The Sun.
London, England, 1828-08-04 00:00:00

the Powers, may render necessary. 'War, at all
times, is a great evil. To this country at present,
as well as to Europe in general, when beginning to
enjoy the benefits of peace, it would be peculiarly
injurious ; bnt that injury would be still greater if we
were to rush into it unadvisedly, and before the
great body of the people were convinced of its ex-
pediency. This was the great evil of the system
adopted by Pitt. He commenced wars, of which
one-half of the community could neither see the ne-
cessity nor the justice ; they consequently opposed
his measures, and thereby weakened the hands of ,
Government. Foreign Powers, too, saw that Eng-
land was: so anxious t.R enter into every quarrel,
i
that they purposely kept aloof n disputes that inte-
rested themselves alone, knowing well that they
should not only have our co-operation, but subsidies
besides, in fighting their own battles. We hope that
such madness is now gone by, and that, if any im-
portant measure is to be adopted, it will be one in
which the country can heartily concur, and which
may seem to be called for lather by the general
voice than undertaken for the gratification of any
party, or the furtherance of any peculiar or doubtful
line of policy.

(FROM TUE MORNING ♦DVF.RTISsit.)
The expedition to the Mores, is of all other sub-
jects that which at the present moment engrosses the
attention of our Gallic neighours ; and the com-
ments in which they indulge respecting it prove, in
the most melancholy and incontestable manner, the
depth of degradation to which this country has fallen
under a Tory Government. " Every thing," say
these papers, " is changed now ; France, that has so
long kept silence, has at length spoken, and the
British tribunate in mourning, has ceased to make
its voice be heard in sympathetic accord with the
cause of civil and religious liberty. The victory of
•Navarin, which was celebrated with (hie honour in
the Palace of the Louvre, was deplored at West- •
minster as a defeat. Portugal has been abandoned
by England, to usurpation and absolutism ; while
Greece hears the tru►npets of France spreading
terror among the hordes of Ibrahim, and pre-
paring to proclaim from the Parthenon the re-
storation of the descendants of Miltiades and
Pericles. Let no one deceive himself. Those
twelve or eighteen thousand warriors whom hu-
manity sends to succour the Greeks, possess a
very different power, and will exert a very dif-
ferent sort of influence, from those 100,000 who
were sent into Spain to fight for Ferdinand and
kiis monks. They have for allies and for brethren
every intelligent person in the two worlds ; even•
one in fact who is possessed of the slightest gene-
rosity of sentiment, and were they to perish at a
second Thermopylae, their ashes anal their memory
would render certain the triumph of the holy cause
which they are going to defend !" What a contrast
does this spirited language, and equally spirited con-
duct, form to that which we hold and pursue in this
country ! We justify the war against Turkey, and yet
ws dread its results—we have entered into a Treaty to
effect the independence of Greece, and yet we do
nothing to carry it into effect ! We seem, in fact,
to be amaz."l at the novel situation in which we find
ourselves, and to be reduced, through the weakness
and pusillanimity of the Government, to renounce
our wishes on the one hand, and to dread to express
our fears on the other'. There was a time, however,
when England could have " spoken" as well as
France, and " speaking" could have made her voice
be heard much more loudly ; but it was when she
was governed by Ministers who were aware of the
energies and capabilities of the country—who felt for
its honour as keenly as the people felt, and who
would as soon have dreamed of talking abort
teeing forced into a treaty, or compelled to recede
from it, by the fear of the Russian barbarians, as of
proposing a Popish successor to the throne of England,
or changing its constitutional Government for one of
'Absolute despotism.

(FROM THE TINIER.)
Most men who are capable of looking rationally at
the peculiar nature of that danger which has been
engrafted in our political condition by the laws af-
fecting the Catholics, will be ready to acknowledge,
that in the same degree in which the danger arises
from the exclusion of the Catholic body, would be
the efficacy of emancipation in removing it. This
proposition is by many able and distinguished men
maintained in the broadest terms. Emancipation in
its most simple form is looked upon by them as the
natural security against a danger of which exclusion
is the undoubted cause. It was so that Lord Lans-
downe, when he last introduced his resolution to the
House of Peers for their concurrence with the Com-
mons, delivered himself at almost the outset of his
speech—" I hold emancipation itself, my f.ords, to
be the best of all securities." And, unquestionably,
there is no other security which, without enianeipa-
lion, would be worth a single farthing. We have
tried to the utmost all those reputed safeguards
which rsst upon the power of restraint and prohibi-
tion—upon the system of shutting out the King's
subjects from the state_ropelling their affections,
and setting their resentments at defiance. The po-
licy which tarns allies into enemies for the sake of
treating them as enemies, and then boasts of its
wisdom in fiercely persecuting those whom it wan-
tonly provokes--that policy, we repeat, has been
tried until it can be tried no longer. Instead of con-
verting allies into enemies, we are now visited with
the hope (Oh, it may not be a disappointment !) of
propitiating enemies into friends. What, then, is
the substantial bond and ceinent of such 11 policy ?
!Surely a reliance on community of interest, not on
manifestations of distrust or jealousy, for giving life
and endurance to the league. We go thus far in
Sentiment with Lord Lansdowne—that an nicety).-
ration of the Catholic laity with the Legislature,
and a provision for the Catholic church out of the
revenue, would be the best of all securities for the
adherence of both to that commonwealth from winch
one of the parties derived bread, and the other
dignity and power. The question, whether such is
the only security which ought to be (if we may so
speak) required front the Catholics, cannot, how-
ever, plain as is the principle, be so easily deter:niti-
ed in practice. We must look to the alternative,
which circumstances impose upon us, and see how
far it may be allowed to make terms of amicable
compromise with the exclusionists, if without corn.
promise of some sort or other emancipation cannot
be carried. The Catholics, as well laity as cletgy,
it is said, are much alarmed at t 1 introduction of
such a novelty into their church government as
would give any Protestant Prince or authority a
voice in the nomination of their bishops. Now we
had really conceived that Dr. Doyle, in a late letter
to the Duke of Wellington, had (pantie' his views
upon that subject, by affixing to the right of do.
'nestle nomination, which it was his proposal to
substitute for that by the Pope, a power of ap-
Pr"al by his Majesty. Be that as it may,
seems quite clear from the declarations of
many zealous Protestants, that no mere ner,o-a-
rive power in the Crown, were it ever so fully
conceded, would satisfy their minds as to the safety
of granting emancipation. Mr. Wilmot Horton, who
has distinguished himself as one of the most earnest,
industrious, and, ;ve will add, enlightened friends
of this great cause, which unites in itself whatever
is most valuable in religious liberty and in social
concord,
was, we believe, the first who came for-
ward with a precise and detailed proposition for re-
conciling the quick apprehensions entertained by
certain Protestants, with the tender consciences of
the Catholic body, in matters relating to the church.
—Mr. W. Horton had, it will be generally remem-
bered, given notice of a motion some months ago,
which would have brought his view of a novel
species of security before the House of Commons,
and one which goes to meet directly' the favourite
objection of the anti-Catholics. " What !" it has
been asked by the Duke of York and others, " shall
We suffer Roman Catholics to legislate for the Pro-
testant Church of England ? " No," replies Mr.
W. Morton. " The measure of emancipation, of
which I am the advocate, meets the objection in its
very teeth, inasmuch as it formally disqualifies Ro-
man Catholics from legislating at all upon the con-
cerns of the Church of England." This, in few words,