The Sun.
London, England, 1844-08-20 00:00:00

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12

PORTUGAL.
SOUTHAMPTON, AUGUST 20.—The Peninsular and
Oriental Company's steamer Montrose, Captain R.
W. Evans, arrived this morning at nine o'clock, from
the Peninsula, bringing all the Peninsular mails.
Her dates of departure are as follow :—From Gib-
raltar, August 11 ; Cadiz, August 12 ; Lisbon, August
14 ; Oporto, August 15 ; and Vigo, August 16, at

noon.
Ships of war lying at Gibraltar—Her Majesty's
ships Caledonia and Formidable, and her Majesty's
steamer Vesuvius.
Vessels passed off the Rock of Lisbon—The Liver-
pool steamer, on the 14th ; the Royal Tar, on the
18th, in the bay.
Specie on board-8 packages of specie ; full cargo
of fruit, 7 head of cattle.
Passengers-2 8.
Two French war steamers are at Cadiz, taking in
coals and provisions for the French fleet.at Mogadore.
The Montrose brings a few interesting facts re-
specting the bombardment of Tangiers. Prince de
Joinville alone discharged 3,000 shots. The Moors
) returned the fire with a rapidity which astonished
their enemies. The Suffren received 40 shots in her
)% side. The Moors fought their guns as long as they
5) were serviceable.
Her Majesty's steamers Hecla and Vesuvius were
)t
quietly looking on the whole of the action, as well
as the American frigate Columbia.
The town itself has not suffered. The Portuguese
Consul's house having been abandoned by the persons
in charge, is the only one which has been injured.
)5 The destruction of the works is not so complete as
4 had been represented ; many of the guns have been
D found still serviceable.
o There are 23,000 troops at Rabat, and 1,500 cavalry

at Tangiers.
The free communication with Tangier, since the
Prince left, is re-established.
...

SPIRIT Gf the PUBLIC JOURNALS
FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF THIS DAY.
GLOBE.—An attack on a particular minister for
incompetency is out of the pale of recognised parlia-
mentary warfare • and criticisms of the press on the
personnel of an administration are apt to be indis-
' criminately put down to party hostility. If any
')4 one were to move, in either House, an address
to the Crown to remove Lord Aberdeen, the
5 Government would shift the issue, and make it a ques •
tion of confidence ; and the Opposition would for the
most part join with the Government in discountenanc-
ing an unsatisfactory and invidious and (on party
34 principles) inconvenient mode of raising the confi,--
ai dente question. As for us, we are supposed to be
only pursuing our calling in denying all manner of
.q ability to all the members of her Majesty's present
administration ; and a doubt of Lord Aberdeen's
capacity will be read, at least by all who are of op-
posite political belief, as dislike of his politics. We
will not stop to inquire how much this belief in the in-
sincerity of newspaper criticisms on men is the fault
51,4 of the press itself, or of the whole system of party; or
5% how much it is only poor human nature after all, not
I more apparent in the effect of our political likings
5% on our judgments, than in the Tory's disbelief of all
s% he reads in the Globe, and concurrence in the
o Herald's depreciation of all the eminent members of
o Opposition. But we will say this for our own sin-
!3s• cerity and desire to be fair—that we should as firmly
o refuse to disparage Sir Robert Peel's intellectual and
1)% moral claims to the respect of those who differ from
6% him, or Sir James Graham's administrative ability, as
19 we now declare our belief that Lord Aberdeen is
i
unequal to the crisis in foreign affairs which his
own incompetency has chiefly brought about ; and
54
5 that we should no more think of denying Lord
5
Aberdeen's desire to promote England's interests to
the utmost, and maintain his country's honour,
1- than we can believe in his ability to execute his desires.
334 The utmost possible, of course, is done, in the for-
-5 mation of a government, towards placing men of ade-
-5 quate ability at the head of all the chief departments,
a and distributing appropriate knowledge and talent
5 among them. Common prudence will lead the Pre-
mier to do this. But then what are the circum-
stances which determine " the utmost possible ?''
) The choice of men is restricted, first of all to
!IA the members of one party, which may be sterile
in talent, though unscrupulous Peer-makers who have
134
5% gone before have made it numerous in one branch of
the legislature, and money and proprietary power in
the other. Then the choice, thus limited to begin
with,•may be further narrowed by party conven-
-7
41 tionalities and engagements. Lord-Lyndhurst must
3 preside over the Court of Chancery, as long as he
9
5 wishes it, while his friends are in power, however
'6 much Chancery suitors may rue the indolence of his
old age ; Lord Stanley's party services must be re-
-2
quited by a leading office, even at the risk of sacri-
o tieing colonies to the impetuosity of temper, which as
4 much spoils the Minister as it makes the orator eifec-
-3 tive ; and prescription gives the Foreign-office to Lord
5 Aberdeen. But this is a moment when nerve, deci-
-5
sion, vigour, and a clear head are imperatively needed
in the Foreign-office ; and who gives Lord Aberdeen
3 credit for any of these qualities ? At such a moment,
3 the party conventionality which keeps him in
5 office may bring us, before we know where
3 we are, into war, which foresight and rea-
sonable boldness might have averted, or save
5 us from it by some new weak concession, un-
-2% worthy of our country's position, and sure to increase
6 our difficulties in the end. Sir Robert Peel's control
3 of Lord Aberdeen alone gives hope to the public of a
successful issue for the present crisis in our relations
with France—of reparation for the wrongs at Otaheite,
4 of the prevention of French occupation of Tangiers, of
6
O the frustration of French designs upon Tunis. But Sir
7 Robert Peel cannot always be at his elbow. And at
this critical time what irretrievable mischief may
6 be done any day, with one stroke of his pen, by the
Foreign Minister, who blundered out the excuse for
I% the outrage on Mr. Pritchard that he had ceased to
f 4 be Consul, and who has been able to see no reason
for demanding punishment of the French Consul
at Tunis, who unwarrantably interfered with our
Consul's performance of his duty in respect to the
trial of a Maltese murderer, and by a series of
► vexatious intrigues among the Maltese at Tunis, en-
dangered our Consul's life ? And if there be, as we
1?. fervently pray there may, a successful issue out of
the present difficulties, will Sir Robert Peel continue
to entrust to Lord Aberdeen's weak trembling hands
4 the foreign policy which he has already so grievously
Ts mismanaged ?
STANDARD.—The Morning Post has extracted
.34 from the John Bull an article of some length, de-
nouncing the Ministerial plans for the improvement of
31 Ireland. To our judgment, there is nothing surprising
in the displeasure of the John Bull at the plans in ques-
g tion, or in the adoption of that displeasure by the
Morning Post. It would be extremely difficult to sug-
gest any measure of the present Government with
which these parties would not find some fault.
11‘ Fifteen years ago, indeed, when the battle of the Pro-
testant constitution was to be fought in good earnest,
34 our Contemporaries were a little more tractable ; but
then the contest concerned principles, not private
interests, and when did factious writers care about
principles ? In 1829 the principle of the Pro-
's 4 testant constitution was abandoned, and little hope
seemed to remain for the Reformed Church in the
1,14 United Kingdom. Its legal defences were thrown
down ; and in the only portion of the United King-
dom in which a popular influence was acknowledged
%, by the Legislature, namely, in Ireland, the popular
: influence was hostile to the Church. All true Pro-
testants then saw, what we believe escaped the
notice of the John Bull and Morning Post, that
a Parliamentary reform, which would balance
;14 the popular influence in Ireland by a popular in-
fluence in Great Britain, was indispensable to protect
the Church and the country from ruin. The remedy
was a rough one, and attended with some risk, but it
was the only remaining remedy. The Protestant
1% people of this country adopted it : the Irish Romanists
had disqualified themselves to resist by their recent
,% struggle : a Parliamentary reform was carried, with
441 many objectionable details oeyond dispute, but a
Parliamentary reform which, in substance, gave to
the people that independent influence upon the Legis-
lature which allowed the Church to defend herself,
and to defend the interests of the Protestant religion,
much better than either had been defended by the
patrons of schedule A and schedule B. The re-
S form of 1832, in fact, to a great extent, re-
paired the evil of the Bill of 1829, by placing
the Protestant Church in Ireland directly under
the protection of the Protestant people of
England. We are well aware that the confidence
Aq for a few years very unworthily reposed in the
4
4 Ministers by whom the Parliamentary Reform was
17 effected, exposed the Irish branch of the Church
to some severe trials, and to actual injury;
.es% but this state of suffering, incident, perhaps, to
i°4 every violent change, soon found its term, and
5% the last Ministerial revolution has placed the
Irish branch of the Church upon a foundation to
which every hour must give additional strength.
There is now no question of the safety of
the Church in Ireland, we hear of no projects for buy-
ing off the assaults of enemies by surrender of its
property or of its dignity—no proposition to arm its
enemies with new means of injuring it. No; the
measures by anticipation condemned are measures the
immediate and direct object of which is, no doubt, to
raise the Roman Catholic population of Ireland to the
condition of the other Raman Catholic populations
of Europe—a level to which they have not yet
approached, and to incorporate them, as far
as the difference of religion will permit, with the mass
of the British population ; but the remote and indirect
effect of this must be greatly to augment the power