The Sun.
London, England, 1828-05-26 00:00:00

41K 4k,
ilkt P. *4.

out such a subjection to the majority no. so-
ciety could hold together for a week. A civil
meeting is as infallibly destructive to the body
into which it insinuates itself as a military mutiny.
is to the army whose ranks it pervades. The
Constitution of England recognizes no such office as
Prime Minister; but a Prime Minister is, notwith-
standing, essential- to the business of the State.—
That Prime Minister's sentimente must be respected
otherwise the office is useless. By the mere act of
joining the Cabinet, every Minister openly declares
tontidenee in the wisdolii df its chief, and his in-
tention of supporting hina to remain in the Cabi-
nets and
,to weaken the hands of the Premier by vote
61. by •oicC, is a breach of a solemn compact. We
make every allowance for personal cOneisttncy, nor
would we shut up the reed to its preservation.—
When the d'ell.'lnds of his coadjutors call for such a
lire f conduct as would endanger it in any man, let
him resign and then act freely. But while he cOIP
tinues attached to a Ministry his duty to support it
through good repdri and through had report is im-
p era t!vt.—N'etv Times.
If any individual—which can rarely happen--,-
were to take up every journal df Ila'ilirday and
yesterday, end rend :'shat they all have said on the
recent ali';:satisfaction which sprang up (we hope we
may use that tense) in the Ministry, and were then
to ask himself calmly what he has learned from hie
studies—what he had reaped from thie multifarious
perusal, which he eould colimitthicate to others, he
certainly would he obliged to answer himself--no-
thing: It is clear, therefore, that the journals
know nothing whatever on the subject. Some are
even wild enough to supposes that the Catholic
Question, the fertile emirce of discord enough cer-
tainly, has 6ecasioned the breach. Some, that
eetstions of foreign policy have occasioned the dis-
pute. But the more sane and rational couple the
mischief with the East Itetford affair; and un-
doubtedly a connexion of this kind exists, but not in
the sveys we are cure, in which they imagine ; for
Mr. Huskisson was pledged before, and must have
gone into the House with the perfect understanding
and consent of the Duke of Wellington, to vote
against the mere diffusion of the elective franchise
over the hundred. But there was also a sort of
compact that he was not to vote that night.
It is not upon any broad principle, therefore,
that the quarrel can have sprung up, but upon
some of the minor accidents ; mid if so, it is
the more easy to be appeased, unless political dis-
sensions be like religious controversies, in which
the sects are always the more bitter against each
other the nearer they approach to each other with-
out perfect agreement. Of the petty points of dif-
ference that may have have occasioned the feud,
many may be imagined ;—such as a want of suffi-
cient explanation to the House by Mr. Huskisson,
why he must vote against Mr. Peel; an explicit de-
claration that the question was not considered as a
cabinet question, and others of the same kind. It is
probable that before the night wanes, we may be able
to communicate something as to the present state of
the Ministry. If no change takes place, there is no
occasion to inquire farther respecting an incident,
be it what it may, that has had no consequences,—
that has been productive of nothing. If—which
we deprecate very much—a new arrangement, how-
ever partial, shall be found necessary, then the cause
of the movement must naturally be made known.
We still, however, feel hope that no great change
will take place; a reconstruction of the Ministry at
this moment would have the worst possible effect on
our foreign relations.—Times.
We insert a table of imposts on sugar, recom-
mended in a little pamphlet of seven pages, by
" A Merchant," as containing an apportionment of
duty which would do justice between the consumer
and the planter, the East Indies being included as
well as the West. It would require much accurate
knowledge to determine how far the difference of Gs.
only in the tax per cwt., as suggested by the author
of the table, could be considered an adequate pro-
tection to the British grower against the foreigner,
who can manufacture his article at such inferior cost;
and it is likewise a question, whether the West In-
dia colonist could 'maintain his land in cultivation
under a duty as compared with that on sugar im-
ported from the East Indies, in the ratio of 225. to
27e. The writer, however, having professed to re-
concile these jealous and complex interests with
each other, and with the consumer, we shall let his
scale of duties speak for itself :
" The table of duties provides for the relative duties

•
under the smallest difference between East and West India
sugars that I have ever vet heard advocated, but renders
those on foreign sugars liable to greater fluctuation,
—as the only legitimate means I can see, by which
to check the unlimited expectations of foreign growers of
sugar from the admission of it into England for home con-
sumption. I need not here say that foreign countries ex-
tend no special favours to English trade, except where
their own general interests dictate them ; and I conceive
that there is no other principle upon which it can be
argued that we are to take their interests into consideration.

TABLE OE DI:TIES, AS PROPOSED IN THIS PLAN.
" British Plantation Sugar, 225. per cwt.

" East India Sugar, 27;., increasable by 6d. per cwt. for
every shilling they may be above the average value
of Plantation Sugars to 305., and no further.
" Foreign Sugar, 28s. increasable by 9d. per cwt. up to
325. for every shilling of value as above, and beyond
325., to be regulated solely by the average prices of
Plantation Sugar in this market. If the average of
British Plantation Sugars should fall to 52e. duty in-
cluded, then Foreign Sugars to pay an additional duty
of Is. per cent., and so on progressively (as in the
corn laws), for every Is. of fall on British Sugars
Is. of rise in the duty upon Foreign Sugar ;
with a return upon all Sugars refined and exported
equal to the duty for the time being received on
Foreign Sugars, or at all events to the full extent of
28a. per cwt. ; such drawbacks to be payable upon
deposit of the refined Sugar in the warehouses for ex-
portation.

" As the quantity to refine and export will be dependent
upon the foreign sugars imported, no fairer arrangement
both for refiners and revenue can possibly be resorted to.
" The three points (and not one of them to be over-
looked, if any arrangement satisfactory to all be contem-
plated) are—
" Ist. To create a consumption for the additional quan-
tity of sugar to be introduced from the East Indies and
other countries.
" 2d. To protect the British plantations from the unli-
mited extent of cultivation in countries where the meant
of cultivation are upon much cheaper terms ; and
" 3d. To follow up the sound principles of free trade
under as few restrictions as possible.
" The first point I would prove, from the most simple
table, can he accomplished without injury to the revenue,
by a reduction of duty ; indeed, it will be totally unfair to
attempt it in any other way ; for if sugars are to come
down several shillings, which they must do, or an addi-
tional quantity cannot be carried off, then it will be un-
justifiable exaction on the part of Government to levy 275.
froma depressed price, of 525. when they now take it
under
Preferringg reatrt
oelucidate
complaint from
and
salve of
arguments6tl6. by
referring
to has been, rather than by speculating upon
take
what may be, I the Itahsetrsei,xboluntosntlaisu
ores
of
fiinl4.d27 that when
sugars averaged 60s.the
delivery was 76,5t5 hhds
or 211. 10s. per hhd. •, paying duty at 275. per cwt.
Whereas in 1826, when £1,653,372
, sugars were re-
duced to an average of '
or there-
abouts, 94,313 hogsheads were
..er
out of the warehouse,. This e takenlatte
quantity at 225. duty, or .
prlos. r.
lihd, would make .............. • per
. ........ -£1,6,39,908
" Showing a benefit under the
- low duty of 6 3 /
36 . to
in low prices and extending
the revenue, consumption, over
high ones and email deliveries.
" Similar results would be shown from the comparison
of other years, but the above statement by itself, without
the assistance of further arguments (which would incon-
veniently embarrass the question in the small compass /
have prescribed to myself for discussing- it), will assist ill
showing, I think, that there can be no grounds for antici-
pating a loss of revenue from this concession of duty, while
without it no arrangement can take place.
" Low prices are the desideratum of the whole mea-
-1 sure, that consumption may extend itself here; let us
rive at those prices, then. by fair mear s, but not admit
that the revenue should take out of them the same fixed
duty that is already so burdensome upon the higher ones.
If I do not mistake the question altogether, the perplexi-
ties of it will, or. inquiry, be found to have arisen not from
a disposition to impede, on the part of the colonial interest,

~.-.
~-.:

a freer• trade in sugar, but front a wish :if Government to
avoid participating in the experiment, and to throw the
burden of the alteration, and its risks, altogether upon the
colonies themselves.

" The second point which I have stated as to be attended
to can most legitimately he accomplished by an enactment
in perfect consonance with (=laws upon corn. An addi-
tion of duty, as the price falls, would teach foreigners not
to expect too much from their admission, and form an
immediate security for our own plantations, against any
alarming increase in cultivation by other states. The
King in Council ought moreover to have the authority to
deprive any colony, persisting in the slave traffic, of any
part of the privileges.
" The third point my proposition will assuredly meet ;
for I would, on the table of duties contained in this letter,
suggest that an sugars may be admitted into this country
(provided they are imported upon 13ritish bottoms) with-
out any restrictions whatever as to the export of refined
sugars, leaving the refiners, with the stock of raw mate-
rial which they would always have at their command under
these regulations, to regain the ground they have lost in
the last few years."—lbid.

SUNDAY PAPERS.

THE inoircTs OF nrssiA, AND THE MANCEUVRES OF

FRANCE.

" The imperative necessity of;ecuring for the future in-
violable Liberty to the commerce of the Black Sea,
and the navigation of the Bosphorus. "—Russian he-
rlaratiot.
" 'the Governments found themselves united by the recol-
lections of a common glory, and a happy union of prin-
e;ples and views."—lbid.
" With prudence, France might join to the superiority of
its population, tite superiority of its finances ; and who
then would dispute with it the first characters?"—
LAFITTE on the New Loan.

We have already observed, that if there be any
meaning to the terms " inviolable Liberty to the
commerce of the Black Sea," it must mean that
there should be not only a recognised right of navi-
gation for all Russian ships through the straits of
Constantinople—the ancient Propontis, and the
Dardanelles, to the Mediterranean ; but that it should
he preserved by some power capable of protecting it
from violation; and that power could only exist, by
depriving Turkey of Scutaria, on the Asiatic conti-
nent, opposite to Constantinople; and of the two
castles commending the entrance of the Hellespont,
where all ships proceeding to Constantinople are
examined. Scutaria is considered about as much a
part and parcel of Constantinople, as the borough
of Southwark is of the metropolis of England; the
Grand Sultan has a palace there; and frequently
proceeds thither with theladies of the Seraglio as to a
pleasant part of the suburbs of his capital ; it
being only one mile distant from the Seraglio
itself. To pretend to a right of occupation
of this portion of the Stamboul of the Otto-
man, were as reasonable in the Emperor Ni-
cholas, as to claim the privileges of the Black
Eunuchs in the Harem, \without their qualification.
It is remarkable that such a power as Turkey should
possess some of the richest and finest provinces in
three quarters of the world; existing in a position
towards each other, and towards other States, the
best adapted to purposes of powerful Empire ; and
that this garden of the old world, comprehending the
scites of a great portion of the most celebrated
nations of antiquity, should, for about seven cen-
turies, have remained exclusively barbarous as it
were, under the greatest splendour of an European
sun ; but so it is; and we very much doubt yet
whether it will be left without a dreadful struggle
to the next barbarous power in Europe to break the
charm of Pagan authority ; and, after the lapse of so
many centuries, call upon the Cross to supersede the
Crescent on the ancient throne of Constantine. We
are rather surprised to see the kind of easy certainty
with which the destruction of the Ottoman Power,
by Russia, is regarded by some writers. The whole
progress of the conqueror, from the banks of the
Pruth to the walls of Constantinople, is spoken of in
the same short sentence as though it were to be
traversed by some Jack the Giant Killer in his
" seven league boots." A march of from three hun-
dred and fifty to four hundred. miles, through au
enemy's country, full of obstructions at every step,
through swamps and rivers, and opposed by moun-
tains and moors, rife with all sorts of foes, from the
sword to the pestilence—is quite a pleasant and brief
trip in a paragraph. The Pruth, which is a small
river rising in Red Russia, and which, passing through
Moldavia, empties itself into the Danube, may pos-
sibly not be the theatre even of a skirmish; nor may
the Danube itself witness any decisive battle on its
banks. But from this latter point, the march on
Constantinople will be opposed by the main body of
the Turkish army. In 1711, Peter the Great was
so closely attacked by the Turks, even on the Pruth,
that his whole army were hors du combat; and he
was obliged to yield up Azoff and all the fortifications
which he had constructed on the coast of the Black
Sea. It should be recollected that we know little or
nothing of that which is transpiring within the prin-
cipal provinces of Turkey ; strangers would sec
little, if there ; and hear nothing ; there are no
political tell-tales within a few days' march of Con-
stantinople. The Turks, when necessary, are all
soldiers; to serve in the wars of the State is the
most honourable occupation of which the country
affords; and hence the curious fact that Christians
and Jews are not honoured with the privilege of
dying in the defence of the Grand Sultan and his
monopoly of Ladies. That post is reserved for the
faithful followers of Mahomet. The Russians, as is
customary with the other Christian nations, give the
amount of their armies to the public ; but with the
Turks, few indeed know any thing at all about the
subject; and fever still ever venture to agitate the
question. In what force the Turks will be found,
when they hazard a battle, none may tell ; we shall
hear the result; but of the details few, except such
as it shall suit the Russians to inform us. The con-
tinent of Europe is thus once more irretrievably com-
mitted to war ; and Russia,—the oily nation that
has never yet moved but in the purposes of aggran-
disement ; nor paused, but in some accession of fresh
dominion,—is the greatly-injured power to first re-
commence the work of the worst of human ills. She
commences it likewise, in a true Commercial spirit
(which it were well if England had adopted
fifty years ago), viz. that whenever a peace shall be
concluded (assuming of course to be the conqueror)
the enemy shall pay to Russia all the expences of the
war; giving up its strong holds, or other indemni-
ties, as pledges for the reckoning. This is a new
way, as a general principle. How many millions has
it cost England, that Russia might be enabled to
hold such a language. With- her fifty millions of
subjects, this must be the best trade that Russia
could embark in ; for she would be literally making
a charge for every mutilated b6dy of her surplus po-
pulation, that the sabre or the ball gave up to the
vultures ; and putting her own price on the blood of
her subjects, as a sect of barter between gold and
human carcases. The present aspect of things has
put the spirit of France in motion : she has it ap-
pears proclaimed a fresh levy of troops, and con-
cluded a peace with Algiers ; the objects and the
means did not .square; and she has taken a more in-
telligible position : the fourteenth year of peace has
literally tired her out ; and she is conniving at a
scene of things that will soon find her either
employment or plunder. In the debate on the
loan of eighty millions (on the 17th and 1660,
M. Lafitte, the Banker (and Bankers are the
real men of war), said, that the " Peace had rested
with the stipulations of Vienna--that strange as-
semblage of states without frontiers—of Powers
without proportions—and ambition without counter-
poise." Next to England, Austria is the first nation
to excite the jealousy and the hostility of France;
which wants dominion and strong holds on the
Rhine; but on the present occasion, if we consider
Lafitte as speaking the sentiments of the monied in-
terest, the French are for gain in any quarter. the
Banker proceeds, " Though France should not at-
tach herself to ruin, yet Empires must not be
divided before her eyes, without her being consulted
compensated for the threatening aggrandisement
of her neighbours." This is only the avowed
opinion of M. Lafitte, the first banker in France,
yet we all know what it means; and we may

"„~~
~t.,

see clearly that the phut r1of• at‘tgher7," tar-
titioned " Empire is in contemplation. trance
will look to Egypt, if England do not. The
speaker goes on to say that " France has remained
within her limits for a century, while surrounding
kingdoms were devoured." 'What a bouncer !
There was no merit in France submitting to be

pared down when the Revolution was over, if this
is the moderation that is to be taken into the ac-
count ; because the Allies had her in a strait waist-
coat after her hallucination of glory. Having spoken
of the partitian of Poland as the foulest blot on
Europe, the Banker glances at the premeditated
affair in the East; which he seems to regard in a
milder light, provided France may have a finger in
the pye , he then weighs France and England in
his money scales; and names the former at a thou-
sand millions (francs) of Revenue; the latter at
fourteen hundred millions, taking the deduction
from that of 750 millions for the interest of
the debt; an "alienation of more than half our
IRevenue, as it is called ;" while France is dipped
only one-fifth. This is Bourbon gratitude. Looking
forward to what may arise out of the present war,
France is held most competent to take the lead ;
England having failed in obtaining the objects of
her financial science; while France is coming round
with her superiority in her finances, to join her pre-
vious superiority in population. All this is very in-
telligible; and,—excepting poor debt-bound and
anti-Catholic bound England, in the new treaty, it
shows forth a " happy union of principles and views,"
as proclaimed by Nicholas I--News.
On occasion of an action in the King's Bench for
the recovery of 21. 4s. 6d., Sir James Scarlett re-
marked, " it was unfortunate that there was not some
inferior tribunal to try actions for these small sums,
for as it was, sometimes plaintiffs and sometimes de-
fendants, found themselves in very unpleasant situa-
tions. A plaintiff, when he knows his claim is good,
is unwilling to forego it; and a defendant, who
imagines he has a good defence, is unwilling to
pay, though each Islay be aware that, by bringing the
matter into Court, they will lose more than the sub-
ject in dispute amounts to." And this is. the man
who resisted Lord Althorp's Bill for the Establish-
ment of County Courts. According to the trite
adage that,
" An open foe may prove a curse,"
" But a pretended friend is worse,"
we should rate Sir James Scarlett a more formidable
enemy to Law Reform than Lord Eldon--Examiner.
There has been a general report during the week
of a partial change in the Administration, and on
Friday it was believed that Mr. Huskisson and Mr.
C. Grant, and Lords Dudley and Palmerston, had
actually resigned—Lord Goderich taking the Colo-
nies, Mr. Goulburn the Foreign Office, and Mr.
Herries the Chancellorship of the Exchequer; but
since that period the differences which existed in
the Cabinet have been at least patched up, and a re-
conciliation has taken place. Those who are best
informed still believe that Mr. Huskisson will under
any circumstances retire—if he should do so, the
question as to which of his particular adherents fol-
low hire, does not, we think, very much signify—for
if, as we know it does, the majority of the people of
England, whose politics and principles are identified
with those of the Duke of Wellington, is convinced
thatsthe political measures of Mr. Canning and his
friends were decidedly injurious to the best interests
of the country, we cannot but think the secession
from the Cabinet of the most influential friend of
Mr. Canning, and the most ardent supporter and
seconder (if seconder he was) of those very mea-
sures, will be most acceitable. There rnsy be—
there must be a strong difference of opinion
upon all subjects, and the opinions of the Duke
of Wellington and the opinions of Mr. Canning on
political matters, must be as different as light from
dark. Of this we are quite certain; that while the
Administration of the country is headed by the
Duke of Wellington, the continuance of any of
Mr. Canning's political supporters in the Cabinet
can only be prejudicial to the country, and injurious
to the progress of public business. The system
upon which the country expects the Duke of Wel-
lington's Ministry to act, and the principles which
the people require it to adopt, are diametrically op-
posed to the system and principles adopted by the
Administration of Mr. Canning; it follows then, of
course, that a mixture of conflicting elements must
vastly impede the public service, and, as we think,
endanger the public safety ; for as we have already
said, and will repeat whenever we have the oppor-
tunity, firmness and decision, energy and prompti-
tude, are wanting to give us security ; security only
attainable, as we believe, by the most unqualified
retraction of every measure adopted by the Ministry
of which Mr. Canning was the head. This decla-
ration will, no doubt, highly offend the advocates of
what in these days are called liberal principles, a
term which, by being indefinite and mysterious
charms the people, and serves to cover every po-
litical mutability, which, by its adoption, the
most unprincipled, or the highest minded Mi-
nister, may be equally supported, according as
the wheel of fortune turns. For our own parts, we
have principles fixed and definable, and we have al-
ways avowed them ; we have had leaders who
avowed them also, and those men we supported, not
because they were in power, but because their power
strengthened the good cause; when they sacrificed
their power to their principles, we served. them with
even greater zeal, and when they returned to power
we welcomed their return as the sure omen of our
deliverance from the evil machinations of whiggery
and popery. We felt no more than all the tones of
England felt, and we felt with them all along as we
have just now stated, that a perfect Tory Admini-
stration would not only have been more serviceable
but more acceptable to the nation. We repeat, that
mixed Councils must be ruinous to the countries
where they exist ; and in support of this assertion,
we have the unimpeachable evidence of history. We
trust no new examples of their destructive tendency
may be afforded us; where experience is so dearly
bought, warnings should not be thrown away. So
.long as the leaven of Mr. Canning's principles is
permitted to work--so long as his disciples and wor-
shippers form an integral part of the Govern-
ment—so long as great constitutional questions are
carried by clamour, and the King's Ministers divide
on opposite sides of the House—so long, in fact, as
change and vacillation, and timidity under the name
of conciliation, remain the order of the day—so long
will the Government be weak in itself, and weak in
the confidence of the country. That the Papists
should divide the Government, is bad enough, we
admit ; but custom has in some degree softened
down that ground of offence. On how many other
points is it to be divided ? Mr. Huskisson's speech
at Liverpool was no bad prologue to the comedy
that has since been performed: it is true, the Duke
of Wellington gave him no gentle correction for the
show-off, and it is equally true that Mr. Huskisson
took the correction quietly, and made no reply ;
but he must have felt it—at least we sup-
posee dk
o_he puppet
ss
tos
h.
tei Nextt
world camethatppt o
thatthe
e
borious person, Mr. C.
s tthe sraniis i
:iGrant,e‘vtchoeshißtadlllo,w of Mr.
although 1i e as-
brought in by him, was not agreeable to him, and
that he, therefore, was much more - liberal than the
Duke. What would Pitt's astonishthent have been
to hear a Minister from the Treasury Bench depre-
ciating his own Chief, and descanting in misplaced
panegyric upon a fallen foe!—but these were not
liberal times. From the affair of the Corn Bill, let
us proceed to the Test and Corporation Acts—
another topic of op
afeffealiirrig3s‘—vethheayveopen discussion—but here, for the
as
pre v a hasi
sake of friends, we must throw a veil over the whole
needa l reit duyo erxeppreets4sieodn opinionsuNromn th e
appleand
ofdiscord
w ,discord m
forus the
t al-
w re°'sbh shall r 4
l passth over, t least
present, some Colonial matters, in which the con-
duct of Mr. Huskisson towards his principal was cons
ceived in the same spirit, and come to the present—
what are we to call it—rupture, dismissal, secession,
repentance, reconciliation ?7-Would we. could call it
eternal separation ? In addition to all the evils
produced by free trade—in additiOn to the distresses

of the manufacturingogricultural population by the
support of liberal principles, Mr. Huskisson has been
pleased to conciliate the votaries of Parliamentary
Reform with his smile and his vote—because he once
agreed with the Democratic party, and has since
left it, he would wish to support those who are out,
while he remains in himself. But did Mr. Bus-
kisson avow his intention upon this point before hand
—did candour palliate the disobedience ? No. Did he
—?—but we must stop—Mr. Huskisson is still a ser-
vant of the King--we may,however,assure our readers
that in thehighest quarter theverycontraryof annoyance
was felt and expressed at the supposed dismissal of cer-
tain persons; and although, by dint of intercession and
earnest entreaty, a return to office, for the present,
has been permitted, we hope and believe that it will
not be long before the Cabinet may become what,
to be truly agreeable to the King and to the people
it ought to be—a Tory Cabinet. Let us know who
are to be our enemies and who our friends--let us
know in whom we are to trust, and however much
the Whigs and Liberals may rant and bluster, oar
Statesman may rely upon what we have over and
over again repeated, that a firm, uncompromising,
united Government, founded on old English Pro-
testant principles, will ensure the enthusiastic sup-
port of all Protestant Englishmen, loyal to their
King and devoted to the Constitution.—John