The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-08 00:00:00

PUBLICATIONS.

LAME IT ON DEBILITY, NERVOUSNESS. AND ALL
DISORDERS ARISING FROM EXCESS, &c.
" He who in pleasure's downy arms
Ne'er lost his health or )outhfu ]charms,
A hero lives, and justly can
Exclaim, in me beho‘d a man !"
Just published (in a sealed envelope), Tenth Edition, price 21. 6d.,
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QELF-PRESERVATION : a Popular Essay on
1,1 those concealed disorders originating in youthful excesses,
and terminating in Nervous Debility, Local and Constitutional
Weakness, Indigestion, Insanity, and Consumption. With Practical
Observations on Marriage, and on the Anatomy, Physiology, and
Diseases of the Reproductive Organs, with plain Directions for
their perfect Restoration
By SAMUEL LAMERT, Consulting Surgeon,
9, Bedford street, Bedford-square London, Matriculated Member of
the University of Edinburgh, Honorary Member of the London
Hospital Medical Society, Licentiate of Apothecary's Hall, Lon-
don, &c.
" The various positions of Lover, Husband, and Parent, the in-
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to the most confidential friend "—Stafford Gazette.
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INUNDATIONS IN FRANCE,-.We receive from diffe-
rent parts of the country accounts of inundations, and acci-
dents resulting from them. A letter from Bar states that in
consequence of the continued rain and snow of last week, the
Ornain had overflowed its banks, and done much injury.
The valley between Bar and Bussv is nothing but a vast lake,
and the river rose so high on Monday night, that all the
ground on the right bank of the river was covered with water,
which carried off everything, and occasioned great loss.
Parts of the wall of the manufactory of MM. Cosquin were
overturned. The market gardeners near Bar have suffered
considerably. A letter from Verdun states that a bridge
between Dun and Stenay was carried off, and that there
was scarcely a house in the town which had 1::,t been
overflowed. The horses of the cavalry regiment were
obliged to be removed to a higher position. A washing-
boat was carried away with the iron gate to which it was at-
tached. The Meuse was full of beams, planks, and trees.—
From Tarascon, Feb. 28, we learn that the suspension-bridge
over the Rhone, near that town, had been unable to with-
stand the impetuosity of the current, and had been carried
off. Three persons lost their lives on the occasion, being in
the act,of passing over when the bridge gave way. the
Rhone was no longer navigable. A letter from Bourg states
that the mass of snow in the Jura and the Doubs was un-
usually great, and that apprehensions were entertained that
when it should melt the valleys would be inundated. From
Germany, also, we learn that all the mountains have been
covered with snow to a great depth, and in the Tyrol several
lives have been lost by avalanches. In Baden, nearly all
the rivers have overflowed their banks from the melting of
the snow on the mountains. The Seine has overflowed a
great part of the country between St. Cloud and Suresne. - In
one place the water appears like a vast lake, and covers an
extent of three-quarters of a league.—Galignani's .111essenger.
THE QUI Tams.—ln Goodbourn v. Marley, 2 Str.
1159, and Blaxton v. Pye, 9 Wils. 309, it was held that
laying above 101. on a horse race (though for a legal plate)
is an illegal bet, within the statute of Anne, on the ground
that the statute ought to be extended to all sports as well as
games, in order to prevent excessive betting ; and in Lynall
v. Longbotham, 2 Was. 36, it was aln de.cieled t 9 apply to
fv9t racing.

" That this principle has been violated by a long course of mis-
government, of which recent circumstances afford flagrant proof,
particularly in the suppression, by military force, of a peaceable
public meeting, convened for legal purposes, and in the selection of
a sectarian jury upon the late trial of D. O'Connell, Esq., and others.
"That these circumstances, while they justify the utmost alarm
for the constitutional rights of the whole nation, call for an ex.
pression of hearty sympathy with the people of Ireland, who have,
notwithstanding their oppressions, exhibited that peaceable and
exemplary conduct which ought to command every exertion for
She speedy redress of their grievances by Parliament."
Mr. T. C. SALT congratulated the meeting on the reception they
had given Mr. O'Connell—a man standing alone in this world
before his fellow-creatures as doing battle by moral means for the
rights of his country—whose whole life had been devoted t the
Irish people, and who had been trusted by them with an affection
which gave him more than a Royal power.—(Cheers.) He cor.
dially supported the resolution.

The resolution was then carried unanimously.
Mr. Josurts STURGE presented himself, and was loudly cheered.
He corn:renced by observing that he hoped they were met for prac-
tise] purposes, and the resolution which he held in his hand had
practical objects in view. They were met together, not to protest
against a Coercion Bill like that passed by the Whigs, but against
proceedings which went directly to subvert the British Constitu-
tion.—(Cheers.) Toey were all aware that the late debate in the
House of Commons was got up for p arty purposes, but although
unquestionably a party debate, it hal brought to light many salu.
tary truths. It showed most clearly that the jury by whom Mr.
O'Connell and his colleagues were tried was a partisan jury, and
that even according to the charge of the Chief Justice, the meetings
for attending which the parties were indicted were perfectly legal.
.—(Cheers.) Atter some other observations, Mr. Sturge concluded
by proposing the following resolution
:
"That instead of the recognition of the people as the source of
all power, the British empire appears to be in danger of becoming
subject to a despotism. That the only guarantee for the attainment
and protection of perfect civil and religious liberty is to be found
in a full, fair, and free representation of the people, and this will
be most effectually obtained by the friends of the people in Par-
liament enforcing the ancient constitutional principle, that redress
of grievances should precede the voting of supplies.''—Cheers.
Mr. W. H. WILSON' seconded the resolution.
The resolution was then carried amidst great cheering.
Mr. ALLBRIGHT, a member of the Society of Friends, said he
had a petition to present, which would conclude the business of
the afternoon. [There were here loud calls for Mr. O'Connell,'
and in order to appease the public clamour, the speaker said he
should simply confine himself to submitting the petition for the
adoption of the meeting ]
The Rev. Huun I-ItyrroN moat cordially seconded the resolution.
The petition, which embodied the previous resolutions, was
carried amidst loud applause.
The Chairman then introduced Mr. O'Connell to the meeting.
When the Hon. and Learned Gentleman came forward to the
front of the platform, there was a general burst of cheering from
the meeting. Those in the galleries rose from their seats, the gentle-
men waving their hats and the ladies their handkerchiefs. The
cheering continued for nearly five minutes. As soon as silence
was restored,

Mr. O'CONNELL said,—l wish to ask you ono question, and
that is, whether you or any one among you, is desirous of know..
ing what brought me here P— (Cries of " Yes, yes.") 'Well, then
I will tell you. I came for two reasons to Birmingham. The
first was to express, in the strongest terms the English language
would afford, delight and gratification at the sympathy which my
country and 1 as her advocate have received from the people of
England since the recent transactions.—(Cheers ) I was grateful
before I came, but what must be my gratification now, after
having received such a hearty reception among you—when I see
so many congregated thousands giving me—no, not me, but my
unhappy country—the tribute of their sympathy, and I will add
perhaps of their support Y—(Cheers.) Fbr it is not an English
fashion to shout loudly in support of a cause one day and abandon
it and treat it with neglect the next. That is a course which
you have not commen:ed yet during the eight centuries that you
have been a nation, and I hardly think it is worth your while to
begin it now. I should not believe one word if any one were to
tell me that your sentiments were now otherwise. I rejoice,
therefore, to have to announce to the people of Ireland that there
is no longer a distinction between Englishmen and Irishmen—
that Saxon and Celt, Scotch, Welch, English, and Irish, will
henceforth be one nation in sentiment and sympathy,
united together in one great general movement for the
benefit of all. My first object, then, was to express my grati-
tude; the second, to exhibit that gratitude by endeavouring
to conciliate the people of both countries—to animate them
in the great object of putting down class legislation, the
tyranny and oppression of the poorer classes,—in putting an
end to oligarchial dominion, and giving the sacred principle of
democraticthat iiberti
performing lts full
lswayand entire power..—(Cheers.)
l conceive my duty in thus attempting
to conciliate the two countries to each other—the people of
the two countries; for, as to the upper classes, as they are
falsely called—as to the wealthier classes, I make a present.
of them to any body who may choose to pick them up.—
(Laughter.) There is one law for them and another for you. Last
week that was shown in both Houses of Parliament, when, while
the fines inflicted on the poor man, while every magisterial inflic-
tion is left unrepealed, penalties were averted from the heads of
the rich, and charity assumed that shape in which it is not blessed
by Heaven—when, instead of being exerted for the benefit of the
poor, it is used for the purpose of giving renewed powers of
oppression to the rich.—(Cheers.) In the performance of this
duty—in thus endeavouring to reconcile the sentiments of the
people of the two countries—l wish to get rid of two mistakes into
which the friends of liberty in England have fallen, I do not
care for the calumnies of those who are ready to make use of any
pretext for opposing us and contriving our separation, but I do look
with great regret on the mistakes committed by honest men. It
is my duty to expose them, and to set those parties right on
points of fact, and as to the reality of the present position of the
two countries as regards each other. There are two objections
which honest men make to me with respect to mypecceedings ;
first, that the union was a compact or bargain betweematwo nations,
which, as a bargain once made, ought not to be violated ; and
secondly, that in looking for a repeal of the union wo are looking
fur a separation between the two countries. Now I mina, that
if the union could be proved to have been a bargain between the
two countries, it ought not to be violated, But I utterly deny
that it was a bargain, and I will tell you why.—(Hear. hear.) The
m
Irish psople were not consulted with respect to it. The meetings
pu
were purpose of the people to petition against the measure were prevented.
The Sheriff of King's County and the Sheriff of Tipperary called
in
dispersed at the point
of
petitioning agunst
the meetings
e,
of the bayonet. During the time the union was in agi-
tation trial by jury was suspended, the Habeas Corpus Act was
megassur of
the
an dpe°t hpolsee formeetings the rp
suspended, martial law was proclaimed, and was frequent all
over the country. The people did not dare to utter one word, for
a jury of five officers could send any man to the gallows, aed
they did send a multitude there. There were 175,000 bayonets
in Ireland at the time, and the people could not hold public meet-
ings. Yet, even in that state of things, 707,000 people petitioned
against the union, petitions being carried from house to house.
There were only 5,000 petitioners In favour of the union, and the
MUM was carried by force and fraud, aided by the most our.

mous bribery that was ever yet invented. No less a sum than
1,275,0001ffe6 given for the purchase of rotten boroughs, and
3,000,000/. wag !pent in direct corruption, in order to efnct the
object.— (Hear, hear.) I deny, then, that the union w es the result
a bargain. If a robber points a pistol to a man's breast and
says—" If you give Inc money I will not shoot you, but if you
don't I Will," that Is a bargain ; ankjust such a bargain it was
that was made at the time when flrenien was carried.—
(Laughter.) The Government could not carry the measure by the
votes of Irish Members, so they bought forty scats at an enormous
price, and put in English and Scotch officers to vote for the union.
I am glad to have the opportunity of again stating this, because I
know that what I say will be carried on the wings of the press, and
that all England, nay, ail Europe, will once more know the foul
means by which Ireland was defrauded of her native Parliament.
—(Cheers.) But then it is said that repeal means separation.
I deny it, and I go further, and say that if I thought it did mean
separation, I should not be for it. And I tell you with all the so-
lemnity, but none of the profaneness of an oath—l tell you, in the
solemnity of truth, that I am thoroughly convinced that the very
means of preventing a separation between the two countries is by
repealing the union. The people of Ireland cannot endure it, and
I believe that but for my influence over them—an influence which
to myself is astonishing, but which arises from a conviction that I
have always laboured for the people, and against their enemies,
and that my only motive is a desire to secure their comfort and
happiness—l firmly believe, I say, that but for that influence a se.
potation could not have been prevented..—(Cheers.) Separation!
Why, the countries were joined for 600 years while Ireland had a
Parliament of her own. During the American war the Irish
people allowed every soldier to leave Ireland and go to America,
There was no necessity for them, and the people of Ireland them.
selves armed for the defence of their country against the French,
the Dutch, and the Spanish. The Irish volunteers rose as one
man, and became such a formidable bulwark to the country, that not
a single foreign foe durst trample on the soil of Ireland for a moment
—(Hear, and cheers.) No; what I want by repeal is not separa-
tion. I want to continue the connexion between the two
countries. All I want is, that there should bs,-a local Par-
liament in Dublin, to do the business of Ireland, to pass
laws for Ireland alone—to have nothing to do with Im-
perial concerns—to leave to England the government of the colo-
nies, and of England, Wales, and Scotland, but to have nothing
to do with laws binding on Ireland. Apply the case to the corpora-
tion of Birmingham. Suppose any one were to get up and say,
" Let us have an union with Manchester. You shall send ten
men there as your representatives, and they shall have 500 of their
own ; and this united' corporation shall have the ;sower of
making laws for the paving, lighting, watching, and all the interior
regulations of Birmingham." What would you think of such a
proposal as that ?—(Laughter.) Now, I am for Birmingham ma-
naging its own affairs, and for Manchester its own, and I am on
the same principle for Ireland managing her internal affairs, and
contributing to the maintenance of the Throne and the stability of
the institutions of the country, by ready contrributions for all ne-
cessary purposes, and still more by watching that none should be
contributed to what were not necessary.—(Cheers.) But some
people will ask, " Why do you want change? Is not Ireland pros-
perous ? Has she not for forty years enjoyed the ' blessings ' of
the union ?" I will tell you what Ireland got by the union. When
Ireland was under her own Parliament she only owed 20,000,000/.
The English Parliament had involved the empire since that period
in 441,000,0001. of debt. I do like a Parliament that saves the
public money I—(Laughter.) However, at the time of the union
Ireland exported 3,000,0001. of native manufactures, and imported
only 1,000,0001. worth. There was, then, a balance on the wages
of labour in favour of Ireland of 2,000,000/. annually. You had
not then the thousands of starving Irish coming over here to shut
out the English labourer from work, crowding the towns, and
by competing in the market, lowering the wages of la
lour. They were then taken care of at home, and wages
were not lowered in England, because there was not this ad..
ditional competition in the labour-market.—(llear, and cheers.)
Ireland was prosperous then. I ask English statesmen to meet me
foot to font, and say if she is prosperous now. Ireland has had no
manufactures. True ; it may be said that hngland must have more
on that account. But I am sure that you would not, from mere
selfishness, wish to prosper at the price of the misery of Ireland.
There is ample room for all, if we had a fair and honest Govern-
ment, which would lower the burdens of the people and grant in-
creased franchise and increased securities for our liberties. The
world is wide enough for all. Look, however, to the state of Ire.
land. The Commission of Poor-law Inquiry six years age investi.
gated the poverty of Ireland, and from their Report it appeared
that, out of a little snore than 8,000,000 of people in Ireland,
4,300,000 were in a state of destitution ; that is to say, nearly
one.third of the inhabitants of that rich and fertile country are in
a state of destitution. The population returns of 1841 show a falling
off of 70,000 per annum, as compared with the ten y ears before 1831;
that is to say, the retrocession of the population of Ireland during
those ten years was 700,000. If the increase of population be the
best test of the prosperity of a country, the retrogradation of a
population must be a test of the want of that prosperity. And that
is the case of Ireland. There is no man who possesses one iota of know-
ledge in political economy but what must go with me in this. I
say that 700,000 murders have been committed in Ireland during
the period I refer to, for every human being who might have come
to maturity during that period has in fact been deprived of existence
by bad laws and bad government. I arraign them. I plant on
them the stain of blood, of multiplied murder. I arraign them for
the slaughter of 700,000 people in the course Of ten years. I do
this on the testimony of the Report of their own Commissioners,
and on the evidence established by the publication of that Report
by the two Houses of Pat liament—(Hear, hear.) But what more
does that Report :centain ? It states that upwards of 70 per
cent. of the whole population of Ireland are in such misery that
they are obliged to live in houses containing only a single room ;
and that 30 per cent. of the town population were in such a state
that frequently three, four, and five families occupied a single
room, and no person occupied more than a single room.—(Cries of
" Shame!") I may appear to be wasting your time by thus talk-
ing of the woes of Ireland; but I do hope that I am animating
your sympathy, exciting your attention, and leading you to call
with a voice of thunder on the governors and the Government to
look to giving the people of Ireland a remedy for their sufferings
instead of a prosecution and a conviction.—(Cheers.) I will men.
tion one fact more. In 1830, when the Whig Government came
in, Mr. Spring Rice wanted to prove that Ireland was then becom-
ing prosperous, the Emancipation Act having passed. He got a
Committee—it was called the Prosperity Committee, and he pro-
duced as a witness before that Committee a Mr. Wiggins, who had
been a land agent on a very extensive scale in Ireland. That gen-
tleman deposed that there had not been much prosperity in Ireland
up to that period, but he attributed it to the agitation for emanci.
potion, and to the Emancipation Act not having been passed. He
prophesied, however, that in future there would be a very different
state of things. Now, this Mr. Wiggins published the other day
a pamphlet, entitled the 31Nuler of Ireland, in which, so far
from his stating that Ireland had become more prosperous since
the year 1830, he said that it was now in an infinitely worse con-
dition•.. That misery will go on. What is to stop it ? The same
causes that produced it continue to operate—misgovernment, ab-
senteeism, refusal of the right of the franchise, taking away from
the people of Ireland the management of their own affairs and
putting them into the hands of men who care nothing for
Ireland, and who, if they can practise their own manoeuvres
to attain party power, do not care what becomes of the people
of Ireland. Remember, It is not nature that makes Ireland
sterile. No; Ireland is, for its size, one of the most fruitful
countries on the face of the globe, one the most capable of
producing all the necessaries of life. She is fertile—oh, no
country in the world is so well placed for eo:nmerce—with such
noble estuaries, wills such communication from the centre to the
sea, that there is no place in Ireland more than thirty miles from a
good harbour. Then, why is there this starve ion and misery ? The
answer is, because there has been misgovernment and oppression.
—(Cheers.) Well might one of our Bishops say, that although
the people of Ireland might continue to submit to their wrongs for
conscience sake, no transition could be to them for tl.e worse; and
that if the army were turned out to slaughter them, it would be
better for them to be in their graves than to exist in their present
misery. I have now, however, to rejoice that I see an opening
for the people of Ireland in the sympathies of the English people.
I shall not soon forget the cheers with which you received me to.
day, nor those which are still ringing in my ears from Covent-
garden Theatre.— (Cheers.) I am bound to say, and I say it in
the pride and exulation of my heart, that I never saw such a meet.
ing in England as that which I see before me to-day. I have been
in this hall before. I have been here when English affisirs were
agitated, and when interests of a personal nature attracted a great
crowd, but never did I see in the discussion of English affairs such
a numerous, such an overpowering—oh I such a majestic meeting
as this !--(Cheers.) Believe me, that whatever faults we Irish.
men have, want of gratitude is not among them. Our errors are
mistakes of reason—the head is wrong, but never the heart. These
cheers at Birmingham will spread all over Ireland. They will be
re-echoed to the Giant's Causeway—they will sound when the bil-
low breaks over Cape Clear—the tills of Connemara and the Hill
of Howth will reverberate the echo—when it is announced to the
people of Ireland that at least the people of England were really
beginning to sympathise with their wrongs.—(Cheers.) Be..
lieve me, the people of Ireland are equally ready to sympathise
in your struggle. Your Reform Bill is a total failure, or nearly
so. By reducing the constituencies, it has brought them up to
to the bribery point. There are now just enough of them to be
bribed. Bribery indeed is become necessary ; for, actual nomina-
tion being put an end to; it is necessary to bay votes in another
way. For every one crime of bribery under the old system there
must now be some 200 or 300. So that there is really an addi-
tion to the criminality—to those offences which bring down Use
vengeance of Providence on corrupt and wicked nations. That
man is not a Christian who does not rally round us and wish us to
put an end to so gross a system.—(Cheers.) We will assist you.—
(Cheers.) I am not one of those who are far refusing instalments
of public liberty. I am for getting all I can, and I will help you
tat get as much as you can, leaving the rest to the future. The
people of Ireland are ready to go With you. Our principles of Par.
liamentary reform are manifest, We insist that, not cows, or
sheep, or houses shall have votes, but men. At present the mere
occupation of a 101. house gives a vote, while the man who earns
2k!. a year by his labour—by the exercise of God's gifts--has none.
I say That man is a slave,—(Cheers.) There is &story told by Dr.
Franklin, which I will tell you. A man in Philadelphia claimed to
vote, as being worth 101. ; but, to make up the sum he included an
ass, valued at 13s. When he came up to vote, the ass had died
in the interval, and his vote was successfully opposed. " Ah I ha,"
cried he, " I did not know before it was my ass that had the vote,
and not me."—(Laughter.) Why, the people of England are
themselves asses if they do not see that this tale applies to them. It
Is robbery to deprive a man of his vote because he lives in a room
and not in a house. What I am surprised at is, that you do not
at once divide yourselves into a slave class and a master class.—
(Hear.) You sing at your dinners and meetings, " Britons never
will be slaves." Why, 1 say that every man who has not a vote is
a slave, and I will tell you why. A slave is one for whom some.
body else makes laws—whose conduct, whose property, whose tax.
ation is regulated by laws over which lie has no control.—(Hear.)
That man is a slave. Write him down a slave! Men of Birming-
ham! form your slave class at once of those who have
no votes. Count those who have—they are ♦ery few
—end let the enormous multitude remaining resolve
that they will leave no peaceable means untried until they
cease to be slaves and acquire as much power as their neigh.
boors; they have the right to make their own laws.—(Loud
Cheers.) Ireland, I say, is ready to assist. They may shut me up
In a dudgeon ; they have me in their power.—(Cries of " No.")
I'll be as merry there as I am here—as determined there as I am
here. I shall have as much influence over the people of Ireland
there as I have here.—(Cheers.) They may shorten the space of
my daily walks, but they cannot lessen the sphere of my polite al
influence. Come what will, we will struggle with you, that you
shall be protected from all oppression—by the ballot, the honest
ballot, under which the man would give his own vote, and not the
vote of his master, or his landlord, or Isis customer—the honest
ballot, which will prevent men from offering bribes; for who will
be fool enough to give a bribe when lie is not sure that the vote
Will be given ?—that the man who is rascal enough to take a bribe
may not also be scoundrel enough not to earn it ? To be sure, the
fellow would rise to something like ♦irtue in so disappointing the
villain. I need not tell you that your Parliaments also would be
shertmed. Why do I say these things ? It Ls to show you that

I am not here for Ireland only, but that I speak equally for my
English fellox-eountrymen ; that there is nothing I would strug-
gle to obtain for my own countrymen that I would not equally put
my shoulder to the wheel for on behalf and fel' the benefit of Eng-
lishmen. But remember the adage I have so often repeated to my
Irish fellow-countrymen—I address it now to the slave class—
" Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not
Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow I"
Who is it that gets friends P The man who can do without them.
The man who trusts to others to do his business never gets it done,
(Hear, hear.) Through you I thank the people of England—in the
name of the people of Ireland I thank you, for I am not vain
enough CO suppose that these thousands came here to pay me in-
dividually a compliment. No ; they had higher and nobler feel-
ings. They came here to meet me to-day because I represent the
people of Ireland.—(Cheers.) Aye, that shout was for the people
of Ireland; and I now next appeal to you against the gross injus.
tice of the recent proceediugs. - I protest in the face of man—even in
that of the Creator—against that proceeding, and I say that it was
one of the basest proceedings that ever occurred, even under the
basest governments. They may increase my sentence, but they
shan't terrify me from expressing my opinions. It is my duty to
remind you that what to.day is a fact as regaads me, :may to.mor.
row be turned into a proceeding against you. Look at the whole
of their proceedings. The people of Ireland appealed to the Eng-
lish Parliament for redress. We showed the grievances of Ire-
land—her poverty and distress. We showed that there was no
real union at all; because, if there was, we should have equality
of rights. Now, have we equality of rights P I am not going to
take up your time with many calculations, but I will just com-
pare the condition of Cork, the county I represent, with the
condition of Wales, as regards the number of representa.
lives. I stand here as the Parliamentary representative of
750,000 persons, and the counsy of Cork has only two represen-
tatives; while Wales, which has only one-sixteenth more of popu.
lation than Cork, or 800,000 people, sends 28 members to Parlia-
ment.—(Cries of " Shame I") Aye, shame, and sin, and sorrow,
and blighting confusion to giose who have not honesty enough
to recognise the extent of that atrocity, and fear of man and God
enough to redress the evil immediately. But it may be said that
Wales is the richer of the two. Let us see. The Customs' duty
paid by the county of Cork is 263,364/., and the Excise duty paid
is 272,5251., making a total of 535,859/. ; Wales pays to the
Customs 26,139/., and to the Excise 176,046/ making a total of
202,185/. So that \Vales pays less than Cork county to the
amount of 333,7041.—(Cries of " Shame!") Now, I think this
is a piece of statistics worth knowing. Wales, which yields to the
revenue only half which is yielded by Cork, has 29 members,
while Cork has only two.—(Shame.) Suppose the case to be re-
versed, is there a single fiery Welshman, from the eldest son of
Rebecca down to the last of them—(A laugh)—who would not
burst forth in anger and indignation, who would not at once ex-
claim that he was a Briton, and insist, with the resolution of a
Briton, that the tyranny should be put an end to ? (Cheers.)
But I will show you also how it operates with regard to the
voters. Cork, with a population of 750,000, has only 1,500
voters, while Wales, which has only 800,000, has 36,000 votes.
—(Hear, hear.) Should I be a man if I stood quietly by and
saw this without remonstrance P Should I, I say,
having acquired the confidence of the Irish people and
their affection to a degree which is indescribable ? Oh I
if you saw how their eyes glisten on me as I go along—if you saw
how the aged women raised their hands and eyes to heaven for a
blessing on me—if you could see the stalwart youths leaving their
toil in the fields, and standing by the roadside with their hats in
their hands and tears in their eyes, and crying, " Oh I long life
to you, O'Connell, for the sake of Ireland !"—Oh, if you heard the
praises spoken by the sweet voices of girls, and even the lisping
babes, as I go along, praying for prosperity to Daniel O'Connell !
—you would think me the most hardened of human beings if my
heart did not expand, if my blood did not throb in my veins—aye,
and if my arm. thongh years may have impaired its strength, did
not rise superior to the decay in the powers of life—if all the
thoughts and feelings of my soul did not concentrate in one deter.
mination to devote all my efforts to obtaining justice for Ireland.
—(Loud cheers.) As we have talked of corporations, let me
show you the abet this inequality produces with regard to the
votes for corporations. Altogether Ireland is the poorer country;
no man can vote as a burgess unless he be rated at 101. per
annum to the poor-pate. In Dublin, unless a man be so rated,
he cannot vote for members of the corporation, for poor-law
guardians, for town-councillors—nor can h e do so until he has paid
no less than nine different taxes which hang over him. In England, if
a man has paid his poor-rate and borough rate he is entitled to vote, 1
but in Ireland he must occupy a house relatively of the value of
201., and pay all the taxes I have referred to. What is the conse-
quence ? Why, that out of 1,800 houses in Dublin, the right to
vote only attaches to 600. Now, when you talk of equality of
privileges, I say it is a lie. You may give it a more civil name If
you like.—(Cheers and laughter.) Now, I appeal to se u against
all these proceedings. I have told you that we applied to Whigs
and Tories, who alike refused redress. In 1839, when I moved
for leave to bring in a Bill to extend the franchise, the Whigs did
not wait for the Tories to oppose it, but Lord Morpeth got up and
would not give me even the privilege of laying the Bill on the table.
Well, I told the people of Ireland of all these things, and they have
rallied round me in consequence. They rallied round me. There
were forty-one meetings. These were all legal meetings, because
they were perfectly peaceab7e ; there was no riot, no violence, no
property destroyed, no injury done, no tumult, no turbulence—
miraculous to say, there was not even a single accident at them. I
will tell you how this miracle occurred. It was because every one
was forbearing to his neighbour—was thinking more of being kind
to his neighbour than of taking care of himself. Up starts an Attor.
ney.General and says, " Although these meetings are all legal, you
are nevertheless conspirators." Why, as I told him, you may nml-
tiply cyphers for ever, and you will get no quantity. But in law-
logic it seems that these meetings, legal in themselves, form toga.
ther a foul and seditious conspiracy. Men of England ! I say,
look to yourselves. What is our case to-day may be yours to-
morrow.—(Cheers.) Our friend Sturge may have yet to answer at
the bar of the Queen's Bench before a hardy judge and a profligate
jury.—(Bear.) I tell you that it will be impossible for you to
ameliorate your institutions if you do not stand by us now—if you
do not put an end to this judge-made law.—(Hear, hear.) For
you are not safe under this law. You may think it will not reach
you ; but that is the way ruin comes upon nations. You would
wait till the pestilence comes to you next door before you would
send for a physician. I say cleanse the filth at once from the Au.
gean stable. Let it accumulate, and there will not be a particle of
soundness in your constitution, nor any power of recovery.—
(Cheers.) I arraign the charge of conspiracy and that prosecution
as one of the foulest plans ever adopted by the basest Govern.
ment to put down the liberties of the people. But when I come
closer and look at the packed jury, I feel a sense of indignation
I cannot describe. 1 call on the people of England to support trial
by jury. Whatever liberty they have they owe to the shield of pro.
tection thrown over them by trial by jury. What were the pro-
ceedings with regard to the jury in the late case P First, all the
Roman Catholics were struck off the jury—an insinuation that
they were perjurers, and could not be trusted to give a verdict
on their oaths.—( Shame.) They must have an exclusive
Protestant jury to try me, the great Catholic agitator of Ire-
land I But then they say, that all the Catholics were Repealers.
Suppose they were—suppose there were 6,500,000 Repealer, in
Ireland ; their being Repeaters would not be a legal ground of
challenge to one of them. But the prerogative of the Crown, in
the hands of a fighting Attorney-General, serves to do that which
could not be done by the common law of the land. The imputa-
tion, however, is worse than the insult ; it is a lie. They made a
bad excuse worse by telling a falsehood.—(Hear, hear.) But who
were the jury that, after all, were appointed to try me ? Why,
a jury of violent Anti-Repealers, eight of whom had voted three
times against me in Dublin. Now, was it fair to strike off all the
Repeaters, and pack a jury of strong Anti-Repealers ?—(llear.)
Why, shame upon them !—(Cheers,) Suppose a jury of parsons
were impannelled to try Joseph Sturge for non-payment of tithes.
That would be purity of trial by jury.—(A laugh.) And when
they talk of their anxiety to have a fair jury, I am afraid it is a left-
handed anxiety. Justice, I fear, in my case, has had a paralytic
stroke—(A laugh)—and the mortified side was turned to me. I
repeat, that it was a packed jury. England, nay the whole world,
responds that it was.—(Cheers.) They nosy say that they could
not get an impartial one. Then why try at all P Vindicate the law
by all means on your own responsibility, but do not try a construc-
tive offence—one existing by the imagination of lawyers only by a
party jury. Don't make your giants as Tom Thumb did,
in order to kill them. Don't make a sort of spectral crime,
originating only in imagination and poetic description. Don't at-
tempt to get a jury at all if you can't get an impartial one. And
whose fault is that you cannot ? Oh ! it is the fault of your Go.
vernment, which has not beets impartial—which, instead of being
neutral, has taken the part of a faction. There is one fact, how.
ever, which they never can get over--I mean the omission of the
names of nearly 40 Roman Catholics from the jury list. We placed
on the record a charge that this had been fraudulently done, and
the judges decided against us because we did not state who corn.
mitred the fraud—so that a man must not be charged with murd*
because we do not know his exact name or the name of the d&
ceased. Why did not the Attorney-General try the question of
fraud ? Because he preferred to rely on the judges.—(Hear, hear,)
He did not hesitate to avail himself of the fraud, though he denied
having any hand in it.—(llear.) Then came the charge of the
judge. As I said in the House of Commons, never since the time
of Scroggs and Jeffreys has there been so uncandid a charge.
Everybody attacks the judge—nobody defends him. But when we
reflect on how the judges have been appointed in Ireland, no won.
der that they should deliver left-handed charges. The Hon. and
Learned Gentleman here referred to Lord Normanby's speech
the other evening on the snbjeet of the proceedings with re.
gard to the school at Ballysack, and the interference of Judge Le-
troy and Sergeant Jackson. These, he said, were a specimen of the
sort of judges who had been supported by the present Government.
But how had others been treated who had used language far more
strong than he bad done ? He reminded them of the great Bir-
mingham meeting in 1832, when Ministers were about to resign
from not being able to carry the Reform Bill—a meeting of 100,000
persons, where a petition and resolutions were agreed to, signed
by Mr. Thomas Atwood, as the Chairmay, in which it was, among
other things, agreed that the people of England should arm them-
selves to be prepared against circumstances. That was what in
Ireland would be called a hint. He presented that petition to the
House of Commons. Why did not the judges declare then that
he was, with others, guilty of a conspiracy ? Nothing he had ever
said in Ireland approached at all to the language of that petition.
He had long since adopted the principle that peaceable means, as
they were the only legal, so were they also the only effectual
weapons to use. That petition was printed by order of the
House; and what did they do to Tom Attwood, who signed ft
Why, they actually made him a magistrate for the county
of Warwick. That was in 1833, when Lord Brougham was
Chancellor—(Hisses)--and afterwards he was, on the recommen-
dation of Lord John Russell, appointed by Lord Cottenham first
on the list of borough magistrates for Birmingham. This was the
way Mr. Atwood was treated, continued Mr. O'Connell; yet I am
nothing as a conspirator compared with what he was. Doubly
justice of the peace 1 and long life and prosperity to him. Long
may he enjoy the honours his country has conferred on him in
grateful acknowledgment of his services. I wish he was here work.
ing for us now.—(Chsers.) I repeat it to you, men of Binning-
ham, that England is not safe if the law by which I was tried goes
forth and is established. Suppose the Tories had been able to
come in at that time, what would they have done to Mr. Attwood ?
Perhaps even now he may not be protected from their vengeance.
I therefore from this spot as peal to the people of England. I
call on them at this exciting time to arouse themselves on behalf
of their liberties—to throw the shield of their protection over their
Irish fellow-countrymen. Never yet did the meteor flag of Eng-
land beam over the battle field that it was not sustained by the
stalwart arms of the Irish. Never yet was the shout of vie-
too, raised on the decks of our gallant navy, but the Irish
bore a part in it. We have joined you in the battle and in the
strife, and we are yet ready to join you in the struggle for the pre.
servation of our civil liberties. I say, England, Scotland, and
Ireland for ever The Hon. and Learned Gentleman then retired
amidst loud and continued cheering,
Mr. S. CRAWFORD was then introduced to the meeting by the
Chairman, and proceeded to address them. He recapitulated to
the meeting the various attempts he had made to enforce his views
on the House of Commons, and the results. He assured them,
that although he had as yet been unsuccessful, be was not die.

Cross-examined by Mr. AUsTIX—The petitioner Kelly was
not worth fourpence ; Fallahan (another petitioner) was
hardly able to give his wife and family a dinner of milk and
potatoes; Marshall (a third petitioner), was a pauper, going
about from house to house, and not worth sixpence ; Keeling
(also a petitioner), was a cooper, hardly able to sell three
pails a-week. He believed the whole of them could
not pay even half of witness's expenses to London.
He had had no conversation with any of the agents of Mr.
Collett about giving false testimony. He had never received
Si. for his vote. The witness then withdrew.
Mr. PICKERING (who was with Mr. Talbot) here proposed
to call the agent of the petitioners, for the purpose of contra.
dieting the last witness's testimony.
Attace, on being called, stated that he had been with the
witness Curly that morning, at an hotel in Palace-yard,
having had no previous opportunity of seeing him, and that he
stated, in reply to questions put to him by witness, that Mr.
Collett said to him before the election, in the pre.
sence of Mr. Ferrall, that in fourteen days after
the election Mr. Ferrall would give him something handsome ;
that he explained to him that he could not give him anything
before. Curly also said that Mr. Collett observed, that what.
ever Mr. Ferrall said he would uphold, and he stated that he
had received 5/. from Mr. Ferrall at the Athlone Assizes.
James Roper examined—Lived at Athlone, and knew Mr.
Collett. Voted for him at the last election. Saw him in the
street two or three days before the election, in company with
Mr. Ferrall and other gentlemen. Mr. Ferrall told him that
Mr. Collett would stand up for his country, but did 'Jut give
him any other reason for voting for Mr. Collett. Neither
Mr. Ferrall nor Mr. Collett ever promised him any money.
Father Kilsoe did not promise him money, and witness had
never told any person that he had done so. Had never told
Mr. Hand, of London, that a large sum of money had been
promised him if he would vote for Mr. Collett. Told him that
a promise of that kind bad been made on the other side. He had
rebuilt his house after the election, but was not able to glace
the windows. Having mentioned this subject to Father Kilsoe,
the latter, in a few days after, gave him 51. to get the windows
glazed. Had never said that he was disappointed at
not getting a larger sum ; never expected to get
a halfpenny till that time. Heard that money
was left, but did not expect to get any of it because ho was
never promised any.
By the COMMITTEE—Did not consider the money as a loan.
Father Kilsoe told him when he first mentioned the glazing
of the windows, that he would give him Si. to get it done, and
that he would then use one of his rooms as a station. The
Roman Catholic priests go from house to house.
Mr. Sergeant Weancuast (for the sitting Member) sub.
mitted to the Counsel for the petitioners whether it would not
be a manifest waste of time for them to proceed any further
with the case, when such was the testimony already adduced.
Mr. TALBOT said it was vain to disguise that the evidence
adduced was not such as they could rely upon to establish the
case. The agent of the petitioners had the best reason to be-
lieve that the evidence of Curly would be very different from
what it had been, but they had now reason to think that
they were not likely to be more successful with the other
witnesses. Under these circumstances, and with the consent
of the gentleman by whom he was instructed, be begged to
withdraw the petition.
Strangers were then ordered to leave the room, and on their
re-admission, it was announced that the Committee had come to
the following resolution :—" That John Collett, Esq., had
been duly returned to serve in the present Parliament for the
borough of Athlone."