The Sun.
London, England, 1844-06-26 00:00:00

et Erb Vattion

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'Clock.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—" Thank God we have a Sir James Gra-
ham!"—may exclaim all determined admirers of the
entente cordiale with all Powers, no matter by what sacri-
fice obtained. It might have happened, by an untoward
chance, that there was a Tory honnete-homme at the
Home-office. Dis aliter visuni—it is ordered provi-
dentially, for the views of all lovers of prostration before
all Powers being, that there should not be an honest
Tory, but a renegade Whig, at the head of our police.
The corruption of an author, it has been said, is the
generation of a critic ; and the corruption of a Whig,
it should seem, is the making of a spy for Turin or
Vienna. We give Sir Robert Peel credit for this last
specimen of the cast of parts in his Ministry. It is pos-
sible that Sir James Graham in Ireland might not have
matched the De Grey coup de theatre of the Clontarf
proclamation, and its concomitants. It is tolerably cer-
tain that in India he would have stopped short of the
glories of Scintle arid Gwalior, to say nothing
of tilt Samson-like exploit of the gates of Som-
nauth. At the Foreign-office, we cannot quite think
he would have preserved Aberdonian meekness ; and
we should almost have trusted his complexional ill-
nature to save our diplomacy from that security of insult,
which even President Tyler feels—that most offensive
bull-frog that has yet leapt on the back of King Log. But
at the Home Department !--ah, there indeed Sir J. Gra-
ham is in his element. There the entente cordiale is safe
in his hands ; for it depends on good offices entirely in ac-
cordance and congeniality with his own nature. How
fortunate ! France will be satisfied with running her rigs
iu the Mediterranean and the Pacific. America with
insulting our policy, and asserting her right to take
Texas and the Oregon. Russia with undisturbed arma-
ments in the Baltic or Black Sea ; and condign ven•
geance for insults in sartorial ears to imperial breeches.
It is impossible for the entente cordiale to be preserved at
a cheaper rate! But tastes vary. President Washington
lost the entente cordiale with some Choctaw or Chickasaw
chief or other, because he had not the hospitality to
devote Mrs. Washington to his service. He would
graciously have declined the courtesy—but not to have
had it offered was unheard•of in Chickasaw comity—
almost amcunting to a casus Belli. In like manner his
Holiness the Pope, or his Silliness the King of Sar-
dinia, or some other relic of savage times still unac-
countably not " improved" out of Europe, comes with
a civil request to our Home Secretary to act as his
tool and spy in the British Post-office !—to teach
his subordinates in that department the knack of un-
sealing and re-sealing letters, without leaving traces of
the felony ! All in the interest of his Holiness, or his
Sillines ! Are these the sort of favours Lord John
Manners wants reciprocity for by an embassy at Rome ?
Suppose an aati-Puseyite minister, having scent of an
alarming progress of the Oxford conspiracy, against the
obedience of the Church to the State, and accrediting
an Ambassador to Rome for the useful purpose of
demanding inspection of all the letters from Oxford
Fellows to Burnish Cardinals. We believe he would
find an abundant harvest of " conspiracy." But
is such a harvest worth reaping ? And are we, who
have no such harvests to reap in any foreign bureau of
espionnage—who don't care a straw how many block-
heads conspire with pen, ink, and paper—who laugh at
all metaphysically explosive missives sent through
the Post-office—are we, who have no recipro-
city to ask for in this dirty trade—are we to con-
taminate our public service gratuitously with this
Ibreign virus ?—to teach our functionaries lessons
by warrant, which afterwards they may repeat without
warrant ? It appears to us that when Government
opens letters, it should do what every individual does
when he opens letters—namely, avow having opened
them. We cannot conceive that the power representing
the nation can be entitled to practise forgery of men's
seals to conceal inspection of their letters ! Is it pos-
sible that this can be a question amongst freemen and
men of honour?
STANDARD.—The Mazzini Correspondence Ques-
tion occupied the House of Lords fur a considerable
portion of its sitting last night, but without leading to
any practical result. The subject is one which presents
remarkable attractions for grievance-mongers, like
Lord Radnor, who introduced it to the House of
Lords ; it is, as the fashionable phrase goes, excep-
tional—that is, it is not governed properly by the ordi-
nary rules, and it seems to inflict a hardship, while,
from the nature of the case, the details of any particular
instance cannot be conveniently explained ; in short, it
deals with matter, to make accusations in n hich is the
easiest thing in the world, and in which the best de-
fence is odious. That the Government ought to have
the power of detaining and opening letters seems to be
pretty generally conceded ; but many who concede this,
qualify the concession with an opinion that the power
ought to be exercised with great caution, which opinion is
no doubt well founded ; but all this leaves the matter
just where it was before, for who shall determine what. is
a cautious exercise of the power ? Mazzini's case, the
case which has been brought forward as a matter of
complaint, the power appears to have been exercised
most cautiously, for it is not pretended that Mazzini
himself, or any of his correspondents, has suffered any-
thing by the opening of his letters, if it be not the
cloud thrown over their political intrigues, by the
consciousness that the British Government is acquainted
with them. The more we consider the subject, the more
convinced we are that the sacredness of post-letters is
a very much exaggerated notion. We ought, perhaps, to
acknowledge ourselves incompetent judges, because we
certainly differ from many whose authority we re-
spect upon the question of secresy. We h'ave no love
or sympathy for those who love a secret. In
the affair in hand, however, we need not trust to
our own impressions; for the law of the country, which
is the embodied wisdom of the country, has as little
respect for secrets as we have. If the law enables
a Secretary of State to read a man's letter, the law
no less enables a magistrate to place the writer
of that letter in a witness-box, and compel him to
tell, upon his oath, every word written in that letter,
if there is a prima facie ground for supposing that
the letter can reflect an important light upon a question
of a trumpery assault or a debt of 40s. He must be
a subtle casuist who can distinguish between the inva-
sions of secresy, in the two cases ; but every one can
appreciate the greater hardship of being obliged to
punish on oath a man's secrets in a Court of Justice,
than having them read in a closet by a Minister of the
Crown, bound by honour, and responsible in character,
not to make an ill use of the information thus obtained.
There is one point raised in Lord Denman's
excellent speech (and excellent in spirit, in matter,
and in style his Lordship's speeches always are)—a
point which we own caused us some difficulty ; we allude
to the near proximity of the practice of re-sealing the
letters to the crime of forgery. We think that there is
no good reason for this re-sealing. The person whose
letters have been opened ought to know that they have
been opened. The practice of this quasi forgery most
probably arose in bad times, not remote from those in
which spies were employed, and from the zeal of subor-
dinates, always disgracing and sometimes seriously
embarrassing their principals, by pushing vigilance
and caution into downright fraud. Lord Denman
knows that all the processes of his Court were,
while imprisonment for debt before judgment
was permitted, executed by the most villainous
frauds hardly a writ was served or a debtor
arrested without the agency of some vile lie. Most
persons, probably, recollect the story of a father stolen
by a bailiff from his starving children, under pretext of
briuging him a present of meat for his Christmas dinner,
and the further prosecution, by the bailiff, of the
hungry children at a police office for detaining the
meat. Well, if the processes of the courts of justice have
been so abominably dishonoured, how can we wonder
that something of the same kind may happen in the
Post-office, by converting an act of strict justice into an
aet of fraud. We are quite sure that since the attention
of Sir James Graham has been called to it, the practice
of resealing must be discontinued.

STATE OF TRADE.
(From the Manchester Guardian.)

There continues to be a good and extensive demand
for yarn, especially for the better qualities, suitable for
the Russian market, and prices are generally firm and
rather buoyant. In the goods market there is little
change from last week ; 40-inch shirtings and 9-Bth
printing cloth are in limited demand, and rather lower in
price, whilst 27-inch printing cloth sells readily, and at
rather better prices. Domestics also are rather easier
of sale, but without change in prices.
ROCHDALE FLANNEL MARKET, MONDAY, JUNE 24.
There has bin a very fair business doing in flannel to-
(lay, at former prices. The good demand for goods at
the present season of the year is supposed to proceed
from a spirit of speculation, as many are of opinion that
wool wilt keep its present upward tendency.

-- - ----
QUEEN-SQUARE.—.-(THIS DAY.)
ATTEMPT TO EXTORT MONEY.— William Burns, a
man about thirty years of age, having the appearance of
a cabman, was placed at the bar, before Mr. Bond,
. charged by Mr. liym us Hurst, a gentleman, holding an
3,11
Hospital Chelsea, and
appointment in the al
who
. e
endeavour-
. resides in Priory-place, Valworth-road, with -
: ing to extort money from him.
The complainant, when he entered the witness box,
was seized with faintness, and was removedfromtitihae:
Court into the air. On his return, he stated
' about one o'clock this morning, as he was crossing %Vest-
minster-bridge,towards the Surrey side, on his way home,
the prisoner, who was accompanied by two women, came
up to him and said in a determined tone, " I want some
money." He asked him what he meant by such a de.
wand, and feeling alarmed at his conduct which was unlike
that of a beggar, or of a person in distress, and fearing
that it was his intention to rob him, he told him that he
bad no money and went on. The prisoner, however,
Followed and pushed against him repeatedly. A police-
man, who appeared to have been watching the
, prisoner, came up, and he gave him into
custody, when the two women who were
with him absconded. The complainant further said
that he had taken some whiskey-and-water during the
, evening, but was perfectly conscious of all that occurred.
Policeman, 53 B, corroborated the preceding evidence.
IVhen the prisoner was taken to the station-house and
searched, four sixpences were found on him which he
attempted to swallow, but was prevented from doing so.
lie was quite sober.
. ' Policeman, 25 B, said be had known the prisoner for
et me time, and had frequently seen him in the society of
FinkvNtgid thieves.• He had been a cabman. He did not
Mum' bo•Or he obtained Lis living.
. The prisoner_ said he bad been to the Bower Saloon
- with the "men, that he was drunk at the time of the
aincurrnnia, and pished against the complainant by
- -incident. )3e did übt dead money of him.

The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour
(Four o'Clock), at which time there were exactly forty
Members present.
The Lords' Amendments to the Manchester Police
Bill were read and agreed to.
Marianski's Naturalisation Bill was read a third time
and passed.
On the motion of Lord INGESTRE, the Gasp 6
Fishery and Coal Mining Company Bill was read a
second time and ordered to be committed, after a few
observations from Mr. ROEBUCK and Mr. GLADSTONE.
Mr. BRIGHT presented a petition from Rochdale,
signed by 6,000 persons, against the formation of a
troop of yeomanry in that town and district. The Hon.
Member gave notice that, on reading the Orders
of the Day to-morrow, he should call the attention of
the Secretary of State for the Home Department to the
subject.
Mr. B. DENNISON presented a petition against the
union of the sees of Bangor and St. Asaph.
Mr. RUTHERFORD presented a petition from the
coopers of Leith, praying for the repeal of the duty on
foreign staves.
Mr. W. MILES presented petitions from Somerset-
setshire against the agitation carried on by the Anti-
Corn-law League, and in favour of protection.
On the motion of Mr. WYSE the following resolution
was agreed to :—That the Second Report from the Com-
missioners appointed by his late Majesty King William
the Fourth, and re-appointed by her Majesty the Queen,
to inquire into the manner in which railway communi-
cations can be most advantageously promoted in Ire-
land, signed by T. Drummond, T. F. Burgoyne, Peter
Barlow, and Richard Griffith, dated the 13th day of
July, 1838, and the appendixes annexed thereon, and
presented to both Houses of Parliament by order of her
Majesty, be referred to the Committee on the Great
Southern and Western Railway (Ireland) Bill.
Dr. NICHOLL presented several petitions against the
Dissenters' Chapels Bill.
Lord INGESTRE presented petitions from Wolver-
hampton, Milton, Brough, and other places, against the
repeal of the corn-laws.
APPEAL IN CRIMINAL CASES.
Mr. GODSON, for Mr. Kelly, moved the Order of
the Day for the second reading of the Appeal in Crimi-
nal Cases Bill, for the purpose of postponing it until
next Wednesday, when Mr. Kelly would take the sense
of the House upon it.
COURT OF ARCHES BILL.
Mr. 11. ELPHINTONE moved that the Order of the
Day, for the adjourned debate on the second reading of
the Court of Arches Bill, be postponed until this day
fortnight.—Agreed to.
NOTICES OF MOTIONS.—SECRET DEPART-
MENT OF THE POST-OFFICE.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE gave notice that he would, on
Tuesday next, move for a Select Committee to inquire
into the Department of the General Post-office, com-
monly called the Secret-office, the duties of the persons
engaged therein, and the authority under which the
functions of the said office are discharged.—(Hear.)
IRISH AND SCOTCH BANKS.
Mr. WODEHOUSE gave notice that on the motion
for going into Committee on the Bank Charter Bill, he
would ask a question of the Right Hon. Gentleman at
the head of the Government, whether it was the intention
of the Government either this session or next to extend
the provisions of the Bank Charter Bill to the banks of
Ireland and Scotland.
CORONERS (IRELAND) BILL.
On the motion of Mr. GROGAN, the Coroners (Ire-
land) Bill was read a second time, and ordered to be
committed on Wednesday week.
The Appeals in Criminal Cases Bill, the Lime Toll
Exemption (Wales) Bill, and the Juvenile Offenders
Bill, were postponed.
CORN-LAWS.—ADJOURNED DEBATE.
The Order of the Day for resuming the adjourned
debate on the corn-laws was then read.
Mr. STAFFORD O'BRIEN said, the Noble Lord
who had occupied the last hour of last night, and the
first hour of the morning, had alluded to the agricultural
labourers of Dorsetshire, but he should leave the Hon-
ourable Member for that county to reply to his state-
ments. There was much, however, in the Noble
Lord's statement, in which they must all agree. There
was an acknowledgment of the extreme difficulty and
importance of the subject under consideration, and there
was an admission of the duty they owed to the poor ;
and there was a very feeling allusion to the great interval
which now separated the poor from the rich. Hon.
Members opposite often alluded to the extreme import-
ance of providing a sufficient supply of necessaries for
the people. The question was one of great importance,
as it included the question of cheap provisions.—(Hear.)
It was part of the tactics of the members of the Anti-
Corn-law League, when they met with an argument
that they could not answer, to call it an exploded thllacy,
and to talk about old ladies and country squires, and
when they had raised a laugh under cover of that, to fall
back upon some argument more easily manageable, and
to call that returning to the original question. The
League had a great advantage in haranguing multi-
tudes on account of their violence and their extreme princi-
ples. They contended for total and immediate repeal, and
this gave them a great present advantage over more
moderate men ; but when the.r came to put their theo-
ries in practice, they would discover that they were im-
practicable. One of their principles was to buy in the
cheapest, and to sell in the dearest market. Now, he
had never heard of any one that would object to that as
an abstract proposition. But were Hon. Gentlemen op-
posite prepared to carry out that proposition without
compromise?— (Hear, hear, from the Opposition.) Were
they prepared to carry it out in private life ? Would
they dismiss an old man, whom they had long employed
at 12s. a week, because they could get a younger man to
undertake the same work for 10s. a week ? If they car-
ried out that principle strictly, there would be an end
to all neighbourly feeling and domestic charity, and if it
were to be carried out without compromise in public
life, it would destroy our honour, our defences, and our
national character. If any foreigner, acquainted with
our social state, were to be told that there were a set of
men who were in favour of a total and immediate
repeal of the corn-laws, he would say that
they must be either too visionary to be listened
to, or too dangerous to be trusted. The Pro-
tectionists might as well raise a cry for a return to the
war prices, as the Anti-Corn-law League for total and
immediate repeal. The League had done themselves
injury by their violence. For one recruit that joined
them, many left them ; and those who were leaving them
were the parties who supplied the sinews of war.
Did the League consider because of the violence of their
exertions, that the Right Hon. Baronet was induced to
make the declarations he had done. The attempts of
the League had been unworthy of them. Whatever
the conduct of the landowners had been it
was very different from that of the League.
He would now go into the history of the
League, and in doing so he must ask for some consider-
able patience from the House ; but before doing so he
would advert to some of the statements of the members
of the League. The lion. Member then referred to a
speech of Mr. Cobden's, and also to one made by the
Hon. Member for Bolton. He also read several extracts
from speeches delivered by Mr. Ward and Mr. Bright.
The Hon. Member for Durham spoke of the aristocracy
as the enemies of the human race —as locusts preying
on the community, and said that the distresses of the
people were laughed to scorn in the halls of the aristocracy.
The Hon. Member for Stockport did not entirely confine
his censure to the landed aristocracy. He said much
greater scorn was due to those mercantile men who be-
came allies of the aristocracy. He must now beg the
patience of all the House, except the Members
of the Anti-Corn-law League. (The Honourable
Member here untied a large bundle of quotations
from speeches, &c., made by these gentlemen ; the ap-
pearance of it excited a general cry of " Oh, oh," from ,
the House.) The first quotation read by the Hon. Mem-
ber was one from a speech of the Hon. and Learned
Member for Bolton, at a dinner at that town in 1838, in
which he called on merchants and tradesmen to
_,join the
League. In another part of the speech the Hon. and Learned
Member (Dr. Bowring) said that the " Anti-Corn-law
League would be the arbiter of political power."—(A
laugh and ironical cries of "Hear" upon the Opposition
side.) The next quotations read by the Honourable
Gentleman were from the "Anti-Corn-law League," the
"Circular," and other publications of the League, which
gave instructions to travellers and others as to the mode
in which they were to distribute the papers, and
disseminate the doctrines of free-trade, and inculcate a I
hatred of the " most infamous of human laws."—(Laugh-
ter on the Tory benches.) One of these instructions was
to cause copies of the " League Almanac" to be hung up
in club-rooms, public-houses, reading-rooms, black-
smiths' shops, &c.—(Great laughter.) The Hon. Mem-
ber then exhibited to the House a copy of the Almanac,
amidst renewed laughter. This Almanac gave the
names of all the anti-corn-law saints— (Laugter)--the
first of whom was the Hon. C. P. Villiers, M.P. for
Wolverhampton, who was born in the year 1802—
(Great laughter)—John Bright first saw the light in
1811 (Renewed laughter) and though great
obscurity existed with regard to Homer
and Shakespeare, they had great pleasure in
stating that Dr. Bowring was born on the 17th of
October, 1792.—(Great laughter.) He now came to
another part of the proceedings of the League, called the
pulpit agitation. The Hon. Gentleman here read ex-
tracts from the Anti- Corn-law Circular recommending a
System of pulpit lectures on the subject of the corn-laws.
The Hon. Member, also, read extracts from the
speeches of the Dissenting ministers asssmbled in the
Manchester conference. The Hon. Member for Stock-
port had stated at the conference, that this was a middle
class agitation, and that they
had had recourse to the
usual methods adopted in Carrying on middle class
agitation, they had procured the co-operation of Dis-
senting ministers, of ladies, and they had organised
tea parties. So that it appeared that the characteris-
tics of a middle class agitation were Dissentingaugmhitneirs.-)
ters, ladies, and tea parties.—(Hear, hear,
the Ministerial benches.) He was sorry not to see the
Right Hon. Member for the city of Perth in his place, in
order to congratulate him on the most remarkable in-
cident of modern times; for according to the opinions of
the League, the most remarkable incident of modern
times was his declaring himself in favour of total and
immediate repeal. That declaration had been looked upon
as the precursor to a similar declaration from all the
wembera of the late Whig Cabinet. The Noble Lord the

Mr. WYSE wished to know whether it was the in-
tention of the Government to continue the Orange Pro-
cessions Bill, which was about to expire on the Ist day
of August. If the Right Hon. Baronet did not wish
now to answer the question, he would give a regular
notice on the subject.
Sir J. GRAHAM said, if the Right Hon. Gentleman
would give notice either for to-morrow or Friday, he
would then answer the question.
Mr. WYSE said, as we understood, that he would
give notice for to-morrow.
IRISH STATE TRIALS.
'Sir R. PEEL said that the Right Hon. Gentleman
had given notice of a motion with respect to the Irish
State trials for the 2d of July. Now the
hearing of the writ of error, as he understood, was fixed
for the 4th of that month ; and he would put it to the
Right Hon. Gentleman whether he would bring forward
the motion when the Attorney-General for Ireland, and
also the Attorney-General for England could not be in
their places? He trusted the Right Hon. Gentleman
would feel it but just that he should bring it in on some
other day.
Mr. WYSE said in answering the Right Hon. Baronet
he must claim the indulgence of the House. He had
already deferred his notice on account of the discussions
which were going on in the Court of Queen's Bench ;
but it must be recollected that the subject of his motion
had relation to facts rather than to law. It should also
be remembered that there was a very strong opinion
among Hon. Members, that upon the occasion alluded to
the trial had been an unfair one,—(Loud cries of hear,
hear)—and the conviction was not justified by the cir-
cumstances.—(Cheers.) He (Mr. Wyse) did not feel
justified in putting off his motion, unless some specific
day was fixed for it.—(Hear, hear.)
Sir ROBERT PEEL was of opinion that in common
justice to the Attorney-General for Ireland, the
motion should be postponed until he was at liberty fully
to be prepared for it, and to give his undivided attention
to it. So strong was his opinion of the injustice that
would be done if the motion was not postponed, that he
should be ready to use the power of Government to as-
sign some other day for its discussion.—(Hear.)
Mr. WYSE said as the Right Hon. Baronet was wil-
ling to assist in ~e-iving another day for the discussion of
the motion, he should be disposed to consult his conve-
nience as far as he could safely do so ; but he could give
no specific undertaking upon the subject, until he had
conferred with Hon. Members of the House, who were
deeply interested in the matter.—The conversation then
dropped.
COL. STODDART AND CAPTAIN CONOLLY.
Mr. B. COCHRANE asked the Right Hon. Baronet
the First Lord of the Treasury whether the Government
had received any communication from Dr. Wolff, since
his departure on his mission to the Khan of Bokhara?
Sir R. PEEL said the question was one involving
considerations so important to the feelings of individuals,
that he would rather not answer it at that moment, with-
out having had notice of it. If the Hon. Member would
put it to him on Thursday or Friday next, he would
give him the best and latest information in possession of
the Government.
ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE, seeing the Right Hon. the
Secretary of State in his place, wished to put a question
to him as to a Bill that was in circulation, entitled " A
Bill for the better administration of justice in the county
of Middlesex," and purporting to be printed by order of
the House of Commons. He begged to know whether
Right Hon. Baronet intended to bring in such a Bill ;
and if so, when ?
Sir J. GRAHAM was not aware that any such Bill
was in circulation ; a Bill had been printed for the pur-
pose of being shown to a few persons in confidence, and
of obtaining information.
Mr. DUNCOMBE said he had not seen the Bill him-
self, but it had been ;shown to some members of the
Marylebone Vestry, and it appeared on the face of it,
" Printed by &rat of the House of Commons."
Sir J. GRAHAM said there must be some error in that
designation. A Bill on the subject had been printed,
and shown in confidence to a few persons, as the most
convenient mode of obtaining information on the ques-
tion involved, and ascertaining their opinions ; but he
had not yet decided on what shape the Bill was to as-
sume, or the provisions it was to contain.
SEES QF ST. ASAPH AND BANGOR.
Mr. W. 0. STANLEY, in withdrawing his motion
for leave to bring in a Bill to repeal so much of the Act
6 and 7 Will. IV, c. 77, as relates to the union of the
sees of St. Asaph and Bangor, said, he must ask the
Right Honourable Baronet (Sir Robert Peel) to
state more explicitly than he had yet done what
his intentions were with regard to this measure.
On the present occasion, he did not intend to go into
the question ; but as there was an opinion out of doors
that the consent of her Majesty would be required be-
fore any further progress could be made, he begged to
ask whether, if that consent should be required, it
would be withheld by the Government.
Sir R. PEEL said, that if the Hon. Gentleman
had brought forward his motion, he would have felt it
his duty to oppose it. The question, whether or not the
consent of the Crown was necessary, was one involving
many complicated considerations; and he did not under-
take to say whether, if it were declared to be necessary in
the present instance, it would be given by the Government.
Mr. W. 0. STANLEY said that, though it might be
necessary to renew the motion at a future period, he
should, for the present, withdraw it.
CORN LAWS.
Mr. C. VILLIERS then rose to move that this House
do resolve itself into a Committee, for the purpose of
considering the following resolutions:—"That it appears
by a recent census that the people of this country are
rapidly increasing in number. That it is in evidence
before this House that a large proportion of her Majesty's
subjects are insufficiently provided with the first neces-
saries of life. That, nevertheless, a corn-law is in force,
which restricts the supply of food, and thereby lessens
its abundance. That any restriction, having for its
object to impede the free purchase of an article upon
which depends the subsistence of the community, is in-
defensible in principle, injurious in operation, and ought
to be abolished. That it is therefore expedient that the
Act 5 and 6 Victoria c. 14, shall be repealed
forthwith." The Honourable Member said the
purpose of the motion of which he had given notice was,
that of once again bringing under the consideration of
that House the claim, so just, so important in itself, made
on the part of the community at large, that the trade in
the first necessary of life, now restricted by the Act of
that House, should be in future unfettered and wholly
free. He could most truly say that such was the
importance which he attached to this claim, that if he
for one moment imagined that the power with which it
was presented to the House could in any way affect its
success, nothing would have induced him again to become
the instrument of making the motion on this occasion.
However, this was notoriously not the case. He
had upon two occasions brought this matter before
the House, and be had been supported by Members
of the greatest ability, who had left nothing unsaid that
could be urged in its favour, and yet this had been done
in vain. It might, perhaps, be asked, upon what grounds,
therefore, he now proceeded to renew this appeal.
He thought he might take credit for not having
adopted this course without due consideration.
If those who were united with him in opinion
on that subject, had been silent upon; it during
this session, their opponents would not have been slow
to infer that either by their overwhelming influence, or
their persuasive eloquence, they bad been induced to fly
fr6m the field—that they were satisfied with the former
decision of that House. A notion more foreign to the
truth could not be imagined by anybody. But
he thought the public were likely also to have
concurred in this view if they had remained silent, con-
sidering the novel attitude which country gentleman had
assumed on this question during the past year. Those
gentlemen had considered it expedient, for the purpose
of maintaining this law, or of conciliating public opinion,
to descend into the field of public agitation, and they
bad followed closely. in the track of that body who
were leagued together in opposition to them. It would
have appeared somewhat remarkable, considering the
appeal which had been made, if there had been no dis-
cussion in that House. Their meetings appeared to have
been somewhat select, and they seemed rather to have
agitated themselves than to have succeeded in awakening
much sympathy for their cause. But inasmuch as their
professions appeared so large in print, and as there had
been no lack of confidence on the other side, it would
have been somewhat curious if, when the parties had
met on common ground, there had been no opportunity
of fair argument in that House. The public expected
an opportunity of judging fairly between the contending
parties. He saw little reason for despair, and some
for hope, in this continued discussion on this question.
He was unable to explain, unless from a conviction of
the substantial justice of the anti-corn-law caue, wh
the Government had not allowed any months of last