The Sun.
London, England, 1828-01-23 00:00:00

PARTNERSHIPS DISSOLVED.

E. and J. Harley, Loughborough, brewers—J. Martin,
sen. and J. Martin, jun., Maidstone, tailors-.-W. and H.
Strickland, York, woollendrapers—J. Bratt and D.
Howarth, Rochdale, boiler-makers—J. and D. S. Chur-
chill, Nottingham, hosiers—J. and D. Green, Goseley,
Staffordshire, iron-founders—J. and I. Hudson, Leicester,
hosiers—J. and J. I. Jerdein, Fore-street, Moorfields, to-
bacconists--R. Alcock and H. Hall, Coventry, timber-
merchants—C. and J. Harman, Wine-office-court, Fleet-
street, attornies—R. and B. Southall, Water-lane, Black-
friars, victuallers—H. and G. Wyatt, Portpool-lane,
Gray's-inn-lane, brewers—J. Drew and H. Holman, Old
Ford, Bow, brewers.

CoNsTANcY.--About the year 1794, a
reciprocal attachment was formed between a young
lad and lass, in the immediate neighbourhood of
Elgin. This attachment grew with their growth
and strengthened with their strength, until it was mu,
Wally agreed on it should be matured. The banns were
made, when all of a sudden, the relations of one of the
11: proclaimed, and every requisite preparation
vented the marriage. Under these circum•
pacaciotie rdsF
cumstancesing it was deemed most advisable to postpone the
celebration of the ceremony, until a more auspicious period
should arrive. Month after month, and year after year,
passed away in anxious waiting for the period in question.
After the lapse of about ten years it at length arrived ; but
just at that very moment, another formidable obstacle oc-
curred. Twenty years more—will the reader believe it—
expired before the various barriers to the consummation of
their felicity could be surmounted. A short while since
they were duly married in the " gude town o' Elgin."

busi-
ness CoHeAldßa3ylA,opened the lrmesaid-
the minutes of the proceedings of all the several pri-
vate meetings of the Association which had taken
CHAIRMAN
havingS eerte°trarnrya,llYMorp.
place since the last public meeting of the Associa-
tion. Mr. Blount then read apologies from Lord
Clifford, and several Catholic gentlemen, who re-
gretted that they were not able to attend the meet-
ing. He also read a letter from the Secretary of the
Catholic Association of Northumberland, Durham,
and Newcastle-upon-Tyne, in which the members
expressed their cordial sympathy in the regret which
Mr. Canning's death had excited in the general com-
mittee. After Mr. Blount had read some extracts
from the accounts of the Association,
Mr. RossoN rose, for the purpose of submitting
for the consideration, of the meeting the draught of a
petition to both Houses of Paßiament, on behalf of
their dissenting brethren. After some appropriate
observations, Mr. Rosson concluded by moving that
the following petition be received and approved:—
The humble Petition of the undersigned Reman Catholics,
Showeth,

That a numerous class of their fellow-subjects, Dis-
senters from the Established Church, are deprived of liberty
of conscience by the operation of the Test and Corporation
Acts.

That while your Petitioners are exerting themselves tor
procure their own emancipation from the operation of the
unjust laws of which they are the victims, they entertain
sn anxious desire that all classes of their fellow-subjects
may enjoy the same rights, of which they are themselves
in pursuit.

That accordingly your petitioners respectfully but earn-
estly:entreat your Honourable House that the said Acts may
be forthwith repealed.
And your Petitioners will ever pray.
The Rev. Mr. AI‘DoNNELL, of Birmingham, se-
conded the motion.

Mr. FRANCIS CANNING, of Foxcote, expressed his
cordial approbation of the measure, as tending to the
advancement of civil and religious liberty.
The question being put, was carried unanimously.
Mr. WITHAM then rose, and expressed a hope
that the Roman Catholics would immediately pre-
pare a petition to Parliament for the redress of their
own grievances. It was his opinion that they should
petition every Session. If they let the Legislature
alone, the Legislature would let them alone. They
should, as it were, tease the Parliament into a con-
cession of their claims. These being his opinions, he
would submit the draught of a petition for their
adoption and approval, and move that it he pre-
sented to Parliament on as early a day as possible in
the ensuing Session.
This motion was seconded by Mr. FITZGERALD,
and carried unanimously.
The following is a copy of the petition agreed to
by the Association

To the Honourable the House of Commons of the United

Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, in Parliamen'

assembled,
The humble Petition of the undersigned Roman Catholics.
We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, beg leave
again to approach your Honourable House; and with every
sentiment of respect to implore the removal of those nu-
merous civil disabilities under which we undeservedly labour.
Again to recount those civil rights of which we are de-
prived, I.nd which have been so often the subject of our
representations to Parliament, would, we apprehend, be
needless, since they have been often set forth in our forme]
petitions, to which we beg leave humbly to refer.
We cannot, however, forbear to repeat to your Honour-
able House, that we yield to no class of his Majesty's sub-
jects in loyalty to our King, and au unshaken attachment
to the Constitution of our country ; but we deeply lament
that by being deprived of those civil rights which our
Protestant fellow-subjects enjoy, we are made to appear
as objects of suspicion and distrust, and unworthy of the
blessings of equal law, to which, as British subjects, we
are entitled.

We therefore, with feelings of gratitude for all former
acts in our favour, most earnestly implore your Honour-
able House to take our case into your serious considera-
tion ; and that your Honourable. House will be pleased to
pass a Bill repealing every law now remaining in force, by
which we are subjected to any pains or disabilities on ac-
count of our religious principles.
Mr. ROSSON then moved that the thanks of the
Meeting be given to the Noble Lord (Rossmore)
who had honoured them with his presence.
The motion was carried with loud applause.
His LoßosHie then rose, and spoke nearly to the
following effect :—Gentlemen,----.1 labour under no
common share of embarrassment,--a stranger, per-
haps an intruder, labouring under a sense of his own
insufficiency. Why am I here P—Because Mr.
Peel is reported to have declared, that " generally
speaking, the opinion of England is unfavourable to
the claims of Leland"—because those claims are so
soon to be before the bar of that opinion again.
Where am I to go—where is a Protestant resident
peer of Ireland to go, to raise his voice on behalf of
his much wronged country P If it is declared in
Ireland, it remains unheard and unheeded in Eng-
land, and it passes away with the hour that gave it
birth. Strongly acted on by, such feelings, and con-
vinced the scales were already on the beam, her
peace and prosperity hanging, trembling, in the one,
whilst midnight ruin and desolation stood loaded in
the other, I was prompted to confide in your kind-
ness, and to present myself before you, in the expec-
tation that what was expressed in London might be
heard throughout England ; but happening to read a
few days ago the Warder of the 12th, an Irish paper,
the organ of a party which aims at pre-eminence in
England, and observing in it assertions without foun-
dation, and calculated to mislead the public mind
in England still more, on whose decision the fate
of Ireland rested, I determined at once to throw
myself upon your patience, that through your medium
I should
:have an opportunity of offering my warn-
ing voice to England, that she might feel the ne-
cessity of interposing her authority before it was too
late to settle our tremendous question, which has so
long agitated the empire, upset Administrations, and
will upset more if not disposed of ;—that thus she
may emerge from the dreadful situation into which
the misgovernment has plunged hero—that thus
England may ill time avert the storm that impends,
before it bursts upon her own head,—and that thus,
by doing an act of justice to Ireland, she may blot
out the past from the memory of our children, and
nma eri
ps a
e, pbreoioi cari- fromali herself the
goon ttli
further,e
ttl nationstsiitrai of
t of
hrow
fella
the
m
e'r puadAtale u
tl
jooll,
of intimidation, or motive of any kind whatsoever.
I come not here, then, to court your smiles, or to
property
please the Catholics of Ireland. I come here"
we are in, i)
Protestant, to call upon Protestant England to 101e1-
pose to save the Protestant Establishment ill Ire-
on the rack to pro.
land,—to save the Protestant Church there, before
she destroys herself—to save Protestant
there,—to save mine : I have
hope my motive is a legitimate one. The p.eopli
of England have no idea of the state
that most unfortunate of all countries: and as if w,
had not enough of misfortunes
unity herself seems to have been niu:letroe:ie)%ivehse, r
vide us with more, by sending amongst us th,
Peter the Hermit of the 19th century. (Th,
idea temps me to laugh, though I have more rea-
son to weep.) I wish Capt, Gordon and his crusader-,
would quit our country; for since they came in amongs!
us, one moment's peace or rest we have not had.
Patriotic minds have proposed many remedies for di,

' \' •
•
ameitoratioti4 Tre4d of late. Emigration seems
to take the lead. I confess I cannot permit apathy
to take possession of me when I hear of schemes to
send away my countrymen by shoals—to put them
out of the way—to get rid of them by any means. I
admire its chief advocate for his talents and political
opinions on other subjects; but I will tell Mr. Wil-
mot Horton, I would try emancipation before I
would try emigration : the former is a cheap remedy,
the latter a dear one. I hesitate not to say, we can
provide for our population; but England must assist
us, curb the power of the Ascendancy party, and
grant emancipation. In those two remedies will be
found the talisman for tranquillizing Ireland. Gen-
tlemen, what do we want 2—Employment for our
poor. How can we get it ?—By getting capital.
Have we the means of employing capital ?—Manz..
Would it be beneficial to the capitalist 2—Highly so.
Why have we not capital ?—Because nobody will risk
it. Why ?—Because we are in a disturbed state.
Why ?--Because there is one law for the Protestant
and another for the CathOlic. How then shall we
get capital ?—by doing away with this inequality of
the law. By giving to our common country a com-
mon constitution. By adhering to the solemn treaty
of Limerick,—to the secret but vital articles of the
Union,—by giving peace and tranquillity to the
land ; and thus, as Falstaff says, ends my catechi,sm.
In passing on now to notice the Warder, I have not
time to follow him through every thing. He ascribes
particularly the misfortunes of Ireland to Mr.
O'Connell, and those who acted with him. The
misfortunes'of Ireland were in existence long before
Mr. O'Connell was in his cradle. Mr. O'Connell
may have erred. I have read his admissions. Who
is he who has not ? But in justice I must remark,
that the misfortunes of Ireland are attributable to
other causes. Having pointed at the Ascendancy
power, I shall define it in as few words as I can.- I
speak of one county ; it consists of a partnership
between the monopolist -of all power in the coutir)
and judicial connivance,—it selects party sheriffs,
which leads to the packing of juries,—it recom-
mends men for the Magistracy to a political Chan-
cellor. At the head of a county regiment, it
arms itself with a power incompatible with civil
liberty,—it assembles on the bench of sessions a re-

gular regimental court-martial,--it sentences a man
to be flogged at the tail of a cart, and Mr. Gold-
burn reverses the sentence because it is illegal,—it is
so confident in its power, that it does not hesitate
to incarcerate freemen to vote for its own continu-
ance, in opposition to their wishes, to their
political interests, and even to their conscien-
ces,—and it doss not blush afterwards to
in the name of the country to state, that this un-
manly iditethe
the character noble
peasantry
of
county;lre Ireland,
e
blush
in
persecution is going on with unabating and
unrelenting fury to this hour. Apprehensions arcs
entertained that the British Constitution would be
ruined, if any alteration took place, and that the
Church establishment would be upset. As a Pro-
testant I wish to uphold it. The ground-work on
which the original artists erected the structure of the
British Constitution furnished them with materials
for perfecting the noblest model of political architec-
ture, had the season recommended it to them to
finish their labour. But, like men expert in their
trades, they left offsets for those who were to succeed
them, to make alterations or additions whenever is
should become advisable or necessaryto extend its front.
That the enactment of the :penal code, or the re-
tmhoevacloonftermelpiglaiotuiosndiosafbmilietyn,
who were
Nnvoertehtabveen
allbeen in
Ca-
tholics, is evident, but that alterations might be ne-
cessary, and should be made if necessary, was pro-
vided, for by vesting in the Legislative a power to
enact' new laws, and to abrogate old ones, when no
longer necessary, That the enactment of the penal
code (the alteration) was not necessary, I am not
disposed to deny; but that the magnificent old fabric
should not be invigorated by the removal of decayed
rubbish, by an addition more stable and healthy, by
admitting all classes to shelter themselves under her
protection, lam prepared to contend. That period
had arrived—had positively arrived, when the
gigantic genius, whose loss a nation deplores, find-
ing itself free, determined on its line of march, and
began its preparatory movements. He commenced
by removing some, and supplied their places with
talents more congenial to his own, when, finding
himself arrested in his progress by the stroke of fate,
he pointed to is associates their road to fame, and
wishing them success in their enterprise, he sunk
into eternal rest. Let not the praise of an humble
but loyal subject here be wanting; capacious as was
the mind of that great man—convinced as hat was
that the moment had arrived to commence the
great work his soul had long conceived (to re-invi-
gorate the British Constitution), to establish a
foreign and home policy, which would make
Britain not only keep pace with, but set a bright
example to the nations of the Continent, by showing
that to liberalize was to strengthen, to reciprocate
was to heighten individual interests, and by making
the rights of all common was to secure the per-
manency and the power of each. Little, however,
could he have done had not hisarm been strengthened
by a wise and liberal master, under whose reign
Britain
Mhistonarch
hha
for
~s become h
o soundlv iwill
y judgmentetthse admiration
t,nd m
decisionpaangle
oi mankind,_
hera a
racter, equalled by few and surpassed by none who
sat upon her throne and wielded the destinies of her
mighty empire. Allow me, my Lords and Gentle-
men, to remind you of the Sovereign's advieesson
leaving the shore of Ireland—" Be reconciled rso each
other, and establish tranquillity in your last? y' Tran-
quillity being then the great preliminarys—how is Ire-
land to be tranquillized ? My Lords and Gentlemen,
having been with little intermission a constant resi-
dent in Ireland fur about five•and-thirty years,
I hope I do not arrogate to myself too much
when I say, I am entitled to form an opinion.
The tranquillity of Ireland will be found in curbing
what is called the Ascendancy power, and in grant-
ing emancipation—the secret but vital article of the
Union. In those two remedies will be found the
talisman for Ireland. My Lords and Gentlemen,
have now laid before you a picture of one country,
code: would to GM he
under the yoke of tlsiteanAdsscheignhdainncpyupboi
i.tiereerst:iml
come to the second remedy—emancipation; and
a pursuit for which lie seems
thhaevedaurtryiveld
ialtaveonne
undertaken,
rthe k mosten.
he unfa,e
he served his political hvaosurbaebellei
attributed impression thatt o t h rests
eucphoi:nisimutrhpec;l7oE.toiantfnegtdtl parts
mind
surrounded by the Ascend.
been made by Mr. Peel on the Cat/solic question._
Mr. Peel deservedly
ation
.Juorsi ti.bo
for his revision of the penal
had confined himself to
more qualified than to legidate on the affairs of Ireland.
I blame not Mr. Peel'
ap-
prenticeship in Ireland',
hurried him
ancy party, into whose hands he had been consigned,
it t's administration
eTnheeonpraugslilla,npsimrtiytY of
spint,
Which
his
prejudices and
those of okd 411Pers tended to promote. The
want of politica. experience prevented Mr. Peel
from discria"atlag as a statesman ought to do ; arid
he imbibed. ,Principles and feelings respecting Ireland
et hasaet. on to draw false conclusions on her
Had he not been so prejudiced, on his return
to England he wonld have observed that Lord Man-
ners was 2 political
Chancellor at the head of a party
club direct opposition to the head of the Govern,.
meat in Ireland. I say nothing of his decrees ; but

I must remind you, in addition to what you all know,
p realantt hd to whate:nuinbc i
r oft is in
King's Counsel is nearly double in
England, and that great num-
bers were principally added previous to his de-
parture. Can Lord Manners be regarded as a
tit evidence on the case of Ireland , But to re-
i.ser
aßntudordlNei
is
sin P
peel,
a motion,l. He is reported, 0„ Sir Fran-
to have admitted, " that
most alarming situation ; that
she cannot remain as she something must
done. I have no remedy to propose, though I
have often endeavoured to satisfy myself as to
the-
best; but as I cannot consent to adopt that pro-
posed by others, I have only to say, I assure you
un very sorry for the situation she is in." Sorry
for the situation she is in ! I have asked myself, did
he ever recollect that he was not only standing al,

most single on that arduous night against the host
of talents that opposed him, but also against the
lon&z. Est of the most illustrious statesmen now in the
dust, that had ever adorned this or any other coun-
try ? Did it ever occur to him, that they were all
wrong, and that be (Mr. Peel) was singly right ?
He admits that Ireland cannot remain as she is,—
that something must be done; and yet he proposes
nothing. What could he point at by the word
something ? I shall not trust myself to answer it.
How can Mr. Peel reconcile those facts, in which
hi acted, and on which he voted, with the state
he admitted Ireland to be in ? He next ad-
mits that the system acted on had failed,—a nega-
tive proof, I should think, that another must be tried.
From his own words, Mr. Peel can be now regarded
no other light than the uncompromising obstacle
to the claims of Ireland. He declares himself to be
the only Minister who has throughout resisted
from an insuperable objection ?" How can he recon-
cile those words with his having declared on ano-
ther occasion, " that if the articles of Limerick were
explained to his satisfaction, he would wave his ob-
j!ction." He and Sir J. Copley demanded securi-
ties for the faith of Ireland to that Government who
had kept no faith with her. Another word, Gentle-
men, on the securities demanded by Sir J. Copley
and Mr, Peel. I hope sincerely that it is unneces-
for me to impugn more than the arguments of
this gentleman. He and Sir John Copley and the
clergy demand securities from the Irish Catholics.
Let me ask them if it be not rather from the Pro-
testants of Ireland that they are to look for securities
for the church establishment ? I here, first, declare,
that the calumniated Catholic, who pays his own
clergy—who pays tithe to ours—who is obliged by
Jaw to pay his quota of the county presentments for
the building and repairing of our churches—who, in
many places, has no place of worship in which to
receive the consolations of Christianity—pays the
whole of their demands to our clergy with less dif-
ficulty and more cheerfulness than the Protestant. I
challenge the whole Established Church of England
yo contradict me. I have, secondly, to inform those
two statesmen, who, in the providence of their fears
for the Established Church, demand securities from
the Irish Catholic, that it is from the Protestant in
Ireland (aye, from that body that hay !been lately
represented in the Upper House to be " the only
persecuted people in Ireland") that they are to
dread the overturning of the temporalities, which is
the secret cause of all the opposition from a certain
quarter to Catholic emancipation; for I can bring for-
ward about 60 depositions-10 prove that deputations
were sent by Protestants in the north of Ireland to the
Ribandmen tojoin them in uprooting the tithe-system,
and, of course, the English Church, as an establish-
ment ; and, of: Alb Ido not hesitate here to state
that the whole Pro,`;'stanl body in Ireland, with the
exception of the few w:/tO have an interest in it, are
decidedly unfavourable to ti2e overgrown possessions
of the Irish church. To prove :hist I lately received
an official answer from a person of rank and large
property in Ireland, who is a Protestant, stating his
objection to sign.a resolution I forwardeu • to him,
respecting the amelioration of Ireland, for 6;8
reason,—" that I and those concerned wif7l me wets
beginning at the wrong end; that when Warburton
(the Bishop of Cloyne) died, we should have pro-
posed a- resolution, that the Government should be
applied to, to appropriate the revenues of that Sea
to the payment of the Catholic clergy." So much
for the securities demanded by Mr. Peel and Sir
John Copley from the Catholics, instead of the Pro-
testants of Ireland ! Gentlemen, the arguments of
Mr. Peel are as futile as his fears are unfounded.—
Mr. Peel concludes by denying that any understand-
ing took place on the subject of emancipation at the
Union. Gentlemen, here lam at issue with him :
here I grapple with him. Not having been an ac-
cessory to the measure himself, he of course derived
his information from others; and let us see whether
truly or falsely. Gentlemen, I consider the Union
the corner-stone of the case of Ireland, and, in un-
ravelling it inch by inch, I shall bring to light the
sophistry of Mr. Peel's assertion " that no engage-
ment was broken with the Catholics of Ireland.
I am told it is denied that the Catholics were par-
ties to that measure. - Now I can state that the
greatest influence was exerted to Prevent the Catho-
lics from petitioning against the Union, and to give
their signatures • to- resolutions favourable to
the measure ; that, generally speaking, they
were accessories as instruments to it, having been
completely gained over by the temporary de-
monstration made in their favour by the
Machiavelism of Lord Cornwallis, in granting
protections—in bringing some yeomen and their of-
ficers to courts-martial—and in disgracing in public
orders some of the Ascendency party. By the cir-
cular issued from the Castle by Lord Cornwallis,
which you may read in Plowden, by the agents of
Government assuring the Catholics they should he
restored to their rights, Lord Donoughmore declared
so in his public speech at Clonmel, and influenced
Mr. Flannery, the parish priest at that place (and
who is still alive there), to post certain_ resolutions
his Lordship had drawn up, on the chapel door. Let
it be also remembered, no anti-Catholic petition took
place in any part of Ireland at this period, and that,
by their consent to the Union, the Catholics proved
their desire to rivet their connexion with England
at the very moment that their enemies accuse them
of meditating a separation, and throwing themselves
into the arms of France. The fact, I think, of
their signing those resolutions, infers the promises
and engagements made and entered into with them,
Dentlemen, I had myself many conversations with
Loral Cornwallis on the subject of the Union, and
I was requested and instructed by him to carry a
counter-petition to counteract the anti-anion peti-
tion, which had been got up by Lord Blayney and
the late Richard Dawson, in the county of Monaghan.
Mr. Hamilton, of Monaghan, now living, was pre-
sent at one of those conversations with Lord Corn-
wallis ; and in bred.
king up, we agreed to travel all
night, which we did, as?d succeeded in our counter
petition. At that conversation Lord Cornwallis
mentioned he had it in ct;ntentplation to re-
move Counsellor Kerr from his situation of
chairman of the county, which on my- remon-
strances he abandoned. As to myself, I made
no terms with Government for my exertions.
was to lose the reversion of three voices out of four
in the Senate of my country, and never received
or expected any thing for my services and sacrifices.
It is evident that some other reason influenced me,
to carry an event by which I should be so great a
political loser without gaining any thing, and that
reason, Gentlemen, was Catholic emancipation. I
became an early convert to the measure, from having
separate and important commandsinlreland in 1796,
1797, 98, and 99. The devastatiOn I witnessed in
"Wexford confirmed me in my creed, and I have
never been shaken fora moment since. many di_
etonstances I forget at this distance of time, but I
perfectly recollect the displeasure Lord Cornwallis
evinced at the excesses committed during the Re-
bellion by the Yeomen. The inducements he held
out to me, were the general improvement of the
country, and which was to counterbalance the loss
of the Parliament. I asked if the Catholics would
be satisfied? He said their claims would follow,
mit never without the Union. But I firmly under-
stood from him it was to be the consequence of the
Union.
Here his Lordship read the following letterc......
SATURDAY, riovnammt 1827.
"M y dear Lord,—Notwithstanding the delay that
has oe-
curred in my replying letter, to your yet, believe me when
1 say, it did not proceed from any hesitation to give you
every information in my Power, to forward that great mea-
Aare you are so earnestly and so laudably struggling to tie_
romplish—the embodying the Catholics of the empire in
the British Constitution, by giving to that body the full
enjoyment of civil and religious liberty, which those op-
posing them assert, as falsely as absurdly, they fully possess
• At present.
paradoxical as it may appear, yet the fact is so, that the
great,,:lifficulty in now proving that Lord Cornwallis em-
ployed Protestant agents to procure the support of-the
effect the measure of Union, and that he au-
Catholics to
thorized these ilrotestants to hold out to them their adulis-
od subsequent to the accomplishment
sion, at an early per-
the rights of the Briti4 ceastitu-
of that measure, to all

tion,—l say the difficulty to prove this now lies in the fact
that at that period, the certainty that those agents did hold
out such promises, was undoubted and unquestioned. Had
it been otherwise, in the disputes which such a circum-
stance would have produced, so many facts to establish it
would have been placed upon record, that you would not
he necessitated to apply to me, or to any other person, for
that information, which would be found more copiously
given, and better authenticated in booksellers' shops, and
in the libraries of every man who collected the produc-
tions respecting that measure, and that period. But
the notoriety of the fact, and the co -operation of the
Catholics with the Government to accomplish the Union,
prevented any literary collision on this head; and
the points on which the Government was assailed
were, the shameful distribution of offices, the legal
promotions, the promises of honours, reversionary
,grants, episcopal and other ecclesiastical dignities.—
If it was necessary to establish any fact connected with
any proceeding of Government on these points, from my
own library alone I could cover your table with printed
proofs. The Catholics, so often indignantly repulsed from
her ewn Parliament, and (that by the most strenuous of
the opponents of the Union, who then saw the want of wis-
dom of .their former conduct) blamed too, and oppressed
for the late Rebellion, that originated with Protestants,
were scarcely censured for yielding to the advantages held
out to them by Lord Cornwallis, through the agency be
employed at "that period. Nor was it until faith was
broken with the Catholics, that doubts were insinuated of
Lord Cornwallis's so acting, and so promising. Yet if it
could be expected that men would come forward to divulge
transactions affecting the charasters of themselves and
their families, how many written proofs from the pen of
Lord Cornwallis and his secretaries could be produced from
the secret archives of the most exalted houses, who, in
different parts of the kingdom, assisted to forward that"
most fatal measure. But there are yet living many who,
though not concerned themselves in such an agency, are
competent to prole its existence in others. It fell to my
own lot to have- heard from the late Lords Castle-Coote and
Llandaff, that they were so authorized by Lord Cornwallis
to negociate with the Catholics. I had a more decisive
proof than assertion, for I held in my possession from the
March Assizes of Clonmel, in 1800, until the Summer As-
sizes of the same year, an autograph letter from Lord Corn-
wallis to Lord Llandaff, in which he distinctly stated he was
authorized by Mr. Pitt to state to the Catholics of Ire-
land, that, after the accomplishment of the Union, as soon
as the proper period arrived, himself would bring their
question before the Imperial Parliament, and he entertained
no doubt of ultimate" success. This assertion may startle,
and excite surprise, that such a letter should be left in my
hands, who was, at the same moment, giving all the op-
position in my power to the Union in the county I resided
in (Tipperary) ; but if, after the facts I shall state in this
letter—facts, most of them to be found in the journals of
the House of Commons of Ireland, in the Courts of Justice
here, and well remembered by many now living in the
counties of Tipperary and the Queen's county, I empower
your Lordship to undertake for me that I will prove the
truth of every fact I state in this letter, at the bar of either
House of Parliament, by re-asserting them upon my oath ;
when it will appear it was to promote their own objects,
,iti not in the way of unnecessary confidential communica-
tion, that these Noblemen, whom I shall mention, ap-
proached me ; and also taking into consideration the terms
I lived on with them and their families, the many oppor-
tunities I previously had of conferring some obligations,
without ever seeking or receiving one in return, it will not
excite much surprise, at all events, in the districts they
lived in, that little reserve should be observed with me,
where their own interests and honour were concerned.
To begin with Lord Castle-Coote. In the summer of
the
yea.. 1199, h
e wrote to me from Dublin, in very urgent
set hloa
. in Maryborough early on the commis-
terms, to in. ~azin assizes, if I could not do so the
sion day of the , -"ea I saw h. rm there, he explained to
evening, before. Vv..
't en independent man to act as
me, that he could not ge.
High Sheriff for the enduing ,veor who was favourable to
the measure of Union, and that it ...'ecurred t° him' that as
Lord Ormonde (with whom he knew ! st:as nearly con-
Lord
was most anxious to promote tha.," f,,T,r:'f,,r
would have no objection to serve the office of - "';':`,',
the ensuing year; and that as a preparatory step, h, r'''',4
my name put du the Grand Jury panel, to be called th..
day. On my replying, with some warmth, that I neither
would serve as Sheriff, nor answer as a Grand Juror, as-
signing as my reasons, that I had but a small estate in the
Queen's County, that I did not reside in it, but above all
others, I was most adverse to the measure of Union, and was
giving to it all the opposition in my power in the county
in which I resided, he expressed much surprise at this, as
two measures, for the success of which he had often heard
me express myself most anxious, were to follow the
Union, namely, the emancipation of the Catholics, and the
commutation of tithes, or some ameliorating change in that
system ; (by the way of parenthesis, until that very day, his
Lordship had always expressed himself to me as very adverse
to both these measures): however, then lie avowed he was
authorized by Lord Cornwallis to hold out those measures
to the Catholics of the Queen's County, When the Act of
Union should pass, in order to secure their support to for-
ward it in their respective districts. I parted with him,
expressing my hope that he might fail in all his efforts on
the occasion, and, to the honour of the Queen's County let
it be told, that he could not, with all the aid that Govern-
ment gave him, prevail upon one independent gentleman to
serve the office of Sheriff, who would support the measure of
Union, and the late Sir Erasmus Borroughs, a zealousanti-
Unionist, served that office for the year 1800. Pending
these transactions, I had the misfortune to be involved in a
personal quarrel with Colonel Deering, who commanded the
Romney Cavalry, then in Ireland; and Lord Cornwallis
thought proper to make the Government of this coun-
try a party in that quarrel, by first sending down a King's
messenger to bring me up in custody from the county of
Tipperary,merely to give bail to appear in the ensuing term to
an ex-officio information, which lie ordered to he filed against
me in the King's Bench by the Attorney-General ; and, sub-
sequently, he had my house in the same county surrounded
by the Louth Regiment of Militia, and I was again brought
to town merely to enter into a recognizance to keep the
peace with the said Colonel Deering. While in town on
this occasion, Lord Castle-Coote again urged me not to
sacrifice my liberty or my interests to my feelings ; and,
that if I would authorise him to say I would support the
Union, he would undertake that a vacancy should be made
in one of Lord Ely's boroughs, for which I should be re-
turned, that the prosecution should be dropped, and if I
would exert myself in Parliament to promote the Union,
some respectable office should be given me, the moment
one should be at the disposal of Government : he did not
say he had authority for this, nor did I ask him, as I had
not even a momentary thought of acceding to his wish;
Brut be made the offer, and I refused. I was tried and con-
victed, but I was never brought up for sentence, as my
friend, who was also convicted, had previous to the trial
got a seat in Parliament to support the Union, and part of
the terms which he made on that occasion was, that he
should not be brought op for sentence under that convic-
tion, if it should take place ; And bad• as the Government
of that day was, it would not act so glaringly partial as
to punish me and suffer him to escape. So much for the
Queen's County 'and Lord Castle-Coote, who, pending the
.Parliamentary proceedings on the Union question, got the
Q ayen's County Regiment of Militia, A Commissioners' seat
at the
.Revenue Board, and a promise of a Peerage, which
he also gct subsequent to the passing of the Act of Union.
In the count;
of Tipperary, where I watched with atten-
tion all the proceeciLT
s respecting the Union, and where I
saw a document of un
qtzstionable proof, that Lord Corn-
wallis not only employed pro,,,stant agents to negocia,ta with
the Catholics, but also authoriser; them to promise the aid
of the existing Government of England to obtain those
rights they were seeking, the noblemen who assisted to for-
ward this measure were Lords Ormonde, Llandaff, and
Dorchester, who then was stationed with his regiment in
that county, and possessed of very considerable estate., in
it. But by far the most able and efficient supporter of the
measure was the late Lord Donoughrnore, from the energy
of his mind, his competency as a rnan of lansioess, but be •
yond all other reasons, for his great influence over the Ca-
tholics of Ireland generally, and particularly of that county,
where they were wealthy and numerous. It was chiefly
through his Lordship that Government negociated with the
Catholics, and he at all times so identified himself with
every measure he was anxious about, that he considered
ever`, man strongly opposed to it as if he was acting hos-
tilely to himself. I did not at that period hear from him-
self, that he was authorised to hold out to -the ,Ca,tholies
Lord Cornwallis's engagement of Government support in
parliament "Pon their question, after the Union should be
carried, every leading Catholic in the county then
told r m
uiton such assurance from Lord Donough-
riede, ,
more, tihtowugas:
they assisted, contrary to their own feelings and opi_
nions, to aid by their signatures a petition for that mea-
sure. But subsequently, I heard Lord Donoughmore say,
over and over again
Lordship on
(for from the year 1802 until 1818 1
lived with his terms of the most unreserved
intimacy), that Lord Cornwallis was sincere when he gave
such pledges, and authorised by the English Government
so to do, but that faith was broken with him as Lord
Lieutenant, and that so Lord Cornwallis felt to the last
moment of his life.
Lord Llandaff had both his sons at that period in Parlia-
ment; Lord Mathew (the present Lord Llandaff) sat for
the county ; the other (the late General Mathew) for BM-
lynabiuch, a purchased seat. He engaged to give Govern-

' ment the support of both his sons in the Commons, and
his own in the Lords, to carry the question of the " Union;"
for which he was to be made a Marquis, and also returned
as a representative Peer, no member of that family ever
thinking of office. But no influence he could use over his
sons could prevail upon either to support the Union.—
Lord Cornwallis feeling for his situation, promised, if the
seat for the borough should be vacated, and subsequently
filled by an able supporter of that measure, his Lordship
should still have the same terms, though the support of
Lord Mathew thrown into the opposite scale, was a se-
rious loss to the Government on that question. On this
assurance Lord Landaff prevailed upon the late David
Walshe, a man possessed of great legal knowledge and
acute talents, long a member of Parliament, and well re-
membered there on many occasions, but more particularly
as the man who first expressed a doubt of the sufficiency of
the simple repeal of Poynong's Act, which doubt the late
Mr. Flood followed up, until he raised a flame in the coun-
try by his stupendous eloquence, and whieh led to the me-
morable quarrel between Mr. Grattan and himself. This
gentleman had retired from Parliament for many years, and
though living in close retirement, was sought for by every
intelligent man who visited Clonmel, where he resided.—
He was returned at the instance of Lord Llandaff, for Hal-
lynahinch, but it so happened when the measure of
" Union" was to be discussed, he was so ill he could not
go to town to take his seat, though pressed repeatedly by
King's messengers to do so. It was by one of these mes-
sengers Lord Landaff enclosed within one of his own, that
autograph letter I before alluded to from Lord Cornwallis to
himself, in order to urge him to come up and take his seat,
by showing to him (Walshe) how anxious the Lord Lieute-
nant was he should do so—how much he expected from his
advocacy—and as an inducement (Mr. Walshe's family all
Catholic but himself ), an allusion to the political measures
which.were to follow the Union if it should pass. To un-
derstand one allusion in this letter of Lord Cornwallis, it
will be necessary, after such a lapse of time, to mention
one feature in the character of Mr. Walshe—lie was a man
of violent temper, which often obscured his great natural
talents, legal knowledge, and very considerable information
which he acquired by early application, and this failing
often led him to answer the adversary in Parliament, and
at the Bar, by sarcasm and insult, whom lie could put down
by argument and intellectual power. With this explana-
tion, you will understand the use Lord Cornwallis intended
to make of Mr. Walshe in Parliament ; and it was from
the reports then very much in circulation, that Lord Corn-
wallis recommended very strong measures to his private
friends in forwarding the Union, reports that gained ge-
neral credit from Corry's attack on Mr. Grattan. I say
it was from this, I was so forcibly struck by the passage in
Lord Cornwallis's letter, which I shall now give you as
taken from amongst some memoranda I then made respect-
ing the proceedings adopted to carry the Union.
The passage was as follows :—Mr. Walshe was exactly
the man he now wished to have in Parliament, from the
character he had established while he had before been a
Member of it: that ardency of mind, the firmness of his
character, universally admitted, rendered him peculiarly
fitted, for the present crisis; and his advocacy of the mea-
sure of Union would be highly beneficial to the Govern-
ment, and to the country, and would be most gratefully
remembered by me. Do, my dear Lord, urge him to come
up with as little delay as possible. From what I have
learned of his political feelings, I am led to think he must
be anxious to forward the measure of Union, when he will
be informed that I am authorized by Mr. Pitt to say, that
the accomplishment of that measure will be followed up by
imparting to the Catholics the benefits of the British Con-
stitution, and lead to a beneficial alteration in the tithing
system in Ireland.
The rest of the letter was nearly a repetition of this pas-
sage in more general terms. But neither the letter of Lord
Cornwallis, nor that of Lord Llandaff, holding out great
private advantages, could enable Walshe to quit his house.
Therefore, upon an understanding that he should be again
returned, when his health admitted of it, a great object
to Mr. Walshe, to settle his affairs, very much embar-
rassed, be vacated his seat for Ballynahinch, .which
was again, filled by some friend of Lord Llandaff's.
The principle of union then admitted in Parliament,
its advocates increasing in number; the peculiar advocacy
mt Mr, Walshe was not found to be so necessary, and Lprd
,Llandaff was unable, and I know he anxiously endeavoured
to do so, to procure a return for Mr. Walshe, who was
-seeing It with great urgency. ft was after many commU-
• • i .Ni by letter ,and of noise, that I was applied to by
Amam
both as a of al friend, to prevent the publication, by
Walshe
of Loroljeornwallis's letter to Lord Llandaff, which
, 'd gel he was authorised to show him,
,
his lordship acknew:!
but which he incautious:7 sent to, and left in his posses-
sion. By great efforts, and 7vith'much difficulty, pre-
vailed upon Walshe to leave the .I.etter in Any hands until '
the assizes following, then to he given t 9 Mr. Walshe, and I
that Lord Llandaff would in the interim n'e all means to
satisfy Mr. Walshe, which he did in some manner not here
necessary to mention, and I at the time appointed gaVe the
letter to Mr. Walshe, at that time dangerously ill. In the
county of Tipperary, it will not occur to any one tO Ask
why Lard Llandaff applied to me, and not to his son, on
such an emergency ; but it is well known there, that his
son and his lordship were scarcely on speaking terms re-
specting the Union ; that I was perhaps more intimate with
Mr. Walshe than any other person, and that I would feel
nearly for the Mathews' family at the time, as I would for
j my own.
I have been obliged to run this letter to great length in-
deed : but the facts introduced are so uncommon, that I
found it necessary to give all the details, to 'establish them
AS much as I could. I have also been obliged to introduce
myself in every line, but annoying as this is, the great ob-
ject you are engaged in, and the use you say thase facts
will be to establish the position you have taken, would be
but faintly felt by me, if such trifles were to deter me ;
and you know at this moment my mind is too ill at ease
to indulge in any idle vanity. I shall ask you, who know
Ireland so well, and in the midst of all your other pur-
suits have been a closeobserver, do you believe there is one
intelligent man in this kingdom, who was twenty-one
years old in 1800, that has a particle of doubt upon his
mind, that Lord Cornwallis employed Protestant agents,
and he so authorised them to negotiate with the Catholics?
Does not the universal support the Catholics give him in
their districts prove the fact? Was there any opposition
front the Catholics anywhere, except a partial one in
Dublin ? There the reasons and motive for hostility were
obvious ; the injury which the Union would bring on their
property and business overpowered their feeling to public
rights. The same feeling acting on the Catholics and Pro-
testants of Cork in an opposite way, made them enthufi-
astic supporters of the Union, for they believed that the
Union would not be in. operation for one year, when the
trade of Dublin would be transferred to Cork ; the citi-
zens of Limerick had some such idea. also. In short, it
was by the Catholics the Union was carried ; notwithstand-
ing all the corruption which prevailed at that day, in de-
spite of the influence of so many leading families who sup-
ported that measure, yet the Protestants through Ireland
were adverse to the Union, at least as seven to three.
I must stop, and if this little memoir of the Union, for
such it is in fact, shall in any degree, however little, answer
your object, I Will have all the return I desire.
My dear Lord, yours truly,
Lord Rosamore. GEO. LID WILL.

CLONMEL, MARCH A... 1827.

My Lord,—l was honoured with your Lordship's
favour of the 22d instant. In reply : the High Sheriff
convened a Meeting of this County, to take the sense of
the people on the momentous question of the Union. The
late Lord Donoughmore took the lead in the discussion,
and spoke at some length in favour of the measure ; and
concluded by saying, that the utn Catholics were much
intereted in having it passed, as their enuneipation would
be granted, And that speedily. A resolution to petition
Parliament in fanny of the measure being put from the
Chair, passed in a erowe,pd court—two dissenting voices
against it, viz., the present Lord Lisiuore and Henry
Oiccrn, Esq. Lord Donoughmore called on me the next
(lay, requesting I would (from the altar) impress on the
feelings of the Zoman Catholics to forward that measure,
by affixing their namea the petition in favour of it. I
complied with his Lordship's ,request, and the petition was
numerously signed by us. I have no further information
on this subject. Your Lordship's speech, and ansyypr to
the address, I like, as emanating from a good feeling heart.
Your Lordship's most respectful servant,
Lord Rossmore. 771°S. FLANNERY.

Are we, then, to be satisfied with tha sophistry of a
Minister, that because the specific article was not
written in so many words in the bond, that therefore
it is not binding, when one party has received every
advantage and keeps the other. without an equiva-
lent? Gentlemen, I hope it will be admitted that
I have satisfactorily proved, that Catholic emancipa-
tion was not only the secret, but the vital article of
the Union on the part of the Catholics, and that the
Government of England has broken her engagements
with our country. Gentlemen, I have done. I have
nothing more to advance before you. I came here,
that what I had to say should be proclaimed on the
soil of Britain—should meet the eye of every Briton,
I where philanthropy and universal benevolence has
chosen her abode.
Mr. QuIN, after pronouncing a high
eulogy upon
the eloquence of the speech which had been ad-

dressed to the meeting by Lord Rossmore, moved
" That the most cordial and respectful thanks of
the Association be presented to the Noble Lord for
his valuable communications, and that his Lordship
be requested to communicate to the British Catho-
lic Association, a copy of his speech, and of the
other documents which he had read at the meeting,
that the same may be entered upon the minutes."
The motion was carried unanimously, and with loud
applause.
Mr. INI'DoNNELL rose again to complain of cer-
tain aspersions which had been cast upon the most
elevated aad influential members of the Catholic
body, in a publication called the Truthteller. Mr.
M'Donnell then read an extract from that paper, in
which it was stated, that a sub-committee had been
selected out of the general committee of the British
Catholic Association, and were in the habit of hold-
ing secret sittings at Norfolk-house, where they
were negotiating a Concordat with the Court of
Rome. Mr. INl'Donnell appealed to Mr. Blount, to
say if there were any foundation for such a report.
Mr. FRENCH next addressed the Meeting. He
said, that the reason why subscriptions were not
more largely made to the British Catholic Associa-
tion was, that it did not possess the confidence of
the Catholics of Lancashire and other places. For
his own part, he always expected to be attacked, for
there were certain persons who appeared to be alto-
gether obnoxious to the Committee, and of which
number he well knew that he was one. In his for-
mer speeches lie had been deprived of justice by the
manner in which his words had been reported ; one
of those Reporters had been perjured, and he ap-
pealed to Mr. Blount whether he had not said, in a
slow and solemn manner, when speaking of Mr.
Canning, that he execrated his memory, and de-
spised his panegyrists, at the same time particularly
remarking, that he alluded to his public, and not to
his private character. But the Reporter had thought
proper to leave out this last part, so that it appeared as
if he (Mr. F.) had attacked the private character of
Mr. Canning. His Lordship, on the trial, had for-
bidden him to say a word, and it was well for Mr.
Brougham that he had done so, for he should else
have given him such a trimming as he would not
soon have forgotten.—(A laugh.)—" By Jove, but
I would."—(Laughter.)--And Mr. Brougham had
had the candour to confess as much.

Mr. BLOUNT believed Mr. French had made a dis-
tinction between the public and private character of
Mr. Canning.
Mr. FRENCH proceeded to express a hope that he
might be permitted to speak unhissed—(a laugh)---
in future, and that all persons may be heard, with
impartiality and fairness. His general habit was, to
speak a previously prepared speech ; but, on the
present, being called on a sudden, he was obliged to
make an extemporaneous exposition of his senti-
ments. When he did prepare his speeches, he pro-
duced periods for which he had no reason to blush.
—(A slight laugh.)—The Learned Gentleman was
proceeding to make some further remarks, when, on
the manifestation of some impatience by the Meet-
ing, Mr. F. exclaimed, " There's the system begin-
ning again."
Mr. GRADY gave notice of a motion at the next
General Meeting of Catholics, that he would submit
a motion, the object of which was, that the Catho-
lics should petition Parliament for a reform in Par-
liament. _

Upon some discussion as to the propriety of en-
tertaining the motion, it was finally received as a no-
tice of motion. The other business of the day was
then disposed of, when
Lord RossmoßE was called to the Chair. Thanks
were voted to the Chairman, and the Meeting broke
up at half-past six in the evening.

FOREIGN INTELLIGENCE.

FRENCH PAPERS.

(From the Gazette de France, dated Monday, Jan. 21.)
PARIS, JAN. 20.—The King has addressed the
following letter to the Bishops and Archbishops of
France, on occasion of the deplorable anniversary of
Jan. 21 :—.

" My Cousin,—We approach the melancholy an-
niversary henceforth consecrated, at the same time,
to the memory of King Louis XVI. and to that of
Queen Mary ,Antoinette. Our only consolation
under the recollections which this day recalls is to
see the publicgrief mingle with our own, and France,
in mourning, implore with us the God of mercy for
the
.trip august victims, the objects of our eternal re-
gret. We write this letter, therefore, to signify to
you, that on the 21st of January next, solemn ser-
vice is to be performed with this intention, in all
the churches of your diocese. You will according
to custom, invite the civil and military authorities to
attend. No discourse or funeral oration is to be
pronounced, only the testament of the Royal Martyr
shall be read from the pulpit, in which he has left
the affecting expressions of his last will and his last
a4ens. The present letter having no other object,
I pray to god to have you, my cousin, in his holy
keeping.
" Written at Paris, ,tan. 'I, 1528.
(signed) " Off ARLES."

" Deniw, 13i61;op—of Hermopolis."
The Hamburgh Correspondent contains the fol-
lowing article from the banks of the Dwina, dated
Dec. 26 :

We see die energetic measures preparing which
the Powers are going to employ by land against
Turkey. The executicm will probably be intrusted
to Russia. What Power is better calculated for this
than that which its position, its interest, and the
attitude it has already assumed, render so proper
for in ?
The preceding conduct of Russia during the course
of her victories in the midst of the laurels which
strewed the route she had to follow, is a pledge of
her moderation. Alexander appeared to have taken
for his motto the inscription of a medal, The world
is not sufficient, and I have no need of it.' The
Emperor Nicholas is the heir of this moderation.
The cotemporaries acknowledge it, and posterity will
appreciate the manner in which Russia has acted in
negociating for years—in keeping armies on foot at
an immense expense to require the fulfilment of
treaties, or to hinder the peace, scarcely established,
from being sacrificed to the passions; when it has
drawn the sword,—when it has vanquished,—it was
because it was obliged to do so.
Russia desires peace, like every other Power;
but there is, betides, a moderation and a patience
which, in the end, must gain the esteem even of in-
difference. He alone who chooses to be blinded, in
spite of evidence, can impute to Russia projects of
aggrandizement. It has no need of any aggrandize-
ment ; but no person will require it to make sacri-
fices without indemnity,—to suffer aggressions
without repelling them in a suitable manner—to
support continual struggles without securing its
frontiers, in order to be able, it not to prevent hosti-
lities commenced by levity via presumption, at least
to render them more difficult. It is thus that the
Imperial Court of Russia will execute with calmness
what justice, honour, humanity, peace, and security
require. The history of the Government of the
Emperor Nicholas is a proof of the value which he
attaches to these advantages 114' will know how to
protect and maintain them, abroad as well as at
home.

We have never known a season so splendid as
the present. Brighton can now boast of encompassing
within its limits a vast assemblage of nubility anti fashion-
able company.—Brighton Guardian.

UNIVERSITY OF LONDON.—The Council
have elected the Rev. THOMAS DALE, A.M., of Corpus
Christi College, Cambridge, morning preacher at Saint
Bride's, Fleet-street, and evening
preacher at St. Mary
Abchurch, to be Professor of the English Language and
Literature; and Mr. HYMAN Huftwrrz, to be Professor
of Hebrew. We are glad to hear that the weather has
been so favourable for building, that the workmen are now
engaged in putting on the roof. The lectures are to com-
mence in October next, as we are informed; and, consi-
dering the extent of the building, which is 430 feet long,
and that it is so substantially built, it is wonderful that so
much has been accomplished in so short a time, for the
ceremony of laying the first stone took place on the 30th of
April last.

hours.

r:pd, It
;17 • N
C-19 M 1044

LONDON,
WEDNESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 23, 1828.

Our Cotemporarias are eagerly engaged in

supporting the interests of their respective par•

ties,—but in the existing state of things,

we repeat our opinion, that the present Mi-

nistry are likely to pursue the true interests of
the Nation. Lookers-on generally fancy that they
could play a better game themselves—and
amongst others, we also could suggest improve-
ments in the Cabinet. Had Mr. PEEL, for

instance, been Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and removed from any interference with Ireland,
we should have been better pleased ; but matters
might have been greatly worse ; and, much as
we respect Lord LANsnowNE and many of the
Whig Party, we should be unwilling to give
a loose rein to the, Ultras of either side.

The French Papers of Monday, and the
Gazette de France of Tuesday, have been re-
ceived. If we are to believe the Quotidienne,

poor Count OFALIA is persecuted in London
for not inducing FERDINAND to acknowledge

the independence of the South American Re-
publics. This story is entitled to the same credit

as that which says FERDINAND is fitting out an
armament for the re-conquest of his colonies.
The reason assigned for this undertaking is that
the Spanish Government is at this moment col-
lecting large sums of money. Perhaps FERDI-
NAND has taken an honest whim to pay the
Spanish Bonds issued by the Cortes—for though
this seems to have escaped the writer's notice we
think it much more likely to take place than an
expedition to re-conquer South America.
An article from the banks of the Dwina says
that, in the event of war with Turkey, the execu-
tion of the measures adopted by the Allies will
be left to Russia, from her position, interest, and
the imposing attitude which she has already as-
sumed. Her previous moderation is also con-
sidered a pledge of her integrity—but, giving
Russia all due credit for sincerity, may not her
moderation have been a little constrained by dr-
. cu instances ?

The late storms have been unusually severe,
and it now appears that their destructive sweep
was far more extensive than at first imagined.
cotland
Iv b The
ee
e::: of England, Ireland, and S
sad testimony to the calamitous vio-
lence of the elements. On land, trees were torn up
by the roots—houses demolished—roads stopped
up by the heavy fall of snow, or plains flooded
by the overwhelming rush of waters from the
mountains', to the great damage of property,

t sea the
aeGhxetdennundisn some
tri olielinsttlot:r en') stilti:leda sc:r°aeir,
olalilfmge ample scopei
Isles—the coasts of Holland, Norway,' al°
indeed over the North Sea, till it spent is
rage up the Baltic. Over such an extent'
the catastrophe must have been tromendous/
Along our shores the shipwrecks, loss of lift
and perils endured have been appalling, a°
every day brings mere tidings of casualtie
at sea, to swell the dismal catalogue. Man,
vessels are supposed to have foundered
from the extreme inclemency of the weather
and the severity of the season. We may, there'•
fore, we fear, daily expect to hear of more diS'
asters,

We would call the attention of our readers 0
the able and eloquent speech of Lord Ross',
NtonE, which will he found in 'another part UAL
our Paper. How differently must human mind:
be constructed, when some are able to resist.
arguments which :appear to others so perfectil:
unanswerable ! There is indeed a foul blot 00
the boasted faith of Britain, whilst the Treaty
of Limerick and the Union bear testimo4
against it in the Annals of History. Were
the danger to our glorious Constitution 39
serious, as it is visionary, who would violate
his solemnly plighted faith to avert that danger?
Let us remember the Heathen REGULtJS. Al t 1
should Nations act on principles which wotlifi
be disgraceful to individuals ?

But this argument assumes some peril,
where we can see none, having no such meal'
opinion of the Protestant religion as to suppose
that the Roman Catholic faith is to overspread
the land the moment they are put on an equality,

Kii
eel]

It is with much regret that we announce the
melancholy death of Colonel INI'DoNNEL,
Glengarry. We understand, that that gentle'
man and two of his daughters were on board
steam-boat which by some accident, got ashore
near Fort William ; and, that during the concw
sion of quitting the vessel, he received a blow )0

his head, which caused his death within sib

bei
hal

THE FUNDS-(THIS DAY).

CITY, TWELVE O' CI, ocr.

The settlement of the account yesterday having
been adjusted so far as the balances have to be paid
and received, this morning has been devoted to tl3l
final discharge of the same, and the business doing
in the English Funds has consequently not been °I
any importance. A decline of full a quarter Pe:
cent. on the highest price of yesterday may be state
up to the present hour to have taken place. Con'
sols opened at 853 6, both for money and Februall
account, (which is fixed for the 28th); they hart
since been buyers at 86, but have receded to 8.5 i
and at one period 4 was the nearest price for thanel
and account; they are now 854 I. India Bonds'act
92 4, and Exchequer Bills, Co 2 pm.
The Foreign Funds do not exhibit any novelt
this morning; Colombian Bonds are lower, beini,'
quoted at 241 54 ; Chilian, 23 5; Mexican, 6 pet,
Cent, 471 4 ; Russian Stock continues at a steadi
advance, being 934 4; Danish, 614 4 ; Spanish,
per Cent., 10 4 ; Greek, 173; Brazilian, 6011 1. • ,
In Shares the premium of 5 15 on Real del Montt:
Mines has again gone off, and they are now at par;l
Brazilian, 69 71 pm.; Colombian, '23 4 per sharej!
United Mexican, 21 20 dis.
Three per Cent. Consols, 854 3; Ditto for the Feb'
Account, 854 4 ; India Bonds, 92 4 pm. ; Exelleque'
Bills, 60 2 pm.
FORElGN.—Brazilian, 60:t 1 ; Buenos Ayres, 42
Chilian, 23 5 ; Colombian, 241 51; Danish, 614 Greek,
171; Mexican, 5 per Cent., 36 '7; Ditto, 6 per Cent'
473 4 ; Peruvian, 255 64 ; Portuguese, 714 2 ; Russia!'
934 4 ; Spanish, 10 4.
MzNzs._Anglo Mexican, GO 58 die. ; Brazilian, 69
71 pm. ; Bolivar, Ti 11 dis. ; Colombian, 23 4 l'ef
Share; Real del Monte, par ; United 'Mexican, 21 20 d 4
TWO O'CLOCK.
Consols, after nearly reaching 86, have had i
trifling re-action to 854, buyers, but the market /It',
an evident tendency to improvement at present'
Bank Stock has risen to 211.
TITRRE O'CLoCK.
Consols for February, 85/ .
FOUR O'CLOCK.—CLOSING
Consols 854
Danish
Do. for Ac. 851 Greek, 1825 17
Brazilian Bonds 603 Mexican, 1825 471:
Buenos Ayres 42 Peruvian 254
Chilian Do. Russian 94
Columbian, 1824 244 Spanish, 1821 103

A Detachment from the Depot of the 7
Regiment, or the Duke of Albanye own Highlander':
marched from Armagh to Newry on the 18th jnat.4 a'
embarked on board the Lord Blaney steam-packet, V
Liverpool, on the 19th, on route to join the.r Corps, no°
stationed in the Tower of London.
MELANCHOLY OCCURRENCE.--We are
debted to a gentleman who was a passenger on board
vessel for the following account of the melancholy death
Mr. R. T. 'Macy, mate of the packet-ship Sylvanus
kips :—" On Tuesday, the Sth inst., about one o,eloci'
p.m., in lat. 49. 35 N„ and 100. 27!
crew were engaged in removing the fore topsail, in ord't
to replace it by another, which was better adapted to with'
stand the violence of the wind, that was then blowi4,
heavily from the N.W. The ship was running,
the time, before the wind, at the rate of Wipe
the work, Mr. MAcv- ascended the mast where the Diet'
the captain, nor was such exertion, on
by the
mate, required at the moment. Ilavil;,1"
knqtp, arid the 50, viTah:sunhtlesuhalaidY high, An=ions Aselvie st, tom parteexs ipe°nf
were employed. the
course of the morning, although he was neither ordered f;
to
the necessary directions the men, and while in D.'
given
ndiuff over the rim of the fore-top, he missed
act of des' - •
hold. At the same time the ship gave a lurch to the star,
board side, and he was precipitated into the sea. He vi"
scarcely seen to fall before the unhappy occurrence wd
known to every one on board. The ship was brougij
to as soon as possible, but she must have run,
least, half a mile ere this was, or
could 113',,
tphaartt, di:tsy
been, effected. At first it Was a source of o'r
it had been carried away during a tremendous ale
windcere regret to
xt onudsayall
morning that the
prejLililiiy boat was loot
ug
but we tild
soon convinced that no boat could live in such a sea; :"ti
if one was manned for the purpose of endeavouring to Pro
up Mr. MAcv, we were persuaded that she could not too
been rowed to windward, and might have been unable
ff
reach the ship again. Mr. MAcy was only seen once 30,
he fell from the fore-top. It is supposed that he we* iljo
great measure, stunned by the fall, and that he /oust I,°
perished soon afterwards. --Liverpool Albion. •

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