The Sun.
London, England, 1844-11-11 00:00:00

fitatitilta

LONDON, MONDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1844.

The following insidious paragraph appears in the
Herald of this day :—" We do not recollect a case
during the career of the Anti-Corn-law League
where their orators singled out and brought promi-
nently forward any branch of manufacturing industry
where the labourers are inadequately paid, although

they have luxuriated with great apparent gusto in
exposing the distress and destitution of the labourers
in agriculture. We have no desire to place the dis-
tress and destitution of one class of the community
against another, in the shape of a palliative, but the
conduct of the League in this respect cannot fail to
have made an impression upon all reflecting minds,
that they have often dealt unfairly with the question,
by travelling far abroad— in search of a foil,
when they might easily have found as effec-
tive ones nearer home." Passing the lax and
somewhat ambiguous phraseology of this passage,
we have to object to it, that it is utterly
at variance with fact. It is not merely a simple
perversion or misapprehension of truth, but a down
right violation of it. So far from the League having
ever artfully kept in the back-ground, or boldly
denied, the "distress and destitution" of the opera-
tives in certain branches of "manufacturing in-
dustry,"it has strenuously insisted on their sufferings,
and urged them as one of the principal reasons why
the Corn-law which presses so hard upon com-
mercial activity and enterprise, should be wholly re-
pealed. Mr. COBDEN has repeatedly alluded to this
subject both within and without the walls of Parlia-
ment, and proved by ,incontrovertible facts that in
advocating a total repeal of this oppressive impost, he
has been consulting the interests of the workmen
quite as much, perhaps even more so, than those

of the master-manufacturers. His argument has in-
variably been—erase the Corn-laws from the statute-
-. book, give full and .free play to the Operations,

of commerce, strike off the maaaeles that now en.

,cumber her limbs, and yon at once enable the mi-
. players to do greater justice to the employed, in the
manufacturing districts you multiply the resources
of industry to an extent. which no one can calculate;
you cheapen the poor man's provisions, while at the
same time you increase his means of procuring them,
and bring comfort and competence to dwellings-
where, for years past, nought has been heard
. but the wail of poverty and despair. It is not as s.
question of class-interests that the. League' has ever
advocated the abolitionof the Corn-laws, but as one
involving the interestisof the whole community. It

has not taken up its position on the narrow basis of
Self, but on the broad vantage-ground of Humanity.
It has had an eye to the poor operative's necessities
quite as much as to the wealthy manufacturer's luxu-
ries ; has shown that the interests of both are the same;
that the one cannot thrive without the other thriving
in proportion, and that the one cannot suffer without
the other suffering also. Could we bring ourselves for
an instant to believe that the Corn-laws were nothing
more than a mere capitalist's question, and that the
rich manufacturer only would reap the benefit of
their repeal, assuredly we should not be such zealous
supporters of the League as we have been from the
period of its first establishment; but it is because we
are conscientiously of opinion that the questico is a
national one, and that not one, but all classes, the
poorer more especially, will benefit by the total aboli-
tion of a grinding impost—it is for this reason that
we are inveterately opposed to the Corn-laws, and
friendly to the agitation of the League. In a word,
we regard free-trade, and the abolition of all mono-
polies, as one of the wisest, safest, and most compre-
hensive schemes that haie yet been devised for
increasing the worldly comforts of the poor,
for raising them in the social scale, and re-
uniting them to those classes from whom they have
been too long alienated by distrust, jealousy, and a
keen sense of hopeless wretchedness. We do not
throw out these remarks as Political Economists—
who seem to us to regard class-interests rather than
the interests of the masses, and are too often callous
and crochety in their views—but rather as men who,
wedded to no particular theories, however plausible
they may appear, would adopt the most obvious and
common sense means that may present themselves,
for improving the condition of the poor generally
throughout the country. " Young England" is just
now turning its attention in an enlightened spirit to
this important matter, therefore, despite its occasional
eccentricities, we are favourably disposed bwards
" Young England;" the League is advocating with
equal ardour the cause of the poor and the oppressed,
therefore, we are cordial approvers of the League's
policy also, and entertain a firm conviction that its
efforts at no distant period will be crowned with
complete success.

Hitherto the Premier's financial ventures have been
favoured with a marvellous succession of fair wea-
ther. With whatever temerity he has embarked on
enterprises from which his friends and his foes would
have equally dissuaded him, there can be no question
that he has always had " lucky runs," and got into
port under circumstances that would have probably
swamped many bolder and more resolute statesmen.
To one so confident in his star, " light airs" from i n-
auspicious quarters may blow, it seems, unheeded.
Probably the recent meetings which have been held
to petition the Legislature for the repeal of the malt-
tax and the tea duties, are regarded only as "gentle
breezes" by him who has sailed, in three successive
seasons, through all the hurricanes which blow over
the expanse affected by " the property-tax ;" yet we
think we may predict for him some coming tempests
which he will find it more difficult to weather than he
anticipates. The little breeze, of which he may now
make small account, will soon increase into a raging
gale, blowing from all quarters. In other word.",
Sir ROBERT will soon learn the formidable issue of
that scheme of currency, which he has sacrificed the
position and fortunes of so many in the attempt to
uphold, regardless, alike, of the cruelty and the
impolicy of leaving the underpaid and overworked
industrious classes to defray the vast bulk of that
indirect taxation on commodities which the com-
pulsory establishment of prices, regulated by a fixed
..heap price of gold, leaves them, in the first place,
instead of the wealthier consumers, to defray ; and,
in the second, to defray out of wages reduced in a
more than corresponding proportion to such dete-

riorated prices.
Prima facie, therefore, the case which the indus-
trial classes have to urge is a very powerful one for
the repeal of the duties on malt and tea ; two com-
modities which, as the most essential, are also the
most extensively consumed elements of their subsist-
ence. But the average annual yield of the malt-tax
to the public Exchequer is . not less than 5,000,0001.,
and of the tea duties than 3,000,0001. Now, these
appeals for their extinction, or very great reduction,
have the prescription of many precedents in a long
series of past years in their favour. At no former
period had the petitioners so strong an equitable title
to the indulgence of Parliament. By their energy,
assiduity, patience, and intelligence, manufacturing
production throughout all its branches has been not
only incredibly improved in all its processes, but has
extended the variety and the sum of its fabrics to an
amount capable of supplying at any notice the de-
mands of all the world. Unhappily—(an all important
proposition which the. various tracts published by the
Society for the Emancipation of Industry have
powerfully demonstrated)—there exists no principle
of distribution to diffuse these products among the
meritorious, but impoverished hands, whose unmiti-
gated toil has produced them. From the labours of
a busy life, devoted to the supply of all that can
minister to the comforts and luxuries of those above
them, they derive to themselves nothing more than
stinted necessaries to support their toilsome career of
privation and misery.' It is difficult, then, on the one
hand, to deny that they have a reasonable title to ex-
pect to be relieved, say from 50 per cent., of the taxa-
tion on tea and on malt. But, on the other hand, it
seems as difficult, at least, to conceive how the Premier,
whom a property-tax of 5,200,0001. per annum barely
enables to tide over the annual expenditure of
.he country with a surplus of revenue, the aggre-
gate of which, is more -than ten times the
sum of that tax—is to concede the sacrifice of
she 4,000,0001. furming a moiety of the joint
product of the duties on malt and tea. Nevertheless
there is, in reality, one certain means, one infallible
course, open to the Premier, and which we have over
and over_ again pressed upon him the necessity for his
adopting, upon every consideration connected with his
own fame and his country's welfare. Let him repeal
his disastrous Gold Standard Bill of 1819 ; let him at
once recal his so-called " complement" of that Bill of
last year. Let him lower his compulsory bullion
principle to the point of compelling the Bank to pay
its notes in gold—not at a fancy statutable, cheap
price, but at its current, varying, " market" price.
Let him thus communicate the true and invaluable

power of representation, not of mere arbitrary value,
to the incalculable property of this empire, for ever
seeking investment, but unable to find it for lack of a
safe, because an expensive, circulation. Where the
power of circulation is arbitrarily contracted and re-
pressed, the power of realising and representing pro-
perty is proportionably destroyed. Had there been
such a monetary system as would allow of taxation
being added to prices, artisans and labourers would
have been now receiving living wages, and the
Excise duties would not have been found so in-
tolerable by that enormous community of consumers.
But the whole of this part of the case is excellently
put in the following passage from the " Circular" of
the Society we have just
,named, addressed to the
Lords in July last, and now re-published in their
" First Report," of which we shall give an early
notice :

" That whenever prices expand in this country to a
remunerating level—namely, to that just and proper
level which permits of taxation being added to natural
or gold prices—then, under our ptiesent system, gold,
not being permitted to rise in price, becomes the cheapest
commodity in the British market, and is sure to be ex-
ported in preference to our manufactured goods.
" That the large amount of taxation in this country,
levied first by Customs and Excise on the producing
classes, to the extent of about thirty-five millions an•
nually, enhances the price of all commodities produced,
and consequently requires a circulating medium so ex-
pansive in its nature as to permit taxation, indirectly
levied, to be added to natural price ; without suth a
medium, the taxation, for the most part, rests upon the
producing classes—au end unjust, impolitic, in its issue
ruinous. and wett contemplated by the Legislature
when. this forth 6( taxation was .imposed."
We have iteetbo Madrid journals of the Ist.
Theywe chleflibocenpied with. the PRIM conspiracy;
the investigation of the charges, and the indictment
drawn up by the Procurator-cal. We have given
them under a separate head. On the Ist the discus
sion in the Chamber of Deputies on the address was
resumed, hut it excited no interest. Later intelli-
gence announces that, on the 2d the fourth para•
graph was adopted by a large majority. The Minis.
terial scheme is therefore certain of success ; and
report states that NAULVABZ and Co., finding them.
themselves so strong, are detetmined to make another
inroad on the Constitution, by proposing the follow-
ing-- paragraph for adoption :" It will be lawful for
the Government, in circumstances of a
grave nature, I

to suspend the constitutional guarantees, but they
shall be required to give an account to the ensuing
Cortes, of their baying exercised this discretionary
power."
The Bourse wa3 closed on the Ist, that day being
the Festival of All Saints.

The French are at last beginning to see the fatal
effects of their isolated commercial system. The
Constitutionnel, which is not devoid of nationality,
admits that the exports and imports for 1844 will be
about the same as those of 1843, but considerably
lower than in 1841 ; that any increase which has
taken place may be chiefly attributed to the stores
sent to the army in Africa, and that the present state
of French commercial industry forms a contrast to
that of almost every other nation. "The Adminis;
tration of Customs," it says, "has just published a
table of the commerce, of France with her colonies
and foreign countries,. during the year 1843. The
imports and exports together amount to 2,179 millions
of francs, a sum greater by 100 millions than that of
1842, but lower by eight millions than that of 1841.
Iler foreign commerce has, therefore, remained
stationary for several years, for it is already
known that the results of 1844 will be nearly
similar to those of 1843. The imports amount to
1,187 millions, and the exports to 99 millions.
But these figures include, at the same time, the
comings in and goings out, the transit and the move-
ment of the entrepots. The imports, that is the foreign
goods that have entered into the internal consumption
of the kingdom, do not amount in reality to more
than 846 millions, and the exports of the produce of
the soil and of the manufactures of France to 687
millions only. The second of these sums is lower
than that of 1840. Thus, for three years our exports
have fallen off, that is, the markets for the produce
of our soil and manufactures have been reduced. To
fairly appreciate the situation of our foreign com-
merce, the value of the special commerce, that is of
foreign produce consumed amongst us, and the ex-
ported articles coming from French production, must
be separated from the general movement of foreign
commerce. It is then found that foreign Powers
have taken from our territory and our entrepots 341
millions in imports, and 305 millions in exports.
This amount applies to foreign produce which has
only touched or crossed our territory, and which
consequently interests but very indirectly our com-
mercial movement with foreign Powers. Thus,
the pretended progress pointed out in the analytical
summing up of the official document, not only falls
to nothing, but it appears that our manufactures have
for some years found less demand in foreign mar-
kets than in 1840. The progress that has been
made is entirely in favour of foreigners, who cause a
great mass of goods to pass through us, and who
take from our entrepots in a greater degree for the
commerce which interests them. Now, if it be borne
in. mind that the estimates are made in 1840 with
official figures which were made up in 1843, it will
be easily conceived that the present estimates are far
too high, inasmuch as the price of all goods, and par-
ticularly of those which are the object of our exports,
has considerably fallen ; and it will be found that, in
order to arrive at the exact expression of the com-
mercial movement, the official figures must be lowered
10 or 15 per cent. This atnount, so rectified, reduces
our exports during the year 1043 to about 600
millions. We ought to point out another circum-
stance. In 1838 our exports for Algeria were only
18 millions ; they amount in 1843 to 41 millions.

What is the nature of these exports ? They consist
principally of articles destined for our army ; they are
not compensated for by any return, and they ought
not in good logic to appear in the amount of foreign
commerce. If, in place of having 80,000 men in Al-
geria, we were to send'there 200,000, the commerce
with the colony would be more than doubled ; but
would that show an increase in foreign commerce ?
Not the least in the world. The consumers would
merely have been displaced, and the produce which.
they would have consumed in the colony would figure
no longer in the amount of the home consumption.
Such is our position, and yet the foreign commerce of
all nations has of late years assumed a new activity?'
" This is the result of an interval of seven years. We
have to complain that we never see in France those
committees of inquiry which periodically enlighten'
British merchants as to their interests. Still we have
a Minister of Commerce, and at the foreign affairs a
Director of Foreign Commerce ! But neither M.
CUNIN GRIDAINE nor M. GUIZOT has yet thought of
imitating the Board of Trade in London."
The following is the history of the PRIM con-
spiracy, as given in Queen CHRISTINA'S paper, the
Presse. We leave our readers to estimate its value :
" The Spanish Government is increasing in vigilance,
inasmuch as it has received positive proof that neither
the executions of Barcelona nor those which are immi-
nent at Madrid, have terrified or discouraged the con-
spirators. We have received some information on the
subject, of which we guarantee the accuracy. It appears
that some of the most distinguished men amongst the
Progresista party, and who assisted in the movement
which overthrew Espartero, assembled at Paris some
time since to concert a plan of insurrection, and
to agree as to the means of securing its success.
After much labour they succeeded in perspective
beyond their expectations. Their friends in Spain were
devoted to them, and only waited the signal. The most
difficult to gain over were the Catalonian patriots, who
retain a violent hatred of Espartero in consequence of his
connexion with England, now more intimate than ever,
and which threatens their manufactures. One of the
most wealthy manufacturers of Barcelona, who took a
principal part in the affairs of 1840, became the inter-
preter of their feelings. As it was of the utmost import-
ance to gain over this manufacturer, as well on account

of his influence as on account of the money which he
might be induced to contribute, a formal declaration was
promised him, by which Espartero engaged not to make
any commercial concession to England. This was pro-
cured from London, and this manufacturer advanced
150,000 reals—about 39,100 f. The Committee, composed

of the political personages already mentioned, distributed
that money, and more which was received from London.
Spain was divided into five sections, and each of the per-
sons present took one. The points designed were Ma-
drid, Barcelona, Saragossa, Valencia, and Pampeluna.
The day fixed for the commencement of the insurrection
was the 10th of October, the opening of the Cortes. A dif-
ference of opinion, however, arose on this subject, the less
violent being of opinion that the coincidence of the in-
surrection with the Queen's anniversary might create an
opinion that an attempt on royalty was contemplated.
In reply to this objection, it was observed, that it was no
longer possible to restrain the patriots of Madrid, of
Barcelona, and of Saragossa, and that there was no time
to be lost. Orders were, in consequence, issued to com-
mence. The best news arrived from Madrid. A letter
was shown to those who hesitated from M. C-, a po-
litician of the greatest capacity and a most brilliant pub-
lic writer, who would be the most dangerous revolu •
tionist in Spain did his courage equal the boldness of his
opinions. . . . Under the same envelope was re-
ceived a short note from General S---, who declared that
his sole desire was to prove his sincere repentance for
his conduct last year. Every one knows in what man-
ner the events responded to such warm expectations. At
present the conspirators, in their disappointment, men.
every one. Prim was an unsteady character, who al-
lowed himself to be carried away by his ill-humour and
his desire to finish the affair, and trusted himself to
wretches unworthy of his confidence. C- is a mat
devoid of courage, except in his study. Colot:el G---
is a madman, who will not hear of any reconciliation
with the men wholfigured in the last pronunciamiento,
and without whose aid success was impossible. General
5- assumes the air of Fabius Cunctator, who is wait-
ing the course of events, and he is particularly blamed."
The Moniteur publishes a royal ordonnance for the-
new organisation of the Ministry of War, in virtue of
the law of July 24, 1843, on the Budget. The prin-
cipal change consists in a special oaganisation of the
department relative to military plans and statistics.
The salary of the Director- General of this department
is fixed at 20,000 f. a year ; the sub-chiefs are each to
receive 4,000 f.; the chief clerks, draftsmen, and en-
gravers, 3,500 f. each ; the other employs in the same
duties are divided into six classes, with salaries of
3,000 f., down to 1,500 f. per annum. It also
publishes another royal ordonnance, which directs
various measures for the improvement of the con-
dition of the seamen of the royal navy. Hitherto
they had been entitled to an increase on their half-
pay.only on completing their 65th year. By the
.new ordonnauce they are to enjoy "the supplementary
allowance of old age" at sixty, and which allowance
is rated at from 6f. to 9f. per month, according to the
pay they received while in the service. This ordon-
nance is moreover to have a retrospective effect as re-
gards those born between the Ist of January, 1780,
and 31st of December, 1783, and a yearly sum of
150,000 f. is to be appropriated to that object. Ship
carpenters, caulkers, sailmakers. and engineers, in-
scribed on the registry of the navy, will in future be
entitled to the same pensions on retirement for old
service and wounds as the operatives and engineers
embarked on board the fleet, and the benefit of the
new dispositions will also be applied to their widows
and orphans.

THE BOURSE—Ttrunstaz Nov. 7.
lust highest Lowest Last
Price. Price. Price. Price.
French Five per Cutts— •—• 119 25 119 50 .. 119 3.5 . . 119 40
Fours. lO6 75 .. 106 75 .. 106 75 .. 106 75
Throe per Cerite.•• .• 62 40 . 82 60 . t 62 40 62 40

Bank of France .• 3075 • • 3075 3075 —3075
Lafiltte Bank, I,ooof. Shareslll2 50 .• 1112 '5O ..1112 30 ..1112 50
5,0001. Sharesso4s ..5045' ..5045 —5045
Belgian Bank. ........ • • 650 .. 650- .. 650 .. 650
Belgian Fives,lß3l.
1840 •• 103; .. 103; .. 1031 .. 1031
1842 •••• •• 10F; .. 105 .. 1051 .. 1051
Tive-sind-ii-Hallf • 61 80 61 90 .. 61 80 • • 61 90
Spanish Threes .•".• •••• • • • • 35 .. 351 .. 35 3.51
Active • • .• • • 32f .. 321 .. 321 .. 321
Passive 5l .. 51 .. 5; ..
Portuguese Five per Cents • • 541_ .. 55 .. 541 .. 55

Neap°ltan •• •• • •• 9950 .. 99 50 .. 9950 .. 99 30
Rogan, ex diy • •..• 1031 .. 1031 •• 103} ••

RAILWAY SELAREB.
St. Germain.••• ••••••••• 932 50 .. 932 50 .. 932 50 .. 932 50
Versailles, R. 8..... •••.•••• 402 50 .. 405 .. 402 50 .. 405

L.B.•••••••••••• 290 .. 290 .. 290 .. 290
Ronal. ex div.. ....... lOl5 . 1017 50 ..1015 ..1017 50
Rouen to Bane...• 787 50 .. 787 50 782 50 785
Orleans •... .. . .... •..• ••1022 50 ..1022 50 ..10W 1,0 ..1022 50
Strasburg to Bale IBO .. 280 .. 278 75 . 278 75
Avignon to ••• • • • 836 •• •• 836 25 . 837 50 •• 1P36 25 .. 836 26
RAILWAYS FOR THE ACCOUNT, ov 15.
St. Germain •• •• •• •• •• •• 'll 25 •. 531 25 .. 931 25 .. 931 25

43e
,
riallles, R. 8.• ••••••• •• •• 5 .. 40$ op 41%5 .. 405
L. 11... • • •• •..... 2 .. 290 .. 290 .. 290
Bonen —•• ... ••••• •• •• 1015 ..1015 - ..1013 75 ..1013 75
Rouen to Havre•• •• •• •• •• •• 786 25 . 790 .. 783 75 .. 783 75
Orleans ........... •- •• •• ••1022 50 ..1022 25 —lO2O —1022 50
Strasburg to Bale• ••• •• •• 280 .. 280 .. 278 75 .. 278 75
Avignon to Marseilles.• •• 835 .. 840 .. 832 50 .. 840