The Sun.
London, England, 1845-04-16 00:00:00

stances, he found a meritorious class in a state of misery and
destitution whom this endowment would partially relieve. He
would receive it, because he knew the difficulty and the labour ,
and the expense of receiving a proper degree of instruction
in the seminaries of Ireland. He was also willing to receive it
for a political reason. The House was well aware that it was
not for the mere paltry consideration of 30,0001. that they ac-
cepted it, but the grant to them had a peculiar interest, for no
matter what party held the reins of Government, they hailed
this as a concession that England had at last met Ireland in
something like a kindred spirit, by recognising the claims of
her Catholic clergy to protection. It was in this spirit that,he
accepted the grant. They accepted it not as a great botia to
the mere Catholic party, but as a greater measure of justice.—
( Cheers.) It was in that spirit Ireland received the grant, and
he prayed Hon. Members in that House who might be dis-
posed to oppose the second reading of the measure, to con-
sider well the consequences of dashing the cup
from their lips. He would ask them if they were
prepared to eradicate the friendly feeling at present existing in
the minds of the Irish towards England? An Hon. Member
had quoted words which had been attributed to Mr. O'Con-
nell, and said to be delivered by him in Conciliation Hall.
He was reported to have stated—" Conciliation Hall, I thank
you—Agitation, I am' obliged to you—Maynooth ought to
pray for you." He would parody those words. If a Minister
like the Right Hon. Baronet at length were to think the time
had arrived that conciliation should be used towards Ireland—

if he introduced a measure like this, and if that measure
were rejected, no matter under what form their opposition
might have arisen, whether it assumed the form of evangelical
or voluntary—he would say, in that case, that Mr. O'Connell
should get up, and instead of saying, " Repeal—Agitation, I
thank you," he would say, " British House of Commons, Re-
peal ought to pray for you," for he (Mr. Sergeant Murphy) was
sure that nothing could give a greater impetus to
repeal than the rejection of this grant to the
College of Maynooth. He would rather, for his part, that the
sum given to Maynooth should be given to the support of all
creeds alike. But was the sum which would be saved out of the

taxes of the country by the judicious distribution of this gran
net worthy of their consideration ? Would the House let the
opinion expressed by a clergyman of the English Church go
forth to the people of Ireland as the sentiments of the English
nation? Those opinions would be supposed to be correct if
the House rejected this measure. He found the clergyman
he referred to using the following phrases : —He said that he
would draw upon the historical annals of the country to show
the evils which had resulted from the connexion of the Go-
vernment with Popery. He referred to the reigns of Eliza-
beth and her successor, and then he came to Charles the First.
He (the clergyman) stated had made a Popish alliance, and
had brought up up his children in the Popish faith ; and then
be added that the lightning of heaven had blighted the splen-
dour of the English Crown, and that Charles the First had
perished on the scaffold. And then followed the second
Charles. He designated him a weak and sensual monarch,
but not so deeply criminal as to draw down the
vengeance of heaven on his head. Why ? Because
he was not openly declared for Popery. Before that
time was Oliver Cromwell, a guilty man, no doubt—a man of
blood, but who hid redeemed his guilt by supporting the Pro-
testant cause. Then he came nearer their own times, for he
came to the time of William IV. Within twelve months after
the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act extraordinary
changes occurred in this country. Soon after the Monarch's
signature had been attached to that Bill he was hurried from
the world. Such was the language of an English clergyman
at a public meeting. He had no hesitation in giving that
clergyman's name—it was Dr. Croly. Now he would
ask what were the deductions to be drawn from these
historical statements ? He meant that if they had
a leaning to Popery they should take example by
those who hail gone before them. He asked them
if they rejected this measure, if they thought it would contri-
bute to the peace and good feeling which it was so essential
Ireland should entertain towards this country 7 He entreated
Hon. Members not to reject a measure which would strengthen
the good feeling which ought to exist between the two
countries.
Sir J. HANMER (who was scarcely audible in the gallery)
was understood to say—The different views that were taken by
the majority of Hon. Members in that House, were such as
to render it difficult for one to satisfy his mind as to the point
of view in which that question was to be taken; according to
his appreciation of the particular merits of the case, he would
vote on the occasion. The question deeply agitated this coun-
try, independently of the spirit that was evinced by the many
petitions which crowded the table of the House ; and whether
the people of England were right or wrong in their opinion,
he felt himself bound to say, that if they had triennial Par-
liaments, or if they had much shorter Parliaments than they
now had, they would have a very larger majority of the popu-
lation against the measure. Reference was made to the time
of Mr. Pitt, when this grant was thought to be expedient.
He would ask them if the present time was at ell compa-
rable with that ? Was the time come to institute a
connexion between the Roman Catholic Church arid
the State ?—( Hear, hear.) What influence would be
gained by such a relation—of what good would it be pioduc-
tive ? He thought that the only influence whieh they could
have over the leaders of the Church of Rome—the lions of the
fold of Judah, as they called themselves—was to be derived
from that civil power, from their justice and equity, and not
from an ecclesiastical relationship with them. Why enter into
a connexion with them if they were riot to exercise some ec-
clesiastical jurisdiction over them ? Supposing they associated
this College with the State, that it was found necessary to bring
that relationship closer, and that it was snore strongly pressed
upon them, he would ask, as a practical question, how they
were to pay 3,000 priests of the Church of Ireland? He men.
tioned that number, for he had been told that there were 3,00 n
Roman Catholic priests in Ireland, who were employed in the
avocations of ministers of their religion. Well, then, he
could ask, if such were the fact, how were those priests main-
tained? He ventured to say it would be found very difficult
to give an answer; though it would be admitted that they
were never known to be in want. He was one of these who
was ready to admit that the Right lion. Baronet the First
Minister of the Crown had met the position of Ireland in a true
spirit last year, by proposing that most useful measure, the
Charitable Bequests Acts ; but he (Sir J. Hanmer) did now
protest against the Government going any further in making
such concessions, or establishing what might be called col-
lateral ecclesiastical establishments, because he conceived that
the Government should confine itself to ecclesiastical matters
belonging to the State. He was one of those who believed
in the wise and sound policy of Sir R. Peel, and he had no
doubt but that his measure of last session, to which he
( Sir J. Hanmer) had alluded, would have a good effect for a
long series of years. The Hon. Baronet concluded by saving
he disagreed in the policy of the present measure, and should
therefore oppose it.
Mr. ROSS next rose to address the House, but the noise
and confthien created by a crowd of Msmbers leaving the
House at the moment, prevented the possibility of his being
heard with anything, like distinctness in the gallery. He was
understood to say that two speeches that he had heard had made
a deep impression on his mind, for he had heard them with
keen attention. One of them was from the Right Hon. Gen-
tleman the Secretary for Ireland.---( Hear, hear. )
Before he alluded to them further, he would say
that he looked upon this measure in the light of a
redemption of a pledge that had long been made to Ireland,
and as a part of a great system that would: eventually open up
the vast industrial and commercial resources of that country.
As to the speech of the Hon. Member for Perth, he should
say that he had hoped to hear that Honourable Member
speak in favour of carrying out that justice which he
appeared to prize so much. But he (Mr Ross) could
not help saying that the whole of the opposition to this measure
was not founded upon either reason or justice. In calling the
attention of the House to the arguments used in the speeches
he had mentioned, he would notice but few of them, and
then he would ask the House in what position were
the Irish Roman Catholic clergy before they
were dependant on the English Government ?—( Hear. )
The religious objections urged in the course of this debate ap-
peared to him to have no weight at all. Seeing that there was
so much difference between the Presbyterians and the members
of the Church of England, and so much difference between the
members of the Church of England and the Roman Catholics,
and looking at the existence of the regium donum to the Pres-
byterians, he could not see why they could refuse this grant.
He did not give much weight to the argument derived from
the amount of money in this case; for if, by this measure they
conferred peace on Ireland, the number of regiments which
they could draw away from it would soon make up for it. He
hoped, that when this measure and others like it
were passed, the differences which so long existed between
different classes of Irishmen would be destroyed, and they
would put their shoulders together and struggle that their
country should be placed on a perfect equality with England,
and, till that equality was attained, he, for one, would not
rest satisfied. He trusted the Right Hon. Baronet would per-
severe in the course he had entered upon, till he had made Ire-
land united and prosperous, and the strength and right arm of
England.—( Hear, hear. )
Mr. M. GORE and Mr. Hamilton' rose together, the
latter for the purpose of moving the adjournment of the
debate, but the House having called for Mr. Gore he proceeded
to say that if he considered the present measure as likely to im-
pair the principle of the Reformation he would oppose it as
strongly as he should now give it a warm and cordial
support.—( Hear, hear.) He had always voted for the
grant to Maynooth, and in so doing he thought he had voted for
the principle of the grant, and that there was, therefore, no
new principle involved in the present measure;—( Hear, hear.)
He believed that if they had acted on the principle on which the
Romans acted towards the Gauls, and the Normans towards the
Saxone, Ireland would not be in the position she was now.
Ireland for the last 350 years had desired to participate in the
laws of England, but, for 350 years our ancestors had refused to
allow them to participate in such advantages. He hoped this
was but the commencement of a more liberal and comprehensive
system of legislation towards that unfortunate country. He
gave every credit to her Majesty's Government who had
been actuated by the best motives, and also to that part
of the Opposition which supported them ; and he concluded by
saying that he would give the measure his most cordial sup-
port, and by expressing a hope that it would be brought to
a triumphant conclusion.—( Loud cheers.)
Mr. ALEXANDER HAMILTON moved the adjournment
of the debate.
The other orders of the day were then disposed of, and the
House adjourned.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]

SUDDEN DEATH of the MARQUIS
OF DOWNSHIRE.
TO THE EDITOR.

SIR,-It is only when great people fall that the rest of
mankind will reflect on their own situations ; this has
been exemplified in many instances. We are satisfied
that all sudden deaths proceed from a neglepted state of
body, and that such dreadful catastrophes Would be of
very rare occurrence if the world generally would reflect
on this important point, viz., that all pains or diseases
whatever proceed from some impurity in the blood, which
impurity can only be eradicated by proper vegetable
purgation. It is useless to look to any other remedy.
Every one, when he feels any pain or sickness, should
immediately become his own doctor, by at once taking
an efficient purgative, without going here and there for
different and contradictory medical opinions—this is the
great principle which Hygeists wish to inculcate, and
they care not for the opposition of interested individuals
who oppose it. Hygeists have had ample practical ex-
perience of the truth of it, and all the learning in the
world cannot make it otherwise. It is the grand secret
of health and disease—of life and death. If the truth
could be ascertained we have no doubt that the Noble
Marquis of nownshire had neglected his boiy, and had
not done that which he ought to have done—he, like
hundreds of other great men, trusted to false science and
learning,* opposed to simple nature and truth, and has
therefore fallen a victim.

We are, Sir, your obedient servants,
MORRISON AND CO.,
For and on behalf of the body of Hygeists.
British College of Health, New-road,
London, April 16, 1845.
* Accomplishments, such as Greek and Latin, &c., have
nothing to do with the cause or cure of dist aces.

SALMON FISHING.—Season 1845 will be a dreary
one in the calendar of our fishers; unless the eaters yield
better returns than they have hitherto done. The streams
are so very unproductive as scarcely to meet the ordinary
wages. Salmon arc/ selling at Nairn for Is. 6d. per lb.—
Inverness Courlfir.