The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-22 00:00:00

St..- N. ;\, WEDN::SDAY 14,1VENA.4(--
J A r4l rl A II

which, as might be expected, was en wded to excess,
the liveliest curiosity being manifesto ! to hear the
Hon. and Learned Gentleman's opinions on the
subject of the late Papal rescript to the Irish Catholic
clergy. He was exceedingly concise on this ticklish
matter, and even treated it with a coolness bordering
on absolute indifference. He had been told, he ob-
served,
_that a rescript had been dispatched from
Rome whose direct object was to prohibit
the Repeal agitation. He admitted the re-
script, but he denied the prohibition. The resolution
sent by Doctor CROLLY to him as having
been adopted by the Bishop, was merely that they
would carry out the spirit of the rescript, which was
to the effect that every exertion should be made to
keep up and promote the spirit of benevolence and
slharity. The rescript, therefore, should be put out
of the question. It had nothing to do with the laity
or with Repeal. This, it must be confessed, is an
exceedingly free and easy way of dealing with a
troublesome matter. Nothing can be simpler or
more explicit than at once boldly to deny that there
is anything in the Papal rescript which prohibits
the Catholic clergy from taking part in the
clamour for a Repeal of the Union. But is the
fact such as Mr. O'CONNELL would have his hearers
believe it is? Unquestionably not. The rescript ex-
pressly enjoins the Irish Bishops to warn the priests
in their respective dioceses of the impropriety of mix-
ing themselves up with political agitation, and in this
sense it was understood and acted on by Archbishop
CROLLY. There is nothing vague—nothing equi-
vocal in the wording of the missive. The agitation
alluded to is clearly that of Repeal, for in what other
great political controversy have the priests taken so
active—so decided—so energetic a part ? As for
Mr. O'CossELL's interpretation of the meaning
of the rescript—namely, that it was merely a Papal
exhortation to the Catholic clergy to make every effort
in their power to " promote the spirit of benevolence
and charity"—" this is pure fudge," for what earthly
occasion was there for the PorE to enjoin the Irish
priesthood to do that which it is taken for granted
that they are always doing, quite as a matter of course
—which, in fact, is the first and most imperative duty
attached to their sacred vocation ? As well might
the Archbishop of CANTERBURY issue a formal order
to the Protestant clergy, requesting them "to pro-
mote the spirit of benevolence and charity"—in other
words, to falfil their ordinary duties as Christian
ministers I But if the POPE'S rescript be so perfectly
harmless as Mr. O'CONNELL proclaims it to be, why
does he recommend to the Irish people the " absolute
necessity" of their sending two delegates to Rome for
the purpose of laying a statement of their case before
his HOLINESS, and imploring him "not to thwart them
in their peaceable exertions to obtain a restoration of
their domestic Legislature ?" Surely there is no
occasion for Ireland dispatching delegates to the POPE,
if his rescript contains nothing prohibitory of Repeal,
more especially as Mr. O'CONNELL insists that his
HOLINESS "has no control, or ought to have none, over
their temporal affairs!" In alluding to the renewal of the
agitation for a domestic Parliament, the Hon. and
Learned Gentleman spoke out with more boldness
And emphasis than he has of late been in the habit
of doing. He would have no compromise—no halt-
ing—no trusting to English justice, he said. "No
palliation—no half-measures—nothing that the Bri-
tish Parliament could give them, would satisfy them
—they were resolved to have nothing but the Re-
peal. England should neither delude them, nor bribe
them, nor intimidate them." " Prave words these,"
as Captain FLUELLEN would say. Nevertheless,
despite Mr. O'CONNELL'S determination on the sub-
ject, backed by the " hundreds of thousands" of
agitators of whom he speaks, Repeal will never be
carried ; and, we will even go further and state, that if
Sir R. PEEL will but boldly and liberally carry out
into practice the pledges which he made last year in
Parliament respecting Ireland, the question of the
Repeal of the Union will very shortly afterwards
sink into comparative insignificance.

Extremes meet, they say, and we will just give a
striking fact, or two, in illustration of this old adage,
On the very same day that the columns of our
Contemporaries were filled with descriptions of her
MAJESTY'S visit to Stowe, and of the abundant signs
of lavish wealth, luxury, and magnificence that every-
where met her eye as she traversed the halls of that
princely fabric—the rare old pictures, the matchless
marble statues, the valuable books and manuscripts,
the golden candelabra, and numerous other costly
articles of vertu—on the same day, we repeat, that
the columns of our Contemporaries were full of
descriptions of these things, they contained also the
following case of exquisite privation and suffering,
which stands out in edifying contrast to their glowing
details of the splendours and luxuries of Stowe. At
the Canterbury Police-court a poor woman, named
MARY HAMILTON, was charged with having stolen a
broom, the property of a Mr. JACKSON. It appeared
that she had gone into the prosecutor's shop on pre-
text of making some trifling purchase, and while there
had purloined the article in question, which she sub.
sequently sold to a baker for eighteenpennyworth of
bread. In her defence, the prisoner urged that she
was goaded to the theft by intense hunger, for neither
she nor her children had tasted any food since the
preceding morning; but the fact of the petty larceny
having been clearly established against her, she was
committed for trial at the quarter sessions. " What
rendered her case particularly affecting," observes the
reporter, " was that she had a child in her arms, and
was surrounded by six others, the eldest not eleven
years old; some were shoeless, others were without
covering to the head, and all were in rags, the pic-
tures of misery and wretchedness, awaiting with
excessive anxiety, and tears in their eyes, the fate of
their distressed parent; and it was also known that
there was another child of the same family in the
hospital, and a ninth roaming about. The prisoner's
cries of lamentation, mingled with those of her chil-
dren, were deeply affecting, and would have moved
hearts sterner bhan those of the bench, all of whom
felt much for the family." These cases of squalid
hopeless destitution are, unfortunately, daily becoming
more frequent among us. Indeed, concurrently with
the march of affluence and luxury appear to proceed
the march of squalid, gaunt, bare-ribbed poverty ; and
while one portion of society is absolutely rolling in
riches, and scarcely knowing what to do with its
superabundant wealth, another is a prey to distress in
its most ghastly form, rotting by inches in garrets or
cellars, devoid alike of food and raiment, and grateful
for such broken victuals as the lowest menial in
respectability's kitchen would reject with contempt
and loathing. As a necessary consequence of this
state of abject destitution among the humbler classes,
crime is increasing among them at a fearful ratio, and
not only crime of an ordinary character, but crime
of the blackest and most hideous complexion it is pos-
sible to conceive. Parricide, observes a correspondent
in a Morning Contemporary, rises into a common
occurrence; children slain by parents, themselves
goaded by starvation and the workhouse into despera-
tion ; whole families extinguished by arsenic. In
Somersetshire a daughter poisons her father, saying
to her sister, "We shall do better without him." In
Suffolk a grandmother destroys her grand-daughter
by the same means, and for the same reason. Near
Bridgewater a widow makes away with her daughter,
mother, and brother, and she had probably made away
with her husband. And while these horrid deeds, at
which humanity sickens, are in course of almost daily
perpetration, how are numbers of the upper and
middle classes of society occupied? In building new
churches and chapels, forsooth ; in mixing themselves
up with questions of Tractarianism and anti-Tracta-
rianistn ; and in sending forth missionaries to the
East and the islands of the Pacific, for the purpose
of affording religious and moral instruction to those
who do not require it half so much as thousands of
our own ignorant and demoralised poor ! It is clear
that something must be done, and speedily too, to
remedy this alarming state of things. It is vain to
boast of the flourishing state of the revenue, and of
the marked improvement that has lately taken place
in the manufacturing districts, while thousands and
tens of thousands of our labouring population con-
tinue in their present debased condition, without
even the commonest rudiments of instruction, and
ready victims of reckless desperation, induced by the
iron pressure of distress, which suggests all sorts of
atrocities. The " Condition of England" question is
by far the most important—the most pressing ques-
tion of the day, and should be the first to engage the
undivided attention of Parliament in the session which
is so close at hand.

The attention of the community has seldom been
more strongly attracted to objects of domestic specula-

tion, as favourite investments for capital, than, of late,
to the progress of those numerous projects for railway
communications which will have to be disposed of in
the now ensuing session of Parliament. The expe-
riment of referring all such applications, in the first
instance, to a Committee of the Board of Trade,
whose preliminary investigations and report on each
case should be somewhat in the nature of the inquiries
and finding of a grand jury on the original bills and
presentments brought before them, was, at all events,
a well-timed experiment. It may have been—it may
still be—open to some very grave objections both on
legal and on constitutional grounds. We are by no
means satisfied that the rejection, by so anomalous a
tribunal, of projected rail Way lines, on which certain
considerable sums may have been already expended
on account of previous surveys, negotiations, &c., in
perfect good faith, and under reasonable expectation
of their final accomplishment, may not amount, under
special circumstances, to a defeasance of common-law
rights and equitable claims which the Legislature can
never have contemplated in the constitution of this
Board of Trade Committee, but which the simple act
of rejection by that Committee may assuredly work
to individuals who have taken the initiative in such
applications. On constitutional grounds such delega-
tions of legislative responsibility to mere official or
departmental sections are, in our judgment, of far
more doubtful propriety. It is easy to plead the
necessity for saving the time of Parliament—" for
relieving the Legislature from some part of a burden
which tnreatened"—as did this annually increased
accumulation of Railway Bills—" to engross its whole
time and attention." We are neither prepared to deny
the extent which the evil of these accumulations of
business was fast attaining, nor yet to suggest any
better plan for meeting it than that which it has been
deemed expedient, by the Legislature, to adopt.
Nevertheless, the principles on which that plan is
open to the two classes of objection we speak of, are
not affected by these considerations of expediency, or
the still more trite and common-place argument
founded on the " many evils that may be anticipated
from improvident or unprincipled railway specu-
lations." Whether it will very materially "reduce
the enormous expense of contests," or, which is too
probable, the greatest weight of Parliamentary
influence or pecuniary means would prevail, whatever
might be the merits of the particular case—is a ques-
tion as to which we are still more sceptical. Let us
suppose a case in which the whole Parliamentary
influence—that is the whole number of Members of
Parliament really interested in a given railway—is on
one side—what chance against that side will the other
have ? That which would be represented by the equa-
tion of 1 minus 1. All the merits of such a case,
whether the unrepresented party were supporters or
opposers of the line, would have been already estimated
by the proceedings before the Committee of the Board
of Trade without the walls of the two Houses. All
the interest of the court of appeal, by which the fate
of the Bill would be finally decided, would be still to
be encountered, after being reported upon and sent
forward by the Committee. Two great objections to
all such expedients will still attach to this delegated
representation of the Board of Trade, after admitting
everything, as we freely do, that can be urged in its
favour on the score of the capacity, experience, and
honour of the individuals who compose it. First, it is
a perilous policy at all times to interfere by legis-
lative enactment, with the free action of private ca-
pital. The evils of its occasional improvident em-
ployment are more than counterbalanced by a per.
manent power of interfering in its management,
vested in the Legislature. Secondly, the finding of
any such Committee cannot, on any common-sense
construction of the matter, be regarded as the finding
of the Legislature, whatever the derivative foroe it
may technically carry with it. People will prefer to
be heard before a Committtz tactually selected from
and sitting in the Rogge of Lords or the douse of
Commons, whe:lever it can be shown that such
Committees, are fairly struck and constituted, to being
heard before the more limited, and perhaps the stricter
tribunal of a permanent Committee, on submitting the
original grounds and scheme of their projected un-
dertakings.

We observe that the author of a clever and very
well-reasoned pamphlet, entitled "Remarks upon the
General Railway Acts, printed, and to be proposed in
the approaching Session, with Suggestions for more
Efficient Restraint on the Arbitrary Powers of the
Railway Companies":—" by a Small Landowner," does
not concur in these our doubts as to the constitution
of the Committee of the Board of Trade. But he
opens up some other views of the character of inter-
ests that may be prejudicially affected by the law of
Railway Bills as it stands—and of the mode in which
they may be so affected—that do not seem much ex-
aggerated, or, in themselves, unfair, although their
avowed leaning is to the side of the landowners, as a
body. He says,—" Three general or special Bills
are proposed to be enacted, with the view of sparing
or saving the repetition in each special Act of the
regulations proper to be established in the generality
of cases, both for empowering the companies to take
the lands required by them, and for laying don re-
servations and declaring conditions and restrictions
for protection of the landowner from excesses and
abuses in the employment of those powers." Ap-
proving of the principles of these Bills, he yet com-
plains that they are open to many suggestions of
improvements, for which " there would have been
little room, if their own great and acknowledged
abilities could have been employed upon the details
and structure of the Bills, and they had not been
unavoidably left to some technical draftsman whose
execution of the task the Board have not hitherto had,
and may probably (from the pressure of so many
railway claims on their attention) not have time to
examine sufficiently, before the session commences."
In the Companies' Clauses Consolidation Act, he is of
opinion that there should have been a clause inter-
dicting the payment or allowance of salaries to any
other director than a chairman or president, " till the
shareholders shall have received some dividend, not
out of subscribed capital, but out of profits, after de-
ducting working and other expenses,"—and then but
an allowance in proportion only to the amount of
such dividend; "so that the interest of the director
should never be paramount to his interest as a share-
holder, but always go hand in hand with his duty, and
form a stimulus to his exertions."

But what is to be done in the case, a very common
one, of a company's present means being utterly dis-
proportionate to its prospective means, the latter requir-
ing only the superintendence of an able business
management to realise them ? It may be of essential
importance to secure the valuable services of a party
otherwise qualified as a clever man of business and
capacity, because he is a director. For that very
reason it may be neither fair nor practicable to retain
his services, except for the consideration of reasonable
fees or salary. Furthermore, it may be very well worth
while, under peculiar circumstances, to give him such
compensation on a greater scale, out of regard to the
importance of the specific object proposed to be accom-
plished by employing him, than the proportion of the
dividend last paid could warrant. The clause should
therefore leave this point of remuneration to be settled
by the vote of a majority of any shareholders, at a
meeting duly convened for the express purpose of
deciding on such a question. How far the proposi-
tions of the same writer for protecting the interests
of landholders, through whose property the lines
of any future railway roads are to run, recommend
themselves for adoption, we shall enable our readers
to judge, in a day or two, by the analysis we propose
to make of these suggestions.

We hare intelligence from Madrid to the 14th
inst. The Chamber of Deputies was engaged
on that day in discussing the Bill for the endowment
of the clergy, when an amendment, proposed:by.
Senor CERIA, was rejected by a majority of 93 to 29.
To show the utter helplessness of the Opposition, not
one amendment which they have proposed since the
meeting of the Cortes has been carried. The Chamber
of Deputies, from being the most turbulent arid un-
governable assembly in Europe, is now the most sub-
missive and tractable. The Castellano announces
that upwards of 80 inhabitants of the valleys of
Hecho and A nso, who had taken part in the recent
revolt, and emigrated to France, had returned to
their families.

The Three per Cents. closed at 31 1546 fur
cash, and 321 at 60 days; the Five per Cents. at 24
at 60 days ; the Coupons at 2.71 for cash; and the
Debt without Interest at 7 for cash.

The debate in the French Chamber of Deputies on
:be Address commenced on Monday. The only Oppo.

sition speakers-were M. GUSTAVE de BEAUMONT and
Made TOCQUEVILLE, names familiar to Englishmen,
and we are glad to find that though averse to an
alliance with this country, which they regarded as
impossible, they adverted to her government and
insti:utions in terms of great respect, and professed
an ardent desire to live on good terms with their
neignbour. M. de BEAUMONT said he knew the Eng-
lish too well not to esteem them ; he was too well
acquainted with England not to admire her govern-
ment and free institutions ; be should never forget
that she was the first to recognise the Government of
July, but all those considerations did not militate in
his mind in favour of a close alliance. Good and
friecdly relations should be cultivated with her, but that
was all ; for it was impossible that a cordial alliancs
couli exist between two countries whose interests were
at variance not only on one point, but all over the globe.
"War with England," said the other speaker, "would
be a very great calamity ; he honoured and esteemed
the English nation, but the interests of the two
countries were so opposed that no intimate alliance
could subsist between them; for England could nut
subscribe to any concession ; her existence would be
the price of it ; if she lust the monopoly of the trade
of the world, she must perish. He then contrasted
the political position of both countries. France was
the head and heart of democracy, and her interests
commanded her to propagate as much as possible de-
mocratic principles, whilst England was the stronghold
of aristocracy, and necessarily entertained widely dif-
ferent sympathies." These are just remarks, and
made in a fair spirit, differing in every respect from
many other opponents of the GUIZOT Cabinet, who
hate him and his colleagues because they do not hate
England. That is the policy of the Radical, the Le-
gitimatist, and the Republican parties ; and even some,
calling themselves Conservatives, would sacrifice a
Conservative Government, if France could thereby
only become more estranged from England. About
sixty Members of the Left assembled on Sunday at
their usual place of meeting, in the Place de Made-
leine, to come to an understanding on their mode of
proceeding in the debate on the Address ; and, from
the remarks made, it is evident that they will op-
pose the Minister, chiefly, if not solely, on account of
his foreign policy—meaning, of course, his leaning to-
wards England, for among that class of politicians
"Foreign" and " English" are synonymous terms.
M. DAVID, as senior, took the chair. M. TOCQUE-
VILLE'S party also was present. M. ODILON BARROT
was the first speaker, and explained the object of the
meeting. He urged his colleagues to vote firmly
against the present Cabinet, and to support any admi-
nistration which would assume a more dignified atti-
tude in the foreign policy of the country. Several
other Members spoke to the same effect, and the
assembly agreed to the proposal. According to what
fell from M. ODILON BanitoT, it is not likely that the
Left will hazard any amendment of its own, but will
support such as are to he made by Conservatives, who
have now entered into the paths of Opposition, so
that if the Cabinet falls, it falls by the desertion of its
own friends. This is admitted by the Presse, an oc-
casional supporter of the Government, though a de-
termined enemy to England. "If M. GUIZOT should
fall," says that journal, " in the contest which is about
to commence in the Chamber of Deputies, none
will deplore more than us the infatuation
which will have caused his disaster, and which will
have deprived the country of a statesman endowed
with such powerful eloquence and with' such
elevation of soul. We do not deny the gravity of
the embarrassment which will arise from his fall.
Evidently, if the Cabinet falls, it will be in conse-
quence of a division among the majority. This divi-
sion will be perpetuated, and, however weak M.
GuizoT's party may be numerically, it will derive
immense force from his talent. Fur this reason, we
should have wished that the present Ministers had
assumed a more firm tone towards England, or that,
if they did not consider they could do so with suc-
cess, that they would voluntarily have left the re-
sponsibility to others. Two things are certain--
first, the Chamber of Deputies, which has twice ex-
pressed its wish that our commerce should be placed
exclusively under the care of our flag, will not suffer
that this wish shall longer be slighted; secondly, the
Chamber of Deputies never will permit, particularly
in its third session, an indemnity to be voted to
Air. PRITCHARD, no matter how small the amount
that Admirals HAMELIN and SEirmoua may fix on.
It is not on the amount, but on the principle, that
the debate will turn, and the principle cannot be
defended."

On Sunday evening, a deputation from the House
of Peers proceeded to the Tuileries and presented the
Address to the KING. They were received, by his
MAJESTY on the Throne. The Duke de NEMOURS,
the Prince de JOINYILLE, and the Duke D'AumALE,
stood on the right and left, and the President, Duke
PASQUIER, read the Address, to which the KING made
the following reply :
" Gentlemen,—lt is very gratifying to me to find in
this Address new demonstrations oi' the sentiments of
which the Chamber of Peers has so frequently given nae
so many proofs. This striking approbation given to the
course that we have followed with so much perseverance
and success will facilitate the continuation of it. In ap-
preciating, as you do, the favourable dispositions which
have permitted my government to re-establish with that
of Great Britain the happy accord which had already
preserved the world from so many dangers, you add new
pledges for the stability of general peace, and the gradual
increase of the prosperity which our country now en-
joys. I thank Providence for having permitted my sons
to show themselves worthy of the sentiments which you
have just manifested to me fur them. The affection of
France for my family and myself is the sweetest recom-
pense that I can obtain for my labours, and our entire
devotedness."

The National contains a long account of a meeting
relative to the disposal of the funds subscribed to
purchase a sword for Admiral DUPETIT TIIOUARS.
It appears that the total sum received is 19,685 francs
(7830, and that 175,000 persons had subscribed.
There were still thirty-two provincial journals which
had not sent in their subscriptions; so that the total
sum will probably amount at least to 1,000/. The
following report of what occurred at an interview with
the Admiral was read by one of the deputation :
" We waited upon Admiral Dupetit Thouars as your
delegates, and we wish b render an account of our in-
terview. We explained to the Admiral the sentiments
which had inspired the public manifestation in which
175,000 citieens had joined. The subscribers wished to
honour in his person the entire navy which had taken
part in that contest in which the French flag was opposed
to the insolent pretensions of England. They particu-
larly protested against the act of cowardice committed
by the Ministry disavowing, by order of the London
Cabinet, a general officer who had fulfilled his duty.
Public opinion, excited by that act, had hastened to
extend its hand to the person attacked; because it
was considered necessary to prove to our armies by land
and sea who are charged with defending the honour
and dignity of Frame, that esteem, consideration,
and a just popularity are the rewards se-
cured in ear country to those who on all occasions re-
collect that our first aerititnent ought to be the love of
country, and that the devotion which it inspires ought to
precede all others. After having expressed to the Ad-
miral the sense of the manifestation which we had wit•
nessed in his person, because he alone bad been the
object of the disavowal accompanied by calumnies, we
asked him whether he would accept a sword of honour,
or whether the Committee should employ the funds for
another purpose ? Admiral Dupetit Thouars, who ex-
perienced on receiving us an emotion which he did not
conceal, told us that he was profoundly affected at our
proceeding, that he felt strongly how honourable it was
to him personally, and that the approbation of his fellow-
citizens was assuredly the most legitimate ambition and
the most agreeable recompense for any man called on to
serve his country; but he prayed us to consider that the
imperative duties of his discipline would not permit him to
explain himself as to a political manifestation, nor to re-
ceive, without the permission of his superiors, a mark of
public approbation. Placed, as he was, in the Royal navy
lie could not, without a violation of military law, depart
from that reserve imposed upon him either to blame or to
could
ea
anaccctepoft
andthe recompenseGovernmen whicht;nei
neither, consequently,
he would
imply,
on
his part, an adhesion to a political demonstration. We
were bound to respect a determination supported by mo-
tives in which Admiral Dupetit Thouars believed his
professional position engaged. We could not, moreover,
without an abuse, refer in this place to the confidential
conversation in which we were enabled to learn the
true and honourable sentiments of the Admiral.
But we may say, that ever occupied with the fate
of the brave men whom he commanded, he spoke with
a warm interest of all those who had fallen in the
expedition against Otaheite. We then asked him what
would, according to his idea, be the best mode of em-
ploying the funds subscribed ? to which he replied,
that he could not believe that he was under an illusion
when he considered the homage of which he was the
Object was intended to extend to all the seamen
who had served worthily in those distant seas, and
that assuredly it would be to respond to the wishes of
the subscribers to expend the amount subscribed to re-
lieve the wounded seamen or the wives and children of
those who had died in the performance of their
duty. We regret that we cannot be more explicit in a
report intended for publicity, but we believe we can
affirm, gentlemen, that the mission with which we were
charged has impressed us with a profound conviction
that public opinion was net deceived when it wished to
do honour to a general offiNr devoted to the glory of his

country, a determined enemy of the foreign foe, jealous
of our interest,' and well-determined not to commit any
act by which it might b© tarnished. Your delegates pro-
pose to you, therefore) to declare the subscription closed;
to make public the motives of Admiral Dupe* Thouars'
refusal—motives exclusiiTly connected with Military dis-
cipline ; and, in fine, that the funds of the subscription
,bould be allocated in procuring relief for the wounded
seamen or the widows and children of those who fell in
the expedition to Otaheite."
The meeting immediately adopted the resolutions,
and appointed a Committee to carry them into effect.

WAKEFIELD CORN MARKET.-FRIDAY.
THE BOURSE-MONDAY, JAN. 20.
First Highest Lowest Last
Price. Price. Price. Price
french Five per Cents .•• • .• 122 .. 122 .. 121 90 • 121 90
Fours •..•.. • • • . • 108 .. 108 .. 108 .• 108

Three per Cents 85 10 .. 85 10 .. 84 95 .• 85
New Loan ...• •• • B6 35 .. 86 35 .. 86 25 .. 86 25
lank of France 3267 50 ..3267 50 .. 3267 50 .. 3267 50
telgian Bank. ..... • • •• 630 •• 630 .. 627 50 .. 627 50
(algian Fives, 1840 ...• .• •• 10434 .. 104% .. 104% .. 104%
1842 .• •••••• 106 .. 106!:i •• 106 V,
iatunah Threes .......... •. 38 .. 383 i .. 3834 .. 38
Active 37 .. 37 .. 37 .. 37
!.ortugueso Five per Conta 59M .. 59% 59 M • • 591/i
• 9B 50 .. 98 50 .. 98 50 .. 98 50
lowan .. •• •• 105 -. 105 .. 105 .. 105

RAILWAY SHARES
:it. Germain .
ersaWes, L.B ..... ....• •• 377 50 . 377 50 .. 377 50 .. 377 50
gouen.. .• •• •...1045 50 . 1015 50 ..1045 50 ..1045 50

Rouen to Havre•••••••••••• 816 25 •• 820 • . 816 25 .. 820
)r leans ••••

itrailbtuy to Bale— —....— 297 50 .. 300 .. 297 50 . 300
kvignon to Marsellles•• •• •• 925 • • 927 50 . 925 .. 927 50
RAILWAYS FOR THE ACCOUNT, JAN. 31.

-.
it. Germain.•• ••.1005 • • 10r 5 —lOO5 ..1005
Versailles, R.ll. • . 495 • • 495 495 .. 495

touen • • • • • • • • • • ...• • • • • • .1045

..1050 ..1045

-1050

2ouen to Havre . 816 25 .. 820 .. 816 25 .. 820
hrleans ••••••••...........1127 50 ..1127 50 ..1126 25 ..1126 25

Strasburg to Bale.. • . • • .... 298 75 .. 300 .. 297 50 .. 230
Avignon to Marseilles.• • • .. 925 930 .. 922 50 .. 927 50

Elms DAY'S NEWS.

QUEEN'S BENCH.—(THIS DAY.)
The Court took the Crown paper to-day, and were
occupied with cases which were totally devoid of any
public interest.

BAIL COURT.—(THIS DAY.)
(Before Mr. Justice WILLIAMS.)
IN RE DAVIS.—IMPORTANT TO ATTORNEYS.

Mr. OGLE moved for a rule to show cause why certain
proceedings, instituted against Lord Suffield upon a war-
rant of attorney, should not be set aside for irregularity.
The circumstances of the case may be shortly stated
as follows:—Some time ago his Lordship, while residing
in Brussels, contracted a debt of 3001. with M. Legrelle,
a wine merchant there. His Lordship, at a subsequent
period, in order to get rid of this claim, gave an attor-
ney, named Davis, a warrant of attorney in the penal
sum of 2,0001., and, in consideration, Davis under-
took to compromise the wine merchant's bill.
He contended that this warrant of attorney was useless,
inasmuch as his Lordship did not sign it in the presencQ
of a professional man acting for him; and, therefore, it
was to be presumed his Lordship was ignorant of the force
and effect of the instrument he was signing. He at first
had doubted whether that Court bad jurisdiction in the
matter, as the warrant of attorney was executed abroad;
but he found a case clearly establishing the point.
recorded in 2d Strange, the case of Fitzgerald v. Plun-
kett, to which he would refer his Lordship.
Mr. Justice Witmams—Take a rule nisi.
Rule granted accordingly.