The Sun.
London, England, 1826-07-25 00:00:00

}'M: r r

SPIRIT OP THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

The report on the alleged conspiracy in Russia will, of
course be 'lodged among the archives of that empire, and
must, from motives of complaisance, be admitted into
those of the Fokeign-office, as well in England as elsewhere,
with other official communicatiens. If, however, the Im-
perial Government supposed that a foimal proceeding in
the nature of an inquest, carried on by a commission of
seven or eight members, all of whom were officers about
the court,, and four of them aides-decamp to the absolute
Sovereign by whom the professed inquiry had been insti-
ttited--sif, we say, the Cabinet of St. Petersburgh con-
ceived that such a court of inquiry would have credit with
the,:more civilized nations of Europe, or with the less ci-
vilized Russians themselves,' for impartiality in examining
evidence, or veracity in stating facts; or wisdom in draw-
ins political inferences connected with any questionbetween
prince iisd subject which might be submitted to them, the
said Cabinet must be even less clear-sighted than the crea-
tures WhOm. it wishes to hold forth as engaged in a series
of formidable projects against the Crown of 'Russia. We
have had " green bags in this kingdom now and then,
more- or less dishonestly got up according to the exigency
of 'the occasion. But the green bag brought forward by
Admiral Tstischeff and the aides-de-camp, is another sort
of an instrument. We believe it to be a bona fide com-
position as to the ends---that is to say the offspring of real
alsrm on the part of the Imperial Government—though
medicated somewhat as to the means ; disclosing in the
midst of much flimsy babble, a good deal of dextrous sups
pressionS of smooth assumption, and consequent mystifi-
cation, with such a contempt for the form as well as sub-
stance of fair argument as becomes him who is better
skilled in handliog bayonets than reasons. We repeat,
nevertheless, that the Court of Russia seems to have been
persuaded of the fact which it aimed at enforcing upon
the rest of the world. There is no doubt that a dis-
turbance took place at St. Petershurgh last December ;
and any 'disturbance, where there exists neither law nor
freedom is sufficiently alarming to the only constituted
power of the state. But neither was it easy to account
for such a phenomenon in Russia, where disloyal plots
' had been in former cases, confined to a few courtiers, far
removed from any sympathy with national interests or
feelings. It is certain that if a native of Northumberland'
could be nursed and ripened to manhood in a coal-mine,
he would be little alive to the destructive tendency of the
fire-charged vapours which surrounded him. He might have
heard of their bursting suddenly and annihilating all that
drew, breath within them, but he would discredit the ex-
istence of a safer and purer atmosphere. So can the royal
natives of a despotic region find it difficult to conceive
that their own sky is deeply impregnated with the fire-
damp, and. tending every instant to explode. The minis-
ters of the reigning Autocrat of Russia, haWever, sought
for a clue to the novelty. of an insurrection extending be-
yond the precincts of the Court itself, and seeking the gra-
tification of some' purpose different from that of personal
vengeance upon a tyrant, or of escape front his caprices,
in the principle-of which we have: just been speaking—
the necessity that men should learn an impatience of
despotic govermhent from experiencing or observing some-
thing} better. They accordingly instructed their military
commissioners to go back to the tairipaigns which termi-
nated the career of Buonaparte, for materials out of which
they might deduce a possible inoeidtition of the armed
vassals of Russia with sentiments which, within the ter-
ritory of their master, they could not, except by miracle
have learned. It seems to us, probable that, to a certain
point, tins search succeeded—and that the elements of a
spirit of revolution in Russia might he fairly traced to the
intercourse of her, armies with those of Germany, in 1813,
1814, 1815, and 1816 ; inasmuch as, although the Rus-
sian troops fought bravely in defence of their own soil
And Government before they had passed: the frontier, the
patriotic spirit with which they. came in contact afterwards,
and which raised the Germans against the invading power,
was love of country blended with, and reinforced by, that
of human liberty. The Germane were not: mere soldiers
in that war ; they were, the Austrians alone excepted,
as lotion of 'enthusiasts, Fraught with high moral senti-
ments---fresh front the study, of their rights as men—and
ennobling the sense of personal shame, by time boldest
theories of abstract policy and justice. There is little
doubt upon our minds, from the nature of man, much
more than from the report of M. Tatischeff and his fellows,
that the general excitement and attraction of the scenes
which the Russian officers were engaged in, of the cause
for which they fought, and of the intercourse to which
they were exposed, must hive imbued a considerable num-
ber of them with strong feelings for the improvement of
their own country, and for something like an approach of
leer political institutions, if not to the matured liberty of
England, or to the nascent representative system of France,
at least to the less obdurate and intractable Governments
of Prussia, Bavaria, and other German kingdoms. Up to
this point we are disposed to think that the, report on the
" conspiracy" makes out a case against the parties accus-
eds--if that can be called a case against them, which would
equally designate as criminal the best and ablest citizens
of the present age, and of the most enlightened States on
earth : for see, on the showing of the report itself, what
were the objects originally aimed athy these " conspirators."
" The members declared that they had no intentions against the
Goierinnent, and that they pursued their labours in secret only to
avoid the perverted constructions of malevolence and hatred. The
members divided themselves into fens branches; the first had for
its object philanthropy nod beneficence, public and private. The
second haul for its object' intellectual and, moral education—the
establishment of schools, particularly on time Lancasterian system,'
and in general co-operation in the instruction of youth. To the
members of this section was confided the inspeition of all 'schools.;
The third luul for itir object to watch over the proceedings of the
tribunals. Its members engaged themselves not to refuse any
judicial appointment that should be offered, to fulfil their duties
with teal and exactness, „to encourage persons of integrity em-
ployed about the tribunals, and to denounce to time Government
those who betrayed their trust. The metnhers of the fourth eine
were to devote themselves to political economy, to encourage in-
dustry, to consolidate public credit, and to oppose monopolies."
UtiViun such schemes might well be called; and insp.
plicahle they were to Russia in her actual condition : but
suppose these men had been suffered to print and circu-
late their- views without concealment, :would a rational
Cioverninent have had any thing to fear from them ?
Would not their errors tuul false reasonings, and plans
where impracticable, have been exposed by the same pubs
lie press which brought them into notice '? But no; it was
slam that could there be no such thing es fret agency in
ftussia—that were it but to cross a street, no propo-
sition mould' be entertained as lawful which did not
emanate from the Sovereign, and act under his guid-
ance: The sense of slavery envenomed the most
virtuous turd laudable designs ; the certainty of he-
ft* opposed 'in what "Witg plainly right, or of being
punished for attempting it, suggested inevitably a
second thought, viz. that the restraining and chas-
tising power must he slatted, before a single good was
to be achieved. Yet even there, it appeara in evidence,
that an object with many.of the 'parties was to act slowly
Upon the public mind; nor is there any solid. ground es-
, sasaished by the report' for suspecting, that personal
violence upon she Sovereign or his family was seriously
contemplated by any of these Russian revolutionists t at
the same time we are ready to admit, that' if , the tlespo-
Lion of the Czars is to be perpetuated, it must be by
oppressing in /inane every movement towards liberty of
“Eing, speaking, and thinking in their vassals. The
a'
eror Nicholas, we are very sure, laments as sincerely
Em ic
e other humane
, person in the world, the loss of so
as 16, unhappycause.— Times.
many b:'ve men a lives in this
who arrived in town yesterday morning
A gentleiSialbi,
Itrhood of Blackburn, in Lancashire, re-
presents the tri'S distress in that district tos far acceding any
presents toe wstre
mlitde of it. It is impossible to past
description he has seiett
o ig the quarter, without witnestmg
ending kind. -Groups of woman
public rot In mat
sweitfsleS4to4alith; rnnoo
sottlilleerargtar-rment than a shift fastened at the
-waist, mind ike4trody reaching to the knees, and .appnrcutlY
S,,the t. w"e of
risk Locoictroor
bictihilegvteohdiectsilitioliich
Nvii
tho

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or run over; and their expressions and gestures of wild
gratitude at the smallest alms, forms one of the most af-
fecting scenes that can be imagined. The effects of this
general state of destitution are beginning, be says, to fall
on the landed proprietors ; and not less than six or seven
farms, it appears, were thrown up last week by the te-
nano; of Sir Robert Peel. Our informant maintains that
it is most absurd to brand with the character of alarmists
those who have dwelt emphatically on the distresses of
the country, since every description must fall short of the
truth, and fail to convey any adequate impression of the real
state of things. The first experiment of a branch of the Bank
of England has at length commenced, and is now in full
operation at Gloucester. It is too early to form any con-
jecture on its effect there. By the local hanks, with whose
business it interferes, the establishment is of course re-
garded with jealousy. It appears to lead them in the
first instance to a contraction of their already limited is-
sues, and to collect es large a stock of gold as they can, in
order that even the presentation of the whole amount they
have in circulation may subject them to no inconvenience.
This feeling of jealousy at the interference of the Bank of
England in the country circulation is likely to manifest it-
self still more strongly at other places, and particularly
among the Lancashire bankers, who already trade for the
most part in Bank of England notes and guineas,
and who affirm that they have at their imme-
diate disposal all the funds that can possibly be re-
quired in aid of the manufacturing interest ; that they
are fully prepared, in fact, to do all that the :‘ great
establishment" can perform, and in a mode attended
with equal benefit and security to all the parties
concerned. From this feeling, it is . natural to ex-
pect that every obstacle imaginable will be thrown by the
parties in the way of branch banks, but time alone will
show whether such opposition will create any serious im-
pediment to their establishment. It is certain that the
great dealers in money in the city coMplain of a difficulty
of employment for it, which is almost unprecedented.
There is, indeed, scarcely any to be found, except in GO-
verninent securities of one description or other. Private
transactions, in trade, which are represented by bills of
exchange, have diminished incredibly as . regards the city
of London; so that that source, always regarded, when
prudently regulated, as a safe medium for the employment
of capital, is almost entirely cut off: Yet trade may be
assumed as one of the bases of national prosperity, and
the failure of demand, therefore, from that quarter, which
is indicated by the present abundance of money, is any
thing but a test that, as a nation, we are doing well.—
Times.

Several of our contemporaries are urging the 'necessity
of an immediate appeal to the wisdom of Parliament, un-
der the national embarrassments. We, however, think
that there never was a period when less advantage could
be gained by assembling the legislature than at present.
In giving this opinion we are influenced by the considera-
tion that no solid benefit could be,derived from it; and
that consequently it would, so far from allaying discontennt,
increase it by creating disappointment. On all occasions
where legislation can reach the evil, we are desirous that
the country should have the benefit of the deliberations of
so perfect an epitome of the good sense, integrity, and in-
formation, of England, as the second and third estates of
the realm have presented, notwithstanding what Palace-
yard orators may say to, the contrary. But can Parlia-
ment, we would ask, however intensely it may apply it-
self to the consideration of the subject of our existing
distress, give food to the hungry, or work to the unem-
ployed, under the present circumstances of the Empire. It
could only apply palliatives, which would increase the
evil. The extension of the free system to the Corn Trade
might indeed receive the sanction of the Legislature; but,
with all our anxiety to see that sound principle adopted,
it would be dishonest in in; to assert that it would afford
immediate relief to the sufferings of the Manufacturers of
Lancashire and Yorkshire ; because, previously, means
mast be foUnd for them to purchase it. The fact is, too
large a proportion of our population is engaged in- Mann,
factures, to the neglect of our Agriculture, Visbories, and
other departments of national. imboary ; and until. We ,ritp.
pair that evil, by turning a portion of it now engaged in ma.
nufactures to other pursuits, the body politic cannot become
in a healthy, state. This operation, it is admitted, will take
time; but the crisis is arrived, and we ought to take ttd,
vantage of it, not fight it off by palliatives. But this
must be done by the enterprise of individuals, encouraged
and assisted by the Government, and not by Acts ofPar-
liament—at least Parliament could do but 'little in it at
present. The privations of the manufacturing population
press as heavily on our mind as they can do on-those of
any of Our contemporaries;; but we cannot so far forget
our duty ;is to urge the assembling of Parliament, when
we can see no immediate advantage to arise from it. Mi-
nisters, much to their credit, wrung a boon from the
landed interest, although it was a small one, before the
dissolution; and the effects of that will be felt in addi--;
tion to those of the harvest, which always have a ten-
dency to lower the price of the corn. In our consciences
we believe that the operatives would not be in the slightest
degree relieved by, prematurely calling , Parliament to-
gether, and upon every other consideration of the ques-
tion, we deprecate the measure as one fraught with
many evils; one of the principal of, which would be,
either the adoption of palliatives, or the-infliction of severe
disappointment to those who are certainly not now in a
condition to bear it. Upon the same principle we would
,oppose any relief from the Government, which would en-
gender high expectations, and ultimately bitter regret.—
British Press.

Absenteeism is justly considered one of the principal
causes of the degraded and miserable state of -the lower
orders in Ireland. To maintain a contrary position would
be to contend that the example, the fostering care and as-
sistance, of a resident nobility and gentry, do not tend to
the comfort and improvement of their tenants. , How
deeply then is to he deplored the practice resorted to by
the priests in Ireland in, the late elections, which must
have the effect of aggravating the evil already felt from the
inattention of landlords! Hitherto the Irish peaiants
have had to complain only of the indifference of their land-
lord, who has left them at the meaty. of an agent, while he
spends the rents derived from their labour in a foreign
country. They will in future have to .Complain, not mere,
ly of absent but of resident la»dlordS, whose good-will has
been converted into vengeance by their own misconduct.
It hi to the kindness and good feeling that subsist between
landlord and tenant that England is indebted for the im-
, • ,
im-
proved state of society which it enjoys. In every part of
the empire, into which these habits and feelings have been
introduced, they have been visible in the superior state ol
those who have come within their influence. The im•
proved condition of the estates of the Countess of Suthen
laud, in Scotland, afford a striking illustration of this ob,
servation.—Representative.