The Sun.
London, England, 1844-10-09 00:00:00

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LONDON, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 9, 1844.

The spirit which prevails in the Opposition journals
of France at the present moment create alarm and
horror throughout the continent of Europe. No
vvent of a peaceful character pleases the writers in
these mischievous publications. They have little
regard for the interests of the human rice; they set
at defiance even the welfare, the happiness, and the
security of their own countrymen. While under the
reign of Louts PHILIPPE, France has increased in
power more than she did at any former period of the
same extent, while her commerce is more than three
times greater than it was under NAPOLEON, and the
best of the population, who in the days of glory were
?marched off as prisoners to kill Germans and
Russians, are now employed in the arts of peace, the
madmen who conduct the Republican and Carlist
press would return to the old system of
revolution and ' conquest, and throw the world into
commotion, with the vain hope of destroying the
ORLEANS dynasty, and taking vengeance on the Eng-
Everything English annoys this wild party—
English horses, English dogs, Englishmen, and Eng-
lishwomen, nay, the Sovereign of ENGLAND, are their
abomination. They are like men without reason, and
would rush to destruction blindfold. The friendly
visit of their SOVEREIGN to the Court at Windsor
Castle excites the most bitter and savage exclamations.
Now, we ask them, presuming they are honest men
and gallant Frenchmen, " Could Louts PHILIPPE
have done less ? " The Queen of ENGLAND, disre-
garding all the usual etiquette of crowned heads,
threw herself into the arms of France. She
paid the highest compliment to the nation,
trusting, of course, to their well-known honour
and gallantry, landed on their shores without
protection, and was received by all classes with the
most unbounded enthusiasm. Would M. LITERS
wish his country, so celebrated throughout Europe
for civilisation, and, above all, for the highest degree
of politeness, refuse to return the compliment to a
young female, and degrade " Young France" by an
absolute act of rudeness? Would he make his SOVE-
.REIGN a prisoner--a prisoner, too, in a country which
M. TILLERS regards as a land of liberty and a model
for ell nations—would he prevent his SOVEREIGN
from molintaining the old, the hospitable, and polite
.character of the people, and compel him to forego his
.own ardent wish to maintain the chivalry of France ?
Is the bloody spirit of the Revolution returned ?
Are all the common decencies of life, all the proud

acquirements of civilised society, all the experience
obtained by long, and fatal, and horrible wars, to be
cast to the winds for the purpose of keeping! up
eternal hostility to a near neighbour ? Such is the
doctrine of this sage legislator and his colleagues.
Would it not be well, however, for these warlike men
to ask them,4elves seriously what they expect to gain
by inciting France against England ? Can they de-
stroy our commerce or our colonies—can they destroy
the English navy or capture the island ? Can they
invade Hindostan or blockade the Indus—have they
the slightest chance of coming off better now than
when NAPOLEON was Emperor ? But we fear it is
needless to ask them questions, or reason
with them. Their great object is war
at any price, and if by the mysterious decrees of PRO-
VIDENCE their wishes were granted, France would Toe
reduced to the same condition in which it was in
1815, and every nation in Europe would probably be
an equal sufferer. It is the duty, therefore, of all
mankind to hold up these firebrands as the greatest ob-
stacles to civilisation and public liberty, to put them
"out of the pale of society, and denounce them as the
enemies of the human race. LOUIS PHILIPPE know:,
them well. He has set them at defiance. Notwith-
standing their malicious remonstrances, he has fol-
lowed out the bent of his own inclination ; fulfilled
the wishes of the great body of the French people;
crossed the Channel for the first time a French Sove-
reign ever crossed it in peace ; has been welcomed at
Portsmouth, and every place on his passage, with the
most enthusiastic acclamations; and is now enjoying
at Windsor the hospitality of a nation which N.
TRIERS and his clique still regard as the natural
enemy of France.

The election of Dr. Srstoas to the office of Vice-
Chancellor of the University of Oxford must be ad-
mitted, even by the Puseyites themselves, to be " a
heavy blow and great discouragement"—as Lord
MELBOURNE would phrase it—to those intolerant High-
Church doctrines which they profess to have so much
at heart. If Puseyism was anywhere strong—if any-
where it exerted a moral influence, which was gene-
rally supposed to be on the increase, and which
influence, as many reflecting individuals imagined,
was likely to be attended with untoward con-
sequences to the cause of simple, unpretending
piety, it was in Oxford that its chief strength lay.
Here it was first broached—here its infancy was
nurtured with the most assiduous care—here its
progress was watched with the most anxious soli-
citude—here it was advocated with the most subtle
skill, and clung to with the most desperate tenacity.
It is not two years since the rapid spread of this

schism among the graduates, and not a few of the
higher authorities of the University, struck terror to

the hearts of what is called the Low-Church party,
and induced them to endeavour to soothe by com-
promise what they feared they could not put down
by open opposition. Most of our readers, no doubt,
remember the trimming, jesuitical Charge of the
Bishop of LONDON, wherein this discreet prelate.—
whose highest ambition seems to be to stand
well with all religious parties—strove to steer a
middle course between Puseyism on the one hand
tnd Evangelism on the other, and to coax, wheedle,
tnd give an apparent support to both, without abso-

lutely committing himself with either. This Charge
was, of course, delivered by the ghostly London under
an impression that High-Church would, ere long, be-
2ome too dangerous an antagonist to be treated with

iilent, supercilious indifference ; and, indeed, circum-
stances seemed at the time to favour the Bishop's
prudent view of the matter, for in all quarters we
heard of the spread of Puseyism, and of the wonderful
revolution it was noiselessly working in the senti-
ments of the provincial clergy. Such was tie case
but two or three years ago; but now, " how are the
mighty fallen !"—How are the prospects of the
Puseyites " fallen into the sear, the yellow leaf!"

Not only have these fanatical sticklers for the mere
external ceremonies of religion lost much of their
influence generally in the provinces, among the cle-
rical fraternity, but they have been defeated at head-
quarters—in the very birth-place of their heresy
—in antiquated, High-Church, Laud-reverencing
Oxford! This, indeed, is a stunning blow, and one
from which we can scarcely venture to predict that
they will ever fully recover. Justly remarks
the Herald on this subject :—" If the attempt .to
oppose the election of Doctor SrmoNs be an un-
wise one on the part of its promoters, it has proved a
happy and glorious event for the University. So
heavy a blow has never yet been given to Tracta-
rianism. The power arrayed on the aide of truth,
4nd order, and peace was overwhelming. The result
must be most salutary as it respects the future well-

being of the University." Though we are by no
means prepared to deny that the Puseyites have done
some good—though not exactly of the character
which they intended—by putting the antagonist party
in the Church on its mettle, and compelling it to be
more active and diligent in its ministrations than it
would otherwise have been ; yet we quite agree with
our Contemporary that the defeat of these
zealous sticklers for the mere showy cere-
monial observances of the Establishment—in
the rigid maintenance of which they seem
to think that the essence of true religion consists—

cannot be otherwise than beneficial to the best inte-
rests of the University. For what else is Puseyism,
but a thing made up of forms and ceremonies—which
appeals to the exciteable fancy, while it fails to con-
vince the understanding or touch the heart—which
is arrogant to a degree in its pretension—which in-
ists on the blindest and most obsequious submission
on the part of its disciples—which is strenuously op-
posed to everything like rational freedom of thought
or inquiry—and which, could it have its own
way unchecked, would bring us back to the same inglo-
rious, slavish state in which we were under the domi-
nation of Popery, ere the spirit of enlightened Inde-
pendence, impersonated by LUTHER, came forth to
rescue us from our abject bondage, and raise us in
the scale of thinking and religious beings P

Madrid journals of the Ist inst. have been received,
but they bring little intelligence of importance,
though abundance of rumours. One of them is that
the Government had some coup d'etat in contempla-
tion, and that it would probably take place about the
12th. Another is that MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA had
quarrelled with his colleagues, and was about to re-
tire from the Cabinet. This, however, is denied by
the Ministerial journals. General NARVAEZ is en-
gaged in making reforms and retrenchments in the
army, and is about to dispense with the military in-
spections, which will produce a considerable saving.
Madrid Bourse on the Ist.—Three per Cents.,
for cash, 27k. ; for account, 27f ; Five per Cents., for
account, 20i ; Floating Debt, 66k at 60 days.

The act of indemnity to certain political prisoners
granted by Louis PmLaps before leaving Eu, is ad-
verted to by all the Paris journals. Those of the
Opposition, as a matter of course, are generally dis-
satisfied with it for no other reason than we can see,
but because the act does honour to the KING, and
will render him more popular. Some of them in fact
say, it is not an act of mercy, but necessity. This
is the language of the Courrier Francais—" The
courage of the Ministry has all oozed out ; it trem-
bles in presence of its errors, and capitulates with
popularity. The Ordonnance of the Chateau d'Eu is
not a work of mercy and clemency—it is a calcula-
tion. The measure of humiliation and error was full, I

it was necessary to give satisfaction to outraged opi-
nion, and therefore a shadow of amnesty has been
thrown over it. The derisory amnesty so long and
so vainly looked for, and now so unexpected, is only
the redemption of the shame of Otaheite, the treaty
with Morocco, and the visit to England. It is the
ransom of the Ministry with the Chambers. M.
Gurzor thought he would effect a master stroke in
giving liberty to a few captives. The right of grace
has paid for a Ministerial combination, and the royal
clemency itself, exercised with a selfish object, has
lost its grandeur in losing its spontaneousness. It
was reserved for M. Guizor to compromise the mercy
of royalty as well as the dignity of France.'
The Presse, however, forms an exception. "Among the
number of persons for political offences," says that
journal, " to whom the remainder of their punish-
ment is remitted, is comprised the late editor of the
Journal du People, M. DUPOTUY, who was condemned
in the month of December, 1841, by the Court of
Peers, to imprisonment for five years for the crime of
moral complicity' in the affair of QUENISSET, who,
it may be recollected, fired a pistol at the late Duke
of ORLEANS. Whatever may have been the idea which
inspired this act of royal clemency, whether it was
to celebrate the late warlike deeds of our army and

our navy, or for what other motive, this act has not
the less our full and heartfelt approbation. Our
praise shall be unrestricted ; we will not even express
our regret that this amnesty has not opened the gates
of Ham at the same time as those of Mont St. Michel;
but we may express a wish that a fresh opportunity at
no remote period will present itself, in order that the
royal clemency may be completed."

- -
The Journal des Debuts, in commending the po-
licy of the Government, makes a brief but pithy re-
mark on the mischievous disposition of the Republi-
cans. and Legitimatists, and justly asserts that France
is depreciated and humbled only by her own Opposi-
'don journals :
It was to evince his satisfaction at the late events on
the coast of Africa that the King was induced to exer-
cise the most gratifying—the most precious of his pre-
rogatives—and add a fresh flower to that coronet of
mercy and generosity, which shines upon his brow with
greater lustre than the royal diadem. The King could
not do greater honour to the brilliant successes of the
arms of France than by an act of clemency, the best re-
ward his Majesty could bestow upon the young Prince,
who, on the coast of Africa, has maintained the glory of
his country and the honour of his name. This act of
grace has in itself an eloquence which we will not weaken
by words. We must, however, declare that the Ministry
of Oct. 29 has every right to share in its merit. It has
given a noble answer to all the calumnies of which it has
been the object since it was called to the task of restoring
peace abroad, and order and security at home. How many
times has it been said that its policy was a policy of conces-
sion without, and of repression within the kingdom I
Now the world may judge of the real value of these ac-
cusations. Never, whatever has been said, whatever may
be said hereafter—never has France been-more respected
abroad than she is at the present day. It is sad to say,
but she is depreciated nowhere but in her own Opposi-
tion journals, and if she could be humiliated, it would
be only by those who assume a monopoly of patriotism
and national feeling. At home order and security are
established—the laws are respected—public prosperity
has resumed its course—and this Ministry, which has
been reproached with keeping up a permanent irritation
in the heart of the country presents for signature to the
King a special act of pardon and conciliation. We
will not say more. The victories of Isly, Tangiers, and
Mogadore, associated with the maintenance of the peace
of Europe, sufficiently justify the external policy of the
Government ; the-act of amnesty which has just been
signed by the King is a still more striking proof of the
success of its home policy."

The National thus deplores the visit of the KING
to England, regarding every act of politeness shown
to him by Englishmea as only proofs of the humili-
ation of France :

" We have already demonstrated by what a succession
of deplorable acts a friendly reception was prepared for
the King of the French in England. The brilliant hos-
pitality which awaits him there has been paid for in ad-
vance by the unworthy concessions which the policy of
M. Guizot has granted during four years, and the aris-
tocracy may smile at their ease when they consider that
he brings in one hand Mr. Pritchard's indemnity, and
in the other the treaty of peace with Morocco. The
aristocracy have taken care to announce how they pro-
pose to respond to so many advances. It is France
which has been sacrificed to prepare the King's journey,
and it is France which will be insulted during his stay.
The Duke of Wellington is appointed to receive Louis
Philippe at Portsmouth. It appears to us that this por-
tion of constitutional etiquette might have been more
naturally performed by Sir Robert Peel. But what was
Sir Robert Peel during the period of our great dis-
asters ? An apprentice Minister. It was not he who
was at the head of the allies in 1815. It was thought
fit to send the man who commanded at Waterloo
to meet the King of the French. The British
aristocracy considered that a more worthy homage could
not have been rendered to the royal visitor. Welling-
ton is a Duke, grand officer of the Crown, and much
respected in his own country, and is represented it
bronze under the .figure of Achilles in Hyde-park. It
was considered that they could not do better than dis
patch this hero, whom the Bourbons appointed Marshal
of France. Had the English, however, seen beyond
Louis Philippe, the country over which he reigns, they
would have comprehended the bitter recollections
attached to the name of Wellington. They, no doubt,
considered that the chief of the house of Orleans was
behind his elders in 1815, and that the sanguinary road
through which they returned was open to the others
The defeat of Waterloo recalled to the minds of the en-
tire family of the Bourbons a victory. But the person
now to be received is no longer Duke of Orleans ; he is
a monarch, the issue of a revolution which wished to
efface at least some of the traces of 1815. The person
of the Prince has disappeared, and if it was intended to
honour worthily the King of the French, they would not
have commenced by saluting him at his landing by one
of those reminiscences which insult the revolution to
which be owa his crown."