The Sun.
London, England, 1844-03-25 00:00:00

(From the Leeds Mercury.)

By a strange combination of mistaken friends of humanity 'with
men who deliberately aim to cripple the manufacturing interest,
Lord Ashley has been enabled to carry his amendment on the Fac.
tories Bill, to restrict the labour of women and young. persons
under 21 years of age to 10 hours a day. This extraordinary vote
was given by a majority of 179 to 170, on Monday last, against
the decided and strenuous opposition of the Government, and
against the declared and strong opinion of the Factory Inspectors.
Several of the Members who spoke in favour of Lord Ashley's
amendment seem to forget that the true principle of social eco.
nomy is to leave industry free and unrestrained; and that this is
not a principle of small importance, but one vital to the prospe.
rity of a nation, and connected with the personal liberty, the
dearest rights, and the substantial comforts of the people.
They seem also to forget that factory labour is not compulsory ;
it is purely voluntary. A factory worker, if out of health, or dts.
satisfied with his treatment or remuneration, or induced by
any personal or domestic circumstance, or even by caprice,
may quit his work whenever he pleases. He sees men in a
thousand other occupations around him, and he may change his
line of life whenever he thinks fit, if by so doing he could better
himself.

They forget, too, that the high wages of factory workers—for
they are high, comparatively—obtain for them better food, better
clothing, better houses, and more of all the comforts of life, con.
ducive at once to health and to respectability, than could be bad
for the lower wages which abridged labour could purchase.
They forget, when talking of the selfishness of manufacturers—.
who, by the way, are no more open to the charge than any other
class of men, and not so much so as that class which produces ha.
bitual scarcity of food in the country, for its own pecuniary advan-
tage—that the profits of the manufacturer are indissolubly con.
nected with the comforts of the labourer. Profits and wages rise
and fall together, and you cannot destroy or reduce the former,
without equally destroying or reducing the latter.
They apparently forget, that though the Legislature may fix
maximum of labour, it cannot fix a minimum. It cannot provide
that the mills shall work ten hours, or eight hours, or at all.
The talk about equalising labour is pure nonsense. To diminish
the productiveness of industry, has no tendency whatever to malts►
the demand for it more steady.
They seem to forget that the grand cause of the superior wealth
and greatness of England is the superior industry and energy of its
inhabitants; and that whatever fetters the latter endangers the
former.

They seem almost without exception to be ignorant that the
price of manufactured goods cannot be raised or kept up at the
pleasure either of the manufacturers or of the home consumers
(however Self.denying the ►atter might be.) It is governed (se
long as we are an exporting nation) by the price of similar products
in the markets of the world ; and that price is itself goierned
the cost of production in the country where goads can be made the
cheapest. When we cease to manufacture cheaper than other
countries, we must cease to export; but we cannot cease to expect
without ruining the country and starving its inhabitants. Would
this be "humanity P"

Many, who talk of banishing women and children from the
mills, and setting adult men to do their work, forget that fhb
would be to degrade adult labour both in its character and its re.
muneration. When men do, the work of women and children,
they can only receive the wages of women and children. This
is the sole reason why the band-loom weavers receive such miser-
able wages—it is Work which women and children can do nearly
as well as men. But if the women and children should be driven
out.of the mills, and the husbands and fathers should only receic•
the wages which women and children received before, what wot
be the condition of the families? Their wages would not he re.
duced a sixth, but at least a half, perhaps two-thirds! And how
would this conduce to the comtbrt of the working classes p—at
to their health ?—or to their education and moral improvement?

If we believed that the working class would be advantaged by is
Ten Hours' Bill, we would support it with all our hearts. We
would do it tbr their own sakes, because they are by far the greater
number, and therefore their interests are more important.both
the eyes of God and of all good men. But we would do it also,
for their masters' sakes; for we know that what was good for the
woikinen would be good also for the masters. The interests of the
two are identified. Capital and labour will ride upon the same
horse as long as the world lasts.
But inasmuch as we believe that this measure is not called for
by humanity—that its Onsets would be the reverse of what bu..
manity would desire—that it proceeds on. a principle which Je
dangerous to liberty—that it would be very perilous to the trade
of the country, and of -all who depend upon it—that it would give
a most formidable advantage to our foreign competitors—and that
therefore it would bring poverty, misery, and consequent demo.
ralization, instead of happiness to the community—we feel bound
to raise out warning voice, against it.
The mill-owners of Leeds, both in the flax and the woollen
trades, have sent up a memorial and deputation to London, to
protest against the ten hours' clause. But we find the manufac.
turers in Manchester, Huidersfield, and other towns are very
supine; for which two reasons are alleged—lst, they do not be.
Here it possible that Government can allow the Bill to pass ; and
9.d, they are so disgusted and wearied out with the yearly inter.
ferences or threatenings of the Legislature, that they have become
hopeless or sulky,

. . -
We think they are ♦ery wrong. If they do not protect them•
selves, they may rely upon it no one else can efficiently protect
them. If they are indifferent to their own Interests and characters.
they must not be surprised at the loss of both.

DRURY-LANE THEATRICAL FUNDFESTIVAL.-011
Saturday the committee of this charity were engaged in
making arrangements to give effect to the festival to be held
at the Freemasons' Tavern on Wednesday next. The secre-
tary, in announcing the names and liberal donations of many
illustrious and distinguished persons who had become vice-
presidents, took occasion to communicate to the committee
the gratifying intelligence, that Miss Burdett Coutts had
honoured the fund with a donation of 50/. ; that Mensienr
Duprez had sent a very kind letter, enclosing a cheque for
10!., as a " tribute to a charity founded and endowed by that
great master of his art, David Garrick, for his less fortunate
brother artists ;" that Mr. Webster, lessee of the Haymarket,
and Mr. Maddox, lessee of the Princess's, had consented to
become vice-presidents, subscribing handsome donations;
and that Miss Rainforth, Miss P. Horton, M. Buddens, en
the grand piano-forte, M. Oury, on the violin, the Misses
Williams, and Messrs. W. Harrison and Leffler, had kindly
condescended to volunteer their brilliant services at the fes-
tival. His Royal Highness the President and Chairman will
be attended by the Marquis of Clanricarde, Viscount Rane-
lagh, Lord Win. Russell, Montague Gore, Esq., James
Matheson, Esq., M.P., &c.