The Sun.
London, England, 1821-03-28 00:00:00

ROM AN CATHOLICS

Theßishop of CHESTER presented a Petition
from Bolton le Moors, against the Roman Catho-
lic Claims, and stated; that the sentiments which
it 'contained exactly .coincided with his own.—
For,if whilst the Roman "Catholic CharCh main-
tnicjed the opinion; which. it did, Catholic Eman-
cipation ,were granted, he, for one, could not
think that we should have sufficient pledges
for the. Aecurity of the Protestant Establishment.
This opinion, however, he should express more
at larg2-when the question should come before,
the 'Muse. .

The Petition having been read and laid on the
table,. the Rev. Prelate presented another to
ihe same effect from the Diocese of Chester, 'and
added, that if the Protestant Ascendancy
_was
:not worthy of 'preservation, he knew nothing
worth preserving.—The Petition was read and
hid on the table.

The Bill for indemnifying • persons who had
given evidence on the Grampound case was read
a second time.—The Commercial Intercourse
Bill also went,througha second reading.

-NAPLES.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH said, he rose for the pur-
pose ormoving, according to the notice he had
given, that an humble Address he presented to
his Majesty, praying that lie would be crracionsly
pleased to offer his mediation to the Emperor' of
Austria and the Governments of Naples and Sar-
dinia, with a view to bring about an amicable
adjustment of their differences, consistently with
the honour.- and the respective rights or all par-
ties. When the Noble Marquess (of Lansdown)
on the Bench near him submitted a motion on
the affairs of Naples sonic time ago, he (Lord
Ellenboroug,h) had then expressed an apprehen-
sion, grounded on the views which he took of the.
circumstances, that at no distant period Austria
herself--might wish for the interference of this
country, to enable her to retire from the contest,
preserving her honour, and maintainink.her just
rights._ That moment, as it appeared to him, was'
now arrived ; and he called on their Lordships
to place this country in the proud situation which
it was so4ell calculated to fulfil, that of acting
as a mediator between the belligerent POwers of
Europe, and arresting the progress of a contest
which might • probably extend • itself to other
countries, not at present affected by it, if left
without an effort to its own operation. It ap-
peared-io him- that they were called upon to in-
terpose at
,that moment, because it was the first
moment when their mediation could be offered
with effect. Whatever opinions he might enter-
tain. cvith'respect to the conduct of Austria, and
of the Allied Powers generally, he would -Ob-
serve the greatest moderation in what he should
address to their Lordships when speaking of those
Powers, and particularly of Austria herself.
Nothing could be more unwise than to use any
galling or insulting language towards them ; and
least of all was it desirable to hold such language
to Austria, because, however he might lament
and disapprove of her ,present policy, he was
hound to acknowledge the great services-she had
rendered to this country and to the whole of
Europe; He could not avoid recollecting her
conduct in 1805, and the zeal with "which she
sprung forward when this country was threatened
with invasion ; he also recollected her conduct in
1809, when she seized the first moment of hope'
and exerted herself for the expulsion of the
French from Spain;" and lastly, he remembered
her faith and loyalty in 1813, which led to the
successes of Europe and the triumph of the com-
bined armies before the gates of Paris. He was
aware of the important functions which she had
performed, and was still destined to perform, in the
system of Europe ; and much as he lamented the
nature-of that system as it was now manifested, he
was not prepared to incur all the risks and chances
of war for the assertion of contrary principles. It
was not in hostility to Austria, but for the benefit
of our best Ally, that he called upon them to
afford Austria on opportunity of withdrawing
with honour from the contest. It was little more
than three weeks since he had stated in that
House, that the conduct pursued by Austria was
likely to be followed by general revolution. That
opinion was now verified. He would call upon
the House to consider the state in which the
affairs of Austria and Naples stood. The road
to Naples was not so easy as had been expected,
and the Austrians had found that instead of an
undisciplined rabble, that they had to contend
against a military force, and to adopt the cau-
tious movements which were necessary to be em-
ployed against skilful opponents. -Whatever
Austria might represent, it was plain that no ac-
counts had arrived of any dispersion, or of the
taking of any prisoners, or of the occurrence of
any event which could exhibit the comparative
weakness. of the Neapolitan army. Even had
Austria been successful in any general engage-
ment; thenature of the country, the enthusiasm
of the people, the solemn obligation of oaths by
which:they were bound together, must yet pro-
tract, the struggle. When they considered what
had 'taken place in Spain, and compared the cir-
cumstances of that country with those of. Naples,
they would see that there was no reason to be-

lieve the situation of her cause less favourable
than that of Spain. In Spain, though her armies
were cloven down in all the general engagements
by the superior skill of the French, they were
not subdued, they rose again to continue that de-
sultory,warfare for which they were best qua-
lified. It was impossible not to see that the
present contest might be attended with similar
results. The House would also do well to
consider, that since the Revolution, the Nea-
politan army had' become one of the best
disciplined in Europe; and he would entreat
them to reflect, that Austria, who had entered
into the contest with the expectation -of
crushing the power of Naples at once, had as
yet made no sensible impression ;on her re-
sources. It had been said, and truly said, that
the blood of the martyrs was the seed of the•
Church—in thesame way, the blood of the Italians
would be the seed of the Liberties of Europe.
They had proved the truth of the maxim, that
When a country Was attacked with danger, and a
spirit of resistance was awakened in the people,
it was safer to compromise the dispute than to
encounter the difficulties of subduing them. The
effort to put down the spirit enkindled by the
Carbonari would put Austria to an expence which
must destroy that system of economy which was
necessary to her salvation, or at least to her
establishment as a great Power in Europe. But
when they looked to the other Powers by whom
Austria was surrounded, he would ask them,
must she not he anxious to escape from the con-
test upon that ground ? It was, impossible that
Austria could forget the conduct of Russia in
1807 or in 1809, when instead of joining she op-
posed the power of Austria. It was impossible
that she could forget her conduct, surrounded as
she was by States from whose territories she had
made accessions, and not always in a manner the
most honourable to her character as a nation.
The separation of Finland from Sweden, and the
circumstances under which it was accomplished,

must still be fresh in the recollection of Austria

and the general principle pursued by Russia in
her military policy, 'ould leave little room to
doubt that she would fight for herself in Italy,

and require cessions from Austria at a moment
when she was least capable of resisting the de-
mand. But even if Austria still believed in the
good faith of Russia, could she look with a total
want of suspicion to the state of France? What
was the situation of France ? She had obtain-
ed a Constitution founded upon great prin-
ciples, which she had force enough to prote,ct
and though her legislators had not entered into
details, which time could best supply, the
principles already recognised were a great
benefit to .the country. Such being the situa-
tion of France, with. the Netherlands upon
one side, jealous of their separation, and
anxious for a re-union with that country to
which they were most attached, was nothing to
be apprehended from such a quarter ? Again,
what was the situation of the Duchies within the
Rhine ? It was well known that they, too,
would gladly reunite with the country from
which they were separated. But what was the
situation of the Italian States themselves ? Was

it not probable ,that they would feel, that they
could have no hope of succeeding without calling
in the power of France to drive out the power of
Russia. In his opinion, the entrance of a Rus-
sian army would be followed immediately by
the entrance of a French army to counteract
_ _

their movements and join the war. They might
then anticipate the probable annexation of all the
countries within the Rhine in France, which had
been separated from her by the Treaty of Paris.
The. People of Prussia, too, who had fought not
only for their King, but for themselves, and who
justly expected a Constitution in return for their
services, those people were actuated by a spirit
unfavourable to the cause in which Austria had
embarked. The spirit of the North of Germany
'exhibited at that moment a class of men who
were Carbonari in principle, and Germans in
Covage ; and it was impossible not to see that

the continuance of the war might rouse the Ger-
mans, and place Prussia in the situation in which
Austria now stood, with respect to her Italian
Provinces. Under all the circumstances, it
seemed natural to him to suppose that Austria
would he thankful to this country for interfering,
so as to enable her to retire with honour from the
contest. The greatest difficulty which he expected
was on the side of the Italian Powers; but when
they considered the' great force that could be
brought against them, and that Italy, their own
Italy, must otherwise become the seat of war, with
a prospect of being left more oppressed and de-
solate than ever ; when they considered, that
however justifiable their views, or elevated their
enthusiasm, those views might be answered more
efficaciously, and that enthusiasm attended with
better effect, by the mediation of such a Power
as Great Britain, than by the chances of any war
in which they could engage, and therefore, they
too would be thankful for the offer. It was im-
possible that :Naples and Piedmont should not
be aware of this. But if, under the effect of in-'
fatuation, Austria should still be deaf to, the voice
of reason, it appeared to him, that without threa-
tening war, there was one threat, if indeed it
might be called a threat, from which some influ-
ence might be produced on her decision. If the
war continued, this country might at length be
compelled to join, but whether compelled or,not,
was it to be expected that such a people could
witness a contest between despotism and fear,
without taking any interest in the issue ? He
had much miscalculated the feelings of this coun-
try, if the people were not disposed tospring for-
ward with zeal in defence of the liberties of

Italy, and the best policy for Government to
adopt was not to prevent its subjects from taking
that part to which their inclinations might lead
them. But suppose the English would not do
so, they knew that the French would, and they
knew the effect which - such assistance must
produce on the disposition of the countries to-
wards each other. This was felt in the case
of America and France, they were attached by
the assistance afforded to the former at the' Re-
volution. Whatever the policy of Government
might be, there was no denying that the feel.
ing of the English people was with the Italians,
and he was sure he might safely say, that

there was not an English gentleman who bad set
foot on the other side of the Alps, who did not
feel himself an Italian with respect to the present
contest. He had not annexed any principle of
this kind to his motion, leaving it entirely to his
Majesty's Ministers to carry the motion into
effect in the way which they thought themost
advisable: All he asked was that his Majesty
should be called on by his constitutiorral advisers
to'carrrinto effect the recommendation of the
House. It was impossible, on looking to the
situation and conduct of Austria, not to feel
that the Neapolitans and Piedmontese would
naturally require sonre sort of security for the con-
tinuance of that state of things which they might
obtain through the mediation of Great Britain.
It was not his intention to propose a permanent
guarantee in that or in .any other case ; but he
thought it would be wise, and for the general ad-
vantage of Europe, that the territories of the
three contracting Powers should be guaranteed
for a period of five or six years. After observ-
ing that-by coming fqrward with an offer of me-
diation, England- would enjoy the satisfaction of
' having done berduty, and would stand in a situa-
tion of advantage whatever course she might
be ultimately driven to adopt, his Lordship
concluded with moving the Address, as already
described.
The Earl of ABERDEEN opposed the motion.
There were, he observed, many difficulties at-
tached to the course recommended by the Noble
Lord. In the first place, it was known that the
King' of Naples had issued a Proclamation, call-
ing upon his subjects to'receive the Austrians as
friends, and not as enemies ; and it was far-from
being desirable that this country should place it-
self in the situation of judge between the King
of Naples and the person now exercising the Go-
vernment. Neither was;it to he presumed that
the King's authority was so far gone, or that of
the Carbonari so firmly established, as to render
it certain that the Proclamation would not be
eventually obeyed. By adopting the motion of the
Noble Lord they would be guilty of that very
interference which was directly opposite to the
course which they professed to follow. But sup-
posing they had got over that difficulty, the
Noble Lord had not explained very distinctly
the manner in which he would have the media-
tion proposed. Did he mean to offer terms of
perfect equality to bath parties? The affair of a.

mediator was net that of a Judge; but the mo-
tion of the Noble Lord looked rather like a sharp

remonstrance to Austria than a moderate inter-
ference. In fact, it was impossible to preserve
the cool spirit of mediation between two powers
under .11.- belief, that an Unwarrantable aggres-
sion had been committed upon one side. That
the character of a peace-maker became a great
country like this, he did not deny, but there
should be some probability of success to warrant
such an interference, and the only case in which
they could have any chance of success was,
where both parties were desirous of mediation.
The Noble Lord had thrawn out a species of
threat, that if Austria did not consent, this coun-
try should recap the prohibition to its officers
against joining the Neapolitans. Whether that
prohibition was wise or not, every reason that.
made in favOur of it, in the first instance, was still
in full force; but did the Noble Lord think that
the mere circumstance of granting permission to
a few officers would have the effect of changing
the councils. of a powerful Government ? If they
erected themselves into the character of judges,
they were not mediators; if they professed to
act as friends, they should speak the language of
friendship, and not accompany their recornmenda.:

tion with an
,imbecile threat. The Noble Lord
had professed to have been actuated by a regard to
Austria, and had expatiated on the services render-
ed bythat Government to this country and Europe.
In these admissions he had done no more than

ustice; but the effect of his proposition would be

- . .
to injure the good understanding which at present
existed between Austria and England. Ile did
not wish to see Austria replaced in all her ancient
possessions, but he wished to see her remain ih
possession of all she now had, not only for her
own sake, but with a view to British interests,
and the general security of Europe. It was 'im-
possible that any man who looked to the different
states of Europe, should not be struck with the
attachment which the population Of that country
felt towards this. An interference, such as was
now proposed, would not only produce an effect
on the Government itself, but would be likely to
excite feelings of anger and bitterness on the
part of the whole population, and by that means
disturb a better security for national attachment

than treaties could- establish. When he incul-
cated the importande of maintaining the friend-
ship of Austria, he spoke the language of all
the wisest statesmen, aid particularly that of a
great man, whose opinions would be respected
by the Noble Lords on the other side (Mr Fox).
fie had heard him say, after the battle of Aus-
terlitz, that Austria was still the country to
which England ought to look. The subse-
quent conduct of Austria had nobly justified the
remark. On looking to the Circular of Lord
Castlereagh, which he considered one of the
wisest and most judicious-papers ever issued from
the Foreign Office, they would' find an express
reprobation of the principle of interfering in the
Government of other States. They would see in
it a particular exception which might apply to,
the case of Austria herself, in respect to Naples.
Was not this country bound to adhere strictly 'to
the principle she had so laid down ? Tho time
might come when her mediation would he ac-
ceptable, but it would be the more acceptable in
proportion as we were exact in the observance of
a strict neutrality. _ _

The Earl of DAnNLEY said he should not
enter into any discussion upon the question, but
he co►ild not help noticing that part of the Noble
Lord'.s speech, which seemed to justify the inva-
sion of Naples by Austria.
_ _

The Earl of ABERDEEN denied that he had
given any opinion on the subject.
The Earl of DARNLEY" thought the Noble
Lord had stated it as an exception to the general
rule laid down in the Circular. However be was
bound to take his explanation, if he did not mean
to have said so.

The Earl of ABERDEEN repeated that he did

not mean to say so, nor did the paper alluded to
express such an opinion.
The motion was then negatived without a divi-
sion.—Adjourned till to-morrow.