The Sun.
London, England, 1819-04-29 00:00:00

GRAND JUra' PRESENTMENT.

At the rising of the Old Bailey Court yesterday,
the Grand Jury were introduced, when the Fore-
man gave in the following Presentment o❑ dis-
charging their trust :
" The Grand Jury of the City of London, hav-
ing presented to the Conn all the Bilk which
have been brought before them, take leave
respectfully to ask fOr their discharge ; at the
same tune lamenting the extent of crime
which they have had to investigate, and look-
ing with confidence to the adoption of every
means which may tend to promote its dimi-
nution. Its the prosecotiou of their duty, the
Grand Jury have visited the gaol of Newgate,
and they feel called upon to express their appro-
bation of the conduct of Mr. Brown, the Keeper,
as to the superior cleanlinesS of the Prison, and,
the evident regard which he pays to the comfort
and necessities of the pi isoners : but they regret
that the limited extent of the Prison will not ad-
mit, in its present crowded state, of a more com-
plete classification of the prisoners. The atten-
tion of the Grand Jury has been more particularly
drawn to the system adopted by those Ladies,
whose benevolent attentions to the improvement
of the female prisoners, so strongly evidenced by
their advancement in morals and discipline, in the
opinion of this Jury, demands their public thanks.
" Signed, in behalf of the Grand Jury,
THOS. PHIPPS, Foreman.
"Grand Jury Room, Old
the 27tit April, 1819.••

EPRICt SEVENPENC

FOR THE SUN.

MODERN AMENDMENTS.

MR. EDITOR—If the word " Reform" eon-
veyei, or were capable of affording no other
meaning beyond its absolute powers half a cen-
tury ago, it could no longer excite the well
grounded fears of those who now would rather

submit to partial orjemporary evils than risk the
destruction of all
good by the adoption of it either
in phrase or in practice. But,- Sir, you well
know that there is a great deal in a name. When-
ever you wish to carry a point; especially with
the many, then a name, whica in one expression
embodies, your (Neat, will operate more power-
folly titan volumes of reasoning, or even the most
rapturous bursts of eloqvienee. 'Of tila-the op-
pogners of our happy Constitution arc well aware,
and avail themselves of it. Then wiry shall not
the tvell-wishers to their country and to that
Constitution- do the same ? Why shall not we
oppose Reform by ‘-‘ ANIENDNINT ?"'—aa wad
which the most moderate may a.hait the use of,
even in its present most unlimited sense. That
amendments are necessary none will deny vole-
rally ; but the misfortune is, that the loud stick-
lers for Reform contrive to intertnixt Reform and
Amendment so adroitly that they add sttength to
the arguments ttf 'the trieods of the first, whilst
they contrive to raise temporary recruits amongst
the moderate but unthinking friends of the latter.
It is time then, that- the real friends to the
country, men who have no party but that coun-
try, should .stand forward in searching to; errors
that requite removal, and blessings which only
want a fostering hand to bring them to maturity.
TO do this, and to do it. effectually, would be
to lessen the subjects of popular clamour, and to
produce material benefit to all classes of society,
for all classes must stand and fall together ;
whilst the results would tend more to strengthen
the Government, and the present Ministers, than
a tenfold multiplication of Treasury influence
ever could accomplish. To illustrate these -ob-
servations I shalt now proceed to offer one or
two hints, which come fairly under the head' of
AMENDMENTS.
To repeal the SALT DUTY, generally,'would
produce beneficial results too nittnerous to men-
tion ; particularly it the Admiralty were to distri-
bute the boats now rotting in the dock-y,ird4,,
together with broken spars, old canvas, and
twine, to the different out-ports, to be allotted
to all seamen applying, by the Collectors of the
Customs.
True, the Revenue would lose one million and
a'half ; and, perhaps, there might be some small
diminution of patronage. But, at the peace, the
Minister, to relieve the people, took off two mil-
lions and a half of Malt Tax ! Now, Sir, have
the people been relieved ? Has the beer been
better or cheaper ? where then, went the relief ?
To the purses of the Brewers
The remedy is plain—take off the Salt Duty,
and lay on an equivalent upon the Malt!!!
Again—the Coal Duty is considered as a grieva•
ante. Now I will grant that it cannot be re-
pealed or modified, but there is. a fact connected
with it which deserves special notice,
In the account of the tour of the Austrian
Archdukes through this country, it was partici'.
holy noticed by these august travellers, that great
quantities of small coal at the pits were burnt, to
get rid of as a nuisance, ever: after the supply of
the steam engines, and after permission had been
given to the poor to take away as much as they
pleased. , But why was not this exported ? Be.
cause it was liable to the same duty with the
large, and would not fetch the same price ; the
experiment has been tried, but failed ! Where,
then', you ask, is the amendment? Simply thus :
tajce the fair average price of coals, and consider
the present duty as an ad valorem duty, not to be--
raised, whatever price coals may rise to, nor to he
lowered, unless to coals 25 or 35 per cent. below
the average.
Then let the small coal be duty free ; or lay on
a small duty in proportion to the ad valorem.
IC will thus he impossible to play tricks on
the general consumption of marketable coal ; and
we shall have more coals burnt, because the pool
will then be able to enjoy that luxury; we shall
have more ships, seamen, and capital employed ;
and, in short, we shall derive benefits that will
be felt by.the whole country. •
One word more, Mr. Editor, upon a subject of
high import:MCC.
It has been reported to the Society for lm-
orovement, sitting in the Ponitry, that lands [war
'Newcastle, cultivated by the spade instead ut the
plough, and the wheat planted by dibbling, yield-
ed seventeen quarters per acre, instead of the cus-
tomary crop of four!
Here, too, one spadeing, was worth two plough.
ings,•and required an expenditore of 335. per acre.
The saving in• seed was one peck instead of two
bushels !
Now, Sir,- if we suppose this to hecotne gene-
ral, though only upon a very smallscale, say 100
acres in each parish, where will he
labour for the poor? Where will be the necessity
for importation, when an acre of wheat,. under
this management, has actually yielded 800
bushels ?
Here, then, are facts, that require not the in-
genuity of the Smitbean, the Owenean, or the
,Spenccan philosophy to brinithemhome to every
man's understanding,—facts that are worthy gu.
neral experiment, nay Ott are successful.
Yours,
'IGNOTAI

FOR THE SUN.

ROMAN CATHOLICS.

LETTER VII.

MR. EDITOR—We now come to discuss the
question of the concession of the Roman Catholic

Claims upon tl►e ground of Expediency.
The term Expediency implies, that some strong
and almost invincible necessity- exists fur the

fllloptioir of a measure., the propriety of which

would otherwise be questionable. Hence it na-
turally follows that, previous to such adoption
being made, the utmost satisfaction should .be af-
fouled, not only that the measure, if carried into
effect, would be attended with immediate and
certain beneficial results, but also that immediate

and certain evils would arise hum its not being

adopted.

flow far die above reasoning is appli-

cabk to the ease betore us, 1 shall th.tretore l►ro-

cte►f to conbidtr, and for that purpose shun ex-

it»ine some .); OIL: principal arguments Which

Itdve beet) ddcluc.•►l in favour of the concession of

I tic itrlni3;) Catholic Claims, upon the pled ut-Ex-

ped,eticy.

kti7e have been repeAteffly wid by the support-
els Of thele Claims, that a reference to the sitna-

lions of foseign Countries will clearly 'spew the
policy of their being granted ; and great stress has
been Lid upon tt►e n►exsures adopted as to Tole-

ratio►► in bottle of the Continent al States. The

Tuleralion of Protes(ants in France, and in seve-

r4l oiher Roma►a Ca(liolic Countries, (particu-

larly that granted by the great Princess •Maria
Theresa,) have been mentioned as strong grounds
for the concession of the Claims 'aged, and it has
been *lvied from these instances, that by not
conceding them, we are upholding a system of in-

tolerance unknown even in Roman Catholic

Cou:itrits. A moment's reflection, will, however,

she++; that these cases ►lo not apply to our owi

Country, and that Ireland, in particular, is a
completely insulated case It is quite a different
matter to confer political privileges upon Roman

(;atliolics living under a Protestant Govern-

mew, and to confer the same privileges upon
Protestants living under a Roman Catholic Go-
A Protestant bag only one alle-
giance, namely, that duel() the Sovereign in whose
Teri irories be locally resides ; whereas a, Roman
Catholic (as we have seen) has a divided alle-
giance ; a temporal one to his temporal Sovereign,
trail a mixed one, to his supposed Ecclesiastical
'ead. However well inclined, therefore, a Roman
Catholic may be to the welfare of the Conntry in
he is resident, and however great his stake
may be in it, lie can never be a fit person to make
Laws for a Protestant State, so long as he holds
certain Dogmas of his Church which are irreeon-
cileable with the Civil and Ecclesiastical Polity
of a Protestant • Government. • Several of the
Countries, however, which have been quoted as
Precedents for England to follow in the case under
'consideration, are placed under circumstances
which completely vary the question as to the po-
licy or propriety of the Measures pur.sued. NVith
respect, to Prussia and Silesia, Russia and her
Polish Provinces, the relation between these is
far different to that subsisting bet sawn England
and Ireland. The Provinces added to the Crowns
of Prussia and Russia were Roman Catholic pre-
vious to the additions being 'made 3 and with re-
spect to these, the Countries to which they are
annexed have a paramount power of revision anti
correction, and of preventing the adoption of any
measures which might be dangerous to their own
individual interests. The connection subsisting
between England and Ireland has been fresprently
confounded and identified with that subsisting be-
tween other Countries ; whereas, (as was ob-
served hetore) it stands almost without a parallel,
and can only be judged of or regulated by its own
peculiar circumstances. Ireland has a Protestant
Esiahlishnient, witik a Population, the majority
cif which is Roman Catholic. She has Members
of Parliament who are exclusively Prorestatit,
with Electors who are not so—and as her Legis-
lature, by a solemn act of its own, united itself to
that of England, she therefore now forms an
integral part of a Nation whose Civil and
Religious Establishments are Protestant, and
the great majority of whose inhabitants are
also Protestant. The ease of Holland and
the Netherlands has been triumphantly quoted
as exhibiting an union of Protestants and
Roman Catholics ;sell worthy of imitation
in this C,otrotry. We have been told ;hat
in this case there are two Governments, the one
Protestant and the other Roman Catholic, which
form together one State, and in which all classes
of the community (whether Protestant or Roman
Catholic) are eligible to every office.* •Whatever

vertiment.

• Although the Treaty by which the Netherlands were an-
nexed to Holland had been so much extolled by a distin-
guished Whig Leader,and described " as having been framed
•••upon the soundest principles of policy, and as furnishing
" an example worthy to be followed with respect to the 11i-
" man Catholics of the United Kingdom," it seems that this
opinion is not universal amongst the Mcmhers of the Whig
Party. LOrd John Russell, in his recent " Letter to Lord
" Holland on Foreign Politics," in speaking upon this sub-
ject, observes-- •
" Here is an instance of two Nations, possessing no attrac-
" tion, lug rather a very great repulsion to each other.
" pounded together in the great mortar of the chemists of
" Vienna. What is to result front the Mixture ty• two squat
" parts of Catholic Bigotry and Protestant Freedom—of
" Land and Commerce. of French and Dutch, of polished
"Stupidity and vulgar Ability, of natural Servility and an-
" dent love of Fretdoni, no man can guess. It may be
" supposed, however, that one of the parts wilt fly qf as
" coon ac it cats join any foreign matter.'

measures, however, way have b‘ to arlapted.
respect to the union of tkese countries at ,the.pre...
sent day, it is clear from history that such an
union-was not always thought advisable. Bishop
Burnett tells us that King IVi!ham 111, rejected
the idea of it upon the very ground of a dif-
ference of opinion in Religion subsisting between the

two States, and the causes which have probably
produced the present union, may be tt aced to the
countries in question having been rescued from
the fury of the French Revolution, and to a sys-
tem of tetnttorary policy having
.been mixed up
with their Civil 'Legislation. • It would not, per-
haps, have been wise to have insisted on _re-
.sttaints in States, the tot.ntctions of which are
Roman Catholic in the highest degree, and which
had been snatched front the horrors of Republi-
can DeTatism. The situation of the United
Kingdoin is, Oh refore, very far different. It is
still in the possesiion of a Constitution which has
stood the test of ages, and which is as insulated
as to policy, permanence, and excellence, as Eng-
land itself.. If we infringe this, we may as well
let the Island afloat, and tow her into the har-
bour of one of those Powers which has so fre-

quently asked her advise as to the fraining of a

Constitution, and implored her assistance in an
hour ►►t danger It ought ever to he recollected
that England is the model which her superiors in

'Territory, but inferiors in Government, have

ever resorted to in cases of emergency. Shall
tve, therefore, give up the hltrourable and well
merited pre-eminence which has been procured
for us by our ancestors, and consent that England
Imitator, and not an
.Example ? Were

our Constitution proved to he wrong, it would
then he stupidity, and nor a love of Country, which
would prevent an alteration of it being made ;
until, however, that 'proof be afforded, we may
hope that the Roman Catholic Claims will never
he' conceded, because a real expediency for such a
concession may have existed in Countries which
are placed in situations perfectly different to

our own.

It has been asserted as another reason why the
Claims should be conceded, that the Laws sought
to be repealed were merely made fur temporary pur-
poses, which ,!ave long since ceased to exist, and that
it is unjust any longer to retain them. The autho-
rity of Judge Blackstone has been quoted for this
opinion, but a reference to the works of that emi-
nent Lawyer will not justify the appeal. His
words, when speaking upon this subject, are the
following, and the caution displayed in then) is
particularly remarkable. After having explained
the reasons which had induced the Legislature to
enact several severe Laws (which are now re-
pealed) against the Roman Catholics, the Learned
Judge proceeds :—" But if a time should ever
" arrive, and perhaps it is not very distant,
" when all fears of -a Pretender shall have va-
" niched, and the power and influence -of the
" Pope shall have become feeble, ridiculous
" and despicable, not only in England, but
" in every Kingdom of Europe, it probably
" would not then be amiss to review and soften
" these rigorous edicts ; at least till the civil
" principles of the Roman Catholics called again
" upon the Legislature to renew them." Had
Judge Blackstone lived at the present day,l think
there can be little difference of opinion as to what
his sentiments would have been on the Roman Ca-
tholic Question. It is seen, that when the tights of
Englishmen were entirely denied to the Roman
Catholicswhen their persons, their religion,
their properties, and their means of defence were
withheld from them, he still entertained some
doubts as to the policy of repealing the existing
laws, and evidently considered himself as tread-
ing on tender ground, when hinting,at such a
repeal being made. The wish of the Learned
Judge has been accomplished, as to the revision
and amelioration of the rigorous edicts which
were in force when he wrote his'book ; and none
are now left, except thost which, in the almost
immediate subsequent page to that whet ein the
above extract appears, he has denominated as
" Bulwarks of the Constitution. f" The authority
of Sir William Blackstone is therefore decidedly
in favour of the existing system : the Penal Laws
have been reviewed—they have been mitigated—
'nose which were passed for temporary purposes
Lave been repealed—and such only are left as ate
necessary for the preservation of the Protestant
Constitution.
It has been attempted also to connect the
name of slr. Pitt with the Roman .Catholic
Claims, by representing that great statesman as
an advocate for their concession upon the grounds
we are now considering. Some even have as-
serted, that a distinct pledge was given tc, the
Roman Catholics at the time the Union was t,ro-
jected, tl►at their Claims should be granted 1 but
this assertion has been met by a direct contrary

I" 81. Cum. 4th Vol. p. Lil. Cuau. ch Vol. r. 59.

'.ne on the part of a Noble Lou] (Castlereagh),
who took a very active
,and kading part in that
memorable question, and it has been clearly
shown that a -pledge- of mere consideration and

discussion, not of concession, was given.* One of
the great objests which Mr. Pitt had in view
when lie projected the union of the , two coun-
tries, was, a fair, temperate, and statesmanlike
discussion of the Roman Catholic Claims.t His
vote would have been given for their considera-
tion, but by no means for their unlimited conces-
sion. That :distinguished individual wished to
feel the pulse of the English people on the sub-
ject ; and had he lived to have done so effectually,
to have seen the almost universal disinclination
which evinced itself to the measure, and the cir-
ctunstances'which attended the General Election
of 1807, he never would have sanctioned a pro-
ceeding to which he perceived the Engllol Nation
were so averse, and which was so little likely to
be, attended with; benefit to the country. Mt.
Pitt would never have supported the measure of
coneessio,
.withunt most adequate securities be-
ing given ;+ and had he beets spared to have wit-
nessed the temper and disposi,ion which were
evinced, when securities much inferior to those
which he would have probably required were
proposed by the professed Parliamentary Advo-
cate of the Claims—to have seen them represent-
ed as indispensabletviMin the House of CUtninons,
and reprobated as unnecessary, degrading, and
insulting Without, I 'think there can be little
doubt as to the vote which the Right Honourable
Gentleman would have given. his support to
the measure would have been given under an idea
of its forming a means of strength and alliance ;

to do which, it must necessarily have been sup-
ported by the unanimous assent of the nation at
large. When, iowever, that lamented personage
haul found that this was nor likely to be the case,
and that it would neither satisfy the Protestants
on the one hand, or the Roman Catholics on the

other, he would never have opened a source of

broils and dissentions, which would in all proba-
bility have concentrated themselves into a focus,
from which nothing but angry passions, mutual
recriminations, and harassing recollections would

have issued.
I have yet another view to take of this (pies-
tion of expediency, which I shall defer for a con-
cluding Letter ; and remain,

April 26, 1819.

Yotteg, &c.
BRITANNICUS.

4 Vid. printed Report of Lord dasticresigh's Speech in the
louse Of Commons, 25th,NIay, 11;10.

t VW. Mr. Pitt's Speech in the house of Commons, 31st
fanuary, 1799, on introdu ig the Pi'oposition of the Union
tetween Great Britain and Ireland, and Gifford's Life of
i'itt, Vol. 6, p. 5.85.

yid.. 11.. 't'owline's Speech, delivered in Trinity College
Chapel, Catuhrid4e, December. I7th, 1806.

FOR 111 E SUN.