The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY
__MORNING, FEBRUARY 6 1845

I to serve as a Peer of Ireland, hath any right to vot
in the election of any Member of Parliament " He
(Mr. Williams) believed this was a point that had
been disputed by Peers. Another order was to the
effect that "it is a high infringement of the
liberties and privileges of the Commons of the
United Kingdom, for any Peer or Prelate, not
being a Peer of Ireland, to interfere himself
in any election for a Member of Parliament."
These orders, if they could be enforced, would be
most salutary ; but were they not violated daily ? It
was well known that a large portion of the
Members of that House were returned by
Peers of the realm, in direct violation of those
standing orders. He should like to know if a case
were distinctly proved against a Peer of a violation
of that sessional order, how it could be enforced ?
What power—what means had they of enforcing it?
None. No Hon. Gentleman would venture to say
that they had any power of enforcing it. What
use was it, then, for the House to main-
tain orders of this showy sort, declaring
their independence of Peers, which every man in the
country knew did not exist. Let them deal honestly
and plainly with the country, and admit the existence
of that which they had net the power to avoid. Let
them place Peers in the same position as other indi-
viduals, so as to be enabled to prosecute them when
they violated the law of the Lind by commit-
ting bribery. He had drawn the attention of
the House to this subject last ses.ien, and
he hoped her MejetAy's Go.-ernment would take
this question into their consideration, and make
se.-sional orders more in accordance with the real
position or the House. It was not creditable to them
to continue these orders. They were not like these
laws which bed passed in bygone, egos, and had bee-
come obsolete; but these orders were passed annually,
and therefore they ought to be drawn lip in such a
manner as to give the Id fuse the power of enforcing
them. He did not intend 'o submit 'any motion on
the subject, bet should cont'nt himself with having
called the attention of the House to it.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER did
not consider that the members of the Government
were more interested in this question than any other
Member of the House. These privileges were the
privileges not of the House only, but of the whole
people of the realm. The right of deciding on the
return of Members was vested in that House, and
there was no other legally appointed tribunal for the
decision of those quest ones. As Members of that
House, they had the right of deciding if the persons
whose names appeared upon the poll were proper voters
or not, and from the earliest times it had been decided
that Peers were not admitted to vote for Members o
Parliament ; and, although not a lawyer himself,
he would venture to say that it was contrary to
the law of the land for any Peer to do so.
As regarded the elections of Members of Parliament,
and the decisions upon them, that House was the
sole judge ; and he would take it upon himself to say,
that if a Peer should claim the right to vote at an
election for a Member of that House, the House had
the undoubted right of rejecting the vote. It was
the privilege of the House to prevent any interference
on the part of Peers with the election of its Members ;
and fur his part he should be very sorry to see any
alteration made in the resolution to which the Hon.
Gentleman referred. He believed that any altera-
tion would be an abandonment of the privileges of the
House, and of that control which it ought to exer-
cise over the election of its Members.
Mr. WILLIAMS said, that as the law now stands
a Peer goes before the revising barrister, and claims to
have his name inserted in the list of voters. The
barrister knows nothing of the sessional order of the
House of Commons, and he allows the Peer to be re-
gistered as an elector. Now, what he (Mr. W.)
wished to ask was whether, as the House had no
power to strike the name out of the registry after it
had once been inserted, there was any means by
which this privilege could be enforced ?
The SPEAKER (no answer being given to Mr.
Williams' question) proceeded to read the orders,
several of which were agreed to seriatim, when
Mr. T. S. DUNCOMiiE said he should take that
opportunity of renewing a notice which he had given
last session of Parliament, of his intention to move
for a Select Committee to inquire whether, in any
counties or boroue hs empowered under the Reform Act
to send Members to the House of Commons, such Mem-
bers were returned through the illegal or unconstitu-
tional interference of Members in the House of Peers?
Theßight H. enGentleman the Chancellor of theExche-
qaer sail he should be extremely sorry if any altera-
tion were made in the standing resolution, thereby
implyiag that nothing would horrify him more
than its violation by any Peer of the realm.
Why, the Right Hon. Gentlemen must know per-
fectly well, that there was not a single county
Member, and that there were very few berough
'Members sitting either behind or before him, who
did not. previous to their election consult some Peer
or other for the purpose of obtaining his influence ;
either requesting him by letter, or almost by
snpplieation on their knees, to concern himself in their
election —(Laughter.) He ventured to say that, in
the ca'e of some of the vacancies which 1111 occurred
recently, Peers had been consulted and requested
to concern themselves :n the elections; and
if a Peer had not given his consent to . the
irdivi,lual s Deeding for the beren.eb, which partly
belonged to him, he ventured to Rey that they must
have been deprived of the present Secretary for
Ireland.—(Laughter.) Yet, the Chancellor of the
I:xebec:tier got up in his place, and with a solemn
look, and still more solemn voice, declared
to that House that he should be sorry to
see any alteration made in the existing resolution.
He would test the Right Hon. Gentleman's sincerity.
When he moved for the Committee, he would under-
take to prove, as he had said before, that there were
very few Members, either for counties or boroughs, in
whose election Peers had not concerned themselves. How
the Right Hon. Gentleman could maintain his gravity
while making such a speech, was to him (Mr. T. Dun-
combe) utterly inconceivable. If they put the resolu-
tion in force, three-fourths of the temporal peers, and
two-thirds of the bishops must be convicted of an in-
fringement of the privileges of the House of Corn-
mons. What a mockery, what an insult was it
to pass this resolution unless it were enforced.—
(Hear, hear.) The time had arrived when it should
be either acted upon or expunged. He himself had,
on a former occasion, voted for its being expunged.
He would much rather, for his own part, that
Peers appeared on the hustings, and voted for Mem-
bers of Parliament. The more they came in contact
with the people, the more would their prejudices be
removed. They would find the humble mechanic
and others, who- were now deprived of the right of
voting for Members of Parliament, possessing as much
ability and more patriotism than themselves; they
would find men who did not wish to obtain
seats in that House for the purpose of acquir-
ing some dirty star or garter, for the paltry
purpose of obtaining a peerage, or for the
idiotic purpose of securing a baronetcy.
If this resolution were not expunged—if, after this
warning, they still adopted it, they need not be sur-
prised if he called upon the House to act upon it, and
he would in that case promise them that he should
move fur a Committee of the House to inquire into
its operation, and whether its intentions were carried
out at the different elections.
Mr. HUME said he had frequently appealed to
that House upon the same subject, how they could
reconcile the spirit of the resolution with the practice
observed at many elections. That was not a mere
question, as his Hon. Friend (Mr Duncombe) seemed
to think it, for the Minister more than for any other.
It happened that a Minister frequently sat on those
benches, having, perhaps, fifty behind him acting as
fuglemen on those occasions. He (Mr. Hume) had
again and again, for many years past, warned the
House upon the subject ; but to hear common sense
appealed to by the Minister was something new, and
how, he asked, could this resolution be maintained
on that principle ? He recollected a number of in •
stances in which inquiries were instituted before that
House, and in which it had been shown that Peers
had been known to propose the Members,
and, in fact, to return them to that House.
He agreed with the Hon. Member who had last
spoken, that it would be better if peers were to go
more among the lower classes—if they were to go
to the public hustings, where they would at least
learn that which would do them considerable good,
namely, the feelings which actuated the lower
classes. He was quite prepared to vote for the
abolition of the resolution.
The gallery was then cleared for a division. None
however took place, and the order was agreed to.
ADMISSION OF STRANGERS TO THE
HOUSE.
Mr. CHRISTIE said he believed he was at liberty
to state that the amendment he was about to propose
was sanctioned by the Speaker. When he moved a
similar amendment last session his proposed alteration
was resisted by the Right Hon. Baronet opposite,
because from its wording it had reference to other
parts of the House than the body. His present amend-
ment, however, had been drawn up in strict accordance
with the views of the Hon. Baronet opposite, an it
fully met with the concurrence, as he had previously
stated, of the Speaker. Under these circumstances it
would be unnecessary for him to trouble the House,
and he would simply move the following amendment:
" That the Sergeant-at-Arms attending this
House do, from time to time, take into his custody
any stranger whom he may see, or who may be re-
ported to him to be, in any part of the House or gal-
lery appropriated to the Members of this House, and
also any stranger who, having been admitted into any
other part of the House or gallery, shall mis-
conduct himself, or shall not withdraw when
strangers are directed to withdraw, while the House,
or any Committee of the whole House, is sitting, and
that no person so taken into custody be discharged
out of custody without the special order of the House.
That no Member of this House do presume to bring
any stranger into army part of the House or gallery

eappropriated to the Members of this House, while the
House, or a Committee of the whole House, is sitting.
That the above resolutions be standing orders."
Dr. BOWRIN G seconded the amendment.
Mr. B. WILLIAMS could see no reason why
strangers should not be allowed to enter that House.
lie fully admitted the necessity for order and quietude,
but at the same time he thought it was unjust not to
allow strangers to be present at debates.
Lord J. RUSSELL interrupted the Hon. Member,
and pointed out to him that the amendment did not
exclude strangers.
Mr. WILLIAMS, after reading the amendment,
continued.—The fact was, he had made a slight mis-
take.—(A laugh.) He had been so much engaged
that day that he had had no opportunity until then
of reading the motion paper.---(Laughter.) lie
would, therefore, not trouble the House further.
Sir R. H. INGLIS wished to put a question to
the Speaker, bearing upon the exclusion of strangers.
Hitherto it had only been necessary for an Hon.
Member to observe that strangers were present,
and the Speaker immediately requested their
withdrawal without the question being put,
as in other instances, to the' vote of the House.
Now he %vished to be informed whether, looking at
the construction of one of the sessional orders, it was"
not necessary that the question should be decided by
a majority, and not absolutely by an individual
Member. Ought not a debate and a division to take
place on the question ?
The SPEAKER said that he had previously inti-
mated to the Right Hon. Baronet that he could have
no objection to an amendment to meet the views of
the Right Honourable Baronet. But the ques-
tion, in fact, had nothing whatever to do
with the standing erders on the books of
the House. The exclusion of strangers did not
depend upon the sessional orders. It was a clear
right for any Member to call the attention of the
Speaker to the fact that strangers were present, and
to request that they might be ordered to with-
draw. It was an inherent right of each individual
Member, and rested upon the same principle which
gave any Hon. Member the privilege of moving that
the House be counted, which was immediately done
upon such motion being made; and upon the same
principle, the instant any Hon. Member observed to
the Speaker that strangers were present it was in-
cumbent upon him to order them to withdraw. It
was open to the Right Hon. Baronet to move an
amendment to put an end to the latter privilege.
Mr. HUME wished to ask whether any new ar-
rangement had taken place by which the space
allotted for the accommodation of strangers had been
altered, as the space already allotted for their accom-
modation was extremely small.
The SPEAKER said he had not given any order
on the subject. There was great difficulty in making
desirable arrangements regarding the admission of
strangers.

Mr—. HUMS said that, on behalf of the public, he
would impress upon the House the necessity of making
arrangements more convenient than the present ones.
Those persons who came there to hear the debates
were much exposed to cold, and had scarcely any
room.

The SPEAKER said that every arrangement would
be made for the accommodation of the public con-
sistent with the accommodation of Members of that
House.

The question «•as then put and agreed to.
PRIVATE COMMITTEES.

Mr. WALLACE begged to call the attention of

the House, especially of Members belonging to
Committees of Selection, to the waste of time and
money which the present arrangements of private
Committees involved. He mentioned last session,
that, in the instance of one railway Bill, the expense
had reached the enormous amount of 100,0001. He

trusted the present session would not pass without
some effectual arrangement being made on the subject.
He was far from impeaching the conduct of Mem-
bers on those Committees, who bestowed the greatest
pains and labour in endeavouring to keep them
in a reasonable condition ; but they had it not in
their power to do that which they so much desired.
Last session he called the attention of the House to

two private Bills ; the first was the Monkland Rail-
way Bill, the second was the Paisley Gas Bill.
Although those Bills came before the Committees on
March 25th, on July 25th they were yet in the House.
Now this was a fact which could not be contradicted,
and he would leave it to the House to say whether
it was not its duty to alter such a state of things.
He would contend that the House had the
power to enable Private Committees to guard against
such annoyance. It was n-it right that solicitors
sh tul'l have it iii their power to send for counsel after
counsel, thus entailing enormous. expense ; but
while the solicitors had the power, it would be useless
na- pasties eon,•ernerl in private Bills to expect any
curtailment ea' tkese exr rises. Ile Nt quite con-
vioeed that it would be greatly for the benefit of
those private companies, if counsel were prohibited
ategether from entering Committee-rooms. He
believed that this practice gave a facility to parties
rak;n4 wuioh was not permitted by the
'ouse in Committ( es on public business, and
which tended materially to increase the expenses,
and afford facilities for delay anti procrastination,
wLich could not otherwise occur. This was a
practice that had brought discredit upon that House,
and which discredit would go on increasing if some
step were not taken to stop it. The Hon. Member
concluded by calling upon such Members of pri-
vate Committees as were then present, to say whether
they agreed with him in part or in the whole of what
he had said, and, by moving for a Select Committee, to
ascertain whether they could not suggest some mea-
sure by which to prevent this dillatory mode of pro-
ceeding with private Bills.
Mr. EWART wished to put a question to her
Majesty's Government relative to the constitution of
Committees of that House upon private Bills. He
wished to see the Members of Committees on private
Bills free from all personal interest in the ques-
tions K hich had to be submitted to them.
This principle had been recognised with re-
spect to certain railway Bills; namely, those for
competing lines. He had a notice of motion on the
paper upon this question for to-morrow evening, that
the principle to which he alluded should he extended
to all Committees on private Bills ; but he wished to
know whether her Majesty's Government would re-
lieve an individual Member from that responsibility,
which he, however, was ready to take upon himself.
Sir R. PEEL said he was not prepared to make
any announcement on the part of the Government
which would relieve the Hon. Gentleman from the
duty which he had undertaken. It would be very
difficult to define what was the direct interest of con-
stituents in Railway Bills, and it would be almost
impossible to determine what was indirect interest.
He hoped the Hon. Gentleman would wait until
his motion came on, as he (Sir Robert Peel) did not
wish to give an opinion upon the question now.
With respect to the observations of the Hon. Gentle-
man (Mr. Wallace), he could only say that it would
be excessively difficult effectually to control counsel
with respect to the length of their addresses.—
(Laughlpr.) It would be also difficult to carry out
the HThi Gentleman's other suggestions. He
(Sir Robert Peel) believed that, in the course
of last session, the sum of 75,000/. was expended
in the prosecntion of a railway Bill, which was ulti-
mately thrown out. This Bill, he understood, was to
be again brought forward, and there was every pro-
bability of its succeeding.
Lord HO WICK said, he thought there ought to
be longer time given for the presentation of petitions
for railway Bills than fur those for other private Bills.
Unless they adopted that course, great inconvenience
and great injustice would ensue, in consequence of
the adoption of the system of subjecting all railway
Bills to a preliminary examination by the Board of
Trade.—(Hear, hear.) The House was aware that
great decisions on projected railways had already
been arrived at; while the decisions on others
were yet unknown. Even with respect to those
which were known, the House and the country
and the persons interested in those Bills were all left
in ignorance of the grounds on which the recommen-
dations of the Board of Trade were founded. There-
fore, it would be unjust to call upon those parties to
decide at once whether they would abandon the
measures in which they were interested or not.
If they now fixed the time parties interested in these
measures would be forced either at once to take the
preliminary steps, and to incur great expense in
bringing their Bills before the House, or they
would be deprived of the opportunity of submitting
such Bills to the fair decision of a Committee. It
was not just to call on these parties to take either of
these decisions at present—(Hear, hear)—for he
believed that if they should find that the reports of
the Board of Trade were founded upon good and
adequate reasons the parties interested would not
commit the mistake of incurring a useless expendi-
ture of money in bringing their Bills forward. But,
on the other hand, it might happen that some of these
decisions would not prove satisfactory, and parties before
they determined to abandon their scheme, had a right
to canvass the grounds of the recommendation of the
Railway Department of the Board of Trade.—
—(Hear, hear.) He urged this argument on the pre-
sumption that the Government and the House did
not intend that the decisions of that Board should be
final.—(Hear, hear.) When he looked to the report
of the Select Committee of last year he found
it distinctly laid down that the Board of Trade
was not to decide on the merits of Railway Bills,
but was merely to investigate the representations
made, and to report to the House, stating facts and
opinions for the information and guidance of
Parliament, and for the purpose of assisting
Parliament in coming to its decision. Such
had been the decision of the Committee of last
year. When the arrangement was recommended to
the House by the Right Hon. Gentleman the late
President of the Board of Trade, he did not
propose it for the purpose of increasing
the influence of the Bottl, but for the purpose

of aiding and assisting the judgment of the House.
There was an order of the House, that if any report
from the Board of Trade relating to a Railway Bill be
laid before the House, such report should be referred
to the Committee on the Bill. It was perfectly clear
what was the view of Parliament in agreeing to the
arrangement made last year. He hoped the arrange-
ment would continue ; but he saw symptoms in what
was going on out of doors, that an authority was
ascribed to these reports of the Board of Trade,
which would be attended with great inconvenience,
and to which he desired to call the attention of the
House. No one was more anxious than he to im-
prove the system of private legislation, in which he
knew great abuses had grown up. He approved
of the recommendation of last year, but he thought
that the Board of Trade should be confined
to the preliminary investigation of railway projects,
in which they might obtain valuable information for
the House, upon measures in which large in-
terests were concerned. But if, instead of being
merely advisers to Parliament, this Board
was to have an authority in determining
upon Railway Bills—if their reports were to
be conclusive as to what Bills should be adopted, and
what rejected, that would be the creation of a new
authority which Parliament never contemplated.
Was the House aware what was the amount of the
interest involved in these questions between competing
lines ? He would give the House one instance, that of
the London and York Rail way. In that company the
shares were 60,000, and these shares had been the
subject of dealing on the Stock Exchange. Bargains
were made in them at the rate of 201.
premium on each share, conditioned on the
report of the Board of Trade—that was to
say, that if this report, which was regarded "as con-
clusive, should prove favourable to the plan, it would
add 201. to the value of each of these 60,000
shares. Thus the determination arrived at
in an internal department of the Government
in the absence of all the parties concerned, would
effect the transfer of no less a sum than 1,200,000/.
from the pockets ofone set of persons to those of another.
Was a judgment involving such sums to be pro..
nounced by such a tribunal as the Board of Trade ?
(Hear, hear.) He found no fault with the Board of
Trade possessing certain functions ; but such
a tribunal was utterly unfitted for pronouncing
an opinion on subjects involving such enor-
mous sums. He could show them a particular
instance in which the sum staked was not less
than 1,200,0001., and that was only one out of a mul-
titude of cases; and would it be said that those re-
ports were to be conclusive on subjects involving the
disposition of millions ? They (the Board of Trade)
disposed of sums compared with which the sums ad-
judicated upon by the Lord Chancellor and all the
Judges of Westminster Hall sunk into insignificance.
But was that department constituted in a manner so
that they could say it ought to be intrusted with such
enormous responsibility ? What did it consist of ?
There was at its head a nobleman of high character and
ability, but who possessed little experience, and there
were assisting him four gentlemen scarcely of higher
official rank than chief clerks in the Public depart-
ments. One of these gentlemen was, he believed,
placed in that department from being private se-
cretary to the Right Honourable Gentleman op-
posite. Was a Board, having to dispose of such
enormous interests, and thus constituted, the
proper tribunal for the purpsoe ?—(Hear, hear).
And it was not merely that the tribunal was
improperly coustituted. He said that none of their
proceedings were such as to make their decisions, if
they were to be taken as decisions, in matters of this
nature, satisfactory.—(Hear, hear.) He happened to
be unwillingly forced into connexion with a
railway project, and being concerned in the pro-
motion of that railway project, he could speak
from experience as to the course adopted. - It was
this—the promoters of Bills sent in a short statement
of the ground on which they proposed their measure;
that was followed by depositing with the Board of
Trade plans and sections giving full details of the
nature of the scheme. Before any decision
was pronounced on their case, the case of the oppo-
nents of the Bill was made known. And after they
knew that case, the promoters of the measure put
forward a rebutting case.
i The case of their oppo-
nents was to be put n before the 30th of
November, and the favourers of the Bill
concluded, that before any decision was pro-
nounced by the department of the Board of
Trade, they would be informed of what the
case was which had been sent in by the other side,
the allegations of which they would then be prepared
to answer. The session of Parliament was coming
near : several decisions had been pronounced, and
they began to think they would be pronounced upon,
after the case of their opponents was known. Accord-
ingly they applied for an interview with the Board of
Trade. He had to acknowledge the extreme courtesy
with which he and the other Members of the de-
putation were, on very short notice, received
by the Board They knew nothing of the
plans of their opponents, except from the
public newspapers and the plans deposited with
the clerk of the peace. They stated very shortly the
reasons why, in their judgment, their own scheme
was entitled to preference, and having done so they
retired. Before they did so, however, one of the
gentlemen who composed the deputation ob-
served to the President of the Board of
Trade, that he expected that they would have
been called upon to answer the case of their oppo-
nents. The reply of the President of the Board
was one of great importance. He said, " That is not
our course. There being such a multitude of projects,
it would be physically impossible for us to hear the
comments of the parties upon the opposing plans."
No doubt that was perfectly true. It would be phy-
sically impossible for the Board of Trade to hear all
the arguments in favour of the conflicting schemes.
It was physically impossible for Hon. Gentlemen to ,
scrutinise the plans and surveys laid before them, to
look into the estimates of expense, and see whether they
were well founded or not, and to ascertain the compara-
tive advantage
o
point of economy, and in other re-
spects, Still he had,no
i
objecton to the report of the Board of Trade being
considered as something to be taken into account by the
Committee; and, no doubt, if the reasons alleged by the
f the
projects in point
submitted to them.
Board of Trade in favour of or against a particular
scheme were strong, they would weigh powerfully with
the Committee. But if the decisions of that body were
to be considered as conclusive and final, the case would
be materially altered. If these decisions were to be
binding on Parliament, in common fairness and in common
justice the parties should be brought together, and heard
in each other's presence. If they thought that Parlia-
ment was incapable of dealing with such matters, let
some new tribunal be constituted. He pronounced no
opinion as to whether that course was desirable or not.
But if they did constitute such a tribunal, it should be
composed of persons of rank and station, somewhat pro-
portioned to the immense responsibility imposed upon
persons called upon to dispose of property exceeding
in value what ordinarily came before a court of law.
That being the case, it would follow that they would
be deciding questions of property equal in value to that
brought before the courts of law. It was a question of
the rights of property, and he thought that the par-
ties should (if such decisions were to be held final), have
first been fairly heard before that tribunal. He thought
that this was right on all the principles of justice and
common honesty, and such decisions, he contended,
aught not to be considered binding, if come to in the ab-
sence of those parties who had promoted them, and who
had no opportunity of laying their statements before the
tribunal which was to adjudge upon their merits. He
said that by this mode of procedure they would be open-
ing a door to abuse, corruption and weakness, such as the
Government of a great country should not be supposed
to have to do with. These were great objections, but
he was prepared to go further, and say that his objec-
tions applied still more forcibly if those decisions were
not merely nominal, but in point of fact conclusive. If
they said " the Board of Trade has decided the ques-
tion," and on their report, her Majesty's Government,
recommended the House to reject the Bill on the
second reading, they
.all knew how incompetent that
House was, as a collective body, to deal with railway
questions. If they disposed of these questions by a vote
the House, grounded on the report of the Board of
Trade, the result would be that the decision of that
board, being known to be conclusive by law and practice,
private inducements would be allowed to interfere,
and it would, as he had said, be opening a door to every
evil. By this system decisions would be in the bands
of a Board perfectly irresponsible. It would be a fur-
ther evil if the Executive Government appeared in these
matters. He did not impute underhand motives to the
Ministry then sitting on the opposite benches, more
than he would to the Ministry who had preceded
them. His arguments were directed against the system.
The system was full of suspicion, and capable of every
degree of baseness. It would be breaking in upon
what had hitherto been considered a most wholesome
rule. Statesmen in England had hitherto borne very
honourable characters, and solely because they acted
upon the wholesome rule of never interfering in any
question which bore upon private speculation. Acting
upon this rule, the conclusion. he had come to was, that
the decisions of the Board of Trade ought not to have
been conclusive, and therefore he hoped the Bills
which had been reported against would not be rejected
by the House, on the second reading in that House.
What he contended for was, that until her Majesty's
Government established some tribunal, if such were
found absolutely necessary, capable of dealing with
this important question, the report of the Board of
Trade should be fair subject for the scrutiny of a Com-
mittee of that House.—(Hear.) It was perfectly
clear from the resolution which they had come to
last year, and the standing order subsequently framed
upon it, that this was the intention the House had, when
it gave the Board of Trade its present powers. What
were the words ? They were these : "that in cases of
Railway Bills, a report made under the authority of the
Board of Trade upon any Bill, on the objects thereof,
shall be laid before the House, and, if necessary, the re-
port should be afterwards sent to a Committee." Now

it was perfectly clear, that when that resolution was
passed, the House contemplated that these Bills should
go before a Committee, whether the report was favour-
able or not. In fact, that the report itself should go
before the Committee to be scrutinised and considered.
Now if that arrangemext, which her Majesty's Govern-
ment had at first sanctioned, were to be carried out, he
had no complaint whatever to make to the course which the

Board of Trade had pursued. If that were done, those
who were interested in railways disapproved of by the
Board of Trade, would have ample opportunity for con-
sidering the arguments and reasons of the Board of
Trade, and afterwards having them fairly discussed in a
Committee. He thought it would be a very great object
and he did hope this was the line intended to be adopted
by her Majesty's Government. He could not help feel-
ing great anxiety upon the subject, because no man could
have watched the railway proceedings of the day with-
out being aware that a notion, whether ill-founded or not,
had very extensively gone abroad that these reports of
the Board of Trade were to be looked upon in the light
of conclusive decisions. That notion had certainly gone
abroad, and already some of those inconveniences to
which he had alluded were likely to arise from the Exe-
cutive Government taking too much part in these mat-
ters of private interest. Indeed he might say they had
already began to be felt. Whispers were beginning to
be circulated of a very injurious nature. No one in that
House could doubt that they were perfectly unfounded,
but these whispers were nevertheless in extensive circu-
lation, and he was convinced that they would hear too
much of it, if such a system were permitted to obtain
credence in this country ; he, therefore, did hope that
they would hear these reports were not to be regarded
in the light of conclusive decisions. He did hope that
the wish of the Government was, that the decision of
the Board of Trade should merely be taken by Parlia-
ment as the expression of an opinion made by an un-
prejudiced party. He said if that were the case all par-
ties would be satisfied, but not otherwise ; and this
brought him to the proposition he wished to make to her
Majesty's Government. If they agreed with him in the
view he had taken, he thought that a further interval of
time ought to be given in order to enable the promoters
of railway projects, which had been reported
against, to consider whether they should per-
severe in their measures or submit at once
to the unfavourable report of the Board of Trade.
Until, then, he knew the grounds on which the Board
of Trade were prepared to defend the course ho had
been describing (if they still intended to follow it up),
he would not be satisfied. If the Board of Trade re-
ported on two conflicting lines, and that that report ap-
proved of one line in preference to another, without re.
ferring that report to a Committee of that House, he
would not be satisfied with such a course of proceeding.
It was his impression, and the impression of those with
:whom he was engaged in this undertaking,that their line
was the best, and that which would be most calculated
to promote the public convenience and public good; but,
of course, no Committee were to be guided by that
opinion, as it was but natural that they should feel
favourably towards their own project. But what they
did wish for was this, that they should not be expected
either to proceed with or abandon their project, until
they knew the decision of the Board of Trade. He was
of opinion that the Board of Trade should afford oppor-
tunity to present petitions, in case the project should be
disapproved of ; and then, if a Committee should not ap-
prove of the project, the Company would let it fall to
the ground. But if, on the contrary, the Company should
see no reason for altering their opinion, they would act
upon their own views, and persevere. Though the ex-,
penses incurred by these proceedings were considerable,
they were of minor and very trifling importance, com-
pared to the importance attached to the line that is
likely to be approved of. Then, again, another question
would arise, in the event of the report of the Board of
Trade being continued to be held conclusive, and that
was—were the Company to submit to such decision and
all the expenses attending it, or were they to appeal
from the decision of that Board to another tribunal? For
these reasons, he would say he was entitled to know
the grounds on which the Government were about to
proceed on this important subject. These were the
grounds on which he recommended to the House to ex-
tend the time for the presentation of petitions on rail-
way subjects to Parliament. If the House concurred
with him, there would be little difficulty in altering the
sessional order they were now discussing, by introducing
into it the words
." with the exception of railway Bills."
Thus the time for the presentation of petitions would be
extended. The Noble Lord concluded by moving the
insertion of the words, " with the exception of railway
Bills."

Sir R. PEEL thought there was much force and jus-
tice in the observations of the Noble Lord, and at the
same time he thought they should not proceed to deter-
mine upon the sessional order that all railway Bills
might be presented. The sessional order was introduced
in conformation with the standing order of the House.
He had no objection whatever that time should be
afforded for the consideration of this important question.
The subject was, in every respect, entitled to the full
consideration of the House. He concurred with the
Noble Lord that it would be right that some delay should
take place in coming to a determination with regard to
fixing the time for railway Bills.
Mr F. BARING hoped the Right Hon. Baronet would
state to the House when the reports of the Board of
Trade would be presented.
Sir R. PEEL must postpone giving his answer to
another day.
Mr. HUME thought it perfectly right that the post.
ponement should take place, more especially after they
had been told that whispers were abroad that secrets had
not been kept.
Sir R. PEEL did not understand the meaning that
whispers were abroad, that secrets had not been kept by
the Board of Trade. It would be much better that an
explicit statement should be made on the subject
rather than that these insinuations should be
indulged in. What really were the allega-
tions that were intended to be made ? It would
be much fairer to the Board to make some ictel-

ligible allegation than to indulge in these insinuations.
Lord HO WICK was anxious not to be misunderstood.
What the reports which he alluded to were, was known
to every person who read the newspapers. In the City
article of the Times it had been distinctly alleged that
large purchases had been made in the shares of the
favoured companies previous to the reports being made.
He had stated that ho believed those reports to be
groundless, but he objected to the system which, whether
well or ill founded, gave occasionto the circulation of such
rumours.

Mr. BUCK thought that Hon. Members had better
delay their observations until the Board of Trade should
have published the reasons for their decisions.
Mr. VERNON SMITH thought that it was most
important, in considering these reports of the Board of
Trade, to know whether the Government was prepared
to stand by them as official reports, and whether the
Ho.ise was to receive them as having the weight and
authority of Government advice, thrown in upon one
side or the other? He thought his Noble Friend had
taken a very proper course in bringing the attention of
the House to this subject.—(Hear.)
Sir R. PEEL said the House would no doubt remem-
ber that in this matter it had acted upon the recom-
mendation of a Select Committee. That Committee had
recommended that there should be some intervention to
enable the House and the Committees to judge of the
comparative merits of competing railway plans. It was
in consequence of the report of that Select Committee
his Right Hon. Friend the late President of the Board of
Trade, much to his credit, devoted considerable time
and attention to inquire into the subject, and proposed a
plan, which the House approved of, and the Govern.
ment had consequently carried into effect. But it never
was the intention of the Government—it certainly never
was his (Sir R. Peel's) intention—to devolve upon the
Board of Trade the power of determining which railway
plans should be adopted and which should be rejected.
The resolution of the Select Committee said that it was
not theirintention that the reportshould be final, but that
the Board should apply its inquiry only to the elucidation
of facts to assist the Committee of the House in the for-
mation of their opinions. It was his opinion that the
influence of the reports of the Board of Trade upon the
decision of the Committees would depend upon the
weight of the facts and the value of the information pro-
duced on the inquiry. It was never his intention—nor
would he ever consent to any course, which would in-
volve the Government in the determination of these
questions between competing speculations. He thought
it was, becoming the character of the Government and
the House that public men should mix themselves as
little as possible with private Bills before Parliament.—
(Hear, hear.) He could not lay down any definite rule
upon the subject, but he would say this much, that in
all such questions the Government would act with
strict neutrality.
After a few words from Mr. FRENCH,
Sir R. PEEL said it would be better to adjourn the
discussion.—(Hear, hear.) Had his Noble Friend, the
Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, been present, he
would have given some information on the subject. Pro-
bably when the question was again brought forward, his
Noble Friend would probably be present, but, if he
should not be, some other Member of the Government
would take up the subject.
Lord HOWICK quite concurred in the propriety of
adjourning the discussion, but he thought the Right
Hon. Gentleman had said that substantially he agreed
with him (Lord Howick) in the justice of giving more
time to railway companies.
Sir R. PEEL—Yes.

Mr. GREENE recommended the Noble Lord to with-
draw the motion, and he (Mr. Greene) would postpone
all those sessional orders which related to time.—(Hear.)
The motion was then withdrawn, and the remaining
orders were then agreed to.
Mr. EWART postponed the following notice of mo-
tion :—" To submit to the consideration of the House,
the expediency of meeting by day instead of by night ;
commencing its sittings at the hour of one in the after-
noon, and adjourning at six (except on especial occa•
sions, when it shall seem expedient to the House to pro-
long the debate beyond that hour); and that all commit-
tees and public business be held or transacted at propor-
tionately earlier hours in the morning."
LIBRARY OF THE HOUSE.

Sir R. INGLIS moved the appointment of the follow-
ing gentlemen as the standing Committee to assist the
Speaker in the direction of the library .—Sir Robert
Harry Inglis, Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord
John Russell, Sir Robert Peel, Mr. Baring, Mr. Wil-
liams Wynn, Mr. Rutherford, Mr. Shaw, Viscount Pal-
merston, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Sergeant Stock, Viscount
Mahon, Colonel Fox, Mr. Gaily Knight, Mr. Pendarves,
and Mr. Acland : five to be the quorum.—Agreed to.
COUNTY COURTS.

Mr. HUME said there was no notice in the royal
speech of the intention of the Government with respect
to the County Courts Bill. He wished to ask whether
the Govern.nent meant to proceed with that measure.
Sir J. GRAHAM said, that in consequence of the ex-
tensive changes which took place last session in the law
of debtor and creditor, he could not undertake to pro-
ceed this session with the measure respecting County
Courts. He thought it expedient to give more time to
allow that great change to be tested by experience.
LAW OF SETTLEMENT.
Sir G. GREY asked whether it was the intention of
st
oenand whether
would
be the
su b stmeasureanti
a ll y
o f
thelastm
s as es
e-
Biili
Sr J. GRAHAM said he had received many impor-
tant suggestionS on this Bill, and he should feel it his

duty to introduce the measure, including amendments
founded on those suggestions, At an early period he
should re-introduce the Bill, and state the alterations
which he intended to make. Between the. introduction
of the Bill and the further progress with it, he should
allow some time to intervene, that the House and the
country might become acquainted with its provisions.
He should ask leave to introduce the measure to-morrow
set-thigh t.

HARBOURS OF REFUGE.
Mr. RICE asked if the Government intended to adopt
any of the recommendations contained in the report on
the harbours of refuge.
Sir R. PEEL said he deeply regretted that reports
which were prepared for the confidential information of
the Government sometimes were inserted in the public
papers, though how they reached the journals he had
not the slightest notion. The report in question had
occupied the serious attention of the Government, but
the expenditure required to carry it out would be enor-
mous. For instance, the cost for the harbour of Dover
alone was estimated at 2,500,0001. But the Govern-
ment had come to no decision with respect to any har-
bour except that of Holyhead, where some works would
be carried on for facilitating the e )mmunication with that
part of the United kingdom ; but before the enormous
expenditure requisite was incurred he thought the report
ought to receive the f ul!est and most mature considera-
tion. Some experiments had been carried on at Dover,
to ascertain the quantity of matter held in suspension in
the water of the harbour, and, till these experiments had
made further progress, he thought no expense ought to
be incurred. The report itself had been referred to the
Lords of the Admiralty, and he could assure the Hon.
Gentleman that it would receive their Lordships' best
attention.

JUDGES OF ASSIZE (IRELAND).
Lord CLEMENTS asked if any large increase had
lately been made in the salaries o the judges of assize
in Ireland ?
Sir J. GRAHAM said the Noble Lord should have
given him notice of his intention to ask the question.
THE ADDRESS.

Sir IL PEEL took the opportunity of notifying to the
House that her Majtsty would receive the address of the
House in answer to her gracious speech, at half-past two
o'clock to-morrow (this day.)
CHARITIES IN ENGLAND.

Mr. HUME asked whether it was the intention of the
Government to bring in any measure respecting the cha-
rities in England.
Sir J. GRAHAM said that a measure would be in-
troduced on the subject, in the course of this session.
THE BUDGET.

Lord J. RUSSELL asked when the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet would apprico the House of tho general nature of
his financial statement ?

Sir R. PEEL said that he had already given notice
that he would bring forward his financial statement on
Friday se'nnight, and on Friday next he would state ex-
actly what its purport would be.
CLERKS OF THE CIIOWN.
_ _

Mr. ESCOTT wished to ask whether a Bill to secure
the payment of Clerks of the Crown by salary instead of
fees, would be proceeded with on an early day.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that a Bill on that sub-
ject would be introduced to-morrow se'nnight.
THE ADDRESS.

On the motion of the order of the day for the second
reading of the Report of the Committee appointed to
draw up the address,
Mr. HUME said, though he had no objection to the ad-
dress in general, still there were some points on which
he wished to make a few Observations. They congratu-
lated her Majesty on the state of the public finances, but
he regretted there was no prospect of relief for the
people. There was to be no relief of taxation, while there
was to be a great increase in the naval estimates. He
had hoped that they should have received some intima-
tion of some relief to be granted to commerce by the
removal of troublesome and oppressive duties to which
it was now subjected. But not one word was stated of
any such intention ; lie therefore wished, before he gave
his sanction to the continuance of the income-tax, which
this address implied, to press on the Government the
necessity of affording some compensation for it by a re-
duction of duties on articles of consumption. The
Right Hon. Baronet had complained last night of a fac-
tious attack being made upon him by the Noble Lord
(Russell) on the question of Otaheite. But if that ques-
tion was made the ground of any factious opposition, he
(Mr. Hume) did not belong to that party, for he thought
that the manner in which that question had been settled
was highly creditable to the moderation of the Govern-
ment, and had been the means of preserving pease be-
tween this country and France.
Mr. WILLIAMS complained that the speech made
no allusion whatever to the destitution of many classes
of the people, especially in the manufacturing districts,
where great distress and privationvvere still experienced.
This was a state of things this country should not en-
dure. It had been boasted that England was at peace
with the world—he was happy to hear it ; but it availed
little to the people of England if the expenditure was
not reduced.—(Hear, hear.) He trusted that some
Member of the Government would give an explanation
which would satisfy the people of England that this vast
expenditure was necessary ; nothing but dissatisfaction
prevailed on the subject.
Mr. S. CRAWFORD called the attention of the
House to the paragraph in her Majesty's speech relative
to the Landlord and Tenant Commission in Ireland,
and expressed a sincere and earnest wish t hat the Govern -
ment would introduce some measure founded upon it,
which would allay the discontent which, he regretted to
sayewas so deep and so universally prevalent in Ireland.
In fact, he never knew the state of unfortunate Ireland
to be so dreadful or alarming as at the present moment.
Murders and assassinations were going on, in particular
districts, to an immense extent, and it would be found
impossible to prevent the continuance of this lawless•vio-
lence unless some such regulations were established be-
tween landlord and tenant. On a former occasion he had
introduced a measure on this'subject, but, at the request
of the Right Hon. Baronet, withdrew it, and he regretted
that Right Hon. Gentleman had not himself propounded
some measure on the subject. He hoped the Right Hon.
Baronet would not allow the session to pass over with-
out introducing some measure in reference to this
matter. Some lien must be given to the tenant in the
land on which it was expected he would spend his
labour and his capital. The new poor-law must
be modified and reformed in many important particulars.
Great, and he must say just, discontent prevailed
throughout England from the injustice and oppression
of many of its provisions. The present system of poor-
laws took away the right which the labourer had to
demand subsistence or employment, and gave him but a
very inadequate and harsh remedy against actual desti-
tution. The loyalty of the people of England had been
lauded. He thought there was more justice in the
encomium than there ever had been, but if the Govern-
ment wished to keep them so, they must remodel and
mollify the present poor-law.
Mr. WALLACE was understood to say that by
agreeing to the address he did not pledge himself to
vote for the navy estimates.
Sir R. PEEL said, though the Hon. Gentleman had
voted for the address, he would be at perfect liberty to
take what course he thought proper on the estimates.
WAKLEY said he did not think a more popular
tax than the income-tax could be devised, but he
thought that if even the principle of the sliding
scale was sanctioned, it should be in this instance.
The principle of a sliding scale, if it could be at all con-
sidered applicable or equitable, should surely be allowed
between real property and that precarious description of
income derivable from professions and trades.—(Hear.)
The Right Hon. Baronet must know that the income-
tax in this respect was most unpopular. But the circum-
stance which would most operate on the public mind in
favour of this tax, and which could alone render it tole-
rable, was a reduction in the revenue. If that species
of taxation which interfered with trade and commerce
were removed—that taxation which was so injurious to
the labourer, by interfering with supply—the income-tax
would be borne without murmur or discontent. The
speech from the throne seemed to infer that no distress
prevailed among the people of this country; but he (Mr.
Wakley) entirely agreed with the Hon. Member for Co-
ventry-, that among the unskilled labourers great distress
prevailed. It was, in fact, impossible to present an ade-
quate picture of the sufferings of this class. lie hoped,
when the Right Hon. Baronet opposite (Sir J. Graham)
brought in a Bill with reference to the law of settlement,
a Committee would be appointed to inquire into the con-
dition of these people. The circumstances under which
they were living ought to be made manifest to the
House, for the majority of the House knew nothing of
the privations to which this mass were exposed. The
sufferings of the people under the present law of settle-
ment were indescribable. A labourer, for instance,
goes to a distance from his native place, marries,
rears a family and dies ; his wife makes application for
relief ; what is the answer to her application ? " We
will give you a loaf or two of bread, or a shilling or two,
but if you come again, we must give you an order for
reception into the house ; and when the time prescribed
by law elapses, we will pass you home." Where ? To
her husband's settlement—a hundred miles distant, and
which he left twenty years ago.—(Hear, hear.) She
knew nobody residing there—had no friend—no rela-
tive—had never seen one of her husband's relatives.
But the overseer replies : " All that may be, but I can't
help the state of the law."—(Hear, hear.) Sooner than
endure all this, she suffers all the misery of prolonged
starvation. It was impossible that the present poor-
law could much longer exist,—(Hear.) Ile would state
what came under his own immediate notice on Saturday
last. A poor man, a labourer, of good character, 26
years of age, died in the parish of (as we caught it)
Royston, in this county. Six months previously him-
selfh and his wife lived in Iver, in Buckinghamshire.
One or both became ill, and chargeable to that parish.
2/. 53. had been incurred for their maintenance during
three weeks, but just before the ape expired, fearing
they would be passed home to„their nativeplace,
of paupers, they tree
in the degraded condition
took
an apartment
veiled to Royston themselves, and
furnished, if furnished a room could be called, the whole
contents of which were not worth 2s. 6el. They were
carted to the overseers at Royston, and immediately
after that conveyed back to their lodging. The poor
man was out of work, his wife ill, and they were in a
state of the most miserable destitution. This man said,
We must go to the relieving officer, we must have
relief, or we shall die." See what occurred in conse-
quence of the size of the union.—(l-lear, hear.) The
woman, in extreme suffering, left home without money
or food, to go to the relieving officer at Hillingdon, five
miles distant, in the depth of winter.—(clear, hear.)
She described to•the relieving officer the state of desti-
tution to which the family was reduced. What • was
his answer?—and the man acted in conformity with
tho law—" Go to the doctor, and if he gives you an
order for relief you shall have it." She went to Dr.
Rayner, at Uxbridge, saw him, and returned home to
her husband between to elve and one o'clock in the
naornieg, without a single thing to afford relief or es-cu
hope.—(Hear, hear.) Neither money nor food, after
walking eleven miles. And in a few minutes after, in
catue the medical gentleman, who, he believed, saidthe

family were in want of food. What was she to do? She
had already walked eleven miles. She had to go five
miles further to the relieving officer, and then what did
she receive? Neither money nor goods, but an order
on a grocer in Royston for three shillings' worth of
goods. Thus this poor woman, worn down by sickness
and trouble, had to travel twenty-one miles for three
shillings' worth of food.--(Hear, hear.) Was such a
state of things to continue ? Could they wonder at
outrage and discontent whilst such a state of things
lasted? Could the nobility and gentry think their lives
and property secure whilst so grievous a law remained
on the statute-book—whilst such appalling destitution
pervaded the country? The Hon. Member then alluded
to the Otaheitan affair, which he thought had been
arranged in a manner honourable to the Governments
of France and England ; also to the question of slavery,
and highly approving of the appointment of Dr. Lush-
ington on behalf of England, to arrange with France
upon this most delicate question. Dr. Lushington had,
as the Hon. Mexiber observed, been all his life the con-
sistent, firm, and able opponent of slavery in all its forms.
Ile knew that many felt the right of search to be a ques-
tion which it would be as well to avoid, and he would
therefore do so in a great degree. But it must be con-
ceded that there c veld be nothing more annoying or ex-
citinc than for a boat to come alongside of a foreign
vessel, and to overhaul what might be going on on
board. lie was aetonislied considering how much that
right was persisted in, that it had not led to hostilities
between themselves and foreign countries. He did sin-
cerely hope that some m( ans would be adopted to get
rid of such an exciting, annoying, and apparently dan-
gerous practice. The remarks just made by his Hon.
Friend the Member fur Rochdale, had called to his mind•
what was going on in Ireland. It had been stated in
her Majesty's address that all classes of her Majesty's
subjects yielded a cheerful obedience to the law. With
regard to the grievances of Ireland, he hail no wish to
rake up old grievances. for he sincerely believed that the
Right Hon. Baronet himself was disposed to give justice
to that country, and he hoped his friends would let him.
—(Laughter.) Yes, he hoped that the beneficial inten-
tions of the Right Hon. Baronet would not be thwarted
by his supporters.—(Hear, hear.) It did seem some-
what strange to him that it should be stated in the ad-
dress, that things were going on in a satisfactory
way in Ireland. Why, he found that on a
very late day, a resolution was adopted at a
repeal meeting, expressing a total want of
confidence in that House, and their utter hopelessness of
any alleviation of their wrongs from it. The wording
of the resolution was this,—That, however desirable it
might be that a discussion should take place in the
House of Commons on the state of Ireland, that Associa-
tion, though fully aware of the wrongs under which
their country was suffering, would yet not recommend
that Irish Members should attend that House. He (Mr.
Wakley) agreed with those who passed that resolution,
that Ireland was most shamefully used, and he need
only refer to the trial which led to the imprisonment
of Mr. O'Connell. Why, the impression produced on
the minds of the people of England, by the circumstances
attending that trial was, that it was most unjustifiable,
and yet, before that time, Mr. O'Connell had created in
this country a feeling prejudicial to himself, engendered
and fostered by the coarse attacks upon the Government,
and his language, when speaking of the people of Eng-
land.—(Hear, hear.) But after the trial and before the
decision on the House of Lords, the universal impression
—and that had been confirmed by the decision of the
House of Lords—had been in that House, that the whole
was an unlawful procedure, and that with such an in-
dictment so framed, so drawn up, it was next to impos-
sible that the accused party could extract the knowledge
of what was charged against him. What was
the impression now ?—(Hear.) He could assure
the Right Honourable Baronet, from conversations
which he had held with many of the most respectable of
the middle classes, that the public mind of England was
in a feverish state with regard to their relative position
with Ireland, they looking on it rather as a source of
weakness than as a source of strength. The impression
prevailed that Ireland was a persecuted country, and
that it did not receive its due share of justice from the
English law. There were Irish Members there, and he
at the same time had no hesitation in saying that the
House had never seen any series of measures for the re-
lief of their country, which could be placed on the table
of their own Parliament, if they had one to-morrow on
College-green.—(Hear, hear.) He said, therefore, that
Irish Members had not been acting justly by that House,
and not wisely by themselves.—(llear, hear.) If they
would frame such measures as were demanded for the
welfare of Ireland, and submit them to the Imperial
Parliament, then, if that Parliament were to reject
them, he conscientiously believed that even the people of
England would demand repeal, because the love of jus-
tice was strong in the English mind. They desired to
see no portion of the empire in a state of
prosecution, and they regarded Irishmen as pro-
secuted persons, because their country was not
placed on an equal line, and because the measures of
justice were not meted out to them as to the people of
England. To relieve the Houss and himself from their
difficulties as regards Ireland, he (Mr. Wakley) would
conclude by expressing an earnest hope, that some one
of the Irish Members would frame such a measure as
he might deem best calculated to give relief to that
country; and then, indeed, if that Parliament rejected
it, the responsibility would rest upon their heads.
The report on the address was then brought up and
agreed to.
THE BOROUGH OF DARTMOUTH. .

A petition was presented from George Moffat against
he return of Mr. Somes for the borough of Dartmouth.

RICHMOND RAILWAY.

Mr. HAWES presented a petition in favour of the
Richmond Railway.

WEST YORK RAILWAY.

A petition was also presented by some Hon. Member.
whose name we did not get, in favour of the West York
Railway.
The House then adjourned at Eight o'clock.

BISHOP PHILLPOTTS AND THE
TAX GATHERER.
(From the Tiregern Times.)
Our right reverend and respected diocesan does not
like the palace provided for him by the State, and the
consequence is that he has been suffering that venerable
pile to fall into decay. Ile has removed from it, and
taken up his [occasional] abode in the Clarence Hotel,
although the 75th canon provides that no ecclesiastical
person shall board or lodge in any tavern or ale-house.
But he does not mind a canon or two when he's in the
vein.

Our Tight reverend friend appears to be opposed to
the window-tax, and having successfully resisted it be-
fore the Commissioners " below"—as will be seen by re-
ferenee to the following extract from the " Judges' cases"—
the collector appealed to the Judges, who decided that
lie must pay. :Bishop Phillpotts also tried to evade the
poor-rate on similar grounds to those which he took for
escaping the Queen's taxes. We do not retort upon him,
as he did upon the people who kicked against the offer-
tory, by saying that he is sordid and se.lAsh—but we do
think it shows a determination to take care of Number 1,
which will prove to his friends that he still enjoys the
full use of his mental faculties.
We wish that we could have seen the Bishop's name
in the list of subscriptions for the roor of Exeter this
winter.
At a meeting of the Commissioners of Assessed Taxes,
held at the Guildhall, Exeter, on the 12th day of Sep-
tember, 1844, to hear appeals against the first assess..
ments, 1844, the Bishop of Exeter appealed, by his agent,
against an assessment made upon him for the duty upon
70 windows in the Palace at Exeter, upon the ground of
its being unoccupied and unfurnished.
It appeared from evidence taken before the Commis-
sioners, and also upon a view that the Bishop and his
family left the Palace in September, 1842, without any
intention of returning ; that the principal part of the
furniture and effects have been removed to the Bishop's
present residence, at Bishopstow, near Torquay ; that
since September, 1842, the Palace has been unfit for
occupation by the Bishop, and when he has visited
Exeter he has transacted business either at the house of
his secretary or at the Clarence Hotel.
That some furniture is still left in the Palace ; the
drawing-room is entirely unfurnished. In the dining-
room are some portraits of former Bishops of
the See suspended from the walls, and in the
library about 200 volumes of books remaining on
the shelves, both the dining-room and library
are furnished sufficiently for use, but not so com-
pletely as when the Bishop resided at the Palace. There
are also some articles of furniture in the entrance-hall, $
stair-carpet, and some matting in the passage. There is
a bedstead and a bed and some articles of furniture in
the Bishop's late bed-room, and other bedsteads in other
bed•roorns, but no beds or other convenience for sleep-
ng ; and when the porter slept in the Palace, which he
did occasionally between September, 1842, and April,
1843, for the purpose of preventing depredation, he took
sheets, blankets, and pillows with him ; that no one of
the family has slept in the Palace since 1842 ;. and that
the porter ceased to sleep there on the 29th April, 1843.
Mr. Adshead, the surveyor, contended that the furni-
ture above-mentioned being still left in the Palace, it
could not be said to be wholly unfurnished, as required
7a3,but the Commissioners being of
opinion furniture now in the Palace is left there
by G Getoh.ftltV. the, c
for safe custody, and not for use; and that the Palace
in its present state is unfit for the occupation of the
Bishop and his family, relieved the appellant, with which
the surveyor is dissatisfied, requested a case for the
opinion of her Majesty's Judges, which we hereby state
and sign accordingly.
The Commissioners beg to refer to Case No. 1,813.
JOHN D. OSBORN, Chairman.
ROBERT TAYLOR,
CHARLES BRUTTON, Commissioners.
SAMUEL DAVIES,
4th December, 1844.—We are of opinion, that the de-
termination of the Commissioners is wrong.
W. H. MAPLE,
R. M. ROLFE,
C. CRESSWELL,
W. ERLE.
Although, therefore, the Bishop bath made the Palace
too cold to hold him, the Judges decide upon rating him
soundly.

THE PRICE or BRICKS.—Since the commencement
of the year, the price of bricks, at the kiln, has increased
almost thirty per cent. A few weeks ago they were at 365.
the thousand, and they are now nearly 465. the thousand.
The cause of this increase of price is attribated to the late
Building Act, in consequence of which double the quanittr
of bricks are now used in the construction of houses to what
was required before the passing of the Act.
WooLwicn, FEB. 3.—A detachment, consisting
of fifteen rank and file and one bugler, volunteers of the
Royal Sappers and Miners, stationed at Woolwich, marched,
headed by the brass band of the corps, this morning, to Mr.
Roll's wharf, and proceeded to Blackwall in one of the Wool-
wich steam-packets. The detachment will embark at the
East India Docks this afternoon, in the William Shand freight
fhip, for Hong-Kong, and she will be towed down the rivet
immediately, to sail for her destination.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

GLOBE.—A paragraph headed " New Royal E
change" appears simultaneously in the morning papers,
emanating apparently from the joint Gresham and cor-
poration-arbiters of accommodation to the merchants of
London—with whom most of these Committee-men have,
we believe, little or nothing in common—and who most
unwisely deputed none of their body to watch these Wise
Men of the East, while the building was planning in
which their comfort was mainly concerned, but
in which shopocrat influence, and civic camaraderies,
have been preferred to the claims of commerce. We
should scarcely have noticed this apology for the
Committee, except for the cool impertinence of its
close. The memorial to them was signed by
such names as Messrs. Rothschild, Messrs. Baring,
Messrs. Heath and Co., Messrs. Huth and Co., and
many others of the first-rate merchants and brokers of
the City of London. The reply closes in the following
style of impertinence :—" The impression in the City
seems to be, that our merchants have become more
tender and fastidious than their forefathers were, and
that though a covered Exchange might be agreeable at
this season, yet that in summer it would be quite intoler-
able." Pray who was the Royal Exchange built fur, if not
for the merchants ? Who have a right to be " fas-
tidious" about their own Hall of Commerce, if not the
merchants ? For whose central site did Parliament
suppose itself voting 150,0004 in order that where they
" most do congregate," they should have ample room,
and a fit area ? As a mere matter of measurement,
how have this Committee provided this area ? The
present interior looks smaller than the old ; and though
we believe it is not so, we believe also that it is no
larger ; and we know, at all events, that the Committee
had before them a plan of much more suitable
dimensions. 'We believe we are correct in stating the
dimensions of the present open area at 6,613 feet, and of
the whole area. including the covered walks, at 18,256
feet. The available effect of this space is besides dimi-
nished by the exceeding clumsiness of separating (as it
were) the walks from the court by heavy arches instead
of columns—(the ponderous masses of masonry at each
of the four corners defy description). Now, in Mr.
Cockerell's plan, the extent of the open area was
7,250 feet—of the whole area, including the covered
walks, 19,316. Throughout the proceedings on this
building, every conceivable secondary object has been 1
consulted—wily superseding the primary one. Thus a
prodigious deal has been made of the shops which are,
in tact, the leading feature of all its faces. And now
the Committee tell us of " the extensive uses of the area
of the Exchange as"— what do our readers sup-
pose ?—the first place of commercial assemblage in the
world ? Not a bit of it—laut "as a thoroughfare to all
the neighbouring streets, the Bank, the Stock Exchange,
and the other important public and private buildings of
the neighbourhood." This object also was less obtru-
sively, and therefore more properly, provided for, in Mr.
Cockerell's plan, byacavered arcade, apart from the mer-
chants' are. 'The present interior is all thoroughfare—vast
gaping arches make most effective breaches from each
of the " neighbouring streets" fur heaven's artillery to
sweep right across it. A due application of architectu-
ral skill would have combined suitable entrances with
suitable shelter ; and these, we repeat, as well as suit-
able dimensions, the Committee had placed before them;
and, for reasons best known to themselves, have erected
an Exchange, defective in all three.
STANDARD.—The requisition to propose a formal
condemnation of the tract No. 90, signed by nearly 500
members of Convocation was yesterday presented to the
Hebdomadal Board, when the Principal of Brazenose,
Doctor Harrington, and the Rector of Exeter,
Doctor Richards, sought to get rid of the pro-
position by a motion that it be taken into consi-
deration at six months' end. The discussion of the
amendment, which will probably find no supporters
but the two doctors named as its sponsors, was ad-
journed to this day. It may be remembered that, on a
former occasion, Doctors Harrington and Richards
addressed to us two sufficiently uncivil and impe-
rious letters, because we ventured to surmise that
they did not very much disapprove of the Tracta-
rian doctrines. Their present conduct, we think,
shows whether our intimation or their very flat con-
tradiction of it was nearest the truth ? But, per-
haps, they would be understood as having written
in a non-natural sense, when they denied their wish to
Protect doctrines which they are now practically pro-
tecting. This non-natural sense, by the way, is one of
the prettiest euphemisms of modern invention ; what a
treasure would it have been to Mr. O'Connell for the
last forty years ? —ing " afico for the phrase." Mr.
O'Connell was only speaking in the non-natural
sense, when he boasted the possession of a letter
from Mr. Patrick Eagan, of Moate, which letter was
never written ; and when he vouched Mr. David Mur-
phy, of Kilkenny, a gentleman, to whom the most pain-
ful heraldic researches can make no nearer approach than
as finding him brother to that Mrs. Harris, celebrated
in Mr. Dickens' " Martin Chuzzle wit." On these, and
ten thousand other occasions, Mr. O'Connell only spoke
in the non-natural sense, when people, the Examiner
among others, applied a very ugly name to his mode of
" postponing truth to the purpose of the moment."