The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-23 00:00:00

task beyond their strength those who, even if Lord
ASHLEY'S amendment take effect, will have quite as
much work on their hands as they can get through
without perilling their health, and cutting off at
least twenty years from their short term of life ? It
is impossible that the Right Hon. Baronet can se-
riously believe any such nonsense ; but the Govern-
ment happens just now to be in a " fix," con-
sequently every species of artifice and sophistry,
no matter how preposterous, must be resorted to to
get them out of it. The question—though we grant
that it is not without its difficulties—seems
,to our
limited understanding to be one between the claims
of humanity on the one hand, and the claims of the
breeehes-pocket on the other. The two parties in-
terested are the poor, toil-worn, defenceless opera-
tives, and the rich, calculating, influential manufac
turers. As a matter of discreet policy Ministers
have thrown the weight of their influence into the
scale of the latter, with a view, no doubt, to reconcile
them to the bold stand they have.lately been compelled
to make in favour of the agricultural monopolists. But
this sop to Cerberus—this adroit throwing out of a Tub
to the Whale, will not avail them; for the free-traders
can see through their manceuvre, and will continue to re-
gard them with just as much wholesome distrust as
ever. If Sir JAMES GRAHAM be as anxious as he
pretends to be, to maintain our " commercial pros-
' parity," and shudders at the bare possibility of its
being jeopardised, why does he not follow the
sagacious advice of our COBDENS, BRIGHTS, Bao-
THERTONS, and the majority of our leading manufac-
turers, and at once advocate a total repeal of the ac-
cursed corn-laws ? He may rely on it that those gen-
tlemen best know their own interests, and what is the
surest means of benefiting our national com-
merce, and he may safely adopt their counsels.
Instead, however, of acting in this enlightened
spirit, he hopes to throw dust into the eyes
of the manufacturers, and conciliate their good opi-
nion, by opposing the small boon to poverty and
helplessness, of a Ten Hours' Factory Bill ! That
the poorer classes must work, and work hard too,
if they desire to benefit themselves and families, we
are quite willing to admit ; it is the neces-
sity of their condition, and no human power can
render it otherwise ; but there is a differ-
ence between their working hard, and working
beyond their strength, early and late, from sun-rise
to sunset, through the long summer's day, and the
chilling gloom of winter, cut off from all chance of
leisure and enjoyment, deprived of all opportunity of
strengthening and informing their minds, and with no
hope of escape but in the grave ! Sir JAMES
GRAHAM will never make us believe that this state
of things—which humanity shrinks from with loath-
ing—is indispensable to our " commercial prospe-
rity." But the Right Hon. Baronet is not the only
Minister who has been guilty of egregious cant on this
occasion. Sir ROBERT PEEL is an offender to
quite as great an extent. But our readers shall
judge for themselves. On the discussion oh Lord
WORSLEY'S Bill for the Inclosure of Commons, our
consistent Premier thus expressed himself:—" The
House had a perfect right to set the considerations of
health, innocent recreation, and moral improvement,
against the mere considerations of pecuniary gain.
And if they could prove to him that by the in-
closure of these lands for a certain period of
time, there would be a demand for labour,
and ultimately a permanent increase of produce, that
would not be so conclusive a consideration with him
as the question whether it would not interfere with
the healthful amusements and recreations of the
people. It would, be very unwise to apply a rigid
principle of political economy, and to say that, by in-
closing these commons, a greater quantity of vegetable
food would be produced." This was taking a
generous, lofty, and comprehensive view of the ques-
tion, for it was directly opposing to the interests of the
rich the claims of the poor, and justly sneering at
that "rigid principle of political economy," which
regarded nothing but the breeches-pocket ! But now
mark the manner in which the Right Honourable
Baronet expressed himself on the first dis-
cussion of Lord ASHLEY'S Ten Hours' Bill !—" What
would be the effect of these restrictions proposed
by the Noble Lord ? There were almost 300 working
days in the year. Five days in the week the labour
was to be two hours less than at present ; 250 of the
300 days the labour was to be reduced by two hours,
or 500 hours in the course of the year. Now, only
think of the cotton mills and woollen factories
being idle for seven weeks in the year—seven
weeks less labour than was at present per-
formed!" Here is minute, peddling - calculation
with a vengeance ! But with what grace or con-
sistency does it come from the lips of a man who,
but a week before, had advised the House not to be
influenced by "too rigid a principle of political
economy," and who had expressly stated that "the
mere considerations of pecuniary gain" ought never
to outweigh those greater considerations, "the health,
innocent recreations, and moral improvement of the
poor ?" In the one instance Sir ROBERT PEEL adopts
the lofty, magnanimous, humane side of the question ;
in the other, he takes the mere vulgar pounds-shil-
lings-and-pence view of it, and shows himself to be as
nice, petty, and scrupulous a calculator as a Jew

usurer. Yet the two questions, though differing in
form, are precisely the same in essence. The poor
are equally interested in both, yet the Premier can
heave a sentimental sigh for the sufferings of the
labourer, while he has not a word to say in favour
of the factory children ! Nay, as if this flagrant
one-sidedness was not in itself sufficiently dis-
graceful, he actually urges 'the " seven weeks"
lost labour in the year, as a conclusive

reason why women and children should stir

be compelled to work unremittingly beyond their
- • • --

strength ! Gracious Heaven,

" seven weeks' los

labour," set off against the health—the happiness—
:he moral and religious culture of thousands of our

over-tasked operatives! Was there ever a more

barefaced insult offered to justice, common-sense,
and humanity ?

Madrid papers of the 15th have been received, but
bring no news of importance. A letter from Cartha-
gena states that a deputation from the insurgents had
waited on General RONCALT, to propose terms of ca-
pitulation, but it does not mention the result. The
Gazette publishes an order of the Minister of War,
addressed to the Captain-General of the sth district,
dated Aranjuez, March 13, in which he commends
his conduct in putting to death four of his prisoners
at Lugo.

The Three per Cents. were done at 33i for
cash, and at 34* at 60 days ; and the Five per Cents.
at 22i for cash, and 233/4 at 60 days.

The Paris papers are chiefly occupied with the
, controversy between the clergy and the University.
Nearly all of them blame the former. The France,
however, is an exception, and calls upon the Church
to be moderate and firm, and they will triumph. It
would appear, however, that the bishops need no
such advice ; they have set the law at defiance, and
treat with mockery the solemn opinion expressed by
the Chamber on the question last Tuesday ; for on
the following day the Bishop of VALENCE wrote a
letter to the Abbe COMBALOT even in stronger terms
of praise and sympathy than that condemned by the
Chamber. The letter is a great curiosity, and runs
thus:—" Your defeat, my dear Abbe COMBALOT, is a
victory in the eyes of Catholic and religious France.
The cause which you have maintained will thereby
adincrease.yolutinwaillpriensnonobfloertfihftee ireonndabyarss.
which are anaretdo immure
" Cum iniquis reputatus est."
not,(li ethewraesfornumbered
et
with the wicked.) You will
that you have one trait of resemblance with our divine
model." On this strange production the Constitu-
tionnel thus remarks :—" The souls of those insur-
gent devotees are not turned to the point of honour
chastisement alone affects them, and puts an obstacle
to their outbreaks, and if some one goes farther and
deserves prison, he is likened to JESUS CHRIST him-
self. Suppose that all French citizens, following
each his passions, his interests, should imitate the
example which the heads of the clergy give them;
suppose they study the penal code, in order to take it
to the letter as the rule of their conduct towards the
State, in order to advance boldly in their under-
takings to the extreme limit where punishment
begins, what anarchy, what universal demoralisa-
tion would there be !" The very boys at school are
rising up against these ecclesiastics. "In consequence
of a revolt," says the Patrie, " which took place this
day at the College Stanislaus, no less than sixty
pupils have been
_expelled. It appears that these