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No.

161072. LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING SUN FEBRUARY 17, 1844.

~~~

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WEEKLY

ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE

MEETING

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in this instance on account of its great importance, knowing
well that free trade in everything else would speedily follow.
He would express a hope that every person who was present
listening to him would consider that it was for his own indivi-
dual interest that ha was seeking for free trade in
corn, for in twelve months afterwards they would have free
trade in everything. Follow down even to the beggar in the
street, and they would find that they were looking to his interest
also. The time, he hoped, would come when all parties would
agree on this subject ; at present their opponents were strong
in wickedness, and they were strong in truth.—( Loud cheers.)
The Hon. Gentleman then thanked the meeting for the kind
manner in which they had received him, and resumed his seat
amidst loud and enthusiastic cheers of applause.
Mr. VILLIERS then introduced to the meeting Mr. William
Dougal Christie, the Member for Weymouth, and took occa-
sion to sav that he was one of the few Members who during last
session of Parliament had the courage to take an independent
part on the subject, of the corn-laws. After loud cheering,
Mr. CHRISTIE, M.P., addressed the meeting. He congratu-
lated the meeting on the fact, that against these meetings no Go-
neasynd-falanugglehdtelrin.e)
ovTfewr
conspiracy
es
nightspn yarcoya egl
oha
amhdea t
ioeantd
beenhial
eda
heard
dentvt
hebeenen t
esd
ei.
—scsruct
adr,yn Hear,o
of State for the
Home Department utter a sentence, which he accompanied
with his most significant look, and on the words of which much
study had been evidently bestowed, which, if it was not intended as
a mere clap-trap, to raise a party cheer, or to insult by a dark
insinuation what he dare not openly attack, must have been
meant as a warning to the Anti-Corn-law League.—( Laughter.)
After saying that the altered circu:nstances of the times re-
quired an alteration in the law of conspiracy, and quoting a
maxim of Madame de Stael, which he and the Duke of Wel-
lington thought most profound, he said, that " now-a-days
leaguers held their meetings in theatres, aid conspirators build
Conciliation Halls to disseminate sedition."—(Cheers, and
laughter.) All that he could say in answer to that was, that
the Anti-Corn-law League had not as yet frightened the Home-
office with any sham military proclamation ; the Council of
the League eontineed to address in plain terms, men of plain
understanding ; and Mr. Cobden headed no Anti Corn-law
cavalry.—(Laughter.) It was not from Sir James Graham
that this declaration against the Anti-Corn-law League might
have been expected. The League without taking any par-
tioular., trouble to ascertain his opinions, had had hitherto one
reason' for thinking that thtylvere hikiiiiin•ed whir Is is einfideuce
and good opinion.—(Laughter.) When, last year, the League
began to hold its meetings in theatres, those who conducted
the arrangements unexpectedly found, that the police force
which always attended the theatres when they were opened
for the purposes of the legitimate drama, were not to be allowed
to attend on the occasions when the League met there, in con-
sequence of a special order of the Honae-office to that effect.—
( Great laughter.) Mr. Wilson made particular application to
the head of the metropolitan police for their assistance, but it
was refused in consequence of the order in question,
and up to that day there had not been a single
policeman present at their meetings. From this it was to be
inferred that he who presided over the Home-office was satis-
fied of the legal and orderly character of the meetings of the
League.—( Great laughter.) The Government appeared to
be exulting over the success of their proceedings in Ireland,
but it would be better for them to wait to see that success,
instead of boasting of it in the absence of that great man before
whose power they quailed when they granted Catholic Eman-
cipation. Before they sung their song of triumph they should
wait for the final issue of their proceedings.—(Hear, hear.)
At all events, if they now prepared another indictment against
the League, and endeavoured to apply their new doctrine of
conspiracy, founded on Madame de Stael's maxim, to the altered
circumstances of the times, why the League might call Sir
James Graham and the superintendent of police to speak to
their characters.—( Laughter. ) The apostate Baronet.—
(Loud cheers which prevented the remainder of the sentence
from being audible.) The Anti-Corn.law League made it its
object to act upon the House of Commons. It acted upon con-
stituencies by endeavouring to make them act upon
Members, in order that Members might give good votes.
If they were to be proseuteg, so also ought their opponents of
the pro-corn-law associations, whose strong speeches, signifi-
cant hints, and bold declamations were much more dangerous.
Their opponents :overlooked the constituencies, jumped over
the Legislature, and aspired to keep the Government in order,
to add to the riches of the wealthy, and compel the poor to pay
a disproportionate contribution to the revenue. The pretext
was proteetion to agriculture ; but where were the proofs
that such protection had been afforded ? The corn-laws only
served to—

MRS. TROLLOPE'S NEW NOVEL.
Just published, 3 vols., post Bvo., 31s. 6d.,
THE LAURRINGTONS ; or, Superior People.
By FRANCES TROLLOPE, Author of " Widow Barnaby," &c.
" Mrs. Trollope gains upon public opinion, as a novel writer, by
every successive production of her prolific pen. ller new novel, ' The
Laurringtons,' is vastly superior to `Widow Barnaby,' on which we
conclude, from its being associated with her name in the title-page,
she founds her pretensions to public regard. The plot is simple, the
characters comparatively few, and their positions, sayings, and doings,
perfectly in keeping. The work will be a favourite with the novel-
reading portion of the public."—Globe.
London : Longman, Brown, Green, and Longman.

MRS. GRANT OF LAGGAN.
Just published, 3 vols. post Svo. Portrait, 31s. 6(1.
MEMOIR and -CORRESPONDENCE- of the
late MRS. GRANT, of Laggan, Author of " Letters from
_ _

the Mountains," ` Memoirs of an American Lady," &c. Edited by
her Son, J. P. GRANT, Esq.
" Abounds in anecdotes of many celebrated persons, well told,
novel, and full of interest."—Court Journal.
" Apart from their literary merit, Mrs. Grant's letters have a
value of no inconsiderable kind, in the piety and devout fortitude they
inculcate by example."—Examiner.
" Mrs. Grant's letters are the calm, healthy effusions of a mind
replete with good sense, tinctured by poetic sentiment, and of a soul
entirely devoted to the consolations and hopes of Christian life."—
Britannia.

" Hear, hear")—to declare their wrongs and to demand
redress. That right should never be touched in any locality,
or in the case of any party, without the protest, the
strong and heart-felt protest, of every one who values
public freedom, and the privileges of a nation, only procured
by the boldness of its speech and by its spirit of independence.
—( Hear, hear. ) But to return to our associations. The cri-
mination of the League seems to be the first, great,
prevailing object. This is the most intense feeling
in their hearts, this the first idea to which they
give utterance. And for what do they criminate
us? Of all the petty, paltry charges ever scraped
together, some of those which fieure in the "very
head ansi front" are the most pitiful. The first resolution of
one agricultural meeting states it to be a most intolerable thing
that the League sends paid lecturers about the country.—( Hear. )
They charge It as a crime upon us that lecturers are sent
to such public meetings—(Some interruption was here mused
by some person in the meeting, and the Hon. Gentleman con-
tinued)—but even they have not the impudence to charge it
upon us, that in some instances ruffians are sent to disturb
public meetings.—( Hear, hear, and cheers. ) They forge.,
too, that the great teacher and lecturer of the League is one
that is not paid—and cannot be paid, by human agency. Its
greatest and most efficient Lecturer is an invisible power— a
missionary from Heaven, speaking to the heart of humanity—a
Lecturer that speaks to the minds of tlmse who listen, as well
as with the voice of him who addresses an assembly—an un-
dying power, but everywhere pledged to spread free-trade
doctrines and to put down oppression, and the name of this
unpaid lecturer is the Love of Justice.—( Applause. ) A num-
ber of stories were told by them, amongst which was that of a
man having forged to a petition, but, they did not accuse us of
forging names to a monopolist candidate to come for-
ward and stand for the representation of a county.—
( Laughter.) Do they say this man entered a churchyard
and copied a number of names from the grave stones, for the
purpose of attaching names to an Anti-Corn-law petition? Why,
if the person whom they employed did this, there must have
been some shrewdness about him, and had their perceptions
been morally acute, I think they would have abstained from
selecting this particular illustration of the charge from the
' graveyards of this country, for in those of both crowded towns and
remote villages, how many of those senseless inhabitants are
there who have been brought there—indirectly, indeed, but not
the less certainly—by the operation of those accursed restric-
tion laws.—( Hear, hear, and cheers.) Could they interfere
in our transitory occurrences, they would have a right to
petition upon this matter. They had been the victims
of the system under which the living are yet suffering
and writhing, and were their power to reach their inanimate
dust, and could their old thoughts, and feelings, and reminis-
cences be gathered together, could they come from their
graves, to which so many have heels carried with but limited
rites—the shortened removing—the little bell tolled heavily at
the pauper's funeral—could they be gathered together from
their resting-places—could they be assembled in the neigh-
bourhood where that body met to legislate:on life and death—
oh, there would be such crowds, that the avenues of the Houses
of Parliament would be so choked up, that it would require a
large army of horse and foot, with a Wellington at their head,
to cut a passage through this multitude, and the result would
be, that the chaplain of the House would preach his sermon en
the occasion from the text," Your brother's blood cries to me
for vengeance."—( Loud cheers.) Next to this unwise disposi-
tion to vituperate, he found most prominent in the proceed-
ings of those bodies, was the immensity of the professions of at-
tachment to the labourer. This was prominent in every string
of resolutions and in all their speeches.—(Hear, hear.) The
food of the labourer and the work of the labourer seemed to be
their being, their aim, and their end—it would appear as if the
landlords were only born in order that they might ex-
ercise their love for the labourer. (Cheers and
laughter.) He did not suppose from such expressions that they
would never meet again at their festivities, but that the toast of
Church and State, and its usual accompaniment of the glee of
" A Jolly Good Bottle" then would follow the toast of the la-
bourer; and after a description of his Arcadian bliss, there
would be a song in character, to the words of " What a
Beauty he did grow." They love their labour so
dearly, that they take care that the fine proportions of his
form shall not be spoiled by too much rich or ample living—
that it shall not be obscured by too great an abundance of
clothing.—(Laughter.) A curate, the orthodoxy of whose
faith was doubted, once said that he could not be expected to
believe very largely, for he only believed at the rate of
80/. a year, while the Bishop believed at the rate of
15,0001. a-year, and so it seems to be with respect to
the great Lords and landed proprietors ; they loved their
labour at the rate of their 30,000/., 40,000/., 60,000/., or
even 80,000/. a year, while the poor labourer in return,
stinted in his means, can only love at the rate of Be. or 9s. a
week.—(Cheers and laughter ) There has been nothing like
this wonderful attachment since the days when King Cophetua
loved the beggar-maid ; but he did not first make her a beggar
that he might love her the more ; and in this respect the re-
semblance does not hold good. We have often heard of the
lass who loved the sailor, but what is that to the affec-

Owing to the press of matter last evening, we could only give
a mere outline of the speeches. We now give a full report.
The usual weekly meeting of the League was held on Thursday
night,in Covent-garden Theatre. The attendance was aslarge as
on previous occasions. At seven o'clock the Chair was taken by
the Hon. C. P. Villiers, M.P., when the following gentlemen
were on the platform :--W. J. Fox, Esq., Joseph Parkes. Esq.,
W. A. Wilkinson, Esq., Ralph Ricardo, Esq., J. P. Burnard,
Esq., W. D. Christie, M.P. , P. A. Taylor, Esq., Dr. Cooke
Taylor, T. F. Gibson, Esq., S. G. Hall, Esq., Patterson,
Esq., Preston, Esq., W. S. Burton, Esq., Henry Keeling,
Esq., William Clay, Esq., Arthur Pattison. Esq., W. T.
Hodgkin, Esq., Pennock Tigar, Esq. (of Beverley), Jaboz
Johnson, Esq. (of Manchester), John Bell, Esq., M.P., Thos.
Wakley, Esq., M.P., Charles Williams, Esq.' Dr. Simpson,
T. Mason, Esq., D. Aumonier, Esq., T. Ruston,Esq., J. Phelps,
Esq., G. Ridout, Esq., Wynn, Esq., Sir Valentine Blake,
John 111‘Leod, Esq., J. Cox, Esq., Dr. Hitchman, Summers
Harford, Esq., F. Roe, Esq., M. Thackeray, Esq., J. Dyke,
Esq., W. A. Thomson, Esq., Wm. Edgar, Esq., George
Lambert, Esq., Thomas Bateman, Esq., John Thompson,
Esq., J. Anderson, Esq., George, Osborne, Esq., Richard
Egg.. Samuel Drewell. psq., Esq.,
•Thritai Harbottle,—Eit.' ( Manc'hester), `3. Scott, Esq..
(Manchester), C. 0. Boyce, Esq., John Yardley, Esq., John
Burtt, Esq. E. Jackman, Esq., Grant, Esq., R. Harrison,
Esq., Mark Perkins, Esq., J. D. Gaskell, Esq., Joy, Esq.,
Sir William Baynes, Bart., F. H. Toone, Esq., W. Roberts,
Esq., John Chadwick, Esq., F. Scheer, Esq., N. Overbury,
Esq. (Westbury, Wilts), R. Overbury, Esq. (Westbury,
Wilts), W. H. Birchall, Esq. ( London), H. Birchall, Esq.
( Leeds), M. H. Barnett, Esq., Michael Stocks, Esq. (Hali-
fax), Henry Edwards, Esq., Fullerton, Esq., Joseph Ro-
binson, Esq., Richard W. Cole, Esq., James Harmer, Esq.,
Professor Key, &c., &c.
The CHAIRMAN on coming forward was received with re-
peated rounds of applause. On silence being restored, he ob-
served that his esteemed friend, Mr. Wilson, who commonly
presides with so much ability at these meetings, was he re-
gretted to say, unavoidably detained in the country ; and he
had requested of him to occupy the chair in his absence, though
he felt himself incompetent to discharge the duty with any-
thing like the ability of his esteemed friend. Yet he readily
complied with the request, as he was unwilling to urge on
others the discharge of those duties which he was not ready
to perform himself ; and the time was come, when every friend
to this great cause should come forward, and by aU and every
constitutional means, promote the views of this important, this
necessary Association. The objects of the National Anti-
Corn-law League are, as they believed, identified with the best
interests of the kingdom at large; but unfortunately a selfish
interest, represented by adverse majorities in both Houses of
Parliament, frustrates those beneficial objects, and therefore it
became necessary for them to exert themselves the more;
for we live in times when the "force of enlightened public
opinion is all-important, and the League represents that
opinion."—( Hear, hear.) The gross misrepresentations of
the objects of the League, which have been made by their oppo-
nents, exhibit at one and the same time the alarm of their op-
ponents in the weakness of their cause, and the force and power
of the Anti-Corn-law League in the soundness of their views
and the excellence of their objects. The objects of the League
are CO demensirate to the people, and the nation at large, the
benefits of those great principles applied to trade which have
been recommended by the wisest and best minds, and which
are now so loudly called for by the necessities of the country—
principles which have been advocated and recommended by
men of the highest eminence for talent and ability, and of the
greatest practical knowledge in this country. Therefore it
was, that notwithstanding what their opponents may allege, he
said that it was for the promotion of these principles, and on
these grounds alone, that the League claimed the support of all
sensible and right-hearted men.—( Loud cheers.) Since the
last meeting of the League in that place, he had heard that a
word now so common in stifling the cries of an injured people
in the sister country—(Loud cries of " Hear, hear,")—he
meant, " Conspiracy ' —( Loud cheers)---had been applied to
the meetings of that Association in that theatre.—( Laughter. )
.How .far the word was justly applied to their assemblages
there he could not pretend to say—(Renewed laughter)—but
certainly it was no wonder when they considered the objects
they had in view that their opponents should be alarmed, for it
stands upon the high authority even of an eminent Secretary of
State, that the doctrines they contend for are the doctrines of
common sense—and anything more likely to be dangerous to
the power of their opponents than the prevalence of common
sense he could not conceive. Whatever-misapprehensions may
have gone abroad regarding the proceedings of the League, it
is certain notwithstanding, that the League is making great
progress, and that common sense is about to prevail—( Hear,
and laughter)—for something like common sense is required to
oppose the views of the League, and to satisfy them that misery
is not now increasing with increasing numbers, and that those
evils are not fostered by those who have an interest in main-

" Stun with false care what else would flourish wild,
Or rock the cradle till they bruised the ch ild."—( Laughter. )
I f humanity were to be the motto of any party it should be in-
scribed on the banners of the League. If any one doubted
the ultimate success of their efforts in achieving unconditional
repeal, the speech of Lord Morpeth, who declared that if the
sliding-scale were not abandoned in a twelvemonth he would
join them, ought to dispel that doubt. If, when his Lordship
made that declaration, he doubted that the sliding-scale would
be preserved another year, Sir Robert Peel came in oppor-
tunely to make a declaration of his determination to
preserve the sliding•scale, thus dispelling in his Lord-
ship's mind all doubt as to his intentions for the fu-
ture.—( Hear, hear.) Other great conversions, other
important declarations would undoubtedly follow. He did not
despair of seeing the leader of the Opposition a convert to the
cause of free trade. It would be just what might be expected
from one who belonged to a family which was so great in the
country's history. Their enemies called the League " a great
fact," and the services which it rendered would hereafter cause
the period of its exertions to be considered a great era, and
whoever might carry the question in the House of Commons,
the pioneers who cleared the way would not be forgotten. He
could not conclude without expressing his conviction that no
man who hereafter shall lay a plentiful meal before his children,
could ever forget the skilful, the eloquent, and the high-toned
advocacy of Mr. Villiers, any more than he could forget the
exertion, the almost superhuman energy, that unison of true,
simple, and manly character, with an intellect of extraordinary
breadth and vigour, which have placed Mr. Cobden in the
front rank of public men, and established him far beyond the
reach of the calumnious and dark insinuations by which un-
scrupulous men have endeavoured to defame him.—(Cheers.)
Mr. W. J. Fox then came forward and, after being greeted
with tremendous applause, spoke as follows:—If there be upon
the two Hon. Members of the House of Commons who have
addressed you this evening the doom which used to be much
more frequently on judges' lips than, happily, it is at present,
and if they are about to be taken to the place from whenee
they came, I hope on their arrival they will report there that
the. Anti-Corn-law eague is still in existence—(Greai
laughter, and cheers)—for it was announced in that House no
longer ago than last night, that since the declaration of Sir
Robert Peel, on the first night of the session, the Anti •Corn-
law League had dwindled into insignificance. Yes, it has
dwindled from a revenue of 50,0001. a year to one of 100,0001.
It has dwindled from small local meetings"' to such gatherings
as I now behold around me; it has dwindled from the humility
of petitioning the House of Commons to the masters of the
House of Commons—(Cheers)—and what a strange, what
an imperfect, what a confused and ignorant notion must any
man have of the Anti-Corn-law League, who supposes that the
breath of a Member of the House of Commons, or of a Minister
of the Crown, can cause it to shrink and shrivel up into insig-
nificance. Why, he takes it to be some petty intrigue, some
party manoeuvre, something to which the Members of the
House of Commons are much more accustomed than they are to
the grand principles of truth and justice, and to the great
movements of national opinion. And of all persons, too, one
whose breath has so often blown hot and cold on this subject,
who has aforetime denounced as destructive of the political
Constitution and of the religious Establishment of these
realms, the very measures which he has submitted to introduce,
of all men his words are not the words before which such a
body as this is to stand appalled, or at whose corn.
mand it will shrink into annihilation.—(Great cheering.)
Neither on Sir Robert Peel, nor on any other leader of party,
does this League depend for the success of those objects which
are marching on towards their accomplishment.—( Hear, hear. )
It has been made a boast of late that even rich 'Whig Lords
are joining the Anti-League movement. Let them join. So
much the worse for the Whigs, but not for the Anti-Corn-
law League.---( Hear, hear.) Our strength is in the prin-
ciples we hold. It is written down that free trade is an im-
portant step in the progress of nations. It is a fact that
claims founded on eternal justice, as is the claim of industry
to a free market for its produce, may be violated for a time,
but can never permanently be refused to the demands of hu-
manity.—( Loud cheers.) Their dicta, on whatever side of
the House they may be, or whatever parties they may lead—
their dicta stop the progress of this League, or prevent the
accomplishment of its objects !—why we may as well suppose
that the earning of the approaching spring will be retarded or
prevented by the bellowing of the bull in Tamworth Park !
( Great laughter.) But what monopoly cannot effect through
the medium of ancient institutions and legitimate forms, is,
it seems, to be effected by voluntary combination and effort.
Not content with the great Corn-law League of the House of
Lords and the House of Commons—not content with the
command of the Cabinet and of its coerced spokesman—not
content with all this, we find a number of little " associa-
tions" springing up here and there all ever the country, cry-
* rig out as it were to these leviathan powers—
" 0, let our little barks attendant sail,
Pursue the triumph, and partake the gale,"

tion of the lord who loves the labourer ; they love the
labourer so dearly that for their sakes he would even
injure the rest of the community and degrade their characters—
and pervert the powers of their station and their legislative func-
tions; they love them so dearly, that for their sakes they will take
out of the pockets of the public any amount of rent which they
can get by the taxation of food.—( Cheers, and laughter.) The
labourers are told that they must have work, and if free-trade
principles are to prevail, it is said, that the land will
go out of cultivation and the poor labourer must starve.
Now, what is the meaning of all this ? for even love itself—the

love of the landlord for the labourer—mist sometimes be sub-

taining them. When common sense sees that the progress of the
League is opposed by vulgar abuse, when it sees industry denied
its proper exertion and rewards, and the necessitous unem-
ployed, then will common sense prevail.—(Cheers.) When
capital shall be entitled to its fair profit without the mischievous
intermeddling of a one-sided law, when the rich and idle shall be
content with their own ; when such doctrinrevail, then will
common sense and common honesty prevail.-(Cheers.) Then
will all those in authority be senire, happy, and content in the
midst of a thankful people. These were the results they
looked for, and therefore it was that he gave his humble efforts
in promoting the objects of the League. As lie had just seen
one of their veterans come on to the platform, he would net
detain them longer. They would be addressed by one who was
always at his post—ever steady at his gun—ever to be found
when wrong was to be put down and oppression- opposed—he
meant Mr. llnme.—(Cheers.)
Mr. HUM E, M.P., then came forward, and was received
with great applause. He said, that however too complimen-
tary may have been the remarks of his Hon. Friend, he had
stated one truth with respect to him—it was true he was a
veteran in the cause—he had been for very many years an
anxious labourer in promoting the great objects the Anti-
Corn-law League has in view. It was with great satisfaction
that he and they must look back at the progress they had made,
and the converts that had joined them, for he remembered that
when he proposed a fixed duty on corn only fourteen years ago,
out of a House of 600 Members, he could get but thirteen
Members to vote with him. The present salutary change had
been brought about by setting forth the objects of the League,
and the more those objects were examined and discussed, the
more would their views
be promoted and adopted.—(Loud
cheers.) He came in late to that meeting, but he de-
layed to see enter the House one who was indeed
a veteran in the service of the people.—(Loud
cheers, and cries of " O'Connell, O'Connell.") He
assured the meeting that one of his great motives in coming
there that evening, was to express his public opinion as to the
principles on which those gentlemen in Dublin were put upon
their trial. The same may be applied to this country, and no
one is safe if they dare to push such principles.—( Hear, hear.)
So it was most desirable to promote the great objects of the
League, and it was therefore particularly incumbent on them
to see how other public meetings had been interfered with.—
( Hear, hear.) A great change had taken place in the opinion
of their opponents ; formerly it was held that the food of the
earth was for the benefit of the labourer, but their opponents
seem to think that it was only fit to be taxed to keep up their
rents , but a great forward step has been made..
t'ofhceayimeana
now ask them, " What right have you landlord-
greater protection and a higher interest yo_utr
yc,capitals than
injustice for the
any other set of men in the community ?" I
people alone to say how long such an injustice, for
it is, will be permitted to continue. Mr. Hume
.then. pro-
ceeded to contrast Sir Robert Peel's recent declaration
,sin re-
ference to the corn-laws with the Right Hon. Baronet pro-
fessione on introducing the Tariff Bill, and deplored Sir Robert
Peel's want of firmness in allowing himself to be dictated to
by the monopolists, and the Honourable Member then went
on to expatiate on the anomalous condition of this country,
which, n ith such incalculable resources, still abounds with so
much misery among the working population • and the reme-
dies for such a calamitous state of things would, he contended,
be found only in the exertions of the League—in the abolition
of monopolies of every kind and description ; and he
knew of no reason why every honest Englishman should not
join them ; and so long as they violated no law, use their
most strenuous efforts to rid the country of these obnoxious
monopolies ; and he knew no reason why the capital of the
landlord should have more protection than the capital of the
manufacturer or the merchant, and he pointed out the fallacy
of the doctrine that you are not to look to foreign importa-
tions, but to the home market alone, for the food of our great
and increasing population.—(llear, hear.) And where, then,
he asked, are you to get an outlet for our manufactures which
give employment to the great mass of the working popula-
tion ? The question of free trade had, he said, now become
the important question with the highest and the humblest in-
dividuals in the country, and he portended the greatest cala-
mities, if the principles of free trade were not soon adopted, so
as to give emyloyment and food tothe working classes, and he
deplored that the energies of such an enterprising and indus-
trious people should not have an enlarged field and free
scope. He called upon the people to be prepared at the text
dissolution of Parliament to send in free-traders ; it was there
the great battle was to be fought, and he apprehended but
little good would result from. the proceedings of the present
House of Commons in the direction of free trade. He
then said, he hoped the time would never come, when
we should be confined to the produce of our own land,
for the support of our increasing population, as it was
most necessary, as that population increased, to procure
for them increased employment and food from abroad. At
the same time, let no man be told that the foreign market
in the best market, for, in speaking of it in one sense, there
is no difference between the home and foreign market. If a
man thinks that he will get more money for his goods at home,
he will dispose of them at home , and also, if he thinks lie will
sell them better in a foreignwill not sell them at
market, he
home. He (Mr. Hume) believed that it was for the interest
of every man that the measures proposed by the Anti-Corn-law
League were constructed, and that there was never adopted a
course more beneficial to every class than that adopted by the
League, and in that course they would continue.—(Cheers.)
every man—there was no man, from the
It was the business of
beggar to the Peer, whose interests were not involved in it ;
and he believed, in his conscience, that the landed proprietors
have suffered greatly, and will suffer more, by the continuation
of these laws. He was informed that in Ireland already the
grazing lands were immensely reduced, in consequence of the
English not having capital enough to purchase their cattle.
There ought to be no prohibition to the fruit of the labour,
ingenuity, and industry of the Englishman —( Cheers. ) The
object of the Anti-Corn-law League in seeking for a repeal of
the corn-laws, was not only to obtain a free trade in corn, but
to obtain free trade in everything else; they put food forward

`T. VALENTINE'S DAY.
V. 3 Two pretty young ladies (so we have hearl say),
Were talking concerning St. " Valentine's Day."
" I say." said the first, can you tell me the reason
We've so many love-letters sent us this season ?
Time was when we'd never a knock at the door,
But now we have ' valentines' sent by the score."
" J have thought," said the other, bestowing a smile—
'. I have thought of the subject a very long while;
And I really believe, after all's said and done
That the credit is due to E. MOSES and SON':
Whose wonderful Clothing, besides being smart,
Can kindle a flame in a gentleman's heart.
I cannot give reasons how this tact can be—
But such is the case, I assure you," said she.
" There is something in MOSESES' garments, they say,
That drives every bachelor notion away.
Gents. begin to be proud of their own persons thus,
And then, as a consequence. think about .us.' " •
" If such," said her friend, " be the MOSESES' dress,
May it ever ensure unabated success
May all the' young sparks' both in country and town.
Buy Clothes at the MOSESES' mart of renown !
May married and single not rest till they've done
Some favour important for MOSES and SON !"
READY main. s. d.
Taglion it, velvet collar and cuffs, lined throughout from 011 0
Beaver Chesterfield, velvet collars and cuffs, ditto from 010 6
odringtons, Peltos, York Wrappers, &c., handsomely
trimmed from 0 15 0
Warm Winter Trousers, lined from 0 4 6
Any pattern, Doeskin, ditto ...from 0 9 0
Double -breasted Winter Vests front 0 3 6
Dress Coats edged from 1 6 (1
ditto from 1 4 0
MADE TO MEASURE.
Winter Coats of the most approved make and material,
trimmed in the most fashionable style from 1 5 0
Doubled Milled Tweed Wrappers, lined from 0 18 0
Trousers of the newest fabric from 0 10 6
Or Tnree Pairs
Winter Waistcoats, in endless variety of material and
from 0 8 6
pattern
Dress Coats
The best manufacture fro:r 2 15 0
Mourning to any extent can be had at five minutes' notice, at the
following prices :
Men's Suits, dress coat, vest, and trousers from 1 16 0
Boys' ditto, jacket, vest, and trousers from 0 18 0
N.B. Any article purchased or ordered, if not approved of, ex.
changed, or the money returned.
Curium—E. Moses and Son regret being obliged to guard the
public against imposition, as they learn that the untradesmanlike
falsehood of being connected with them, or it's the same concern,
has been resorted to in many instances' and for obvious reasons.
Tney have no connexion whatever with any other establishment,
and those who desire genuine Cheap Clothing should call or send to
154, Minr,:es, to guard against disappointment, &c.
Observe—E. MOSES and SON Tailors, Wholesale Woolen Drapers,
and Outfitters, 154, Minories, and 86, Aldgate.

ject to analysis.—(Laughter.) The owner of 50,000 acres
says, that if one party prevails, his land will go out of cultiva-
tion, and England will become a desert. noes he mean that
land itself will take wings and flee away ? And if he can get
any rent for it, does he mean that land will yield no produce to
any one who may till it ?—( Hear, hear.) There it is, and no
alteration in the law of the land can annihilate the soil, or blast
the power with which Providence has endowed it, of bearing
ample fruits in return for the seed which man deposits therein.
—( Hear, hear.) And why let him throw it out of cultivation ?
If there are 50,000 labourers' life on that property—if it is a 1....
....

toeellker abandoned by him, there will be nice squatting there
Laughter)—for those who remain.—( Continued laughter.)
I think it will go hard but they will manufacture bread and
cheese out of it.—( Laughter.) And since we hear that the
hares and rabbits on some estates require a very considerable
reduction—(Laughter)—they might live on them till harvest
time came round.—(Great laughter. ) Thus, with a little in-
genuity, weuld those 50,000 be covered with industry, and
persons would get food for their support, and
would have some surplus to spare to find them-
selves in clothing. Thus, what becomes of the cant
phrase of throwing land out of cultivation ? ( }tear,
hear.) If this were to happen the labourer would think it
the happiest day of his life when the landlord was " crossed in
in love."—(Hear, hear.) And if the thing went on, and the
comfort of this little society increased, it is much to be feared
that, after a time, the landlord would come back again. There
would then be a repetition of the scenes which had so disgraced
Scotland and Ireland. There would be notice to quit served
on those who had taken possession of the abandoned property.
There would be the horrors of a clearing, in which whole fa-
milies would be sent to lie down in the ditches, and have to
find refuge from the pitiless elements to which they would be
exposed by the equally pitiless landlord—( Hear, .hear)—and
the enactment of a tragedy, too often performed, would end the
farce of " The Labourers' Love."—Great cheering.) When
did this love commence ? What is the history of this most
fond and affectionate care of one class for another ? How old is
it? Does it belong to those ancient times in our history when
slaves were fattened here and sold in Ireland, to the detriment
of the home market there, till it was glutted with a surplus
population ? Was it in the 14th century, when pestilence had
ravaged the country—when the number of those who tilled was so
reduced, that they claimed as a right a higher rate of wages
for their work—when the statute of labour was passed (which
some have praised even in this our day), enacting that they
should be flogged to their work, at the wages they had before
the pestilence came ?—(Hear, hear.) Was it in the 15th cen-
tury, when it was the law that if a man Iliad been for fifteen
years a labourer he must follow the drudgery for life, and net
apprentice his sons in towns, lest the landlord of the soil should
lose the services of his serfs ?—( Hear, hear.) Was it even
in the sixteenth century, when a man, catching any idle
stroller on his grounds, might force him to work, and feed him
with the offal of his table, and brand him, that he might be
known to belong to his service ? ( Hear, hear.) Was it at
the period when manufacturing energy commenced—when the
wages of the labourer, as measured by wheat, fell more than
one-half, and the price of wheat was more than double ? Was
it under the old poor-law, or new poor-law, which sometimes
subjected the labourer to the degradation of being paid his
honestly-earned wages out of the parish fund, at another time
turning the screw upon him, telling him lie is a late corner to
nature's table, and bidding him, in his rags and starvation, be
independent ?—( Hear, hear.) Is it now that he is gifted
with twenty-pence a-day if the weather be fine, to lose it if the
day be wet ? Where can we find the origin—whore trace the
history—where see the marks of that paternal care, which one
special class now affirms to have taken of the labourers of this
country-Hear, hear)—since they had them under their fond
protection If such be their feelings for the labourers, why d)
they not bestow more exclusively their attention to them? it is
the tendency of the Legislators of this class to meddle with any
business rather than their own ? They are very anxious about
factories, where persons are paid higher by far than any which
agricultural labourers receive in the employ of tenant farmers.
—(Hear, hear.) They are for making regulations about
schools; they are for interfering with cotton, and silk, and
woollen manufactories ; but there is the labourer, whom they
love so well, the most unprotected, the most unhelped, being in
the country.—( Hear, hear.) Now and then, perhaps,
they have given him some sort of a prize for a
twenty years' service in some family—( Ilear)—but even this
has been coupled of late with an admonition that he must not
listen to persons who were given to change—(Laughter)—for
the Bible teachers that there must always be poor in the
land.—( Great laughter.) And what is the assumption of be-
ing agriculturists on the part of the landed proprietory ? What
is it but part of the same cant which we find
extended throughout the whole of their proceedings ?
Why, the use of a man's property does not affect his character
or his occupation ; being the owner of a library does not make
a man learned. As Mr. Cobden often pithily said, " a man is
not a sailor because he is a shipowner ; neither are the owners
of great estates entitled to claim the honourable appellation of
agriculturists. They *are not the cultivators of the ground,
they are only the recipients of its fruits, taking the lion's share
of the profits." If this language were allowed in reference to
other matters; if it were to designate the occupations of people by
the use which they make of their property, it would follow that
a Noble member of this League (the Marquis of Westminster)
is the greatest brickmaker in the country; that the Duke of
Bedford is the most distinguished dramatist and mu-
sician ; and that the clergy of Westminster Abbey
are professors of prostitution.—( Great laughter.) Mr. Fox
then went on to say that the question was, whether the landed
proprietors were to be " the nation," the entire nation? for
that was the object for which they were aiming.—(Hear, and
cheers.) They acknowledged it ; they acknowledged legisla-
tion ; but they were one House influmeing another.—( Hear. )
They acknowledged the manufacturing classes, but they did all
in their power to oppress them ; they acknowledge the wo.4.king
classes, but they tax the bone and sinew of their labour—.
they tax the very bread of their existence,--( Hear, and ap-
plause.) He granted that they were once the nation, for
there was a time when the lank(' interest was the nation ;
but what sort of tithe was it ?• A time when the people of
this country_ were dogged, branded, and sold. There vat a
time when
they were a nation, when they rode down 1,--
holplesa opponents, and were only fount?, eApable -r • •
Deing put

—(Cheers and laughter.) Being imitative bodies, these asso-
ciations, they have taken to copying from us. We have
left off petitioning Parliament, and they are just going to begin.
—(Hear.) I hope the cast-off clothes will fit them grace-
fully.—(Renewed cheering.) They denounce our agitation;
the Duke of Richmond says that our agitation is immoral, and
forthwith puts himself at the head of another agitation.—
( Continued cheering.) In looking over the various resolu-
tions and proceedings of these corn-law meetings, I have
endeavoured to ascertain what are their most important
features, what they are driving at • and of the two
things which stand out most boldly in relief, one,
I find, is hatred of the League.—( Hear.) They do not
exactly knew what they are about to do, but they must oppose
the League, they must stop the League, they must put down
the League. And so, to do all this, they begin to praise the
very thing of which they have been complaining ;
they enlist themselves as supporters of the Prime
Minister, by whom they have been betrayed ; they
evince their consistency, scarcely knowing what else
to drive at, by agreeing to support a law which
they have denounced, and a Premier whom they despise._
( Hear, hear.) And by declaring that we are liable to the
penalties of the law, what do they but put themselves in a
position to shield us, if there be any impartiality in the admi-
nistration of the law, from such inflictions ? If we be illegal,
much more are they, with their corresponding societies, mak-
ing their conspiracy not constructive, but open and apparent
to all the world. Not that I care about that word.—( Hear,
hear.) I should as soon, if not sooner, have addressed this
meeting by the term fellow-conspirators than by any other
designation.—(Loud cheers.) It would be no disgrace, when
the pursuit of a lawful object by lawful means can bring men
under pains and penalties. And I must say that, whatever
might be the business of the evening, I should have felt
ashamed of myself and of you, if the privilege of free meeting
and of free speech could be used here without the ex-
pression of sympathy for those who are to punished
for its use in the sister isle.—( Loud and long-con-
tinued applause, accompanied by cries of " Bravo.") I say
sympathy for our owr. sakes, not for theirs, for, of all men, I
take him to have the least need of sympathy, who, even in a
dungeon, if he is sent to a dungeon, will rule in the thoughts,
and hearts, and devotion, of the nation whom he serves.—(Ap-
plause.) It is due to ourselves, it is due to the best and dearest
right which the people of this country possess—the right of
publicly meeting, and if it be a great grievance, in numbers
proportioned to the greatnos of the Erievanco—(Cries of

1 ~~~
~lra ~~

/` 7i

-

hors de combat by being cracked like lobsters in their &hells.
—( Cheers and laughter.) Yes, they were a nation. but
when they were, it was a nation not worth living; in; and to,
that time would they again bring the reople back.—( Never.)
They were not, however, he would tell them, the nation;
but the hard-working, industrious, productive classes of the
country were the nation.—( Ilear, hear. ) it had been often
said, and there was mach truth in the statement, that " Eng-
land was the paradise of landowners ;" but her industrious
sons, was not the land theirs? The landowners, however,
called the land theirs, as if they were " the. gods" who made
it ; and were not content even with that.—(A laugh.) They
talked of their estates; hitt they got them not by industry,
but rather by sword and rapine.—( Hear, hear.) They talked
of the heavy burdens which they say are on the lands awl
yet there was no property which was less burdened than the
land. " Free markets" was the cry of Wat Tyler; and the
dagger which stabbed -him then was still stuck in the arms of
the City of London Corporation ; and the cry which was raised
then was raised now. Yes, " free markets," not in England
only, but in all the world.—(Enthusiastic cheering.) They
demanded for all markets the same freedom as they looked
for themselves.—(hear, hear.) They demanded " free mar..
kets"— free as the air of heaven, free as the billows of the sea,
free as the aspirations of the soul of man.—( Great cheering,
and loud cries of " Bravo.") What, he would ask, had not the
wisdom and industry of man done for labour ? It was said iu
a newspaper, a few days Lack, that the price of corn was only
the same now that it was in 1791 ; but the fact was,
that, while the price of corn was the same as in 1791. the
rent of land in this country was double, and more than double
what it was then ; and it was that that crippled the farmer,
and rendered him unable to compete with foreigners.—
( Hear, heat.) There were they (the Anti-Corn-law League)
in their v duntary gathering, and yonder were their oppo-
nents in tneir set meeting by Royal mandate; there were
they (th League) in their open proceedings, while yonder
also were their opponents in their seclusion. There were
they the League) in the open way, and they took up the
gauntlet tchich their opponents had thrown down, and
hurled slrfiance in their teeth.—(Loud cheers.) "
advance to the conflict," continued Mr. Fox," which they
brave—the conflict of public opinion against power, break-
ing no la w even of their making. In the spirit of that peace.
ful mcaality which they profess, and have made part and parcel
of the law of England, we carry out this great cause, and we
. to even for them deliverance from the curse which the
agiiressor brings on his own head; for ourselves, emancipa-
tion from the disgrace of being plundered and enslaved; and
for our country, deliverance from the prospect of confusion,
from the endurance of wretchedness, from anarchy, and from
desolation. The age of feudalism is past, and the spirit of
Iktudalism cannot govern this country. It may be strong
in the prestige of the past; it may glitter in the splendour
which it has won from the toils of industry ;
it may fortify itself in the bulwarks of institutions ; it may
surround itself with a servile multitude ; but the spirit of feu-
dalism must succumb before the genius of humanity ; the
spirit, the principles, and the power of feudalism, must stand
by and make way for the rights of industry, and for the pro-
gress of nations tow at& commercial, political, and intellectual
liberty."— ( Tremendous and long-continued cheering followed
the conclusion of the above speech.)
The CIIAIRMAN then stated, that Mr. O'Connell had con-
sented to attend the next weekly meeting, an announcement
which was received with vociferous applause.
he meeting then dispersd.