The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-29 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THIIRSDAY EV,ENING, FEBRUARY 2g-, 1844,

sition, and will not be able to address you this even-
ing; but our excellent friend, Mr. Bright--(Loud
cheers)—is here, and will address you in his place.—
(Loud cheers.) The Chairman concluded by calling
upon Mr. Ashworth, of Turton, near Bolton, to ad-
dress the meeting.
Mr. HENRY ASHWORTH then came forward to the
platform. He said it was no common sight to witness
manufacturers from the North leaving their dwellings
and their occupations to appear before an audience
like the present. The Manufacturer had usually other
employments to attend to, but he would appeal-to his
fellow-countrymen when he felt himself wronged. The
manufacturers were unused to agitation; they belonged
to a class who studied practical science and the• mechani-
cal arts and their machinery, and they were therefore
busily engaged at home if pernicious legislation, al.
lowed them to be so. In appealing to them in the
character of a manufacturer, he felt a confidence
which arose from the fact, that the body to which he
belonged sought to possess nothing but their own.
Manufactures were engaged in making hard bargains,
and so were all prudent persons, themselves
,(the
meeting) among the rest.—(Hear.) But it - could
not be laid to their charge that they had got a com-
mercial house in Parliament-street where they could
surround the community with their toils, and enable
themselves to make both sides of the bargain.—
(Hear, hear.) Manufacturers enjoyed no protection.
They sought none, and they disclaimed the protec-
tive system altogether; all they asked, was to have
all her Majesty's subjects put upon an equal footing.
That was not an unreasonable demand. But the
landlords said they must have protection—that they
were entitled to a certain amount of protection for
certain specific purposes. He would not now remind
them of what those purposes were, but refer them for
the information to Lord Mountcashel and Sir
Edward Knatchbull. Those gentlemen could tell all
about it. They said they must have pro-
tection to enable them to compete with,
foreigners. He was not yet aware in what respect
Englishmen were inferior to 'foreigners. (Hear,
hear.) He was persuaded that the British farmer and
farm-labourer would do as much work, and were as
capable of competing with foreigners, as any class;
and none, he was persuaded, could better compete
with them in agricultural labour, if the landlords
would allow him to buy his food .rather cheaper. The
manufacturers were exposed to foreign competition—
and why not the landlords?, Manufacturers enjoyed
no privileges—they required none. They possessed
no advantages of machinery, which were not common
'to all the world. They obtained from other countries
inventions and improvements in machinery, which
they embodied in that machinery which they manu-
factured themselves, and then allowed those produc-'
tions of their own skill to be taken out of this country
and sold in any country in the world, at as cheap a
rate as they had got them- themselves.—(Hear, hear.)
The law which prohibited the export of machinery
had been repealed . a year or two -ago, 'and 'although
they were suffering severely in their business, and
although many were of opinion that the export of
their machinery, superior as it was of its kirid,
would be hazardous to them, nevertheless with a spirit
of fair dealing the manufacturers never:demurred to
the Act permitting the export, but allowed it to pass
without hesitation or disturbance. Having, therefore,
given up, in favour of foreigners, all protection; if
ever they had any,- the manufacturers claimed to be
freed .from= restriction of every kind. They took it
that since they were exposed to foreign coMpetition,
it was unjust that any other class—especially the
wealthy landlord class—should enjoy advantages not
common to all. With respect to manufacturers and
mother classes of the community, they were told 'that
the home market was an important market for their
productions. He was prepared to speak to the value
of the home market, as regarded his own trade, which
was,the cotton trade. That was chiefly an export
trade, there being only one out •of every seven bales
consumed wrought for home consumption ; and thds,
all the employment with the cotton trade, derived from
every class of British subjects, amounted to onlyaane •
sevefith of the whole, or about one day's work out of
the week. That applied to the consumption of cla.sses;
and, therefore, when one came to analyse what was
obtained from the aristocratic- classes, who put forth
the value of the home-market in such vaunting terms,
it was found to amount to only some fractional parts
of one day's work in a week ; and• for that they I
were thankful as far as it went. As to the home
consumption, the city of London alone consumed more
cotton manufactures than all Ireland, and Manchester
more than the entire county of Buckingham.—.
(Hear, hear.) With respect to the export trade,
from what he had already mentioned, they would see _
that they depended upon foreigners for six-sevenths
of all the work they did, and those six-sevenths of
Jar their productions being sold in the open markets pf
kers the world, they were unable to enjoy any deseription
's.) of protection. Let them now look to the landlord,
-3 ; and the manufacture which pertained "to his occupa-
1g tion—the manufacture of food. There was no export
- trade in that article. He had the best market
:I* in the world at his own doors, and protection,
t too, into the bargain. There was a time
t when the landlords of this country exported their
I own produce, but that day was gone by, and the po-
pulation of this country now consumed all the food
they could raise, and required much more if they
could get it. As much of this food was consumed
by the large portion of the community engaged in '
manufacturing goods for export, it—that was, corn,
wheat, and other agricultural produce—became the
raw material of their manufacturing labour, and thas
the goods exported consisted virtually of corn,
wheat, &c., as much as of manufactured cotton. The
landlords; who were merchants in their way, were by
that means- become possessed of a medium of ex-
change for their products in foreign countries without,
the trouble and annoyance otherwise necessary to
convert their food into money. Hence it would be
seen that the manufacturers of this country, inanu:
factUring as they did under the corn-laws, were
compelled, in the first instance, to pay an artifi-
cially high price for the food they and their
labourers consumed, and afterwards, in the course of
his export trade, to re-sell- it in- foreign markets,
where, if sold in the shape of food, it would not fetch
more than half the price it brought in its altered form.
Thus they found that the manufacturers became the
implements of the landlords to dispose of their goods
and chattels at twice as much as they were worth,
and at a loss of one half in the process. On the sub-
ject of the export trade, -they would have no difficulty
y in seeing that it was a general axiom in relation to it
tn- that importers were customers. The manufacturers-
in who dealt with foreign countries took, as the brae-
- rion of the prosperity of this country, not the
ry amount of 1
exports, but of imports. He repeated that
rn. imports were to be considered in the light of, cus-
le tomers. A vessel who, approached our shores, no
w matter ' from what -country she came, was the
impersonation of the foreign merchant with money
a:s in his pockets, for the vessel's 'cargo WEIS easily con-
verted into money, and that money was put at the.
disposal of the merchant's agent to purchase goods
and thus, in a new shape, it was re-embarked and
sent away again. Therefore, the more of those ves-
sels that came to our shores, the greater the number
of customers for our manufactures. Goods imported
into this country did not go at once from the ship to
the merchant's warehouse, but were 'detained at the
Custom-house to pay certain revenue •duties. That
was only right and proper; but a distinction should,
be made between duties levied for the purposes of
revenue and duties imposed for protection. Imports
ought to be as free as the winds in an enlightened
country. If they were to go to a distant country
and see an armed body of men, with ',muskets in one
'hand, and telescopes in the other, for the purpose of
acting as a preventive service to restrict the import
of foreign goods, would they not say that such a
-State" was acting in a most suicidal manner ?
The laws of which he had spoken admitted of the
introduction of luxuries from -foreign countries, of
wines, of silks; and of lace, which were chiefly ,con-
sumed by the rich ; and whilst the importation of
those articles' which were required chiefly by the
labouring classes was prohibited by the Legislature,
, they protested against the protective laws as unjust
to the rest of the community.—(Cheers.) Landlords
told them that this was a manufacturer's question.
They found that manufacturers were very actively
it e,arimats,
tahned the
engagedm in efforts to
;et rid of restrictive enact-
ree
manufacturersthey. alone
attempted
werem ia 1 ' ent outere slttehadt
in the result. He denied that it was exclusive i
y a
manufacturer's question; it was the labourers
r'
: s queestlon ;
the tradesman's question, everybodu e'
There was a time when the manufacturers vireiwsecl
i.onii
as their own question. The law bore hard upon
them, and they ' sought to obtain relief. But the
more they searched into -the question, the stroAger
was their conviction that those who were engaged in
other employments were suffering equally with them-
selves; in some instances they believed that even
greater injuries had been inflicted. It was not a
question affecting any one part of society alone, but
a general questions affecting the whole community.—
(Hear, hear.) When the manufacturer found that
his business was .crippled, and that his-work-people
were starved, it became his 'duty to compla in,
as it would become any one to do when
he saw that he was the subject of hard
dealing.—(ffear, hear.) The landlords, not con-
tent with raising one cry, had started that of oVer-
production. Showing a great number of figures,
they exclaimed, " Why, those manufacturers would
clothe the whole world !”—(Laughter.) It would- be
quite 49 well if they would_ give them the .opportrinlity
'l-clothing the whole world.--(Hear, hear.) If, by
so doing, they bronght .trouble upon them, it would
be time.aneugh to complain when the trouble came.
--(Hear, hear.) It would be as well, perhaps, to
examine this question a little more 'closely: Suppose
it to be possible for them to clothe the whole world.
Still they could not m4ke eyerlasting. calicoes:—
(Laughter.) `taliC-oe-4 woykisometime4'wear nutond
they must then be renewed.—(Hear.) Hence there

would be a constant recurrence of new demands.
Having once got the world to wear calicoes, they
must wait till they were worn out and they might then
begin again.--(Hear, hear.) It would be rather a
jocose circumstance, if, at some future day, a Man-
chester manufacturer should be seen upon these
boards, weeping, like Alexander, the conqueror of
old, not because he wanted another world to conquer,
but because he wairacrinother world to clothe.—
(Laughter.) At, all events, in the midst of all his
grief, he would have the consolation of thinking that
if the whole world were clothed, he himself surely
deserved to be fed.—(Cheers.) He did not hear. any
one complaining that they had got too many clothes.
(A voice from the gallery " I've not."-LLaughter.)
Cheap as clothing was, he had never heard any one
lamenting that if was too cheap. The landlords
occasionally lauded- themselves upon being patriots
and benefactors, boasting that they had made two
blades of grass grow where only one grew before.
On a similar ground he himself, as a manufacturer,
might claim to be considered as a patriot ; for he could
make two shirts for a less price than one used to cost
formerly. But he denied that either landlords or
manufacturers, as such, had any title to these appella-
tions. They both acted from one motive, and that
motive was an enlightened self-interest.—(Hear,
hear.) He had before mentioned the word ma-
chinery. This was another favourite topic of
the aristocracy. They gave shrewd hints about
machinery being at the bottom of all the evils of the
country. He (Mr. Ashworth) maintained that
machinery was one of the greatest blessings which
this country enjoyed.—(Cheers.) Machinery was
the hest guarantee for employment, the surest source
of its permanence, and it also afforded the highest
rate of wages.—(Hear, hear.) Moreover, by ma-
chinery, the body was exempted from physical exer-
tion, and the mind, which ennobled man, was deve-
loped to an extent which would otherwise be impossi-
ble.—(Cheers.) That was a subject upon which he
might dilate for hours ; but he would content him-
self with noticing the facts.• In proof 'of
what he had stated, he would advert to
the result of his experience in his own county. In
Lancashire machinery had been invented, and sys-
tematically carried out, to a greater- extent than it
had been either in any other county in England or
in any other part of the world. If, therefore, machi-
nery had displaced human labour, and impoverished
the people, Lancashire ought to be the poorest county
in the British domiikns.--(1-lear, hear.) So far,
however, from machr Tiry, having displaced human
labour in, that county, it had called for human labour
to double the extent of the people of Lancashire, and
, more than double their progeny for fifty years past.—
In every county in England and Scotland where the
. same system had been carried out, the same results
had uniformly followed; work-people had bee% called
for to a greater extent than before, and wages had
kept pace with the increase of employment. On the
contrary, in those counties where the spade
and the plough were the only machines
employed, they- found what -was called super-
abundant labour.—(Hear, hear) One half of
the population of Lancashire had been attracted
thither from other places. From what places could
they come ? The only counties which could supply
hands were the agricultural counties. Hence, those
who flocked to Lancashire, and the other rnanufae-
turing counties, had left ag,ricultural pursuits. Now,
in examining this question, as he had done for some
years past, he had made some observations in two
parishes in alt agricultural district, not far from some
of their manufacturing towns. He found that in
these two parishes, in the course of seventy years,
there had been, in round numbers, for every two
funerals three-christenings ; and yet the population
remained the same, the number of houses remained
the same, and, in some parts of those parishes there
, was only the same number of houses as appeared to
, have existed at, the period of the Dooinsday survey
in' the time of William the Conqueror.—(Cries of ,
" Hear, hear.") Perhaps the meeting would inquire,_
what, then, became of the people ? As far as he
was able to compute, about 1,000 persons must have
been drawn from those parishes to some other part of
the country. In almost every housewhich he entered,
the people eagerly inquired, "Do you know my bro-
the!? Do you know my. Cousin ?" observing that
they lived in Manchester, in Bolton, in Preston, or in
some other manufacturing town. It appeared, there-
fore, that about 1,000 people in all had left these two
parishes, and betaken themselves to manufacturing
' employments.—(Hear.) If, then, manufacturing
towns were all engulphed in one common ruin—an
event, -the prospect of which, it would appear from
the monopolist papers, had filled the minds of some—
lie did not know what would become of all these]
people when they were found among the ruins.—
(Heir; hear.) It might, happen, however, that if
they survlved the shock, they would be heard, some
fine morning, inquiring of the landlords where they
might lodge ?—(Laughter.) The absence of these
people from their parishes had been the means
both of swelling the rent-roll of the
landlords, and easing the burdens of the
remaining inhabitants. But the agricultural dis-
trict to which he had referred was not the only part
of this country which, had benefited by manufaietufe—s-
-labourers from 'the remotest parts of Ireland and
England bad flocked to the manufacturing towns.—
(Hear, hear.) Not a few had found their way there
from that favoured county, Buckinghamshire, 'a con-
siderable number of whom were now employed in
his (Mr. Ashworth's) service. There was one inci-
dent in connexion with this subject which he would
relate to the meeting. A Noble Lord, a friend, of the
Duke of Buckingham, who came into his part' of the
country some years ago, happened to discover, on en-
tering his (Mr. Ashworth's) works, that some of the
workpeople came from Buckinghamshire. lie en-
tered one of their cottages. Whilst speaking of these
cottages, he could not help observing that they were
not like the cottages in the agricultural counties,
where a hole was dug in the side of a hill, and co-
vered with mud and thatch, and afterwards the whole
was called a eottage. This gentleman found the 'work-
people generally living in good houses, but he now spoke
more particularly of the one at which he called--
a straw built house, two stories high, with three bed
rooms.—(A voice, " No bed. ")
—(Laughter.) He
would here observe that the manufacturing papule-
tion were somewhat delicate in their habits, and one
thing by which they were distinguished was their
attention to the cultivation of propriety and delicacy
of feeling among their children.—(Cbeers.) As an
illustration of this he need only mention that they
deemed it indispensable to have three bed-rooms
whenever they could obtain them.—(Cheers.) His
Lordship inquired about their comforts and earnings,
and amongst the rest he inquired if they would not
like 'to'go back to Buckinghamshire. No," said
one, " Got aWay, 'last," for he spoke very short to his I
Lordship.,L-(Laughter.) "No, got away, last; and I
all the horses of the Duke of Buckingham shan't '
draw moi hack again."—(Great latighter.) His
Lordship inquired how it was he felt attached to the
place. The man answered, " I could not g,et 901. a
year, there."--(Cheers and laughter.) He '(Mr.
Ashworth) supposed that was the money which he
and his family earned. He would conclude his obser-
vations respecting the Buckinghamshire peasantry, by
stating that the Noble' Lord went away quite satisfied,
and said that he " would go and have a joke with the
Duke."7--(Great laughter.) Ikwould, ask whether
the egriculturists had ever sutrered, from want of
hands ?—(Hear, hear.) He, had inquired, and he
never had seen any man who said that he was short
of labourers in agricultural districts; on the contrary,
he found every farmer and landowner speaking of the
%Men of the poor-rates, and of the number of la-
bourers in "the workhouse. They could not suffer
very much,• for agriculture required no more hands
now than in 1821, so that in* carrying out the manu-
facturing interest, Lancashire and Yorkshire,' and
the manufacturing districts generally, provided occu-
pation, comfortable and permanent, for .a large class
of those countrymen, and those who were left behind
did not suffer by their absence. Possibly some of the
audience who were accustomed to read the monopo-
list hireling writers, might wonder how it was 'that
'those agricultural labourers found their way to the
North, and dared to encounter those mill-Molochs.—
(Laughter.) They had been told how the menthe-
, turing labourers' were treated by those Molochs of
' Mill-owners. How, thee, must the agricultural la-
bourers have been treated when they ran away
from the landlords to the millowners ?—(Laugh-
ter, and great cheering.) Surely they must
have been very ill-treated.—(Hear, hear.) One
test remained._ This could be proved. If those who
cried out against the manufacturers had all the sym-
pathy which they professed, let them go hdme and
I outbid the manufacturers in wages—(Oheers)—and
let, them try whether those who fled, from them to
the mills would go back to their " Arcadian abodes "
for.7e. a week.—(Cheers and laughter.)- He would
not detain them much loriger.—(Cries of" Go on.") He
had endeavoured to give them an outside view of
manufactures. If they wanted to know more about
the matter let them follow him home. It was not a
day's journey from them ; and many of them were
accustomed to travel up the Rhine and the Rhone to
observe the customs of distant lands, whilst they knew
nothing of the things that were actually at their own
doors.—(llear, hear.) It was true, Ile must admit,
that they heard sometimes of trouble and strife in the
manufacturing districts ; but whenever they did they
might rely upon it 'that those misfortunes were not
without a cause. When restrictive laws stopped up
the sources of 'their prosperity—when their com-
mercefailed-=--when their capital was exhausted, and
h did they think it unreasonable
that.
he would ask -them, could they find in the whole world
tte the people d
should °ff°°d—
be exasperated ?—(Hear)—and
a--population \which passed through such trials and
of
manufacturingt h e north, with
sy
ss
ltritotitiebloltcaaryth,L.m(chill p
tem exhibited as tine a specimen of moral and asso-
egsu.)latioonur
ciative strength as could.be found in-any imPi of the
world, and on. 0, larger scale. It was sustained by

men in his situation of life, not by the aristocracy—
the aristocracy never assisted manufacturers. f lie
manufacturing interest was created and upheld by
men of diligence in business—by men of skill
energy, and enterprise.---(Cheers.) They embarked
their capital; which they knew they could never re-
cover but by industry and attention on their own
part, harmony with, - their - work-people and the
honest co-operation of both for mutual advantage.--,
(Loud cheers.) It was their interest that the work-
ing classes of their countrymen should be kept up
with comfort, and prosperity, and, independence.—
(Hear, hear.) If the Capitalist and the Workmen
were left to themselves, a good,- underst +Luling, of
their mutual -interest Would 'always prevail, and
side by side they would labour-mdustriotesly to
carry out what was fur the permanent pros-
perity of both.—(Hear, hear.) The manufacturers,
therefore, andithe piddle classes, had a luty and a.
burden imposed upon them to maintain the, moral and
social system of thee country, and to keep up -the
rights of the working -elrtssee-as well as their own.—
(Great cheering.) They had taken their, stand on
the broad principle of justice. He had endeavoured
to show that, in coming forward on this occasion,
they did so in the spirit of justice ; and they called on
those who composed the audience—the middle classes
of this metropolis—to stand by their countrymen in
these events.—(Great cheering.) They asked for the
abolition of all monopolies. They disclaimed protec-
tion
fromti the for themselves, and'
the protection ofoth s inflicted
i and they required to be
_released
upon them.—(Cheers.) They demanded the total
repeal of the corn-laws. They asked for, nothing
less—they would be satisfied with nothing less.—
(Great cheering.) Of the citizens of London, they
asked for their co-operation—they asked that-in this
great cause which they had undertaken, and in which
they had made large sacrifices themselves, the citizens
of London should be prepared to do the same.—(lm-
mense cheering.)
Mr. M. Ginsox then came -forward, ' and was
greeted- with repeated cheers. He said:—Sir, in open-
ing the proceedings of this evening, you drevi a com-
parison between the, present meeting and that which
was held on the last occasion when the Anti-Corn-
law, League was assembled in Covent-garden theatre.
Sir, Whatever may be said upon that comparison, I
hold, at least, that the meeting which is now within
these walls is as great and imposing an assemblage—
(Cheers)—and I say that nothing but a deep interest
being felt in the corn-laws by the public of, this me-
tropolis, could show such a number as I now see before
me.--(Hear, hear.) . I am delighted also that at the
last meeting the theatre was filled to repletion. 'I
am glad that every crevice was occupied. lam glad
also to hear that Ireland has appreciated the manner
in whicha British audience—(lmmense and repeated
cheering for several minutes)—l am glad, I say, to
hear that Ireland has appreciated the manner in which
a'British audience has received the great man for whom
there now exists so deep a sympathy, and on whom
the affections of his countrymen -are so intently fixed.
—(Renewed cheering.) I was delighted , also as a
member of the League that the representative of the
opinions of the great body of the Irish pe?ple was
here in person to tell us that Ireland dethred the
repeal of the corn-laws.—(Great and continued
cheering.) Now let me ask once more what can be
the reason that men are found to make thetsacrifice
(for sacrifice it is) of attending public meetings for
the continued discussion of the same arguments on a
public question.? Why is it that men are lling to
leave their firesides,' and that whole families will
attend on winter evenings to listen to -speec es on a
question which they are told is dull and insipid, and
1
containing Considerations which cannot interest the
public mind ? Why are the meetings countenanced,
not only by men, but by a. large portion of their
fairer fellow subjects ? It is because they see in the
corn-law question something more than an idle
Speculation of political economy.- It is a question
which affects civil rights.—(Cheers.) It relates to a
pliey which restricts the supply of food.—(cheers.)
The ladies of England see that they are advocating
the cause of humanity,, the cause of the widow and
the orphan, and that they are advocating_ the! means
by which a greater, portion of food maybe placed within
the reach of the industriou.s and the needy.—(cheers.)
These are the reasons why men make sacrifices, and
ladies are put to the inconvenience of attending these
meetings. We believe that free trade is the right of
free men, and that a free citizen is entitled to freedom
.of exchange.—(Much cheering.) I believe that
nothing but State advantage or State necessity, can
entitle the Legislature to impose a duty on the- im-
portation of foreign goods.--(Cheers.) The! Anti-
Corn-law League has been called a society attacking
property ; it has been called an aggressive body ; I
deny the truth of this statement. I say, that the
Anti-Corn-law League is not an aggressive' body;;
it is a defensive body. The first attack, the first
violence is committed by those who interfere with
the freedom of exchange, by those who impose that
yoke upon us; we are but assembled together to
throw off that yoke, and to vindicate the rights, the
inherent rights, to which we are entitled.—(Loud
cheers.) We have been told that the societies on the
other side are for the protection of agriculture. I ask,
-What-have -they to do with agriculture? They are
societies for the suppression of agriculture--(Cheers)
—they are not concerned with the affairs of agricul-
ture.-(Cheers.)
of Whateultcultivating
:s ti e g
the earth, in order to
make it produce the largest quantity of those 'vege-
tables which are consumed by human beings as food.
What has that to do with putting duties on fereign
importation—what has that to do with the ascending
aggressive body; the
the societies—are
and descending scale—(Loud cheers) —of graduated
they do propose to in profess to interfere
athireg duties?rceessr inv-elWabwoe d
Leaguers,iaesr.e nlovt
e an
tdhoe
not
hear-) We contend that English-
men have a right to become merchants if they choose,
and to have the reward of their industry, -We also'
agriculture,(fie a
r, but
othnaet celaitsilehrasclass has a right to de-
w withit h trade.
contend that they haee a right to cultivate the earth,
and to have the full reward of their enterprise ; but,
a right to interfere
denyhe
eththaetr,anoyr
monopoly of the market, or the exclusive
mend a m
wwietht
privilege of supplying their fellow-countrymen' with'
food.—(Hear, hear.) That, indeed, is , the *hole
question.—(Hear, hear.) I say it is a !false
pretence
-to put forward, that these clntral
societies are societies for the protection of agricul-
ture. I say, emphatically, that they are societies for.
the destruction of trade.--(tlear, hear.) They are
societies for the maintenance of political ascendancy;
—(Cheers.) They have 'nothing to do with the im-
provement of agriculture, they have nothing to don
with arts or sciences, they have nothing to do with
anything generous, or with . anything deserving the
consideration of the 'benevolent-minded man.—
(Hear, hear,) They have simply to do with the at-
tainment of selfish interests and the maintenance .of
political power.—(Cheers.) Now if these societies'
really have the good of society at heart, it is remark--
able that the men who take the most leading part in
these societies are not men who have distinguished
themselves by any proposal for the improvement of
agriculture. "Where are the inventions, the scieetific
works, with which they have favoured the world, in
reference to the improvement of British agricultere ?
It is remarkably the case, that these works have pro-
ceeded from agriculturists who advocate the cause of
free trade—(Cheers)—:-and who repudiate the notion
that they are to rely on any other resources than
those furnished by their own industry, and their Own
enterprise.—(Cheela.) - I do not for a moment pre-
tend to deny, and I am glad to follow the remarks of
your excellent Chairman, that these gentlemen are
entitled to meet together, and to advocate their opi-
nions
fairly and freely. I agree fully in the right of
discussiOn. If these gentlemen consider the Corn-
laws necessary for the community, they are juit as
much entitled to their opinions as we are to ours.
But what I have a right to complain of is this; that
they call their secieties by wrong names—that they
mislead the: public—(Hear hear)—that they call so-
cieties which only concern themselves, societies for'
the protection of agriculture.—(Cheers.) It seems
that they are determined -to maintain the' present
amount of interference with trade. They say they will'
not cease to restrict trade to the degree to which it is at
present restricted. Now I should like them to see
these great meetings. I' should like them to have an
opportunity of
„judging for themselves what is the
feeling that is growing up in the minds of their fel-
low-countrymen on this question.—(Hear, hear.) I
should like them to consider whether it will be safe
much longer to continue a system of interfereece with.
the civil rights of men without having any plea of
national advantage, without having any excuse of
State necessity, but simply the excuse—We have done
it before, it has given us political advantages and
political power, and therefore we will continue it—
we will perpetuate the evil._—(Hear, hear.) I ask
those gentlemen who are such advocates of order eild
social harmony and peace, to consider whether it-is
safe to persist in a system of injustice when that in--
justice has been found out ? I would ask them* to
consider whether it is safe to persevere in doing this
violence to the industry of the country, when men, are
becoming conscious of their rights, and are determining
daily, with increased power, never to cease till those
rights are vindicated and fully obtained. A- distin-
guished nobleman has lately come fOrward, and has
written a letter to you in the public papers on this
subject—that nobleman was the Duke of Northum-
berland, and it was extremely wittily observed by the
Times, the Duke of Northumberland would have been
a very dangerous man if he had not had the ower of
writing- a letter and putting in the Post.--(hanghter,
and cheers.) But having written . this_letter, and
stated the grounds on which he supports the corn-
laws, he ceases to be a dangerous man. The illus-
trious Duke tells us that we must not let in a foreign
supply of corn, and that if we do we must neces-
sarily hifre a_ compulsory-emigration.-(Hear, Iran)
Now, I lerreltetifed, that-fill e tine 'at sea,- when pro-
visions are short, it occasionally happens that they

cast lots to know which of the grown persons'in the
ship are to be thrown overboard ; that is what I con-
ceive to be a compulsory emigration.—(Laughter")
But what I want to remind these illustrious Dukes
of isihis before they do draw lots in the case_l. have
mentioned, .everybody. takes_ his chance, and, if we
are to have a compulsory system of emigration, I
hope these-Dukes and Earls will-be prepared to run
the risk of taking their departure as well as others.—
(Cheers.) In fact, it appears most perfectly rea-
sonable that such--a: come-. should be taken, because
in ease ,a compnlaary -emigration should take place,
by which persons Were 'to be transported from Eng-
land to distant climes; beams food was not allowed
.to be brought to them, it will be necessary that
society should exist in those distant climes in all its
parts, and if Dukes and Earls are necessary here they
must be necessary there also.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Therefore, I should propose, if ever this horrible
notion of compulsory emigration should be re-
sorted to, at least it would • impose the ne-
cessity of some illustrious Duke going in
company with poor labourers and enterprising
manufacturers into distant regions of the earth, in
order to maintain thatsocial harmony which they say
is so necessary.--(Cheers.) -But there is a great
deal of argument in this letter of the Duke of North-
umberland. He tells us, that a free trade in corn
would have the effect of throwing the light lands out
of cultivation. Now lam not aware that it is any
necessary part of our national policy to keep our
burning sands or wet clays in wheat cultivation.
But even if admitted that it is the object of legisla-
tion and Acts or Parliament to keep these sands and
clays in cultivation, I want to know hOw it is that in.
Belgiurn, in France, and in Holland, where the
burdens on land are much heavier, and where the
•
average price of the produce of the land is
much less than in this country, and where the
labourers are quite as happy—perhaps more so
than in this country—l want to know how
it is that, under all these circumstances, the -light
lands of Belgium, of France, and of Holland, are
kept in cultivation. Low prices, heavy taxes, happy
labourers, do not put the lands out of cultivation in
France, Holland, and Belgium. Nothing -of the
kind. Ori the contrary, cultivation is extending
itself in those countries under the circumstances I
have described. Judging from the analogy, there is
not the slightest reason to suppose that the abolition
of the corn-laws would put the light sands or heavy
clays out of cultivation. The Right Hon. Baronet at
the head of the Administration has hinted that we
may import guano, and might get foreign manures to
put on these lands, in case they should go out of cul-
tivation. I quite agree with him. You ought to
import guano if there was free trade. But I beg to
inform him, that I was requested—and I did com-
ply with the request—to present a petition to
the House of Commons from certain-- dustmen
in Liverpool--(Cheers and laughter)--a bond fide
petition from certain collectors of dust and rubbish
in Liverpool, complaining very much of the proposal
to import guano into this country. They said, No ;
give us free trade in corn, and then you may import
foreign manures; but we are collectors of manure in
this country, and if you give protection to the landed
interest, what reason is there you should not give
protection to us ? So you see what difficulties we
are involved in when once we recognise the doctrine
that a Legislature is to interfere with trade. If we
give protection to one, we must give protection to
all; and if we ask for free trade, we must ask for
free trade for all. As the first is impossible, our only
alternative is to resort to the second. But I have no
idea that a free trade in corn would have _the'
effect of throwing any land out of cultiva-
tion in this country. But if it did, I contend'
that it is no part of the duty of a Legislature to
sacrifice the interest of the mercantile class or of any
portion of the community for the purpose of keeping
up any particular system of husbandry or cultivation
on any. particular description of land. But I heard
the other day that a Noble Lord at a public meeting
said, that there were highly important considerations
connected with the corn-law question which removed"
it altogether from that circle within which they
were entitled to- apply their principles ; there were
certain important spiritual considerations connected
with .the corn-laws which rendered it necessary to
forget all the principles of political economy, and to
look at it in the light of a question intimately
connected with the religion of the United Kingdom.
I-think that no man can be found who would agree
'to such an absurd sentiment, but I think also that I
can' explain how he' arrived at his conclusion that the
Protestant religion of England depended on the. main-
tenance of the corn-laws—(Loud cheering)—for
what did the Noble Lord say—it was a sort of " house
that Jack built," as thus : the Protestant religion de-
pends- on- the Established Church—the Established
Church depends upon agriculture—agriculture de-
pends on the price of corn—and the price of corn de-
pends on the ascending and descending scale of gra-
duated • duties.—(lmmense cheering and laughter.)
So here in point of fact we have the assertion that
the Church of England, which we were always
taught to believe was built upon a rock is' built
upon' nothing but a sliding scale—(Great cheer-
ing and -laughter)—and that in vain would
be the teaching of its ministers--in vain
the efforts of its preachers, unless they were backed
by that ascending and descending scale which regu-
' laths the importation of foreign corn.—(Laughter and
cheers.) Now, can anything be conceived more ab-
surd than such a doctrine? Why, if that is true—
why, do,theY not impose an oath upon persons taking
their seats in the British House of Commons ?—,
(Cheers.) We all declare on -oath, as well -as the
Catholics, that we will not make use of any priiilege
we may acquire to shake the .'Protestant Church as
by law established in England.—(Cheers.) I be-
lieae every, man makes a declaration on taking his
seat connected in some manner with the safety of the
Established Church.—(Cheers.) Now, I propose, if
the maintenance of the Church depends on the
corn-laws, that we should have a corn-law oath.--(lm-
mense cheering.) Now I will take the liberty of
reading to you, the oath as it would run—" I hereby do
disclaim, disaVow, and solemnly abjure, any belief in
the abOrninable, doctrine that free trade is founded on
common-sense.—(Cheers and laughter.) And 'I do
. solemnly swear that it is not, one of the articles Of my
faith tolsiry in the cheapest and sell in the dearest
markets.—(Loud cheering and laughter.) And Ido
renounce, reject, and abjure, as a dangerous heresy,
the opinion that an abundance of food can be a bless-
ing to 'the people. (Loud cheers.) And I solemnly
swear never to exercise any privilege to which I am,
;Cr May become, entitled to disturb the corn monopoly
"bf'the United Kingdom, as by the law established:
(Cheers ) Now. I would recommend'those gentlemen
in consistency with the course they take on Other
political questions—namely, that of placing reliance
upon -oaths and declarations, that they suggest a
corp-law "oath.--(CheerS.) , I think they have very
little. safety in the declaration of their Prime Siinister,
that he does not. now contemplate a change, but.does
not know what may be possible.—(Cheers.) There
is very little safety in the question, when his col-
leagucs in office declare that free trade is founded
on common' sense ; • and I fear the day will'- come
when' public opiniOn will be sufficiently forined,
when these' gentlemen, who fear that the Church
Establishment and. ' the Protestant clergy will be
jeopardised by abolishing the corn-laws, will have to face
the difficulties of their situation' and take the chance
of all those dangers; for, depend upon it, no Minister
of the Crowi will' be found who will support the
interests -of the few--of the aristocratical few—in this
county, when the great body of the' community come
forward united as one man in support of stern re=
monstrance' to demand that there shall 'no longer be
this interference with freedom of trade, the depriva-
tion of the reward of industry, the disappointment of
the exertions and enterprise of their fellowscOuntry-
men.--(Cheers.) It would, perhaps, be unfaiT to
discuss the merits of the -agricultural protection socie-
ties; for, as The Times has very wittily said, they have
only just emerged from that alluvial mud and arti-
ficial, compost in which they were generated —(Loud
cheers and laughter.). But this I will Say, we are
far more entitled to assert that those societies have other
and ulterior views, than they are entitled to assert
that the Anti-Corn-law League has other views than
those.we profess.—(Cheers.) We have great reason
to know, from speeches' and- declarations made in
times past in both Houses of Parliament, that there
are other considerations influencing the supporters of
those societies, than' the mere keeping up the price of
corn—(Cheers)—or the interruption of the freedom
of trade.—(Cheep.) I say there • is another ulterior
view, and that is political ascendancy—(Great cheer-
ing.) You know that the poet Moore, in speaking
of ascendency of this nature, and especially of the
ascendancy of the landed interest, says that in read-
ing it we ought to lay the emphasis on the first
syllable—ass-endency—(Laughter) —but that is the
ascendancy aimed at by these Corn Leagues, by these
-PsotectionSoeieties ; and I ask
„you, the representatives
of a large portion of the intelligent' population of the
-metropolis—l Mk you, are you prepared to submit
' to the humiliating proposition- that you are only to
exist upon the sufferance of the 'landed ascendancy?
'(Great cheering.) 'I ask you, would you deserve the
name of Englishmen if you consented to the proposi-
tion that there is no class in the community, hew-
ever wealthy, however distinguished by titles, hOw-
ever remarkable for other qualities, whether of igno-
rance or of knowledge--(Laughter)--I ask you,
would it not be humiliating to admit that there could
be any one class, entitled to ascendancy over you ?
',(Cheers.) What is
,-involved in the proposition of
avendancy ? Why, that you are the property of
others.--(Cheers.) If you are not entitled to equality
by the exertions of your own enterprise- and indus-
try, you are slaves—(Great cheering)—and if you do
not exert yourselves to throw off this yoke, you de-
serve to be told that you are slaves.---(Cheers.)
I trust that we may see a qrowing spirit of inde-
pendence in this community,"iiid -that we shall 'not
longer have to complain of that servile adulation of

mere rank. and wealth which has enabled the Legisla-
ture to impose this yoke upon your necks.—(Cheers.)
I trust we shall see a recognition of the right of free
men, and a determination to vindicate those rights,
accompanied at thh same time by a sacred regard to
property.—(Cheers.) _:Not :aproperty under Acts of
Parliament, but property to which men are entitled,
as the fruits of their industry and enterprise ; not
a-regard for the vested interests created by monopoly,
but for the vested interests created by the enjoyment
of the gift of Heaven—(Great cheering.)—the pro-
perty required by the exertions of our sinews and our
intellect. Those are the vested interests] to which
men have a right, and which never cant be inter-
fered with withqut injustice.—(Cheers.) 'These are
the vested interests we all are called' upon to
protect, and there is no interference so great with
these vested interests as that of the corn-laws and- the
restrictive system.—(Cheers.) As they say, in so
many words, we will only allow so much trade as
suits our pecuniary interests or political ascendancy;
we will not allow you to have that free scope for your
industry or that reward for your exertion, which
Providence has entitled you to' enjoy.—(Cheers,)
They say the commercial part of the community may
rival us in political power and intelligence, and. other
matters, but we desire to remain the only
representatives of England, and to consider all
other classes but as serfs and slaves to be used
as the instruments of our power, our pleasure, or our
convenience.—(Immense cheering.) Freedom- of
trade will never be the gift of your rulers—liberty
was never bestowed fairly by any governing body
upon any people since the commencement of the
world.—(Cheers.) Liberty is only "attained by the
exertions of the people themselves.--(Cheers.) Com-
mercial freedom is within your power if you choose
to take it, and you will never have it if you do not
put forth your own hands and take.it.—(Cheers.)
You will never see those blessings realised of peace
and tranquillity throughout the world, and the diffu-
sion of the blessings of civilisation which must be the
consequence of unrestricted commercial freedom, un-
less you put forth your own exertions to accomplish
this great end.—(Cheers.) It will not come upon you
by the chapter of accidents, they are only to be ob=
tamed by a steady and unflinching perseverance, and
at the cost of many sacrifices ; and believe me, when I
say that there is no greater truth than is contained in
the old English proverb, " God helps them who help
themselves."—(Cheers.) The Hon. Gentleman re-
sumed his seat amid much cheering.
The CHAIRMAN then announced that the Hon.
Member for Durham would next address the meet-
ing. He was happy to state that, notwithstanding the
flourish of trumpets about the petition against that
gentleman's return, he was still the Member for
Durham. The parties, themselves, not having the
slightest shadow of a chance of impugning-the proper
return of Mr. Bright, had last night abandoned the
.petition.—((Gat cheering.)
Mr. BRIGHT, M.P., then came forward to address the
meeting, and was received with the most deafening
cheers, which lasted some minutes. He said—l have'
been called on unexpectedly to speak at this meeting ;
but the difficulty I feel from the suddenness with which
the call has been made, arises in no degree from lack
of matter to speak upon, for, after all .the inquiry we
have- made into the question, the only difficulty, when-
ever we stand up to speak, is to select from the abun-
dance of matter before us such as may appear most in-
teresting and most useful.—(Cheers.) This theatre was
formerly, and is now occasionally, used for. purposes
rather of entertainment than instruction ; we have done
something to transform it into a theatre for instruc-
tion.—(Cheers.) We are a Political Economy Associa-
tion—(Cheers)--and our worthy President occupies
the Pre fessor's chair—(Cheers)—and from this platform
we take upon ourselves to expound certain- great prin-
ciples which we believe to be of the utmost importance to
the people of this country, and to instruct those, who
may come here—nand, through the press, those who may
be absent—in that which we believe to be essential to the
well-being, if not the very existence, of this empire.—
(Loud cheers.) We are not alarmed at the symptoms
which have exhibited themselves lately among our oppo-
nents, we never expected. the foul thing we banded our-
selves together to destroy, would give up its foul ex-
istence without a last and somewhat violent kick.—
(Cheers and laughter.) We did not suppose that the
landowners of this country, who enjoy, or some of' whom-
seem-to enjoy, the monopoly of ignorance on this great
question—(Cheers)—and of selfishness besides, that they
would give up their monopoly of the supply of bread to
the people after having enjoyed- it nearly thirty
years, without a desperate effort to shake us ofl:
But all along they have mistaken us entirely—they say
we are political agitators, and that we might be content
with speeches in Parliament, and occasional-large meet-
ings, and the farce of petitioning the Houses Of Perna-
ment.--(Hear, hear.) They suppos-ed that by standing
strongly bonnd together, and showing what they called
a bold front.. to the Anti-Corn-Law- League, we would
get tired of agitation—men would be weary of Meeting
and working.—(Hear, hiar.) I have often asserted from
this platform that they.were entirely mistaken; and it
they still remain under this delusion, -they are as much
mistaken as they were before.--(Loud cheers.) They
charge us with bringing the aristocracy of this country
into contempt. Of all the works -of supererogation ever
performed, I believe this would be the grossest and the
most extraordinary.—(Great laughter, "and cries of
"Hear, hear.") I have heard of a member of an aristocratic
family, who attended some of our anti-corn-law meetings,
and who was affected, not unto tears—for these gentle-
men seldom shed tears—but who was affected even to
shuddering—that the anti-aristocratic feeling should be
found so strong among the people- of the metropolis.—
(Laughter and cheers.) Now, Sir, wehave a reverence
for that true aristocracy which consists in all that is good
—in a love of industry—in a pre-eminence of intellect
and
.a snperiority in virtue.—(Linid -cheer's.) This is
the aristocracy to which we all bow, -and_which we all
venerate.—(Hear, hear.) But there is another aristo-
cracy, which has been called a-bastard -chivalry —(Hear,
hear)—an aristocracy which vaunt of_ never doing any
thing for any body—an aristocracy whose greatest boast
is that their ancestors have been from all times as they
are—idlers--the largest consunting:and- the least produc-
ing part_ of the people of this country.—(Laughter,
and cries of " Hear, hear.") I have been often charged
with being hostile •to the aristocracy of this country—
they have not dared to prove it, which they would have
done if their case was good or their position sound. I
avow J am hostile to the aristocracy of this country, in
so far as resisting their attempts to .trample on the order
to which I belong.—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear," and
great cheering.) The class -to which we are opposed
is the idle and the noxious chiss of the aristocracy.--
(Hear, hear.) They are the- men who are bound by
none of those ties which bind- other men—they are not
particularly exemplary of all that -is admirable in pri=
vale life and in public conduct. In the performance of
senatorial functions we never discover-anything which
calls upon us to be particularly respectful to them.---
(Hear, hear.) But there -is ;:an aristocracy which we
can I;aire no hope of bringing -into- contempt. - If
I were to stand up here and mention some names, such
as Westminster, Spencer, Radnor,: Du-eie, Fitzwilliam,
Kinnaird, Howick, Morpeth—(Loud cheers)—how
should Ibe received by this audience if I were-to attempt
to bringthese men into contempt? (Ilear, hear.) How
should I succeed--7by what arguments could I prevail on
you to agree with me, that these men were to be looked
upon with scorn?—(Hear, hear:) What passage of their
lives could I bring before you_ to 'Show that they were'
ennobled but not noble ?—(Hear, hear.)- If we spoke of
Earl Spencer and mentioned his conduct in the House
of Commons, when it was allowed by 41 parties that he
was too honest, too high 'minded, too candid for the po-_
sition which he occupied in that House, would it not
rather excite your admiration than your dislike?—
(Hear, hear.) If we were _to compare his manly,
straightforward conduct—his -daring -to acknowledge
that he had done wrong—his clear enunciation of the
principles by which he was actuated, and if we com-
pared his conduct with the conduct, of the man who
now occupies his place—(Hear, hear)--- should we be
successful in heaping obloquy oh Lord Spencer?—(Loud
cries of " No, no, 'and great cheering.) And if I spoke
:of Earl Radnor, the friend of the people from his youth
upwards, and to whom, now that he is fn his old age„. it
must give the purest pleasure to see those print; pies
which lie advocated in his youth spreading and Lasing
root in the minds of millions of -the intelligent people of
this country—if I were, I say, to declaie these things,.
how could I throw contempt on-his name ?—(Loud cries
of" Hear, hear," and cheers.) -And if I speak of liord
Ducie, who is- not merely an agriculturist owning land,
but is, in fact, a great practical scientific:. farmer—a man
.who has done more for the agriculture-of this country
than all the protective societies that-ever existed, or that
ever will exist—(Loud and prolonged cheering)--could
I heap obloquy on the name- of Ducie ?—(No, no.)
Could I bring his character or conduct into contempt
before this meeting ?—(No, no.) And then if I turned
to Earl Fitzwilham, Lords Kinnaird, Morpeth, or
Howick, and mentioned the leading characteristics of
these men, surely nobody could charge me with bringing
the aristocracy into contempt. No ; I would rather be-•
boasting of these men as the noble among the people of
this country, and in declaring their character and con-
duct I would be actually leading L you, my country-
men, to bow down and worship these -men, and exalt
them tol a higher aristocracy thaw any to which they
have,yetuspired.—(Great cheering-,) The -monopolist
landTord,, from the duke to the squire, are doing; our
work most effectually--(Hear,-hear)—if the object be
to bring them into contempt.—Xneinewed cries of
" Hear, hear," and great laughter.) _ They profess to be
honourable legislators of this-country: One 'man: de
dared, in the county of Surrey; that it is•but reasonable
that that class which -owns the Jan(f_shoidd be therulers
of the country.—(Laughter.) - That -is but another
mode of saying—that class which owns the land shall
likewiseThwn the people.—(lleq, hear.). Some of them
are certainly legislators by birth—at least in name; rand
they think it g.rent condescension to allow a con-
stituency to send them to Parhainent. 'When they
enteV the House they make: a 'solemn declaration
that they will legislate without-favour or affection, and
without any views of self-interest, and solely.. for the
public good. 'lf they do that, all I Can sayis, that !be
majority of the people of these countries are living
under a most deplorable delusion.—(Langhter anti
cries of " Hear, hear." No, Sir, they make laws for
, themselves-in Parliament, and in private they confess
freely that those laws are for themselves, and the mins-
erect of them acknowledge it in public.--(Hear,
In this country these class legislatctrs are_ nggell
stirring up the worst passions in the minds of the farmers,
exciting the it hostility to the manufacturing classes,.ll9l,s,
doing their Utmost to produce thi!tvebra..Psifnegeeling_myst.,h; igen°
they charg9_ shvy,bayg,
no further back, practised a monstrous delusion
on their tenantry, and encouraged this spirit of