The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-24 00:00:00

ItIDAY EVENING-, JANUARY 24, 13454

ment, namely, a royal decree appointing a Com-
mission, under the Finance Minister, to prepare a
Bill for indemnifying the proprietors of lay tithes
for losses sustained by acts of the Cortes. It con-
tains, also, a circular addressed by the Minister of the
Interior to the political chiefs of towns, directing them
to adopt measures for carrying into effect the new
measures relative to municipal corporations. In the
Chamber of Deputies the Clergy Endowment Bill was
still under discussion, and from all accounts would be
carried without any material amendment. At the
conclusion of the sitting a royal ordinance was read,
appointing General CONCRA military governor of
Catalonia, in place of the Baron DE MEER.
The Three per Cents. closed at 321 for cash, and
32i at 60 days ; the Five per Cents. at 23i for cash,
and 234,1 at 60 days ; and the Debt without Interest
at 7 for cash and at 60 days.

of Deputies on Tuesday, which did not conclude until a
quarter to seven o'clock—one of M. de Peyramont, of
unmeasured length ; the second, of M. Thiers ; and the
third, of the Minister of Foreign Affairs. Neither M.
Thiers nor M. Guizot had intended to speak on that occa-
sion, but having been attacked by M. de Peyramont with
the same vehemence as if he had been a culprit before the
Court of Assize, M. Thiers was compelled to ask leave to
speak. The impression produced by his speech, except the
part relative to the alliances, which appeared confused,
feeble, and embarrassed, was such, that although it was
near six o'clock, the Minister for Foreign Affairs would
not suffer the sitting to conclude without replying to the
attacks against his policy. It is impossible to place great
talent at the service of a less worthy cause. M. Guizot
has seldom spoken better, and, nevertheless, it must be
admitted that he did not succeed in destoying the effect
produced by M. Thiers' speech. The Chamber re-
mained cold, and separated under the sad and profound
impression that, with more firmness, it would have been
easy to have obtained the expulson of Abd-el-Kader
from Morocco—he who has been neither expelled nor
confined to the interior of the country—as well as the
formal disapprobation of the culpable conduct of the
missionary Pritchard, and the revision of the treaties of
1831 and 1833. It was only to have wished, in order to
have obtained those advantages."
On the following day more confidence in the stabi-
lity of the Ministry was evident on the Bourse, and
the Funds improved. The Three per Cents. closed at
85f. 20c., and the New Loan at 86f. 35c.

The Paris papers are almost entirely occupied with
the speeches of M. TIIIEAS and M. GUIZOT on the
address, and though there was much talk on both
sides, especially on the part of M. TIIIISE,S, no new
fact, idea, or principle was produced which could
make an impression on the public mind. The ex-
Minister spoke in his usual vivid and striking manner ;
be had prepared his case well, arranged facts, and
drawn up accusations, but the sum and substance of
the speech have been blazoned forth already in all
the Opposition papers, and so repeatedly that even
the most eloquent orator could produce little effect
when he had no topics but the right of search, the
Morocco war, and the "eternal PiurcnAßD," as he
is denominated by the National. TRIERS was con-
fined, or rather chose to confine himself, to
these, and carefully kept all the horrors
inflicted on Spain entirely out of view, chiefly
because he could not charge GUIZOT in this part of

•
THE BOURSE--WEDNEsDAY, JAN. 22.
First Highest Lowest Last
Price. Price. Price. Price.
French Five per Cents .. 121 90 .. 122 .. 121 90 .. 122
Three per Cents •• 85 10 .. 85 10 .. 85 .. 85 10
New Loan •• •• 86 40 .• 86 45 .. 86 40 .. 86 45
Bank of France • • ..3262 50 .. 3265 3262 50 .. 3265
Goulnßank, I,ooof. Shares —1095 ..1095 ..1095 ..1095
Belgian Bank..• ••. . • ••• . • 635 .. 635 .. 635 .. 635
Belgian Fives, 1840 .• • • .... 10434 .• 10414 .. 104 34 • • 10414
1842 •• •••••• 106% .. 106% .. 106% .• 106%
Spanish Threes .. • • ... .
Active .......
Passive .. 6% .. 7 .. 6% .. 7
New Deferred • ... 16% .. 16% .. 16% 16%
Portuguese Five per Cents • • 59% .. 591. •• 5934 .. •59,E
Neapolitan • • ...... ••• • . .. 98 80 .. 98 80 .. 98 80 .. 96
180
Rowan •• • ......•........ 105% .. 105% .. 105 IA .. 105

RAILWAY SHARES.
Versailles,R.B... ..... 49 75497 50 .. 497 50
L.B.•••••••••••• 388 1 25 .. 388 1 25 .. 381 25 .. 381 25
R0uen............1060 . 1060 ..1057 50 ..1057 50
Rouen to Havre. • • • • • • . • 825 .. 830 .. 825 .. 830
Orleans •
Strasburg to Bale•• •••••• .. 305 .. 308 75 .. 303 75 . 307 50
Avignon to Marsailles.• ••.. 927 50 . 930 .. 926 25 .. 930
RAILWAYS FOR THE ACCOUNT, FEB. 3.
............497• •• ...... 497 50 .. 500 .. 497 50 .. 500
L.B.•••• ••...... 380 .. 385 .. 380 .. 385
Rouen •••••••••••••• ......1062 50 ..1062 50 ..1058 75 ..1058 75
Rouen to Havre.• 823 75 .. 832 50 .. 823 75 .. 832 50
Orleans ••
Strasburg to Bale• ••••.... 305 .. 310 .. 305 ..:307 50
Avignon to Marseilles...—. 930 .. 931 25 .. 928 75 ..931 25

his foreign policy with having yielded to England.
The liberty of Spain was cast to the winds when party
interest came in the way. The only portion of THIERS'
speech that had the semblance of novelty related to
the position of France in respect to alliances with
other States, and he frankly admitted that under pre-
sent circumstances France was not only isolated, but
that she could not be otherwise, that she could form
no alliance with Russia, Austria, or Prussia, and that
compared with either of these England was preferable.
These are his words :—" Much at present is said of
continental alliances—you know my opinion on the
subject. Permit me to tell you that there is something
chimerical in alliances on the continent. Frankly, is

there any one possible for us at the present moment ?
It is for this reason that I am a partisan of peace—
but not of peace at all price. Time will undoubtedly
change the condition and the feeling of certain powers ;
but at present there is not a single one of these alli-
ances which is possible. The longer war shall be kept
distant from us, the greater chance there is to find al-
liances on the continent of Europe. In all alliances
some sacrifices must be made. Thus, the first condi-
tion of an alliance with Russia would be the sacrifice
of our interest in the East. An alliance with Austria
would sanction for ever her rule over Italy; and That
with Prussia, the most probable of all hereafter, would
be to confine us for ever in the limits fixed by the
treaties of 1815 ; so that it is my conviction that
the solution of the great European questions—that of
the East, for instance, and the interest of our revolu-
tion—require an alliance with England ; and I may
add that the analogy of the two Governments will
prevent England from again forming a coalition
against us, as she did forty years back. The interest

of our African possessions also requires the Eng-
lish alliance ; for a war with England, without pro-
ducing the loss of that colony—far from it—would
considerable impede our intercourse with it. From
this, I come to the conclusion that we ought not to
fling ourselves without conditions into the English
alliance ; but that still it merits being maturely and
seriously meditated on and weighed. How, then,
since lam in favour of this alliance, have I differed
from the present Cabinet ? in the manner of con-
ducting it—which is a most grave and important con-
sideration. The situation has become singularly
modified of late years, and in the following manner
—When you find in a country a party disposed to act
efficiently with you, as was the case with the Whig
party, then you may form an alliance with that coun-
try ; but when, in place of the Whigs, a Tory party
is found in England, that is, a party holding itself
on a certain reserve, and not wishing to act freely
with France, then I say that you ought not to
pledge yourself to that party, as you are now doing.'
Now nothing can show more the miserable shifts to
which TuiEas is driven to make out a case than the
latter part of the quotation alluding to the Whigs.
He would make an alliance with the Whigs, because
they are disposed to act efficiently with France, yet
the very orator himself was driven from office, be-
cause, if we are to believe his words, the Whigs
deceived him. The Whigs would not act efficiently
with France ; and had he not been thrown aside by
his SOVEREIGN he and his friends, the Whigs,
would have contrived in a month to bring
on a bloody war. The reply of M. Guizor was
a matter-of-fact speech, rebutting with precision and
effect the charge brought against him by his oppo-
nent, and towards the close, where alone he made
any attempt at eloquence, he produced far greater
effect on the Chamber than the attacking party. It
related to a delicate subject too—respect for England;
but he brought it forward boldly and carried the
Chamber with him. He thus describes the litriu's
visit to England :

" France has often been at peace with England, but
behind their outward show of friendship there always
subsisted a jealous and hostile spirit of rivalry. The
prosperity, progress, and activity of one of the Govern-
ments was a source of annoyance to the other. But
this is no longer the case;
for both, acting in the pleni-
tude of their liberty, in place of being opposed as
formerly, are able to aid each other. Such was the pre-
sent opinion of the two Governments. There are then,
I say, two Governments in Europe who consider it their
duty to act towards each other in a particular way, and
act so ; they continually testify a mutual confidence in
each other's intentions and acts, and the care of their
gravest interests end neither in a rupture nor a coolness.
—(Hear, hear.) The result then of all that I have just
alluded to has been this : The King of the French went
to England. —( Murmurs on the Left.) This result is
not a conjectured one, but palpable and undoubted. It
has been said that we have hurried on matters to admit
of this visit. We precipitated nothing ; all was
resolved maturely and independently ; and when
nothing more existed to embarrass the two
Governments, the King went to London. The
propriety of this journey has certainly not been
contested by any person, and its political utility
cannot be impugned either. Although the personal inter.
course between Sovereigns is not at present so impor-
tant as at other periods and under other forms of go-
vernment, yet certainly they have a certain influence on
the good accord of states and on the easy arrangement
of affairs. You know the result of this visit, you have
beheld the manifestations of the sentiments of the Queen
of England, of her husbrnd, of those of the whole coun-
try, towards the King and dynasty of July, towards
France herself, towards our policy of peace and libe-
ral Conservatism. Every one beheld this—Europe
witnessed it—and do you suppose that the spec-
tacle is without fruit ? that France was weakened
or humiliated by these incidents ? Ask where you
please in Europe, and I will, beforehand, agree to
accept the answer.—(Loud approbation.) But what
Europe witnessed and comprehended, France her-
self also understood. I saw the King's return to France
—I saw how he was everywhere welcomed—l. saw a just
pride displayed at the consideration with which he was
greeted in England, and a just satisfaction at the re-
moval of all difficulties between the two States.—(A
fresh burst of approbation.) I shall only add one word
more on the question which has been alluded to so re-
peatedly in the course of our discussion—l mean the
Right of Search. I do not wish to give my words an
extension beyond what facts will bear out. Ido not say
that this question is already settled, for the conviction of
England was that it was the only means of putting
down the slave trade, and you all know with
what honourable perseverance that question was
prosecuted in England. It was then necessary
to prove to England that other means, might
be devised to effect the desired object. This was an
immense step, and that step had been made by the nomi-
nation of the mixed Commission. Believe me, this Com-
mission is not appointed to elude the question—the names
of the persons appointed to compose it, taken as they are
from the most considerable of the two countries—will be
a proof of the contrary. Gentlemen, such is the position
of affairs at present, and there is a vast distance from
this lofty region to mere party struggles.. In which of
the two will the Chamber place itself ? Will it side with
mere party squabbles, or will it take. into account great
public interests ? Such is the question which the dis-
cussion will resolve. I have placed it before you in all
its truth. Tho Chamber must decide.—(Approbation.)"
With the exception of the Journal des Debuts and
the Globe, not one paper does justice to the Minister's
Speech. They want a change, they call for variety,
and care not who comes in, if GUIZOT only goes out.
Even the Conservative Presse, though it cannot deny
great merit to the reply of the Foreign Minister, con-
demns his policy. That journal thus sums up the
debate :
"Three speeches occupied the sitting of the Chamber