The Sun.
London, England, 1828-10-16 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS.

The Declaration of the Clerical Magistracy of the
Deanery of Sutton, in the Diocese of Canterbury,
and County of Kent, which appeared in yesterday's
Chronicle, is altogether a curious document. They
" intreat their fellow-subjects of the laity to be
watchful of their Protestant privileges—to maintain
in their full vigour and pre-eminence the principles
of the Reformation, and thereby to uphold the great
and holy cause of religious truth ;" and they tell
" we believe Popery to be the same in its prin-
ciples, its doctrines, and its practical influence, that
it ever has been; and when we see its fearful
energy applied towards the attainment of political
power—when we see, with deep regret, our brethren
of the Popish Communion exercising over.the minds
of their people a tyrannous ascendancy, and pervert-
ing religion into an instrument of violence and fac-
tion little short of rebellion—we cannot but step for-
ward to endeavour to prevent, as far as possible,
_ what we judge to be the necessary consequences of
these occurrences, namely, either gross superstition
on the one hand, or total irreligion on the other."—
We shall by and bye advert to the consistency with
which these Gentlemenappeal to the principles of the
Reformation. At present our business is with the posi-
tion that it is necessary to persecute the Catholics,
in order to smile ourselves from being persecuted
by them. To say that the Catholics are the same
now that they always were, is to advance that which
is untrue. The Catholics of our age diGr from
those of another age, as much as the Protestants of
one age differ from those of another. The character
of Catholics as well as the character of Protestants,
is determined by a number of circumstances besides
civil and religious observances : laws, usages, slate
of agriculture, manufactures, &c. 'The Catholics
of one country are often, in their ways of thinking
and acting more like the Protestants of some other
country than to the Catholics of some other country.
—The only pretext for interfering with the pro-
fessors of . the Catholic religion, is its supposed
intolerance. When it is said hat the Catholics
are the same now that ever they were, it is
meant to say that they are as intolerant as ever.—
It would be unfair to say that the Protestants are
as intolerant as ever; for, however much the Pro-
testants differed from the Catholics, they adopted
all their principles of intolerance, and continued to
act on them down to nearly our own times. We
can only say that works are written and published
by eminent Catholic Clergymen in several countries
of Europe, professing principles with respect to to-
leration of so liberal a character, that we wish they
were adopted by the Clergy of the Church of Eng-
land. We have before us a work in three volume',
the second edition of which was published at Vienna
in 1813, by Dr. Revberger, a Benedictine Abbot,
Professor of Moral Theology in the University of
Vienna, and Book Censor, which is throughout cha-
racterized by the most enlightened views, and advo-
cates the most ample toleration. Its title is Insti.
tutiones Ethicce Christiana., sea Theologke Moralis.
" Christ himself. (he observes) in promulgating his
doctrines, made use of no means, but what were
adapted to persuade men, and held in abhorrence all
violence and coercion. Many persons have inter-
preted the saying of Christ, Compel them to en-
ter' (Luke xiv. 23.), in an unfavourable sense,
and supposed the meaning was, that those who
refused to join the Church, ought to be corn-
pelted. But Christ speaks of' no other violetiot
' in compelling men to the nuptials, than that
which is used in asking, exhorting, and warmly
urging. For avar.o.s-Eii, (Matthew xiv. 14., Maik
vi. 45., Gal. ii. 14.) has the same signification a-,
7.-cqcx(34c.cop.at (Luke xxiv. 29), which alone also
agrees with the context of the parable. And It is
sufficiently obvious from his character, that no per-
suasion is to be desired from a Christian man, except
such as is voluntary and is sealed by the consent of
the reason (I Thess. v. 21. sq., Rom. xiv. 23., 1
Pet. iii. 15. cf., Rom. xii. 1). Therefore, in affairs
of religion nothing is to be conceded to authority,
nothing to the fear of man (Matt. x. 22, sq., Rev.
xv. 18. sq. cf., Acts iv. 19. v. 29.); but every man
is bound to follow the guidance of his own con-
science, because every man will render an account
only to God of his conscience (Rom. xiv. 12., 1
Corinth. iii. 8., Gal. vi. 4. sq.). Hence we are war-
ranted in concluding that it is our duty to tolerate
in a friendly manner those who differ from us in
matters of religion, to reverence
.their conscience,
and never to condemn them on account of their
faith (Matt. vii. 1., Rom. ii. 1., 1 Cor. iv. 5.) not to
exclude them from the benefit of our charity (Luke
x. 30. sqq.), and that we ought least of all to
injure their tights and liberties by any in-
fringement on them or violence."—The au-
thor refers, in confirmation of his opinions, at
every step, not only to the Scriptures, but to the
fathers of the Church and Catholic writers of emi-
nence. The work is drawn up foe the use of Col-
leges and Academies, and is a text book for coun-
tries containing a population little short of all the
Protestants of Europe taken together. But when
we hear an exhortation " to maintain in their full
vigour and pre-eminence the principles of the Re-
formation," we naturally torn to those from whom
the exhortation proceeds. The principles of the
Reformation ! Quis tulerit Gracchos de sedition
querentes? which may be translated, the greatest
thief cries fastest fie ! A High Church and the
principles of the Reformation ! The essential prin-
irseltihgeiodne, and the
righthuman
ca iuptliemor t
yti
ine Rine faotrtme
rest i oonf
every man to interpret the Scriptures for himself--
a principle utterly at variance with the claims of the
Anglican Church. The very idea of a union betweeir
Church and State is abhorrent to the principles of
the Reformation. " It was not (says the learned
and eloquent author of Considerations on Pro-
testantism'), it was not because Protestantism fa-
voured this or that dogma, for every doctrine, if not
immoral, may constitute the conviction of a Pro-
testant—neither because it changed a few ceremo-
nies of the external worship of God, for they worild
all be indifferent, were they not all more or less dan-
gerous—it was not, in short, because it broke the
yoke of the Pope who is but a Priest, though the
most powerful; but it was because Protestantism
rejected the Priesthood in general, that it was enti-
tled to the honourable appellation of a Reformation
alone in oppositioli to the exter.
ne
reformation easily and necessarily of itself, white
and a Restoration of Crt,mhtoearodimi
nsotttsaii4annineiniteteyedsdih.
id.oaneorF:dtipemi
iisco(Lopfi
from the Is
realhii
itn
who
thehe ogioptali
nil
vtnel
It was this doctrine through which Protes-
tantism,
ceived, much less be
ediators between God and man,
at its very
from all merely church-religion, namely, the doctrine
of
in fact, is no tither than
jt, no
ess
a very natural expression to dejaintgetriaptre:ttehrse
on:
the
er
sofl
cog/.
ss
oa
eri
ire
v. sesv
reformation
,ewry. t° 1
ser thatca n be belongs e v e r t oc
nu,
enhct ioi
i
will, without being participator of the Divine
minces and
Omnipotence, who wished to rule our hearts with-
out being able to fathom them; Priests could rot
lay the foundation of• •
the structure of their domi-
nion deeper than
an the deceitful surface of life,
while they w
vtitihiiiorehinemilasitetitio:cosroritfiria)da%%is,shtnlii sec
-ere compelled to remain there. They
were compelled to content themselves wiih pe-
injunctions, the fulfillment of which.
struck the senses of the distrustful observer, and to
give the preference to a mere external obedience
over that of the will, which remains for ever closed
against their attempts to fathom it." Prom this priti-
ciple of independence of human authority, followed the
highofC mentalhiiiti Christianity,
citll'tivation of those
cannot possibly
absolute necessity of education. " An ignoiont
man," says the same . able writer, " with the best.
t houitt. the
The indispensableness of such an
intentions, can only be by accident good man.
Hence we perceive, that Protestantism, the „.,;.k
ofexist
s 9 profess without , the% restoration i
education follows necessarily from its relation to the
Pupal Clergy, and none of the peculiarities mark tt
so distinctly as this, the opponent of the Priesthood
in general." This -writer, who speaks, we belie~ r,

the sentiments of all the Protestant Churches, en-
deavours to prove that the Church of England is a
stranger to the principles of the Reformation, and
in all essential respects identical with the l hurch
of Rome. " Protestantism and Catholicism," he
observes, " amidst all the changes of their forms,
remain for ever as incapable of union as that which
constitutes their respective foundations, as priest-
hood and moral religion. And herein consists the
dangerous character of the Episcopal Church, that
its very existence seems to weaken this truth, and
to admit of a point of union between parties to one
of which it only bears a resemblance, while it is
essentially the same with the other. To be
convinced of thia, we • have only to consider what
peculiarly distinguishes the two religions. If there
is one principle in the Catholic Church which is more
than any other essential to its existence, and which
constitutes a tacit but indispensable condition of all
its other doctrines and institutions, it is that of the '
signification of the Church itself. The Gospel is
ear, as in the sense of Protestantism, a truth con-
fided to the conscience of individuals, but the legis-
lation of a religious State, the constitutional docu-
ment of a Corporation, ruling in the name of God;
and all its consolations and promises, the heritage of
this body, belong to individuals, in so far as they are
its members, and not farther. But this very view is
also the predominant one of the Episcopal Church,
and its most important, nay, its only principle of
life. It seeks and finds Christianity not in every
pure heart, but in the State fabric of the Hierarchy
alone. The salvation of mankind was confided ex-
clusively to the three orders of the Priesthood. It
can only thrive under the protection of its guardian-
ship ; anti it recognises no Gospel, be its seed ever
so genuine, and whatever good fruits it brings forth,
but that which was diffused by its Priests. . .
Compared with the greater practical dogma, every
other of a more speculative character which the for-
mer serves to support, every particular form of
mental dominion, appears quite unessential, when
the question is as t& its existence. Whe-
ther the ruling Corporation in your spiritual
State is divided into three or seven orders—
whether mandates appear in the form of Bulls or
Syndal Decrees, is of little consequence. The Papal
Church is also an Episcopal; and the Pope--or, as
he is more suitably called, the Prince Bishop 'of
Rome, only an overgrown Bishop. With the prin-
ciple of the Divine rights of the Priesthood, there
may notwithstanding be factions among its members,
yet no salvation for its subjects; revolutions, but no
reformation. A free clergy is one thing, and a free
conscience another. The Episcopalian may consti-
tute a separate church from the Papal; but Pro-
testantism is a different religion." There have
been many excellent men in the Church of Rome,
and very excellent men in the Church of Eng-
land ; but let us never forget that, as a body,
the clergy of the latter have always opposed the
diffusion of knowledge among the people. The
very warmth of the applause which we bestow
on such individuals as the Bishop of London,
who depart from the narrow corporation spirit
of their order, and claim for their fellow-creatures,
however humble, the benefit of education, is,
in reality, a severe censure on the Church to
which he belongs. It is really too much for such
a body to invoke the principles of the Reforma-
tion, merely to throw odium on the Reformation,
by representing it as unable to stand its ground
against the body from which Protestantism emanated
without the aid of penal laws. The Reformation
was the offspring of increasing knowledge, and in
its infancy it proved too strong for power. The
same causes which led the members of the Catholic
Church to vindicate the rights of conscience are and
ha 4 always been operating - throughout Europe,
Catholic as well as Protestant. We owe the Re-
formation to the same causes which produced the
French Revolution—the spread of knowledge. If
Protestantism could establish itself in the teeth of
penal laws, surely penal laws can hardly be neces-
,ary to protect it in its maturity against that which
it Ladled in its infancy. The cry of alarm for the
principles of the Reformation is a hollow cry ; .the
alarm, however, is real, but it is an alarm for money.
That 'is the Reformation principle for which the
Church militants of Kent are in arms. That is the
principle which nerved the arm of the Rev. Mr.
Horner, of Dungannon, and led him to the beatific
vision of augmented tithes from fields fertilized by
the careaees of seven millions of Catholics. The Re-
formation principles are in no danger—the Press
will always secure and give extension to them. Even
now the Reformation principles are at work among
the Catholic Priests themselves; for, as has been
well observed by an able Protestant writer, " A man
may unquestionably be a Protestant, and yet believe
in purgatory and the invocation of Saints, so long
as he follows his own conviction and does not insist
on making his own belief a standard for every other
person. A man may swear to every one of the
thirty-nine Articles or the Augsburgh Confession,
and yet he a Catholic, so long as he hearkens to any
other authority than that of his conscience." The
spread of knowledge among both Catholics and Pro-
testants, gives US an additional security for the prin-
ciples of the Reformatiim, for they rest on the dif-
fusion of knowledge, and suffer from all attempts
to secure them by means which are at variance
with persuasion, arid kindness and brotherly love.
It is melancholy to think that bad neighbourhood
should have seduced several of the Presbyterian
Clergy in the North of Ireland to swell the ranks
of the Church Militant. The small share of Mam-
mon allotted to them in the Regiwn Donut; has
had its effect, which would seem to prove that a
great deal of money is too often wasted in corrupt-
ing, as even the Regium Donunz has answered its
purpose. A great foreign writer exclaims, " Ho-
nour to the Presbyterians ! They gave to one of the
poorest lands of Europe in the high cultivation of its
inhabitants, the most complete compensation for all
other wealth, and at the same time an infallible
means for the acquisition of other wealth. It was
they who converted one of the most neglected na-
tions of our quarter of the
...world, into one which
more than all the rest, justifies its claim to the ap-
pellation of civilized; and America owes to them, in
the best support of Protestantism,
one guarantee
more for the hopes of the humanity which she bears
in her bosom." Disgrace, however, and not honour
to those men who could dishonour a name Se, spoken
of in the country of the Continent in which learning
is held in the highest regard, and swell the rabble
rout of vulgar persecutors,—therelay proving either
their own degeneracy or their own basenessaa-
Morning Chronicle.
Lord Harris, a brave and worthy old General
Officer, who was, we believe, a Captain in the
army no shorter time ago than the siege of
during
Gibraltar, where, as a correspondent informs us, he
received a dreadful wound in the head, has felt it
his duty to give the county of Kent the advantage
of whatever remains to him of his intellectual powers,
and, in contemplation of the public meeting of that
county, which is called for the 24th inst. to discuss
the expediency of establishing a Cumberland Club,
he has written a letter, addressed to his 0 Fellow-
countrymen and Men of Kent," wherein, after de-
claring his Lordship's attachment to " the Protest-
ant Church and Constitution," he enjoins every true
Protestant to present himself at the abovementioned
meeting " calmly and deliberately to consider the
subjects which will there be discussed;" " and having
done so, firmly to unite in whatever may appear most
advisable for the welfare of the existing Constitu-
tion." This is excellent advice. We, too, are per-
haps even more desirous than Lord Harris, that
every man who attends the county meeting may
consider the subject " calmly an deliberate 1 y ;'
in which case it appears to us probable, or rather
certain, that the Cumberland Club scheme will be
Irnanimea"slY given up, and that. an earnest
prayer to
Parliament for an admission of our Catholic brethren
to the rights of Englishmen will be adopted in the
place of it. Soldiers—especially those who are no-
thing, and who have never before pretended to be
any thing but mere soldiers—ought to be caution,
for the sake of their own reputation, and delicate,
tram a regard to the well-being of others; how they

venture to lay down the law upon questions of great
political magnitude; and it is more surprising that
such an exercise of discretion should not have seem-
mended itself to the mind of an individual who, like
this respectable, hut somewhat superannuated officer,
, has not even, if judged from his own letter, shown
by any means an undiscriminating rashness. The
Noble Lord has displayed the most exemplary mo-
desty in forbearing to reason upon the merits
or principles of the question. He does not,
indeed, shock the understanding 'of his readers
by attempting to explain the grounds of his ex-
clusive tolerance of whatever is Protestant in the
state, or to offer any argument against the emanci-
pation of the Catholics. We therefore say again,
that our regret is mingled with a small degree of
wonder at his Lordship's entertaining just so much
of well-founded diffidence in his own capacity as
deters him from risking a defence of his hostility to
the Catholics, while he feels or expresses no back-
wardness at all in declaring that he is their oppo-
nent. Lord Harris therefore, we are apt to think,
will not make by his manifesto a very deep impres-
sion on the opinions of the gentlemen of Kent, and
still less of the independent and reflecting yeomanry
of that county. What is the object of the Cum-
berland Clubs ? We can conceive a suffering and
inferior portion of the community associating toge-
ther to obtain a redress of their grievances. If any
given class of the King's subjects be excluded by
law from the general benefits of the Constitution,
they, by the mere fact of their being an exception,
are already packed into a fraternity, and made, in
spite of themselves, a sort of political club. The
power which brands them, binds them. Combina-
tion is necessary for those who seek to gain a hear-
ing to their petitions. But what business has
the majority of a great nation with confede-
racy of any description ? The law admi-
nisters itself—the Government enforces, nay,
must enforce it. The State requires no sup-
port from clubs, composed of those in their in-
dividual character, who already, in their collective
character, constitute the State. If clubs of such men
exercise any power, it is one which must overawe
and supersede the Government—it becomes a revo-
lutionary Government. A distinguishing feature,
and it is a fearful one, of these fierce autocracies is,
that their accompaniments and incidents are altoge-
ther illegal. When the poor Manchester multitude
assembled on the memorable occasion of the " Pe-
terloo," the voice of glen in office was loud enough
in proclaiming them an unlawful assembly, because
they moved in military order—because their several
subdivisions were marked by separate banners, and
because the array was such as tended to inspire fear
in the beholders. Lord Anglesea's proclamation
the other day, which commanded the Irish pea-
santry to discontinue their meetings, animadverted
upon the military order, the banners, the multitudes,
&e. But what is going on in Kent ? The Bruns-
wickers ate " organizing parties at Canterbury and
Rochester, and the Anti-Brunswickers are doing the
same, to proceed in large bodies to Maidstone,
with purple and green flags, which are to he the
symbols of the conflicting classes." Will this
then be permitted by his Majesty's Govern-
ment ? Will this image of civil war be
looked at with indifference ? If the attempt
to establish these persecution-clubs be suffered
to extend itself throughout England, a coun-
teraction more than commensurate with the original
violence will assuredly take place in every county;
the fruit of the whole experiment will be a general
overthrow of the public peace in Great Britain, of
the same nature as that which has so long afflicted
Ireland, and an ultimate intrusion of factious viru-
lence and hatred into all the departments of society,
and all the relations of life. Once more, then, will
Ministers behold such things unmoved ? Is this their
theory of good government?--this their notion of
state policy ?—to render a raging civil war the ordi-
nary condition of the realm ! Shame on those who
persevere in an unfeeling concealment of their plans
for the administration of the commonwealth !
Shame, we repeat, on the men who by a single word
.might restore steadiness to the wavering, confidence
to the timid, cententment to the dissatisfied, and
calm to the disturbed. If Ministers have decided
on amending the laws of exclusion against Catholic
Dissenters, it is their bounden duty, as guardians of
the realm, as protectors of the Empire against dis-
cord at home and indignity abroad, to let it be
known that such is in fact to be their policy. If
they have no such intention, may Heaven save thiF;
country from destruction ! for, under the present
circumstances, in no human agency can we have
hope.— Times.
The exclusion of a Vestry Clerk from the hearing
of parish appeals seems a new and extraordinary
proceeding, for which the Magistrates who direct it
have, doubtless, some good reasons, which it is a
pity are not generally known. Of course the Ma-
gistrates themselves are not in any way mixed up in
parochial squabbles, but which, of course, they take
every means in their 'power to discountenance and
allay. Still, if the parishioners were even so head-
strong as to elect a person as their Vestry Clerk
whom the Magistrates may think they had better
not have elected, yet, while holding the office, he
should not be precluded from performing its duties,
by attending to the interests of those by whom he
is delegated. Magistrates can and ought .to have
nothing to conceal as regards themselves. In some
criminal matters, and in some doniestic ones, pri-
vacy may, in one case, sometimes aid the ends of
justice, and, in the other, prevent exposures which
can tend to no good ; but what secrecy there can be
about parish rates.we are at a lOss to imagine; nor
can we conjecture (though we dare say there may
be) what good reason can exist for shutting the
doors of a Justice-room against the person who is
the official organ of the very transaction which is
under discussion.—Morning Herald.
When a man undertakes the task of being his
own historian, there is no law that prohibits his
making the hero of his tale as important a personage
as possible. But there is something so burlesque
in the manner in which Mr. Lawless avails himself
of this privilege of autobiographers, in his account
of his Northern expedition, that we can hardly think
he meant his hearers should consider him serious.
According to his own statement, he had nothing
but a series of victories to detail, so sudden, so
bril-
liant, so complete, that, if he would adopt a motto ap-
propriate to his skill and fortunes, he ought for the
future write' veni,vidi, vici, on his shield. If we are
to credit himself, he was not only achieving those
splendid victories, but also dispensing peace, as he
went along, with a most liberal beneficence. Yet
he tells us, at the same time, that he had an excited
multitude, consisting of not less than three hun-
dred thousand, following his chariot wheels; and,
to use his own words, " All the hills poured down
their streams of population. They contributed to
form one immense mass of waters, which must,
in an instant, have overwhelmed every barrier
and impediment that could be opposed to it."—
yet he says all this was tranquillity ; that is,
a mob of three hundred thousand persons, rushing
wildly in the track of one whose professed mission
But it is curious to see
gues now claim the merit of
was " political agitation, must must have had a most
tran9uilli
tlt'oashacle,retapitttiltydßo'ewryn
itoty the
oslissesi
stendencyg
o!
. so lately vaunted and gloried
pacific
in the work of
and good will," and which
algristhatlf7xecutilvte
soupephreassiniviessoiofnthoefo
peace
must have tended so materially to teach the Irish
venerate the
of the Association t
law. It was also very cruel
peasantry to control their passions and
advance a step farther. Why he could not
affairance_
recall Mr. Lawless when they found he coulda notcP
we cannot tell, for now it appears that the. of
Ballibay was no discomfiture of his project at all.
On the contrary, Mr. Lawless says that it was " as
Splendid and sublime a transaction as ever took
.place;" and he accounts for his not entering Balli-
bay,
according to his promise, by saying, " I didnot
go into Ballibay, for I had no business in it." It was
well he recollected this, when his three hundred ,
thousand and the exasperated Orangemen were on 1
the pint of coming into hostile collision. Still he

admits many were for urging him forward ; hut he
got upon a fine horse and gallopped away, and this
he calls " terminating the bus►ness by a coup de
main !"—lbid.

That France is anticipating some conflict, in which
all her strength will require to be exerted, is ren-
dered manifest by her present military preparations.
Our private letters from Paris—the journals are
silent on the subject--(this is at least discreet, if
not liberal)—state that in every part of France the
most active recruiting prevails—that a new impetus
is given to the military spirit—that conscripts are
levying in all the departments—that drillings, pa.
radings, marchings, and reviews, are the order of
the day. The spruce drum-major is seen in every
street of the metropolis, pacing along, in all the
majesty of conceit, to his murderous music, and
leading on his party-coloured raw soldiers, to
the astonishment even of the Parisians themselves.
" War" is the topic of conversation every where—
the officer is dreaming of renown, the recruit of glory.
What is the meaning of all this ? Can France seriously
meditate the invasion of the Algerine Empire?—
Three of her merchant ships have been captured by
the Dey's cruisers, and the whole of la belle France
is drowned in tears. Her mercantile marine is
threatened with destruction, her royal fleets are de-
fied by a single town on the coast of Africa, the
Dey's boats sail within sight of the French blockad-
ing squadron, insult them by passing to and fro as
they please, and consequently the liberal Ministry of
his Most Christian Majesty are warranted in order-
ing a levy en masse of the heroes of France to pu-
nish the haughty " barbarian." Other rumours we
know are afloat : and the new forces, we are in-
formed, are to be employed in a still nobler enter-
prise. But it is impossible that the Ministry of
France can entertain such intentions, or cherish
views of ambition in Greece, in Egypt, or elsewhere
so long as the King of a little town, with one har-
bour, seven small vessels of war, and a hun-
dred brass cannon, beards them and sets them
at defiance. It is true that the blockading
squadron may be an excellent school for young
sailors; but this pretext is but an equivocal
apology for the gallantry of the French. It is also
true that the benignity of the Ministry may induce
them to compassionate the weakness of the poor
Dey, and restrain the power of their naval thunder
upon his fortifications; but, without questioning
their philanthropy, we think they might prove them-
selves as good Christians if they were to conquer
first and spare afterwards. They have professed
their pacific intentions quite long enough. They
have for eighteen months displayed their flag and
their guns within telescope range of his Highness's
palare ; and, accordingly, we are of opinion that
they have evinced as much forbearance as might rea-
sonably be expected from so great a nation. No man,
not even a Quaker, could blame them now were they
to blow the forts of Algiers into the air and_ fill the
harbour with the ruins. This, indeed, we have every
day expected they would do ; and nothing, we believe,
but their nice feelings of generosity have prevented
them from performing. But this reluctance to ac-
quire so much glory may possibly be iraced to jea=
lousy. The French army may not be disposed to
give to the navy the exclusive honour of such an
enterprise ; and the liberality of the latter may have
prompted them to dispense with the monopoly. The
journals have proved how ardently France longs to
give laws again to Europe; and this chivalrous and
romantic spirit may have restrained the one descrip-
tion of force from reaping laurels at the cost of the
other. They perhaps think they ought to share the
triumph equally, and that a military expedition
should assail the Dey by land while the fleet co-
operates at a respectful distance by sea. These,
however, we beg to state, are merely speculations of
ours; and the grand levy now in progress may be
destined to other employment. In this case the
blockading squadron will perhaps continue their
operations for eighteen months longer.—Morning
Journal alias New Times.

Not a day passes but our foreign arrivals bring us
additional proofs of the unbounded confidence which
may be placed in Russian honour, and of the un-
equal contest, in point of political cunning, which
is now waging between his Grace of Wellington
and the Northern Autocrat. The treaty of the Eith
of July furnished the latter with a fine opening for
trying not only his own strength, but that also of
France and England, upon the Porte, and the pre-
tence of waving the rights appertaining to him as a
belligerent in the Mediterranean, of sending an ad-
ditional squadron into that sea, and throwing the
Sultan off his guard with regard to the force which
it might be necessary to retain for the defence of the
Dardanelles; hilt the blockade of the latter may
fairly be set down as his chef d'a?uvre in political
juggling, and outstripping by far any other speci-
men which he has yet exhibited. The previous mea-
sures of the Autocrat had but feebly assailed the
immediate interests of his Allies, and appeared to
have for their object rather the injury of his imme-
diate enemy than the detriment of his Allies: the
present goes a step further, and, under cover of a
blockade to which they have foolishly given their
assent, lets loose upon their commerce in the Grecian
Archipelago a horde of miscreants with whom it
would be almost vain for them to contend, and al-
most equally impossible to exterminate. We allude,
of course, in making these observations, to the re-
port in the French papers of the intentionipf the
Emperor of Russia to grant letters of mar4ue to
Greek cruisers, for the more effectual preverttion of
supplies to Constantinople—a measure which, should
it be carried into effect, will not only operate a
total destruction of our trade in that quarter, but
is, at the same time, a most gross and unparal-
leled contravention of the stipulations of the Treaty
of July. One of the professed objects of that
treaty, and one of the hest reasons for the Allies
having entered into it at all, was the suppression of
piracy; and in that respect it has been carried into
full and complete operation; but if the Emperor of
Russia be allowed to " play hell and Tommy" in
the Mediterranean, as lie has attempted to do be-
tween the Danube arid Constantinople, the exertions
of the combined fleets will have been worse than
useless—the pirates will again come forth from
their hiding-places, and, under cover of the
Russian firman, commit greater devastations than
they ever yet had it in their power to. do,
on the trade of France and England. Will
these Powers tamely submit to such barefaced
treachery on the part of Russia. Will they
look calmly en at the seizure of British and French
merchant vessels, and answer the complaints of their
owners by referring them to the notification of the
blockade of the Dardanelles, and the inalienable bel-
ligerent riglits of the Emperor of Russia ? We
would fain hope that their eyes are by this time fully
opened to the unprincipled conduct of the Autocrat,
and that such a barefaced attempt to injure the very
parties with whom he pretends to co-operate will be
via ted with condign punishment. They have given
him " tether enough" already in all conscience—a
little more, and we should not be surprised to hear
of his intention to shut up the passage into the Me-
diterranenn.—Morning Advertiser.

A very remarkably shaped animal was last
week kittened at Tattershall.—lts head is considerably
larger than usual ; within the mouth are two tongues, and
there are two under jaw bones. The fore legs are properly
formed, as is also the body extending to the shoulders, but
at that part it divides and forms the after part of two dis-
tinct bodies ; with two tails and four hind legs : there are
also two other legs bent back upon the body. The chest
is double, but covered by a single skin, which is stretched
remarkably tight. We have repeatedly heard of these
malformations, but there is a singularity attached to this
Instance, which is especially worthy of note ; and that is,
that this deformity of nature lived two days with five
others which were kittened at the same time, and is sup-
posed to have been ultimately killed by the pressure of the
other kittens. Since death it has come into the possession
of Mr. Tiiomas, druggist, of the Market Place, in this
town, who has preserved it for the inspection of the curious,
andwhose shop window it is now placed. It is really
acurious
inous instance of the freak.) of dame nature.—Boston,
ei
Gazette,