The Sun.
London, England, 1845-05-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 12, 1845.

consideration that we cannot too strongly impress and watchei by the same party: Why does the magis-
trate refuse ? Because the complaint is groundleso? Not
upon the attention of our readers. To the evils of
at all. Because the accused denies the charge of Mr.
war, in the abstract, we assume that no honest man
DuNN ? On the contrary, he does not attempt to tiis
at this time of day can be so insensible as not to
" I believe this man," .ay- Mr.
deprecate their resuscitation to the last moment that i prose or {.;ainsda)s-
to commit
commit a felon
it can be avoided, as the most fatal of moral and
takezNm'y"lenh:aerng e?" Mr. BOND do3e.supn°ont mreefuse because
social afflictions that retard the progress of human
he doubts the fact —because there is no case—because
improvement. In a war between America and there is no probable ground to proceed upon—but be-
England there must necessarily be the super. cause this ESCOTT—of course, letter and figure—is a police
added aggravations that attach to all contests constable. " I have nothing whatever to do, Sir," says
between cognate races, speaking one and the Mr. BOND, " with regard to the management of the
same language, and living under laws and police." What of that? Has he no cognizance to take
usages derived from one common stock. Next to a of offenders, policemen or not ? If the constable mis-
civil war, a war between two states standing in such conducts himself (he adds) or any complaint is
l
relation to each other involves perhaps the greatest lodged against him, he must be taken btfore the Cum-
collision of kindred interests, and habits, and associa- missioners of the Police, who, "if they saw occasion,"
tions. Entertaining these views, we shall not be sup-
would order the constable to be brought before him, to be
dealt with according to law. But what if they should
posed to undervalue by one iota the gravity of such a
not °°seeoccasiun ?" Now, among
,among the very numerous
catastrophe as a war with the United States. We
chanson of delinquency which from time to tim are
speak of it with a full appreciation of its responsi-
brought against "officers of that force'' at criminal as-
bilities, its liabilities, and its tendencies. We bear
sizes—we have. se. n several of personal outrages ad-
in mind the circumstances that must make such a war duced, and in several instances established. Suppose
one of intense and exterminating animosities as long other Magistrates bad held the same opinions
as it shall last. All this, however, conceded, we as Mr. BOND, how would those culprits have
cannot too much depricate the illogical and unstates- ever been committed ? Does Mr. BOND imagine that
manlike argument that we see occasionally suggested he is administering justice in the name of the QUEEN'S I
in English as well as American papers, founded on Majesty, or of the Commissioners of the Police ? And
the comparative worthlessness and remoteness of the does he seriously imagine that any man in his senses
Oregon territory. It would be easy for us to show
, will submit to carry his complaint against a policeman
that so far as regards the territorial worth of the for an assault or an annoyance, or a suspicion of fulo
or the Scotland-yard Commis-
ace, this argument is based on deficient or inac-
nious intent, hefsiuners in the first ple
ace, to be remitted to the proper
curate information as to the geography and statistics
tribunal in the second, only in the event of
of that region. So far as regards its remoteness
these Commissioners, forsooth, " seeing occa-
the argument proceeds on a total oversight of the sion" for it ? We are really sick of the ridiculous
numerous and growing relations of the Oregon with pretensions and vagaries of the police constabulary on
other territories, the development of which may be n,any recent occasions. But, for Heaven's sake, let the
calculated on any day to precipitate hostilities. Now, Commissioners stick to their drillings and reports, and
since it is apparent, upon authority which all the sub- marehings and counter•marchings, without presuming to
terfuges of Mr. GREENUOW or Mr. POLK can no interfere between the subjects of the QUEEN and their
more shake than they could have shaken the intrepi- remedy against any members of a paid constabulary who
dity of VANCOUVER and other British discoverers on may have acted illegally towards them. We entirely
coincide in Mr. DUNN'S opinion of his own case :—The
that coast, that all the rights of prior discovery and
legal possession—taking, in the first instance, and of
conduct of the constable has been illegal (unless, in-
subsequent occupation—de facto, are in our favour ; deed, he have a pocket warrant from the Home Secretary)
and though we should deprecate all extreme measures'
-since the rights acquired under these titles by British
subjects have been. largely improved to the advan- we should not particularly lament if such intolerable and
suspicious intrusion on any Englishman's privacy bad
tage of British commerce and the extension of Bri- been summarily chastised in the person of a policeman
Usti influence; since they have become the objects of in plain clothes, whose actions must really have borne so
especial recognition and protection in treaties exe- felonious an aspect. Mr. BOND was bound, at all events
cuted between this country and other independent to hear the charge; but he seems to have been impressed
powers ; since the actual British proprietary on the with as reverential an awe for the aristocratic majesty of
soil, holding immediately under the English Crown, the Police Commissioners, as the Inspector FORBES
is an association—the North West Company, which himself ; from whose refusal to listen to Mr. DUNN pre-
now incorporates in its own constitution the still viously, he seems indeed to have taken his own cue.
ntore ancient rights of the Hudson's Bay Company ;
since this proprietary is established under a royal
charter, conceived in the most express and specific
terms, and granted by the SOVEREIGN of these
realms ;—on all these accounts, the value or the
worthlessness of the Oregon is absolutely beside
the question. We have solemnly affirmed our
claim. The antagonist claim of the United
States has been as solemnly and unconditionally
repudiated by the Prime Minister in Parliament,
with the concurrence of all parties in the Legislature.
Therefore, the national honour is now dikinctly com-
mitted to the vindication of our title to the Oregcn.
It cannot be compromised. Were it the most worth-
less property in the world, such, for example, ,as a
money bond, or any other undertaking, to pay upon
honour of the Federal Government or of one of the
States—a Pennsylvanian bond or National States
Bank debenture ; if we had once taken this tone and
attitude upon it, we could not possibly recede from
that position. For ourselves, we have little doubt
that the steady maintenance of that position will pre-
clude all necessity for ulterior demonstrations. If
the Government of the United States, contemptible as
it is in respect of any power of independent decision
or action, could really be insane enough to provoke
in the present dilapidated condition of its material
forces of its army, its navy, its forts, the exposed posi
tion of its principal cities and towns on its Atlantic
sea board, and at the certain risk of bringing upon
the coasts of its southern and its western States a
servile war, waged by the free blacks of St. Domingo
and the British West India Islands, reinforced by
their emancipated brethren of Cuba and the
cruelly used slave races of Georgia, Ala-
bama, and the Carolinas. There are yet
other eisabilities pressing upon America, which
must incapacitate her, or paralyse her powers of re-
sistance. An influence to which her utilitarian
spirit will be far more susceptible, we opine, than to
suggestions of moral justice, or national dignity, is
sapping, if we may credit the American papers, the
foundation of her political existence. Bankruptcy
appears _to be fast gaining ground from the ex-
tremities to the heart of the Union.
A paper says :—" The interest upon the funded debt
of the Commonwealth, in August, will not be paid.
That you may rely on. It is utterly impossible
under existing circumstanceS; says a prominent
Member of the House."
This is, to say the least of it, a graceful attitude
to assume at the commencement of a struggle in
which the wealthiest and most powerful empire of the
Old World is to be defied! But it is an exquisite
commentary on the balderdash of the New York
Herald, which reasons on the rhodomontades of
Irish agitation excitement in Dublin, as if they
were all Gospel truths, or calculated to scare one
English bosom, the resolution of which has once been
formed, on a question of national honour, and sym-
pathies, such as that of the Oregon. But here we
pause. It is by no means our intention to do the
New York Bobadil the honour of repeating his
miserable little barkings at British greatness.

Madrid journals of the 4th inst. have been received.
The Chamber of Deputies had adopted by a large
majority a resolution authorising the Government to
regulate the public debt. During the discussion which
took place the Minister of Finance said there was no in-
tention either to raise a new loan or increase the taxes.
The interest of the debt was large, amounting to
330;000,000 reals (3,300,0001.), but Spain had ample
means to meet all her engagements, provided she be
well governed, and the resources at her disposal be pro-
perly applied.
The Chamber was to take into consideration on the
sth inst. the project of law lately presented by the
Minister of the Interior, authorising him to negotiate a
loan of 15,000,000 reals, to be applied to the construe
tion of roads.

The Three per Cent& closed at 34i for cash, and 351
at 60 days; the Five per Cents. at 251 at GO days; and
the Debt without Interest, at 8 13-16 at 60 days.

The Bill for arming the fortifications of Paris has
been adopted in the Chamber of Deputies, by a ma-
jority of 227 to 131—majority. 96. The clause for
depositing the artillery in the town of Bourges, not to
be removed but in the event of war, was agreed to.
with the consent of the Government. The affair is
thus settled to the satisfaction apparently of all parties,
with the exception, perhaps, of the Marquis DE LA
110CIIEJAQUELIN, and a few other Legitimatists. In
reference to this Bill, the Journal des Debuts makes
these remarks :—" Every ene is agreed as to two points
—first, that in time of peace the fortifications of Paris
should not be armed ; and, secondly, that in order to
quiet every apprehension, the artillery to be employed
on the fortifications should not be placed too near the
capital. Marshal SOULT, President of the Council,
when he introduced the Bill, at present be re
the Chamber; designated Bourges as the town in
which it was proposed to deposit the artillery and
military stores. The Committee on the Bill has after ma-
ture re&ction proposed, by an additional clause, that the
artillery end military stores intended for the fortifica-
tions of Paris shall be deposited at Bourges, and shall
not be transported to Paris except in case of war. M.
BETHmoNT by his amendment required that the artiliery
should not be removed to Paris except by virtue of a
special law. We candidly confess that we find no
essential difference between M.
....ETHMONT'S arneni-
ment and the clause proposed by the Committee. The
guarantee is the same. The Bill having declared that
artillery cannot be transported to Paris except in
case of war, suppose that a Minister was so audacious
as to violate the clause of the Bill, and to arm the
fortifications in time of peace, or under a pretext of
war, not really serious, would not the Chambers be at
hand? And can it be seriously asserted that in
order to encompass Paris with cannon a Ministry would
-violate the constitution ? But it is manifest that a Mi-
nistry which would be capable of making such an attack
on the fundamental law of the kingdom, on the Cham-
bers, and on the entire nation, would not be arrested by
a clause in a Bill. Whether the law shall so declare
it or not, the period at which the fortifications of Paris
should be armed will ever be a Parliamentary question
as long as there shall exist in France a constitution.
The charter does not declare that the Chambers shall
reac Ie iING ; and
having declared still discuss questions of peace and war. Itsayssla singleapparently
the contrary. It declares that the KING may declare
ewxaarmapnlde concludeeannetbe
treatiesgiven of t
of
war or signed a peace without the intervention of the
Chambers. It is not solely because treaties of peace,
like declarations of war, almost always induce a vote for
supplies—it is because Ministers are responsible for
every act of the KING, and.,,that as a last result every
act must be discussed at the tribune."
According to the Revue de Paris, a grand congress of
kings and queens will take place at Paris in the course
of the ensuing summer. That journal says :
" The report that several crowned heads are soon to arrive
at Paris is daily more and more confirmed. Well informed
persona affirm that this meeting of constitutional' sovereigns
will take place in July. The illustrious personages who are
to be the guests of the King of the French are the Queen of
England, the young Queen of Spain, the King and Queen of
Naples, and the King of Holland. Louis Philippe and his
family will do those several sovereigns the honours of France
and Paris. The Duke and Duchess de Nemours will go and
meet her Britannic Majesty, who will first arrive ; the Prince
de Joinville will repair to the frontier of Spain in order to re-
ceive the young Queen of that country ; the Duke d'Aumale
will proceed to Marseilles and receive his uncle, the King of
Naples; and the Duke de Montpensier will receive the King
of Holland, who will come by sea, and land at Dunkirk. In
order to give a suitable reception to those august visitors, the
apartments formerly occupied at the Louvre by Henry IV.
will be, in addition to the Tuileries, thoroughly repaired and
sumptuously furnished."
The Journal des Debuts publishes extracts from let-
ters received from Macao, announcing that there is a
probability of the revocation of the law in China against
the propagation of the Christian religion, but we can
place no confidence in the accounts transmitted to that
journal from China, for they are generally either mere
rumours or same fictions of the writer. The following
is the statement :--
" We have received letters from Macao containing intel-
ligence which, if it be confirmed, will produce a lively sensa-
tion in Europe, and do great honour to the French mission in
China: It is nothing less than the abolition of the religious
edicts which forbids the Chinese to embrace and practise
Christianity. We know that these edicts, after having been
revoked under the reign of the Emperor Khan Hi, were again
brought into force,;about a century ago,
on the advice of the
Tribunal of Rites; and, until these latter times, at least, have
been put into execution by the Chinese magistrates with
the utmost rigour. Thus Christianity has found a double ob-
stacle to its introduction into the middle empire ; for, on
one hand, were the laws which interdicted foreigners from
penetrating into the interior of the empire; and, on the other
hand, the Chinese who, if left to themselves, would be inclined
to embrace the religion of the Gospel, are restrained by the
pains and penalties denounced by the edicts. It is these edicts
which it is now in contemplation to abolish. To obtain this abo-
lition, the French mission, as may be well believed, could not
make any direct propositions to the Chinese commissioners. It
was only by influential means that it ought or could act.
Thus the first overtures came from the Chinese negotiators
themselves, from Ki Yng, the representative of the Emperor,
and from the treasurer, Hu An. Ki Yng has a liberal and
philosophical mind. Far from having any
prejudice or anti-
pathy against Christianity, he repeats, both in personal con-
ference and in his written correspondence, that a religion
which forbids evil and commands good cannot be a false one.
He adds, that as this religion is professed by the great Em-
peror of the French, and by the noble nation of which he is
sovereign, the abolition of the law which forbids its exercise
in China would be the best means of confirming a friendly
alliance between the two countries. In a word, he offered his
mediation with the Emperor and the Tribunal of Rites to
obtain a revocation of the anti-Christian edicts."
The papers publish accounts from Algiers to the
Ist inst., giving details of the attack made by the
Kabyles on a French convoy, which bad left Tenez for
•Orleansville, in which some persons were killed on
both sides, and ten French soldiers were made prisoners,
Troops were assembling at Milianah for an expedition
against these Kabyles, and Marshal BUGEAUD was to
leave Algiers for that place on the 3d. No doubt re-

Is there any one of our readers who has a definite
matured idea of the office, functions, and jurisdiction of
a Stipendiary Magistrate ? A magistrate of our police
courts, we mean, under the organisation of a recent
Act of Parliament ? We are so utterly at a loss upon
these subjects ourselves—after perusing our reporter's
statement of certain proceedings before Mr. BoND, of
the Queen-square Police-office—that we shall be glad
to receive some of those new lights that seem to
be illuminating other minds on subjects, our own
views of which appear to have become utterly anti-
quated. If Mr. BOND be right in his conceptions of a
Police Magistrate's duty, we must be extravagantly
wrong. If we are correct 'in our views of the end and
objects of a Police Magistrate's appointment, Mr. BOND
might as well have been sitting at the foot of the Cadi
of Bagdad as at Queen• square, for any purposes of
redress or aid to be afforded to the QUEEN'S lieges in
Westminster.

Mr. DUNN, a barrister—whose name, we take it, is
not unfamiliar to the readers of Police reports, in
connexion with some by-gone passages of " ill-starred
hopes,"—presents himself before Mr. Boxp. He com-
plains that for a long time past he has been annoyed by
a person in plain clothes (who enters the office with him),
and whom he believes to be a constable : that this man
has long been in the habit of dogging the complainant by
following him from the moment of his quitting his lodg-
ings till his return, through every street, square, or
alley he might happen to traverse ; that complainant had
tested the fact of this being an intended watch upon him
and his actions, by purposely taking very short and ab-
rupt turnings ; still • the " mysterious stranger" was at
his heels, inevitable as a tax-collector, persevering as a
dun, ugly as an evil conscience. Mr. Dorm wished to
know whether this person was one of the officers attached
to the Queen-square establishment, and Mr. BOND an-
swered in the negative. Then ho very naturally asks the
magistrate if he will take his charge against the police-
man of following him with intent to commit a felony.
Has he no case on which to found such a charge? He was
seen constantly watching his house when he is at home—
when he goes abroad, out starts this Argus from some
neighbouring public-house, and sticks to his skirts the
live -long day, let him go where he will. Surely Mr.
DUNN is amply justified in describing this as an " un-
warrantable and illegal annoyance." What if Mr. Durci's
eccentricities have brought him, ere this, into notoriety,
in consequence of some affair of the heart—if we recollect
the matter at all ? Is that any reason for his being put
under a surveillance more rigorous than a
,French
loyalist had to encounter in Paris, through the various
phases of the Revolution? Does the Home Secretary's
system of Post-office eaves-dropping extend to the
permission of this clearly " illegal and unconstitutional"
refuses
alleges Let
is
ne us
st
practice, known only at this day to the most despotic of
European Governments ? Is there any criminal record,
any conviction for felony extant against Mr. Dotor, that
he should be put out of the pale of that common-law
protection which shelters every free-born Englishman,
not labouring under such disabilities, from all
nuisances of this vexatious and insulting nature?
with
the
this
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hn
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n
to subject
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persecution
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iee how
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mained that ABIY-EL-KADER was abut to make another
demonstration in some quarter, but it was uncertain.
where he w0.,:1d appear. No businces of importance was
(lone in the French Chambers on Saturday.
On the Paris Bourse on Saturday the Three per Cents.
closed at 86f. 15c.; the New Loan, at 86f. 60c.; the Five
per Cents., at 1211. 106. ; Orleans Railroad shares,
1,213 f. ; Rouen, 1,0901. ; Viarzon, 8201. ; Havre, 870 f.;
Avignon. 1,0001.; Basle, 2681. 75c.; Belgian Two-and-
a-Half per Cents., 62f. 20c. ; Spanish Actives, 401.;
Spanish Three per Cents., 42f.; Spanish Passives, Bf.
SHARES IN THE NEW LINES.
Orleans and Bordeaux, 210 f. to 225 f. premium ;:.Boulogne,
170 f. ditto ; Tro) es and Montereau, 671. 50c.; Paris and
' Lyons (Lafitte), 18f. 50c. ; ditto (Ganneron), Bf. 50c. ;
Northern Line (Lafitte), 30f; ditto (Rosamel), 7f. 50c.;
Tours and Nantes (Mackenzie), I2f. 50c. • ditto (O'Neill),
321. 50c. ; Lyons and Avignon (Lecointe),3of: ; ditto (Talabot),
32f. 50c. ; ditto (Corn pagnie Meridionale), 12f. 50c. ; Bordeaux
and Toulouse (Mackenzie), 5f.; ditto and Cette (Espeleta),
17f. 50c ; Ci elle and St. Quentin, If. 50c.; Paris and Stras-
burg (Ganneron), 15f. ; Dijon and Mulhausen, 61.25 c.
LvoNs, MAY 7.-Avignon and Marseilles 1,038 f. for the
end of May; Paris and Orleans, 1,230 f. ; Paris and Rouen,
1,102 f. for the 15th ; Orleans and Vierzon, 8251., for the end
of May ; Orleans and Bordeaux, 715 f. ditto ; Boulogne, 665 f.
ditto; Montereau, 580 f., ditto.