The Sun.
London, England, 1844-07-03 00:00:00

after the speech of the Hon. Gentleman—(Hear, hear)—
and, .in the first place, he was most anxious
to assure the House, on the part of her Majesty's
Government, that there was the most earnest desire
on their part that this discussion should not be post-
poned, and that there should be a House this evening ;
and if there was any Member more anxious than another
on the subject, he was that individual ; and he was now
most glad that he had the opportunity of addressing
them.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman said that
this was a question of confidence, and that it was their
wish to conceal some portion of the truth, and to mistify
the matter. Now, he thought he might appeal to the
House whether it was not, in a great measure, owing to
his strict adherence to truth that this question was now
before the House?—(Hear.) He might have given an eva-
sive answer, which would have prevented this question
from being brought under the notice of the House ; but
he scorned such a subterfuge.—(Hear, hear.) He thought
he was in honour bound not to give an evasive answer ;
and whatever the consequences might be to him-
self, he thought he was in duty and in honour
bound to state the facts as they were. On'a former oc-
casion he had said that a legal remedy was open to the
party injured. He did not think that was an improper
though it might be an unnecessary answer. He thought
it a justifiable answer, and he could not conceive any great
illegal injury inflicted by a public servant where the law
did not provide a remedy. But it was not his intention
torepeat that answer now; it was considered unnecessary.
On the former occasion the Hon. Gentleman said this
was a question between the people of England and the
Government. Whatever it might have been he admitted
it assumed that aspect now.—(Hear, hear.) He stated
on a former occasion he did not undervalue the
importance of the discussion from the moment it
was brought under the notice of the House.—(Hear.)
He said it was a grave question, involving great national
interests, and exciting national feelings. He repeated
that now, and he said he regarded this as a question of
primary importance, and it was his intention to prove
that he so esteemed it.—(Hear, hear.) He regarded this
as a question between the people and the executive
Government.—(Hear, hear.) The Hon. Gentleman said
that within the two last years—for he specified the time
—there had been a most unscrupulous use of this parti-
cular power, which was exercised contrary to law. A
nore grave charge could not be preferred against any
Government by any Member of the House.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he made use of the words
" on a former occasion."

Sir J. GRAHAM said he hoped, considering the
gravity of the question, the House would permit him
to proceed without interruption.—(Hear, hear.) He
was sure the • Hon. Gentleman did not intend it. He
was about to state that the importance of this question
was greatly magnified by the assertions made, not only
on the former occasion by the Hon. Gentleman, but re-
iterated through the press, and it had grown in magni-
tude from the assertions made that evening by the Hon.
Gentleman. The Hon. Gentleman said it was notorious
that as the mails arrived there was a cry first for the
Dublin bag—then for the Brighton bag—then for let.
ters directed to particular streets, and he stated that he
believed everybody's letters were opened.
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he did not say that.
Sir J. GRAHAM said lie begged the House would
not allow him to be interrupted. If he made any mis-
statement, he was open to correction after he sat down.
But he appealed to the justice of the House whether he
was not entitled to a fair hearing.—(Hear, hear.) The
Hon. Gentleman said that he was now called on to say
more than he had on a former occasion, and that he said
so much that it was necessary that he should say more.
He (Sir J. Graham) was disposed to agree with him in
that. He thought the time was arrived when he must
say more.—Cheers from both sides of the House.)
When he considered the state of the public mind, so sen-
sitive on this point—(Hear, hear)—the efforts which had
been made to inflame the public mind—the assiduous,
successful, designed attempts—(Hear, hear)—which
were made for this purpose, he agreed with the Hon.
Gentleman the time was come when he must say more—
when he was desirous to say more—(Cheers)--and when
he was desirous, to use the words of the Honourable
Gentleman, " that the truth, the whole truth, and no-
thing but the truth, should be made known."—(Renewed
cheers.) When he last addressed the House, he ad-
dressed it under circumstances different from those
which now presented themselves for consideration, for
his immediate predecessor in the office he had the honour
of holding, had stated in the most solemn and authentic
manner, and in his place in Parliament, that he had no
reason to believe that the power given to the Secretary
of State, with regard to the delaying and opening letters,
and which power was necessary for the safety of the
State should be exercised by a responsible Minister,
had been exercised by him in a manner different from
the way in which it had been exercised by his
predecessors. It was in those circumstances he last
addressed the House on this subject. But, since then,
sworn servants of her Majesty, Privy-Councillors, men
versed in the affairs of State, conversant with the
habits of office, well knowing what it was their duty to
do, cognisant of what their predecessors had done, the
Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for Edinburgh,
,did not think it unbecoming his station and abilities, and
those powers of declamation which were unsurpassed by
any Member of that House, to come down to the House,
and apparently—prepared for the occasion—(Hear, hear)
—and address to it an impassioned speech, raising the
indignation of the House and the public, not against the
law, not against the system, but against the individual.
The Right Hon. Gentleman stated it was not of the ex-
istence of the law that he complained, but of the de-
parture from established usage, and of the mode in which
the power had been exercised by her Majesty's present
Government ?—(Hear' hear.) Did he stand alone ?
(Hear, hear.) Were there no other sworn Members of
her Majesty's Privy Council ?—(Hear.) What was
the tone of the Noble Lord, the Member for Sunderland?
They might not be conversant with the peculiar details
of the Home-office; but the Noble Lord, the Member for
London, who, though not his immediate predecessor in
office in the Home Department, had for several years
been connected with that office, he also did not think it
inconsistent with his duty to vote for inquiry—
(Hear, hear)—not because he objected to the
legal power, but because he was not of
opinion that it was exercised by him (Sir J. Graham) in
the accustomed manner and according to constitutional
usage.—(Hear, hear.) What had been the effect of this
on the public mind ? It bad been to induce a convic-
tion that he laboured under a stigma peculiar to himself,
of introducing a new practice and of departing, in some
important particulars, from the precedent set in former
times, and pursued by his predecessors from an early
period of the history of England. Now, he would tell
the House frankly that no load of bloquy (though
he would not say it was unworthy to seek
to crush him under a load of obloquy), no
amount of injustice cast upon him, would induce him to
consent to inquiry, if he thought it was not for the public
good ; but he was satisfied, after what had taken place
within these ten days—after the votes which had been
given on the former occasion by the Noble Lord tbo
Member fur Sunderland, the Noble Lord the Member
for London, the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Edinburgh, the Right Hon. Gentleman the Member for
Devonport, all of whom were Cabinet Ministers, and
more or less acquainted with the practice of the execu-
tive Government—after the votes they gave for inquiry
on the ground of a departure from established usage—
be did say that from that moment the maintenance of
this power, without inquiry, was impossible. He was glad
that he could consent to this inquiry without any sacri-
fice of his duty to the Crown or to the public, and that
he could remove from himself this unjust load of obloquy
without any risk to the legal power, now not only in
danger, but destroyed. He repeated, that he could now
indulge his own feelings consistently with the public
good, and he would be a party—a willing party—to the
most searching inquiry—(Loud cheers)—into the state
of the law, and the practice under the law, from the
earliest period to the latest times.—(Cheers.) So far as
he was concerned, nothing should be concealed, and he
was prepared to go before a Committee of the louse,
the nature of which he would state, and to
state fully everything he had done.—(Hear and
cheers) and he hoped that the Committee
would call not only bis colleagues but his predecessors
—(Loud cheers)—and that there should be a full and
entire examination and revelation of what had taken
place. He would propose terms as general as would
insure a full inquiry. The power given by law was not
confined to the Secretary of State, but was given to the
Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and he hoped the inquiry
would be extended to him.—(Hear, hear.) The result
of that inquiry would be, as far as he was concerned,
that the power exercised by him had been in strict con-
formity with the usage of his office—that the usage was
not only recognised by statute, but that in
particular cases it had been brought under
the notice of the House by reports of Committees ap-
pointed by the House. Neither in the mode in which
that power had been exercised, nor to the extent to
which it had been used, would his conduct suffer by
comparison with that of his immediate predecessors, and
he was now rejoiced to think there would be no mysti-
fication.—(Loud cheers.) He hoped the result would be
as satisfactory to the Hon. Gentleman himself; and those
who sat around him.—(Hear, hear, and Tory cheers.)
He intended to move an amendment to the motion
of the Hon. Gentleman. He stated on a
former occasion that he did think a revela-
tion in that House of the exercise of this
power would not be conducive to the public good. He re-
tained that opinion, and he thought there should be an
inquiry, not before a Select, but before a Secret Com-
mittee. He thought it was expedient to follow prece-
dent, and that a Secret Committee should be appointed
to inquire into the extent he had stated. It was of the
last importance that the powers given to the Committee
should be ample, and he was prepared to grant them as
large as the Mouse might require.—(Hear, hear.)
Much wonld depend on the composition of this Com •
mittee. Now, he was most particularly anxious
that no delay should take place. Considering the im-
portance of the subject, and the state of the public mind,
he thought this inquiry ought to take place without
delay. He did not know whether the strict rules of the
House permitted, but it was his intention to move as an
amendment to the motion of the Hon. Gentleman that a
Committee of Secrecy be appointed to inquire into the
state of the law in respect to the detaining and opening
of letters at the General Post-office, and into the mode in
which the authority given for such detaining and opening
had been exercised, and that the Committee report their
opinions and observations to the House. A great deal
would depend upon the composition of the Committee.
He could conceive no higher trust delegated by the
House to any gentlemen. They were anxious that it
should be impartial ; and, as a proof of that wish, he
proposed that there should be a Committee of nine, and
it was his intention to propose that five out of the nine
should be gentlemen who opposed her Majesty's Go-
vernment.—(Hear, hear.) He proposed that four should
be gentlemen who generally voted with her Majesty's
• Government, and that those four should be Lord Sandon,
Mr. Home Drummond, Mr. Thomas Baring, and Sir
William Heathcote. The five others who opposed her
Majesty's Government, he proposed should be