The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-08 00:00:00

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THE SILENT FRIEND ; a Medical Work on
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SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM yffp DAILY PAPERS OF SATURDAY.

GLOBE —Notwithstanding the vaunted numerical
strength of its majority, numerous and formidable
difficulties surround the Government, which seem
rather to increase than to diminish. These have
chiefly arisen from the party which placed Sir Robert
Peel in his present position, and are traceable, partly,
to the tendency of his party to be dissatisfied with the
measures of a Ministry which has been invested with
office through their means, but principally
.to the
raised hopes of the Conservatives. These the dis-
honest course pursued by Sir Robert Peel, as leader
of the Opposition, contributed to inspire, which, as
Minister, he finds himself compelled to discourage
and disappoint. Ever since the present administra-
tion was installed, , each successive session
hai afforded fresh illustrations and - proofs
of the disappointments, distractions, and con-
sequent growing disaffection of the Conservative
party. One or other of the interests into which it is
divided has been in alarm and agitation. Those who
looked to the Minister their own hands had made for
increased advantages, in the shape of added power, or
more stringent protection to their exclusive interests,
by his means, have been doomed to deplore his
broken promises, and are provoked to denounce his
breaches of faith with them. The new tariff, and
the improved sliding-scale of the first session, dis-
pelled delusion from the agriculturists. Though
the benefits to the consumers of beef and
bread were found to exist only in the fair speeches
of Sir Robert Peel, whose sole object was to check
the popular dislike to his income tax, the landed
interest saw, with alarm, their corn-law disturbed, and
the other restrictive duties upon the admission of
foreign agricultural produce diminished. They heard
in the House of Commons principles enunciated with
approbation by Sir Robert- Peel, and his fides Achates
at the Board of Trade, which, practically applied,
would accomplish the destruction of protective duties.
They remembered the Premier's character for facile re-
nunciation of principle; and they dreaded lest he should
be induced to betray the agricultural protection cause,
as he had formerly that of Catholic exclusion. The
following ses-ion saw the Canada Corn Bill, which
would admit American corn, via Canada, at a small
duty, passed into law : thus, with characteristic chi-
chane, introducing the commodity by the back door,
thus opened, while the front gates were barred and
bolted with an affectation of determination truly laugh-
able. These measure's isave sadly shaken the faith of
the agriculturists in Sir R. Peel's sincerity of inten-
tion, and have induced the formation of associations
for the protection of agricUlture. The landowners thus
hope to preserve their rents from the ruinous reduc-
tion, which they fear would follow the diminution or
entire abolition of the import duties of corn of foreign
growth. They avow their renunciation of confidence
in Sir Robert Peel. They wake no secret of the
course they will henceforth pursue. The Duke of
Richmond's expressive threat is now the motto of the
landlords : —" We made him ; and, if he stir another
step in the path of free trade, we will show ourselves
strong to depose and destroy, as we were to exalt and
support." The declaration of Sir Robert Peel, in the
present session, that he "does not, at present, con-
template any further alteration in the Corn-laws,"
though it has somewhat quieted the apprehensions,
has by no means restored confidence to the alarmed
landlords. A kind of armed truce is kept up ; which
will be converted into open hostility upon the first
indication of an intention, on the part of the Ministry,
to legislate upon the protective_ duties.
-*STANDARD. The intervention of " Good
Friday" has caused all our Contemporaries of the
daily press to have the start of us in observing upon
the auspicious revenue returns of the • 4th 'of April,
1844. There is no aspect in which we can contem-
plate this index of the national progress in which it
does not present occasion of pride and hope. The
empire whose securities in Three per Cents, are
within a shadow of par; whose revenues are largely
increasing annually ; the nation, one section of which,
and one section only though that is the most impor-
tant—contains classes at ease, if not affluent, possessing
incomes to the extent of much more than two hundred
millions sterling the year (of this the income-tax of
five millions and upwards is the proof)—the empire
that affords such evidence of credit, industry, and
wealth, has little to fear from war -in a stage of the
world's history, when war is made principally by
money. We have rated the income of persons pos-
i sessing Ma a-year and upwards at much more than
200 millions; and upon that point the evidence of the
property-tax is conclusive; but is this evidence ade-
quate to the exhibition of the whole truth ? By no
means. The property-tax scarcely extends at all to
Ireland (and, by the way, let this be recited
in the next schedule of Irish grievances, that
under the heads of property-tax and assessed taxes,
which do not reach Ireland, Great Britain pays
twice as much as the whole Irish revenue), and it
certainly is not collected to its full amount even in
this island. It was said of the income-tax previous
to 1816, that Glasgow paid, as we recollect, six
times as much as Manchester. Is there any reason
to suppose that the Leaguers of our day are more
honest than their fathers thirty years ago ? Pre-
viously to 1816 the millocracy had but one motive to
understate their gains—the desire to save so much
tax; now they have another, and if possible, a more
powerful motive, in the necessity of showing that
their profits are so Jew as to require the sacrifice
of the happiness, health, lives, and morals of the
labouring classes to save these profits from dis-
appearing altogether. We look with anxiety for
the property-tax returns from the manufacturing
districts—these returns being general, and con-
solidated, will cause no invasion of any one's privacy
by their publication, and they surely will supply an
important element in the discussion of the great
question which now occupies the public mind—What
is the income of the millowners ? Surely this must
be known, before it can be determined whether the
people ought to be sacrificed. As yet, the only data
that the public have is their own boast, that in about
twenty-five years they realised more than the
purchase money of the fee simple of the
if their income be
United Kingdom. Now,-
very great, though not, quite so great as the
it is plain that they are
boast referred to implies,
under no necessity of compelling women and young
persons to work twelve hours, arid to remain fourteen
hours in the mill daily.. If their income is not great,
of what importance is • their pauper-making and
misery-extending pursuit to the nation, to justify the
sacrifice of the health, happiness, lives, and morals, of
...the -labouring classes to its preservation. They may

be like the person of whom the wise man speaks—
" Who think life a plaything, and time a' market for
gain ; for, say they, we must be getting every way,
I though it be by evil means ;" but whatever they may
think, the people of England will not endure such a
code of social morals, except upon the ground of
invincible necessity. We ought to have some know-
ledge of the aggregate gains, in order to determine as
to the existence of such a necessity. The considera-
tion of the millowners' property-tax has led us away
from the more general view of the sulject. The whole
rateable.income of the United Kingdom can hardly be
less than the enormous sum of three hundred millions
sterling, a perfect-security against foreign aggression,
and a glorious means of softening the condition
of all classes of the people—and that condition will
be softened. England does not become less moral or
• less humane as she becomes more rich, thanks to the
happy influence of our pure Protestant Christianity.
The moral health of the country improves with its
wealth ; 'contrary-, certainly, to the experience of all
Pagan and Romanist nations. The very humblest will,
sooner or later, share in the common affluence of the
nation. It may be now ; it may be a few years
hence ; but the result is inevitable ; unless what we
trust to he impossible; the moral feeling of the
country shall retrograde. " The blessed reform,
said the excellent Michael Sadler, " can hardly
be perfected in my time, though I am not a
very old man, but I trust to Providence that Lord
Ashley's years may be spared—and if they are,
he will conduct and complete it before he arrives at
my age." This prediction was pronounced by the
admirable patriot and philanthropist thirteen years
ago, when the speaker was about fifty years old.
Whe doubts of its literal fulfilment ? Lord Ashley
has ten years before him of the term allowed ; and
if ever the prayers of millions were answered, they
will be ten years of success and happiness.
POST.—It is curious to observe, that while in
matters of mere discussion the French are much!
more given to abstraction than we are, yet, in the
affairs of government, they are precisely the con-
trary. In these respects, it appears to us that our
, foreign neighbours have the advantage of us. In
their common conversation, even about trifles, they
are accustomed to use a kind of brilliant and expan-
sive logic which throws an interest around matters
that, with us, are dull as ditch-water, or a Whig lec-
ture on education. But when they come to think of
matters of government, they take into account the
personal feelings of the people concerned, and deter-
mine their policy accordingly. The French have
plenty of people who talk political economy with as
much cool unconcern as any English disciple of
Adam Smith, Ricardo, or Malthus. They have pro-
fessors at their colleges who lecture upon the benefits
of machinery and of cheapness almost as well as Mr.
Labouchere, Mr. Gladstone, or even Sir R. Peel.
But, in the Government, and in the Chamber, men
place themselves in the situation of those who are to
be affected by any proposed piece of policy, and they
refuse to be charmed by any abstract rules of .right,
however seductively scientific they may appear to be.
It is an undeniable abstract truth, that coal and cotton
thread can be had cheaper from England than by the
employment of French labour in their production.
But the French legislators do not much trouble
themselves with that consideration. They bear in
mind that a good deal of French capital and a great
many French people are employed in providing fuel
and cotton goods for French consumption, and they
say to themselves, "We must take care of these
French interests. We should have very little grati
tude for snaking fuel a little cheaper and cotton
goods, perhaps, five or ten centimes in the hundred
lower in price than they now are. But the ruin of
the wood and coal men would be a very serious affair,
and they would make a very angry noise about it
and many villages would be reduced to pauperism if
the cotton manufacture were taken away from them
by English competition. • We will not be the destruc-
tion of these poor people, for they are French,
and have a right' ,to protection at our hands."
To us this appears very reasonable, because it is
founded on good feeling towards those whom French
legislators are under a natural obligation to befriend
as much as they possibly can. Again, look at the
difference between the respective Governments of
England and France in regard to holders of the pub-
lic debt at a larger interest than that which is current
in the market. Our worthy Mr. Goulburn, who is
really as good a man as can possibly be, nevertheless
looks upon the holders of the Three-and-a-Half per
Cents. as mere abstract recipients of a larger interest
than the Government need pay them, under the exist-
ing state of the money market. He troubles himself
nut with considerations of the inconvenience, perhaps
the misery, which many holders of this stock may
suffer from the reduction of their incomes. Probably
this idea never occurs to him, nor was it so much as
even hinted at by any one of the six hundred and
fifty-eight legislators to whom the proposal for re-
duction was lately submitted. It is all the same to
them whether the holders of the Three-and-a-Half,
per Cents. be poor widows or opulent proprietors, or
mere trustees, without any tie of affection to those
for whom they administer their trust, or sticks and
stones, which indeed have generally about as much
feeling of their business as trustees have. The Go-
vernment and the Legislature care not one straw who
or what may be the owners of the Three-and-a-Half
per Cents. ; they only consider that this stock may
be paid off, and another stock, at a lower rate of in-
terest, established in their place, and upon that ab-
stract fact they set to work, and the stock is reduced
accordingly. But in France there is a large amount
of stock, bearing the interest of five per cent.,
whiCh the Government has certainly an abstract
right to pay off at 100, though the market price is
120, or to convert into another stock bearing a less
interest, and yet the Government will not do so, be-
cause it takes into account the circumstances of
the holders of the stock, and the injury which
the " conversion " would be to them. " These
people," say the Government, " have a stock which
is worth 120 in the market. If we were to adopt a
policy which would depreciate it to 100, it would he
a revolution ! These people could not bear to be thus
deprived of one-sixth of their capital, and one:fifth of
their annual income, by an economical strolce of
policy." How opposite this is to the English gos-ern
mental mode of thinking and reasoning about the
same sort of thing we need not say. In this country,
between the governors and the governed, there is no
such thing as sympathy or community of feeling. No
one dreams of it. The relative positions—especially
in regard to matters of finance and profit and loss—
are rather antagonistic than co-operative. The Go-
vernment has no sort of feeling with the people, to
prevent it having its work done on the cheapest pos-
sible terms,_ and the people have no sort of feeling
with the Government to prevent them from resisting
all manner of taxation and payment so far as they
may do so with safety. These are elements of the
political status in quo which are worth the attention
of the politiCal philosopher.
ADVERTISER.--The " Young England" party
has made some addition to its strength by the recent
decision in Cambridge in favour of " monasteries and
similar institutions decision to which we have
already directed the -attention of our readers. The
design of these worthies is to aid in Parliament the
cause which Pusey and his disciples are promoting in
' what is called the Church, and both together are
longing for the return of those monkish institutions
which nearly three hundred years since had ceased to
darken the face of England. Purblind as these men
are rendered by the system of which they are the ad-
vocates, they seem to be ignorant of the change which
time has wrought in the social condition of our
country, and of the absolute impossibility of its ever
returning to the institutions which " 'Young Eng-
land" contemplates with such fond affection. Manu-
factories put monasteries out of date, and railroads
traversed by steam-engines at the rate of thirty miles
an hour will not very happily consort with sleepy
monks, who _ _ _

" Soundly sleep the night away,
And just do nothing all the day;
Who eat, and drink, and sleep—what then?
Why eat, and drink, and sleep again."
That man must be strangely unobservant of the facts
which are subjected to his every-day observation, or
as strangely ignorant of the facts of English history,
who needs to be told that the age of monasteries,
when the country had a spare population—when the
alms of the baronial hall and the convent were suffi-
cient for those who had to beg—when the mind of
the whole population, with but few exceptions, bowed
to the sceptre of Romish domination, differed alto-
gether from England in the present age, when the
whole country is thickly peopled—when a spirit of
independence animates the humbler classes, and ren-
ders them anxious to receive their support, not from
the hands of some mitred abbot, but from the labour
of their own hands; and when the minds of men have
claimed that freedom which is their birthright, and
in the exercise of which they profess convictions
strangely differing from each other, and from the
ages anterior to the Reformation. The absurdity of
attempting to restore the institutions of the middle
ages to the nineteenth century, render it qunecessary
that we should 'offer any serious arguments against it.