The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-07 00:00:00

BOW-STREET.-(THIS DAY.)

Mrs. O'Toole preferred a charge against Mrs. M'Flynn,
for that she Mrs. M'Flynn had broken an umbrella
stick over the arms and shoulders of Mrs. O'Toole in her

The complainant after stating that she was " a widdy
wid two childer," said that the defendant had yesterday
come into her room, and because she (complainant)
would not lend her the price of a quartern of gin, she
fell upon her and " bate " her in the most unmerciful
manner.

Defendant—She strik me, yer Werchip.
Complainant--Look wer she bit me body!
Defendant—Jilt look how she tore the life out iv my
arm.
Complainant—Yer Werchip, plase look at me ear.
Defendant—Look at the
"Silence !" shouted the corpulent usher, and the over-
whelming power of his voice drowned the shriller accents
of Mesdames M'Flynn and O'Toole.
Mr. JARDINE—I see how it is, I shall bind you both
over to keep the peace.
Mrs. O'Toole—Suppose she should bate the life out iv
me, what 'ill I do then?
Mr. JARDINE—The case is decided.
The parties then left the Court separately.

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNALS.
FROM THB STEWING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—The appointment of Mr. O'Brien as a sti-
pendiary magistrate in Ireland was last evening again
the subject of debate in the House of Lords. The Mar-
quis of Clanricarde, having obtained the papers relating
to this appointment, brought the question before the
House by a substantive resolution, declaratory
of the impolicy of the Act. The Noble Mar-
quis supported his motion by a two-fold argu-
ment. Mr. O'Brien had been a repealer ; distin-
guished, as such, by the intemperance and violence
of his declamations against the union, and by the incen
tives which he employed to inflame the minds of the
Irish people, exhorting them to combine for the pur-
pose of forcing its abrogation upon the Legislature and
the Government. After obtaining notoriety and ex-
citing alarm by the violence of his invectives in the
provinces, Mr. O'Brien aspired to distinction in the
metropolis. At a meeting of the Repeal Association,
held at the Corn Exchange, Mr. O'Brien delivered him-
self in terms so redolent of sedition and so fraught with
violence, that at the instance of Mr. O'Connell he was
first interrupted in his address, and eventually compelled
to retire. His letter to Lord Fortescue, when Lord Lieu-
tenant of Ireland, in consequence of his Lordship's decla-
ration against Repeal and Repealers, that has been before
alluded to, showed Mr. O'Brien to be as intemperate
when writing, as he was when speaking on the subject of
Repeal. It is unnecessary to refer again to that ex-
traordinary. ebullition of intemperance. Nothing sur-
passing it in violence has been subsequently penned.
Yet Repeal, as the Marquis of Clanricarde observed,
" was not then so formidable as it has since become."
The movement was not then national : it was feeble,
and confined within narrow limits. The declaration of
Lord Fortescue had effectually checked its progress.
Its powers were declining—it was diminishing in the
estimation of those who had allowed themselves to be
enrolled as members of the Association, and every
one saw it would soon become extinct. The acces-
sion of the Tories to power, and the revived hones
' and efforts of the Ultra-Protestant party from that
event, acted upon the decaying energies of the Re-
peal party, and roused its leaders to new exer-
t
tions for the object the repeal Association was formed
to accomplish. The impolitic interference of the Go-
vernment—both with respect to the mode and the
period of that interference—with the " monster meet-
ings," and their prosecution of the Repeal leaders,
have produced their natural results upon the Irish
people, and rendered repeal not merely a name, but
the confederacy formed for its attainment " a great
fact," at once embarrassing to the Government and
rerilous to the national tranquillity. Yet—at such a
time when the Government is prosecuting O'Connell and
several other repeal agitators for their violent speeches
and writings on the subject of Repeal—they select for
a stipendiary magistrate a person whose speeches
and writing were super-eminent for violence—whose
addresses were calculated to inflame the populace to
desperate deeds, and whose letter to the Sovereign's re-
presentative, as head of the Irish Government, because
of his avowed determination to withhold the govern-
ment patronage from members of the Repeal Association,
was at once an insult to the Royal authority, and emi-
nently calculated to bring the government, which he ad-
ministered in the Sovereign's name, into contempt. Such
is the man to whom the government, with admirable con-
sistency, oonficloa the powers of a stipendiaee magistrate
in Ireland! But Mr. O'Brien has ceased to be a Repealer.
He has. But has he ceased to be violent and intemperate?
Had he suddenly become calm and dignified—as distin-
guished for his moderation, as he had formerly been by
his violence—the appointment would, at such a time.
and in the present state of the public feeling, have been
objectionable. Mr. O'Brien's past conduct would
have tended to lower him in the public estimation. His
functions would have been impaired in efficiency by
the recollection of his former position. As a deserter
from the repeal movement, he would be viewed with
dislike by the populace ; while, on the other hand, the
suspicion with which men regard a renegade would
attach to him, in the estimation of those who hold the
repeal project in abhorrence. But if Mr. O'Brien have
only changed his party, without restraining his
intemperance of speech and writing —if, as an
Anti-Repealer, he employs his vituperative powers
to abuse the individuals upon whom he formerly
lavished the most fulsome praises—if he is now
found denouncing repeal as fiercely as he once com-
mended its excellency, and urged its adoption—the un-
fitness of Mr. O'Brien for the office to which he has
been appointed is proved, and the assertion of the reso-
lution moved by the Marquis of Clanricarde is esta-
blished. Such an appointment is " calculated to disturb
all confidence in the steady and efficient administration
of justice, which it should be the objects of such ap-
pointments to insure."
STANDARD.—The attempt to render more clear,
or to bring within a narrower compass, the exposition
with which Sir Robert Peel introduced his resolu-
tions last night upon the Bank question, would
be indeed a vain one. We can merely hope
to point attention to the general direction of the
Right Hon. Baronet's explanation. After showing the
duty of taking up the subject at this particular
time, the Premier proceeded to reason from indis-
putable first principles as to the expediency of provid-
ing a secure and steady supply of a circulating medium
—the great object of his proposed plan. He treated
with merited contempt all the mountain of rubbish that
has been written on the subject, demonstrating the ab-
surdity of speculating upon an abstract standard of
value, and taking as his standard the pound
sterling, as represented by a gold coin of a deter-
mined weight and fineness. The number of books
written, and the extraordinary variety of opi-
nions hazarded upon this subject, have perplexed
most men's opinions as to the nature of a standard
of value, and as to its possible existence. Sir R. Peel
wisely throws all these books and opinions on one side,
and wisely takes the golden sovereign as his standard—a
sufficient standard for the time, as experience teaches,
and as our knowledge of the nearly fixed quantity and
about equal estimation of gold all over the world, shows
it must be ; but a standard invariable through all
times must be impossible; while the numbers, wants,
tastes, possessions, and powers of mankind shall
continue in a state of constant change, as, to the
consummation of all things, they will continue.
The Premier next showed that a single standard
of yalur in neccanary, by pointing to the frequent
variations which occur in the relative prices of all
things, a variation which, were there two standards,
would enable the debtor to - cheat his creditor, by
paying in the cheaper article all debts contracted. A
pound weight of silver, for example, might sometimes
in commerce change for seven half-sovereigns' weight
of gold, sometimes for six ; now, by allowing a
double standard, you would enable the man who had
borrowed seven half-sovereigns in gold to repay it by
so much silver as would in the market bring but six.
Having thus assumed the pound sterling in gold as
his single standard of value, thee Premier proceeded to
consider the effect of the amount of circulation in
the country upon prices, whether this circulation might
consist of coined money or of notes convertible at the
will of the holder, or believed to be convertible into
coined money. This effect, we need scarcely say, is to
determine the prices of all things—an abundance of
money making all things dear, a scarcity of moneymaking
all things cheap. If a demonstration of this effect is
wanted, it will be found in Mr. Locke's essay ; but
at this time of day we suppose that no one requires it.
As little can it be necessary to show that the
tendency of this greater augmentation of the amount of
the circulation in one country than in others must be
unfavourable in the exchanges, an effect which would be
felt more severely were not the augmentation of our
circulation more than balanced by the increase of our
capital. The necessity of a commerce for which the re-
quiredrer reeeanmt
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here arises an evil—this addition
may disturb prices, without sufficientmaY be made, and
cause. Nay, it not
only may, but certainly will, raise
rillc.estiLught
who
prices,e .at that very
time when, for the benefit of commrc
be reduced. Prices we suppose are commerce,
want to purchase must have more money; tary whow
want to sell must have more money to enlarge their
stock or extend their speculations during the golden
opportunity of high prices. Both fly to the banker,
who, besides being a discounter of bills, is also a manu-
facturer of money ; he discounts their bills in his own
notes ; this by so much swells the circulation, and there-
prices still higher, and so
tton advances until high
there-
fore
pbyroeseoss
prices have reached their limits, and gone beyond
much
o frn afli
as ems m a
ws a panic
resources have been
among the hankers, whose
the limits of reason ; and then folio