The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-25 00:00:00

SUGAR RESOLUTIONS.

It is difficult to assign a reason why Sir Robert Peel should
have decided, in his sugar resolutions, upon fixing a duty
only of 14s. per cwt. on brown or muscovado sugar, except-
ing for the reason he himself alleged, that such reduction
would bring down the price a penny and the fraction of a
farthing per pound to the consumer, which, whether he
knows it or not, is a fallacious position, because, if the con-
sumption exceed the supply from the British possessions
(which he computes it will do), it requires no great stretch
of sagacity to foresee that the ex-duty price of British
sugars must rise to the extent of the differential duty
between British and foreign sugars before the lat-
ter can be admitted into our markets, and so
virtually inflict a tax of 235. 4d. per cwt. on all
sugar: true, 14s. per cwt. only of this amount will find its
way to the Treasury, and Us. 4d. into the pockets of the
British sugar producers; but, nevertheless, the consumer
would have to pay the 235. 4d. per cwt., let that amount be
divided how it may. This arrangement is annoying enough,
even if the financo of the country would permit us so to en-
rich the sugar producers, but when it is found that the
scheme injures the revenue to the extent of 1,300,0001,
and that that deficiency is to be made good by an
inquisitorial income-tax, which the people justly abomi-
nate, it becomes disgustingly objectionable. Better would
it have been for the publie, that Sir Robert Peel
had left the sugar duties alone, than get us into
the costs and difficulties described. After all, what does
this reduction of duty on sugar, about which so much I:as
been said, amount to as concerns the payments the people
will have to make? Why, as far as paying goes (and that is
a main element in the affair), the consumers will be com-
pelled to pay 235. 4d. per cwt. (never mind for the moment
how it is divided) under the proposed sugar resolutions-and
they have under the present law to pay 255. 3d. per cwt.-
exhibiting a reduction of merely Is. Ild. per cwt., which
paltry sum will be absorbed long before the sugar reaches
the consumer's hands. If all brown or muscovado
sugar, without distinction of country or origin, had
been admitted to our markets at 14s. per cwt., then the sup-
ply would have been equal to the demand, and the con-
sumers would have enjoyed the full benefit conferred by
the reduction of duty. But now to the sugar resolutions.
The Minister has proposed to fix a duty of 14s. per cwt. on
all British brown and muscovado sugar; that is his starting
point: it will be curious to investigate by what process of
reasoning he has arrived at the various grades of duty he has
affixed on different kinds of sugar, and how they stand as
compared one against the other. Should the Minister have
applied his mind at all to the subject, and not trusted to
guesses, he must have divided the 1121 b. of muscovado
sugar into six parts Oiix two-and-fourpences exactly give
the amount of duty, 145.), four of which he treats as crys-
tallizable sugar, and two as refuse. He then assumes
(for he does not know) that that denomination of
sugar. which he is pleased to call white clayed, or equal to
clayed, will lose one-sixth, or 181 lb. out of each 1121 b.
of muscovado sugar submitted to the process of clay-
ing, or of attaining the same degree of fineness by some other
operation, and, therefore, argues he, in order to obtain 14s. on
the remaining 9311 b., 2s. 4d., must be added to the
muscovado duty of 14s. ; it is consequently forthwith deter-
mined that the duty on clayed, or equal to clayed, shall be
16s. M. per cwt. He has evidently forgotten while this
cogitation has been occupying his brains, that some
muscovado sugars are preferable to white clayed,
shown by the price they bring in the open market.
For example, Mr. Goulburn's Jamaica muscavado
sugars, marked M G, command more money than some white
clayed sugars. Again, brown St. Vincent sugar, clearly
muscovado sugar, would be taken in preference, on account
of the saccharine essence in it, to some white sugars which
had undergone some process to purify them ; here, then, is
an anomaly. Muscovado sugars, superior to clayed, ad-
mitted at 14s. per cwt. merely because they are muscovado-
and inferior sugar charged with a duty of 16s. 4d. merely be-
cause it has been clayed.
The next regulation refers to refined sugar, and contains a
parcel of unintelligible jargon, such as, in loaf, complete and
whole, or lumps duly refined, having been perfectly clarified,
and duly dried in a stove, and being of an uniform whiteness
throughout, or such sugar, pounded, crushed, or broken, for
every cwt. 18s. Bd. Can such an absurdity as the foregoing
verbiage be matched in the United Kingdom ? So, before
the duty of 18s. Bd. per cwt. can be levied on this class of
sugar, the Custom-house officer will have to prove that all
the above conditions have been complied with. And what
will be the consequence, supposing he is satisfied that all
the conditions have been acted on, except one-for instance,
that the sugar had been dried in the sun, instead of
the stove ? Why, the importer will have to pay the
lesser grade of duty 16s. 4d., instead of 18s. Bd, per cwt. Sir
Robert in adjusting this duty must have considered that in
refining sugar one• third of it is driven off by the process-
namely, 3611 b., and that there would remain 741 b.
for which, in accordance with his muscovado duty, he
ought to have 14s. ; be therefore adds 4s. Bd., and fixes the
duty on refined at 18s. Bd. per cwt., which exactly gives the
14s. for 7511 b.
_ _

Then there is a resolution requiring 21s. per cwt. for double
refined, or sugar equal in quality to double refined. Why, of
course, the colonist would be careful to manufacture to
that degree that, although not quite so good, it should
be within a shade of double refined sugar. In some
states of markets sugar so manufactured would command the
same ex -duty price as sugar equal to double refined, but
which could not be assessed at the 21s. per cwt., because it is
a shade inferior to double refined sugar, and would conse-
quently come in at the 18s. Bd. per cwt. Was there mar
such nonsense concocted to rule the commercial transactions
of a great nation in sugar?
The fifth resolution proposes a duty of 265. per cwt. on
brown candy, and the sixth 355. per cwt. on white candy.
What quantity of white candy can the Minister imagine re-
sults from refining 1121 b. of muscovado sugar ?
The seventh resolution relates to molasses, which it pro-
poses to admit at a duty of ss. 3d. per cwt.
Now molasses is composed of sugar, treacle, dirt, and other
make-weights; and the duty has always been apportioned to
meet the weight of sugar in each 11 lb. of. molasses ; here it
is calculated that there will be 42J., which at ss. 3d., just
comes out 14s. per cwt. ; the consequence is that the treacle
is admitted duty free, and ever has been so, for the benefit of
the West Indians, although the hacknied plea has been set
forth that it is for the benefit of the poor man. Not a word
is set down in these resolutions about duty on cane

juice, nor a syllable about sugar in solution ; the co
lonist may import, for ought the resolutions say to the
contrary, fine white sugar in a solution of discoloured liquid,
which colouring might be easily removed in this country,
and such a solution would be admitted at the same duty as
molasses.

We have now concluded our remarks on the sugar resolu-
tions, as far as they relate to British sugars; we do not enter
upon the duties on foreign sweet, because they are nothing
more than a repetition of the same absurdities. Had the
Minister proposed to reduce the duty on all muscovado
sugar, we should have hailed the measure with joy, as a
great benefit to the consumer, but when we find that the
proposed partial reduction will cause the serious de-
ficiency of 1,300,000/. (and nobody knows how much
more), as stated by Sir Robert Peel, and that that deficiency
is to be made good by an income-tax, the case is altogether
altered, and we should say, only reduce the sugar duties to
that extent which would occasion no deficiency, and let us
have no inquisitors to invade the privacy of our concerns.
In fact, rather than have an income-tax, Sir Robert had
better have left the sugar duties alone. There can be no
question the sugar duties, as proposed by the resolutions, were
conceived for the especial purpose of putting 2,600,000/.
into the pockets of the British sugar producers, under the
specious pretence of giving the consumer his sugar at three
halfpence a pound cheaper—a prediction which never can be
fulfilled by carrying these resolutions out. Bat submit the
consumers must to the iniquity, because Sir Robert Peel com-
mands a majority consisting of monopolists.

COUNTY MAGISTRATES.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SIR,—As hardly a da; occurs without meeting with
reports in the newspapers of the gross ignorance of Jus-
tices of the Peace, perhaps you may not deem the fol-
lowing observations on the mode of appointment of such
dignitaries out of place, especially as a new commission
has just issued. Justices of the Peace were originally
elected by the people, under the somewhat different name
of Conservators of the Peace. This. however, was taken
from the public by King Edward 111., who took upon
himself to appoint persons to fill this office, and then,
first, such appointment was called he King's
commission. 'This was settled by all the judges in the
year 1590, to issue under the Great Seal, and all justices
are appointed by it, the Custos Rotulorum being the
principal for his county, and the King f'or the whole
kingdom. Thus it may be perceived that all justices
are appointed by the Crown, and it is but natural for
the mass of the public to suppose that they are carefully
selected out of the rest of mankind for their great legal
acumen, their sound practical knowledge of the laws thy
undertake to administer, and their general erudition.

Such is a very pleasing theory, but let us see what is
the practice. The Lord Lieutenant for each county re-
turns upon his own responsibility a list of tit and proper
persons to the Lord Chancellor, who thereupon ap-
points them as a matter of course, doubtlessly supposing
that in his situation the Lord-Lieutenant, never for one
moment; has suffered himself to be acted upon by
party bias or private motives. If the Lord
Chancellor does believe this, I pity his incredulity, for it
is notorious, that each Lord-Lieutenant, according to his
political feelings, sends in a list of his own supporters,
and, what is even worse, suffers the lowest relatives of
his land agents, and other hangers-on, to be stuck in
among the rest, together with the sycophantic holders
of kis livings, parties ready at all times to do his bidding,
be it what it may ; and thus, to use the learned Black-
stone's words, " the extensive power of a justice of the
peace, which, even in the hands of men of honour, duly
qualified for so important a trust, is highly formidable,
is prostituted to mean and scandalous purposes, to the
low ends of selfish ambition, avarice, or personal resent-
ment ; and from these ill consequences we may collect
the prudent foresight of our ancient law-givers, who suf-
fered neither the property or the punishment of the
people to be determined by the opinion of any one or
two men."

These are the words of a writer nearly a hundred
years ago, and may, with much greater force, be applied
now, when the powers of magistrates are so extensively
enlarged, and when everybody who tacks "esquire" after
his name, be his mental qualification ever so low, and
every parson on the same side of politics with the Lord-
Lieutenant, is thrust into the commission of the peace,
until, what were formerly a select few, have become a
mob of petty judges—a set of men licensed, as it were,
to dispose of the liberty and property of their fel!ow-
men, merely because they are ready to follow their
patron through any dirty path he may select, and
chance to have as much land as will give them one
hundred pounds a-year. Really, Sir, if we were to
read of such a mode of appointing judges amongst
the Chinese or any other people we have been
accustomed to look down upon, a smile of contempt for
their laws would instantly cross our features, and yet
here, in England, in the nineteenth century, a certain
small sum of money per annum (if derivable from land,
for, if otherwise, it has no such efficacy) has the
miraculous power of rendering a man a fit and proper
person to sit in judgment on the rest of mankind, and
by a kind of legerdemain, to instil all the concen-
trated essence of legal knowledge—the multorum ca-
melorum onus the superabundance of my Lord-
Lieutenant's own knowledge, into the heads of his
subordinates. The clergy, too, the peacemakers
of Government, the preachers of brotherly love, are un-
seemingly placed in the commission, and, I regret to say,
are always the most severe, I may say savage, dispensers
of the laws they are ignorant of. I was much
pleased, some years ago, to hear the Lord-Lieute-
nant of a county, which shall at present be nameless,
affirm that he had made up his mind not to place any
more clergymen in the commission of the peace, and
highly respectable parties who had applied for that
honour were satisfied with this answer. Well, Sir, in a
few years after, to the surprise of all, a parson, a near
relative of one of the chief underlings of the custos; was
appointed magistrate' and the dcor being once opened a
IA hole shoal of small fry rushed in. So much for free-
dom from private motives and party bias ! With regard
to the mode of the administration of the laws by their
worships, I shall merely add that, for many years past,
I have constantly attended at quarter sessions
and magistrates' meetings, and, from long observation,
I do not hesitate to affirm that the generality
of county magistrates arc acted upon by party
feeling, and other motives foreign to their character as
judges. Ido not for a moment mean to say that know-
ingly they do so, but it is impossible for men not legally
educated, wholly to divest themselves of such feelings.
In support of my assertion, look at the game convictions,
peruse the appeals from magistrates' decisions, and lastly
compare the punishment of offenders at quarter sessions
with men tried for the same crimes at assizes. Should '
you, Sir, be pleased to give insertion to this somewhat
lengthy letter, I doubt not a host of heroes will jump up
ready to defend the system hereby condemned ; but at
this:l shall rejoice, for the more the matter is brought
before the public eye, the more likely are we to have a
remedy applied to the evil. I have been behind the
scenes for nearly twenty years, and I could say much, but
for the present I have done, and remain obediently yours,
A BARRISTER AND ACTING MAGISTRATE.