The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-30 00:00:00

111,amiim 2int.

LONDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 30, 1945.

The Repeal question still contrives, "like a wounded
snake, to drag its slow length along," though much
of the prestige and quick vital power that once cha-
racterised it, have departed from it—we trust for ever.
In vain Mr. GRATTAN makes furious speeches cf an
hour's length at the Conciliation Hall ; in vain Mr.
O'CONNELL throws off " soft sawder"—as Sam Slick
would call it— with that inimitable adroitness so
peculiar to him ; neither the furious philippics of the
one, nor the oily flatteries of the other, seem longer to
exercise that magic influence over the national mind,
that they possessed but one short year since. Cir-
cumstances that have hitherto served to favour
the views of the Repealers in no inconsiderable
degree, seem now at length to have declared against
them. The late Papal rescript—the Catholic Bequests
Act—even the vacillating, unintelligible conduct of
Mr. O'CosireELL himself on the question of Federal-
ism—which he honestly confessed he embraced with
ardour, because he understood nothing at all about
the matter, upon the principle of "omne ignotum pro
magni.fico ;"—these and other minor adventitious cir-
cumstances have all had an adverse influence on
Repeal, which at present, notwithstanding its would-be
exulting swagger, wears no nobler aspect than that
of a baffled and beaten bully. No agitator—not even
the fertile and ingenious Tom ST.ERLE himself—
appears any longer to have any schemes to propound
at the Association. Mr. O'CoNNELL's crotchet of the
Aristocratic Irish Parliament of three hundred—the
exact number, by the bye, of LEONIDAS'S band of
patriots—who were to assemble together in Dublin,
with, each, a hundred pounds in his breeches pockets,
for the express purpose of checking the revolutionary
tendency of the more plebeian Association—of this
once favourite crotchet we hear no more ; it has
passed away, like other fantastic conceits, into the
Limbo of Vanity, and is scarcely likely to be revived.
Then the Rent I This is one of the unerring touch-
stones of Repeal—a sort of barometer by which its
upward or downward progress may be estimated with
pretty fair accuracy, and this, alas, is groviin "small

by degrees, and beautifully less;" though now and
then there is an evident rally in the week's accounts,
like the last quivering flesh of the lamp when
it is just on the eve of expiring. Mr. O'CONNELL
appears to be perfectly aware of the present humi-
liating condition of Repeal; and to be still more
keenly and anxiously alive to the fact that its conti-
nued existence as a popular and thriving source of
agitation depends rather on Sir ROBERT PEEL than
himself. If the Premier redeem the pledges which he
volunteered last session—and of which he cannot too
often be reminded—adieu, at once, to all Mr. O'CoN-
NELL'S hopes of obtaining a Parliament in College-green
until the advent of the Greek Kalends. The Liberator
clearly sees that the game is now in a great degree
out of his hands, hence his warning to his countrymen
at the last Repeal Association meeting, that nothing
was to be expected from the British Parliament for
Ireland, who " would only fling them the offal while
they secured the carcase for themselves." Mr.
O'CONNELL must entertain a very poor idea of his
own cause, when, as the best means of defending it,
he prejudges the policy of the English Goiernment in
this ungenerous spirit.

It would be idle to disguise the fact that there is a
determined and growing hostility manifested in the
French Chamber of Deputies towards this country,
England is constantly before their eyes. Her great-
ness, her vast extent of territory, her late acquisitions
on the Indus, the Sycee silver brought from China,
and the glorious peace concluded in the very heart of
the Celestial Empire, are all sources of jealousy and
envy to our aspiring neighbours. Those who have
paid the slightest attention to the speeches and
amendments of the different Members must have
observed that they all relate to England—no other
country obtains the slightest notice. Austria, Russia,
and Prussia have been mentioned, it is true, by M.
Times, in a parenthesis ; but the entire stock-in-
trade, the list of grievances against the Government,
and the humiliation of France, so loudly announced
by the Opposition, have their entire source on
this side of the Channel. The affairs of Morocco
and Otaheite, the right of search, the entente
cordiale, and the royal visit to Windsor, are
only different chords, all playing the same tune
—hatred to England. These airs are not played
by men of obscure character, or by wild visionaries
who regard war and victory as synonymous terms ;
they are performed by some of the most able leaders
in the Chamber, by men who have been in office, and
know the secrets of diplomacy—such as MOLE,
TRIERS, DUFAURE, DUPIN, not to mention BARROT,
BILLAULT, LAMARTINE, BERRTER, ARAGO, and other
second- rate men, distinguished by almost every shade
of politics ; and what renders appearances more omi-
nous, they are supported, even under present circum-
stances, by one-half of a Chamber that does not fully
(represent the warlike feeling of this provinces. The
KING'S prepossessions in favour of peace cannot pos-
sibly be doubted. His rejection of M. TRIERS, at
the critical period of the Syrian expedition ; his
anxious wish to cultivate friendship with the Royal
Family of England ; indeed, his whole policy since
he was placed on the throne, have convinced the Great
Powers of the Continent, and, above all, the war-
party in France, that during his lifetime, at least,
peace shall prevail. But he is now advanced
n years, and should his life not exceed the usual
span of three score years and ten, the throne will be
left to a minor, under the guidance of his uncle, as
Regent. The KING'S influence in the Chamber is
great. Some say the Court and Cabinet can corn.
island a hundred votes, but whatever may be the
number, all that influence can command only a bare
majority in favour of peace. It becomes the country
then to look to futurity, and to no distant futurity,
in order to be prepared. M. TRIERS, by his own ad-
mission, is.anly waiting for a combination of' circum-
stances. The death of Louis PHILIPPE may be one
of the combinations, and a young King, a young
Regent, a young Admiral, and " Young France,"
with M. TRIERs as Foreign Minister, will serve to
make up the complement. He will find supporters,
too, out of number throughout the French dominions,
whom no dread of results, no recollection of past
sufferings, and no dictates of prudence can deter.
They long for the return of those golden days when
the armies of France overran Europe, when common
soldiers became Marshals, and Princes, and Sove-
reigns, and the supply of young men was barely suffi-
cient to fill up vacant places in offices erected for
levying tribute on every German and Italian state.
The condition of this country is now so different;
France is so cribbed and confined in the eyes of the
present generation, and the outlet for trade so small,
that this desire for change can be regarded only as a
natural result. From whatever cause, however, it
takes its rise, there is no doubt that it exists, and that
on the demise of the KING a general election would
return a Chamber as thoroughly hostile to England
as M. Tniaas could desire. But, independent of the
Chamber, he has nearly the whole press on his side.
Not a tenth part of the French journals support the
peace policy of the KING and his Minister; and if
this circumstance be taken as a test of the national
feeling, no country was ever more ripe for war than
France is at the present moment. If, under the pru-
dent sway of Louts PHILIPPE, a rupture was immi-
nent about a trifle, what may England expect when
the, hand that has controlled the people for fifteen
years is powerless? The important division on Mon-
day shows that the KING'S influence cannot be
reckoned upon even at present, and a Conservative
journal, the Presse, thus calls loudly upon France to
assert her honour :
" France suffers the consequence of her own heed-
lesncss. Why has Great Britain placed herself is the
alternative of a rupture with her, or of a blame inflicted
by us on the brave Captain d'Aubigny, and an indemnity
granted to the flery agitator Pritchard 1 Why have not
our Ministers repulsed this incredible pretension by
replying instantly with firmness, that as no indemnity
was due, and as no blame was merited, France could not
with honour grant one or inflict the other, and that if
England, dissatisfied with that reply, wished absolutely
for a rupture, the world would then judge between them
and us ? In fine, why did not the majority reject the
amendment of M. de Malleville on this delicate ques-
tion ? We shall explain that fact, for when truth appears
to us dangerous to be concealed there is no secondary
consideration sufficiently strong to induce us to maintain
silence. The truth is, that England, which is informed
of the number of our vessels as accurately as she is of
the number of her own, knows moreover that we carry
to infatuation the fear of war, and thence her menacing
exigencies. The truth is, that the majority, which still
remember the disasters of 1814 and 1815, does not be-
lieve that war can break out between France and Eng-
land without extend;ng to all the other parts of Europe,
, an error propagated by those who ought to apply them-
selves most to destroy it. Thence the vote of Saturday."

" Catilina" is the exclamation which
involuntarily occurs to us as, day after day, we are
apprised of some new atrocity on the part of that
execrable and ferocious despotism which wields the
destinies of Spain. How long, indeed, will the
majesty of civilisation, represented by this country
and the other great Powers of Europe, permit these
bloody excesses to be perpetrated by a Government
as disorganised as it is faithless, as weak as it is dis-
organised—to their own dishonour—to the scandal
of our age—to the disgrace of humanity—to the
infamy of the Spanish people? The rights of man,
the ties of nature— the integrity of justice, the
solemnity of law, are alike violated, severed, and in-
sulted in Spain, by a system of relentless proscrip-
tion—as irresponsible, as sanguinary as in the times
of her severest civil struggle was ever witnessed by
Old Rome. But this modern proscription is even
more wanton than those which have consigned to
perpetual horror the names of SYLLA, or of MARK
ANTONY and LEPIDUS. They might have pleaded
the necessity of self-preservation against the antago-
nistic power of rivals, who, because they were rivals,
were necessarily, therefore, their implacable enemies.
But the blood spiller who sets in motion this hideous
engine of wholesale murder in Spain—be he NAX-
VAEZ himself, or one of his creatures who, under a
mask of office, propounds and executes the sugges-
tions of NARYAEZ'S personal vengeance—has no such
palliative plea to offer. Corruption, the wholesale
corruption which has floated the obscure NARVAEZ
into his present position of "bad eminence," has too
thoroughly accomplished its work to leave him the
apology of personal peril to himself, or of the dread
of successful rivalry by others ir i the struggle for
political power. He seems to hare ingratiated him-
self with the two Queens, and to -Lave become neces-
sary to the consolidation of tiny Administration
which shall possess efficient authority, under ISA-
BELLA. In return, he appea rs to be able to seal the
doom of any other individual in her kingdoms who
may have had the spirit and ITsolution to oppose him-
self to his schemes of uni principled aggrandisement
and ambition. Another victim has just expiated this

offence in the person of his brave and resolute op-
ponent, ZURBANO. The blood of this ill fated man's
race has been shed profusely since he first stood be-
tween the wreck of Spanish independence, in the
capital, and the lawless and insolent pretensions of
NARVAEZ. Bitterly has his own vindictiveness been
atoned for in the violent deaths of brothers id-law,
brothers, sons ; and we learn, by the last intelligence
received, that ZURBANO himself has been summarily
shot by order of the Governor of Logrono, together
with one of these, his nearest and dearest kindred!
It has been recently shown, in a note appended by
Lord RANELAGII to his pamphlet, that between the
Ist of December, 1843, and the 13th of December,
1844, no less than two hundred and fourteen indi-
viduals have been shot for political offences in Spain.
These unfortunates perished chiefly at the instigation
of NARVAEZ, though we must not be suffered to ex-
cept, or to forget that, of this number, no less than
one hundred and twenty-nine, the prisoners of that
still more detestable chief, V ILLALONGA, were murdered
in cold blood in the Maestrazgo, after their capture.
It was only in the month of November last that two
other sons of the ill-starred ZURBANO and one of his
brothers-in-law were shot in Logrono, where he him-
self, with, according to some accounts another son,
according to others another brother, has just been
slaughtered.
We have ever been, and still are, decidedly op-
posed to all intervention with the internal affairs of
other States, except as to cases wherein our arbitra-
tion may have been applied for. But we cannot help
feeling that this country and the other great Powers
have only to intimate, in terms sufficiently grave
and distinct, their detestation of, and displeasure at,
these brutal reprisals and murders—to put an end to
them. Let the Court of Madrid be apprised that the
example of these sanguinary punishments are viewed
by the great Powers not as required for the vindica-
tion of established law and authority, but in order to
satisfy the rancour of party, and private and political
enmities. Let the Spanish Cabinet be made to
understand that it is setting an example of violence
and crime the most dangerous to the cause of peace
and order in Europe ; and that it cannot be per-
mitted by a perseverance in this career of military
executions to present to the subjects of other States
the hateful spectacle of executive authority trampling
under foot all the laws of GOD and man, to satisfy
the revengeful or malicious desires of whatever un-
principled faction may happen to be in power, upon
those who have in any way thwarted or resisted their
progress towards its attainment. All diplomatic re-
lations should be suspended with a Government, call-
ing itself the Government or a civilised country,
which not merely permits, but abets, Ii system of
political brutality that is calculated rather for the
meridian of Ashantee or Pegu (where human sacri-
fices are congenial to the unbridled passions and
savage habits of unreclaimed barbarians), than to
,hat of one of the most ancient monarchies of Europe.

The accounts from Madrid are to the 21st inst.
Intelligence of the capture and execution of ZURBANO
had been received, and produced much excitement.
A Cabinet Council was held in consequence. The
Gazette of that date contains the appointment of
Lieutenant-General Don Jose PRIMO DE RIVERA to
the functions 'of Commander of the Naval Station at
the Havannah, in place of Don FRANCISCO ULLOA.
The Three per Cents. closed at 31i: for cash, and
at 60 days; and the Five per Cents. at 23i at 60
days.

The Paris journals are entirely occupied with the
proceedings in the Chamber of Deputies on the
PRITCHARD indemnity. From all accounts the result
is the general topic of conversation, and cannot fail
to cause a strong sensation throughout the whole of
France. The Ministry have been saved from destruc-
tion by a majority of only eight against an amendment
which, if carried, must have seriously compromised
the relations between England and France. The
Opposition, with loud cries of exultation, claimed a
decided victory, and without waiting for the divisions
on the other paragraphs of the Address, left the house
in a body. It will be recollected that on Saturday
the Members broke up in great agitation —the
Ministry contending (and they were borne out by
three of the tellers), that the amend-
ment of M. MALLEYILLB was rejected, while
the Opposition, on the authority of the fourth
teller, maintained that it was carried. On Month),
the Chamber again met in a state of great excite-
ment, when the President read the third paragraph
of the Address, which runs thus;—" Incidents
which at the first moment appeared calculated to
disturb the good relations existing between France
and England had greatly agitated the two countries,
and called for' all the attention of your Government.
We are happy to learn that a mutual feeling
of goodwill and equity has maintained between
the two States that happy accord which is in-
dispensable for their prosperity and the repose
of the world." To this M. MALLEVILLF moved
the following amendment :—" We are happy to
learn that the accord so necessary to the repose of the
world has been maintained between the two States,
but we regret that, in granting a reparation which
was not due, the rules of justice and reciprocity,
which France shall always respect, were not suffi-
ciently taken into account." M. BILLAULT spoke
strongly in support of the amendment, and was fol-
lowed by M. ODILLON BARED; who appeared to be
in a state of great excitement, and gave vent to the
following language :—" France should not have the
appearance of voting under the threat .of a rupture ;
that if England did not dread such a rupture, neither
was France afraid of it. They were all, he said, men
of honour, and if they were convinced that the im-
pious war, which had already cost the lives of 200 of
their countrymen, had been kindled by Mr. PRIT..
CHARD, he was certain nobody in the house would
consent to pay an indemnity to that manufacturer of
sedition and revolt." A division by ballot then took
place, when there were—For the original paragraph,
213; against it, or for the amendment, 205—majority,
8. The announcement was received with tremendous
cheering and clapping of hands by M. THIERS and
his party. A number of Conservatives refrained
from voting, and left N. GUIZOT to his fate. The
whole Address was finally voted by a majority of
183, only 33 Members remaining to vote against it.
Ministers, however, are resolved to remain in office
and proceed without delay to make another trial of
strength by bringing in the Secret Service Money
Bill. This Bill was announced for the following day
(Tuesday).
As the division on this question is one of the first
importance to England, as well as France, it may be
interesting to give the opinions of the Opposition
Paris press on the present crisis. The Opposition
party, we have said, claimed a majority on Saturday,
and in proof of it the National says:—
" That which particularly struck every one present in
the Chamber of Deputies on Saturday was the unjustifi-
able conduct of the President and his unexpected flight.
No person heard him adjourn the debate, nor did he read
the order of the day. He was seized with fear at the mo-
ment when he felt the storm raging'. If a President may
render himself. ridiculous (and M. Sauget sometimes
abuses that liberty), it is not permitted to him to fail in
the duties of his office. And now that we have done with
the President, let us refer to the Secretaries. MM. de
L'Espee, Boissy d'Anglas, and Las Ca3as, declared on
Saturday that the amendment of M. Leon de Malleville
was rejected. M. Lacrosse maintained, on the contrary,
that it was approved by the majority. Let us verify the
truth by a simple calculation. Two secretaries, consulted as
to the number of, otes, affirmed that they had counted—one
410, the other 411 ; we shall take the last number as the
basis. From these 411 the President and the four mem-
bers of the beard must be deducted. There remains
406 voters. It is certain, therefore, that about twenty
members at least have abstained from voting. We have
received the names of sixteen. Those sixteen deducted
from 406, there remain 390. The majority is conse-
quently
.196, and we publish the names of 196 members
who positively voted for the amendment of M. Leon de
Mallet ille. We are not awure what course the Opposi-
tion will pursue on Monday, but the paragraph remains
to be voted. The paragraph contains a candid and sin-
cere approval of the Pritchard indemnity ; the natural
effect of the vote of Saturday will be the vote of Mon-
day. M. Guizot declared explicitly that he did not wish
to be equivocally supported. lie was right; Government
cannot be conducted by doubtful majorities. Let the
majority, therefore, declare itself boldly. If it com-
pletely approves the solution of Otaheite, let it be de-
clared without a quibble."
M. THUM' paper considers the victory certain, and
thus proclaims it :
" We yesterday gave an approximative calculation,
Made in haste, from which we conceived we had a right
to conclude that M. de Malleville's amendment had been
adopted. We are at present able to rectify those figures,
and to give proof in the place of conjecture. Here are
the facts all proved. All that was doubtful we have
considered as unfavourable to our cause. We have,
therefore, remained below the truth, and we defy our ad-
versaries to oppose to our demonstration calculations as
complete and as authentic. The manner in which the
secretaries proceed in ascertaining the result of a difficult