The Sun.
London, England, 1828-01-03 00:00:00

the most profligate and incapable an-long the States-
men of a nation. No such question is however
likely to be put in issue. The Tory Party in both
Houses of Parliament is led by men who really
believe in the political creed they profess, and
who deem that creed too important to the national
welfare to be capable of compromising any of
its essential tenets. The distinguished Whigs who
have had the public virtue to discountenance a
confederacy, disgraceful to all the parties which
it comprehends) and which nevertheless they might
have been expected to tolerate, since it has had
at least the effect of opening to them the
chances of political power, are entitled from
the disinterestedness and magnanimity they have
hitherto displayed, to so much confidence as is
implied in the belief that they have hitherto been
sincere in the opinions they professed, and that they
are not now prepared to renounce them. Between
the two classes of men, whom we have thus faith-
fully characterised, it is obvious that a coalition, in
the proper sense of the word, is impossible. This
does not prevent, however, their being united in op-
position to the present Administration ; it rather
compels them so to unite. Differing widely as these
two classes of politicians do in many things, they
yet agree in this,that both of them are comnosed of
honest men—of men who have political opinions
anti integrity enough to stand to them ; and here is
surely enough to explain why they should entertain
the common feelings of scorn, suspicion, and disgust
towards an Administration which in these important
particulars differs widely from them both. The at-
tempt to bring Lord Holland into the Cabinet soon
after the meeting of Parliament, is threatened to be
renewed ; but we hope and trust with no better
success than attended the first effort to accomplish
this favourite object of the Whigs, aided as it even
is by one of the hitherto Tory Members of the Ad-
ministration.—Morning Post.

Another murder has been perpetrated—that of
an aged female. This crime, which used to be ex-
ceedingly rare in this country, has been but too
common of late. It is difficult to conceive a cause
for the frequency of this particular crime at present,
in proportion to other crimes. The lower orders of
this country are not vindictive, nor blood-thirsty,
and they • seldom commit murder, except with a
view to some ulterior object. It used to he firmly
believed by the populace that murder would always
out, some time or other; and this belief, by haunting
the perpetrator with the idea that his inevitable des-
tiny was the gallows, has very often led him to-fur-
nish himself, as if impelled by necessity, a clue to
the discovery of his guilt. The faculties of the
lower orders, too, used to be peculiarly on the stretch
to follow up the indications which might transpire in
such cases ; and it was really a beautiful spectacle to
witness the alacrity with which a whole people, as
it were, made themselves auxiliary to the exe-
cution of the law, wherever blood was shed. '
But, like other beliefs, this may be shaken
and it must be confessed, that the instances
are not few, in which murder, of late, has
baffled discovery. The lower orders of a civilized
country are seldom vindictive, or blood-thirsty ; but
they are sensual and luxurious. hi a thinly peopled
district, the peasant betakes himself to his daily la-
bour, and returns to his frugal meal, unconscious, as
it were, that there is any thing peculiar in his lot.
We have seen hinds, who, from one end of the year
to another, never tasted spirits or fermented liquors,
exeept about the period of the new year, or on some
extraordinary occasion, enjoying their abundant ve-
getable and milk diet more than an Alderman enjoys
his turtle, and preserving a blitheness of disposition
which few men can long retain in the smoky atmo-
sphere of London. But the poor man in a great
city is constantly tantalized with the spectacle of
luxurious wealth, constantly hears the tale of suc-
cessful fraud,. ,and is. constantly led to . contrast his
own privations with the excesses'of' others; and if
his principles be not of the soundest kind, he feels
tempted to throw down the barriers which law has
erected between himself and the objects of his envy.
When theft abounds in rural districts, there rust
be something excessively faulty in the system of the

country. Ifut in great towns, crimes against pro-
perty can only be kept from gaining a dreadful
ascendancy by a vigilant-and effective Police, and a
system of penal law under which guilt has little
chance of escape, and the quality as well as cer-
tainty of the punishment inspires a dread which
countervails the temptation to criminal indulgence.
Savages are blood-thirsty, and kill for the sake of
killing. A Turk will amuse himself with shooting
at a man as at a mark. But in highly civilized neigh-
bourhoods, life is seldom taken without a distinct
ulterior object. That object is property. If life
is taken, it is either because the property cannot
be otherwise obtained, or to destroy evidence. But
instances of undiscovered murder are deeply to be
lamented, from their tendency to destroy the strong
persuasion of the certainty of detection to which
we have alluded. Criminals, though not blood-
thirsty, will not scruple to shed blood when it fur-
thers their purpose; and instances of successful per-
petration not only stimulate to imitation, but, if fre-
quent, impair the confident hope with which the
public enter on the inquiry, patiently pursuing every
indication, however faint, which appears in any way
likely to further the discovery. It is chiefly, too,
by a whole community being engaged in one object
that the escape becomes so difficult ; but where
there are many cases at once, the public are distrac-
ted, and thus au alarming -confidence is generated in
the bosoms of the wicked. It has been remarked,
by those who drew up the Report on the Criminal
Laws of France, of which portions were some time
ago given in the Paris Papers, that a Police is much
less effective in preventing crimes against the per-
son than crimes against property. Property may be
secured by walls and bars, bolts and locks, but there
is no medium of defence between the body of the
victim and the assassin's weapon. It is generally
understood, that a number of the bodies exposed at
the Morgue in Paris, are those of men who have been

murdered; and that notwithstanding a police much
more effective than ours in the protection of pro-
perty, the cases of undiscovered murder are lament-

ably frequent in that metropolis. This shows the
necessity of attaching particular importance to the
discovery 6f murder, that success may not generate
confidence in the guilty, and despair of successful
pursuit in the community. Too high rewards can
hardly be offered, in order that all conceivable mo-
tives may be enlisted on the side of the law. The
lower orders of the English, though not cruel, are
somewhat inclined to be selfish and indifferent ; and
we have always understood from officers who have
seen much service abroad, that there are few soldiers

so little scrupulous as the English in taking life for
the sake of obtaining the means of sensual gratifi-
cation. The aversion to the shedding of blood
might easily he got over in time, if the idea of im—

purity could be entertained. Speedy and certain
punishment has a wonderful effect in enlightening
the consciences of the most obdurate of men. It is

observed by Dr. Stillingfleet, we believe, that
the greatest voluptuary that ever breathed would
refrain from entering the house of the object of
his fondest desire, if he was certain that death would
await him on leaving it. Mr. Turner, in his Tour
in the Levant, informs us, that amongst the Turks,
"a murderer is beheaded on the spot where he
committed his crime; and very often, :if seen Com.
mitting it, within six hours or even one hour after.
A, zealous Minister of Justice, however, occasionally

seizes
an innocent man near the spot, and beheadshim, sometimes by mistake and sometimes even pur-
posely, to rive a favourable idea of his promptitude
in administering justice." This part of the Turkish
system took the present Lord Ellenborough's f*ncy,
\ Ow owned that he did not see as example was
why the what was wanted, killing an innocent
man might not serve to deter as well as takizjg
the life of a guilty man. But his Lordship allowed
himself to be, what is familiarly called, over-
seen a little in his admiration of this Turkish
practice. It succeeds in Turkey because there are
no newspapers to inform the people, whether the
man so expeditiously hanged was innocent or guilty.
The Turks, at least the John Bull Turks, honestly

'believe that the man whom they see dangling was
the veritable murderer. If they suspected that he
was riot the murderer, they might allow their fears
for their own personal safety to prevail over their
admiration of the expedition of the Judge, and make
an unlucky mistake in his case some day. We have
great doubts as to the feasibility of hanging innocent
men in this country to any good purpose, though we
know there are many worthy people who would
have hanged Cobler Will on very slender evidence,
and who would stretch a point to have an execution
at Oxford. We should be sorry to see Lord Ellen-
borough's liberal speech in general circulation at
present in that seat of learning.—Morning Chronicle.
We yesterday inserted an article on the State of
Ireland, which we extracted from the Dublin Even-
ing Post on Saturday last. It is one of a series of
letters addressed by the well-informed Editor of
that Journal to the Marquis of Lansdowne. lie says
that there' is " a class of society growing up in Dub-
lin, and in different parts of the country, who are
every day receiving an accession of numbers—whose
leading object is to look for the settlement of Irish
affairs. These men perceive that the country is
hurrying into a gulf, where not only the bulk of the
people may he whelmed in ruin, but their own com-
forts and property may be shipwrecked. These
men have been, hitherto, not passive indeed, but yet
not very active spectators of the contentions in the
midst of which they live. They perceive, very dis-
tinctly, the precipice before them, and they are re-
solved, if possible, to escape the brink. My Lord,
these men, who consist partly of the landholders
of Ireland—of the substantial farmers—of the
chief traders—and of the professional persons
—have hitherto looked to Parliament, and
looked in vain for some measure, which
might have the effect of saving their country and
themselves from the results of that scheme of Go-
vernment—and of those consequences which per-
haps, no Government could prevent—which have
now been so long and so steadily in progress. What
part these men may take in the turmoils which
await us, it is not possible to say. But of this your
Lordship may be assured, that when they do take
a part, it will be a decided one. They care little
about Cabinets, or Ministers, or Parliamentary
Orators. In regard to them and their country, they
doubt whether more mischief than benefit has not
been done by the incessant talk of which Ireland has
been so long the subject. They see, in fact, that the
stornz is approaching, and they do not see that any
means are adopted with a view of meeting the
coming gale. You may rely upon it, therefore,
my Lord, that another power is preparing in Ireland,
which we think will, if judiciously applied (and in
the prudence of the parties we have the most thorough
reliance), have the effect of consolidating this distrac-
ted nation into one body—whose force would be irre-
sistible.
assures men—as by a sort of instinct, that a period
is approaching, in which it will be necessary to com-
bine, if they would save their country from the hor-
rors of a civil or servile war." If any material
change take place in Ireland, it must be brought
about by the force of circumstances. No Adminis-
tration in this country will, from prudential motives,
attempt such energetic measures as the situation of
Ireland would require. But Revolutions—as the
French phrase it—are riot made with rose water;
and a man must be blind indeed, to suppose that so
diseased a social system as that of Ireland can be
cured by palliatives. When we see a heavy stone
rolling down a precipice, we may count on its
reaching the bottom. 'When we see masses of
men without employment, and without the means of
subsistence, and the cause which produces this want
of employment gathering strength every day, we
may count with certainty on an explosion. The
editor of the Dublin Evening Post observes, that if
the Irish were all Ifrotestanta.-the. Union...old not,
last a year. -TbeThatred of the Union is the only
point, we believe, as to which all Irishmen are
agreed. It has been an unfortunate measure both
for England arid Ireland,—for England, in that it
throws a heavy burden on the people to carry on the
system of misgovernment ; and for Ireland, in that
the application of the resources of an industrious
and civilized nation to the maintenance of that system
gives an unnatural strength to it, and prevents the
operation of those checks which serve to mitigate
oppression when it has to rely excl6sively on its own
resources. If the Irish had been left to them-
selves, the operation of circumstances would long
ago have led to some results, painful for a
time, but beneficial in their consequences. The
Union was altogether a most bungling measure,
and proves that Mr. Pitt was one of the most sha-

low of politicians. The idea of extracting political
independence from the exercise of the franchise by
a servile multitude as completely under the controul
of their masters as the slaves of Poland or Russia,
thereby perpetuating a system calculated to extend
pauperism, and render all improvement next to im-
possible, betrayed a lamentable want of political
sagacity. The Union has widened the breach be-
tween the two Islands. But no one need be alarm-
ed that the two Islands will ever cease to be inti-
mately connected, because the Union is disliked.
The connection is not dependent on arbitrary cir-
cumstances, and is for the benefit of both Islands.
But the Union has merely had the effect of prevent-
ing the connection from being 'beneficial to either.—
Ibid.

The river Araxes, which empties itself into the
Caspain 'Sea, is to be the future boundary between
Russia and Persia. Also, Russia has retained a
little of Persia to the South of the Araxes. This
will ;give her a future opportunity of goading on
Persia, by one aggression or other, to another war,
in which she will again win battles, and again make
peace, and again take from Persia a further part of
her territory. This was the Roman method in the
wars of Rome with all nations, and this is the me-
thod that we have pursued in the East Indies.
Russia, by this war and treaty, has got into the vici-
nity of Teheran, the principal city to the northward
of Ispahan, the capital, from which it is not distant
more than about 300 miles. The next war and
treaty we expect will bring her in contact with Is-
pahan ; then we shall begin to look about us, and
perhaps not till then. Then our Ministerial Papers
will begin to talk about the encroachments of Russia,
her want of faith, And we shall begin to think
of sending troops to assist the Persians. But then
the question would come to this—would 5,000 do,
as in the case of Lisbon—or would 10,000, or even
20,000 be required ?—and if it would, and we could
muster the latter (for even in England altogether,
we believe, there are not more than 20,000 troops—
and at that small force Mr. Hume grumbles), what
would the cost be ? To keep up an army of
20,000 men in such a place, and at such a distance
as Persia, would cost 20 millions a year at least.
Would the country agree to an increase of taxation
to that amount ?—or Ministers think it wise to go
on borrowing 20 millions a year, and increase the
taxation one million every year to pay the interest,
or would they say, we have had quite enough of the
borrowing system ?—Morning Herald.
It is expected that there will be a deficiency in
the Quarterly Account of the Revenue, to be pub-
lished on the 6th of this month, but not to the
extent that some of our contemporaries have stated;
nor is it anticipated that any other branch than the
Customs will be less than the corresponding Quarter
of last Year. The difference in the receipts
of that
portion of the Revenue arises chiefly from
there
having been much less sugar duty paid for some time
pait than heretofore. The amount of duty received
on West India sugar, in London alone, in the
Quarter ending sth of January, 1827, Was about
780,000/., while in the present Quarter, up to this
time, not more than 630,0001. has been received on
the same article, thus making a difference of
150,000/. in three months. The cause of this re-
duction may be traced to the measures adopted by
the Board of Trade, in June last, which have led
the dealers in that article to expect that foreign
sugar will be admitted to entry at a 'reduced duty,
in the ensuing Session of Parliament, and, in conse-
quence, the grocers, instead of keeping up their
stocks as formerly, have only purchased just sufficient