The Sun.
London, England, 1828-03-07 00:00:00

children mangled around him, than forswear his laisaniity
to the penal laws which oppressed his Catholic fellow-
subjects. The country had recently been told, that those
laws were to be continued. Scarce had the tocsin of
that annunciation been sounded in Ireland, before the
Roman Catholic,' met peaceably and simultaneously in
every perish within its cunfines, and immediately on
their being called to pay the tax levied upon thene for the
expense of outing up petitions for the repeal of those laws,
the Catholic rent rose from 40/. and 501. a week. to 800/.
in the first week, 6001. in the eteeend week, and 500/. in
the third week. He repeated it, ecarcely bed the trim-mi-
t:Ate, which recently acceded to the Cabinet, got safely inte
their seats, before the Catholic rent swelled 5,0t/01. ut
amount, He should not trouble the House further at
wpre-
sent, as are then opportunityouhl shortly arise in which
he could give his opinion mare fully on the subject of Ca-
tholic Ernaneipation. He trusted that, when that oppor•
tunity should arriee, Mon. Gentlemen would thielt it right
to sacrifice their difference of opinion on the altar of their
country, end permit the iticense of their harmony to ascend
to heaven as a propitiation to their God for the common
offence': they had committed against their fellow-countryrnee..
3lr. PEEL, when he came into the House East night,
said ho was perfectly prepared to acleieace in the motion
of the lion. Baronet. But whilst he made that state`
rent, he was obliged br the speech of the Kota, Member
for Dublin to add, that haying studied very carefully the
words of the Treaty of Limerick, and halting referred very
:industriously to the construction put upon it in the workc
coternporary writers, he hail come to a decided convic-
tion that no privilege was at present wiOtdraven from the
Catholics, which they had the power to claim under that
Treaty. The lion. Gentleman bid acid that certain per-
cons were inclined to consider that Treaty out of date,
owing to the length of time which hail elapsed since ito ta-
tification, and to argue that whatever might have been the
stipulation' of it at the time, the Rotnein Catholics of the
present day hal no debt to claim any benefit from them.
—Now he would frankly declare, that if any such pevcaoa
did exist, he was not one of them. He did nnt mean to
say that no reference ought to be male to the political con-
sideretiona which might have grown up since the ratifies-
'Sion of that Treaty, and that an over-ruling necesaity might
not have justified Parliament in deviating from the strict
tense of Its stipulations. His view of the question of Ca-
tholic Emancipation would certainly be altered, if he could
bring himeelf to believe that the Roman Catholics had ts-
signed certain advantages, which they held. at the time of
signing that Treaty, upon the faith of receiving others
eraw withheld from them. In resorting to that Treaty, lie
Thought that the real question was slop' y this—were the
Roman Catholics admitted by it to seas in Parliament?
The Hon. Gentleman had referred to two articles in the
Treaty of Limerick,—the first and the ninth.—which he
says opens to all the Roman Catholics of Ireland all the
steivilegee which they had in the reign of Charles 11.,
limn their submitting to take the oath of Allegiance,—
' I am surprised," said Mr. Peel, " that the Right
Hon. Gentleman should say, that by the terms of the
ninth article it was evidently the intention of King Wil-
liam to leave the privileges of the Roman Catholics as to
the Protestants of Ireland. The first article is couched
in thee* terms t—' The Roman Catholics of this king-
dom shall enjoy such privileges in the exercise of their
:religion., as are consistent with the laws of Ireland, or as
they did enjoy in the reign of King Charlet 11. ; and
their Mniosttiee, as soon Re their affair' will permit them
to summon a Parliament in this kingdom, will endeavour
to procure the said Roman Catholics such further secu-
rity in that particular, as may preserve them from any
disturbances upon the account of their said re-
And the ninth article, on which the Hon. Gentle-
man also relies, is 'worded thus:—' The oath to be admi-
nietered to such Roman Catholics as submit to their Ma.
teaties' Government, shall be the oath above said,' meaning
the oath of allegiance and no ether.' Now to what class
of persons-do these two articles refer I Not to the whole
Catholic popnlation 01 Ireland, but to those persons meu-
tinned in the second article, who should submit to take the
oath of allegiance to his Majesty's Government. And what
are the terms of the second article ? That all the inhabi-
tants or residents of Limerick, or any other garrisoe now
in the possession of the Irish, and all officers and soldiers
DOW in arms under any commission of King James, of those
authorized by him to grant the same, in the several eoun-
ties of Limerick, Clare, Kerry; Cork, and Mayo, or any of
them land all such as are tinder their protection in the said
tountiesj, and all the commissioned officers in their Ma-
jesties' quarters that belong to the Irish regiments now in
being, that are treated with, and who are not prisoners of
war, or have taken protection, and who shall return and
submit to their Majesties obedience, and their and every
of their heirs, shall hold, possess, and enjoy all and every
their estate.; of freehold and inheritance, and all the rights,
'titles, and interest:, privileges, and immunities, which
they and every or any of them, held, enjoyed, er were
eigistfudy and lawfully entitled to in the reign of King
Charles 11., or at any time since by the laws and statutes
that were in farce in the said reign of King Charles 11.,
And then follows, as I before stated, the ninth article,
which states the oath that shall be administered to those
who seek to obtain these immunities. Now, I ask the
Hon. Baronet, whether it is possible for him to contend,
upon the language of those articles, that all the Roman
Catholics of Ireland are to be admissible to seats in Parlia-
ment, on merely taking the oath of allegiance ? If it he,
tes he contends, what reason does he give for the Govern.
ment of King William inserting au article in the Treaty
which should place the Roman Gatholics of Ireland even
on a snore favourable footing than their Protestant coun-
trymen ? But it is quite plain that the version which the
Hon. Baronet has put upon these articles cannot he correct ;
for what says the 7tii article of the Treaty? Every
nobleman and gentleman comprised in the said second and
third article shall have liberty to ride with a sword and
case of pistols, if they shall think fit; and keep a gun in
their houses for the defence of the same, or for fowling.'
Is it possible to suppose that such an article could have been
introduced into the Treaty, if it had been intended to admit
every noblemen and gentleman to a seat in Parliament, un
his merely taking the oath of allegiance?—(Loud cries of
Itear, hear.')--Now let me ask the House to look at the
state of Ireland at that time, for as this is a question of
dry law, and unconnected with political consideratient,
we may look at it without any of that warm political
feeling which intrudes itsels-es too often in spite of our-
selves into our debates when we lank at the present
state of Ireland. It is argued, that it was intended by
the first article of the Treaty of Limerick to admit all Ca-
tholics into Parliamteut en taking the oath of allegiance.
Now I think that there is sufficient evidence to chew that
neither of the contracting parties to the Treaty of Lime-
eick contemplated the possibility of admitting Roman Ca-
tholics into Parliament. For, as I asked before, what was
then the condition of Irelaud ? The Treaty was signed in
1691, and a Parliament had been sitting in Dublin under
the authority of King James in the latter part of 1689. I
will not ask of what description were the acts of that Par-
liament, for I wish not to introduce any irritatiug topics
into the debate, but I will ask of what persons did it consist ?
It consisted of 211 members ; it sat for two years, and during
all that time it had only six Protestant, in its numbers. Now
it it possible to conceive, that with the experience of that
Parliament before him, King William would have been so
impolitic as to chow Roman Catholics to sit in Parliameut
',mon such terms as the Hen. Baronet has represented ?
It seems too great tin absurdity to suppose, that when
the Roman Catholiee had fur some time been excluded
from Parliament by the Oath of Supremacy, a matter
of such importance at their re-admission to it would be
under such a
settled at once without any discussion, and
general form of words as that they shall enjoy suck pri-
vileges in the exercise cf their religion as are consistent
with the laws of Ireland.' Why did not the Roman Ca-
tholics, with all the legal talent which they had at their
command,—for Sir Toby Butler was with them at Lime-
rick,—get the words political privileges' inserted in the
TreO.tY, supposing- that King William was willing to grant
them such extensive political privileges as were now claimed
for them ? But I have another reason for saying that the
yos!iesslon of such privileges as were now asked for them,
never in the contemplation of the Roman Catholics of
Limerick. Does the lion. Baronet recollect the terms in
which they ;misted plevioualy to the signing of the Treaty ?
The House will, perhaps, excuse use, for shortly recapitu-
lating them. Previously to the capitulation of Limerick,
the Roman Catholics sent a proposal for a cessation of arm..
to Genera! Gineltle. It was grouted.
The next day they
submitted their
proposals to him in the seven propositions
following
al will,by
' lit. That leo. Majesties an Act of Lidera-
nity, pardon all past offences whatever.
"42d. All Irish Catholics to he restored to the estates of
which they were seized or possessed before the late revise.
lution.
up, and
" ' sd. To allow free liberty of religious tvorsl •
elle priest to each parish, as CVCII in
towns and cities asin
the country.
" 4th. Irish Catholics to be capable et holding all ens-
pinyments, civil and military, under the Crown, and of
exercising all trades, professions, and callings whatsoever.
" .sth. The Irish army to be kept on foot, and received
in their present condition into their Majesties
against Franceftervice, in
case they be willing to serve their Majesties agut
or any other enemy.
" ' 6th. The Irish Catholics to be at liberty to reside
;a vitiate and towns corporVe, to be members of Corp°.