The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-15 00:00:00

THE MINISTERIAL CRESIS.

FROM THE MORNING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.

CHRONICLE.Lord John Russell has not yet un-
dertaken the task of forming an Administration ; and
it is not unlikely that two or three days may elapse be-
fore the Noble Lord can be in possession of the infor-
mation which would warrant him in taking that impor-
tant step. Upon this point we can only say what s,e
have said before, that the Liberal leader would not be
doing justice to the great principle with the maintenance
of which he is identified, nor to the party with which
he is connected, nor to himself, in accepting the respon-
sibilities of Government at the present crisis, without a
clear prospect of being able to effect an abolition of the
corn-laws. In the actual state of parties it is evi-
dent enough that the chances of a quiet and speedy
settlement of that question depend mainly on the
course which Sir Robert Peel may think proper to
take. We are bound to express our belief that in
the proceedings which led to tho break up of
his Cabinet, the late Premier's conduct evinced
a sagacity and a courage worthy of a statesman. He
was desirous, we believe, of carrying a measure for the
total abolition of the corn-laws, and we cannot doubt
that he wishes to see a work accomplished which an
overwhelming sense of public necessity could alone have
induced him to attempt himself. Sir Robert Peel must
be fully aware that the discontent created by the corn-
laws is not to be allayed by any half measure. The ex-
perience of the last four years has doubtless been suffi-
cient to convince him that a mere modification of those
laws would be as exasperating to the landlords, and as
difficult to carry through Parliament, as a measure of
entire abolition, whilst it would not take away the ma-
terials of agitation, nor give to any of the various in-
terests concerned the slightest feeling of security. We
conclude, therefore, that Sir R. Peel is really anxious to
see the principle of entire abolition adopted by Parlia-
ment, and that what circumstances rendered it impossible
for him to do himself, he will be glad to see done by
another. If this anticipation prove correct, we appre-
hend that a period will soon be put to the uncertainties
and anxieties whicik now beset us. The united testimony
of the heads of the two great parties in the State will be
borne to the necessity of abandoning those commercial
restrictions by which British industry and enterprise
have been so long fettered. To such a weight of autho-
rity there will be nothing to oppose. Resistance will be
felt by the most enlightened of the Conservative party to
be as unwise as it will be odious, and Sir Robert may be
able, not only to spare the aristocracy of this country
humiliation and loss hereafter, but to claim a share in the
credit of that migkty reform which he will have so greatly
contributed to effect. We are persuaded, too, that even
those who now denounce his conduct as an act of "perfidy"
and " treachery " 'will, by and by, have the candour to
admit that it can hardly be considered as even voluntary.
It is but the tardy, and reluctant acknowledgment of the
reality and potency of a most unwelcome fact. However
sore the monopolists may feel towards their late leader,
they must be aware that he would not have broken his
party in pieces, and sacrificed his political position—
that party and position being the creation of his own
hands—but on the compulsion of a perfectly irresistible
necessity. Sir Robert Peel's relinquishment of the task
which he undertook in 1841 is a fact the significance of
which is immense and indisputable. There is no
getting over it. He has surrendered his strong
Government to -a. power stronger than any Go-
vernment—to the ideas and necessities of his time.
We have nothing to do with defending the late
Premier's political character and conduct gene-
rally; but we saps-and all the world will say—that in
this particular act of his life he has but desisted from an
impossible task, obeyed an overpowering necessity, and
cast off an utterly unbearable responsibility. Nor shall
we willingly contemplate the prospect of one of Eng-
land's greatest men closing a brilliant career in the in-
glorious defence of one of the very shabbiest of human
institutions. Sir Robert Peel, in his wise and honour-
sable sacrifice of personal and party feeling, and political
position, to duty and conviction, must have many fol-
lowers. We feel constrained to believe that a legislative
change, demanded alike by the popular voice and by the
declared convictions of all our leading statesmen—ap-
proved by the principles of economical science, and en-
forced by a novel and tremendous national emergency—
will be effected without any extensive or permanent un-
settlement of our social relations and political ideas.
POST.--We exhort the Conservatives to be every-
where up and stirring. Apathy now were madness.
There is no longer room for self-deception. The danger
is manifestly great, the necessity for exertion most
obvious and most pressing. We know that in general
the partizans of change will be the most active. It
belongs to their nature. The same restlessness of dis-
position which makes them impatient of order and
government, also makes them agitators. Peace and
modesty are alike strangers to the course of their lives.
But there are times when it may not unreasonably be
expected of the friends of settled law, that they too
shall make a grist exertion, and shall even disquiet
themselves now, ' that they may have the better
chance of peace hereafter. Such a time is the
present. A new' state of affairs has arisen. The
man so long looked to as the Conservative leader has
consummated his career of treachery. He may
not have all along intended to betray. We dare say he
did not. Such weakness as his, however—such vacilla-
tion and unmanly fear—is, in its practical object, nothing
less than treachery. He was trusted, and has betrayed
his trust. He was captain of the watch, and has gone
over to the enemy. The power which was placed in his
hands he has endeavoured to turn against those who gave
it. Conservatives must remember that they who have
trusted a traitor have much to do in order to redeem that
error—in order tcstecover the effects of that misfortune.
Let them, then: be up and stirring everywhere, to rouse
the dull, to animate the slow, to strengthen the feeble,
to put life into all, and to teach the traitor that his
treason shall be of no avail. Let it be borne in mind,
however, that great activity is perfectly compatible with
sound discretion. Reasonableness may become impas-
sioned and be reasonableness still. There is no occasion
to rave and talk wildly, or to lose sight for a moment of
the ultimate object, because acting under the impulse of
a just indignation. Let frantic violence be left to the
opposite party. They will give us enough of it; but
let us meet them with earnestness—determination—
activity. Rash and scheming Russell, and dastardly
deceiving Peel; and all the rest of them, must be met
and coolly overcome by showing that what they want
to accomplish is niit for the notional interest, and does
not accord with the national will. Lord'John Russell
says that protection is the bane of agriculture. If he
really believed this, he would be more fit for Bedlam than
for the Cabinet or the House of Commons. It is precisely
the opposite of whathe himself asserted when he owed his
seat in Parliament to an agricultural constituency. That
is a fact which he cannot deny; but he says he has
changed his mind. Statesmen who change their minds
apon matters of principle should not continue to be
statesmen; they Should seek some other occupation for
their time and talents. To promote the profitable in-
dustry of the people should be the object of Govern-
ment. It may be denied that the present sliding-scale is
the best method fir promoting agricultural industry. It is
a point open for discussion. But to say that there should
be no protection, and that foreigners should in future do
a considerable part of the business now done by British
farmers, that is a proposition for the maintaining of
which a man deserves to be shut up in an asylum for the
insane. That is the proposition, however, to which men
who are called statesmen would now persuade the public
to assent I Against the folly—the treachery—the fear,
and the craft of such men, we call upon the Conservatives
to be up and stirring. The demagogues evidently think
that this is their time, and they are bellowing furiously.
The easily-excited and exceedingly-misled populations
of manufacturing towns, will probably give their aid to
demonstrations against the law which protects the in-
dustry of their cbuntrymen who work in the fields. But
this error, we trust, will not long ccntinue, if the British
Conservatives make proper exertions to show that it is
an error. This, then, is the time for exertion—for argu-
ment—for persuasion—for every effort that can be made
in the cause of common sense and of justice.
TIMES.—The consternation which seized some, and
the surprise which pervaded all, parties in the state,
have scarcely subsided. It is true, strangely true, that
the Tory Government is out. More strangely true is it
that a Whig Government is in. Men are obliged to call
these facts to their recollection before they begin to
speculate on futuie arrangements or prospective changes.
It is an event which baffles the conjectures of shrewd
men, and offeqs the sober reason of practical men.
To any one who remembers England in the autumn of
1841 this catastrophe must seem almost a miracle. Then
the coup de grace was given to a Ministry which had
long ceased to exert any vigoa r or exhibit any genuine
symptom of vitality. The new Premier led Parliament
with a working majority of 90 to back him. People read the
division lists twice over before they could believe the
fact. Old men who had formerly tied up the papers of
some routine office, and therefore called themselves poli-
ticians, crowded 'on the steps of the Carlton; hugged each
other with slobbering and reciprocated cordiality, and
thanked God that the good old days of the constitution
had returned. In every little village and market-town
there was joy and congratulation. The parsons and
squires out-talked one another at the dinner table in
praising the neve Premier, and recounting their own
prospects. Many elderly ladies wept outright in the
extremity of -their inexpressible delight. The
morning sun of Conservatism had risen, never to set
again in the shades of opposition. The church—
the gentry—the farmers—the wealthy and comfort-
able classes generally—how was a party consisting
of such elements to be dissolved ? How could it be

overcome ? Yet, where is it now ? Gone—dissolved.—
disjointed. Without apparent cause—without a distinct
warning—in no ,party conflict—during the periodical
suspension of political warfare—while many places had
yet to be allotted, and many misapprehended promises
were yet to be fulfilled—lo! the Ministerial leader strikes
his flag—his army melts away—and the "great Conser-
vative phalanx's becomes a headless and apparently a
helpless trunk. There is lamentation at the " Carlton,"
and bitterness of heart at the " Conservative."
Younger brothers innumerable moan for the fore-
gone enjoyments of Downing-street, and undrawn
salaries flit before the eyes of disappointed ex-
pectants with insufferable distinctness. For this
class there is probably no very general commiseration.
"Why did Peel resign ?" and " why did he resign just
at this time !" are questions asked by, none more fre-
quently and anxiously than by those innocent persons
to whom he used to dole out the perquisites of smah
offices on the implied condition that they were to do
their small work without presualing to thing, advise,
or act for themselves. These and such as these will
indulge in tliti virulent invective that the bile of dis-
appointment cats alone discharge. But it is a question,
nit only for this, but for all future time, why did
Peel resign 7—not a piece of political gossipry—not
as a tittle-tattle of pique or spleen or temporary re-
sentment, but as a most curious subject of speculation,
and a no less•,curious index to the character of a
statesman who is more remarkable for the tactics where-
by he obtains, than for the skill with which he retains,
power. It le 110-trivial thing to break up the alliances