The Sun.
London, England, 1828-03-10 00:00:00

donable value. But then, besides the departure of 1
the glory from the Church, of her suns having the
privilege of pelting Dissenting Ministers with addled
eggs, the King may turn Dissenter, as well as his
Ministers. "If there be no objection (he says) to
men taught by Dissenting Ministers to be Admirals,
Generals, Judges, Lord Chancellors; and if there be
no objection to a Dissenter being a King; if this be
the case, and this the law will declare to be the case,
as soon as this Act is passed, by what species of
insolence to be newly invented, arc the Dissenting
Ministers to be told, that they are to be shut obit
from those great schools and colleges, destined to
the preparing of men, for all the trusts and offices of
the state I If the law will make it perfectly proper
and decorous for the Speaker of the House of Com-
mons to take the Members to the meeting-house .in
Tothill-fields, instead of taking. them to Saint Mar-
garet's Church, and this the law will do, as soon as
it is passed, what unblushing impudence must it be
to enable a man to pretend, that a teacher, to whom
the grown up ' collective wisdom' went to listen,
would be an unfit teacher for them in the days of
their youth !"—Let the Church reflect on these
things while it is yet time. We must, however, do
the Church justice in one respect, in which Mr.
Cobbett has hardly been just to it. " The Dis-
senters," he says, " have always been more cunning
than the Church. They have relied upon their in-
dustry, their frugality, their attention to their affairs;
and their priests or teachers amongst them have far
surpassed the members Of the Church in literary
productions." The. Clergy of the Establishment
possess unquestionably much more learning and lite-
rary tk►lent than the Dissenting Clergy, though the
latter may possess more popular talent. The num-
ber of eminent literary men in the Church may not
be very great; but the number is unquestionably
much smaller in proportion among the Dissenters.—
.Worning Chronicle.

We have always considered the great body of
publicans to be in many respects a very injured and
oppressed race of people ; and whenever they had
the courage to take the bull by the horns in resist-
big their real grievances (in the foremost rank of
which we place the arbitrary powers of the Magis-
trates and the great Brewers' monopoly), they
and shall have, our warmest support. But at the
Meeting of a small part of their number, on Friday
last, at the London Tavern, these objects appear not
only to be wholly lost sight of, but the beauties of
the licensing system are lauded to the skies; and
the whole object seems to have been of securing to
a small part of their own body—the tavern-keepers
—a monopoly in the retail sale of wine, by which the
public are made to pay from 25 to 50 per cent. more
for the article than would be its fair and reasonable
price; it being quite notorious that at many of
these places the very same descriptions of wine
are retailed at from six shillings to ten shillings a
bottle, which can be obtained elsewhere at from three
shillings to five shillings. As for public-houses in
general being places where much wine has been or
can be consumed, the owners of them themselves put
that entirely out of the question, by so constructing
their interior accommodation as to put the social
glass, or the means of enjoying it, out of the reach
of any one inclined to do so. On the whole, there-
fore, we cannot ourselves countenance—nor do we
believe that the Legislature will lend itself to main-
tain—a project which goes to narrow and pro Mote
an already mischievous monopoly. On the con-
trary, both the morals and comfort of the people,
as well as the interests of the Revenue, are deeply
concerned in affording every reasonable facility and
accommodation.to those who are inclined to enjoy a
wholesome beverage in some more seemly and con-
venient place than the crowd and blackguardism of
a gin-shop.—Merning Herald.
• The Emigration scheme was again brought for-
ward the other night. The essence of it is this :
Parishes arc to borrow money, and, in order to se-
cure the payment of the interest, the security of the
poor-rates is to be given, and the money so borrowed
is to be spent in sending the over-population out of
the country. Now we would ask Mr. Wilmot Hor-
ton whether the borrowing principle he proposes is
not precisely Mr. Pitt's principle—that of borrowing
from the rich, and taxing the whole of the people
to pay interest, instead of taking the money from
the rich at once, as a levy ? If it be beneficial for
a nation to do any thing, let it give its money, and
not lend it. The principle of lending money, on the
part of a nation, for the benefit of the nation, is a
dastardly. ,principle. We hope the Houses of Par-
liament will oppose this Bill of Mr. Wilmot Horton's
in every stage, should lie venture to bring it for-
ward. It would give us much pleasure if, the first
night that he attempts to foist such a thing on the
nation, that the House were to cough it dOwn. We
have had quite enough of the borrowing system. Mr.
Wilmot Horton can surely never have looked at the
strings, of figures composing the National Debt ac-
counts I—and yet he would give every parish in the
.country a parochial debt. If it would be expedient
to get rid of the poor from the parishes, let the.
expence neeessary for that purpose be levied on the
parishes at once ; and if afterwards there were any
return-of money made to the parishes, the accounts
of the latter might easily be given credit for such
moneys, and less poor rates afterwards be levied.—
The borroWing system has already brotight on this
country a taxation of thirty millions a-year. We
need not increase such taxation by a parochial taxa-
tion for a parochial debt. But why should not the
Government make a present to - the people of the
Canadian or other foreign hinds ? There are abun-
dance of people of small properties who would be
glad to receive such lands as a gift, and would go
and settle upon them with their families, and who
would at the same time, take out a proportionate
number of the poor to assist them in the cultivation
of such lands. This principle of gift would be much
better than that of enabling every parish in the coun-
try to get into debt. We wish Mr. Hume would
bring in a Bill to enable the Government to make
presents, to whomsoever applied,, of the Canadian
and other British colonial lands. The Government
would soon have applicants enough, and the people
would flock to such lands at their own expense.—
What difference would there be to' the nation be-
tween giving such lands, or Conveying- the poor from
the country at the expense of;probably, 401. or .50/.
a family ?—lbid.

It wonld tend very much to simplify important
operations connected with the foreign policy of
States, if, when they are agreed upon the necessity
or expediency of accomplishing a particular measure,
the execution of it were entrusted to one Power, in-
stead of its being left to assume. the character of
a combined act. The selection, in such a case,
would obviously be influenced sometimes by local
considerations, and, at others, by the peculiar re-
sources of a particular country. Look, for example,
at the present situation of the Turkish question.
War is virtually declared; but it cannot be practi-
begun, till there has been an. interchange of
diplomatic communications between London, Paris,
St. Petersburgh, and Vienna. The time thus con-
sumed would suffice to settle the whole affair.
forms, and ceremonies, and precedents, are but the
fringes of State measures ; very becoming, perhaps,
when there is leisure to adjust them, but
very ridiculous when the main business stands
still while they are being prepared. There is
'a combined fleet in the Mediterranean, and there is
a Russian army on the Pruth. Before these war-
►ike elements were concentrated, would it not have
been wise to determine the precise case which should
call them into action, and to provide for their im-
mediate employment, the moment that case oc-
curred ? Promptitude and decision make quick
work of difficulties; or, rather, difficulties are born
of delay. We suspect there is at least one States-
man in Europe who understands this truth, and who
is now viewing, with supreme self-complacency, the
.practical illustration of it, in the work of his own hands.
When the right to do a thing is deliberately asserted,
the sooner that right is enforced the better. The
three Allied Powers, nine months ago, solemnly,
and certainly not hastily, affirmed their right to esta-
blish the pacification of Greece. Hare they ssta-