The Sun.
London, England, 1844-08-17 00:00:00

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SPIRIT GI the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM THE EVENING PAPERS OF TIT'S DAY.
GLOBE.—The bombardment of :Tangiers by the
Prince de Joinville's squadron, intelligence of which
reached the British metropolis yesterday, and was
announced in the Globe, seems to have taken all par-
ties by surprise. Hostilities between France and
Morocco— which it was hoped and believed had
been averted by the interference of Mr. Drum-
mond Hay—have actually commenced. " The dogs
of war" have been let loose; and the capital of
Morocco is laid in ruins by the cannon of France.
Another difficulty is thus created in the pending
negotiations between the Cabinets of England and
France; from which we sincerely hope the two
countries will, by the wise policy of their Ministers,
be extricated, without being involved in war with net;
other. Such an event cannot be too strongly depre-
cated. The discharge of the first hostile cannon in a
dispute between France and England, from whatever
cause it might arise, would be felt as the shock of an
earthquake, by every civilised nation in the world.
The interests of every Power would be effected in a
greater or less degree, in proportion to their local posi-
tion upon the map; nor could the most far-seeing
statesman set limits to the extent of the hostile
operations, nor predict the duration and effects of
the conflict. Such are our deliberate and deeply-
felt opinions respecting the consequences of wor
between France and this country. It may fairly
be asked, why the hostile position in which France
and Morocco are placed toward each other, should
create fears that England will become involved
in the contest ? Are not the two former coun-
tries completely independent Powers ? May they not
quarrel and fight, if they please, without involving
England in the strife ? The question, in this abstract
form, seems capable of an easy and satisfactory reply.
There is nothing in a war between France
and Morocco which, necessarily, involves this
country. History and experience, however, prove
that events far less likely to produce war, of a com-
prehensive range, and of protracted duration, than the
present quarrel between France and Morocco, have
caused the sword to be drawn by almost every
Power, on one side or the other, until the whole
continent of Europe became converted into the scene
of its calamitous operations. Nor is this the only
source of our apprehensions. The war party in
France possesses considerable and growing influence.
M. Guizot, it is evident, is disposed—probably more
from compulsion than inclination—to a seeming corn •
pliance with its incessant clamours for military
demonstrations. The Prince de Joinville's pam-
phlet—though a mere feather in the scale was
caught at with avidity. As a feather, it was
thrown up to ascertain the popular ' feeling in
France. The experiment was successful. Its senseless
gasconades were largely quoted as indisputable autho-
rity by the mischievous party with which this hair-
brained youth had joined himself. His vanity was
fed by ai plause ; and his warlike doctrines were quoted
by the Fi ench press, as though they had pro- eeded from
an oracle. If p u-lence had actuated the French Minis-
try, and peace had really bean its cherished and deter-
mined pu pose, would a youth like De Joinville have
been appointed to the difficult mission with which he
was entrusted—a mission in which the alternative of hos-
tile attack was to be preceded by negotiation ? To
our mind the selection of the Prince de Joinville for
this service seems pregnant with suspicion as to M.
Guizot's desire for peace. It indicate a pre-determined
purpose, on the part of the French Ministry, that
negotiation should be the precursor of hostilities; and
not that it should prevent them. We will assign one
or two of the reasons which induce this opinion. The
first is the language held by the Paris Globe—M.
Guizot's own organ—on this very subject. The fol-
lowing extract from an article on the Morocco war—
though written some days before the French expedi-
tion appeared before Tangiers, anticipated the result ;
and avows the real purpose for which it was under-
taken. It will be seen that England's power in the
Mediterranean is to be reduced by the subjugation of
Tangiers :—" Morocco is evidently the dependent
of England, who maintains and protects it. Eng-
land can only hold Gibraltar, as long as no
great Power has possession of the coast of
Morocco and Tangier. Place French cannon on
the African coast of the Straits, and the import-
ance of Gibraltar will diminish one-half. England
is, therefore, obliged to maintain the Islamism
of Tangiers in order not to have France there, as she
is obliged to maintain Constantinople, in order to pre-
vent Russia from taking it." Another reason is, the
manifest importance which the French attach to the
possession of Tangiers, as the means of securing their
Algerian territory. That Abd-el-Kader had greatly
annoyed the French in their military progress,
is unquestionable ; and that he was able
thus to impede their operations, and, to a consi-
derable extent, frustrate their quiet settlement in
Algeria, cannot be denied. But Abd-el-Kader's
irruptions into Algeria supply no justifiable reason
why the Emperor of Morocco should be attacked,
and his capital bombarded. To implicate the Emperor
of Morocco, it was necessary to show that he connived
at, and assisted, that formidable chieftain in his
sallies, and in his other annoying proceedings. Whe-
ther implicated or not in the hostile irruptions of
Abd-el-Kader—the alleged provocation given to
France by the Emperor of Morocco—nothing can be
more certain than that England cannot permit France
to possess herself of Tangiers. An attempt to appro-
priate to herself a single foot of land in the Empe-
ror of Morocco's dominions, would—at least, if the
Cabinet of England be not criminally imbecile, and
traitorously indifferent to what pertains to the honour
and interests of their country—be followed by a de-
cisive protest against the act. This, if not imme-
diately successful, an armament, on a scale sufficiently
large to give effect to that remonstrance must in-
stantly be dispatched, to enforce upon France the
necessity of keeping within those limits which the
preservation of the balance of power manifestly pre-
scribes. England has no disposition to acquire fur
they territory. She neither seeks to add to, nor to
make a boast of, the strength she wields. A. tran-
quillity of spirit—the result of a consciousness of
power to resent insult, and to protect herself against
aggression—pervades the nation. A force is con-
stantly at the disposal of our rulers, which, if pro-
perly prepared and employed, enables this country to
rest quiet, devoid of fear, and as little disposed to
boast.
STANDARD.—The affair of Otaheite is, we trust,
in a course of satisfactory accommodation by, the only,
parties who can properly or safely meddle with it, the
responsible executive Governments of Great Britain
and France. Certain it is that the facts which
come to light day by day are net of a character to
make the accommodation more difficult on the side
of this country. Already Great Britain seems to
be scarcely a party in the dispute, which in substance
lies not between France and this nation, but between
France and an anomalous sort of government in '
Otaheite, in which power is divided betweens jealous tehaenuastivoef
Queen and a society of missionaries, as
the influence of Great Britain at least as of the
influence of any other European power. Were it
not that by an unlucky chance the missionary
prime minister of the Queen has obtained the cha-
racter of . a British Consul, which, however, he
solemnly renounced four months before the acts now
complained of occurred, Great Britain would really
have no concern in the affair. A writer in this day s
Times, whose statements are entitled to the considera-
tion due to those of every man who verifies what he
says by his name, gives an unpleasant view of the
moral state of the higher authorities in Otaheite, and
even charges the missionaries with connivance at
what they ought certainly to condemn, if they can-
not prevent it. This writer, who signs his name
" Walter Brodie, the Gore, Eastbourne," charges
Queen roman with bigamy and habitual drunken-
ness,. intimaetng that a considerable portion of the
Iramnonaries themselves are the reverse of teetotallers,
and mentioning the imprisonment " in the stocks"

r of Mr. Pritchard's representative, the British Vice-
Consul, whose habits are, it appears, rather too
jovial. This outrage upon British rights was, it
appears, offered by the Otaheitan Government;
but we have not heard that any reparation was de-
-1 manded for the restraint imposed on the Vice-Con-
sul's legs. Mr. Brodie alleges against the Otahetian
Government and its missionary adviser the graver
charge of having accompanied, by unneces-
sary harshness and indignity, the deportation
of the French missionaries two years ago
the "fons et origo" of the dispute with France.
Now, these considerations are of great importance,
not merely in relation to the question in dispute
between Great Britain and France, but to the
continued progress of true religion and its conse-
quences—the civilisation and happiness of the human
race. As regards the present diplomatic ques-
tion there is much in the state of society which
we have been contemp!ating in Otaheite to com-
mand a great relaxtion on the part of diplo-
matists on both sides. Our free-acting ancestors of
the eighteenth century used to hold, that whatever
might be the state of political relations in Europe—
" there was no peace beyond the line." Now it
may be wise to adopt the same discriminating
boundary, for a somewhat more pacific purpose, and to
hold that rigid rule of public law ought not to extend
much beyond the northern hemisphere, more especially
in the imperfectly civilised islands of the Pacific ; in-
deed, public law being, like all other law, ex instituto,
and of a reciprocal obligation, in order to be ju.,t,
cannot well be applied in dealing with uncivilised na-
tions anywhere. The second, and immeasurably the
more important consideration is, the light thrown by the
events at Otaheite upon the missionary system. That
the missionaries have wrought an immense amount
of good in the South Seas cannot be disputed; even
the least satisfactory picture of Otaheite that has
reached us presents a glorious contrast to the state of
the island fifty years ago ; but here comes the me-
lancholy reflection, is this good likely to be
permanent ? Is it not even apparent, that
under the missionary government the course of
retrogradation has already commenced, and
commenced with the missionaries themselves ?
If the truth be, as we fear it is, that the moral
state of these new acquisitions to the king-
dom of truth already declines, must not we
conclude that in foreign missions, as in home
teaching, the voluntary system is radically vicious ?"
" There is," as a good man said, " a little
Pope in the heart of every one of us." We all.
wish for power ; we all wish that other men
should adopt our views in religion, as in every-
thing else; give us power, however, and though
we may first use it for the good of others, we will
soon apply it to our own profit, and to the se-
cure preservation of the so profitable power. The
principle of Popery in this respect is universal,
and in the relation between intelligent, and there-
fore powerful, missionaries and ignorant con-
verts, it has full sway. The All-wise has not, how-
ever, left his own service without a protection from
this danger : that protection is "'civil government :"
—civil government which forestalls the tempt-
ing lure, temporal power, that has led so
many religious teachers into mortal error—
leaving the ministers of religion to their sacred
office, and preparing a people upon whom that office
may be most effectually exercised. Might not the
principle of a civil control and a civil support be ap-
plied with the best effect to missions among the
heathen ? The subject is intricate, but the end is all-
important.