slaves, whose
consciences have been reached by anti-slavery dis-
cussions. It is administering an opiate to northern
pro-slavery ministers, who have been placed in an
awkward position by anti-slavery arguments and en-
treaties. Such a letter as this, proceeding from the
pen of one whose writings are exerting a great in-
fluence in this country, will do more injury than all
the good that can be done by his publications in past
years.
"Why will your ministers of the gospel launch such
missiles against the sacred cause of abolition ? Why
do they so dishearten us when we are toiling day
and night, at such sacrifices, to change public senti-
ment, win over the consciences of our countrymen,
and bring about the overthrow of the cruel system of
s:avery ? I have not words to express the grief and
astonishment I feel at such strange conduct. In
addition to the general character of the letter, let me
point your attention to some expressions in it that are
in themselves very reprehensible, and unworthy of
the character of Dr. Chalmers as a man and a theolo-
gian. 'Because slavery happens to prevail in the
Southern States of America.' Happens 1 Is this
proper language for a Doctor of Divinity to use in
speaking of a moral offence ? or does Dr. Chalmers
think slaveholding consistent with morality and reli-
gion ? From the expression quoted, it would seem
that he does, and that he scarcely thinks it even an
offence against humanity and common justice.
Slavery prevails in our Southern States, be it known
to Dr. Chalmers, because 250,000 slaveholders will
that it shall prevail. They hold their fellow-men in
bondage, keep them in ignorance, stop their ears at
the cry of oppression, and at the remonstrance of the
friends of the slave, because, having the power, they
will not relinquish it. Happens, indeed!' "
Some of the distinguished adherents of the Free
Church have already attempted to remedy the error
committed, but, if we may judge from the letter of
the Rev. Henry Grey, they can but clear themselves,
not their brethren and colleagues. All that Dr.
Chalmers has done, on being appealed to for an ex-
planation of his sentiments, has been to defer it on
the plea of his sessional occupations as a teacher of Di-
vinity. He proposes, however, to make the matter
" a study" as soon afterwards as possible. He and
his brethren of the Free Church n ould indeed require
to do so, as dangerous inferences and impressions
have followed the publication of this correspondence.
—Scotsman.

" SURPLICE AND GOWN."—A rector in the diocese
of Exeter has settled this question in rather a comical
way. A few days ago he preached, without either Env-
puke or gown, in his great coat.
The Very Rev. the Dean of Jersey arrived in that
island on Wednesday, and was on the following day
inaugurated into his new office before the Ecclesiaatical
Court.

THE REBELLION OF 1745.—1 t is in contemplation
to celebrate the centenary of the Rebellion of Forty-five,
next August, in the West Highlands.—Carlisle Journal.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer acknowledges the
receipt of one sovereign enclosed to him in a note signed
" China Crape," which money will be placed to the
public credit. _ _

It is said that Messrs. Rogers and Co. find the
acceptors of the bills of exchange which were stolen from
them come forward very handsomely, most of them
having paid their acceptances upon the guarantee of the
house tolieep them _ _

The Marquis of Downshire has been sworn into
office as High Steward of Reading, in the room of the late
Viscount Sidmouth.

CHARGE AGAINST A POLICE INSPECTOR.—At the
Somerset Winter Assizes, just over, a charge of rape
preferred against four men, named Lacey, Poole,
England, and Wicks, by Ann Holbrook, fell to the
ground in consequence, it was understood, of an alit ged
mock trial of the case having taken place at a public-
house in Taunton. In this farce, Frost, an inspector of
the Bath police, was stated to have acted the part of
" Judge ;' and Mr. Baron Alders,n remarked strongly
on the supposed proceeding, attributing the acquittal of
the prisoners to the effect produced by it on the minds
of the jury. These circumstances having reached the
knowledge of the Bate magistrates, Monday was fixed on
for their investigation. The affair was sifted to the bottom.
and turned out to have been mere " moonshine." A.
mock trial of some sort did certainly take place ; it wa.,
however, found to be entirely disconnected with tl e bu-
siness of the assize, and arose from the circumstance of
one Butt, a witness in the Lansdown-riot case having
gone into the bed-room of Ann Holbrook, Matilda
Flower, and some others, and there washed himself. In
the evening, some of the "ladies" jocularly proposed to
try him under the provisions of "the Strong Beer Act,"
for having taken the liberty of entering their chamber.
This they did, and inflicted on him a fine of a quart of
beer, which he, however, not recognising the jurisdiction
of the " Court," nor the " Act " under which it was
constituted, refused to disburse. Frost was present
during a part of these proceedings, but took no part in
them beyond advising Butt to pay the money. This
little incident having reached the ears of the counsel for
the defence, they made an ingenious use of it ; for, by
puzzling the young women with questions, they so
bothered them that an impression was left on the mind
of the judge and jury, that a mock trial of the case had
actually been got up, in which Frost acted the principal
part, and Holbrook and Co. that of witnesses. The ma-
gistrates having consulted Frost, was fully exonerated
from the charge made against him. He was also in-
formed that a copy of the depositions would be for-
worded to Mr. Baron Alderson.—Somerset County
Gazette.

NOVEL PLAN OF EVADING TIIE NEW BANKING,
LAW.—It appears that in some of the iron districts is
novel plan has been adopted to evade the New Law of
Banking. At certain periods the proprietors of iron-
works require advances to pay wages, or for some pur-
pose of the kind, and they ad3ress themselves in the first
instance to the neighbouring bankers. In some cases the
bankers have already issued all the paper that the new
law allows, and at the same time are anxious to afford
the desired accommodation. To do this they give a credit
to some party—probably a tradesman—in the vicinity,
and inform their applicants that, although they (the
bankers) cannot assist them, this party can accommodate
them with small cheques. Of course there is nothing in
the law that can hinder a person keeping a drawing ac-
count with a barker from drawing cheques for any small
amount he pleases, and as the signature is perfectly well
known in the district, such cheques perform all the func-
tions of a local issue. In some districts the bankers have
been known to supply the drawing party with cheques
ready printed for the purpose required.— Hampshire
Advertiser.

CHELTENHAM.-Our %inter season may now ba
considered as having assumed its determinate character,
and it is most gratifying for us to be able to report that
it has every appearance of being the best, certainly the
fullest, that Cheltenham has over known,-•-Ckekenhaue
Looker-on,

14.°N S

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—The landlords—ever on the alert to
serve themselves—are devising means to obtain a
large slice of the surplus revenue which the income-.
tax and the Chinese compensation money have placed
at the disposal of the Minister. Not satisfied with
even this sacrifice of the general interests at their
shrine, they, by indirect attempts, would willingly,
fasten the income-tax in perpetuity unpon the en-
tire nation, if, by so doing, they could obtain the
removal of the malt-tax. The increased consump-
tion of barley would—so the landlords calculate—
enable the farmers to cultivate the growth of that
article at a profit commensurate with high rents.
Thus the landowners' incomes would, they are led to
hope, remain untouched by the tariff and the Cana.
dian Corn Bill of the Government, which threaten to
lower agricultural prices, and consequently to peril
rents. The farmers have not, it is true, responded
with their usual unquestioning alacrity to their land-
lords' call. They evidently begin to suspect that the
reciprocity of interest on which the landowners
expatiate at agricultural dinners, is a mere
one -sided reciprocity : that, whatever changes
take place, the advantages to be derived
from them are engrossed by the landlords, who
avail themselves of than as a pretext for raising
rents; while the losses they occasion are left to be
borne by the farmer, without compensation and with-
out consolation—except, indeed, effusions of wordy
condolence, and exhortations to hope. But whether
the farmers will second the movement against the
malt-tax, or regard it as a landlords' question,
there is little reason to doubt that the landed
interests will employ all their influence with the
Government, and use all their power in the
Legislature, to obtain the object on which they have
set their hearts. It becomes necessary, therefore,
to guard the public generally against this contem-
plated movement of the landed interests. It should
be met by a counter demonstration from the great
body of the community. The whole scope and ten-
dency of legislation in former Parliaments bears
evidence of the sleepless vigilance with which the
landlords have employed their power in Parliament
for their own exclusive advantage. Under one pre-
text or another, successive Parliaments have yielded
themselves to this powerful interest ; and have so
shaped their enactments as, on the one hand, to
exempt the landed interests from bearing their fair
share of taxation ; and on the other, to fetter the free
operations of trade and commerce by restrictive
duties, in order that the produce of the soil might
be protected against that of foreign growth. Every
attempt to diminish taxation by reducing duties
on the importation of agricultural produce from
foreign States, and even from our own Colonies,
has been invariably resisted by the landowners.
If, on the other hand, a new tax was to be levied,
the force of the landed interest has been in-
voked to obtain either an entire exemption, or a
partial relief, from its operation. The foundation of
this claim set up by the landed interest to special fa-
vour in the distribution of taxation, is uniform ; it is,
nevertheless, fallacious. Its success affords a striking
illustration of what falsehood, if persevered in, will
effect both on those who employ, and those who habi-
tually listen to it. " The peculiar burdens borne
by land," is the statement put forth, and—in the
face of facts which demonstrate its utter ground-
lessness—admitted to a considerable extent by those
who, if they do not, ought to know better. This
argument—false and selfish as it is—will be again
used, as it has often been used within the walls of
Parliament. In the appeal which will be made for
the removal of the malt duty it will be put forth by
the advocates of the landed interests as the basis of
the claim. When pressed for proof of the assertion,
that land is disproportionately burdened—that it
has taxes exclusively or peculiarly its own—the
answer is ready. " The land-tax is," say they,
" a burden peculiar to land, as its very name imports."
'What, then, are the facts of the case ? If it can be
shown that this, the strong-hold of the landed inte-
rests in their defence of claims to exemption on the one
hand, and to protection on the other, is untenable,
their case, as against the community, is overthrown.
Let us then look on the land-tax question, with a
view to ascertain whether it be capable of serving the
landlords in the way in which they have employed it.
Sir John Sinclair, in his work on the Revenue, esti-
mates that when the land-tax was first imposed in the
reign of William the Third, and during the reign of
that monarch, the amount contributed to the Exche-
quer was 34 per cent. upon the entire revenue—being
more than one-third of the whole taxation of the
country. Mr. M'lntyre, in his " Influence of Aristo-
cracies on the Destinies of Nations," gives the same
estimate. Speaking of the state of England, in the
reign of William of Orange, he says—" More than a
fourth of the public revenue was derived from the
land-tax. At that time the whole of the revenue was
about 4,600,0001., of which the tax on land was about
1,300,000/." No fact is better capable of demonstra-
tion than that, since the close of the 17th century, land
has increased, in the ratio of productiveness, to a greater
extent than any other description of property. The
incomes of the landlords have been doubled, trebled,
quadrupled within the last half century. The
sites of large towns, and the land in their neighbour-
hoods, have, in several instances, increased them
twenty-fold, thirty-fold, sixty-fold. Reasoning by
analogy, land-tax should have borne an increase pro-
portioned to the increased revenue required for the ser-
vices of the Government. How stands the fact ? In the
year 1842, the total amount ofrevenup was 52,000,000/.,
to which the land-tax contributed 1,200,0001. The
land-tax redeemed since 1798 ought to be added to
this, seeing the annual payment was sold for a value
equal to it. If this be done, the land-tax ought to be
taken at about 2,000,0001. What, then, becomes of
the landlords' stock argument, that the land-tax is a
burden so heavy that it ought to procure for land
an exemption from the fair proportion of the
public taxation, and protection for the produce
of the soil at the expense of the consumers ? A third
at the very utmost, has been added to the land-tax ;
while the common taxes have been increased nearly
twelve times in amount within the same period ; and
this, notwithstanding the vast increase in the produc-
tiveness of land would have justified a proportionate
augmentation of the tax which is referred to as its
peculiar burden, in consideration of which it has a
cl ,im to exemption on the one hand, and to protection
on the other !
STANDARD.—We publish to-day another letter
from the Bishop of Exeter, the first composition of the
Right Rev. Lord that we have ever printed with re-
gret. The letter, which is addressed to the Dean of
Exeter, might, we think, as a whole, have been spared,
without any injury to the Bishop, or to the peace of
the Church. Even supposing Dr. Bull and Chan-
cellor Martin to have acted wrong in calling on the
public to arbitrate in the division between them and
their diocesan, surely it was not necessary for the
Bishop to imitate the conduct which he condemns.
When a party challenges an umpire as incom-
petent to Judge between him and his adversaries, a
simple protest is his proper course ; and there is a
manifest inconsistency in arguing before the offered
arbitrator, to convince him that he is incapable of judg-
ing of an argument, if not unworthy to be addressed.
Besides, the general objection to such a letter as we
publish, there are particular objections which we
cannot overlook, hut which we cannot notice without
great pain. In the first place, in this new letter—as
through the whole of the unhappy controversy in his
diocese—the Bishop, certainly from no want of can-
dour—for a more candid or honourable man does
not live—but, probably, because attending more
than is fitting to details, leaves altogether on one
side the real cause of discontent—the innovation in
doctrine, with which the attempted innovations in
practice are connected, and of which they are the
symbol. 'We believe that there is not a single in-
stance, except, perhaps, his Lordship himself, in
Which a clergyman, not more or less fa-
vourable to the Tractarian heresy, has taken
an active part in promoting the innovations. In
the second place, the Bishop, in his letter to the Dean
of Exeter, seems to brand as schismatics all of the
clergy and laity, that is nineteen-twentieths of
the whole body of the Church, who offer a respectful,
but firm resistance, to the changes introduced by the
Tractarians. Now this, we humbly submit, is most
unjust. Besidei the manifest impropriety in lan-
guage of calling the compact and immensely preponde-
rating majority of any body separatists from that
b else more than mere separation is necessary to
constitute schism. Schism must be active and aggres-
sive, if there be any meaning in language; here it is
applied to what is passive and inert. This the Apos-
tle very clearly points out in his warning to the
Roman converts, to mark and condemn the makers
of schism. " Now I beseech you, brethren, mark
them which cause divisions and offences contrary to
the doctrine which you have learned, and avoid them."
Now here we have described as clearly as words
can describe schismatics—they who cause divi-
sions. We have here no less clearly described heretics
—they who cause offences contrary to the doctrine
which you have learned. And if a man were required
to describe the leaders of the Tractarian move-
ment, he could not describe them with more
truth and precision. No less, too, than the de-
scription of the offenders is the solemn in-
junction " to avoid them ;" but if to avoid such
"in the city and in the field," above all, in the
places of public worship, constitutes a schism—then
is St. Paul a teacher of schism. In the third place,
we must, with sorrow, object to the time when, and
the circumstances under which, the Right Rev. Lord
advances the authority of the Church. This, we con-
fees, is what we feared all along from the 'most un-
happyd controversy. The 'people have long
earnestly invoked the authority of the
Churchand
to relieve them from the pestilent heresy that has
poisoned the minds of too many of the young and
uninformed ; but the Church has not answered
to the call. The only authority that has as
yet condemned the Tractarian heresy is the Uni-

versity of Oxford. Highly to the honour of that
ancient seat of learning and of sound religion, it
has done its duty; but it has not been very zealously
seconded by the Church, if, as has been said, we
hope untruly, the person silenced at Oxford for
heretical preaching was almost immediately after
his merited disgrace invited by a Bishop to his
diocese, and invited to preach there, doubtless, the
very lama doctrines which had caused him to be
punished in the University. Be this, however, as it
may, the people have complained, if not loudly or dis-
respectfully, still universally, and earnestly com-
plained of the seeming connivance of the Bishops
at the advances of the Tractarian heresy, because
the law has not been put in force to reduce the
false teachers to silence. The complaint has
been, we believe, so far unjust that the
bishops, whatever their nominal authority, have
really no available power to repress the dissemination
of false doctrines. This want of power in the bishops
is then their real defence, we think their only
imaginable defence, against the connivance too
generally imputed to them. Is it then wise,
is it courteous, to the Christian people to
make a display of power in pampering
and encouraging the Tractarian schismatics
when the bishops are obliged to throw
themselves for their defence upon their want
of power to repress the Tractarian heresy ? What
will the people—what can the people—think of the
use (and this is a utilitarian age) of a power which is
impotent for the protection of those Protestant Gospel
truths which they cherish, and can be exercised only
when the enemies of these precious and highly prized
truths are to be gratified by its exercise.
?NOM TIIII MORNING ?Arun OF Trliti DAY.

TIMES.—The unseemly exhibition of variance in
the high places of Church dignity is consummated by
the appearance of the letter of the Bishop of Exeter,
to which we directed the attention of our readers
yesterday. One merit, however, this letter certainly
possesses, of which too many, especially when written
for the public, are altogether (and often pointedly)
destitute. It is plain and intelligible in its phrase-
ology and in its intention. No one can read it with
out comprehending what the Bishop says and what
he means to do; and this, in an epistle of such
length, is no slight praise. But a letter, though
written with great talent and perspicuity, may not
absolutely in itself be either agreeable or acceptable ;
and here is precisely a case in point. We do not
think the Bishop has gained much by the 'measure.
Setting aside his personal difference with the memo-
rialists and with Dr. Bull, which is, in fact, a pri-
vate matter among themselves, and in which the
public are but slightly interested, we do not suppose
that his cause will derive any fresh access of parti-
sanship, or that his own friends will be greatly
strengthened by it. His manner of heating the op-
ponents of his proceedings is as harsh as ever, or even
more so. He speaks of the hostility with which his
measure has been received by those " who hate the
Church." Now, in language as simple and plain as
his Lordship's, let us be permitted to ask, to whom
does he allude ? What class, or party, or portion of
the " hostile" ones are included in this offensive
inuendo ? We have heard of no angry movements,
but of respectful remonstrances from ardent Church-
men ; and we hope, therefore, that the Bishop of
Exeter will bear with us if we pronounce such lan-
guage to be both unnecessary and unjustifiable.
That he himself does not upon the whole disregard
the voice of public opinion is suffered casually to
creep out. It is an important fact connected with
the Chapter consultations, that after the reading
of Dr. Bull's paper, the Bishop says, he "earnestly
entreated those members of the Chapter who were
parochial ministers, especially in towns and other
populous districts, to tell us what their knowledge
of the state of feeling and opinion among their people
would induce them to anticipate ;" and he appeals to
the Dean himself to remember the emphatic assur-
ances he received in reply, that no discontent of any
consequence was likely to be manifested on the occa-
sion. This is, to some extent, no doubt, an apology
for the issuing of the Bishop's pastoral letter. He
had taken the pains to inquire how the proposed
change would be received, from those most capable of
giving him the best information on the subject. But
while we allow so much, we must also claim a little
more ; and surprised as we really are at the bold as-
sertions of these members of the Chapter, which have
been so singularly and so strongly contradicted by
events immediately subsequent, still we say, if Dr.
Phillpotts had really tenderness enough to consider
the feelings and sentiments of the laity before he com-
menced the work he had at that time in his mind, how
much greater cause has he to consult them now, when
such marked and reiterated evidences of the widest
dissatisfaction have been shown on all sides ! To
his Lordship's acute and profound discrimination we
leave the solution of the problem. And we hope he
will yet prove himself, in the truest sense, what he
takes so much pains to declare himself to be—the
diligent and watchful Bishop of a diocese that has, as
he himself declares, " long been distinguished by the
faithful and warm attachment of the people to the
Church." But how deeply do these last words affect
his own position ! Well may the friends whom he
respects and venerates consider the experiment he is
making " a rash and a dangerous one" among a
people described in such high terms of approbation by
himself. He is, however, we must think, needlessly
alarmed for the Church. We express only our firm
conviction when we assert that the Church of Eng-
land never had such worthy, consistent, intelligent
adherents as now. Where, then, can the Bishop of
Exeter " see" that " resolute determination to resist
all Church authority ?" He says, in many parts of
England. From what does he form his judgment ?
IThat are his evidences of facts ? What his sources
of information ? We venture to disagree with him
in toto. We do not believe that the clergy of the
Church of England were ever—where their conduct
is such as to deserve it—more affectionately and
reverentially esteemed, by rich and poor, high and
low, than they are at this day; and we believe that
they will so continue, if no compulsion to these en-
forced novelties is practised upon the laity. Look
at the influence possessed by every well-conducted
earnest clergyman in his parish, and how readily his
solicitations for aid are seconded ; and then let us
hear from Bishop Phillpotts, what no Dissenter has
yet ventured to whisper, that there is " a resolute
determination to resist Church authority." In
one striking instance, in the late Chapter consulta-
tions, he has been wofully misled upon the subject of
popular feeling, and upon that mistake has acted so as
to offend and alienate large numbers of those who had
as yet been constant Churchmen. Is it not possible
that in the statement to which we now allude he may
have been also deceived by reports or representations
that would by no means be borne out by facts ? It
is at least possible that it may be so—we believe and
affirm that it is so. Let the Bishop satisfy himself
upon this point. We are persuaded, if he will duly
exert his own vigorous intellect, and institute unpre •
judiced inquiries, he will " see" something very dif-
ferent indeed from " ssthism in its most mischievous
form, under the guise of nominal churchmanship
rampant, and of course intolerant wherever it is seen

CHRONICLE.—We printed yesterday an impor-
tant letter from the Most Rev. Archbishop Murray,
upon the sublect of the Irish Charitable Bequests Act.
We have hitherto abstained from taking any part in
the discussion which has so violently agitated the sis-
ter kingdom upon the subject of this Act; and in
referring to it now, we do so less with a view to mix
ourselves up in the discussion, than to express a hope
that the candid and temperate spirit of Archbishop
Murray's letter may mitigate the rancour with which
the Bill, and those who undertake to administer it.
have been assailed in Ireland. The Act itself is a good
Act. It was framed in a spirit of justice and liberality,
and confers upon the Roman Catholics of Ireland a less
restricted power of receiving bequests for their Church,
than is granted in those civilised states in which that

Church'is predominant, or than our laws of mort-
main permit to the Established Church in England.
We have read with care the speeches and writings
which the discussion of the matter has elicited in
Ireland, and our candid conviction, now confirmed by
the admirable letter of Dr. Murray, is, that in all the
objections hitherto brought against the Act there is
no ground for agitating against the measure itself, or
feeling otherwise than grateful for it, as a measure of
" substantial value." Some just objections to details
can, and we feel convinced, as Dr. Murray does, will
be removed as soon as Parliaments meets, and the

others seem to us to he emanations of a spirit of sus-
picion, which, though too well founded, in this case is
carried beyond all reasonable bounds. But the
Act itself is not so good as the spirit in which
it has been carried into effect. It is not merely
that, having undertaken, in passing the Act, to
appoint a certain number of Catholic prelates, Sir
Robert Peel has dune it fairly and effectually, but
he has done it in such a way as really to alter
the position of the R )man Catholic clergy and Church,
and to denote a very obvious intention of going yet
further in recognising thereligim of the Irish people.
Mr. O'Connell unreasonably asks, " Why not call
Archbishop Crolly the Roman Catholic Archbishop
of Armagh ?" Why, for this plain reason, that the
doing so is illegal under the Eman.ipation Act. But
is it nothing that now for the first time the ranks of
the Catholic prelates are acknowledged, as giving
them the same precedence as the corresponding ranks
in the Established Church ? Is it no indication of a

remarkable and wholesome change in policy, that the
prelates whose existence was never noticed,
except by penal enactments, till last July, and who
up to that time were confounded with every
other dissenting denomination, now take precedence
of Peers, and sit side by side with their Pro-
testant rivals ? If Sir Bobert Peel were here to stop
short in his concessions, he has done that for the
National Church of Ireland which neither he nor any
successors can ever undo. Men do not recognise
offices as conferring rank, unless they be offices in
some national institution. And no one henceforth
can pretend to regard- the Roman Catholic clergy of

Ireland in any light save that of a national clergy,
recognised by the Government of the country. But
we cannot believe that this step is taken without the
intention of going yet farther. This recognition of
the ranks of the Catholic Church is just one of the
measures by which Sir Robert Peel loves to sound
his way in public opinion. Let it be recollected
that the only ground which he took last year for
not making a legal provision for the clergy of that
Church was that they themselves would not ac-
cept it. No one who is at all cognizant of the
state of feeling in the mere governmental and mode-
rate portion of the Tory party, can doubt that
they entertain the strongest desire to link the Catholic
clergy with the State. They believe that there would
be little difficulty on financial grounds, provided the
political objections to the endowment of the Church
of Rome could be got over. This recognition of
rank is a step towards placing that Church in the
position of a national establishment; and it is an ex-
periment on public feeling which has thus far com-
pletely succeeded. Had the present Commission been
issued by a Whig Ministry, we should have had a
howl of bigotry and faction from Irish Orangemen
and English ultras enough to deafen us. But Sir R.
Peel, by a long course of judicious starvation and
well-timed castigation, has so lowered the spirit of
the ultras, that they dare not cry out. Dread of the
next blow that may come prevents their resenting the
one under which they smart. Indeed, it is odd
enough to see the Dublin Evening Mail celebrating
an event so favourable to the Catholics of Ire-
land as a triumph over Mr. O'Connell. His
denouncing the Act has made the Orangemen
overlook the immense stride which religious
equality makes under its provisions. It is
no doubt a triumph over him, but it is, as he says,
the triumph of one portion of the Catholic population
over the other; and Mr. O'Connell ought to see and
to respect th 3 feeling that has led to this first open
division in his ranks, as well as the agency by which
it has been effected. Let him be quite sure that this
revolt against his authority proceeds from no personal
jealousy and no merely temporary difference of
opinion. It is a protest from the higher and more
reasonable of his fellow Catholics against his unwise
course in refusing all save: impossible concessions.
Archbishops Crolly and Murray, are, in fact, opposing
him in the name or that wise principle of receiving
every instalment, by adhering to which he won the
memorable victories of his earlier days. If Mr.
O'Connell means to persist in rejecting every con-
cession, with a view solely of keeping up the
excitement of the most ignorant of his followers, he
may depend upon it that the time is come when
he will separate from him a large and influential
portion of the Irish Catholics. He will place him-
self in open hostility not only to the hierarchy of his
own country, but to a still higher authority of his
Church. Por there is very little reason to doubt that
Archbishops Crolly and Murray have been encou-
raged to take their present course by very earnest
requests from the Pope himself. We cannot but
think that Mr. O'Connell would not only avoid the
serious mischief of such a schism, but that he would
make what has happened tell to the advantage of his
country, were he to take the view of the matter
which we believe to be really in accordance with the
fact. Instead of putting himself in so false a position
as that of being obliged to confess the composition
of the Commission to be a triumph of one por-
tion of the Catholic body over the other, he might
with truth have represented it as a most impor-
tant concession to his country and his religion,
won by himself. He might with truth say that this
marked concession was entirely the result of the
agitation of 1843 and the State trials of 1844.
He had brought the English Government to be
aware of the danger resulting to them from the spirit
which he had excited in the masses, whose numbers
he had displayed in the monster meetings. The pro-
secution and imprisonment of himself had imposed
on that Government a necessity for some concessions
to the people, as a sop for the persecution of their
leader. "By my agitation and by my bonds," he
might fairly say, " I have gained this triumph for
you, my countrymen, and your religion. The pre-
lates, whom I recollect unacknowledged, contemned,
and almost proscribed, I have raised into a position
of legal authority and trust, and given them rightful
precedence over the highest of the aristocracy. Let
such a success show you the value of our exertions
and our sufferings in our country's cause. Let it en
courage you to fresh assaults on the bigotry and in-
solence that have so long depressed us. For after
this there is nothing which we may not hope to gain
from a Tory Ministry."