The Sun.
London, England, 1845-02-25 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 25 1845.

The business transacted in Brandy has been ex-
tremely limited, although upon further reduced terms :
Cognac, best brands of the vintage of 1838, hhds ss, puns
4s 10d ; 1839, hlias 4s 9d, puns 4s 7d ; 1840, hlids 45 9(1,
puns 4s 7d ; IS4I, hhds 4s Bd, puns 4s 6d ; 1842, hhds4s sd, puns 4s 3d ; 1843, hhds 4s 3d, puns 4s ld, common
2s 7d to 2s 10d, mid to good mid 2s lid to 3s 9d, and Bour-
deaux 2s 6d to 2s 8d per gallon. Geneva has been taken
sparingly at is 9d, home consumption sort at 2s 4d to 3s. The
market firm for English Corn Spirits at lOs 2d per gallon,
cash, and the demand good.
RICE. —This afternoon Bengal Rice sold privately at for-
mer terms, 352 bags at auction were disposed of at the full
worth, good middling white fetched lls, middling lOs 6d to
Ils ; sea damaged, first class 10s 6d, and second class lOs
per cwt.
WooL.—The market has a firm appearance for all descrip-
tions, and at previous advanced rates there has been a good
business transacted.
COCHINEAL.—This afternoon Cochineel met with little
attention ; 92 bags of Honduras at pubblic sale were only
partly sold at rather lower rates, and went at 4s 9d to 5s for
mid to good sivers ; 6 bags of Vera Cruz fetched 4s 8d to
4s 9d per lb for low black.
OILS.—The market has been much better supplied with
Southern Oil, and a declim in prices of 30s to 40s took place.
Of 300 tuns offered at auction not above half found pur-
chasers; fine quality at 281 to 301, middling to good 261 15s
to 271 15s, and low 251 to 26/ per tun. Seal is
dull of sale, and prices are still going down ; 311 to 31/ lOs
having been accepted privately fur pale of first quality : 12
tuns at auction went at 251 5s for brown, and at 29/ 5s for
common pale. An improved demand for Cod at 291 to 29 5s
per tun. Holders of Sperm still manifest firmness ; there
has been a good business transacted privately at
831 to 85/ for British, and at 801 to 821 per tun
for American. Cocoa Nut is not so much wanted, and
prices are easier; 16 tons of inferior at auction produced
24/ 15s to 25/ per tun. In Palm many transactions
have taken place at firm rates, good and fine at
25s to 26s 6d, and low to middling 22s to 24s 6d per cwt.
The late advance is fully sustained for Rape Oil, pale fetch-

ing 37s to 37s 6d, and brown 36s to 36; 6d. Linseed Oil
is still attracting attention, prices rule firm at 25s on the spot,
and at 25s 3d, to 26s per cwt for delivery; although the
crushers are working freely, still there is only a small quan-
tity of Oil offering for sale. Of Olive Oil many parcels have
been sold, and merchants manifest firmness; Gallipoli has
been fetching 431 to 44/, Spanish 421 to 42/ 10s, and Barbary
and Sicily 41/ to 41/ lOs per tun.
TALLOW.—Prices are on the decline for Russian Tallow,
still there has been a good demand on the spot. P Y Candle
of first quality 39s to 39s 6d, and other sorts at 37s to 38s 6d.
for delivery in the last three months of the year 39s 3d to
39s 6d per cwt for first quality. Town Tallow is selling at
39s to 40s per cwt nett cash. For other kind of Tallow prices
are still going down ; at auction 426 pkgs of South American
went at 32s 6d to 38s; 108 casks of North American 35s 9d
to 39s 3d, and 44s casks ; of New South Wales 38s to 40s
per cwt.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT
(THIS EVENING)

HOUSE OF LORDS.

The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the Woolsack
shortly after Five o'clock.
Mr. O'Mera, the Clerk of the Crown in Ireland, presented
papers.

. .
BAIL IN ERROR BILL.
Lord BROUGHAM gave notice that, on Friday next, he
should move the second reading of the Bail in Error Bill.

DIVORCE.

The NOBLE and LEARNED Loan also gave notice of his
intention, on Thursday week, to introduce a Bill upon the im-
portant subject of the transfer of the jurisdiction in divorces to
another tribunal.

Earl FITZ WILLIAM presented several petitions from va-
rious parts of Wales, Westmoreland, and York, in favour of
Temperance.
Lord BEA UMONT gave notice of his intention, on Thurs-
day next, to put a question to her Majesty's Government
relative to the proceedings which had taken place with respect
to Corfu and Calabria.

garden and his poultry-yard. He eschews notoriety
—ho seeks retirement—how comes it then that
Mr. Hollylodge is made high sheriff of the county ?
Mr. Hollylodge has a:wife (Mrs. Glover), bustling, ambitious,
purse-proud, to whom her neighbour, Lady Winkleworth
(Mrs. %V. Clifford), a high-bred aristocrat, is even as Mrs.
Grundy was to Dame Ashfield, and Mrs. Hollylodge has a
brother, Smirker (Mr. Strickland), a shrewd country
attorney, who has an itching palm for the teen which fall to
the lot of deputy-sheriff. "What would Lady Winkleworth
say if I were the lady of the sheriff of the county ?" quoth
Mrs. Hollylodge. " What sums could I not realise if I were
deputy.sherifl;" calculates Mr. Smirker, and accordingly
Smirker goes to London, and by intriguing with the subor-
dinates in office, manages to get his brother-in-law nomi-
nated sheriff of the county. Poor Mr. Hollylodge stands in
the last category of Falstaff's men of honour, and equally to
his surpriso and his annoyance, hears of the honour which
has been thrust upon him. At first, he is inclined to pay the
fine, but as Smirker kindly undertakes to perform all the
duties of the office, in fact, to be the factotum, Hollylodge,
much to the delight of the ladies, consents to serve. The
whole house is in a bustle; Nonpareil (Mr. Webster), who
has been footman to three Lord Mayors, is brought down
from town to drill the servants, Andrew (Sir. 11. Widdicombe)
a plain clodpole, and Pansy (Mr. Buckstone), a gardener,
much addicted to the study of the History of England, and
who is particularly anxious to know whether Jane Shore
would be a proper person to undertake the office of governess
in a respectable family. Banners are painted; new carriages
are built; splendid liverieries are ordered, one of which is
donned by the high sheriff himself, as his official
costume, much to the amazement of Lady Winkle-
worth and the confusion of Mrs. Hollylodge. Par-
ties are given, and the high sheriff is completely put
out of his way, and is in the high road to misery in conse-
quenee, when, fortunately, the intrigue of Smirker is dis-
covered. Smirker himself is struck off the rolls. Hollylodge
is superseded, much to his own comfort ; and the husband of
Lady Winkleworth is appointed in his stead, much to the
discomfort of Mrs. Hollylodge. These are excellent ma-
terials for the production of fun, and Peake has
worked them up with the hand of a master.
Puns, some excellently good, some ludicrously bad, but none
indifferent, are bandied about in all directions. Hits at the
prevailing follies of the day—all of which tell--occasional
flashes of genuine wit, and frequent bursts of the most hearty
and unctuous humour, abound in this very amusing piece,
in the composition of which Mr. Peake seems to have con-
sulted the taste of all classes, for there is a sentimental un-
derplot, in which a young soldier is sentenced to death for
having struck his superior officer, who had been offering an
insult to his (the soldier's) sister. The soldier and the sister
turn out to be the nephew and niece of the high sheriff, and
of course the soldier is pardoned. The piece was evidently
written for the Haymarket company. Peake has taken the
measure of each member of it concerned in the production of
the comedy, and has exactly fitted every individual. The
, comedy, therefore, goes admirably. The mise en scene is per-
fect, and at the conclusion it was announced for repetition
every evening amidst the loud applause of a crowded house.

Mate—H. Bainbridge (1836), of the Caledonia, to the rank
of Lieutenant.

APPOINTMENTS.

Captains—J. M'Dougall (b. 1836), to the Vulture ; Sir
Watkin Omen Pell, to the Royal Hospital, Greenwich, vice
Huskisson, deceased ; Gordon Thomas Falcon (1813), to be
Superintendent of Pembroke dockyard, vice W. O. Pell.
Commander—R. Barton (1833) to the Vangu►rd ; G. 11.
B. Proctor (acting) to the Dwarf, vice Chamberlain, pro,
moted.

Lieutenants—F. W. Sidney, to the Cyclops ; R. Tattnall,
from the Vanguard to the Rodney, vice Lambert, to the
Vanguard; J. G. Robinson, to the Firebrand; W. Armitage,
to the Comus ; J. Carrol, to the Styx; W. J. Saunders to the
Vulture ; A. Kortright, to the illustrious, for Surveying
Service.

Masters—J. Cater, to the Vulture ; G. L. Bradley, to the
Fox ; R. 0. White (second) to the Rodney.
Surgeons—G. W. Pritchett to the Vulture ; J. Sloan to the
Tory convict-ship; C. A. Browning to the Theresa convict-
ship; A. Kilroy to the China convict-ship ; W. Bruce to
Deptford dockyard; W. Loney, M.D., Additional Assi3tant
to the Penelope; J. Gray (Acting Assistant) to the Pandora.
Mate—J. C. Clark to the Rattler.
Midshipman—J. A. Phillips to the Flying Fish.
COAST GUA

Removals—Lieutenant A. Cooper, from Cromer to Fishers-
;ate, vice Elie, removed ; Lieutenant M. Liddon. R.N.,from
iouthampton Water to Cockbush, vice Vincent. dead.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.
HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 24.
LAW OF DEODAND.
Lord CAMPBELL, in pursuance of a notice he had given
on a former occasion, laid a Bill on the table for abolishing
deodands. The Noble and Learned Lord characterised it as
a foolish and absurd law, and expressed his surprise that it
should have been allowed to exist from time immemorial to
the nineteenth century. He would briefly state what the law
was which he wished to abolish. By the old common law of
England, which was still in force, it was provided that all per-
sonal chattels which should tend to the death of a human being
should be forfeited to the Crown, no matter whether the owner
of the chattel was concerned in the affair or not, because in
that case it would become murder or manslaughter, and the law
of deodand would not apply. Now, he thought it extremely
absurd that if a man took Lis sword and slew another, that
his sword should be forfeited to the Crown. He could give
various instances illustrating the absurdity of the law, but he
thought one or two would be quite sufficient. If an ox gored
a man, the ox was not forfeited; but if a man fell from the
horse of another, and was killed, the horse became a deodand.
The law of deodand, however, did not apply if the chattel were
not in motion at the time the accident occurred ; thus, if a man
climbing up a waggon fell from the waggon, the waggon was
not forfeited ; but if the waggon is in motion, the ease became
different. As the law LOW stood, if a person on the top of a
coach being intoxicated, fell asleep, tumbled from the top of
the coach and was killed, the coach and everything in the coach,
including the luggage of the passengers, would be forfeited.
The law made some very absurd distinctions ; thus, if a man
fell from a ship into salt water, there was no deodand ; but if a
man fell from a ship into fresh water, thea the ship and cargo
became forfeited to the Crown. The ancient law provided
that the chattels should be sold, and the proceeds applied to the
performances of mass for the salvation of the soul of the de-
ceased. Now, he felt that this ought not any longer to be the
case. It placed the coroner in a peculiar position, and imposed
upon him the duty of inflicting a punishment—for he was, in
fact, the instrument of the jury—when, in fact, he was only
engaged in making an inquiry. He thought that the imposi-
tion of a deodand was, at least, contrary to the spirit of the
law. The power, his Noble Friend said, was definite and in-
dependent ; but he (Lord Campbell) doubted whether the
imposition of a deodand might not be revised by the Court of
Queen's Bench; and of the whole of the law of deodands he
would not hesitate to say that they were a clog on the adminis-
tration of justice, and that, too, in cases where the application
of the principle of recompence was sometimes the most ap-
parent. He (Lord Campbell) had on this subject consulted a
most intelligent coroner—he meant Mr. Wakley—on this
point, and he quite assented to the view he had taken. In
many cases no cause of action could lie. In others
the principle fell with peculiar force on the proprietors
and directors of railways. The law in France, and most
other continental countries, and, he believed, also in Scotland,
avoided this abuse. In Scotland, however, the law was any-
thing but correct. In that country, if a man was thrown
from a coach and was killed, no deodand could be imposed.
because there was no one who could claim a pecuniary right in
his services. While in another case, if a boy was thrown
from a coach and injured, his father could claim recompence,
though he believed that a case had occurred the other day in
which a boy had been injured, and then a deodand was im-
posed. —( Hear, hear.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR said that he believed the
case to which his Noble Friend had referred, in which death
had ensued, the individual who suffered was the man's wife and
not his son.
Lord CAMPBELL said, the correction of his Noble
Friend was immaterial. All he was anxious to show was, that
no cause of action would lie in many cases in which a deodand
was imposed. This was evidently an absurdity which ought
to be amended, and he therefore hoped that no opposition
would be offered to the introduction of the Bill which he was
desirous of laying on the table of the House, and which he
should beg to move might be read a first time that night. He
believed his Noble Friend (Lord Littleton) had a measure of
something similar character to lay before the House.
What were the precise provisions of that Bill he was not
aware, though he believed they were in many respects
similar to those of his own Bill. He was, however, ready to
meet any proposition of his Noble Friend, either to amalgamate
the two Bills, to introduce such clauses of his own as might be
necessary to render the Bill of his Noble Friend complete, ri
in or
he would take the contrary course, and introduce such provi-
sions as the Bill of his Hon. Friend contained, but which his
own Bill was deficient. Or he would, as a third course, be
willing to introduce the two Bills 'sari pasee, and leave the
House te deal with the clauses as they might deem best.
The LORD CHANCELLOR did not wish to oppose
the proposition of his Noble Friend (Lord Campbell). The
system of deodand presented many instances of absurdity, and
he thought that opportunity for them ought to be abolished.
There were, however. some points which he wished to bring
under the consideration of his Noble Friend. His Noble
Friend was aware that deodands were considered to farm a por-
tion of the extraordinary revenues of the Crown, and that pre-
vious to the introduction of any measure for abolishing the im-
position of deodands, he thought that it would be necessary to
obtain the consent of the Crown before the passing of the
measure. He thought it would be better to obtain this con-
sent before the introduction of the measure rather than
apply for that consent when the Bill was in its last step. There
was also another point which hewished to brinz under the con-
sideration of his Noble Friend, and that was—that as this was a
Bill which referred to money, whether it was competent for the
House of Lords to entertain the question of the abolition of
deodands. He repeated, that he did not wish to oppose the in-
troduction of the measure of his Noble Friend, but merely to
draw his attention to the points which he had submitted.
Lord CAMPBELL said that so fully aware washe that the
consent of the Crown was necessary to the measure he had to
introduce, that he had sent notice of his intention to bring in
his Bill to her Majesty's Ministers, with a view to obtain
their consent. With respect to granting compensation to those
individuals to whom the value of the deodands had been granted
by the Crown, he could not see how they were entitled to any
recompence for the loss of a thing which was only of value so
long as it had existed, and as a property in the nature of a
deodand was always of uncertain value,and might subside by other
means as well as by an Act of Parliament, there could be no
vested interest in it, and therefore the claim to compensation
was a groundless one. Another consideration which his Noble
Friend on the Woolsack had brought under his notice was the
impropriety of originating a measure of this character in the
House of Lards. Had his (Lord Campbell's) Bill been a
money Bill, there would, doubtless, have been an obstacle.
But he (Lord Campbell) conceived that there was a material
difference between this and a money Bill. A deodand was im-
posed in the nature of a
_penalty for an effenee, and not as a
supply for the Crown. Deodands were instituted originally,
not fer the sake of revenue, hut were given to pay for ensuring
the rest of the soul of the deceased, so that though this mea-
sure was introduced without consent, he should not, he
conceived, be infringing on the rights of the Crown. Several
measures analogous to- this had been introduced into the
House of Commons during the Presidency of his Noble Friend
Lord Canterbury, who had just entered the House. With the
zeal of his Noble Friend all were acquainted, and all were ready
te allow his great knowledge of the forms of the House, and of
the extent of constitutional privileges. Yet he had never ob-
jected to the introduction of those measures, and he (Lord
Campbell) therefore telt justified in bringing this measure be-
fore their Lordships, and moving the first reading of the Bill.
Afer a few observations from Lord MONTEAGLE and the
Loan CHANCELLOR the Bill was laid on the table.
RAILWAYS.
The Earl of DALHOUSIE laid on the table the report of
the Midway Committee of the Board of Trade, with respect to
the Manchester and Leeds and other railways.
Earl FITZ WILLIAM did not wish to impugn the conduct
of the Committee of the Board of Trade, as be thought the
public were deeply indebted to them for the trouble they had
taken. He was induced to take this opportunity of making
these observations, because it appeared to him that that Board
of Trade had not been fairly dealt with in other places.—
( Hear, hear.) He was himself clearly of opinion that it would
be better that Parliament should not entertain any of these
Railway Bills until the opinion of the Board of Trade had been
given upon it. He thought that the Government ought origi-
nally to have issued a Commission to inquire into the beat
mode of railway communication over the country. He
did not mean to say that the opinion of the Board of
Trade ought always to be adopted, but the greatest
deference ought to be paid to it. He thought when
the opinion of the Board of Trade was against a measure
it would be conclusive, but he did not think it should be so
when they reported in favour of the measure. He believed
that the whole course that had been adopted by the Board of
Trade showed the purest motives. He thought the traffic in
railway shares ought to be put an end to, either by legislative
proceedings or the conduct of the Executive. Government.
This was a subject worthy of the consideration of Parliament.
It had been said that railway Bills were private Bills. Now,
he thought it was a perfect monstrosity to say so, when it was
considered that those very measures were the means of afford-
ing communication through all parts of the country. He was
sorry that the authority of the Board of 'trade had not been
more looked up to than it had been in certain quarters. He
trusted that their Lordships would lend their assistance to up-
hold that authority. He felt bound, however, to say that he
considered the Board had not been properly constituted, to
make its authority acquiesced in. He trusted that an efficient
body would be formed, to take this important subject into con-
sideration.
The Earl of DALHOUSIE said that the power that had
been given to the Board of Trade, with respect to railways,
had been given as an experiment. During the last year the
Committee of the Board of Trade upon Railways had been ex-
ceedingly pressed in consequence of the great number of rail-
way Bills that had been brought forward. He thought, there-
fore, the greatest latitude ought to be given them in preparing
their reports. The whole of the proceedings of the Board
would be before Parliament in a short time. The Committee
of the Board of Trade had been treated as culprits, and as cul-
prit! condemned. Now, all he asked was, not that they should
receive pardon, but that they should be put again upon their
trials.
Lord CAMPBELL thought the Board was not supported
by any authority. Certainly it rested upon the resolution of
another House, but he believed their Lordships had come tono
resolution whatever. It could not, therefore, be expected that
the decisions of the Board should be acquiesced in until the
reasons for them had been laid before the public, and the matter
had been examined in a Select Committee. He most distinctly
and strongly protested against the report of the Board of
Trade being looked upon as an absolute decision, for it was im-
possible the Board could have in every case been supplied with
sufficient information to enable them to form a correct judg-
ment as te the merits or demerits of any particular scheme.
Indeed, the Noble Lord himself had admitted that in some in-
stances they were groping in the dark; and he therefore did
not think it right that the decision of the Board should disturb
the interests of - persons who had invested in some of these
railway speculations to the amount of several hundred thousand
pounds. —( Hear, hear.)
The Earl of DALHOUSIE reminded the House that a
Committee of the House of Commons had sat for a long time
considering this question—whether there should be any parti-
cular Initury into railway schemes by a Board in connexion

with the Government, and this Committee discussed the matter
in all its bearings. The decision they came to was—that there
should not only be a Board of Inquiry of this nature, but that
it should be entrusted to the Board of Trade, and not only to
the Board of Trade, but to the railway department of the
Board of Trade, to form this tribunal. Not only did they do
this, but they explained what should be the functions of this
Railway Board, the precise manner in which it should be regu-
lated, and, in order that there should not be the slightest room
fur objection, the Committee stated what the Board should not
do. They, therefore, not on►y defined what were the functions
arid the particular points to be discussed by the Board, but
they went further, and detailed what were the points on which
the hoard should not be permitted to inquire. How could
Noble Lords Etter this assert that the Board hsd been founded
without due and sufficient authority?

The subject then dropped, and their Lordships immediately
afterwards adjourned.

HOUSE (11' C1)11.11( iNS. Feb. 24.
WAYS AND MEANS.
Mr. M. GIBSON (in continuation) said—What was the
alleged grievance of which those grow:l-s comylaioed, in refe-
rents(' to this deficiency of labour? They contended that they
were entitled to it because labour was not abundant ; that the
cost of the produce of sugar was increased by the d:fficulty of
procuring labour, and the high pri-e of labour in consequence.
Now, how stood the fact? In the first pious the Home
should receive very cautiously the statement of in-
terested parties, when they come to consider the tales-
t ion of the cost of producing sugar; and, therefore, if they were
to hear evidence on this points, he should suggest that it should
be relevant and important, and should emanate from persons of
authority and intelligence, at d who mere disinterested. He
would then ask the House to consider what was the cost of pro-
ducing sugar during the time of the existence of 51 tvery, and slan
at the time when no very sanguine hopeswere entertained as to the
emancipation of the slaves. He would first take the cost of the
produce, in the year 1828, of one hundred weight of sugar,
with all the advantages of slavery in its most unmitigated form,
and without the apprehension that slavery was about to be
abolished. The authority he wished to quote on this point
was a disinterested authority, was an authority that Parliament
was entitled to receive with respect, an authority to which
Parliament was entitled to pay the greatest attention. That
authority was that of one of their own public officers,
a perfectly disinterested man himself, who had writ-
ten a work on the sugar-cane and the cultivation of
sugar—Mr. Porter of the Board of Trade.—(Hear, hear.)
What does he say in that work on the cost of producing a
hundred weight of sugar during the period of slavery, previous
to 1828 ? He says that the cost of producing it was about
9s. lOid. per cwt. But he would take the liberty of reading
an extract from Mr. Porter's work, which would perhaps be
more satisfactory ;—" In the ten years from 1819 to 1828, the
whole expense of a sugar estate attending its cultivation, in-
cluding salt provisions, provision grounds for the negroes,
stores, repair of buildings, medical attendance, the
salaries of overseers and attorneys, cost of planta-
tions, and stores and clothing sent from England,
was 26,851/. ; the number of slaves was from 127 to 142,
the average number 140. The produce consisted of 29,492
ewts. of sugar, and 164,285 gallons of rum ; now, if they
valued the rum only at Is. 6d. per gallon (the price
is now 2s. 4(1. ), this would give 12,3211., leaving a
balance of 14,5291., being at the rate of 9s. 100.
per cwt., as the cost of the production of the sugar." He was
aware that there were statements from interested parties, that
made out the cost of producing one hundred weight of sugar
to be now materially increased, and that even at the time he
mentioned, that it was much greater than the sum he had
named. But he contended that in Parliament, if they were to
have authorities, let them have that of experienced men, of
Parliamentary Papers; let them not have merely the authorities
that might be quoted from the loose and random assertions
made before Committees of that House by parties who
had a particular object to serve. The gentleman he named
was incapable of any misrepresentation, and entitled to their
respect. He was one of their own paid officers, and had had
experience to guide him in making the statement he had pub-
lished; therefore, as a witness, he was worth five hundred fold
more than any interested parties they could bring as having
made assertions before Committees of that House. Now, he
had given the cost of raising a hundred weight of sugar during
the period of slavery, upon this authority. He would now give
them the cost of producing a cwt. of sugar on authority that
he thought must have great weight at the present time. The
cost of 1 cwt. of sugar at the present moment, on two estates,
subject to to all those difficulties which were now complained
of, and which were looked upon as forming a ground for the
protection, was 10s. 6d. The quotation which he was about to
read was from theJantaicl Royal Agricultural Reporter. That
question had appeared in an ingenious periodical which he was
sure her Majesty's Government must generally peruse, the
Economist—( Laughter)—to which he was indebted for his
attention being called to the facts ; and it was to fact, and not
argument, he would now call the attention of the House. The
Jamaica Royal Agricultural Reporter of the 20th of January,
1844, contained a statement that the Royal Agricultural So-
ciety gave a prise of 201. or a piece of plate of
that value, to the manager of any estate in mak-
ing the greatest quantity of sugar at the smallest
cost, from the lit day of January to the 31st of Decem-
ber, 1843, " all things considered." He begged the
House to attend to the meaning of those words " all things
considered." By those words it was meant that allowance
should be madeto those managers who should make sugar at com-
paratively the least cost. For instance, if a manager were subject
to a greater deficiency of labour than another competitor for the
prize,then the greater cost of production necessarily occasioned
by that deficiency, would be taken into consideeption in award-
ing the prize. What, then, was the difference of the cost of
production? On one estate it was 10s. 6d. per cwt., and in
another 6s. 9id. So that they had what appeared to
be good authority for stating that the cost of producing
sugar was, in the island of Jamaica, since the period of
slavery, from 6s. to 10s. per cwt. ; and, at this present mo-
ment, it was about 10S. 6d. He asked whether
that could possibly be a ground for giving them a
bounty of 10s. on every cwt. which they produce ?—( Hear.)
Why the protection was greater than the cost of production.
But rumour said that, in reality, the protection was more than
10s.—( Hear.) He asked what possible ground, after the
authority he had cited, there could be for giving an
additional 10s. for every cwt. which was produced in those
colonies?—( Hear, hear.) If the Brazilian could produce
sugar without any lost—if it were rained down from heaven—
from the skies—without any effort of human industry—
he would still be at a disadvantage in competing against
this protection of 10s. per cwt.--( Hear, hear. )
No person could deny the truth or justice of that argument, or
that he had not based his feats oa competent authority. If
that were so, he would ask if they were, without further in-
quiry, without an attempt to resist this obnoxious tax, calmly
to consent to and allow its imposition, and net call on the Go-
vernment emphatically, and in the spirit of remonstrance, to
give them a clear and satisfactory account of what it was they
meant by that 10s. protection. But then, with regard to the
deficiency of labour in the West Indies, he would ask, was it a
fact that such deficiency existed ? Would any member of that
body get up and state there that any difficulty arose from the
scarcity of labourers? Why the Noble Lord, the Secretary for
the Colonies, and now a Member of the other House, had
stated, 'a year or two ago, that the number of labourers in
the West' Indian colonies was sufficient, and all that was ne-
cessary was, that their labour should be properly applied.
and they themselves properly used. He thought he could show
from the words of that Noble Lord that it was owing to the
Emancipation Act not being carried out with true spirit that
any difficulty at all arose in procuring a continuance of labour.
The Noble Lord said He would venture to say that with
regard to the expense of cultivation, there was no single instance
in which this natural consequence did not follow as effect and
cause—viz., that where they gave the negrolabourer an interest
in the amount of work to be performed, or in the amount of
produce raised, then they would obtain constant and industrious
labourers, but when they did not give that interest, then they
would not obtain them. The amount of competition carried
on there at present was ruinous, and the planters competed
with each other in such a way by employing the labourers at
certain periods, and paying them accordingly, and not giving
them an interest in their work, and rewarding them according
to that work, that he thought that was the cause of the enormous
expense the planters were now subjected to in the West
Indies." That was the reason why they did not
get the negro freely to give his sinews in their
service.—( Hear, hear.) If that were true, and he
had the authority of Lord Stanley for saying that it was true,
that Noble Lord, who was the great advocate for paying the
20,000,000/. compensation to the West India interest, how
could they expect that the negro would work continually for
them ? Why, if the same principle were applied towards the
British labourer, he very much doubted whether they would
not find the same result, and many branches of their industry
failing for want of continuous labour. It was stated at a pub-
lic meeting a few nights ago that, notwithstanding this com-
plaint of the deficiency of labour in Jamaica and other islands,
there was another most anomalous complaint. They complained
that they suffered from the number of able-bodied paupers.
Here was the same most strange anomaly. One party stated
that they had not a sufficient numb. rof workmen to pt rfarm
the oecessary labour. ano other numbers of the same party
complained of the expense they incurred in maintaining a num-
ber of able-boaied paupers. —( Hear, hear.) Able-bodied
paupers and protection seemed to have the same affinity as
some chemical bodies. Monopoly and pauperism seemed
inseparable.—( Hear.) He-could not account for it in any
other way than when the greatest amount, of protection was so
destructive of industry, that pauperism ensued. He defied any
one to show him where a great protective interest was main-
tained, that there were not great numbers of able-bodied pau-
pers. He believed able-bodied paupers must exist from the
nefarious system in the West Indian colonies. It created a re-
pugnance on the part of the proprietors to make free men, and
free men, as they were called, were, in point of fact, to a
great extent, slaves. He very touch doubted whether the con.
ditions implied in the servitude of the West Indian negro was
not inconsistent with the. spirit of the Emancipation Act, and
at variance with the rights and privileges which that Act gave
the negro a right to claim. Another reason assigned by the
Noble Lord the Secretary for the Colonies for the present de-
pression in the West India colonies, was absenteeism on the
part of the proprietors. He said that the system was going on
to such an extent, that it was in vain to hope for an improve-
ment ; and he further said, that these colonies would not be
productive under any system of protection and monopoly. The
great bulk of the West India proprietors lived away from
their estates—they were perfectly ignorant of all the branches
of industry, and who had been employed in the cultivation of
their estates. They knew nothing of their own interests, and the
poor negroes were left at the mercy of heartless overseers,
and attorneys, whose only desire was to get as much toil out of
the poor wretches as they could. Manufacturers, agricultu-
rists, distillers, and chemists, are all connected, in a great de-
gree, with the growth of the sugar-cane. lie would ask his
Hon. Friend the Member for Stockport whether, if he:were
to reside in Vienna, and leave his print-works to be conducted
by some overseer or attorney, he would not find it impossible,
however favourable might be markets and prices, to secure a
proper return for his capital. Such, he said, was the condition
of the West India planters. They levied money from their
estates, and unlike the English landed proprietors, they did not
place these estates under the superintendence of a tenant who
felt an interest in its prosperity. In their case the same per-
son was landlord, tenant, manufacturer, distiller, and in
many instances merchant ; and then they came to that
House and told them that their business was not
profitable, and asked them to levy a large con-
tribution from the great body of the people, for the
purpose of enabling them to meet the deficiencies which had
been created by this absurd and injurious management. No
man could deny that there was considerable force in this ob-
servation; and he would not claim for it that force if he had
not in his favour, amongst others, the Noble Lord the Secre-
tary for the Colonies. He should be sorry to see the Hon.
Member for Weymouth (Mr. Bernal) obliged to change his
agreeable house In Eaton-place for a residence in Jamaica ; he
should regret the loss of his society, and his being subjected to
an unpleasant climate ; but he confessed he saw no hope for the
West India body, unless those who were the owners of estates
either attended to them themselves, or leased them to those
who would have the same interst in them as the proprietors.
If no tenant could be found to act as a substitute for the pro.
prietor, there was then no hope for a better state of things
unless the proprietor girded up his loins, and went
out to his own property to manage his own bust-
ness.—( Hear, hear.) It was of no use to be dancing
attendance on the colonial-office, to be praying for thispribvui-t
privi-
lege and that favour.—( Hear, hear.) Nothing remainedec
ono-nical
to adopt a better system of managemeet,a
application of labour, and an improved system noTr:ultivation.—
( Hear.) Lord Elgin, the Governer-General, had
tile statedpiotig
wouldat t
he
adoption even of such a primitive machine Geeralas'
make a difference of Aft per cent m the amount of production.