The Sun.
London, England, 1844-06-27 00:00:00

EVERY WEEK,

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FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
GLOBE.—" Thank God we have a Sir James Gra-
ham!"—may exclaim all determined admirers of the
entente cordiale with all Powers, no matter by what sacri-
fice obtained. It might have happened, by an untoward
chance, that there was a Tory honnete-honime at the
Home-office. Dis aliter visum—it is ordered provi-
dentially, for the views of all lovers of prostration before
all Powers being, that there should Hot be an honest
Tory, but a renegade Whig, at the head of our police.
The corruption of an author, it has been said, is the
generation of a critic ; and the corruption of a Whig,
it should seem, is the making of a spy for Turin or
Vienna. We give Sir Robert Peel credit for this last
specimen of the cast of parts in his Ministry. It is pos-
sible that Sir James Graham in Ireland might not have
matched the De Grey coup de theatre of the Clontarf
proclamation, and its concomitants. It is tolerably cer-
tain that in India he would have stopped short of the
glories of Sinde and Gwalior, to say nothing
of the Samson-like exploit of the gates of Som-
nauth. At the Foreign-office, we cannot quite think
he would have preserved Aberdonian meekness ; and
we should almost have trusted his complexional ill-
nature to save our diplomacy from that security of insult,
which even President Tyler feels—that most offensive
bull-frog that has yet leapt on the back of King Log. But
at the Home Department !—ah, there indeed Sir J. Gra-
ham is in his element. There the entente cordiale is safe
in his hands ; for it depends on good offices entirely in ac-
cordance and congeniality with his own nature. How
fortunate ! France will be satisfied with running her rigs
in the Mediterranean and the Pacific. America with
insulting our policy, and asserting her right to take
Texas and the Oregon. Russia with undisturbed arma-
ments in the Baltic or Black Sea ; and condign ven-
geance for insults in sartorial ears to imperial breeches.
It is impossible for the entente cordiale to be preserved at
a cheaper rate! But tastes vary. President Washington
lost the entente cordiale with some Choctaw or Chickasaw
chief or other, because he had not the hospitality, to
devote Mrs. Washington to his service. He would
graciously have declined the courtesy—but not to have
had it offered was unheard-of in Chickasaw comity—
almost amounting to a cases &W. In like manner his
Holiness the Pope, or his Silliness the King of Sar-
dinia, or some other relic of savage times still unac-
countably not " improved" out of Europe, comes with
a civil request to our Home Secretary to act as his
tool and spy in the British Post-office !—to teach
his subordinates in that department the knack of un-
sealing and re-sealing letters, without leaving traces of
the felony ! All in the interest of his Holiness, or his
Silliness ! Are these the sort of favours Lord John
Manners wants reciprocity for by an embassy at Rome ?
Suppose an aati-Puseyite minister, having scent of an
alarming progress of the Oxford conspiracy against the
obedience of the Church to the State, and accrediting
an Ambassador to Rome for the useful purpose of
demanding inspection of all the letters from Oxford
Fellows to Romish Cardinals. We believe he would
find an abundant harvest of " conspiracy." But
is such a harvest worth reaping ? And are we, who
have no such harvests to reap in any foreign bureau of
espionage—who don't care a straw how many block-
heads conspire with pen, ink, and paper—who laugh at
all metaphysically explosive missives sent through
the Post-office—are we, who have no recipro-
city to ask for in this dirty trade—are we to con-
taminate our public service gratuitously with this
foreign virus ?—to teach our functionaries lessons
by warrant, which afterwards they may repeat without
warrant ? It appears to us that when Government
opens letters, it should do a hat every individual does
when he opens letters—namely, avow having opened
them. We cannot conceive that the power representing
the nation can be entitled to practise forgery of men's
seals to conceal inspection of their letters ! Is it pos-
sible that this can be a question amongst freemen and
men of honour?

STANDARD.—The Mazzini Correspondence Ques-
tion occupied the House of Lords for a considerable
portion of its sitting last night, but without leading to
any practical result. The subject is one which presents
remarkable attractions for grievance-mongers, like
Lord Radnor, who introduced it to the House of
Lords ; it is, as the fashionable phrase goes, excep-
tional—that is, it is not governed properly by the ordi-
nary rules, and it seems to inflict a hardship, while,
from the nature of the case, the details of any particular
instance cannot be conveniently explained ; in short, it
deals with matter, to make accusations in hich is the
easiest thing in the world, and in which the best de-
fence is odious. That the Government ought to have
the power of detaining and opening letters seems to be
pretty generally conceded ; but many who concede this,
qualify the concession with an opinion that the power
ought to be exercised with great caution, which opinion is
no doubt well founded ; but all this leaves the matter
just where it was before, for who shall determine what is
a cautious exercise of the power ? In Mazzini's case, the
case which has been brought forward as a matter of
complaint, the power appears to have been exercised
most cautiously, for it is not pretended that Mazzini
himself, or any of his correspondents, has suffered any-
thing
by the opening of his letters, if it be not the
cloud thrown over their political intrigues, by the
consciousness that the British Government is acquainted
with them. The more we consider the subject, the more
convinced we are that the sacredness of post-letters is
a very much exaggerated notion. We ought, perhaps, to
acknowledge ourselves incompetent judges, because we
certainly differ from many whose authority we re.
spect upon the question of secresy. We have no love
or sympathy fur those who love a secret. In

the ;flair in hand, however, we need not trust to
our own impressions; for the law of the country, which
is the embodied wisdom of the country, has as little
respect for secrets as we have. If the law enables
a Secretary of State to read a man's letter, the law
no less enables a magistrate to place the writer
of that letter in a witness-box, and compel him to
tell, upon his oath, every word written in that letter,
if there is a prima facie ground for supposing that
the letter can reflect an important light upon a question
of a trumpery assault or a debt of 40s. He must be
a subtle casuist who can distinguish between the inva-
sions of secresy, in the two cases ; but every one can
appreciate the greater hardship of being obliged to
publish on oath a man's secrets in a court of justice,
than having them read in a closet by a Minister of the
Crown, bound by honour, and responsible in character,
not to make an ill use of the information thus obtained.
There is one point raised in Lord Denman's
excellent speech (and excellent in spirit, in matter,
and in style his Lordship's speeches always are)—a
point which we own caused us some difficulty ; we allude
to the near proximity of the practice of re-sealing the
letters to the crime of forgery. We think that there is
no good reason for this re-sealing. The person whoa.
letters have been opened ought to know that they hare
been opened. The practice of this quasi forgery most
probably arose in bad times, not remote from those in
which spies were employed, and from the zeal of subor-
dinates, always disgracing and sometimes seriously
embarrassing their principals, by pushing vigilance
and caution into downright fraud. Lord Denman
knows that all the processes of his Court were,
while imprisonment for debt before judgment
was permitted, executed by the most villainous
frauds ; hardly a writ was served or a debtor
arrested without the agency of some vile lie. Yost
persons, probably, recollect the story of a father stolen
by a bailiff from his starving children, under pretext of
bringing him a present of meat for his Christmas dinner,
and the further prosecution, by the bailiff, of the
hungry children at a police-office for detaining the
meat. Well, if the processes of the courts of justice have
been so abominably dishonoured, how can we wonder
that something of the same kind may happen in elle
Post-office, by converting an act of strict justice into an
act of fraud ? We are quite sure that since the attention
of Sir James Graham has been called to it, the practice
of resealing must be discontinued.