The Sun.
London, England, 1844-09-03 00:00:00

4.° Axienif'

LONDON, TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1844.

A correspondent of the Preston Chronicle observes,
in the course of some remarks on the opposition lately
offered by the Bishop of LONDON to Sunday railway
travelling :—" On the last Sabbath about two thou-
sand people went to Fleetwood in third-class car-
riages, and from about twelve to twenty persons
were employed in tha". jocomotion of this nu-
merous party, which iretliet quite one to a
hundred. I remember some years ago seeing his
Lordship of London, then Bishop of Chester, come to
preach on a Sunday morning at Preston church ; and
though he had only two or three hundred yards to
go, he had his carriage, two horses, and two or three
servants employed." This is a very edifying remi-
niscence, but one, we fear, that will not be particu
larlypthgeable to the Right Reverend Prelate, whose
great object of late years seems to have been, to
put himself forth to the world as a model of
apostolical hurnility. If we may credit the statements
constaitly made by the good Bishop in his letters,
Pomona, and Parliamentary speeches, no one is a
greater friend to the humbler classes of society than
be is—no one has their interests more deeply at heart
--no one is more amiably solicitous that their com-
forts and their amusements should, on all occasions,
be provided for. As Sir ROBERT PEEL is a free-trader
" in the abstract," so is the Bishop of LONDON
on apostolical Prelate " in the abstract." In theory,
his benevolence and forbearance towards his fellow-
creatures, especially those of the humbler and poorer
class, know no. bounds. His love for them is deep
and comprehensive as the ocean; and night and day
--so runs the tenour of his numerous sermons,
speeches, &c.—he is unceasingly engaged in schemes
fir the furtherance of their temporal and spiritual wel-
fare. Honest lago, it may be remembered, professed
that he "was nothing if not critical," and in like
wanner honest BLomnELD—or
" ...}IJIDLES JAMES
LONDON," as he delighteth to intitule Vinoself—pro-
fesses that he is " nothing if not tolerant." Thus is
it with him in theory, but how stands the case as
regards practice ? Here, the speculative philanthropist
exhibits himself as the cold, officious, arbitrary
Nigh-Churchman, without one particle of bonhonunie
(yr forbearance is his nature; and who seems to take
a perverse pleasure in interfering with the harmless
recreations of his humbler fellow-creatures. Are a
party of poor people Been travelling from necessity, or
for amusement, by a railway on the Sabbath, the
Bishop is instantly in arms at this—in his purblind
view of the case—culpable neglect of religion, and
instantly gets up in the House of Lords to denounce,
and, if possible, put a stop to, all Sunday railway tra-
velling! Are a party of toil-worn London artisans, to
whom fresh air and healthful exercise axe novelties

only to be njoyed one day in the seven, seen availing
themselves; of their Sabbath leisure, to indulge in an
excursion a n the Thames, not only does the Bishop
stand for isc 'urs together at the windows of his palace
at Fulham„, with his ghostly nose flattened against
the pane, •matching the irreligious scamps with looks
of the grimmest displeasure, but he hastens to de-
nounce tlaeix guilt in public, and to get such a Bill
passed through Parliament as shall have the effect of
driving every living thing from the river on
Sunday el:cept the fishes, over whom, fortu-
nately, he• has no episcopal jurisdiction. In-
finite are the :contrivances to which of late years
this restless, meddlesome, intolerant Prelate has had
recourse, in order to abridge the harmless Sabbath
recreational of the people, and thereby render their
condition Estill more wretched than it now is. He
does not see that by putting a stop to Sunday railway
travelling; by exorcising the Sunday rural walk, and
shutting up the village ale-house, ho drives the poor,
almost as a matter of necessity, to the stifling tavern
coffee-room or the demoralizing gin-palace ; but
imagines no doubt—with the infatuation common
to intolerant priestcraft—that if the poorer classes be
deprived of all recreation on the Sabbath, they will,
as a matter of course, rush in droves to Church, just as
if people could be made pious by Act of Parliament !
Church, indeed, seems to be our excellent Prelate's
sole specific for every species of social or political
evil. He holds " more Church" to be a certain and
universal cure, just as Doctor SANORADO, in " Gil
Blas," held bleeding and hot water to be an infallible
remedy. Are the operatives in a state of general des-
titution ? Give them "more Church," quoth our
Episcopal Doctor ! Subscriptions are all well enough
in their way, and much may be said in favour
of providing the poor with employment ; but to
provide them with "more Church" is the thing; and full
of this remedial scheme, the ghostly " CHARLES JAMES
LONDON " insists on the erection of upwards of fifty
bran-new churches in his diocese, which he contends
will effectually put an end to all the distresses of his
poorer flock ; though every impartial man sees that
the chief result of the scheme will be, to increase
prodigiously his own power and patronage, though
this of course is a circumstance that has never once
entered into "CHARLES JAMES LONDON'S" calcu-
lation !

There is so much of fairness in the following ar-
ticle of Saturday's Journal des Debats, on the French
operations in Morocco, that we willingly transfer it
to our columns :

" The Chambers were still open when, through the
aggressions of the troops of Abderrhaman, hostilities
broke out with the Moors. The Government was inter-
rogated ; and from the tribune of the two Chambers it
formally declared that it was not its intention to make a
war of conquest upon Morocco. All the world was cog-
nisant of this declaration—it was recorded in all the
journals—by the organs even of the Opposition it was
approved. Our astonishment, therefore, has not been
slight at finding the National, as if it, alone, were igno-
rant of what had been done and acknowledged in the
Chambers, talking of the confidential promises made to
England, and preparing itself, by anticipation, to accuse
the Government of treason and of cowardice, in a case
where Morocco having submitted, and accepted our con-
ditions, France would abandon the ports which the
war would have compelled it to occupy. No ! There
have been no " confidential promises"—there has been a
declaration publicly made ; and this, as coming from a
legal Government, is what we shall consider as a sacred
engagement. No. The Government does not wish to
make conquests and definitive establishments in Mo-
rocco. To dream of enlarging our possessions in Africa,
at a time when Algeria presses already so heavily on our
budget—this would be madness. We occupy the island
of Megadore. It is the Government—this truckling and
timorous Government—which has issued orders to the
Prince de Joinville to establish a garrison upGn it. We
occupy it, however, but provisionally, as an object of the
war—not as an object of conquest. Once again, this is
what has been said and acknowledged, already upwards
of a month since, in the presence of the Chambers, in the
face of the country and of all Europe, and with the gene-
ral approbation! And if the National, almost exclusively
found this policy base and unworthy, why did it require
a month to make such a declaration ?

" The Government feels after the battle of Isly, and
the capture of Mogadore, just what it felt before these
events, it was not tear which extorted from it the declar-
ation, at the commencement of these hostilities, that, be
their reault what it might, it did not mean to exact from
Morocco a cession of towns or of territories. The mu-
tivei which actuated Government to make this decla-
ration then, still actuate it now. It always had them—it
has them at this moment—it will continue always to have
them. These are—the interest of France—the good
sense which wills not that we should engage, in Africa,
all the forces of our budget, of our army, of our navy.
Our fleets and our soldiers have covered themselves with
glory-. The Government expected of them as much.
The war is pushed with vigour; and without wishing to
detract from the Prince de Joinville or the Marshal
Bugead one fraction of the honour which has accrued
to them, we are yet bound to say, that that which they
have done they had their orders to do. They have
nobly executed those instructions. France demands repa-
rations and guarantees : she will obtain them ; and this
last blow assures, perhaps for ever, the security of Alge-
ria. This object is sufficiently great; the Government and
France pursue none other. If the Government after having
recorded at the outbreak of the war a solemn declara-
tion that it had no intentions of territorial aggrandise-
ment, were all at ence emboldened by success to set up
other and ulterior pretensions—this would be what we
should term, not simply disloyalty to pledges, but base-
ness and cowardice ; for it might reasonably be ima-
gined that Government had only awaited this success in
order to make such further pretensions. When a
country like France embarks in a war with a country
like Alorocco, the issue of that war is no doubtful one.
We shall ask no more at its termination than we did at
its commencement. There was no necessity, therefore,
for the National to affect the mysterious. It was aware
of the intentions of the Government. It knew, as all
the world did, that we do not wage war with a view to
the conquest of Morocco, but only to impose peace, and
to command respect for our presence among a barbarous
people. At any rate, if it be true that the National
dues not want collision with England, we are rejoiced to
have apprised him that the moment of that collision has
not yet arrived—God be thanked !"

It is really a gratifying novelty to find in those
American journals which devote themselves to the
discussion of what may be called local politics, any
sound and well reasoned, calm, and dispassionate exa-
mination, of great national questions. On the other
side of the Atlantic party spirit and political excite-
ment attain to such habitual excess, that it is often
impossible to discover a single break in the strain of
exaggeration and declamatory violence with which
the organs of the several parties in Congress and out
of it advocate their own views, or denounce those
which have been advanced by others. Independently
of the weariness which this monotonous grandilo.
quence inflicts on us who peruse it, a distance of more
than two thousand miles from the scene of
those events and that business to which it is
addressed, the sensation it produces upon
European readers is one of annoyance rather than
of amusement, and fairly repulses, instead of pro-
voking, curiosity. But there is one eminent excep-
tion to the application of this remark. A State paper,
a letter, or a reported speech from Mr. DANIEL
WEBSTER, is sure to repay the most careful and at-
tentive perusal by its manifestation of many sterling
points of excellence. There is generally a plain, manly,
grave simplicity about them. This strongly con-
' trasts with the vicious and inflated style that so largely
pervades the forensic and diplomatic efforts' of Ame-
rican statesmen and lawyers. Mr. WEnsTER seems
always in earnest, and, therefore, to appeal rather to
the reason and cool judgment of the public, than the
awakened passions, or the transient influence, of a
faction. He is one of the few public men in the
United States actively engaged in the affairs that form
the current matters of political controversy, who
never shrink from looking at the truth, whether it
happen to square, or not, with the views and opinions
he has previously advocated. One seems to: listen to
his reasoning without that painful prepossession of
'distrust and suspicion which insensibly prejudices us
against others whose habit it is to attempt to make
up for the weakness of their argument, or the feeble-
ness of their cause, by violence of gesticulation and
over-coloured statement. We must also concede to
Mr. WEBSTER'S speeches, for the most part, the merit
of a certain freshness and an argumentative serious-
ness, that are by no means every-day excellencies on
this side of the water or on that.

The address delivered by this gentleman at Spring-
field, on the 9th ultimo, as given in the American
papers, is important at the present juncture- on very
many accounts. It is a distinct and stern ' sentence
of condemnation on the political profligacy of Mr.
TYLER, and a searching and almost contemp-
tuous exposure of the disqualifications '-of that
individual's nominee, Mr. Pout, for the office
of President. The reckless violence on the
United States' constitution—the wanton and wicked
perilling of the country's best guarantees for peace, and
the permanency of its institutions, to be found in the
maintenance of its existing relations with this coun-
try and other States—which Mr. TYLER arid his cabal
were prepared to commit and to hazard in order to
carry out their schemes for the annexation Of Texas
to the United States territories, and the implicit and

consolidation of slavery :1 nd " the slave power," as
Mr. WEBSTER terms it—these points are
forcibly and perspicuous 2 v laboured. For the
United States we draw from l these passages a most
favourable augury. We ma venture to hope that
the American people will escri pe the dangers and the
disgraces, we will add, into which such counsels as
those which have so long and : r)) mischievously swayed
the official career of Mr. TYE int. Mr. WEBSTER, we
are convinced, is too stout an .d constitutional a citizen
ever to allow the late Pnxsn 'ENT'S flimsy pretexts to
veil from the eyes of his cow a trymen the real objects
of personal ambition and sc did self-aggrandisement
which have been assumed ill order to conceal. He
then puts the " annexation" question home:—

"I speak my convictions without concealment, not for
the north or the south, by t for the Union, as an Ame-
rican citizen. As to this • proposition of enlargment of
territory, I would ask, for what interest of our country
is it designed ? What goad' is it to effect to the people
at large ? In regard to the r. measure, I have no hesita-
tion in saying, my oppositicz i is neither temporary in
measure or character. It woo ,ld be the same in the con-
tingency of the assent of Mc xico or without. Strip the
question of all disguises, and .-the great fundamental and
only object is apparent. It i s the extension of slavery in
these United States, and the a enlargement of the slave
power. Nov I submit it to , the south as to the north, if
any good is to be gained to the Union by this result ?"

Now let us mark what f allows. Here is the vaunted
" Young Republic of the - rest"—the model country
of freedom—the State will ch is said to have been
born, to exist now, and in al 1 time hereafter to exist—
of, and by, and for, freed; mm and its rights all over
the world, thus exhibited 'ivy one of her ablest ci-devant
Ministers, as not simply tolerating what some may be
weak enough to believe the entailed political necessity
of continuing to hold se,Dr, as of thousands of human
beings in slavery where they already existed in that
condition in certain State s at the time of their admis-
sion into the Federal Unio fa; but, as now, and for some
time past, actually intrigui Ing, paltering, and languish-
ing for a larger investmen it in this hideous property of
human flesh:—

"Is there anything desks, ble in the creation of new
slave states, and the exton sion of slave power ? The
only motive and the only o'q ject has been, and now is,
the extension of slave territ 4ory. I assert this distinctly,
upon the strength of what know. It is a fact not to
be denied—the stern and ,volemn truth, sustained by
indisputable evidence. Th ie documents called forth by
the proposition prove it ; t b e language of the Secretary
of State points to it in as n zilny words."
Mr. WEBSTER is a plaie spoken man, and thus un-
reservedly shows up the mew Transatlantic "Polka"
movement :

" That the nomination of Mr. Polk turned upon this
Texas annexation point canr aof be doubted. If we had
not heard of Texas we shouls I never have heard of Polk.
The words go together, kis' ; as Castor and Pollux. It
is not necessary to argue t hat 'point for the purpose of
proving the connexion. It is plain enough as it is, and
it is an insult to the peoi ?le to assert otherwise. Mr.
Polk was nominated, because he was the unequivocal
committed friend of immt Hate and unconditional an-
nexation, and for no other. :reason. Remember it, and I
tell you to-day, if Polk is vlected, annexation certainly
and inevitably follows! Th e same tide of public opinion
which could bear him into oi lice would give him a Con-
gress subservient to his view s, and entail Texas upon us
for ever.

A very " pretty iniquily" all this bespeaks in the
" Loco-foco" party. The 3- must manage well if they
deceive the vigilance of M r.. WEBSTER ; and the Ame-
rican people ought to cons icier themselves deeply in-
debted to that gentleman. -for the direct and honest
tone in which he has laid bare the TYLER Texas con-
spiracy to their convictiont3, and (we trust) to their
contempt. _ _

Madrid journals, of the 26th of August, have been
received, but they bring no news.

Letters from Cadiz states that the Prince DE JOIN-
VILLE, with his squadron, was expected in the roads,
from Mogadore, on the 23, I,
Madrid Bourse on the :26th.—Three per Cents.,
27-.} for 60 days; Five per Cents., 20} for 60 days ;
Floating Debt of the Liensury, 61f at 45 days ;
Coupons, 24 15-16 at 58 days.

The Paris papers, which bring no news, are chiefly
occupied with the affairs of Morocco and Otaheite,
and with the exception or the war journals, which
will be satisfied with noting short of war, show
more moderation than they have done for some time.
The Ministerial papers, especially the Globe, de-
nounces the conduct of M. D'AUBIGNY towards Mr.
PRITCHARD, and infers that there will be no difficulty
in coming to an amicable arrangement on that point.
The words of M. GUIZOT'S journal are sufficiently
strong. "M. D'A.HIJIGNY,” it says, " has been guilty
of unnecessary brutality towards an English subject,
who once occupied the post of Consul; he treated
him in a manner which a man 'of bad taste, or a fero-
cious republican, could alone arvow. M. D'AUBIGNY
had a prison at his disposal in one of the vessels lying
in the roads. lle should lave transferred Mr.
PRITCIJARD thither, for, in doing so, he would not
have solved the question of expulsion, which was re-
served for M. 13RUAT. The latter placed the ex-
Consul on board one of those vessels before he de-
livered him up to bis countrymen. If we are
to exhibit ourselves to those savages as bar-
barous as themselves, it is needless for us to
have gone thither." There is great truth in
this admission, for it must have appeared to
the natives that the hostility between Protestants
and Catholics said little for the common religion of
both, and that the boasted civilisation of Europe was
a mere mockery, when among the first of its fruits
was the bombardment of their peaceable homes. We
may therefore hope that this storm has blown over,
and that M. GuizoT is prepared to make such repara-
tion as will satisfy the British Government. It is
painful, however, to reflect that such a contemptible
occurrence on the other side of the globe might have
led to a general European war. The French Go-
vernment, if we are to believe certain journab, are
disposed to show moderation in their demands for re-
paration from the Emperor of MOROCCO. It is said
that, notwithstanding the success of Marshal Bu-
GEAUD and the Prince DE JOINYZLLE, the French have
not risen in their demands, and will only require the
fulfilment of the conditions first proposed. If these
statements are founded on facts, there will be a
speedy settlement of the question. LOUIS PHILIPPE,
by this policy, may boast that he has afforded
his sol an opportunity of successfully displaying
his naval skill and bravery, and Marshal BUGEAUD
the glory of having defeated a Moorish army with one-
third of their numbers. He may then visit the
Queen of ENGLAND with the prestige of victory and
the emblems of peace. We cannot say that all this
commotion—all the warlike appearances and their
peaceable termination may have had some personal
and family objects in view, but it cannot well be
denied that the great and prime actor in them has a
very long head. M. THIERS'S paper, too, is becoming
peaceable. It admits that the British Consul, Mr.
HAT, in his negotiations with the Emperor of
MOROCCO, was acting with perfect good faith, and
that he was urging on the EMPEROR the same con-
ditions as those proposed by France herself. On
Sunday that journal published a letter from the banks
of the Isly, dated Aug. 18th, four days after the
battle. The substance of the letter is as follows :

" You are aware that we have captured the camp fur-
niture belonging to the son of the Emperor. In his tent
was found a casket containing his letters. Several offi-:
cers were employed to decipher them, and immediately
afterwards they brought to the Marshal a letter from
Muley Abderahman to his son, in which he recounted
the mission of the English Consul, Drummond Hay, the
advice he gave him, and the conditions he offered. They
were precisely the same as those demanded by the
French Government, and a French Consul could not
have held more dignified or more firm language. No
doubt, the British Government by acting thus proved
how much interest they took that our differences with
the Emperor should be speedily terminated, but we must
acknowledge that they acted with the most perfect can-
dour. The letters of Muley Abderahman proved, more-
over, that the Marshal was right in requesting the Prince
de Joinville to strike hard. The strongest alarm is ex-
pressed in every paragraph."
The French Funds declined a little on Sunday. The
closing price of the Three per Cents. was 80f. 70c.,
being a decline of about 20 centimes as compared
with the price on Saturday.

TLIE MOORS.—Lord Panmure's party this season
in Glenesk was very numerous' but in consequence of the
broken state of the weather for some days previous to
the 12th, and the birds being strong, the bags (with a
few exceptions) were not so heavy as formerly. Captain
Guthrie, of Guthrie, bagged on the 12th 52 brace ; Sir
Thomas Moncrieff, 50 ; Mr. Balfour, of Tannadice, 48 ;
Mr. Hastie, M.P., 35 ; Captain Douglas, 35 ; Sir John
and Major Hope, 30 ; Colonel Dalgairns, 26 ; Mr. Gib-
son, 25 ; Sir William Scott, 20 ; Mr. Webster, 19 ; Cap-
tains Wemyss •nd Hay, 28 ; Captain Ramsay, 20 ;
Colonel Lowe, 17 ; Mr. Bannernaan, M.P., 16.—Edin-
burgh Witness.
We regret to learn that Lady Pechell continues
very seriously indisposed in Hill-street. The Duke and
Duchess of Norfolk remain in town in attendance on their
4ftlicted ;Ql> %