The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-01 00:00:00

THE toNDOW, MONDAY EVENING, APRIL 1 1944,

BUSINESS OP TIIE lIOUSE.

Sir R. PEEL said, that his Noble Friend had
given notice of his intention to move the Irish Regis-
gation Bill before the Orders of the Day. That
course had been pursued, because the Government
had thought that it was the general wish of the
House to have that measure explained at an eat ly
period ; but although it was a Government night, he
had no wish to establish a precedent, and his Noble
Friend would not proceed unless with the wish of
the House.—(Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL wished to know if it was in-
tended to take the Orders of the Day after the Noble
Lord's motion ?
Sir R. PEEL—Yes.
IRISH REGISTRATION.

Lord ELIOT rose for the purpose of moving that
leave be given to bring in a Bill for amending the
law relating to the registration of voters for Members
of Parliament in Ireland. The subject to which he
was about to call the attention of the House had often
been discussed within those walls, and it would not
be necessary for him to preface the explanation
he was about to give of the main provisions
of the Bill by any lengthened exposition of the
defects in2the existing law. These defects were, the
power of challenging the rights of voters to remain
on the list, the multiplicity of objections, the facility
of personation, and a variety of other defects which
had been acknowledged by almost every other Mem-
ber of that House who had taken a part in the dis-
cussion on this question. Various proposals had
been made by Gentlemen on both sides of the House
with a view of applying a remedy to those defects,
and those proposals had given rise to discussions
which had occasionally been rather of an acrimonious
nature. On the present occasion, however, he wished
this question to be discussed solely on its own merits,
with a view of securing a satisfactory adjustment of
its difficulties. He should not, therefore, refer to
those discussions, or, if he did, it would not be in a
tone or manner calculated to excite angry feelings.
A proposal to amend the law of registration in Ireland
was made during the existence of the late Govern-
ment ; but it was resisted by that Government on the
ground that the existing system had prevailed for
many years, and that it was unadvisable to alter it
But, at the same time, Lord Althorp distinctly de-
clared that if time and experience should prove
that the system of registration which had been
introduced into England was well adapted for its
purpose, and was an efficient system, it would he ad-
visable to extend that system to Ireland. He (Lord
Eliot) thought there could be no doubt that the sys-
tem of registration in England did give general and
great satisfaction. The defects in it which experience
during the last ten years had pointed out, were re-
moved by the Act of last session, and he believed the
measure, as it stood, was not only adapted to its pur-
pose as a system of registration for England, but that
if it were transplanted to Ireland mutatis mutandis, it
would be a great improvement on the system that
prevailed in that country. It was this system,
therefore, which her Majesty's Government proposed
to that House for introduction into Ireland. The
measure proposed to give to the Lord Lieutenant of
Ireland in Council the power of dividing counties
into polling districts ; in each polling place of which
district the revising barrister should hold an annual
court of revision and registration. It was pro-
posed to reserve to the assistant barrister ap •
pointed to preside in the Court of Quarter Ses-
sions, and who at present also presided in the
Registration Courts, the duty of the revising bar-
rister. They were in general men perfectly competent
to perform their duties in a manner satisfactory to
the counties in which they were stationed,
and there were no grounds for creating any new
officers to preside in the registration courts.
His next point referred to the right of appeal. An
appeal was allowed in England as to the law, though
nut upon the facts of the case, and it was vested in
the Court of Common Pleas. They did not propose
to give this appeal in Ireland to the Court of Common
Pleas, but to the Court of Exchequer Chamber. The
duties of the several law courts in Ireland were very
heavy and multifarious, and for this reason, chiefly,
they proposed to vest the new power in the Ex-
chequer Chamber, because all the judges belonged
to that court, and the questions that would be brought
for decision would always have the consideration of a
majority of them, namely, seven. He did not wish
then to go into the reasons why the Court of Com-
mon Pleas should not be preferred in Ireland as it
was in England, but he might say that in giving it to
all the judges they pursued a course which they con-
sidered most likely to give general satisfaction.
There were only one or two minor differences be-
tween the English and the Irish system, which he
thought it necessary to allude to. The duty of com-
paring the lists was in England confided to the over-
seer, in Ireland they proposed to confide it to the
baronial collector. In England the town-clerks, ex-
ercising the duties as clerks of the peace, had the
custody of the lists, and they proposed that the
clerk of the peace should have the custody of them in
Ireland. With regard to the time of polling, there
would not be any material difference, for they pro-
posed to limit its duration to one day for boroughs,
and to two days for counties.—(Loud cries of
" Hear, hear.") He believed this - portion of
the measure would meet with a very gene-
ral assent, correcting, as it would do, many
great abuses that now took place, and curtailing the
very unnecessary expenses which now so frequently,
took place. He would now state what it was pro-
posed to do with the existing registers. He proposed
that all persons now on the register should be replaced
on the new register, and should not be liable to chal-
lenge during the remainder of the term for which
the present register would have lasted, except where
he had parted with any portion of his property.
He was aware that there might be some objections
made to that. It might be said, and with truth, that
there were improper votes upon the register, and that
the revising barristers ought to be enabled to purge
the register of such votes as were, he would not say
fraudulent, but were improperly placed there. On
the contrary, he (Lord Eliot) thought it was better
that a few improper votes should remain on the
register than that persons having a bona fide claim
should be exposed to a vexatious process of challenge,
and thus he now proposed that these parties should
not be liable to challenge for the remainder of the
term of eight years, which the law now allowed them
to remain on the Register. At the end of that time
they would have a right to be entered in the Register,
liable under the same rules as other claimants, and
liable to any ground of objection which might be
urged against them. He also proposed by this Bill. to
give double costs in cases of frivolous objections and
unsupported claims. These were the principal provisions
ofthe Bill with respect to registration and polling, and if
there were any provisions of this part ofthe Bill towhich
he had not adverted, he was ready to give an answer
to any gentleman who might seek further information
upon it. He would next proceed to the third and
most important, and most difficult branch of this
subject—he meant the qualification of voters. The
House was well aware that the question of the fran-
chise was in a most unsatisfactory state. In the year
1829, when by the 10th of George IV. the right of
voting from 403. freeholds was abolished, there
were in Ireland, if he were not mistaken,
216,000 electors. He certainly did not propose
at that moment to enter into the merits of that ques-
tion, but he believed that, with a few exceptions, the
abuses of that system were so generally recognised,
that the propriety of its abolition was very generally
concurred in, and he thought the effect of the measure
had been to give a good example. In the year 1829,
as he had already said, there were in Ireland
216,000 electors ; but it was worthy of observation,
that out of those there were 102,000 registered for
seven counties. At the present moment the actual
constituency of the county Kildare was larger
than in the year 1829, and in the county of Wicklow
he thought the constituency was rather larger than
at the present time, whilst in some other counties the
numbers were nearly the same at the present time as
they were in 1829. He merely mentioned this because
he thought the effect of the Act of 1829 had been a
good deal exaggerated. In the following year the
number of electors was 39,700, and the effect of the
Reform Bill, in the following y ear, was to increase the
number of the electors from 52,000 to 60,000.
The number was 64,000 in 1835 ; 76,000 in 1837 ;
57,000 in 18U ; and 63,000 in 1842. From the
time of the Reform Bill down to the present period
11,000 had been added to the constituency of Ireland.
The addition was made in this case in words. In the
Reform Bill the words were "the clear value to him,"
that was to the occupant, this being supposed to
define more clearly, not the value of the estate
itself, but the interest which the owner
or occupier had in it. Those words were
expunged in the House of Lords, and the then Go-
vernment did not think it expedient to insert them in
the Irish Bill. The Right Hon. Gentleman the pre-
sent Chancellor of Ireland, objected to the admission
of these words, and said that considerable doubt and
uncertainty would arise from their insertion. He
believed that the Learned Gentleman, Mr. Lefroy,
proposed as a means of obviating the difficulty, the
insertion of the words " beneficial interest."
Those words were introduced, certainly with no
in any
intention on the part of the proposer of them,
way to decrease the franchise; and he (Lord
Eliot) had not been able to discover that her Ma-
jesty's Government
then Government entertained any such design.
It was clearly and explicitly stated by a Noble Duke
t he intention; a nd
lie ofin the other House (the Duke of Richmond), that it
qualificationwas
not to raise the
ever existed. It was perfectly true that the Act,
the 10th of George the
thatFou Fourth,
ho suchd intention
did
impose
oath,"an by whichthcommonlyitwas
called
provided ' `the
that the
solvent tenant
should be capable of being let for the specified
amount to a solvent tenant. That oath was omitted
in the Reform Bill. In the 19th of George 11. the
same oath was imposed upon freeholders ; by the 13th

of George 111. that oath was omitted ; but he be-
lieved it was nevel contended, either in
Ireland or England, that a clear, beneficial value—
that is, a surplus after the payment of rent and other
expenses—was invariably necessary. It was clearly
defined that clear yearly value meant the value for
which the tenement might be let to a solvent tenant.
That was the interpretation recognised by the Court 4,
but he knew doubts existed upun the point in the
English courts; but the insertion of the words "be-
neficial interest," and their omission from the oath,
gave rise to a different interpretation of the law in
Ireland, and the assistant barristers and some of the
judges held that the proper interpretation to be put
on the clause was what the estate might be worth to
the occupier. The question was argued in the Court
of Exchequer Chamber in 1837, on a• case which
was tried before Chief Justice Bushe, and
in that case it was laid down not only that
the solvent tenant test was the proper inter-
pretation, but that the solvent tenant oath was the
oath to be administered to the jury, Two of the
judges held that the solvent tenant test was no longer
applicable, and three of them held it was applicable,
but that no oath was to be administered, and the re-
mainder of the judges decided that the oath was pro-
perly administered, and that the solvent tenant test
should remain in force. The minority of the judges
and several of the assistant-barristers declined to be
bound by the opinion of the majority, and this was one
great cause of uncertainty. It was therefore right
that Parliament should put an end to the doubt, and
that the question of value should be defined by legis-
lation.—(Hear, hear.) Looking, then, to the deci-
sions of the majority of the judges, and the inten-
tions of The legislature, and to the practice in England
and Scotland, and to the established constitution,
which required a bona fide property arising out of
land be determined to render the Irish law conforma-
ble the law of England and Scotland. and to require
that there should be a clear yearly value over and
above all rents and charges. It might be
said that this object could be attained
in a more simple manner. In 1841 the No-
ble Lord, the Member for Sunderland, which
he and many of those who sat behind him, felt bound
to support. The proposition distinctly recognised the
principle of preperty arising out of land. The Noble
Lord proposed to take the rating under the poor-law
valuation, but the reports which he had received on
the subject convinced him that this proposition would
be in a great measure illusory. He had received
the rentals of several gentlemen's property,
in which he placed the greatest confidence.
But if gentlemen were not satisfied with his statement
of the confidence which he reposed in these com-
munications, they were not bound to express any
opinion upon them. All the communications which
he had received from every part of Ireland—north,
south, east, and west—with feiv exceptions, satisfied
him that if they were to fix on any rate below 101.,
if only 51., they would thereby expunge from the regis-
tration list a larger portion of the present constituency
than they would expunge by the introduction of the
solvent tenant test. Besides, he did not think it
would be fit, or even becoming, on the part of her
Majesty's Government to depart from the ancient
principles of the franchise in Ireland and Scotland,
unless some large and practical good was to follow.
—(Hear, hear.) He now admitted, without the
least hesitation or reserve, that the effect of the ap-
plication of the solvent tenant test so stringently as
he proposed, would be to deprive of their votes a very
considerable number, ifnot of the present constituency,
certainly of the 101. occupants. It would be impos-
sible for him to say precisely what the effect would
be, but, according to the data which he. had been able
to collect, he was willing to admit that it was very
possible that two-thirds of the existing occupants
(10/. leaseholders and freeholders)—he again observed
not constituency—would be disfranchised. He be-
lieved that class of occupants amounted to about 40,000,
and it was obvious that one-third of the number which
would remain on the registry under the Solvent
Tenant Test were not adequate the express
the opinions and feelings of the portion of the peeple
whom they were intended to represent. It was de-
clared by the Noble Lord, at the beginning of the
Session, during the debate upon the state of Ireland,•
that it was expedient to give, if not an identical, at
least a substantial equality in the franchise to Ireland
with the people of this country.—(Hear, hear.) In
making, then, so large a reduction of the consti-
tuency as the new test would effect, it was necessary
to seek for some compensation, for it must be
admitted that the restricted number would be inade-
quate to express the wants and wishes of the com-
munity, for whose behalf the franchise was entrusted
to them. Her Majesty's Ministers thought it desira-
ble that there should be a community of interests and
feelings between the constituent body snd those for
whom the franchise was entrusted to them. Her
Majesty's Ministers, therefore, thought it expedient
to seek for a constituency amongst a class of persons
who, by their independent position, would be enabled
to give unbiassed and unprejudiced votes, and who were
not too far removed from the body of the inhabitants
of the electoral district. He conceived that, if the
franchise were made to depend merely upon the money
amount of rent, it would be attended, amongst many
inconveniences and uncertainties, with a practise of
collision on the part of the landlord, and to give him
an inducement to raise the nominal amount of
rent. He Thought, therefore, they should seek
a test less liable to misapprehensnsion. The
Government proposed that all occupiers, no mat-
ter what their tenure—that all occupiers who
were rated to the relief of the poor in a certain
amount should have the benefit of the franchise.
Then the question was, what should be the amount of
that rating—what, looking at the amount both of the
population, the rental, and the property of the coun-
try, would be sufficient for the purpose, and yet high
enough to secure the independence of the voter.
The inquiries of her Majesty's Government had led to
the belief that a man rated to the relief of the poor in
the sum of 301. a year would probably be possessed-of
sufficient capital to render him an independent person .
It appeared that there were in Ireland 76,000
tenements rated to the poor which are rated in that
amount. Certain deductions must be made for that
number on account of tenements held by widows and
minors, and of persons holding under other qualifica-
tions. Deducting one-seventh for the first class, and
another seventh from the other, they might assure
that 25,000 would be the addition to the constituency
under the new qualification. Assuming that 25,000
should be placed on the register under the new fran-
chise, there would be an addition of 30,000 to the
county constituency of Ireland. But her Majesty's Go-
vernment feeling that one of the links of the social
chain in Ireland was wanting from the total absence
of that class represented by the yeomen or small in-
dependent proprietors of England, would encourage
the creation of such a class of voters by the addi-
tional inducement of giving them the franchise. He
proposed, therefore, that all persons possessing a free-
hold inheritance of 51. clear yearly value above all
quit rents, or possessed of a lease on lives, renewable
for ever, so as to be equal to a freehold inheritance,
should hereafter have a vote. This, he hoped,
would have the effect of inducing persons to invest
their capital in
,the purchase of small freehold.
That would give a more independent class of votes,
and it was but just that such a class of men should
be invested with the election franchise. He was not
prepared to say that the effect at present to be pro-
duced would be considerable, but the ultimate effect
would be very beneficial, and he believed that in
many parts of Ireland perpetual leases, that was,
leases renewable for ever, were by no means uncom-
mon. He believed that the measure Would have the
effect of adding considerably to the number of
respectable votes in the Irish counties. There was
one other other alteration which he proposed
to make in the existing, and that was, that it was not
intended that either freeholders or inheritable lease-
holders should he required to be in actual occupation.
This would of great assistance to small capitalists in
acquiring votes. In
England 101. freeholders were
not required to be in occupation of the property for
which they voted, and it was intended to assimilate
the law of Ireland to the law of England in that re-
spect. They intended to dispense with occupation in
all cases of freeholds exceeding 101. in value. Before
the passing of the Reform Act occupation was not
required in England for 40s. freeholders. Since the
passing of the Act, however, occupation had been re-
quired in all cases of freeholds under the value of 101.
Those were all the alterations that he proposed intro-
ducing in the qualification of county voters. He
would now call the attention of the House to the al-
terations which he proposed to introduce in the quali-
fication of voters for towns under the Reform Act in
England. All that was required of a voter was the
payment of two assessments—namely, the assessed
taxes and the poor rates. But it should be borne in
mind that under the comprehensive term " poor's-
rates," what was called in Ireland county cess
was also paid, inasmuch as under the denomination
" poor's-rates " the borough voter in England paid
not only the rate for the relief of the poor, but also a
large portion of the county cess: In England, there-
fore, it was necessary that the voter before .he
could exercise the franchise must pay a much larger
sum as poor-rates than he would be liable to in. Ireland.
For a ten-pound house in many of the larger boroughs
in England, taking assessed taxes, and the various
sums falling under the term of poor-rates, there
would be about three shillings its the pound to pad
before a title to vote was made out. In Ireland,
under the Reform Act, there were county rates, muni-
cipal rates, ;and cesses to pay. The consequence
was, that to make out your title to vote, it
was necessary to pay a considerable number of taxes,
some or great magnitude, and others annoying,
rather from their number than their large individual
amount. This it was desirable to simplify. He
proposed then as a substitute for the assessed
taxes to require payment of the town rate for paving,
lighting, and watching; of the poor-rate; of the bo-
rough rate ; and of the police rate. His object was

to make the right of franchise correspond as
nearly as possible to that of the correspend-
ing class of voters in England. Though
all his statements were founded on facts,
which could be verified by documents then before
him. He .had not read extractt from those docu-
ments, not wishing, in this stage of the measure,
needlessly to trouble the. House. Were the accu-
racy however of any of his statements doubted, he
trusted such doubt would be expressed, that
he might at once give evidence of their truth
One of the great objects the Government had in
view was, to relieve the voter from the multiplicity
of claims he was called upon to satisfy—the vexation
attendant upon which was greater than the aggre-
gate money amount of them. He was sure it was not
his own intention, nor the intention of the House, to
deprive any mat of his vote, but rather to
simplify the proper means for the acquisition of it.
All that ought to be required was a fair guarantee of
the solvency of the party claiming a vote, and his
fulfilment, after a clear and simple form, of the con-
ditions attached to the right. He was not
aware there were any other points it was
necessary for him then to touch upon.
tie believed that the proposition, if adopted, would
place the electoral franchise of Ireland upon a wider
and more extended basis ; and though that basis was
not upon the same principle as the franchise of Eng-
land, still he believed that it would be found to be
more extended than it was either in England or Scot-
land. Ile earnestly hoped that the great body of the
Irish nation would see that the proposal of that
measure by the Government was a redemption
of the pledge given by his Right Hon. Friend at the
head of her Majesty's Government in the speech to
which he (Lord Eliot) had referred, and that they
would see in the adoption of it by the Imperial Par-
liament an earnest desire to impart to the people of
Ireland the enjoyment of equal rights and equal fran-
chises with the people of this country. And he
trusted that those to whom those powers were now
entrusted for the first time, would bear in mind that
they were so intrusted, not for any advantage to
themselves alone—not for the advantage merely of
the district in which they resided or even of their own
country, but that they were given for the good of
the whole of this great and still united Empire.
Mr. HUME asked what would be the addition to
the number of voters by this Bill ?
Lord ELIOT said that the Bill proposed to relieve
voters of certain taxes and burdens, but that
it would be impossible for any gentleman to
hazard a corrz.ct opinion as to the in-
crease of numbers it might cause. It was
his intention to lay the Bill on the table to-
morrow, and it would be then printed, and thus Hon.
Gentlemen would have ample time to consider its
provisions. It was suggested to him now, that instead
of rising again, he- would explain at once the nature
of the alterations proposed to be made in the Muni-
cipal Corporations Bill. The House was aware that
when that measure passed through that House, the
assimilation of the municipal franchise of Ireland with
that of England was impossible. The municipal
franchise of England was based on the occupation
of a house for a given time, and on the payment
of rates for the same period. Now as the
poor-law valuation had not been a sufficient time in
force in Ireland when the Municipal Corporation Bill
became the law, it was impossible to place the muni-
cipal franchise of Ireland upon that basis. It was now
proposed to remove any cause of complaint which
might arise at the difference which existed between
the municipal franchise of Ireland and that of
England, by assimilating them as far as pos-
sible. He believed, that in all the great cities,
towns, and boroughs of Ireland, with the exception
of Wexford, which wanted a few months of the ne-
cessary time, that in all those large towns the
poor-law was in operation a sufficient time to
act as a test similar to that which it required.
It was therefore proposed to extend to Ireland the
provisions of the Municipal Registration Bill of
England in that respect, and to give to every inhabi-
tant householder who should have occupied, for the
space of three years, and who, during that time, had
been rated for the relief of the poor, and who had
paid his rates and taxes up to that time—it was
proposed to give to him the right of voting.
He did ,not wish now to revert to the
discussion on the Corporations Bill. No man could
regard more than he did what he must describe as a
perversion of the powers which Parliament had given.
He regretted that the municipal corporations should
have become normal schools of agitation ; he thought
it would have been much better if they had confiped
themselves to their own peculiarduties. But, however
he might regret this, he could not divest himself of the
conviction that every man in a farm who contributed
by the payment of rates and taxes to the maintenance
of that farm, was entitled to a vote in the administra-
tion of its local affairs ; and he did hope and trust that
, after the temporary effervescence which now existed
in Ireland would have subsided, all parties con-
nected with municipal corporations would turn
their attention to their own local affairs, and
reserve the expression of their political opinions for a
more fitting opportunity.—(Hettr, hear.) The House
were aware that the grand jury, municipal, and
poor's rates were at present payable as a condition
attached to the municipal franchise. He believed
that, ire Dublin, there were not less than one or
two and twenty of these local taxes.—(Hear, hear.)
He did not mean that every man was liable
to the payment of these local taxes, but that
these taxes were payable in certain districts,
and-he believed that some individuals in Dublin were
actually liable to the payment of 14, 15, or 16 local
taxes, the non-payment of any one of which would
deprive them of the right of voting at a mu-
nicipal election. It was proposed to make
the payment of taxes in this respect cor-
respond with the payment which entitled a person
to exercise the Parliamentary franchise. He was not
aware that there was any other point to which it was
necessary to call the attention of the House. That
was the only provision of any importance which
this Bill contained. Thanking the House for the
attention with which they had listened to his state-
ment, he begged for leave to bring in the Bill. •
The question having been put,
Lord ELIOT said there was one point of some im-
portance which he had omitted, and perhaps the House
would allow him to supply the omission. It was pro-
posed to introduce into the Irish law a provision
with regard to joint occupation, which would place it
on the same footing there as in this ceuntry.
Mr. M. O'FERIIALL said that the Noble Lord,
though he had conceded every principle against which
his pnrty had once contended, had yet fallen far short
in his propositions to carry them out. The Noble
Lord had proved by his Bill that all the complaint,
and all the agitation which existed upon this subject
were fully justified.—(Hear, hear.) But the Noble
Lord had fallen into all those errors into which it
might be expected lie would, considering the advice
under which he acted.— (Hear.) He believed the
Noble Lord himself possessed the best and most honest
intentions, but he believed the views of the Noble Lord
were not carried out in his own Bill. The principle
of the Bill was the main thing.; but, after all, the
way in which the principle was to be carried out was
a great point. The majority of the judges had de-
cided that the solvent tenant test should be
applied, that was, that a solvent tenant should
be able to pay 101. over and above what
was paid by the occupier, and that he understood was
the interpretation which the Noble Lord intended to
give in his Bill. The Noble Lord admitted that such
an interpretation would diminish the present
number of voters on the registry by one-fourth
and to allow for .this, he proposed to give the fran-
chise to persons rated under the poor-law at 301. a
year. This would, at the least, make 501. a
year rent ; and he contended that any man
paying such a rent would be able to qualify
at the quarter sessions under the present in-
terpretation of the law. If his statement
was correct the 25,000 votes he proposed to give by
the 301. rating would prove to be nothing at all.
There was an important part of the case which was
omitted by the Noble Lord, namely, that he did not
state whether this 201. was to be a tenancy-at-will
or not.

Lord ELIOT—It was an occupation of 301.
Mr. M. O'FERRALL—Then to that he enter-
tained a strong objection, for it would place the
votes much more under the influence of the land-
lords than he was under . the present Bill.
-The persons who, under the present law, had the 101.
qualification, are protected by their leases, and could
nut be turned out by the landlords for voting according
to their own feelings; but the persons rated at 301. were,
for the most part, so placed under the present law,
that they could be ejected upon in three months
uotice.—(Hear, hear.) The result would be to place
the best and most industrious part of the community
entirely in the power of the landlords. He thought a
franchise of this kind the greater curse that could be
inflicted on Ireland.—(Hear, hear.) It was better to
say at once that those who held land in tenancy should
not vote at all—(Hear, hear)—better to inquire how
many tenants rated at 301. each landlord, had
upon his estates, and to give him at once
just as many votes as he had such tenants.
Nothing could be more unjust, impolitic, or dan-
gerous, than to give the landlords of Ireland any in-
creased power over the conscsentious exercise of the
constitutional rights of his tenants.—(Hear, hear.)
The danger to which property was at present exposed
in Ireland, and which was on the increase, could not
but aggravated by giving the landlords this further
pryer of interference. When the Noble Lord, the
Member for North Lancashire made his celebrated
speech upon the bribery that prevailed at Irish elec-
tions he forgot to mention the bribery which was
induced by the clause giving the franchise upon rent-
charges of 201. and 50/. In many instances persons
without proving that they received that qualification
came down to the election, and upon swearing
that they had such rent-charge were allowed to

vote. A similar abuse existed in Scotland, but
then in Scotland there was a balance of evils, for
parties were nearly equal in that part of the
kingdom, and, if one side created fraudulent votes,
the abuse was compensated by the other party
creating an equal number; but in Ireland, the land,
for the most part, was in the liar. ds of one party, and
there was no such means compensating fraud on the
one hand, and by equal fraud on the other.

(LEFT SPEAKING.)

MURDER AND ATTEMPTED
SUICIDE.

On Saturday evening the neighbourhood of St.
Marylebone, was thrown into a state of great excite-
ment by the perpetration of a most dreadful murder,
committed by a man named Wm. Crouch upon the
person of Frances Crouch, his wife, and the subse-
quent attempted suicide of the murderer. The scene
of the horrible occurrence is Little Marylebone-
street, leading out of Great Marylebone-street, near
High-street.
The murdered woman, who is about 26 or 27 years
of age, had been married to her wretched husband,
who is about 25 years of age, in the month of July,
1842, and had a child, now about nine months
old. Since their marriage Crouch has led rather
an idle life, acting as a horse-keeper occasionally,
but never being in constant employ, while his wife
was a most prudent and industrious woman, main-
taining him for a part of the time by her labour, and
the assistance she received from her mother, who is
living, in the situation of a lady's maid, in the neigh-
bourhood of Wilton-place. For some time they
were living together at No. 7, Little Chesterfield-
street, but his conduct towards his wife was very bad,
and her mother declined any longer to assist her un-
less she consented to part from her husband, which
step she adoped about a fortnight since, when the
lodging in Little Chesterfield-street was given up,
the landlord relinquishing 1/. rent which was due. Mrs.
Crouch from that time slept at the house of a person
namel Hembury, Corn-dealer, 22, Great Marylebone-
street, to whom she was well known, and during the
daytime left her infant in the care of a female named
Line, the wife of a journeyman tailor, living at the
house of Mr. Davis, circulating library, No. 4, Little
Marylebone-street, at which house the murder was
committed. Crouch still remained at No. 7, Little
Chesterfield-street, in the room of another lodger,
where his wife, notwithstanding they were parted,
almost daily took the child to him that he might
see it. On Saturday morning Mrs. Crouch
went to chair at the house of Mr. Bubb, bottle
merchant, No. 11, Westmoreland-street, in the same
vicinity, leaving the child, as usual, with Mrs. Line.
On leaving her work, shortly after six o'clock, she
went to Mrs. Line's for the purpose of suckling the
child, and while doing so began to mend a pair of
stockings for her husband. Mrs. Line, shortly after
Mrs. Crouch had entered the room, which is on the
attic story, left it for the purpose of cleaning the
stairs, leaving in the room with Mrs. Crouch her own
child, of about six years of age. While so engaged
the husband, William Crouch, came up the stairs,
and was allowed by Mrs. Line to pass her and go
into the room: He had not been there, however,
above a minute before Mrs. Line was alarmed by the
loud cries of her child, "Oh, mother, mother and
on her hurrying up, and entering the room, she saw
Mrs. Crouch in the act of falling off her chair, with
the floor deluged with blood, and her husband stand-
ing by a chest of drawers, wiping a razor with a piece
of rag. On seeing Mrs. Line the murderer instantly
rushed pasther, and ran down stairs into the street ; but
she immediately followed him, and raising an outcry
of " stop him," he was stopped, after running about
two hundred yards, and given into the custody of
Sergeant Bennett, 18 D, who came up at the moment,
by whom he was taken back to the house. On their
return to the apartment, a most horrid spectacle pre-
sented itself, the murdered woman being found on the
floor in a sitting posture, with her back against a turn-
up bedstead, having in her lap her unconscious off-
spring, whose clothes were completely saturated with
her blood, which was flowing from a most desperate
wound in her -throat. The child was immediately
given into the care of a female in the house, and re-
moved from the tragic scene. Mr. Joseph, surgeon,
of No. 15, Great Marylebone-street, arrived in a
minute or two after the discovery of the murder, and,
OR examining Mrs. Crouch, declared life to be quite
extinct, the instrument with which the wound was
inflicted having completely severed the windpipe, with
the whole of the arteries and veins of the neck,
leaving only the vertebrae.
In the meantime the murderer was removed by
Sergeant Bennett and others of the police to the
station-house in Marylebone-lane, followed by a large
concourse of persons, where, on his arrival, he was
immediately searched by order of Inspector Brown,
when the razor, which was stained with blood, was
found in his trousers pocket. While searching him
he was noticed to hold his chin down in his necker-
chief, and on Inspector Brown telling him to hold up
his head, it was found that he also had a wound in
his throat, from which a considerable quantity of
blood had flowed inside his clothes. Mr. Clark, a
surgeon, living opposite the station-house, was in-
stantly sent for, who, on examination, found a wound,
about three inches and a half long, on the left side of
the neck, full one inch deep, and gaping about two
inches, which extended nearly to the windpipe. Mr.
Clark, finding great difficulty in dressing
it in the station-house, had the prisoner re-
moved to his own surgery, where the wound
was sewed up and properly dressed. While dressing
it Mr. Clark asked Crouch how he could have been
guilty of so horrible an action ? to which he replied,
"It's all drink ?" He was then removed back to the
station-house, where Mr. Joseph had by that time
arrived, when the charge was entered on the sheet as
follows :—" William Crouch, charged with murder-
ing his wife, Frances Crouch, at No. 4, Little Mary-
lebone-street, by cutting her throat with a razor, and
with attempting to commit suicide." Crouch was
then, on the recommendation of a surgeon, removed
in a cab by Inspector Tedman and Sergeant Bennet
to the infirmary of St. Marylebone workhouse, in the
New-road, where he will remain until he is brought
up for examination at Marylebone Police-court.

POLICE INTELLIGENCE.
(SATURDAY.)
CITY POLICE COMMITTEE.
Mr. W. Timbrell, proprietor of the Goldsmiths' Arms,
Albion-buildings, Bartholomew-close, attended, in com-
pany with Mr. Duncombe, the solicitor, to answer a
summons for unlawfully allowing his house to be open
on Sunday morning last during Divine service, to which
he pleaded Not Guilty.
The Magistrates present were Mr. Alderman Cope-
land, M.P. ; Mr. Alderman Kelly, Mr. Alderman Gibbs,
Mr. Alderman T. Wood, and Mr. Alderman J. Johnson.
The statement of the police-constables examined was
to the effect that, on Sunday morning last, shortly be-
fore twelve o'clock, they went to the Goldsmiths' Arms,
and saw five persons standing in front of the bar counter,
and found several pewter pots hid under a form, which
evidently had contained beer.
After a lengthened cross-examination, Mr. Duncombe,
on the part of the defence, said his client had been
summoned for " opening his house on Sunday morning
for the sale of spirits," &c., which not having been
proved, he submitted there was no case, and that Mr.
Timbrell ought to be discharged. The mere sight of
pots in a suspicious position did not constitute the proof
of serving. If it did it much resembled an old anecdote,
which ho had very often related, where a horse's collar
was found under a patient's bed, the physician who
attended concluded that he had eaten the horse.
Mr. Alderman COPELAND said that the Bench was of
opinion that the officers had clearly proved the case.
Mr. Duncombe—Then, Sir, my instructions are, that
the persons seen by the officers were overseers of the
parish, who had met there to discuss some parochial
business.

Mr. Alderman COPELAND —What I Overseers meet
on a Sunday for parish business.—(A laugh.) Mr. Dun-
combe—Yes, to be sure, Sir ; the better the day the
better the deed.—(Muc'a laughter.) I and a great many
others are compelled to do a good deal of business on a
Sunday.—(lncreased laughter.)
Mr. Alderman COPELAND—WeII, let's have the over-
seers and hear what they say !—Mr. buncombe re-
gretted that they were not in attendance. He (Mr. Dun-
combe) had but a few moments before entering the Court
received his instructions to attend the case, other-
wise they should have been brought forward.
Mr. Alderman CopELANn—Well, we will postpone our
decision until next Saturday) for their attendance.—
Mr. Duncombe (after consulting with the defendant) said
it was the wish of Mr. Timbrell for the case to be set-
tled 'then, for it would not only save him (Mr. Timbrell)
much trouble and expense, but prevent his (Mr. Dun-
combe's) again attending, for which he should expect
the extra fee.—(Laughter.)
Mr. Alderman GlBBS—Under those circumstances, we
fine the defendant in the penalty of 40s. and costs, which
were immediately paid.
Mr. Alderman COPELAND trusted it would be a cau-
tion to Mr. Timbrell not to allow overseers of the parish
to do any business on a Sunday.—(Laughter.)
Mr. E. Jervis, of the Blue Posts, High Holborn, next
appeared to answer a similar information. From the
evidence adduced, it appeared that on Sunday morning
last two of the police entered the house, and saw five
persons drinking in front of the bar, who shortly left the
place and got into an Ealing and Acton omnibus, which
was waiting at the door.
It being proved that they went to Acton, and that they
required refreshment before they started, the Magistrates
dismissed the summons.
Mr. Alderman COPELAND said, seeing a large number
of publicans then in attendance in the Court, a great
portion of whom lived in the ward which he represented
in the Court of Aldermen, he considered it proper to
state publicly a fact relative to a new system of Sunday
trading which had lately come to his knowledge. It was
this :—Certain publicans in Bishopsgate ward finding
themselves so strictly watched by the police as not to
enaiile them serving on Sunday mornings, fixed upon a
plan of carrying bottles of gin and beer in baskets to the
different cigar shops in the neighbourhood, where they
found a quick consumption. It was only last -Sunday
that a friend of his (Mr. Alderman Copeland), while
proceeding to church with his family, met with one of
these parties, who, in his hurry to gain the door of a
cigar-shop, missed his Coot and fell with his basket, the

WM" e d
contents of which ran down the pavement into the gutter.
The system was carried on to a very great extent, and
he was determined, if any of the parties came before
him, not only to enforce the highest penalty the law
permitted, but to resist licensing their houses for the
future.

Air. Busbridge, landlord of the Robin Hood public-
house, Robin Hood-court, Shoe-lane, and Mr. H. Yeat-
man, of the. Sun, in Bishopsgate-street, were severally
fined 40s. and costs for serving during Divine service on
Sunday last.
There were between twenty and thirty drivers and
conductors of omnibuses convicted in various fines for
creating obstructions in the City by plying fur hire.
BOW-STREE7.

A respectnhly,dressed young man, named William
Smith, alias Thomas Collins, was placed, at the bar
charged with stealing 106 yards of silk and 101 yards
of satin, value 371., the property of Mr. Foulkes, a silk-
mercer, in Little Russell-street, Covent-garden.
Mr. Foulkes, jun., stated that on Friday evening a
man entered his shop, representing that he came from
Mr. M'Dowall, of St. Paul's Church-yard, and offered
a quantity of goods for sale. He was told that it would
he necessary to examine them previous to entering into
any agreement, and he then went away. About nine
o'clock in the evening a porter came and left some arti-
cles for examination. On Saturday the prisoner came to
the shop and presented the paper produced, and on which
was written in pencil, "Mr. _Foulkes, silk and ducape
left by mistake," at the same time drawing the attention
of the assistant to the goods that had been left at the
shop on the previous evening, whereupon some remarks
were made upon the extraordinary nature of the tran-
saction, and the prisoner's reply thereto led the witness
to suspect something wrong, and after the prisoner had
left the shop with the parcel a porter was directed to
follow him, and watch his proceedings, and to take care
not to lose sight of him, •
John Driver, the porter stated, that in consequence
of the directions he had received he followed the pri-
soner, and saw him take a cab, which drove to Black.
friars-road ; there the prisoner alighted, and imme-
diately hired another cab, which he left with the goods
in it at the corner of a street there. On his return,
witness demanded the return of the goods, and on his
refusal told the cabman to drive to the prosecutor's
with the prisoner and the goods.
In answer to a question from the Magistrate,
Mr. Foulkes stated that it was customary for silk-
merchants in the City to send round to the trade and
inquire whether certain articles were wanted by them,
and that the man who called at his shop on Friday, and
said he came from Mr. M‘Dowall's, while he was there
asked for a piece of paper to make a memorandum,.
upon which one of the shopmen incautiously handed him
one of his (Mr. Foulkes's) printed bills, and on which
bill it appeared was subsequently written the order for
the goods, which had by that means been obtained from
Messrs. Leaf and Co. in his (the prosecutor's) name.
The policeman stated that, on searching the prisoner,
he found a small memorandum book, in which was
written'the names and addresses of several silk-rnercers
at the west-end of the town, some of whom it: is sus-
pected have already been the victims of this new species
of fraud by the prisoner and his confederates.
The prisoner was remanded until Wednesday next.
MARLBOROUGH-STREET.

Mr. Beale, the alleged proprietor of the saloon in
Piccadilly, was summoned before Mr. Hardwick, by thi
police, for having his house open before one o'clock on
Sunday, to wit, af►er twelve o clock on Saturday night.
Inspector Beresford proved that he went to the saloon
twice on Saturday night, after twelve o'clock, and found
persons in the saloon drinking. His last visit was paid
at two o'clock, and he then saw nineteen females, the
majority of whom were prostitutes, and several gentle-
men drinking and carousing. He saw wine on the
table, and a bowl which appeared to contain punch.
The solicitor contended that no offence had been com-
mitted, inasmuch as it had not been proved that the de-
fendant had his house open for the sale of liquors, or that
any liquors had been sold after twelve o'clock.

Mr..l-lAnnwlcx said that point had been raised on I
former occasion, and had been overruled by him.
The solicitor said he had two recent cases to adduce,
in which two magistrates, Mr. Twyford and Mr. Jar-
dine, had come to a different decision. The cases were
precisely similar to the present case; in particular, in
the case of the Albion Tavern, heard by Mr. Jardine, it
was held by that magistrate that the mere circumstance
of liquor or wine being on the tables after twelve o'clock
was no proof that a sale of those articles had taken
place within prohibited hours, and he in consequenc'e
dismissed the information.

Mr. HARDWICK said it was advisable that there should
be unanimity in magisterial adjudications; but he could
not hold himself to be bound by the decisions. of any
other magistrates ; all he could do was to listen to
arguments. If he found those arguments were not con-
clusive to his mind, then it was his duty, to arrive at
different conclusion.

The solicitor said the saloon was not open for the sale
of liquors, and it was only open for the sale of chops,
steaks, and cigars. The cigar and chop-shop which ad-
joined the saloon and opened into it supplied those
articles.

Inspector Beresford said since the solicitor chose to
take that view of the case, he should take care to repre-
sent the matter in the proper quarter, .as Mr. Good-
ered, the real proprietor of the saloon, was liable to.s
penalty of 10/. per day, for every day he allowed the,
communication to exist.

Mr. HAnnwicx said, though there was no direct proof
of any sale of liquors, there was presumptive proof suffi-
ciently strong to warrant him in deciding that the saloon
was open for the purpose of selling liquors. As the de •
fendant had been tined before, he should this time inflict
the fine of 5/. and costs.
The solicitor tendered the money, and gave notice
that he should appeal against the conviction.

LLOYD'S SHIPPING.
NOTICE TO MARINERS.
Light at the Port of Brindisi, Adriatic Coast.

Admiralty, March 29, 1844.
Sir,—l am commanded by my Lords Commissioner*
of the Admiralty to transmit to you herewith, for the
information of the Committee for managing the affairs at
Lloyd's, a copy of a dispatch from her Majesty's Consul
at Naples, reporting the establishment of a light at the
entrance of the port of Brindisi.—l am, Sir, 81c.,
(Signed) JOHN BARROW.
To W. Dobson, Esq., Lloyd's.
(COPY.)

Naples, March 8, 1844.
Sir,—l beg leave to report to you, for the information
of the Earl of Aberdeen, that I have received a note from
his Excellency the Prince of Sculls, Minister of State for
Foreign Affairs of the Sicilian Government, apprising
me that a light has been established at the entrance of
the port of Brindisi, on the Adriatic coast, on 'a small
island, on which a fort is constructed, and on 'which's
small military detachment is usually maintained. The
place is designated in the charts as the " Forte a Mare,'
and the official communication represents the position of
it to be in Ist. 40 deg. 39 min. 17 sec. N. lon. by the
meridian of Paris, 15 deg. 57 min. 57 sec. E., and from
the Royal Observatory at Naples 3 deg. 42 min. 50 see.
east; the height of the light from the level of the sets
being 123 palms, equal to 103 feet. In the event of I
good light being established in that position, it will
prove of great benefit during the winter season to
vessels coming down the Adriatic.—l have, &c.
(Signed) THOS. GALLWEY."
To John Bidewell, Esq. &c., Foreign-office.

A LENGTHENED FAST.—Mrs. Hay, broker, Friar's'
Venue!, had two hens, which she kept in a back court. But one
of them having disappeared, she suspected petty larceny, and
sold the other to prevent its going the same road. This occurred
more than three weeks ago, and it appeared the poor bird had
found its way to a cellar to make a nest and lay an egg.
While there, unperceived, a washing-tub had been acciden'
tally placed on the top of it covered over with straw; and
there the feathered prisoner lay for twenty-one days, not only
without a morsel to eat, but excluded from the cheerful light
of day. On Thursday last the tub was wanted, and on re-
moving it chuckie reappeared, reduced to skin and bone
certainly, but still with so much tenacity remaining that she
bids fair, under careful nursing, to become herself' again...."
Dumfries Courier.

REVIVAL OF THE CENTRAL RAILWAY.--We
derstand that, since the agitation of the rival lines of railwsi
to Chatham, a number of influential gentlemen have had it io
contemplation to establish a company, to continue the lino
that may be selected by Parliament to Chatham through tho
central parts of the county of Kent, as far as Dover. NVe
doubt not that this scheme will meet with the cordial auppor"
of Sittingbourne, Faversham, Canterbury, the. Isle of Thane/
and other places which have at present no direct communi-
cation by rail with the metropolis, or have been omitted la
the existing schemes of railways. And it is not unlikely go;
neral support would be given to such a railway, as it wottlu
be by far the shortest and most direct line to the Continent.
—Canterbury Journal.
On Saturday a Commission of Lunacy was opened
before Mr. Commissioner Barlow, at the King's Head, Eghalot
to try the state of mind of Mr. A. M. Woolhouse, formerlY
holding a commission in her Majesty's 68th Regiment, but
for some time east an inmate of Sir John Chapman's lunatic
asylum, near Egham. The commission was supported by
Mr. Collins, of the Chancery bar. No opposition was offered, '
and it was clearly established that Mr. Woolhouse aae
wholly incapable of managing his own affairs. The jury re-
turned a verdict " That the insanity had commenced frOra
the Ist of August, 1837."
Lord Denman, in his charge to the grand jury, 8
the Essex assizes, said—" cannot but think that a much '
higher duty than that of inflicting punishment upon enrol'
rests upon all concerned in the administration of justicei an
that we ought to look rather to the prevention of crime and
the salvation of those unhappy individuals, before they bal
fallen to that dreadful state of degradation calculated to lei
to crime. I allude now to the general education of the pecr.
ple ; and although we have to lament that the well-inten;
tioned efforts which have been made by the Governmef,,
have not been crowned with success, I think we must otiy"
look' for the time when the public institutions of the cOull!ri
shall provide a good moral and religious education for our 111-
creasing population."

BIRTHS.
On tke 10th ult., at Florence, the lady of J.
Bruce, Esq., of a son.
On the 28th ult., at Chastelton Rectory, the lady of the
Rev. Horatio Westmacott, of a son.
urt4lo
On the 28th ult., at Bocking, Essex, Mrs. John Co
of a son.
On the 29th ult., at Wandlebank House, Wimbledbn, frs.
Harry P. Ashby, of a daughter.
On the 29th ult., the lady of Daniel West, Esq.,Egremvl2t
place, New-road, St. Pancras, of a daughter.

MARRIED.
On the 30th ult., at St. Pancras, Mr. G. B. Wingrave.,„,
Charles-street, Grosvenor-square, to Caroline, only daugu'v
of Mr. Moss, John-street, St. James'i-square.

DIED. . • r
On tho 27th ult., at liarclwicke-court, near Glouce!te
Nicholas Lewis Fenwick, Esq.
On the 2Qth ult., at Brompton, Sarah, relict of the late"
G. Scarlett, Esq.

London : Printed and Published by MURDO YOUNG
No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The Sun Office, 10.1 t.
Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the Coluiti
Middlesex, Monday, April 1,1844. • -