The Sun.
London, England, 1828-11-05 00:00:00

SPIRIT OP THE LONDON JOURNALS.

Lord Bexley, it seems, has been doing his hpq to
break out of the limbo of obscurity, by the Putt.!:•
tion of a letter against the Pope of Rome, and the
Councils, and the Canons, and the thousand and

one religious errors and political transgressions o
the Papists. Considering what Lord Bexley's his-
tory has been, and by what sort of associations the

idea of him is accompanied—when, for some rpeeial

or religions purpose, one " remembers not to forget"
the existence of such a " grave," if no longer a

" potent" personage,—we really are induced to ask
his Lordship why he cannot let himself alone. He
is a Lord ;
---has a snug pension of some 3,0001. or
4,00 W. a-year; and—what anybody else but Lord
Bexley ►would, in Lord Bexley's circumstances, We's
his stars for—he has, ►with these appendages and il-
lustrations of the blindness of fortune fresh about
hin►, together, we hope, with some, at least, of the
more innocent enjoyments of animal life, achieved
i❑ safety, the summum bonum of- oblivion. Oh!
why, then, Lord Bexley, could you not let your-
self alone ? That this once-►wonderful mathematical
genius might have no mean confidence in his ow►s
• powers of demonstration, ►we can well imagine. The
man who could convince 600 representatives of
the most enlightened people on caul' that 15 .was
equal to 21, may be. pardoned for holding cheap
the national intelligence of England ; but no
prank that the Noble Lord ever attempted in the ►way
of mathematical or financial paradcr, ►was to be cons-
pared with Isis recent endeavour to found a persccu-.
tion of the Catholic laity of this day, on the doc-

trines of the fourth council of Lateran. If the yell
of " No Popery"..had any meaning, or any bearing
upon the question whether Catholics . who have
already the tight of making members, and thereby
governing many votes in Parliament, might not also,
with equal security to the. state, have the right of
voting as well as of telling others how to vote,—if
that " yell" had any honest • meaning, "thy
surely it would not have been confined to the
blockheads by whom only (with scarce one excep-
tion) it is uttered. Had the measure of emanci-
pation been of a nature ,to entail upon the empire
any risk from Popery, would not, and we entreat
an earnest attention to this list of great and cele-
brated men, the ornaments of their country, the
highest authorities of the last century and the pre-
sent, in all that concerutd the civil liberties of En„-
' land, with the interacts of her constitution " in
Church and State," would not Mr. Burke, the idol
of Tory statesmen, have sounded the war trump of
"No Popery?" Would not Mr. Wyndham, the
acute and high-minded ; or Mr.Wilberlorce' religious
and Protestant even to enthusiasm ; Mr. Fox,, the
devoted partisan of Whig principles and of freedo,3
in Church and State; Mr. Pitt, of his whole gene-
ration endowed with the loftiest and most masculine

spirit, no further a Tory of lciBS than that, by, the
chance-medley of times and circumstances, the
Whigs of 1788 opposed him--Mr. Pitt, the object
of clamorous and ostentatious worship by thm,e who
now convulse the spheres with this foul tempest of
" No Popery",—,would 113 r. Pitt not have joined Ow
cry ? Would he,not have thundered it in the ears.
of Europe, hail he dreamed that the cause of Po-
pery would have been favoured by Emancipation ?
Would Mr. Pitt, the pilot, the guardian, the tutelar
genius of " Church and State," have dwelt upon
Emancipation as one of the national benefits con-
nected with the Act of Union, and growing out of
it, and crowning ,and consummatiug that imnerial
measure, would he have recommended the tiniou
itself; as naturally leading to the relief of 11:1,
Catholics, and divesting Emancipation of any
dangers to be feared from it had Ireland
stood alone, if he entertained the least .apprehen-
sion that the " Church and State" of England
would have been impaired by this " natural con-
sequence" of the Union ? Would Mr. Pitt have sur-
rendered an office which was identified with

being, and dissolved a Ministry which was ahnost
incorporated with the State, because he eolild no/
carry the admission of the Catholic Lords and Gen-
tlemen to Parliament, had such admission been by
him regarded as any thing but beneficial to the Pro-
testant interests of the realm ? Again, we say, would
Lord Grenville—as sound a Statesman as ►►ny of

this age, arid as upright, as any former age coil
boast of,—would that virtuous and 'enlightened Mi-
nister have blinded his countrymen to the Popish
terrors of emancipation, had any such terrors existed?
Mr. Grattan—had civil freedom been menaci-', lry
Catholic emancipation, would Mr. Grattan, less the.
advocate of liberty than her hero—would he have
shrunk from denouncing the demon of Popely ? Of
Men of later growth—Lord Castlereagh—tlrewd
and penetrating—was consistent in his contempt
for " NO Popery," and we verily believe that ne
was in that case honest. Lord Grey—Lord Hat,

rowby, wise and conscientious, though but half
appreciated as a statesman—Lord Lansdowne, Lord
Plunkett, Lord Holland, Mr. Whitbread; and last,
the much-honoured and lamented Canning—thesa
wore, one and all, zealous friends of the grand mea-
sure of emancipation. Was ever such a eatalogue
presented to any people, of men so emirient—mets
so noble—the flower of their country—the litiat,
marks of their time—of parties opposite—of opi-
nions and principles independent and diversified—
Whigs, Tories, neutrals, English, frish,• old and
young, varying in sentiment upon all other gees,
tions, but agreed on this alone ?- Let, we say, tk;,,v
rational being of calm and sober intellect et4nsi.4er
but this one argument—this evidence of altthotity
No Popery ?"
ofhawlal
la
relftge
of
allegiance
!Enre
Europe
of
rr ifotitlh‘
he'
eoNsbleo,eo‘P oxpshet
rfopeeeorrtiylul;'7
from which in the British empire there is no appeai
—and ask himself ought he not to blush for listen-
ingnii.:stchoitieraavllietillhe extension. 4'f civil liberty,
to the frantic war-whoop of "
citellorfninet,tnipnielml ero‘rv:ae.
command
uddpwl
edeatrrisplemee against
perpetual
al
pro-
fessed the tenets of Catholicism, then would
every Catholic Sovereign, as well -as Protestant,
hold his crown from the Vatican. But it i::
madness to call this, a religious question, and it
is so designated for knavish ends by those
who mislead the lower classes of the Protestants.,
We have affirmed a hundred times, and we shalt
never cease to dwell upon it, that the present union
between the Catholic laity and their priesthood is a
forced and unnatural condition. The laity, on the
aevperieosfiserniresrlie)::itnlgt in_
:tic> :heir'. breviaries" ,:113 whit.
look-out for aglleienv:
struments, not their rulers. Receive the laity hut,
you apply a
alliance with the state, and they at once send Lack
re-
courseeet hov emernetevhnteeodr e;drihidseh them priests.to peasants I.lll'
study. But the -
seesth e sageod confessesti u ke
o
etsheiteheolfrriibniteo s
ttahti
es te—f Nirt'i:lii
remedy and, er are you
ulcer in the side 01,
Etieland, which eats inward
twsetaleshtlea, tnalloknsoterrthiilcpoolfikti-te,s.,
every hour towards hays
of Newcastle,
tNlnte
vitals ? None but Southey, the Poet-Laureate„ and
staiotil:tireedsottloov leave her thus—an • -
enacting the penal code against. the Catholics, Every
enlightened Englishman, and every honest Irishman
cannot be suffered to appal
tho world, as that
of a nation whose operative and governing, flame
is no Where in contact with its laws and institu-
tion-9, but acting independently of them, and even
,contemptuously towards them. Every man who
reflects but for a moment must be conscious
that the system cannot last, where there is
nothing but a parchment sovereignty on one
side—and on the other, a self-directed people,—.
Why, the so-much-laughed-at paper blockade
is not a whit more ludicrous than the paper union
between Ireland and this misteken country ; or than
the paper pageant, by way of government, which
pretends to rule over the Irish uatiou. Should it
come to blows,—(which God in his mercy avert
from us),--the bayonet, and the brave man who im-
pel,
it, will execute no doubt their dreadful duty
bat we repeat, that if Ireland is to form part of our
paitical community, it is not by insulting with shouts
of " No-Popery," a people, of whose religion the
Pope is the recognized head, bat by bearing with

,

them an equal share of subjectiou to equal laws, and
granting to them an equal share in the enjoyment of
common liberties.—Tim4l.
It is to be taken .for grailted, from the following
paragraph, we suppose, that the new federation of
Cumberland club-men have fixed their choice of a
President. Well does such a " Master" deserve
such subjects, and worthy are the subjects of the
hief. It would be matter of regret if his Royal
Highness should ever be disturbed in the enjoyment
of this fair sovereignty by his accession to any Other ;
for sure we are, that this alone is adapted to the ex-
ercise of those peculiar virtues in which he has no

ri val.
We are authorized to state that a communication has
been received tram his Royal Highness the Duke of Cum-
berland, that he has been graciously pleased to accept the
office of Grand Master of the Loyal Orange Institution.
For the notification of this and other matters connected
with the Association, a General Meeting is to be held in
Dublin on the sth of November, on which day the Mem-
bers of the Grand Lodge dine together."--Dublin Even-
ing Mail.—lbid.

Mr. Sheil's speech on Monday evening was dis-
tinguished by the energy with which he repelled the
double stigma from his brethren, that they were
hostile to England, and subservient to their priests.
—The Irish Catholics bring no charge against the
people of this 'country generally, but that of permit-
tidig the Irish Ascendancy to oppress there. Their
amhition is to stand by. the side of England, but not
to be trampled by her provincial dependents.—
There is, nevertheless, another topic, with regard
to which we have to complain of Mr. Sheil. When
he alluded to the monstrous absurdity of withhold-
ing freedom from seven millions of men, because
some dozen or two of a whole nation are fools
enough to mingle threats with their cry for a redreis
of grievant es, the learned gentleman affirmed of
England ar iarge, that she was " bullied" by Russia,
by France, by Miguel, by all the world, from whom
she had silt-cored wrong;, but that Ireland only, upon
whom she had inflicted wrong, must not dare to
b illy her into an est of justice. This contrast, as
affecting the people of England, is anything but
correct. It is not the nation which has pocketted
the affronts of foreign powers, it is not the nation
which exhibits any spirit of preference for foreign
dellotisna, over the joint rights of liberty and hu-
manity. With regard to the power of the priest-
hood over the Catholic community, we shall only
say, that noblemen and gentlemen who assert their
rights as British subjects with such determined and
enlightened eagerness, are the last class of persons,
no matter what their faith, from whom, in spite of
reason and experience, we ought to anticipate a su-
perstitious prostration to the clergy. It is our fixed
belief, that the grant of Emancipation will lee fol-
lowed by a visible falling off of the Catholic luity
from its political (or rather politic) alliance with the
church.— Ibid.

Now that the alarm with regard to the prepon-
derance of Russia has given place to too low an idea
of the resources of that country, the voice of sober
inquiry has some chance of a hearing. We noticed
at the time of its appearance, the publication of Col.
De Lacy Evans, and endeavoured to show that the
alarm of its author was as groundless as the measures
which he recommended were unnecessary. To
those who may entertain any doubts oa this subject,
we can recommend a pamphlet which has just ap-
peared, under the tide of " A Few Words on our
Relations with Russia," Bsc., which amply makes up
in the dearness of its statements and cogency of its
reasoning, fur its deficiency in point of bulk (52
pages). The author assumea that Mr. Canning
was insincere in its pretexts with regard to Greece.
" If (he observes) the sympathy professed for the
Greeks had been real, they would hardly have been
left for so long a time exposed to the ferocity of the
Turks and Egyptians, who, by butchering or by
starving, had already cut off the better half of the
population. The suppression of piracy in the
Levant might have been compassed, as in any
other sea, by sending a number, not of line-of-battle
ships and frigates, but of armed brigs, cutters,
and steam-boats, to keep the main passage clear
from the pirate vessels; and by refusing to either
of the flags of the contending parties the right of
search, which had given occasion to so many cap-
turel." He considers that his real object was to
hinder Russia from meddling with Greek affairs, if
possible; and when that should not be possible, to
make a merit of co-operating with her. He cou-
.siders, too, that he did not fully contemplate the
consequence of hie owe measure, and was not pre-
pared for the alternative of using force to compel the
Turks to accede to the pacification of Greece. But
Aough he did not expect a collision like that of
Naearin, be would afterwards have displayed more
tact then the present Administration has displayed.
The present Ministry, he thinks, are about to com-
mit the country to a most unwise line of policy.
efe alludes to the declaration of Lord Aberdeen, en
the Pith July last, that, " in his opinion, the exist-
ence of Turkey as an independent Power, as a
Power f weight and considerable influence in the
stairs of Europe, was essential to the preservation
of that balance whiell it bad always been the policy
of this country to.preserve ;" and observes, truly,
that i, is impossible to conceive that the Russians have
any other otos. in view than permanent conquests
hm otlieTur -4, for why, otherwise, should they have
engagedin the contest ? " To prove that the protection
el 'the Servians is licit a sufficient motive, is not
NvAfill the trouble of permit% a sentence. - The
irlaitu to the free navigation of the Dardanelles,
although important to the Russian trade in the
33laek Sea, w,onld,alone have hardly brought on a
war which must g44en a greater expenditure than
the extension of their 'trial
would compensate to
their revenue in half a century; and that question
;night have been permitted to train on unsettled,
and so far in favour of Bessie as it had been ever
ajnee the Treaty of Akefmen,
gait of the stipulatior
_s Anotherofthe' This alleged disre-
rrea
of f
the Akermann,
Treaty
O„ the pare pf the Turks,
sto But material
riots • ia the
uneetstiatin
elxpuurieseit may be.
sions relating to the
d.oebted h 4 n!l. 4 • 'l' k •
in the Hatti Seherife,
Treaty of Akermann ull • bea • out
Iby the "ewe/ y
which were resentet
t he constructio which the -.l'.l)airtill'evsto:oll))tilet
wt e
them. But allowing that they do,
contend it would have been ;Difficult top bring back,
the Turks, by mere rernOrWreiteep to any terms
which they had once admitted, if they had
.nionet
in fact, disavowed the imputed meaning 0,,
the
Hatti Scheriff. Add to which, that the
to
at
to
of Akermaan itself relates principally
two objects above cited as insufficient to pie-
cipitite l.ostilities. The Russiahe profess to
expect to 'op reimbursed for all the expenses of
OM war of the defeated Turks. But a sum of such
magnitude they must know that the Turks, Hat any
time, could not pos,ibly.pay at. the close of an ex-
hausting struggle. They must, therefore, intend to
demand securities for the fulfilment of the conditions
of peace which they prescribe. But what securities
will be so good as garrisons in the principal fortresses
of European Turkey as far as the Baikal], and espea
daily on the litre of the Danube? , .. , •
It would be quite in accordance with their policy,
the usual policy of military,Governments, to occupy
these provinces tinder one pretext or another until
occasion serves to annex them to the Empire,
as
pio • tected or incorporated States, like the Kingdom
of Poland. Then would come the time for assuming
such a military attitude towards the remainder of the
'Turkish Dominions as would threaten their indepen-
dent existence on this side the Straits; and, at all
events, annihilate their importance in the political
chart of Europe." The author here takes the bull
fairly by the horns. Russia evidently intends what
you say you will oppose. But why should you op.
pose Russia? And can you prevent her from
giving effect to her designs? Here the author evi.
dently displays a more than ordinary knowledge o'
the state and resources of Russia, and very fairl)
balances the amount of advantages arid disadvantages
which would result to ourselves from hostilities with
that Power. " I should not be averse to a war with
the Russians (he observes) from fear of its issue ;
for I am well aware that we could distress

them more than they could distress us, We might
excite the Persians to break in again upon their
Georgian frontier. We might support their enemies
on the Bosphorus, and act against the line of their
communications by Sea. We could make a still
more severe impression upon them, by choking the
principal channels of their foreign trade, by blockad-
ing at once Petersburgh, Riga, and Archangel in
the north ; and Odessa and Taganrsig, and the en-
trance to the Sea of Azoph, in the south. Thus we
shorald pretty certainly check their advance on Con-
stantinople, and throw them back on the Danube.
'rime contest in Turkey would be prolonged, while,
by the stoppage of their foreign trade, their means
of meeting their war expenditure would be dimi-
nished. Thus in the end we should probably com-
pel them, by mere exhaustion, to submit to terms."
We should have hesitated to admit this position be-
fore the experianee of the last campaign; but we
are now inclined to believe that this country could,
if so disposed, really compel Russia to submit to
terms. But before proceeding to such an extremity,
it would be well to anticipate the consequences to
ourselves. When we know the consequences, we
may then ask why they should be hazarded. More than
one-half of the foreign trade of Russia is also our
own, so that in operating against Russia, we ope-
rate against ourselves. The value of our imports
amounts to neatly one-twelfth of our total imports;
but, observes our author, " the official value gives
only a vague proportion. The true value of four
articles alone of our imports from Russia, calculated
upon the actual. quantities given in the Custom-
house returns, amounted last year to upwards of
3,500,000/., exclusive of freight, and all charges
on this side. Every tyro in political economy
knows, that the value of the imports from any coun-
try must be approximately balanced by the value of
the exports to that; or to some third country. . . ,
To many persons the importance of our intercourse
with Russia may be more clearly exemplified by the
extent of employment which it gives to British ship-
ping. In the trade with the four great Russian
ports, Petersburgh, Archangel, Riga, and Odessa,
alone, are employed about 1,900 British vessels; or,
in round numbers, about 323,000 teams, taking tile
average burthen of such ships at 170 tons."—
The author then proceeds to combat the posi-
tion of Lord Aberdeen, that we are called upon,
front a regard to cetr interests, to maintain
the integrity of Turkey. He maintains that itt
the case-, of Russia, considered relatively to the
other nations of Europe, arty armament for the
maintenance of the balance of power would be un-
justifiable. In the first place he observes, that be-
fore a third party can interfere with effect when a
nation has been invaded by a more powerful neigh-
bour, the grievance of conquest must be already
deeply felt, and have excited as general enthusiasm to
redress it. lie spews, fromja review of the History
of Europe, that all combinations to prevent conquest
Lave failed. Charles the Fifth roused a general re-
sistance, against which he failed. Louis the Four-
teenth was successful, till national resistance drove
him back to his ancient limits. Charles the Twelfth
foiled his enemies while they were aggressors, but
repeated defeats forced the Russians to second the
genius of their Chief. Tile Viola") foiled time coali-
tion armies, but were defeated when the nations of
Europe Were wrung by the yoke of Buonaparte.
" So (says our author) in the event of the Russians
subjecting' the provinces of Northern Turkey to their
dominion, the moment of their making the acquisi-
tion when the mass of the inhabitants—Walachians,
Bulgarians, and GrAks look upon them as de-
liverers—is not the moment for attempting to wrest
it from them. Wait rather for the time when Rus-
sian administration, enforcing more of order, and pro-
tecting property better than the senseless rapacity of
an Oriental' Court, shall have* left some scope to in-
dustry, permitted some accumulation of wealth, and
some springing up of public intelligence; in short, given
some social consistence to the poor, divided, semi-
barbarous nations who inhabit those countries. They
will be apt to gain ihose means of power, civil and
military, which their new masters will have brought
among them ; but they will not be the less careful
of national distinctions. Trust the ruling powers of
a sovereign country for sacrificing the interests of
their vassal dominions to their own—trust the inso-
lence of its official agents for wounding the pride of
die provincials ; they will take care that the con-
quered people shall nut cease to entertain the feeling
of separate existence, and to nourish the hope of in-
dependence. Difference of language alone will be
a sufficient dissolvent when political necessity ceases
to act as a cement between the old territories of
Russia and -its new acquisitions. These causes may
be of slow, but they are of certain operation, and
they mire at work among all the conquered nations
which surround Russia Proper." Allowing the
Russians to be so successful as even to obtain pos-
session of Constantinople,
." this extension of Rus-
sian dominion (he contends) would not, for time bet-
ter part of a century at least, add anything to
its power of aggression, and might very con-
siderably weaken it, by lengthening its line of de-
fence." To levy taxes from these provinces is
out of the question, so that they would only have
pushed their frontier farther than their resources.
But granting additional power to be commensurate
with extension of territory, time Powers of the West
of Europe have increased iu a inure than equal pro-
portion in resources. The author then examines the
state of France, Prussia, Austria, and Great Britain,
and ridicules' the idea of there being any thing to
apprehend from Russia. What the author states
with regard to the Russian army is well deserving of
attention. No reliance, he observes, is to be placed
on the numbers at which they are rated. "It is
notoriously the system in Ruisia to give the officers
very small nominal pay, but at the same time to leave
very much in their heads, the pay, clothing, victual-
ling, the purchasing of horses, forage, &c., and the
cantonment of time troops under their command.
While from these branches of expenditure they
possess facilities for improving
.their appoint-
ments, they are almost compelled to take ad-
vantage of them to support the style in which
they are expected to appear. Colonels, therefore,
making returns to head-quarters may well be sup-
posed to state as high as they can time nominal
numbers in their regiments, and to make the real
numbers as small as will suffice to keep up appear-
ances, in order that they may receive allowances
according to the former, and disburse according to
the latter, appropriating to themselves the differ-
ence." He fixes the effective strength of the Rus-
sian army, exclusive of irregular troops; under
400,000 men. " Until the present war the Russians
never moved an army across their frontiers much
exceeding 100,000 men, seldom one equalling that
number; and now (says our author) that they have
marched 140,000 to 150,000 men into Turkey, the
Emperor has been obliged to decree.: a levy of
new recruits; a circumstance -which Col.
Evans considers indicative of their immense re-
but which I regard as a sign of the previous
deficitumcei' of their embodied force, and of the effort
which this: contest costs them..
The author briefly
sc
Pointing out the
examination of the possibility of an
greatstir v eyoslltshtlew
les moralin ftohrecewoaif Russia,fits advance, and con-
eludes with a
0
The force of any one. Presidency
o
invasion of India,
would be more than a Match for the utmost
strength which Russia
could carry
be bearing on their own
into India ;
supplies, and receiving constan
and while our troops would
t reinforcements,
We
Russians would be weakened us they advanced. e
recommend this able pamphlet confidently to.
ti
who wish to consider the question of a Rus.stafti
tn}:aerr
coolly and dispassionately, We have only tr
the
truth observe, that we are thoroughly satisfied of _
truth of a position advanced by the author, that
" any one of the great Powers of Europe (putting
out of time question their auxiliaries) could, on the
occasion of any thream. fromm. Russia, r.me:.:e in defence
quite as large an army as the latter could put in mo-
tion in attack." We are also satisfied that time
operations of Russia in the East, while they ate not
calculated to inspire the West with alarm, will be- of
great bent-fit to the world. If out .Ministers from
thy abetircl notions of nutintainieg Turkish interest,
expend our resources in opposing the execution of

tere."

the designs of Russia, their conduct will he deserv-
ing of the utmost reprobation. We have never
joined the band of arraigners of Ministers, on account
f their pacific policy; neither will
we
porting them, when we think them
cojuoliprirlis,uinb-g
Chron,
the real interests of the nation.—Morning

The good effects of the demolition of the little
absolute Juntacalled the " Select Vestry," in the
parish of St. Paul, Covent garden, begin to he al-
ready apparent. The snug jobs—the pleasant revels
—the law charges—the tavern-bills—and all the
other " select" contrivances to keep going the eter-
nal machinery of taxation, are in the way of an ex-
posure that must have very salutary consequences.
The proceedings at Bow-street, on Saturday, show
that parish accounts partake very much of the " libe-
rality" of the age. They are upon a scale of ex-
penditure that becomes the comprehensive notions
of Select Committees of " Ways and Means."
The vulgar attribute of economy cannot embarrass
the financial operations of parish statesmen where
they have no account to render'to any but themselves.
There is no doubt that now the self-auditing trea-
sury of St. Paul's, Covent-garden, is overthrown,
the System of finance in that parish will not be upon
so magnificent a scale as formerly. It is very pro-
' bable that what jobbers of genius call a paltry
economy will step in, and vulgarize the ac-
counts so as not to leave them worth the finger•
ing of any financiers of genteel accomplish-
ments. lodeed, the beginning •of this process
was evideat on Saturday, when Mr- Corder, the
new Vestry Clerk, objected, among other things, tp
a charge of ISt. for the annual visit by the overseers,
churchwardens, and others, to the pauper children aI
Norwood ; in which was included W. for a dinner,
and 31. ISt. fdr coach hire. To object to such a
charge was considered unreasonable by Mr. Halls,
the Magistrate, who very pithily observed to Mr.
Corder, " These gentlemen were calPd from their
homes—and they are not to be expected to wear
out their "shoe leather in a walk to Norwood ;" to
which Mr. Minshull rejoined, " I thirk they might
have come home to dinner." But, 'if they had to
come home to dinner, twelve persons would not have
gone where six were the most that could possibly
be necessary—namely the majority of the overseers
and churAwardens; with the clergyman and a
doctor. It appeared also that a lunch was charged,
and 'that the party, who did not, like the twelve
Apostles, " carry no scrip," rode afterwards rill
the way over to Greenwich to dine, it being
probable that there was_ no, white-bait to be had at
Norwood.. Mr. Halls,lrowever, saw no objection to
those twelve persons making a party of pleasure,
and dining at the expence of the poor, for it is out
of the poor-rate those things must be paid, if paid at
all ; and the worthy Magistrate gave a reason why
the charges ought' to be allowed, which was cer-
tainly novel, if not convincing. He shrewdly ob-
served, " you must show the charges are unrea-
sonsbk ; I see no item for rose-water or sauterne

But we can tell Mr. linll3 that the charge

for the dinner is altogether an illegal one—there-is
no law authotising the overseers to make it;. on the
contrary, it renders them legally responsible for a
misapplication of the poor-rates, if paid out of that
fund. We are not at ell surprised at the irritable
feelings displayed on this occasion by Mr. Roche,
late vestry-clerk and 'acting solicitor, who had law
charges to the parish of 1081. beyond his salary,
which law charges Mr. Corder stated were for the
performance of duties which be was bound to exe-
cute for his salary while vestry clerk ! He stated
that Mr. Corder was unfit for his office, and we
have no doubt that every jobber in the parish agrees
with hiert.—Morning Herold.
After the full and accurate report which we gave
of the speeches and proceedings at the public dinner
on Monday last, it appears to us almost superfluous
to add any thing in the shape of comment. We
cannot refrain, however, from thinking that the
country is now pretty well satiated, both of Bruns-
wick and of Catholic Meetings, and more disposed
than ever to leave the adjustment of the gteat
question in dispute to the prudence and loyalty •of
the Government. Both parties have, in fact, made
a considerable approximation to each other on 'va-
rious points during the last few months; and though
neither, we fear, would have the candour to confess
a charge, any third party not siding directly with
either, and having a fair settlement 'of the grievances
of Ireland only in view, would, in all probability;
succeed,—not in satisfying both, but in thinning
their ranks to such an extent, as to render opposi-
tion trifling and contemptible. That the Go-
vernment has some plan under consideration for the
accomplishment of the peace of Ireland, there can-
not be the slightest doubt. We know, indeed, that
such a plan has, in all its main features, the approba-
tion of the Once dissentient' materials of which the
present Administration is made up—a plan, coms
hining'the most perfect security to Protestant As-
cendancy in Church find State, with as much par-
ticipation in the civil rights of British subjects as
ought to satisfy 'the Catholics—We say ought, for
although it would not perhaps be difficult to deal
with the poor half-starved people of Ireland, it is
extremely difficult to know what would satisfy
either the priests or the agitators. The former
long, there can be no doubt, for the temporalities
of the Church of Ireland, and hope to attain them
through' the ambition of the Aristocracy, and the
influence which they possess over the minds of an
ignorant and degraded population, deeply alive to
the manifold'injuries which hare been heaped upon
it, and ready to embrace' any project whieh held
forth a prospect of mitigating them. The latter are
anxious. to resume their stations as Members of the
Legislature of their country, and for that boon would
undoubtedly sacrifice much; *they have committed
themselves both with the priests and with the forty
shilling freeholders, and these combined form such
an obstacle to their acceptance of the terms which
the Government means to propose, that it will re-
quire no ordinary sagacity' and firmness to bring it
about. Of firmnesS,however, the Duke of Wellington
possesses enough, and, some people think, more than
enough. Our hope is that it may be successful in
achieving the object which he has iu view, and that
another year may witness every part of the British
Empire as united in feeling as it is in interest. Then,
indeed, may we laugh at the designs of Russia—re-
sume, without even a threat, the prOud station which
we once oceupied smoltg the nations of Europe, and
witness the 're-establishment of tranquillity in Ire-
land, and the growth of industry and commerce
where misery and squalid poyerty only have as yet
been exhibited ; birt let us add, neither of these
objects can be obtained without the .exereise of the
greatest firmness on the part of the Government,
and a determination to sink all minor differences of
opinion for the attainment of the one great object.—
Morning Advertiser.