The Sun.
London, England, 1828-08-04 00:00:00

is the sum of Mr. W. Horton's proposition. When
it was first recommended by that gentleman in a
pamphlet which he published a few months ago, we
frankly stated our own fear that in practice it might
be found extremely difficult to divide the cases of
disqualification from those on which the Catholic
Member of Parliament would still have an unre-
strained power of voting:. We had the fear, and
we haVe abandoned it. In a recent work Mr. W.
Horton has, with exemplary activity and research,
collected and enumerate 4 all the acts, public, pri-
vate, local, and personal, to be found upon the sta-
tute-book, which have passed since the Union be-
tween Great Britain and Ireland, and which in any
way concern the " doctrine, discipline, regulations,
rights,-and privileges of the United Church ;" upon
the subjects of all of which acts, without exception,
he proposes to disqualify Roman Catholic Members
from voting. This exhibition of the subject is as
important as it is novel. It brings distinctly for-
ward the precise points of disqualification, with
regard to which there can be no reasonable ground
for raising a dispute or for pleading ignorance; and
he produces the most respectable authorities, eccle-
siastical and civil, Protestant and Catholic, for the
innoxious as well as efficacious principle of the secu-
rity now suggested. We need only mention Dr.
Coplestone on one side, and the late Dr. Poynter
on the other. This being now the great question
of domestic policy of the British empire, which sur-
rounds it on every side, impedes, distract 3, and de-
presses it, in all its interests and all its external
relations, we shall feel it our duty to recur fre-
quently to the anxious and laborious task of discuss-
ing the subject in all its bearings; but we shall
now content ourselves with (lusting from Mr. W.
Horton, a brief recapitulation of the nature and
principles of the security which he recommends.
" Ist. It is calculated to meet the main danger which
exists in the apprehension of Protestants—viz. that of legis-
lation by Roman Catholics for and about the interests of
the Protestant Church. The proof that this is the main
apprehension entertained by Protestants, is to be found in
the record of 51 speeches of Members of Parliament, dis-
tinctly pointing out that specific danger.
" 2dly. That danger being once provided against, it is
not pretended that any other danger is to be apprehended.
The proof of this is to be found in the declaration made by
one of the most distinguished opJonent-s of the Roman
Catholic question, the late Lord Chancellor, the Earl of
Eldon, in his speech in the House of Lords, on the 21st of
June, 1822, that if he could hesitate one single moment
to grant any thing which the Roman Catholics could re-
quest or &sire, provided the Protestant Church was secure,
he should act most unworthily : but he never could learn
what securities were to be given to the Protestant Church,
and that was the reason why he never could assent to the
concessions asked.' _

" Sdly. The security proposed has satisfied many Pro-
te•tsnt divines of the first rank and character, as affording,
a real and substantial security.
" 4tlaly. The declaration of the Homan Catholic Bishops,
as well as the opinion of individual Roman Catholics, de-
monstrate that it is a security of a purely protective nature,
and which does not trench on the conscience of the Rowan

" sthly. It is a security independent of any other secu...
rity, single in its character, and calculates! to effect one
simple object.
" 6thly. Although no absolutely direct precedent may
be found for its introduction, it is not inconsistent with
the recognised practice of Parliament, which admits, in
certain cases, of a defeasance of the right of voting in the
case of particular members ; and it has received the ap-
probation of constitutional lawyers of the first eminence.
" In its working and operation, it is practicable
and easy.
" These seven propositions appear to me to he per-
fectly justified by the matter which precedes them.
" It may perhaps be shown that the machinery which I
have framed is not entirely perfect. It will be sufficient
for my purpose if it be admitted (which admission, I think,
cannot be refused) that it involves no subtlety or complica-
tion with which the most ordinary intellect would not be
competent to cope. lam well aware that it will not re-
ceive the sanction of any person who wishes to maintain
perpetually the disabilities attaching to Roman Catholics.
I do net doubt that difficulty may be crowded upon difficulty,
and technical defect pointed out after defect, by those who
are determined not to be satisfied with concession under any
form. This security has been specially framed to meet the
objection of those persons who rest their objection to
Catholic emancipation on the ground of the danger to he
apprehended to the interests of the Protestant establish-
ment, from the legislation of Roman Catholics with -re-
spwt to that establishment. And as an antidote to that
specific danger, (the only specific danger, as far as I am
aware, that has ever been pointed out, as connected with
a change of law on this subject), I consider it, and I
trust that a majority of the Douse of Commons will ulti-
mately consider it, as conclusive and complete. If, how-
ever, (to repeat what I have already expressed), any other
security can be pointed out, more simple and more satis-
factory to the respective parties interested, no person will
more► cordially rejoice than I shall in such result, notwith-
standing the comparative uselessness of the suggestion
which I have made. Still more perfectly satisfied should
I he, were it possible that the Protestant clergy and laity,who
are now opposed to the settlement of this question, could
he Induced to concur with me and other supporters of it,
in our view of the solid and substantial security which
the discontinuance of religious disabilities, in itself, is cal-
culated to afford. But as those who have practical difficul-
ties to overcome are compelled to deal with things as they
are, and not us they might wish to find theu►, I have felt
justified in the suggestion of the security which forms the
subject of the preceding pages.' "

SUNDAY PAPERS.

(num 'n NEWS.)

Mr. PECL.—The fame of Mr. Peel does not seem
to gain ground, with all the aid of his denial of place
under Mr. Canning; and though recently seconded
by the full swing of Ministerial power. He was
thought more of, and better of, as au auxiliary o
Lord Liverpool's Cabinet, in conjunction with Mr.f
Canning, than ever he has been since. His consoli•
dation of a certain class of Statutes is now regarded
as a mere bodge-podge affair; and if spoken of at all,
it is rather by numbers with cenftire than praise.
The course of his policy was, notwithstanding, fitted
and suited to a very large class of politicians ; but
they were men who wished things to remain sub-
stantially the same, though they called for some re-
forms in appearance. Just as a person in a danger-
ous state of health cheats himself into the belief that
an aperient—or any thing in the name of physic—
will complete his cure. Mr. Peel is at present steer-
ing his little bark through the impetuous stream of
a strait, in which two conflicting currents have united.
We may read in the speech of his Majesty, the sort
of political unction which Mr. Peel is applying to his
own mirk!, lie fancies that he has reconciled the
commercial and landed interests, by " combining
adequate protection for domestic agriculture, with
due precaution against the consequences of a
deficient harvest ;" thus, " promoting the in-
separable interests of all classes of his Majes-
ty's subjects." A more inconsequential passage we
never read, either in a King's Speech or out of one.
The insulated purpose of protecting agriculture, and
that of guarding against a scarcity of grain, or both
put together,—have a very limited province of opera-
tion as compared with the whole complicate interests
of a great empire ; and to us it would appear the
height of absurdity to pretend that the great aggre-
gate of the latter could be included in a sort of com-
promised arrangement of the former. But this is
Peel-like ; something has been done. The man is
going to build; ariilsome
lie hasprif , sola
oliilb.ein.. In ourfarceeodedstkroi foreign iis,
that
in
time
e
projectrlati
on
relations
ttoh
'ldgreatdown source
oldo
" friendly assurances
things arc,,
no worse,
of our allies" are continued ;only one has gone to
war "on his own account"—which hi, Majesty
deeply lam en ts." Then
lcomesong Por-
tugalp.t!tireagbruatp:l/lisohf.tisofex-
; which requires two
plain. Here his Majesty, with reterence,,
Thin() -
mer speech, confesses a " disappointment.
have gone on contrary to his "advice." Butß his
Majesty relies on the "head of the House
,of ra-
ganza ' to take the "best course" for securing, the
peace and happiness, &c. of the country. The
" House," as it regards the Kingaom of
Portugal, would be as well, or rather perhaps
better, without a head, than with any ono that
it can boast at present ; and this flourish of
English sympathy, after we had withdrawn the
troops that were to protect the Regency and the