The Sun.
London, England, 1845-08-06 00:00:00

MEDICAL BILL.

In answer to a question put by Mr. WAKLEY, in reference
to the Medieal Bill,

Sir J. GRAHAM said that the Bill had, for some time,
been in the hands of the printers.

IRISH.

WORKHOUSES

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in answer
to a question from Mr. Hume, said.the Irish workhouses had
been built, not: by order of the Government, but under the
provisions •of an Act-of Parliament, entitled the Poor Relief
Act. However, after those workhouses ',tad been built, it ap-
peared by the representations rf those in whose parishes they had
been erected, that they were not worth the sums charged, and
that it was .oU2ht to compel them to pay more than the sum
wiginagy contracted for. A very earrienced officer was then
s-nt down to muke inquiri s, and the result was that the Go-
vern meot had agreed to make a reduction in the ori;),inal
amount demanded.

Mr. H[J \ E he would brio on a motion on the subject,
as he cone,;,ived it a violation of thE• rules ,f the House.

Sir D. NORREYS a,ked a q•iestion as to the mode of
valuation under Or poor-law to be adapted in Ireland in future.

Sir T. FREMANTLE s,ici that a measure hail been intro•
duced into Parliament upon the subject ; but he regretted to
say it was reje••ted in the House of Lords.
Mr. M J. O'CQNNELL hoped that sufficient time would
be given to the people of Ireland to. consider well whatever
means might be proposed to be introduced on this subject nest
s.•ssion.

COMMUNICATION WITH NEWFOUNDLAND.
Mr. PAKINGTON wished to know if the Government
were in a position to afford steam communication between St.
John's, Newfoundland, and this country?
Mr. HOPE ,aid that the Government were aware of the
importance of giving such a means of communication to that
colony ; but it appeared that great delay would be occasioned
by the present steam vessels calling there, even in summer,
in consequence of the quantities of floating ice, and in winter it
would be out of. the question ; besides, the present contractors
were not bound to do-so. - -
HYDERABAD.
In answer to a question from Mr. HUME,
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that no
decision had yet been come to in reference to the prize money
obtained at Hyderabad, in Sinde.
SILK WORKS BILL.
Mr. BRIGHT said that the Bill now before the House on
this subject was one purporting to amend a similar Bill of last
session, which Bill proved useless, and the present one would
prove equally so.—(Laughter.) In fact, there was no man
who knew anything at all of manufactures but must see that
it would be an inoperative measure.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said that, with respect to the
present Bill, he was ready to admit he had no satisfactory in-
formation, and he was not sanguine that measures interfering
with labour would be successful. On the other hand, he be-
lieved that they generally were found nugatory and ineffica-
cious ; nevertheless, as the labourers themselves felt a deep
interest in the legislation now contemplated, whether the in.
terference should prove beneficial or not, he could not think it
inexpedient to make an attempt to meet the wishes of the in-
dustrial classes.
Sir JOHN EASTHOPE regretted he was not perfectly
informed of the provisions and merits of this Bill, and as he
had as yet received no intimation from his constituents to op-
pose it, he was not prepared to express any specific opinion
upon it.
Mr. P. BORTHWICK wished that some member of the
Government would take the responsibility of the Bill upon
him, as hitherto it appeared to be disowned by everybody.
Mr. GREENE said that the measure had been introduced
in consequence of the recommendations contained in the re-
port of the Board of Trade.
Mr. WARBURTON said, that as he was not inclined to
put his conscience into the keeping of the President or Vice-
President of the Board of Trade, he should move that the
further consideration of the Bill should be postponed till this
day three months.
Colonel ROLLESTONE defended the Bill, which he con-
sidered as eminently calculated to obviate some of the Yard-
ships, and even cruelties, imposed by many master manufac-
turers on their operatives.
Mr. HUME supported the amendment of his Hon. Friend
(Mr. Warburton). and- teeested_that the Government w-cruld
throw in the.weight"ofeheirTeippOsition to the Bill.
Mr. DUNCAN regarded the Bill as most injurious to the
manufacturing classes, and fraught with danger to the core-
M unity eeneeally.
Mr. VILLIERS thought it most irregular, and even un-
precedented, to be discussing a measure affecting the interests
of trade, in any other mode except before a Committee of the
whole House. He therefore supported the amendment of his
Hon. Friend (Mr. Warburton) for delay.
Mr. FIELDEN opposed the Bill as mischievous and tit:-
called for.
Mr. EWA RT said he thought the best course the Govern-
ment could adopt vas to withdrew the Bill.
Mr. BROTHERTON concurred in regarding the mea-
sure as calculated to entail both danger and discontent upon
this trade it professed to benefit.
Sir J. GRAHAM suggested that further debate on the
subject should beeposiponed until Friday, and in the mean-
time he would try and meet the wishes of all parties.
The debate was then adjourned. on the motion of the
Right Hun. Baronet ( Sir J. Graham ), to Friday next.
CASE OF LIEUTENANT HOLLIS.
Mr. ESCOTT moved Tor copies of ad letters and other
documents which had passed to and from the Court of Di-
rectors of the East India Company and Lieutenant \V.
Hollis, and to and from the said Court and the Board of
Control, relative to the dismissal of that officer from the Eaet
India Company's service. The Honourable and
Learned Gentleman said that he would not attempt
to justify the language used by Lieutenant Hollis,
and which led to his dismissal, but that language was
drawn from him by irritating conduct on the part of his superior
officer. Utter ruin had been brought upon him by the sentence
which he had now been four years suffering under. He did not
think the Court which passed the sentence upon Mr. Hollis
was legally constituted, and, at all events, he had been a long
time suffering, and he trusted the Court would think it right
to replace him in the position which he had formerly filled with
such credit to himself and advantage to the country. Lieute-
nant Hollis was a man of good family and kind disposition, and
surely a rash word should not for ever be allowed to operate to
his detriment.
Lord JOCELYN had no objection 'to the production of the
correspondence situght for, and the Honourable Gentleman
would be enabled to see by it what moderation had been exer-
cised by the Court of Directors towards Lieutenant Hollis.
That officer had been guilty of cne of the gravest
offences known against military discipline—he broke
through his arrest, and used language which one gentle-
man should not use towards another. The Court of Directors
had, notwithstanding the sentence of the court-martial, allowed
Lieutenant Hollis 50/. a year, within a few pounds of half pay
allowance. He trusted the House would show no sympathy
with an officer who had acted in a manner inconsistent with the
interests of the public service. There could be no doubt but
the tribunal that tried him was by the 4th Geo. 4, c. 81, qua-
lified to do so. He would not trespass further on the attention
of the House.
Mr. HOGG said he would take no notice of the taunts
that had been thrown out by the Hon. and Learned Gentle-
man against the East India Company. He thought the Noble
Lord had answered the complaint of the Hon. Gentleman, and
he would not occupy the time of the House unnecessarily.
REVIEW CF THE SESSION.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL then rose-amidst some slight con-
fusion at the bar from Members entering the House. He said,
Sir,—l am very glad that the notice which I have upon the
paper will offer no interruption to the other business, and I
am perfectly satisfied that the other notices should have been
got through before I proceed to lay the few observations I have
to make before the House. Sir, I shall take this opportunity,
one of the last of the session, to consider how we have performed
the duties which we were called on to perform by her Majesty
at the commencement of the session; and, in doing so, I shall
refer to these subjects with a view to measure the progress that
has been made—to point out the defects which are to be found
in the measures that have passed—and to ask the House to
consider the prospect before them, rather than with the view
insisted on, on other occasions, namely, of proving that the
Ministers of the Crown are incompetent for the functions with
which they have been entrusted. The latter is not my intention.
If it were not my purpose to deviate from the previous practice
to which I have referred—if it were my purpose to found
charges of incompetency an the feet that measures had been
dela, ed till a late period of the session, that they were only
n sent t
mfLo in
was
considert o another
them
properlyltheateas ;
thatlst of
inJaunl
many
, when
no time was left to consider thessi properly ; that many mea-
were brought forward in the begs: ning and given up at
the end; if I were inclined to found a charge against minis-
ters I should find ample materials for my purpose. ( Hear,
hear.) One Bill alone—the Bill of the Right Hon. Baronet
opposite on Physic and Surgery—would form a subject for
lengthened comment.—( Hear, hear.) He was accustomed to
lay great blame upon me for bringing forward the Poor-law,
and afterwards making amendments in compliance with the
suggestions and objections of Members of the House. It
is not the custom of the present Government to
listen to objections from the Members of the House; but
they had from time to time altered measures to obviate the ob-
jections of certain classes, and so with respect to this mea-
sure. The Right Honourable Gee r-len-tan had altered it to meet
the views of the members of the College of Surgeons; then the
general practitioners had objections to urge. and the Bill was a
broughtsecond tii
considerednmt eoa
and
andli tse rHeod ; the
the.
Bs
iilt:aas., physicians
put
into
n n
altered
t again,aat d
least
esurgeonssatnad dboz,werefeo dozen
e it al
was s
shapes.o
I have done enough to show, without going further, that I
could found a charge of incompetence, and not on this Bill
alone. But, Sir, I consider that there are other questions that
are far more important than the executive mode in which the
legislation is carried on with respect to mere details. It is
a question of graver consideration how the great interests of
the country have been affected by the measures which have
been brought before the House, and in what position the coun-
try stands in relation to these measures. In referring to these
subjects, I shall take, in the first place, in some measure, the
order of the Queen's speech with regard to these measures.
The speech at the commencement of this session opened by an

allusion to the state of foreign affairs. lam rejoiced to say
that we are not now, as we were at the close of last
session, looking anxiously to a settlement of a question
with France, a question which threatened a rupture of our
amicable relations with that courary. lam happy to find that
our relations with that country are close and unbroken, and
that they are likely to continue so.—( Cheers.) Sir, there is
another question to which (though I certainly do not mean to
enter into detail) I cannot help adverting for a moment. I
mean the question between this country and the United States
of America. Without at all interfering with the discretion of
the Executive (iovernment, or at all dictating to them any
course opposite to that which they may think fit to pursue for
the settlement of the question of the Oregon boundary, I still
will venture to say to them that the opinion that I gave to the
House at an early period of the session, is entirely un-
shaken by anything I may have heard, or anything I
may have read on this subject.—( [leer, hear.) The
Right lion. Gentleman on that occasion raid that the Go-
vernment of this country were prepared to maintain their
rights. Ido n t question his logic—l do not propose to ask
him for an explanation of the mode in which he proposes to
maintain those rights. lam glad to see—regretting, as I
do, the loss of the distinguished man who was
Minister to our country from the United States ; yet, mingled
with that regret, I rejoice to see that another distinguished
man, who was here some years ago, has replaced Mr. Everett
as our Minister from that country. I trust that they will act.
with discretion and moderation in determining the question
between the two Governments, without, at the same time,
losing sight of the essential interests of either country, and with
these few words—and lam glad they are so few—l leave the sub-
ject of our foreign affairs. And now to come to what has been
done in the course of the session with re pect to our domestic
policy. My opinion on this subject is. that we ought not
to be altogether disappoi .red at the result of the session, not
that there has been much done which gives great prospect for
the future, but while we, on the one hand, congratulate
ourselves on the progress that has been made, and especially
in the statement of opinions; still, on the other hand, much
has been left neglected, much that relates to principle is Itft
uncertain ; and that much remains undone which is clearly
wanted to serve the interests of the country, there cannot be
a doubt. Now, Sir, I shall take in the first instance that which
has so often beers brought before our attention in this House,
during this session, and which will, I have no- doubt, occupy
us during the next and future sessions—l mean the unhappy
state of Ireland. Sir, in adverting to this subject, I cannot
but in the first place rejoice that those opinions which were
heard from Gentlemen who sat opposite some years ago, have
been in a great degree abandoned—( Hear, hear)—and that
even language that we heard from one of the Ministers of the
Crown has been, since he came into office, revoked. I rejoice
that the Government is so far renouncing former erroneous
to commence a new course, and
House on what has been
oI p
alreadyhien rsreltaohsnanetn foroe yI
re eoolrnaegn, rrdne.taLldlya( t theHear, hear.) But, Sir, let it not
be forgotten that, many years ago, when the Government of
the lately deceased Earl Grey was divided on this subject,
not only did those who ere neeesed to es now oppose the appro-
priation dance, which I still think woulithave been at that time
a fair and moderate compromise to the Church of Ireland,
they not only (weird that Church—l do not say that that was
unnatural considering their views on this subject—but they
always denied to tbe Irish those rights which had been ex-
tended td the English and to the Scotch. With regard to their
electoral and municipal rights, Sir, a gentleman holding a dis•
tineuished situation in offiee there, who haul been raised to a
higher office on the Bench of Ireland, and whir has but lately
died ; I mean Chief Baron Wolfe. He expressed his opinion
that there was no legal real •n why the same rights ought not
to he granted ti Ireland, anti his language expressed the indig-
nation lie felt at the degradatien of his country. He stated that
he thought these privilege= were a matter of common right,
helenaing to the United Kingdom ; that, therefore, popular
elections and corporate rights were duo to the Irish people, and
that some strong reason of necessity must be argued before
a people can be refused those rights. He stared
further that if refused it could only he on the ground that
Irish families were unfit to be subjects of a free kingdom. The
whole of those Gentlemen opposed these just claims with one
exception— the Earl of St. Germans. There were other ques-
otilo,pn,s,sewdithtoreugsar,,d.etroe
inclined
Irland on one of which those who were
to raise in this country both a
national and religious feeling, to assist them against the claims
of the people of Ireland. Sir, that course of policy they, since
their accession to office, have abandoned. It is now admitted by
them that the Irish ought to have equal rights. It is now
admitted that, both as regards electoral rights, the right of voting
for Members of this House, and municipal corporate rights,
rights as England and Ssotland.
they ought to have the some
This is in principle a great deal, but let us examine a little how
far their measures have been consistent with their professions,
and what have been their great objects for effecting the re-
conciliation
g l a r
and oi
inducing
d uI Ireland,—for Inagn dt
h subjects ,
fsourrenetns cif
nniling the people of
bothEng-
e
countries to join in
amity at home, and in defence of their empire against foreign
enemies. On this subject they have hardly done what they
professed to do. With regard to municipal rights, and the
rights of e'ecting representatives to serve in Parliament, no
Bill has been introduced, and it is notorious that the
number of elect-re, in many of the Irish counties, has dimi-
nished in a great degree. That was a grievance that required
the attention of Parliament.—( Hear, hear.) But has the
attention of Parliament been called to it?,—( Hear, hear.) With
respect to another subject on which theyeproposed. to legislate,
and on which they made elaborate inquiries, for the purpose of
calling attention to it—l allude to the subject of the relations
between landlords and tenants. Now, I stated my opinion
that issuing a Commission on the relations of landlords and
tenants might be a wise measure, but that I could not be en-
abled to say it was a wise measure, until I could see the re-
sult.—( Hear.) It was evident that considerable evils attended
the issuing of that Commision. It was, in the first place,
calculated to excite great hopes—it was calculated to make
the poor tenants believe that some great benefit was to attend
the inquiry; something to relieve the scarcity of food, and fix
security of tenure, which they had ever felt to be the greatest
misfortune of their lives. In the next place it was very likely,
unless accompanied with great care, to excite in the country
itself considerable enmity on the part of the tenant, against
their landlords, by making them helievethat they had a Govern-
ment
which would take their part 'against the landlords. In
this respect the objection was very great, for the saying of his
lamented friend Mr. Drummond was a correct one, " that pro-
perty had its duties as well as its rights." But that evil might
be remedied if the Government had explained the general
nature of the remedy which they wished to introduce. I sup-
pose that some remedy was in the contemplation of the Govern-
ment, but it appears after all that they brought forward, as the
result of that Commission, a Bill which I must say is one of the
most extraordinary measures which era= ever brought before the
consideration of this House. The plan of interposing between
landlords and tenants in the manner devised by the Bill is most
impracticable. But the Bill has never arrived at this House,
and I suppose, therefore, it has been given up eed abandoned.
I suppose that the universal cry eenfting , the Irish eenerally has
induced Government to abandon it. Why, then, what further
measure had they introduced? They had produced a Bill
for the endowment of the College of Maynooth, and a Bill
for the academical education of the Roman Catholic priesthood,
which was pointed out in the speech from the throne. Sir, I
do not wish to go over the arguments on this subject. I think
the endowment of Meynooth a good plan, but I think the ob-
servation that was made on it by a gentleman who has written
well on the subject of Ireland, is a perfectly just one. He says
that there are two objections to the endowment of Maynooth ;
one is, that the grant was a trivial measure—that the boon was
altogether too small ; and the other is, that it will tend to the
endowment of the clergy of the Roman Catholic Church. Sir,
one argument confutes the other : if the Government intend
that the measure should lead to an endowment of the Roman
Catholic Church. that, Sir, would be an intelligible line of
policy ; and without discussing the propriety of endowing the
Roman Catholic prieethood of Ireland, it would be a perfectly
intelligible policy to introduce this measure, as it would re-
ceive the consent of the hierarchy of that Church. But the
present measure bad not had that consent, because it was not
intended to lead to that endowment. The members of the
Government had carefully declared that such was not
their intent ion ; and considering the great clamour
that has been raised in this country—considering
the deep feeling which has been aroused, I would ask, has an
adequate result been obtained ? It the Ministry do nut
mean to proceed further—if they have no measure in contem-
plation for next session, then surely they were unwise in pro-
voking that clamour. But with regard to another measure—l
mean that of academical education—it appears to me that
though the Government does not love much to hear c ninsel
within doors, yet they do take counsel from necessity out of
doors, and that such a necessity prompted this measure The
First Lord of the Treasury told us in a speech, which I for one
was sorry to hear, on the subject of the Mal-tooth Bill—he told
us that its object aas as much to break off a confederacy that
existed in Ireland for the purposes of carrying repeal, and of
dividing the Roman Catholic clergy, by propounding a
measure which would satisfy at lea t one portion of them.
It appears then that this Association was a chief
instrument in procuring this BEI. It was net for its merits
given—it was not because it improved the Roman Catholic
priesthood of Ireland, but because it would break up the
Repeal Association. Well, that Bill and its course through
this House produced the greatest excitation in England, and
considerable opposition was raised, not by those only opposed
to the Roman Catholic faith, but by those also who held
that Goverment should only assist in secular matters, and
that religion should be supported altogether upon the volun-
tary principle. In order to soothe this clamouring party
the Government again in May introduced a measure, which
they supported by the very arguments that in the former
instance had been used in that House and out of doors
against any Government support to religious establshments.
But I must beg to impress upon this House that these measures
have been both late and imperfect. In the first place they are
late. And, in saying this, I allude to the measures of the
Government now in existence, and think that the observation
is applicable to the ministry, whether they were in opposition,
or whether as now they exercise the functions of Government,
and I would more particularly allude to the claims of the
Roman Catholics. Many years ago, when the present First
Lord of the Treasury was Secretary for Ireland, Mr. Grattan
had, under the authority of the Roman Catholic hierarchy of
Ireland, pledged his worth that if the claims of the Roman
Catholics were conceded, no prelate of that Church should be
appointed whose views were opposed to those of the Government,
and that if any Roman Catholic prelate of that country, either
by his writings or proceedings, should be instrumental in excit-
ing any disaffection to the Crown, that his benefice should be
estreated, and himself reprobated by the church. This was a
great concession. But the Ministers of the day did not take
advantage of it, and serious were the consequences which
had flowed from the neglect of the power which had then
been accorded to it, of removing any prelate of the Irish
Church who should promote or • be a party to promoting
political or religions agitation. But the opportunity had
been lost, and cannot now be recovered. In 1825, another
attempt was made, and a Noble Lord, wile is still a Mem-
ber of this House, proposed that some provision should be
made for the priests of the Roman Catholic Church, but
the Government of the day refused to accede to the reso•
lotion which he proposed ; but in three years after that
question had been unlined the true princieles of Church
Government were perceived, anti though the Government
would not aid them, yet there was an explicit declaration
even to those great churchmen—whe were the most steady
adherents of Catholic teinciples, that something, should be
done for the provision of the Ronian Catholic .clergy. And
in 1825, the same declaration was made to the Roman
Catholic prelates. .The object then was to obviate the
hostility of the Roman Catholics, by making them to blame
for the very outrages which they denounced. Then came
the grand measure of Catholic Emancipation ; and who
were the grand opponents of that great measure ?—whv, the
very men, who during the whole course of their lives had
been the
the very men, who under a different phase of circumstances,
and when credit was to be obtained by the granting of
that which was irresistible, at once turned round on all their
supporters, and passed that measure against which such an
outcry had been lately made. Their plea was the choice
of two alternatives—the prosecution of 'their designs, or the
risk of a civil war. They chose 'the former evil, and the
concession of the Catholic claims was the consequence.
Another measure to which he had to allude, was that of Muni-
cipal Reform. In 1836, the King of this country, by the advice
of his Ministers, caused a Bill to be introduced for this pur-
pose, with the hope that Parliament would sanction so great
an improvement of the social condition of Ireland, and agree
to the reform of municipal corporations, so that the might be
conformed to those of England and Scotland. I 'did really
hope that this resolution would have been unanimously passed
through this
—House, and with the consent of the whole of the j

Members. The question then is, whether you will grant
equal rights to Ireland ? If you would have but attended to the

speeches of Mr. O'Connell, you would hare seen what the policy
of the country is. In the whole of those addresses there is but
one feeling evident, and that Ras exhibited in the cry of justice
to Ireland. To this cry there has been no reply. The Irish
people conceive that they have a right to participate in the ad-
yenta 'es enjoyed by Englishmen ; and this, and this alone it
is, which has prompted the cry of repeal. During the whole
of the monster meetings, of which so much complaint has been
made, what was the general feeling among the whole of those
who took the mest active part in those proceedings? Not re-
peal—not assessment—not ecclesiastical jurisdiction—but a long
complaint of the inequality between the two countries. After
some further observations on the policy pursued towards Ire-
lami, the Noble Lord adverted to the measures affecting the agri-
cultural interest, and alter alluding to the tenacity with which
the Ministers had formerly adhered to their opinions, continued__
Hut your course has been altered, slot only with respect to the
letter of the Act of Parliament, but with regard to the lan-
guage held by a Minister of the Crown. Sir, the Ministers
of the Crown have held language which is inconsistent with
the maintenance of their own Act, and have given an assurance
to the aericultural interest that the maintenance of their law
would be like the sliding scale itself, descending fr m 20s. to
Is.—an assurance that it would 'grow small by degrees and
beautifully less."—( A laugh. ) So that, in the present year,
there is far less security for the maintenance of the corn-laws
than in any preceding one. We had a confession from the
Right Hon. Baronet the Secretary of State fur the [lonic De-
partment that the siding scale would, of itself, cause consider-
able evi!s, and that it was necessary to prep it up by a fixed
duty, with regard to some part of the corn that came into this
country, and that as corn from Canada.was generally intro-
duced in the months of May, June, and July, when corn from
foreign countries would not come in, waiting for a eliminution
of duties, it would be necessary to have a Canada Corn Act,
in order to snake the sliding scale bearable by the I cool(' of this
country.—( Hear, hear. ) This was a distinct confession that
the sliding scale was, in itself, insufficient. You were, as I
said, obliged to prop it up with the Canada Corn Act, which
has become a bugbear to all the farmers of this country, and
which, as has been justly said, was not calculated
to do much good, and more than counterbalances any ad-
vantages it may possess by the harm which it does
to the sound principles of free trade. But the Right Hon.
13a,ronet at the head of the Government took away another
argument from the sliding scale; because whereas the advo-
cates for protection relied on this—that the labouring classes
would be linters by the admission of foreign corn, inasmuch•as,
with a reduction in its price, the wages of labour would diminish
in proportion ; but the Right Hon. Baronet said this was not
the ease, and that the low price of corn and bread was an ad-
vantage to the labouring classes. And that which the Right
Hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government stated as his
belief, the Right Hon. Gentleman who sits near him ( Sir J.
Graham) proved by details, viz., that cheap corn not only
gave greater and better wages to the labouring classes, but that
with cheap corn there was less crime and less mortality.
Is not the case of the present Corn Laws greatly weakened by
this admission?—( Hear, hear.) But let us look at the feunda •
thins upon 'ausich sett in-oprtee they should zest. Can anybody
have heard what has been passing for the last ten days. without
feeling the misery of the uncertainty of the law respecting
corn ?—( Hear, hear ) Can anybody who entertains a doubt
as to whether the next fortnight will iitine a good harvest or a
desert:hie deficiency, and not wish that the labouring classes of
this country should be provided with food from every quarter
whence it can be procured?—( Hear, hear.) I maintain that it
is the duty of this House to provide for any contingency. But
what is it you do ? I freely admit that whether there
be a small fixed duty or a complete free trade in
corn, it must always be a matter of deep anxiety whether
or nest the harvest will turn out favourable or unfavourable—
that if there were no' at the present moment complete frets
trade in corn, so long as there exists a doubt es to whether
those will he an abundant or a short harvest, it is impossible
there should not. be very considerable speculation—it is impos-
sible there should not be a rise in the price of wain, foreign
and domestic, to a considerable extent,' aed there .will be
danger to the cerrecey and to the subsistence of the people.
—( Hear.) I admit these things, but these are consequences
for which the Legislature is not responsible. If these was a
fixed duty or a free trade in corn we might be sure of such
supplies as could be obtained from other countries—the fixed
linty would in such ease only diminish the price at which the
merchant abroad would sell the corn. But at all events, ac-
cording to such a sell. me, the plan would be uniform—there
would be no longer any doubt or contingency as to the price at
which foreign corn would he admltted. But, as the matter
stands at present, by the uncertainty of the seasons and the
difficulty of foreign supply, you, by your legislative wisdom,
add another•new and artificial incumbrance to this complicated
question, foee by the variation in price eduriiig- at Feast ten
weeks from Is. to 2Cs. per quarter, you double the amount of
speculation—you double the hazard to which the people of this
country are exposed—you double the difficulty of supplying
them with that article which ranks first among the necessaries
of life. Is it wise to continue such a law—is it wise in those
who advocate the principles of free-trade—is it wise iii a Prime
Minister who beasts that he has dune more than any former
Minister for a long period of years to promote free-trade doc-
trines—is it wise in bins to rest on a law which he must own
to be defective not only in respect to all the principles of po-
litical economy, but with respect to the principles en which
commercial transactions should be governed? We have a Gen-
tleman averring that he did not think the law would be
permanent—a. Gentleman who constantly supports the
present Gmiernment, and especially 'the' eliding -Seale,
but yet avowing publicly that he did not think
the law would last, and that he thought two years would pos-
sibly see the end of it. When people hear this language used
by the supporters of the Government, not by one of those
agriculturists who might, in a moment of irritation, say that
the Ministers would not support the corn-laws, but by one of
their steady supporters—when, I say, such language has been
used by such a person, what can the farmers think but that
the law will be abandoned? Well, then, if it is to be aban-
doned, let us not continue in our present state of miserable
uncertainty.—( Hear, hear.) Let us begin next session early,
and let us begin with the consideration of the cornelaws. The
farmers must feel that if there be a necessity for a large pro-
tection agaiestehe introduction of foreign -Coen, it• is necessary
that that profess' ion should be kept up—eteciall'ifneeeeSary in
dealing vvith•alatir landlords—and that they-sht4annot'fisiil,eist
the end of two years, that this law should' be swept away, and
the whole system connected with it. However such uncer-
tainty may suit the interests of parties, it cannot suit the
farmers.—( Hear, hear.) It is quite impossible that any
one can wish the continuance of a system which entails such
evils upon the country, and that they would prefer the adoption
of the measure proposed by his lion. Friend the Member for
Wolverhampton rather than be kept in such uncertainty—a
feeling that the Corn-laws would be kept up until their aboli-
tion was forced upon the Government. I say, therefore, with
respect to this subject, that while you have done much to make
an approach to free trade, there is still upon-these main articles,
timber, sugar,; and above all, corn, a keeping up.of restriction,
contrary to every sound principle, and which it is impossible,
according to your own theory, that you can adhere to. At
this very moment, with respect to corn, the supply in this
country is unusually small, and I would, therefore, move for
an amount of the qeantity of corn now in bond. I say again
that the quantity in bond is unusually small, and let it not he
forgotten that it is in consequence of our own laws ; and whtm
the Government refer, as they sometimes hove done, with
great satisfaction, to the decline of speculation in the foreign
corn trade, let them remember that want of speculation may
prove a national misfortune, and that corn-laws may in this
way prove injurious, not only to the speculators but to the
country at large. It is some advantage to have a supply got
together in our warehouses, on which the country can rely in
ease of any sudden and unforseen failure of the harvest.-
-( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord then went on to re-
mark upon the various measures which had been proposed
by former Whig Governments, and which the Members of the
present Government opposed, upon principles which they have
advooated and supported ; in particular he alluded to the Bill
introduced by the late Government on the subject of education.
The state of the population in the rural districts, and in many
of the towns, too, was deplorable, in a moral and intellectual
point of view. The Noble Lord adverted to reports which had
been published respecting thedemoralized condition of the popu-
lation, which showed that many beings could not read or write
—had never been at church or chapel, and had never even
heard the name of God or of Jesus Christ mentioned in their
lives. The first lime they heard of any religion was, when
the chaplain of the gaol instructed them. A great clamour
had been raised against the formation of normal schools, arid
against the mode in which the Committee of the Privy Council
appointed to superintend the progress of educations had been ap-
pointed, but the very same principles which the Home Secretary
and the Prime ;Minister then opposed, they now supported,
and the constitution of the present Privy Council Board on
this subject was not different in any important particulars from
that which he (Lord J. Russell) proposed. He thought that
sums should be advanced from the public funds so as to make
charitable endowments really available, and he was really very
glad to see that the Government had this year proposed votes
to carry out this laudable object. Provision should be like-
wise made for the maintenance of schoolmasters, for, at pre-
sent, it was almost impossible to get any competent person to
remain more than ten years in the profession. Marks of
honour and gain should be held out to them, for the trust con-
fided to their care was a most important one—nothing less
than forming the minds of the rising generation. The Right
Hon. Baronet at the head of the Government spoke in the
broalest and most lucid manner of the distinctions between
creeds when speaking of the Irish Academical Education ques-
tion, but the Right Hon Baronet the Secretary of State for
the Home Department drew the most acute and subtle distinc-
tion between the tests in the Presbyterian universities.
Why, it is very difficult for the House—even willing as the
House is—( Hear, hear)—to give its constant concurrence with
measures so inconstant and so variable—( Hear, andliughter)—
and by diminished majorities it has shown some reluctance to
be so forced on.--( Hear, hear.) The House, Sir, has shown
a degree of dislike to being forced to vote one day for one set of
principles, and the next for a set directly opposite.(—Hear,
and laughter.) Is it then too much to ask her Majesty's
Ministers, before the next session, whether it begin in Decem-
ber or in January, to consider in their Cabinet meetings what
their principles are to be ?—(Cheers)—for instance, in re-
speet to the Established Church, to the endowment of the
Roman Catholic Church in Ireland, and to the administration
of Academic Tests.—( Hear.) If they do not, however
permanent and fixed may be their majority in this House,
they cannot expect that the people will go on, in quiet
acquiesence with the acts of their represeetatives.—(Cheers.)
I find that the people of this country, however various may be
the occupations in which they are engaged—whether in large
manufactories, or in labour more domestic—in foreign com-
merce, or in the busy trades of towns, hold each individually a
peculiar set of political opinions, and whether these be different
or not from those of the Ministers, if he sees that those of the
Government are fixed and founded upon principle, he bows to
them. But if he finds them always changing. he cannot
have any other feeling than contempt.—( Hear, hear.) There-
fore it is, at the end of the session I put in my prayer, that we
may have from the Government an avowal of one set of opi-
nions to which we may acquiesce, or from which we may at
once dissent.—( Hear, hear.) Whatever those opinions and
principles might be, it would still be for the Opposition
to say how far they would carry on or relax their opposi-
sit ien.—( Hear, hear.) But if at present any man were asked
—" Are you a supporter of the Government ?" and he should
say " Yes ;" let him be then asked, " But what do you think
of the new colleges in Ireland ?" Most probably he would
answer, " That he liked the principle very well—the Romish
Bishops were a set of bigots, and he saw no necessity for tests."
What, then, will be his answer in the next month, when he
finds these very principles abandoned, and the obnoxious test
adopted ?—(Cheers. ) I think, then, that we might know
what the opini ins of Ministers were, at longer intervals than
from month to month. We ought to know them at least from
session to session.—( Cheers. ) Before I sit down I wish to
refer to circumstances which I believe to he interesting in this
country. We are told that her Majesty is about to leave this
country for some weeks to visit Germany. Now, in former
reigns, there was a custom, fur oil. Sovereigns, having German
possessions, to leave this country for short periods. But in all
those cases a Council of Regency was appointed. In the time
of George I. Lords Justices were appointed. But now we
hear that her Majesty is about to ge to Germany for some
weeks without any such provision for carrying,
.on the functions
of the Crown. Sir, I think this is without precedent—( Hear,
hear)—and hope her Majesty's Ministers do not Intend to de-
part from the constitutional example—( Hear, hear.) I cannot
sit down without making one reference to the state of Ireland.
—( Hear. hear.) There is no doubt that her Majesty, having
visited Setstiand, would wish to visit Ireland also. The people
of all parts of her dominions are loyal and attached.—
( Hear, hear.) But when an address of invitation was presented
to her Majesty by the mayor of Dublin, the answer put into
her Majesty's mouth was studiously ambiguous, implying a
doubt as to the disposition of the people. (Hear, hear.)

! You, remember, Sir, that a eimilar doubt as to the reception
of the Sovereign was raised. when Xing William IY. intendeel
te vi-it the city of London—aud you remember the result.—
( Cheers.) I trust that. it•was not on the same grounds the
visit of the Queen to Ireland has been postponed.—(Cheers. )
I think that her Majesty might rely upon a most cordial recer
lion in Ireland, if her Ministers would govern that country
with a regard to the interests of the people. With these ob.-
! serrations I would conclude, having already trespassed lone
upon the House, but I have so example of a different kind. I
have read a speech delivered in another place, of which the
object was to show that measures had been delayed and
postponed, when the unscrupulous opposition of the party was
the cause of the delay and the postponement. But now
it is impossible to say that Meiners, with a large majority,
have not abandoned and postponed measures to which no fac-
tious opposition was offered.—( Hear, hear,) I do not deny
that many of those measures were such as could not have been
further proceeded with. But I think that the executive part
el* the Government ought to have well considered the measures
which were brought forward by them, and not leave themselves
exposed to the necessity of withdrawing and postponing them
from time to time.—( hear, hear.) No complaint can be
made of the House in this session. There never was shown in
any session so much labeur— .on much attention to public in-
terest, apart from all party and pea sonal influence—as in the
present session. I tray instance the inquiries respecting rail-
ways.—( Cheers.) I must. say that no House ever exceeded
the preeent in its regard to the public interest, as you. Sir,
—(to the Speaker)--must well know.—( Cheers and laughter.)
The Noble Lord concluded by moving, according to his Motion,
for returns relating to the amount of Bils passed, &c., during
the session.
Sir JAMES GRAHAM, who was throughout his speech
painfully indistinct, wrs understood to say that he was not pre-
pared to offer any opposition to the motion. But, however the
Clouse might think that it was not his duty to follow the Noble
Lord, yet, as the Noble Lord had thought it his duty to refer
to domestic matters which were in his (Sir James Graham's)
department, he felt that the House would permit him to offer a
few observations.—( Hear.) The Noble Lord had asked what
course her Majesty's Ministers intended to follow, and had said
that several measures of importance had been abandoned. He
trusted, however, that the abandonment of the Physic and
Surgery Bill was no proof of incempetency—( A laugh)—for
he could appeal to the Honourable Members for Fins-
bury and Lambeth if there was aoy more difficult question to
deal with.—(" Hear, hear," and laughter.) He had consulted
the most eminent persons in each department interested in that
and he had no doubt that if the House would give him
time he would succeed in producing a satisfactory measure.—
( Hear, hear.) The Noble Lord had next adverted to our
foreign pelicy, and had congratulated the House and the
country on the favourable appearance of our relations with
France, as compared with filet which they presented at the
close of lsst session. He agreed with the Noble Lord in that
congratulation ; and with respect to America, he thought there
was no prospect that the relations of amity which were so im-
portant to the interests of both countries would not he main-
tained —( [tear.) The Noble Lord, in paesing from foreign to
domestic relations, adverted to tae administration of Irish
affairs. In doing so the Noble Lord adverted to an ex-
pression of his (Sir James Graham's) which he bad
frequently explained, but he !noted the House would do
hint the justice to admit that the whole of his conduct in
respect to Ireland was in consonance with his explanation.
lVi:h respect to the elective franchise, it was shown that in
cities and towns the elective franchise did exist. In counties,
a great deal of doubt existed as to the legal interpretation of
what constituted a franchise in Ireland They had removed
those doubts, and they had introduced a system which had en-
-I.rged the basis of the franchise in that country. The Noble
Lord next proceeded to refer to the Land'oeds sod Tenants
Commission. The Noble Lord, however, did not blame the
Commission, but he censured the Government for not giving
effect to the report of that Commission. He ( Sir J.
Graham) would beg the House to remember that the evidence
given before that Committee was not presented until after the
commencement of the present session of Parliament, and that it
was most voluminous. It wassachnitted that in Ireland and Eng-
land different customs
,prevailed with regard to the outlay on pro-
perty held by tenants. In Ireland a great hardship existed,
where the tenant was liable to be ejected without possessing
aay claim for compensation. He adhered to the opinion of the
Government that the same security should be given to the
tenants in both countries for compensation for outlay made before
they were ejected from their holdings. The object of the Bill
was to give to the tenant that which would do him ample
justice. The principle of the Bill he adhered to, and he
felt confident a better principle could not be exercised. The
Noble Lord then adverted to the Maynooth Bill, and the
Colleges Bill. He thought, after the discussion which had
been entered into on these questions, he would at least have
not touched on that point. He did not think that references
to political differences would be productive of any benefit.
It was, however, a measure which he did not hesitate
conscientiously to support. The Noble Lord then alluded to
the Appropriation Clause ; he charged the Government with
bringing before the House the question as to how to arrive at
religious equality in Ireland. Whether they should endow the
Roman Catholic clergy in Ireland, or whether they should abolish
the Protestant Establishment. He could not see at any time
anything that would induce him to support the abolition of the
Protestant Establishment in Ireland. It would give a terrible
shock to the possessors of property in Ireland, and would
create something like violence in that country. He at the same
time thought it nreessary.to:state that he had no insuperable
objection to the endowment of:the Roman Catholic clergy in
that country, but he thought that, under the present circum-
stances, that a general endowment of that country would not
be advisable. The Noble Lord then alluded to the system of
national education. Though the Government had not been
very successful in that system, it could not he denied that the
system had done an immensity of service. He was happy to
say, that in the working classes of this country there was
an astonishing progressive decrease of crime.—( Hear; hear.)
But to return to the question of finance, the Noble Lord had
alluded to the continuation of the income-tax, and contended
that it was an increase of the taxes of the country when consi-
dered in conjunwion with the reduction of the duty upon the
raw material of cotton; Now; in justice to the Government, it
ought to be remernberel that .from the necessities of the case,
the time of the Goeernment was occupied from so early a period
as the sth of April in discussing •the policy of continuing the
income-tax ; and, therefore, at this late pet iod of the session it
was rather out of time to introduce that subject. Then, with
regard to the timber duties ; when the present Government'
came into office, they found the duties on timber to be such
that they felt warranted in removing the duties on colonial
timber, and that those on Baltic timber should be greatly re-
duced.—( Hear, hisser, hear.) With respect to sugar,
here again the Noble Lord did not agree with the
measures of the Government ; but still it had been found
that these measures had worked favorably for the
people, for it appeared that the result of the Government
measures was that there bad beets an increase of the consump-
tion of that article to the amount if 40;000 tons, or 20 per
cent.—( Hear, hein)-e-atid that increased consumption had
been owing to the reduction in the price of sugar, which
amounted to about lid. per lb. \Veil, then, in respect to
core, there were at this tnnro.itt 4eo,te e) quarters of corn in
bond ; and in the year 1e39, when the Noble Lord was in
office, let him ask what was the position of the country. At
that time there were only 50 000 quarters of corn in bond, and
only 2,400,0(10/. in bullion in the Bank of England, while at
this moment the amount of bullion in the Bank exceeded
6,000,0e0/. Well, then, that was scarcely any proof of the No-
ble Lord's statement in reference to the sliding-scale.
which he said had been " growing small by degrees, and beau-
tifully less."—( Hear, hear, and a laugh.) Fortunately for the
Government, at present the supply of home-grown corn in
bond had greatly increased, and the average price, during the
time the present Government was in office, varied from 495.
lid. to 54w—( Hear, hear ) On those grounds. then, he did
hope that the apprehensions expressed by the Noble Lord would
not be realised ; and that, at this very late period of the ses-
sion, no change in the existing law would be expected to be
made.—( Hear hear.) Before he sat down, there was

one other topic mentioned by the Noble Lord to which
he would wish to allude—namely, that of the expected
visit of her Majesty to Ireland. An address had
been presented to her Majesty by the Lord Mayor of Dublin,
praying that her Majesty would state when it was likely she
would pay a visit to her loyal subjects ; and it would appear,
from the reception the deputation had met with, that some
doubt was implied as to the reception her Majesty would meet
with at her landing on the Irish shores. But the Noble Lord
must have misconceived the purport of the answer given by
her Majesty to the Dublin Corporation ; for that answer im-
plied a conviction that her Majesv would be received with all
the loyalty and enthusiasm she could wish, whenever she
should please to laud on the shores of Ireland.—( Hear.)
Mr. M. J. O'CONNELL said that, as an Irish Member,
he wished to express his most sincere thanks to the Noble Lord
for the manner in which he had spoken of the affairs of Ire-
land. He did also believe that from what he had already seen
of the disposition of the Government towards his country, that
a friendly disposition had been evinced in regard to it.--( Hear,
hear ) But he would wish to know what steps were intended
to be taken in reference to a most important measure—he
meant the landlord and tenant question.—( Hear, hear.) With
regard to the Church question, ►he Noble Lord had quoted a
very able writer on the subject. This man took one
view of the question, and another clerical writer bf
considerable eminence took. another. lie had no hesi-

tation, however, in s tying that they must either
endow the Catholic Church or the destruction of the
Protestant Church would be the inevitable result. Whatever
course they should adopt must be come to soon, and if i
did not suit her Majesty's Government to grapple with theset
difficulties the most fatal consequences would sooner or later
ensue. With regard to the Landlord :and Tenant Com-
mission he must say that the Bill introduced in the other
House, based on that report, was a mockery. If they were
not prepared to bring forward a measure in conformity with
the report of the Commission, they should not have issued it at
all. They raised hopes. only to blast them. He was sure
that not one of the five Commissioners had been consulted on
this Bill. In all its details it showed its paternity. The
schedules contained eleven separate columns, and there was a
marked similarity between it and other Bills which came from
the same hand, which at once showed its author. The simili-
tude between it and the Registration Bill of the same Noble
Lord was very marked. The same ostensible privileges were
held out on the one side, and the same restrictions and fetters
on those privileges which characterised the Registration Bill
were equally discernible on the other. He (lid not speak of the
Noble Lord in a party spirit, but it must be evident that he was
totally unfit to legislate on these matters. He was glad that
the Commission had recognised the right of the tenant to com-
pensation, but cf what use would this recognition be, when the
Bill which was pretended to be introduced on their recommen-
dations, was fettered with such restrictions. He hoped the
Government would take this Bill as well as the County
Franchise into consideration during the recess, and would in-
troduce measures on these questions of the same liberal cha-
racter as the Maynooth Bill. It they did so, he trusted that
if not at the end of next session, this House would, before very
long, be able to congratulate itself on setting at rest these mat-
ters which. as they stood at present, were a subject of odium to
the Government and a disgrace to the country.
Mr. PLU,II P TRE thought that the Government had dis-
played an a►siduity this session with regard to the measures they
brought forward which entitled them to the greatest credit. He
could not, however, help saying that, with regard to certain
measures, it was very badly exercised. When the Right Hon. Ba-
ronet at the commencement of the session announced his inten-
tion of proposing an additional grant to Maynooth, he expressed
his dissatisfaction at the measure, and throughout its progress
' in that. House he had strongly and systematically opposed it.
And now when, he was sorry to say, it had become an Act of
Parliament, and when, at the clo-e of the session, he had had
an opportunity of observing its effect in Ireland, he felt no less
dissatisfaction, no less opposition to it. And he would ask the
House what had been the fruits of this measure?
Had it proved satisfactory in Ireland? Had it conciliated the
animosities of the Roman Catholic population in that country?
And how had it been carried through this House? Why 152
usual supporters of the Government had, on its second reading,
been found in the minority, while only 150 voted with the
Government. The measure-he regarded as a disgrace to the
statute book ; and though he had not hitherto committed him-
self by giving any notice of a specific motion on the subject, he
now gave notice that at the earliest opportunity next session he
would do what in him lay to remove from the statute book
what he and the entire country with him regarded as a most
obnoxious asd unnecessary measure. .

Mr. MOFFATT said he mutt beg the indulgence of the
House, to who-e customs he was comparatively a stranger,
while he adverted to two topics which had hitherto escaped
notice during the progress of the debate. In the first place,
he wi,hed to make a few observations in reference to the
alterations in the sugar duties. The Right Hon. Baronet
opposite (Sir J. Graham) had said that there was thirty pa;

-
cent. increase in consequence of the reduction of &tacit
but by the oflleial returns it rather appeared, that thir,lo;
thew per cent. had been the actual increase. The dirninti
in the revenue might have been entirely saved by taking a "T_ ,
course—by opening the markets of the world to our prodei;
The course taken on the subject of sugar had been a shusej
sighted one. The distinction between free-grown sugar
slave-grown sugar had been perfectly futile, yet these die'k
the great obstacles to carrying out the policy he recomsneosbe
By the fat e policy they had pursued, they had also lost the
benefit of a reciprocal treaty with Spain, that
have been of the greatest advantage to this country. 1"0,
.vas another point on which he would remark—it was ine,A
ference to Indigo The increase of trade with that country rig
not been at all commensurate with the opportnaities they
..;
had. The high duties on imports, both from India and awe.,
had operated most injuriously against extending our co;
merce in those regions of the globe.—(Hear, hear.) ere!,
could not, therefore, give his assent to the principles on
of
the Government. had conducted the commercial affairs 01 1
country during the past year.—( Hear.) WO'
Air, C. P. VILLIERS thought that what the of
ntieman ( Mr. Plumptre) had stated respecting the e°°,,,t
of Kent was very intere.ting. Ile had stated that the Wile,
crop was blightea, and therefore it was clear they could not t..)
Pend on that, county this year for a supply of food.—(lllisc
lint stiffen that Hon. Gentleman expressed his surprie.ect
the Noble Lord (.1. Russell) should be alarmed at the sevlloss
of the harvest, lie (Mr. Vidiers) thought he tiie
inconsistent. It was a most important question --
?oast import ant that could engage the attentiou
the Govettsment and the House. It. had been shown that?
depended on accident for a supply of food.—( Hear, hear.) the
real question was to put bread, the staple article of food t° the
people, on a proper footing. He wanted, then, to knevt,,,es
single Act of this session that would be of the least effect 11_,'"ti
ha l a had harvest ?—( Hear, hear.) Let there be a selts
supply of the means of subsistence, and where would be abt
use or service of all the measures of the session? He thl'lle
the data of the Hon. Gentleman must be very exclusive 1_.,0
could show how any of the business of the present session AID,
operate In saving the country from the calamity of a bad hor.noe
If the harvest was not a favourable one, what would oat
f the great public works of which they had heard 50 g 34.,
during the present session ? Why were many of them th'etff
tinged last session ? Simply because the means of the COldle„
were not in so prosperous a state as at the present meal
the
Then there was not a great surplus of capital as now, evhelltbet
capital of the country had very much increased. But 11'000
prosperity should cease, thousands would be ruined—Peed
who had engaged in these public works would be ear's ref
ef
great suffering. If that was to happen this year, there d
was a time when it would be more fatal to the interests e. .to
courery.—( Hear, hear.) He said, then, that the experl'oie
of time past showed tl at the House ought not to sop'
without adopting some measure to avert the consegd
t
which, in the event of a deficient harvest, might enPred
( Hear, bear,) They had now the experience of the fa° of
the corn-laws, which oneht to indicate how mischievous it
to continue them. Both abundance and cheapness had ocearere
and had each produced their own evils, augmented as thel°9se
by restrictive imposts. They ought, then, to have better
curity that they would have plenty before they could judEbs
the utility of the law. Hesong, then, this experience °lose
failure of the law, when the measures of the Government ego
in direct opposition to the wants of the people, there °deed
was a time when there was less excuse to continue this eyelet)
than at the present moment. They (the free trade inte..."sp
had declared their faith in wholesome competitionin, every line
they gave every encouragement to rival works. When a gill' ea
of railway had been projected, if the Government encot:_rseto
some rival work--some rival line for the purpose of eh Ito
inn the transit of the people from one part of the coudtss' fool
another, and of giving relief to the community, he Aft
them, then, why they maintained protection and rnon°rbst
and upheld it in every way in their power? They told the 100,
it was necessary to protect the public from undue conspetithey
that the parties might not abuse the power with whiclio jeto
were invested, but that it might be used in the most e °to
way. Look at the state of the country since proteetlieet
first established ; it had been constantly subjected to a Iseptlie
supply, to high prices, and to scarcity ; and the Hon. el, sI
man said that there was a constant increase of neceelete
that it was only reasonable to ask the Ministers, under fief
circumstances, to give the means of satisfying the want. :sof
increasing population. As Parliament was about to se 0511
it was right that the Government should state how the "top
of the people were to be supplied. That question ought O
answered. They told the Government that they could D
cheap food for the people, if the objectionable ites-01
were removed. 'they had ships in all the marks
the world, they had enterprise, they had every 1100.
of obtaining an ample supply.—(Hear, hear.) Call the toe
chants and manufacturers to their bar, and ask them if rill
not so, and they would tell them that they would give 6° 00911
for a cheap and efficient, instead of deficient and deaf, '..;'fr
of food to the people, if they would open their ports for I'l,oo
ception. That was their case. The Government bad,,,ted
pursuing a most dangerous course of late. They were ea;`,,tif
to promote the doctrines of protection,but their conduct I 'woo
had exposed the hollowness and the mere pretensions of 110
tion. They had done everything they could to show the
P ore
that no reliance could be placed on it. They had become
enlightened, and it was now dangerous to tamper or trigs. die,
them. In 1841 and 1842 they heard a great deal about th`st
tress in the country being caused by machinery, by the Ofot,
money, and by the overwork of the people. They were, ilticeti
brought to believe that the distress of that period was prey e 4
by other than the real cause. But now there wasmore rose% fee
than at that period, there was more production. and riltioeo
specs to money it never was so plentiful, and yet six and
press.-
hostile tariffs had been adopted for the purpose of Pre-
the free interchange of commodities. Friend I°l
Mr. M. GIBSON was glad that his Hon.e it?
brought that part of the Noble Lord's speech which n'tf abe,
m, diately related to the corn laws under the attentionbieet
House. The Noble Lord called attention to the radoubt
civil and religious liberty in Ireland; but he venture:ll;i eigbll
whether there was so great an infraction of °'°"inflicte°
,practised upon the people of that country as visli inflicted tho
upon the people of England by those who suss be!t
corn. law monopoly. They were injuring tu of
-
rights; of their fellow-subjects—the right of selling their laheir
in the best market, and the right to get a full reward for i;
tu,,,
industry. Therefore, even as a question of civil libertysi
did contend that the question of the coin-law was not seed° If
any question of civil or religious equality in Ireland. At Pee
sent the corn trade was a mere matter of gambling, and, the
fore, when a bad harvest came, they were obliged kw
send their agents all over the country, scrambling up all
corn they could lay their hands upon and invading stacko_,,
corn which had been provided for the supply of other CO___S
ti ies.—(Hear, hear.) On the other hand, had theyfreedlao
they would have their merchants and capitatists keeping Well
upon hand, and whenever a time of scantily arrived there tve"")
be ample supplies to fall back upon.--( Hear, and ehela
In his opinion there could be nothing more humiliating the.
seeing the larded gentlemen of this country support the ra
law erinciple because it served their own interest, and drgisis
that it was indispensably necessary for the best interests e,ivo
State. —(o.cers. ) It was nothing better than a diret•tot,
Imply. arid it was, in fact, mean, shabby, and
He was neither for a fixed duty nor a sliding scale, andl-free;
hoped that no time would be lost in setting the corn trarg 111 P
Mr. DARIsY said that the Hon. Gentleman who P5O( dit°
spoken would forgive him if he retorted the charge
sa, stl
eeminating false intelligence, for never in his life did be
of the prophecies of the Anti-Corn-law League verified; bio!
Mr. SHEIL agreed with the Hon. Gentleman beidtb' sed
that the corn-laws was a question of the first importaece'f tbg
to Ireland it was particularly so • but at that late hour °
night he should not enter at length into that topic' nese°
Academie Bill for Ireland, he believed, had been Pr°reerlf
'
with the best intentions, but the idea had not been Prlrbeeti
carried out ; and then, with regard to the registry, that ha roof
getting " Small by degrees, and beautifully less ;" and ill nrtbeir
of this he had only to refer the House to Tipperary att';',of id
counties. He svi•lied to see the 40e. freeholds perpet°l-
- and the holders of these entitled to a vote. so tat
Mr. SHERMAN drew the attention of the House,:-„,
petition of Richard and James Keynes, grocers, resirrtbe
Shaftesbury, presented on the 2d of August last, respeet'n'yelte
seizure of tobacco by the Excise, by which they had been tear
jeeted to trouble and expense. The tobacco, it had been etscoe
was not genuine, but these grocers, his (Mr. Sherielan'e)d 00
stituents, were not aware of any adulteration, add bats of
means of detecting it. Two of the most celebrated chelrl'tsseere
the day had declared that it was impossible for them t° a'yet
certain whether there was saccharine matter in tobaceo• wet/
the officers of Customs, after half an hour's inspection, drifiber
on their oaths that it was adulterated. The Hon. 1%1er,, the
concluded by moving for a Select Committee to inquire in
matter. hoJ
Mr. CARDWELL thought the Honourable Gentledia° tO
been unfortunately induced, by zeal for his eonstituentl'or
magnify the case he had laid before the House, and evslePere,
pared to prove that the conduct of the Custom-house d., the
and the proceeding of the Excise, were fully warranted vi lo n.
circumstances of the case. He, therefore, regretted that the der
Member had felt it to be his duty to bring the matteroti.ool,
0.
the attention of the House and to follow it up with a u
Mr. HUME was glad the subject had been brought ft: old
for he thought that the proceedings of both the Ctlat°l"
the Exc:se often inflicted injustice upon the public. liff.
After a few words from Mr. Sheridan, Mr. CardW° ths
Hume, Mr. Hawes, Dr. Bowring, and the Chancellor 0f
Exchequer, the motion was withdrawn.
ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE. , ad'
Sir R. PEEL moved that the House do, at its tisipt''
journ till Friday.— Agreed to.
LONDON AND YORK COMMITTEE• to the
On the motion of Mr. HAWES leave was givenot to'
Committee on the London and York Railway Bill to ';ion ,
morrow (this day), and every day until the Prortigs
Parliament. Ol.
The remaining orders of the day were then disposed of
the House adjourned at Half-past One o'clock.

41111MMEW1M111 -J1=1•111M111••11
Ipso
DEATH FROM EATING MUSFIROOMS.—The Acdi of
Express contains the report of an inquest held on the,l7orosf
111 r. John Carr, bootmaker, of that town, whodied on in
morning last from eating mushrooms. The media' "'eaten
giving evidence, said that " mushrooms should never be Ars
when the underneath part was black, but only when trjoirtgo
of a light colour." The verdict was—" Died from 11°4-
occasiont'd by eating mushrooms."

BIBTI.? b% s'ff •
On the 2d inst., at North Brixton, the lady ofJarne
Woi nns ttai li lel e3yl,sEt-• sill
t.
:,baatrrtiisatsetri-nagts•
, law
31,n0..?
Candaarluegshßter. •
urfieldtiull''
of a daughter. cunt!,
On the tat inst., at Harrin worth Vicarage North "
the lady of the Rev. F. H. M. Blaydes, M.A.,' of 3 son. Dins'
On the 2d inst., at Bloomsbury Rectory, the 11011.
Montagu Villiers, of a son. ..„,fla Gre-
On the 2d inst., in Cambridge-terrace, Mrs. Alge"-
vine, of a daughter. th geir•
On the 2d inst., at Stretton Rectory, the lady of 6
Mark Garfit, ofsun,., Joseph
On the 3d inst., a
ort,--end, Hampstead, 51—yg j°*
Tatham, of a daughter.
On the 3d inst., the lady of W. 31ilman Esq.
burnand,
On the 4th U ' Cl 11l 'll
inst., at pper apton, - r. H.
daughter. bridge'
On the 4th inst., in King William-street, London-
the wife of Hugh P. Fuller, of a son.
of a son.ofs

of the late'l'homas ra(
jcuadunsllteos7
On the 2d inst., at CanlerflivilelllPN;lewi. Church, JosePlIG11811;
, to Emma,
o 1118J°1
ter of
On the 2d inst., at
Li• '1". S. to Frances Elizabeth, ldest dough
, e
C. R. Preston,
Esq.. late of Blackmore
James's Chtt.ll3rehd,fPnitc
eldest daughte

----------
DIED Ws
On the 15th of April on board the ship Lintin, 0,11
'eies.'"ge from Bombay to St. Helens, Charles 11Iellersh, DA"
vvta):titsetti\lla\e,nl.2it:2os(nit,h,R.flitNer‘gi.ait‘n.,enatt Bsi.eir'sir.ll.L.elo., aidedie3uOtenant Woo
On the-Watley
Soamc.;;, 11.E.1.C.S , n Slaw,, 9! j'
C•l3'
Oa2d ' : g'l -L.
the inst., in London,at:al::Gellined:
25th of ,onboard her 31:1:Testy's ship.Lilr.
late of the 47th Regiment. j eG rtrude'
On the Ist inst., at Newport, near BarnstaPle,
second daughter of the late Sir G. 11. Freeling, 8a12„.....-
------4, G. 01
Lor!,-iori: VrintA ttrui Publisbod by WIRD° IrOle,, jl2,
'co.. il',:, Strane, Printer. at. The Sus Office, o,•rtin ty a
:lrgisingglitOth
S.Tand. in the Precinct of the Savoy', in the "'
Middlesex, Wednesday, August 6,1845. ; •

Pr-