The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-06 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY *ORNING. DECEMBER 6, 1845.

COURT CIRCULAR.
7-ohl Prince Albtrt took an airing in the
of (borne ric;usp.
iThere waa no addition to the ru) al dinner eimie In
the evening.
Yesterday morning her Majesty and her Royal Con-
-sort took their usual early walk on-the sea-beach.
Their Royal Hi!,linesses the Prince of 'Wales, the
Princess Royal, and the Princes Alice, were taken in
the pleasure-grounds of Osborne House, and also took
their accustomed exercise on the beach.

Ql*

A Cabinet Council was held at half-past four o'clock
yesterday afternoon, at the Foreign-office, Downing-
street.
.•..

The following were the Ministers present :—Sir
Robert Peel, the Duke of Wellington, Lord Wharn-
cliffv, the Duke of Buccleuch, the Earl of Aberdeen,
Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, the Earl of Haddington, the Earl of Ripon,
Lord Granville Somerset, the Earl of Lincoln, and the
Right Hon. Sidney Herbert.
The Council broke up at a quarter before six o'clock.
His Excellency the Turkish Ambassador transacted
business yesterday at the Foreign-office.
The Governor of the Bank of England, and the
Deputy-Governor, had an interview with the Chancellor
of the Exchequer yesterday, at his official residence in
1 )owning-street.
Dispatches were received yesterday at the Colonial-
office from the Governors of the West India Colonies.

RAILWAY SHARE MARKETS.
LIVERPOOL, DEC. 4.
STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Birkenhead, Lanca-
shire, and Cheshire, 41/2 p.—Bolton, Wigan, and Liverpool,
1334 p.—Caledonian, 334 p.—Ditte, Extension, % p.—Cam-
bridge and Lincoln Extension, 1% p.—Chester and Birken-
head, 47—Ditto, New 20/. Shares, 13zi p.—Derby and Crewe,
p.—Eastern Counties, 191,4—East Lancashire, No. 1,
5 p.—Edinburgh and Glasgow, 65—Glasgow and Dumfries,
dis.—Glasgow, Perth, and Greenock, 19—Grand Junction,
235—Ditto, Quarter Shares, 33 p.—Ditto, New Quarter
Shares, 32—Ditto, 401. Shares (L. M.), 511,4 n.—Goole and
Doncaster, 2s. dis.—Huddersfield Canal and Railway, 33% p.
--Leicester and Bedford, % p.—Liverpool, Ormskirk, and
Pileston, 1% p.—London and Birmingham, Fifth Shares, 22
p.—Direct Northern, 11s. 6d. dis.—Leeds and Thirsk, 234 p.
—Manchester and Birmingham, New Quarter Shares, 71% p.
Manchester and Leeds, Fifth Shares, 11 p.—Matlock and
Midland, 214 p.—Midland, 141—Ditto, 40/. Shares, 14 p.—
Northumberland and Lancashire, 12s. dis.—North Stafford-
shire, 625. 6d. p.—North Wales, 34 p.—Preston and Wvre,
New Shares, 514 p.—Sheffield and Manchester, 120—Ditto,
Quarter Shares, 8% p.—Ditto, New Quarter Shares, No. 2,
5 p.—Ditto, Quarter Shares, No. 3 (scrip), p.—Shrews-
bury, Wolverhampton, and South Staffordshire, 1% p.—
South-Eastern and Dover, 361/2—Ditto, Consolidated 'Thirds,
21,4 p.—Ditto, Half Shares, 1 p.—Scottish Central, 6 p.—
South Midland, 2% p,—Tean and Dove Valley, 14 dia.—
West Riding Union, 5% p.—Dublin and Armagh, % dis.—
Dublin and Drogheda, 5 p.—Dutch Rhenish, 2% p.—Paris
and Strasbourg (Ganneron), % dis.
MANCHESTER, DEC. 4.
_ . _

STOCK EXCHANGE.—The sales are—Birkenhead, Lanca-
shire, and Cheshire, 61/s—Boston, Newark, and Sheffield, 23A
—Derby and Crewe, s%—Eastern Counties, 20—Ditto, Per-
petual, No. 2,98 s. 4d.—Glasgow and Dumfries, 2%—Hud-
dersfield, Halifax, and Bradford, Si. 19s. 6d.—Huddersfield
and Sheffield Junction, I6—Lancashire and North York-
shire, 47s.—Leeds and Thirsk, 91% ex. n.—Liverpool, Orms-
kirk,i and Preston, 4%—Manchester, Buxton, and Matlock,
4/. 14s. 6d.— Manchester and Birmingham, Quarters, 11—
Ditto, ditto, 9—Manchester, Midland, and Grimsby, 21/5—
Northumberland and Lancashire, 1/. 19s. 6d.—North Staf-
fordshire, 51. 4s. 6d.—North Union (B), 140—Nottingham,
Bolton, and Grantham, 2l,4—Scottish Midland, 23%—Sheffield
and Lincolnshire Junction, 27/s—Sheffield and Manchester,
Quarters, No. 3, 534—Trent Valley, 17—West Riding Union,
61. 2s.

BRIGHTON AND CHELTENHAM

RAILWAY.

Yesterday the :.4curned meeting of the Shareholders of this
L.,:.,ipany was held at Mr Routh's offices, 9, Austin•friars, to
receive the report of the deputation appointed at the meeting
held (Wale 24th, to wait on the Directors relative to their
paying up the deposits on their shares ; and, also, to give an
account of what course they, intended taking with regard to

the Company.
The Ch AIRMAN (Mr. Anderson), who had been a mem-
ber of the deputation, reported that • they had waited on
the Directors on Monday last, and after a lengthened inter-
view, the latter came to the conclusion of dissolving the
Company, and offering the terms to the Shareholders which
were given in an advertisement since published. It was
stated that the expenses had amounted to nearly 6,0001. It
was further intimated that the Directors had paid their
deposits on seventy-five shares each. The decision of the
Directors was to the following effect :
"The Committee of Management, having this day re-
ceived a deputation from the Shareholders in this Company,
have, in consequence, come to the following resolution :
" Resolved—That it is desirable that this Company shall
be dissolved with a view of reviving the same in the ensuing
spring.
That each shareholder shall receive back his deposit less
10s. per share, that being the rateable average proportion of
the liabilities incurred; the like amount having been paid
by each Director or. 75 shares, and claimed from all the
members of the Provisional Committee on the number of
shares allotted to them at request.
" That in the event of the re-formation of the Com-
pany the present shareholders should be entitled to the
same number of shares as those now held by them, credit I
being given for the amount deducted from their deposits, or
in lieu thereof, shall, at their option, in the event of the
separation of the Company, receive the sum of 55., on their
relinquishing all claims on the plans, sections, and property
of the company, which will then belong to the newly con-
stituted company.
"That the shareholders may on and after Monday, the
15th inst., between the hours of eleven and four, receive
back their deposits less 10s. for shares on giving up the
voucher delivered at the time of their execution of the deed
and signing the necessary receipts at the office of the Com-
pany."
This was the resolution come to by the Provisional Di-
rectors, and he had advised the Shareholders to accept it.
Not that he considered it altogether what they should have
expected, but being all they could get. If they took legal pro-
ceedings against the Directorsle believed they would lose more
than 10s. per share. It was their policy, therefore, to adopt the
lesser evil of the two. Had the Company gone on, the Share-
holders would have been in a worse position, considering the
present state of the money market, than they would be in in
accepting the proposition submitted. He, as far as he was
personally concerned, was willing to accept the terms offered ;
and he advised the other Shareholders to do the same.

A SHAREHOLDER inquired how it was that so much as
6,000/. had been expended, seeing that no Bill had ever been
before Parliament, while the Belfast and Ballymena Com-
pany, which had obtained its Act, only cost 8,000/. ?
The CHAIRMAN answered that 2,0001. had been paid for
engineering, 2,000/. for advertisements, and the rest had
been incurred in general expenses.
A PROPRIETOR—If the terms are accepted, what will be
done with the deed?

The CuAntmAx—lt will be cancelled.
After some further discussion, in which it was complained
of that only a portion of the Directors had paid up their de-
posits, and that the defaulters ought to be advertised, and a
vote of thanks having been passed to the Chairman and de-
putation, the meeting broke up.

OPENING OF THE PORTS.

legislative enactments. By the removal of these laws an
impetus would be given to the industry of the masses:
f1:0 ,1j;:h :71sIiir?,1, the a.nd the

play, addinc
not only to individual prOperty, but to toe efficiency of every
department and institution of the country.—(Hear,. hear.)
And if these advantages could be secured them by the
abolition of these laws, would they, he asked, cease their ex-
ertions until they were fully done away with ?—(Hear, hear.)
In asking the repeal of these corn-laws they did not wish to
depress others; all they wanted was to elevate themselves
and they felt that in thus elevating themselves they were
benefiting all classes of the community.—(Hear.) With these
views, he would impress upon the meeting the propriety of
assisting those who had formed themselves into an union
for the purpose of relieving the people from the trammels
which had been thrown around them ; of assisting those who
wished to break the last link of the chain which had been
placed upon their necks by the corn-laws.—(Hear, hear.)
He knew that there were many gentlemen present with more
talents than he could boast of, who could do greater justice
to this important subject, and he trusted that they would
come forward then and do so. They could do themselves no
higher honour than in being instrumental in effecting the
consummation they all so anxiously desired. He would but
add for himself that he had no personal object apart
from that of his fellow-citizens to serve in this matter.
He had come forward as an independent man, anxious to prO-
mote an independent object.—(Great cheering.) It was the
duty of every Englishman to do his best to get these laws
repealed, no matter what his station in society might be.
He did not despair of their ultimate triumph ; nay, more, he
hoped to see the day when civil and religious liberty would
be freely extended over the world.—(Cheers.) They were
anxious that their views should be fully understood; they
were not of a destructive or injurious tendency; but, while
they sought not to inflict injury on others, they were
equally determined to have justice for themselves.—(Loud
cheers.) They were anxious to have good laws, and to
improve to the utmost the advantages of their present posi-
tion in society.—( Hear, hear.) The speaker then read and
proposed the resolution.
Mr. CARPENTER said that he had been requested to
second the resolution which had just been proposed by Mr.
Walker, and he did so from exactly the same motives and
feelings which had prompted that gentleman to move it.
He felt that that was a time which rendered it impera-

tive on all men to discharge a public as well as private
duty, especially in a case of great emergency like that
which had brought them together—(Hear, hear)—and no
man, however humble his station or contracted his talents,
should shrink from the duties which society imposed on him.
—(Cheers.) The resolution which had first been read had
reference to the prospective state of the industrious classes of
the community, and their anticipation that in consequence of
the disease of the potato crop and the scarcity of the wheaten
harvest the depressed condition of those classes would
be exceedingly increased. Whatever men's opinions
might be in reference to the corn-laws—whether
in the eyes of one party they were unjust and
not so in the eyes of another, was of no consequence.
Neither of the parties who divided the country would, for a
moment, blame Sir Robert Peel for a calamity which was
solely attributable to the seasons under Divine Providence ; at
the same time it was right to look beyond the immediate
causes of the present pressure, and to ascertain what course
should be adopted in this comparative dearth of the
ordinary productions of the country.—(Hear, hear.) And
they had a right also, if they believed that these laws were
calculated to aggravate the distresses of the people ,• if they
believed that, in the present extraordinary state of things,
their removal would mitigate these evils by rendering the
importation of fcod comparatively easy, in those circum-
stances, and with this belief, they had a perfect right to have
these laws abrogated.—(Cheers.) It had been even an
axiom in politics that when capital was in great
abundance there was an increased demand for
labour, and that when there was a great demand
for labour the wages of the productive classes were corre-
spondingly
high. It has also been admitted that for the last
four or five years, while profits have been high, wages have
been low, and this because there was too great an inequality
between the two classes of society. What was the state of
things at present? They found capital in great abundance—
in such abundance, indeed, that theydid not know how to dispose
of it, and the wildest projects, therefore, had been brought before
the public, and such was the superabundance of capital, that
men rushed, with open hands and pockets, into the arms of
those who proposed the wildest schemes to them. They
had heard before the railway speculation commenced of
bankers in London, who had lying in their coffers one million.
or it might be two millions of money, which they were
willing to lend at two per cent., and yet were unable
to find persons to borrow it from them.—(Hear, hear.)
And what had been the tendency of this accumulation of
capital ?—was it to increase the wages of the working
classes on the one hand, and to enhance the profits of the
trading classes on the other? They found that there had
been, during the last fourteen or fifteen years, a gradual
declension in the wages of the labouring classes, and a
gradual reduction in the profits of the trading classes. Now
was not this state of things calculated to excite the sympathy
of all reflecting and right-thinking men ? Let them put this
state of things before those who entertained a different view
of the corn-laws from what they did, and let them be asked
it explain the contradiction. Let them be asked to
'account for an increased capital and diminished wages and
profits. They would find that the corn-laws were in part the
cause of this anomaly, because their tendency was to
fetter and restrict the industry of the working men.
It was gratifying now to find that men of all parties were be-
ginning to see their injurious tendency, and to acknow-
ledge that they pressed most unjustly on the humbler
classes of the population. It was lamentable to find that
in consequence of these the distinction was gone between
the poorer classes and the industrious classes. In-
dustry and poverty were sy-nonimous terms, as were riches
and idleness.—(Hear.) But they were glad to-find that the
causes of this anomaly were being investigated, and he hoped,
sincerely hoped, that with increased knowledge, they would
do away with the causes which had resulted in these evils.
We were told that the question was settled. It was nearly
ten years ago that a letter was published from one of the two
great leaders of one of the two great political parties in this
country. He alluded to Lord John Russell, who, after
twenty, years' experience, had been converted to sound politi-
cal economy. He reminded him of Rip Van Winkle, who,
after twenty years' sleep, awoke. Lord John Russell had
been asleep for twenty years, and now soddenly woke up,
and came forward to aid in the work which so much inte-
rested them all. He had found out, after twenty years, that
corn does not form an exception to political economy, and
had contributed his influence to do good and realise the
important aid they were seeking. It had since then
been announced in a sort of demi-official way that
the Premier (who ought to be called the great
Corn-law Silence) had been impressed with the ne-
cessity of doing something to relieve the country from
the oppression of these laws, which had so long disgraced
it. He was not one of those who would judge the motives
of statesmen. It would be unfair to decide upon them by
the same principles that were usual to men in the ordinary
walks of life. They appeared to him to be governed by
principles of which the generality of people had very little
idea, and to which most meu were strangers, and they would
be in error who attempted to fathom their reasons when they
were actuated by so many particular circumstances. It was
enough for them' to know that if that announcement was
founded in truth, the two great leaders of the two
great parties had at length found it necessary to sub-
mit themselves to the decision of the public will,
and to express their readiness to do what was
required. He had heard it mentioned after the announcement
of the decision of the last Cabinet Council, that this meet-
ing was not to be held to-day. He was delighted to find
that it was held, and that the expectations of some persons
in that ward were disappointed, because it was certain that,
whether the announcement of the Cabinet Council was true
or untrue, there was the same necessity for the very same
course of proceeding on the part of the public. If it was
true, Sir R. Peel would require all the support which the
public could give, as it would give a great blow to the aris •
tocratical power of this aristocratic country; and if the
public mind decided that he did not intend to do any-
thing, there would be the same necessity for coming
forward to help themselves, as the landed interest
would take advantage of any indecision. They would fight
the battle to the last step, and would not give up their last
great hold on the finances of this country.—(Loud applause.)
And if the public were not alive to support a Minister who
was thrust into the battle against his will, they would not
succeed in their endeavours, and would be foiled in their
attempts on all sides. He felt that he had already occupied
the time of the meeting longer than he should do—(Cries of
"No, no," " Go on")—and he would conclude by begging to
second the resolution so ably proposed by his friend Mr.
Walker.—(The speaker then sat down amidst thunders of
applause.)

Sir JAMES DUKE then put the resolution to the meeting,
and it was carried unanimously.
Mr. C. Wool) then said that he bad been called on to pro-
pose the second resolution. He would begin by calling to
their attention the resolution :—" That Sir R. Peel, by not
advising her Majesty immediately to assemble Parliament to
consider the necessity of repealing the corn-laws, had been
guilty of a neglect of duty, and had rendered himself re-
sponsible to the country for the present deficiency
in corn." In support of the resolution he would call
their attention to the feeling of the public mind some
five or six weeks ago, previous to the assembling of the
Cabinet Council. It was then the universal feeling that an
Order in Counciton the more important measure of assembling
Parliament would be necessary, in order to open the ports.
Sir Robert Peel was in a situation to open them, but he
required the support of the people. It was an act which, as
the chief member of the Cabinet Council, he was enabled
to perform, and on him lay the responsibility if he neglected
this important duty. It was seen that there was a difference
of opinion in the Cabinet Council, as nothing resulted from
their deliberations. The corn market went up in conse-
quence, as many persons suspected from the evident
difference of opinion that the ports would not be opened.
The inferior sort of corn now in the market was at from
50s. to 545. per quarter, and it was of such a bad quality that,
in order to use it, it was mixed with a better quality of
corn. That better quality was at 745. per quarter, and the
duty was so high that the good corn, necessary to mix
with the inferior stuff they had already, could not be im-
ported. The duty at present amounted to 14s. per quarter.
He was told that the report that the ports could not be
opened had closed the hands of all who held bonded corn,
and it was now worth from 4s. to ss. more than it was at
that time. An objection might be made to the second reso-
lution, on the ground that it placed Sir Robert Peel in an
c
improper position—(Hear, hear)—and he would defend it on
that point, as Sir Robert Peel had taken no measures to as-
semble Parliament. Supposing that in theCarhiginhett Council
the a
do,cil
whi:lh which, yhi Earl
ofs
tßhiepoDnulscehoolfilNdVehlilnindgetr him
on,LefrrdonlWhdaeliinigclitlt'a
L and h
he con-
siiilresrtedLnoercdessoaf theryfor tk,ereagsouordnof
lie
ee country,linda
could he not say that if he was hindered from prosecuting his
own measure, they should seek another Minister? He had
not done so, but had called meetings from which nothing
had resulted. The Times had asserted one thing yesterday
morning, and it was contradicted the same evening by the
Standard, and this morning the Chronicle asserted the state-
ment of the Times to be true, inasmuch as the allegations it
contained were quite consistent with the professions of Sir R.
Peel and the Duke of Wellington. Whose assertion were they
then to believe? If the Duke of Wellington advocates the
repeal of the corn-laws in the House of Lords, while
the Premier advocates it in the Commons, then by
these meetings they were assisting them in their
endeavour, but, if otherwise, they were forwarding
their own views. He wished Sir Robert Peel to remain in
office, because he did many things for them which, with all
their efforts, they would be unable to do themselves. If he
was guilty of neglect of duty they ought to impress it upon
him, and point out to him the necessity of some immediate
remedy. Supposing that Lord John Russell's letter had
not appeared, would the article in the Times have appeared,
or would any change in the views of the Cabinet have taken
place? Cobbett and his assistants had done all in their
power to forward that change, which was undertaken with
tnhdeuysiterwi
ouosf be
man nefiting n theggeth
Ts-orokwi
ici
Nl,ai classes, and enabling the
_(Loud applause.)
He knew that from ten to twenty-five per cent. had
been taken off front the wages of the men hi the north,
and even now in some of the large manufacturing towns they
were working short work. Take a bushel of wheat new from
the last harvest, and its quality was such that it would be,
if cleared, two or two-and-a-half pounds lighter than a
' bushel from the preceding harvest; and then let them think

milliw:
ih attroenaso
fdoetfifil iuee
psnahtce,y
ltsthaterT3
eo would a
nthnedm,,m.
hao.diutdnatt
to that
frightful
the n
deficiencyr
chars. ea
the
r
1 They hen; d dui; the a,
.alts frolo Ireland ant from
Somersetshire, that the decay was going on to an alarming
extent. He knew a potato-merchant who bad pur-
chased a quantity of potatoes at 6s. per cwt., and
in a short time after he was glad to be able
to sell half of them to the cowkeepers at is. per
cwt. Let them, therefore, impress it on the mind of
Sir Robert Peel, who was the ruling power, and who was
personally responsible to the whole country for his own act
in case of an impeachment—and such a thing might occur.
He saw that Sir James Duke was smiling, and well he might,
and laugh also, as he knew how tenderly that word was used
in the Houses of Parliament. Supposing that such a thing
was to arise as an impeachment for neglect of duty—a neg-
lect of duty which brought hundreds of his countrymen to
starvation and death—who did they think would be im-
peached? Would it be the Duke of Wellington? No.
Lord Wharncliffe, or the Earl of Ripon ? No ; it would
be the First Lord of the Treasury—the man who had
the nomination of his colleagues, who has, or ought to
have, the whole power of the country in his grasp. Who, he
again asked, was responsible ? Sir R. Peel, who would alone
be looked to for the remedy for a grievance, and who alone
could remedy it. He felt that he had taken up enough of
t heir time. He would conclude by proposing the resolution,
and saying, that so long as they obtained what they re-
quired, he did not care who got it for them—Sir R. Peel or
anybody else.
Mr. BOYLE was then called on to second the resolution. He
said that he was taken quite by surprise. He had come there
more as a looker-on. He was sorry that the task had fallen
upon him, but it was necessary that those in power who
did not do their duty properly should have their neglect
expressed to them. Yet the gentlemen of the ward had
not the boldness to come before the meeting and give ut-
terance to sentiments that he had heard them often express
in private. There should be no question of delicacy which
should hinder them from expressing what they considered
the wants of their country called on them to do. They
knew that in consequence of the increased prices of provi-
sion trade had been paralysed. Many of them knew
that the mills were decreasing in work; the work-
men in consequence were earning less, and could not
afford to spend so much with the tradesmen
around them. That train of reasoning' was simple enough.
It might be that the famine was further off than their fears
had represented it to be, but it was their duty to prevent
its recurrence at any time. If the Prime Minister was not
quick to do his duty, they should not delay. If Sir Robert
Peel had not been so wedded to party, and had adopted the
simple principle of buying in the cheapest market and selling
in the dearest one, there would have been no necessity for
this meeting. They were all convinced of the neces-
sity of free trade in order to save the country from
ruin. how much better off would the country have
been if those engaged by right in commercial
pursuits had followed their own business and paid less at-
tention to railways. Had those persons, whose offices in the
City entitled them to go into the presence of their So-
vereign, done something for the poor instead of attending to
railways, the poor would perhaps have been better off.
Sir a. DUKE said that the Corporation of London had
done all in their power to assist the poor and to obtain the
required measures for them.
Mr. BOYLE said that there were splendid reminiscences
connected with the city of London, but the time had passed,
and they had now become so bad and so degenerate as to
become a by-word and a reproich to all men.—[A round
of continued and loud applause followed this declaration.]
Instead of leading on every great question, they are found
the last. They come in after Manchester, Glasgow, and
other minor communities. One's heart throbs while think-
ing of the glorious deeds of old; but now the most they do
is, if a gentleman's character be irreproachable, but because
he differs in some sentiments from them, to expel him from
amongst them, and make an election null and void.—
(Immense applause.) He (Mr. Boyle,) seconded the reso-
lution with the greatest pleasure imaginable. He hoped this
would be the beginning of a change in the ward, the largest
in London, and that it would take its proper place in leading
on these great questions. When it was thought that every
luxury we taste, every gem in her Majesty's crown, comes
from abroad; that not a wind that blows but wafts a vessel
laden with the riches of other countries; that this inter-
course has a power to civilise, an effect most desirable,
considering that round the globe the people are from
one great hand and for one great object—(Applause)—
it would be lamentable indeed if the cause of these
laws being continued till now were traced to our
own supineness. If this ward had done its duty—
if the Corporation of the City of London had done
their duty—they could have compared with pleasure
the glories of former days with the present. They
would, in that case, look upon each alderman as he passed,
and say, there is a man who spends all his time for the good
of his fellow-citizens; did you read his speech ?—(Laughter.)
But, on the other hand, they, the degenerate descendants
of former aldermen, are occupied with some trivial matter of
a sewage.—(Applause and laughter.) If they are not car-
ried away with the gold chains, the sword, and other gew-
gaws of office, they would act so as to be entitled to the
name of the poor man's friends.—(Loud Applause.)
Richard Cobden, that great man, has borne on the contest
to a victory without the aid of such men as Lord
John Russell or Sir Robert Peel. Is not that
man of genius deserving of being presented with the
freedom of the City of London ?—(Applause.) Why should
Glasgow and Manchester be forward in this, and anticipate
the City of London. If a soldier, who has been fighting
with savages, unknown and unacquainted with the modes
of European warfare—if such a soldier come home, honours
are heaped upon him, snuff-boxes are handed to him, but
such a man as Richard Cobden, who labours to ameliorate
the condition of the people, and to christianize the world,
such a man is passed by.—( He sat down amidst great applause.)
Mr. RicitaßD Thrum said he had been requested to se-
cond the resolution read and moved ; but, having declined, he
just begged to say his reason was, that while he agreed in all
that had been said by the mover and seconder, lie could not
agree to censure the ward, or to put Sir Robert Peel in the
position which the resolution puts him in. He thought that
we should speak courteously of our opponents when they
were coming over to our side. The framer of the resolution
perhaps had not made allowance for opposing forces. Sir R.
Peel has been moving round to free trade, and Lord John
Russell has but lately declared his conversion; allowance,
therefore, ought to be made for these things. He moved as
an amendment to the former resolution—" That this meeting
expresses its satisfaction with Sir Robert Peel's course in re-
ference to free trade, and begs that, since he has admitted the
scarcity of food, he would advise her Majesty to repeal the
corn-laws, and thus merit the lasting gratitude of the people."
Dr. LYNcit said he had great pleasure in seconding the
resolution as amended. They ought to be thankful to
Sir Robert Peel : he has launched the barque and it is for the
people to waft it along. The intimation made in the Times
is by the same journal affirmed to- day in every circumstance,
therefore they owed a debt of gratitude to Sir Robert Peel.
At such a moment of congratulation it is a pity to hear one
word out of keeping with the spirit of the times. Such hap-
piness ,is too great indeed, he was afraid, to last long He
had read an anecdote of a gentleman who went to dine with
a miser, where he had never dined before. After dinner he
rhymed it thus :
" Here we have dined, where we shall dine no more—
Chimneys smoked that never smoked before."
—(Laughter.) In public calamities it is better to try to
prevent than to cure. Sir Robert Peel is trying this. Sir
Robert had the best interests of the country, he believed, at
heart, and would secure them, if the power with which he has
to contend be not too great for him ; for in all times, ancient
and modern, the power of the British aristocracy of Eng-
land was unequalled ; and their interests were wound up
in monopoly. But this proud aristocracy, yielding only to
necessities, must yield before the terrible necessity of public
calamity.—(Applause.) Truth and matter of fact reach the
peasant and the prince, the castle and the cottage. He said
be would just give them a few facts. Typhus fever and pes-
tilence are never out of Ireland. For one hundred years
typhus fever had always accompanied scarcity, and this
scarcity of food in Ireland is never absent. Our
reports on health of towns prove this. Round this
neighbourhood there were hovels and huts. 11l drainage
and sewerage, and if there be a scarcity of food the
people will die, as if the angel of death had breathed upon
them. To make England the emporium of the world, and
make it available to all, should we not merge their differences
for this noble object ? Sir Robert, the most powerful Mi-
nister ever existing, before whom Pitt sinks into insigni-
ficance, who puts away his sliding-scale when he finds it will
not work, and every consideration natut'isl to a Premier, and
carries the object for which the meeting had come together,
the meeting would be worse than foolish to censure Sir Robert
or to express other than gratitude. (He sat down amid
great cheering.)
Mr. ANDERTON begged the mover and seconder of the
original resolution would agree to allow it to be withdrawn
in favour of the amendment.
This was complied with by both.
The amendment was carried unanimously.
Mr. PRENDERGAST said he had been taken by
surprise. He would always express himself in favour
of the repeal of these laws; but to come on now
with an harangue against the corn-laws seems like
a person coming in at the end of a fight who
had stood coldly by. They might now light their fires and
glory all day. He would not debate about the share of
honour due to each party in bringing about this issue.
He was certain Richard Cobden was a man too high
for having the freedom of towns presented to him.—
(" No, no 1") But he must say the Corporation of Lon-
don, long before Cobden or the League were heard of;
was in the front of the fight.—(Disapprobation.) Lord
John Russell deserved greatly the honour which
any and all might be inclined to render him. He had
not published his letter to oust Sir Robert from his office,
but to retain him longer in it. And who does Lord John
represent? The City of London itself, which his friend
had thought fit to censure so severely. Time had elapsed
during the debates on the corn-laws, but there is a season
for everything. Considering there was a large aristo-
cracy in the country, and a Church connected with
that aristocracy—considering there are so many op-
posing interests. Sir Robert Peel has done just that which
a great statesman would do—lie has delayed till the proper
time arrived the bringing in this great measur3. The aris-
tocracy must now see that either this measure must be car.
ried, or Sir Robert must resign his office, and throw the
country into confusion : hence the propriety of Sir Robert's
delay to the proper time. His friend had censured the corpo-
ration. He would not go over these points to-day,
as it was not St. Thomas's-day; therefore he would
leave corporate matters. But why dared his friend to
bury that great talent of his in a napkin ?—(Laughter.)
He has not done his duty. After this, he knows what he
has to Clo.—(Laughter.) He moved, " That in the opinion of
this meeting, the time had arrived when the corn-laws and
all differential duties should be abolished, and an outlet
opened for the produce of the country into foreign markets,
thereby securing the prosperity of the people."
Mr. WATSON seconded the resolution.

The resolution was put to the meeting and carried without
opposition.
Mr. ANDERTON said he would take no honour to himself in
appearing there that day, but he would say he had been one
of lifty gentleman who contributed first to the abolition of
the corn-laws, when Mr. Hume and Mr. Warburton entered
themselves on the long list of opponents, long ere Mr.
Cobden was heard of. Not corn only, but tea is necessary to
the poor. In 1804 tea was purchased at 10d. per lb. ; the
duty was 2s. 3d. Now tea is down to 7d. per lb. in China,
but the duty remains the same. He would draw their
attention to soap. In Ireland, Dr. Lynch's country,
the poor man had his soap without duty, but if he came over
the water, it must be under an additional duty. He hoped
Sir James Duke would draw Sir Robert's attention to these
particulars. He moved that Sir James Duke be requested to
present the foregoing resolutions to Sir Robert Peel, and ha-
press on his mind the great necessity of repealing these laws
at the present moment.
Mr. BUCKMASTER seconded the resolution.
The resolution was put and carried unanimously.
Sir JAMES DUKE said he would with great pleasure wait
on the Prime Minister, and give effect to the resolution.
He said he owed it to himself and to them to correct any
error. He had the requisition sent to him late on Saturdey
evening, and early on Monday morning he waited on the
gentlemen sending the requisition, to know what day would
be most convenient. A gentleman had said that the Corpo-
ration had not been the friends of the poor; for himself he
must say it did not apply to him.—(No, no.)

Mr. OBBARD moved that the thanks of the meeting were
due to Sir James Duke for his kindness on the present oc-
casion, acrd on all oc(-asions.
It was unamiously carried, and Sir James shortly and
warmly acknowledged the honour they had done him.
It was afterwards resolved by the meeting that the reso-
lutions sheuld be advertised in the papers.
The meeting was then adjourned.