The Sun.
London, England, 1828-01-24 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE PUBLIC JOURNALS.

Ancient English family, to be a question which the
Irish nation, Protestant and Catholic, are panting
sith eagerness to have fully and finally settled. Of
the Orange faction we say nothing : they are the
old devourers of the State, and fight not for religion
or principle, but for plunder. But we appeal to the
votes of the Irish representatives for the fact, that
the bulk of the Protestant community in Ireland
are devoted advocates for emancipation. The Pro-
testant gentlemen of Ireland, identified with Church
and State, implore the British Parliament, for the
sake of both, to release the Catholic from bondage,
and restore the island to tranquillity. The words
of Lord Rossmore are remarkable and affecting. -
After disclaiming all idea of intimidation as applied
to England, he says, " I come here a Protestant, to
call upon Protestant England to interpose to save
the Protestant Establishment its Ireland,—to save
the Protestant Church there, before she destroys
herself,—to save Protestant property there,—to save
mine,—l have none elsewhere !" this we conceive
to be a form of admonition which cannot be very
wisely or effectually withstood. Lord Rossmore
goes on to explain the successive and cruel breaches
of faith which Ireland has experienced in the non-
fulfilment, of Ist, the articles of Limerick ; and 2d,
the solemn and absolute promises tendered to the
Catholics by Mr. Pitt and Lord Cornwallis at the
Union, by which it is admitted that the consent of
the Catholics was bought in favour of that plausible
hut disappointing measure. The Catholics, it is
certain, handed over the property ; but the purchase-
money has never been paid.—Aid.
If we were given to superstition, we should be in
some alarm for the new Ministry, on account of a
succession of disappointments of evil omen experien-
ced by them at their very outset. It appears, from
the Record of the Court Newsman in another co-
lumn, that on Tuesday evening they remained at the
Royal Lodge till nearly eight o'clock, in expectation
of the arrival of a Clerk of the Council, to enable
them to hold a Privy Council ; that they did not
arrive in London till ten o'clock, where the sump-
tuous dinner given by the Duke of Wellington had
been kept waiting for nearly three hours ; and that,
notwithstanding a very natural longing to take pos-
, session of their offices, the whole of yesterday passed
without their being able to gratify it, on account of
the unfortunate neglect already alluded to. The
omission to which these melancholy results are at-
tributable, according to the Court historian, rests
with the Home Office. It says a great deal for the
generalship of the Commander-in-Chief, that in con-
ducting a famished Cabinet from Windsor to Apsley-
house, to a sumptuous dinner, spoiled by a delay of
three hours, he was able to keep them so far in
check, as to prevent them from falling foul of each
other, for want of legitimate objects on which to vent
their indignation. Many great philosophers have
fallen by the ears for less than the loss of a sump-
, tuous dinner, on which they had feasted themselves
in imagination. It was certainly a much more se-
vere trial to a Cabinet than the choice of the Chair-
man of a Finance Committee; and while some may
deem the incident of evil omen, we, on the other
hand, consider the outliving this peril as of excellent
augury, affording as it does a proof of the steadiness
and immoveability of the new Ministers. It is to be
hoped, however, that a due inquiry will be made
into the cause of an event which might have beer.
attended with the most calamitous results. The
Home Office should be no longer a home to him,
who could put the patience of a whole Adminis-
tration to so severe a trial. The guilty ought cer-
tainly to be made an example of. We do not mean
to say, that the example of Ali Paella, who put a
whole kitchen to death, because a feather or hair,
we forget which, was found in a dish, should be follow-
ed on this occasion; but still there are many ways
of reaching the guilty short of this. No reasonable
man could blame Ministers for preventing the man
who spoiled their sumptuous dinner from ever eat-
ing a good dinner again in the course of his life.
We tremble to think what the consequences to his
Majesty might have been, had Mr. Huskisson, Mr.
Peel, or Lord Ellenborougli, while arguing on an
empty stomach, fallen to loggerheads, and the Ad-
ministration been in consequence broken up. The
Church was in danger on that occasion ! It is ob-
-served by a Scotch Paper, the Caledonian Mercury,
that " if France prospered under a Statesman,
whose only desire was riot to govern too much,
England might go on indifferently well without any
Government at all. In that singular condition it is
her fortune to be actually placed ; yet while politi-
cians are manoeuvring for place, and parties are strug-
gling for power, the vast machine of society is im-
pelled onwards as before; and it is only from the
columns of a Newspaper we discover that the vessel
of the State has been abandoned by the metaphori-
cal helmsman, and that the figurative crew have
quitted their posts, and run into the utmost confu-
sion." The numerous interregnums in administra-
tion, which we have experienced within a year or
two, may be considered in the light of valuable experi-
reents to ascertain how far a country like this is not as
well without a Ministry as with one. Who knows for
what purposes Providence may have enabled us to see
how well we can do without a Ministry ? We never
heard the falling off of the Revenue attributed to the
frequent want of Ministers, nor have we ever heard
that there was any falling off of the expenditure on
that account ; and we ate yet to learn what a Go-
vernment has to do but to raise money and to spend
it ; or that when as much has been raised and spent
as usual, there could be any thing the matter with
it. There is an idea abroad, that the Duke of Wel-
lington will be prevailed on to resign the Premier-
ship, from that conviction of his unfitness for the
discharg.s of its duties, which he has himself ex-
pressed in his place in Parliament. But a contem-
porary, the New Times, has very shrewdly observed,
that he might very seriously entertain that opinion a
yea; ago, and entertain a very different opinion now.
Our cor:Tmporary here evidently alludes to the ex-
perience has been furnished of the possibility
of going on withou: a Ministry ; for he may have
thought, when he spoke za if qualifications were ne-
cessary to a Prime Minister, titiJ it was necessary a
Premier should do something foe bis money. In
any other sense he cannot have changed his opinion; ,
for if he was unfit one year ago, he cannot :well be
fit now, except we suppose that, in the intervening
time, he may have been hard study;eg for office, and
that the science of governing an empire may he ac-
quired in about one-fourth part of the time that is
expended in learning to make a pair of shoes. We
need never hereafter be under any alarm about a
Ministry. His Majesty may take the first man he
meets in the streets, and ire cannot fail to go on
swimmingly. It must be a great comfort to his
Majesty so know how lit tle uneasiness be would ex-
perience on this, account. It has been hitherto said
that any man may do far a King; but Nye have im-
proved on the.sayings for wstis ns any man may do
for a Prime Minister. The Duke of Tellington is
evidently UN improvement on Lord Siffinout4.—
;lin /72 iitg, Chroulele,
Some alarm was excited in the Palace of the Areh-
bishop of Canterbury, at Lambeth, ,or) Tuesday
morning, about one o'clock, by the arrival of a (let-
patch from the Duke of Wellington, with the word
" Immediate" superscribed on the envelope. In
consequence of this intiessation, his Grace was
Awakened; the Archbishop immedie,tely arose, and
read the despatch. The rumours on this urnestral ar-
rival were various ; but nothing has transpired from
which any conject= can be drawn as to the purport
of the communication.—Holfling Herald.
Though the main cause of the disselution of the
hate Ministry will, we have no doubts be 1040 to
have been its inability to meet Parliament ; yet
there will be, we are persuaded, whenever Parlia-
ment assembles, some awkward disclosures made as
to minor points of difference among themselves.
These disclosures and heartburnings will, however, in
ail probability, be much softened down by to many
of the late Cabinet continuing in office. Had there
been a total change, crimination and recrimination
would, in all likelihood, have known no bounds.
Even as it is, those who hunt after State secrets
will have ample food to live upon. Lord Goderich
will be naturally looked to as the principal actor

There appears likely to be a fresh perplexity on
the opening of the ensuing session of Parliament.
It is desirable to put off Parliamentary proceedings
till the new Ministers shall have been re-elected ;
but can further proceedings be stayed, if the session
he regularly opened by the Royal speech Or can
the new writs be moved for, and Parliament ad-
journed till after the return of the writs, before the
cause for summoning- the Parliament he declared by
the Royal Speech It appears that the latter pro-
ject has been contemplated. Tke precedents in
Hatsell are derived front irregular times or an unfor-
seen event, over which man has no conttoul. But

the writer's observations on the subject are clear
and decisive. On the 18th of February, 1662, the

20th of February, 1665, and the 18th of September,
1666—a1l days on which Parliament met after a

prorogation—it appears that hills were read, writs
issued, and some other unimportant business at-
tempted, " before the entry of the message from the
King to attend him in the House of Peers."—
Hatsell's Precedents, Vol. 11. Title—" King opens
the Session." But upon these proceedings Mr.
Hatsell remarks—" At the beginning of a Parlia-

ment, and at the commencement of every session
after a prorogation, the cause of summons must be
declared to both Houses assembled, either by the
King himself, or by some persons by his command,
or by persons authorised by his commission, before
either House can proceed upon any business what-
ever.
The proceedings, therefore, on the 18th of
February, 1662 ; the 20th of February, 166,5; and
on the 18th of September, 1666, were certainly irre-
gular.- —ld. ibid. We should suppose this dictum
of authority would silence all controversy on the
subject. Reason also, and common sense, agree
with authority. It would be as proper to continue
business at the end of a session, after the proroga-
tion speech, as to commence business at th,
beginning of a session, before the opening speech.
During all the interval between the proroga-
tion speech of one Session, and the opening speech
of the ensuing Session, Parliament is in recess—it
does not exist as an acting or deliberative body. The
other precedent, taken from the time of Kin,g Wil-
liam 111., agrees with this doctrine On the Bth
of September, 1690, the House being met, and the
King not coming (he had arrived in England, but
!sad not yet reached London), the ,douse adjourns
till the 11th, and from the 11th to the 12th."
`4. hat is, it does nothing, but simply disperses, till it
can meet the King, and have the Session opened by
him. in another part Mr. Hatsell says—" I have
observed before, that when the Parliament meets on

the day to which it has been prorogued, it is irregu-
)ar for them to pr'oceed to do any business whatever
till the cause of summons has been declared, and the
Session opened by the King, or persons authorised
by him, in the House of Lords ; and if from any
wanse the King does not come in person (as on the
:7ith of September, 1690), or send a commission for
opening the Session, or proroguing the Parliament,
the House of Commons ought to do nothing but ad-
journ to a future day." The most natural course of
proceeding, therefore, it rippe:u..; to us, L),., to
open the Session by receiving the King's Speech—
( which is not necessarily taken into consideration
on the same day)—to move immediately for new
writs, and then adjourn Parliament till the Ministers
are re-elected.—Times.

The Meeting of the British Catholic Associatio
WI Tuesday last, ought not, at the present moment,
to be passed over with indifference. The Irish As-
sociation has, by the frequency of its meetings, im-
paired, in some measure, the separate influence of
each of them, although it would be a gross error to
suppose that the aggregate and accumulated effect
of that popular institution upon the mind of the
Irish Protestant, as well as Catholic, has not been
ro create a new and most formidable power, spread-
ing itself to every corner of Ireland, and exercising a
real dominion which no mere party, like that of the
old Orangemen, can henceforth successfully resist.
it is true that the declamatory violence in which
some of the Irish Catholics have been prone to in-
dulge, Ins furnished pretexts, if not reasons, to those
among their opponents who see, in the great sub-
ject of emancipation, a struggle between persons
only, and not a choice of principles. If statesmen
were justified in passing bills through Parliament, or
rejecting them, because personal feelings towards
individuals happened one day to be soothed, and
the neat disgusted, there might be some excuse for
the language that has been employed in speaking of
MessrS. Shiel i:nd O'Connell, by anti-Catholic gen-
tlemen, both in and out of Parliament. An English
Judge would scarcely venture to decide a question
of strict right, by referring to the mildness or velle-
mence of tone in which the suitor or his advocate
had pressed for justice. Could au historian of the
next century bring himself to record, or the reader
of that age be induced to credit the assertion, that
in the year 1828 seven millions of Catholics in the
United- Kingdom had, after an hundred and forty
years e.f exclusion from the rights and powers of free
citizens, been still retained in their humiliating con-
dition, because two or three long-winded Irish bar-
risters had made as many turbulent speeches ? This
is to degrade a noble subject of general and long-
enduring legislation, into 0. trumpery squabble be-
tween some half dozen ineendieries, tricked out in
-their respective;ribands of orange and green. Who
will know, an hundred years hence, that such beings
as O'Connell and his brethren of the market-
place have existed? Prolong, indeed, she
grievances of their body, and you secure to
them their sole chance of immortality. But pass
the law by which every Catholic gentleman re-
assumes his natural place, and stands erect before
the world ; thenceforth, and for ever, the busy occu-
pants of the present stage are lost in the new as-
semblage; they are silenced, neglected, and forgot-
ten. But mark the astonishing inconsistency of the
logic used against the Catholics. " The Irish de-
magogues are insolent bullies—they would frighten
us, forsooth—they would bid defiance to old Eng-
land—they deserve nothing, and nothing shall they
have." If such, then, be the real ground en which
the penal laws are continued against Ireland, our
Eldons and Peels, to prove their integrity, ought
long since to have hi might in a bill for bestowing
emancipation On the Catholics of //tie country, who
are probably, if the whole kingdom were ransacked,
.the most patient, submissive, amenable, and mo-
narchical, of all his Majesty's subjects. And what
is the conduct of the Orange party in relation to this
long-suffering nobility and gentry ? Why, when a
measure was proposed two or three years since, in
favour of the British Catholies,ae distinct flout their
;rish. brethren, Lord Eldon and his party voted pe-
remptorily, and spoke very snappishly against them.
Yet what was the amount of the meditated indul-
gence ? It was not to admit the Catholic Peers
.and gentlemen of Great Britain to the privilege of
sitting in Parliament, nor nothing- like it, but simply
to raise the English Catholics to the same level on
which the Irish are already placed ! And this mi-
serable boon was even contumeliously refused to
them. Such are the rewards of patience under in-
jury; such the good faith of those who cry out that
it is the Irish ‘,2gitators" who have rieetted the
chains of their country ! The meeting of Tues-
day last was in its chief part composed of Eng-
lish Catholics. They agreed to petition the Le-
gislature for redress; and if, in future, they
show themselves more active than hitherto,—it,
without the had taste of certain Irish orators,
they exhibit a little more of the Protestant spirit
of energetic and manly resistance to oppression,
:it appears to us that they will suffer no_
thing in the opinion, of honest members of the
Church of England, and assuredly nothing in their
reputed fitness to enjoy and exercise the privileges
,of the Constitution. A striking circumstance oc-
eue-red at this meeting—we tnean the attendance of
an e`,eish Protestant Peer, Lord Rossmore, who made
a long and able speech in support of the cause of
emancipation. Now let the anti-Catholics mark
this well. fr,h?,4•44liestiop isivo longer one between
Catholic, an4l-"grtikle
..leeis stated, and truly
tetated i 14510440 thcitkresentative of an
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in the drama of explanation. The country has a favourite theory; before it arrived at the point at
full right to demand and know from that Noble Lord which they thought it likely to prove dangerous; or
upon what principle he can justify taking and those who would urge him forward with unreflecting
holding office up to the very eve of Parliament's zeal, and never desert him until danger became
meeting, and then apparently running away as from visible.—Morning Post.
a house on tire. The Whigs, we hear, threaten that We consider it- unnecessary to go at length into
they can tell strange things but they will act Lord , „
ttossmore's speech, a copy of which was given
wisely to look at home first. But it is not these
mutual bickerings which will satisfy the country at in our Paper of yesterday. The statements made,
large. They may do very well to amuse the fre- certainly in a most commendable spirit of modera-
quenters of clubs, and the lovers of scandal and tion, and the arguments employed by his Lordship,
small talk in the different coteries of the Metropolis are not so novel in the matter or manner as to re-
and elsewhere. Such. persons, whose opinions are quire it. The really interesting part of his Lord-
not worth a thought, have, it is true, much more ship's speech was the letter which it quoted from
apparent influence than their utter worthlessness en- Mr. Lidwell, and more particularly the passage of
titles them to. Under a weak Administration, like the that letter which appears to be an extract of one
last, these grubs, moths, and butterflies, came into written by the Marquis Cornwallis. The Catholic
action, and appear to double the period of their claims are not now grounded for the first time on
ephemeral existence. Every clerk in office be- the faith of treaties and compacts. How far it is
comes a chatterer, and, taking the tone from wise in their advocates to stickle for these feeble out-
weak superiors, asserts the knowledge and im- works, we leave them to judge, as they are best en-
portance of a principal in the person very titled. The capitulation of Limerick is one of these;
often of a very silly inferior. In this way the hopes held out at the Union another. The let-
the town is inundated with reports having ter, which has hitherto been implied, is now attempt-
little or no foundation ; and Mr. This of the ed to be made specific by the extract in question.
and Mr. So-and-so of this or that The force of that article in the capitulation of Lime-
Treasury,departtnent, pass for oracles among those whom rick, on which the Catholics build in part their hopes
the very refuse of office passes for official au-
of success, may be easiest understood by a perusal.
thority. The new Government will do well to put It runs as follows :
a stop, as far as it can, to this species of the " spar-
"Article 1. The Roman Catholics of this Kingdom
gere voces." Great part of this, however, has been
religion,
shall enjoy such privileges in the exercise of their
d,
enjoyar in th
e consistent r
i with laws of Ired,
I the natural consequence of the country having an theg Charles their
Administration which has been evidently afraid of Majesties, as soon as theiregm of
affairs will permit them to sum-
meeting Parliament and of speaking out—a Govern- mon a Parliament in this Kingdom (Ireland), will endea-
ment of expedients, which, like timid people in psi- vour to procure the said Roman Catholics such further
vote life, do any thing to avoid the evil day. We do security in that particular as may preserve them from any
not mean to flatter our national character when we disturbance upon the account of the said religion."
say, that one of its natural impulses is a character It is evident by the above article that the Roman
of the people, such should be also the character and Catholics can claim no privileges that they did not
conduct of its Government. However unfavourable enjoy under Charles 11., and of these such only as were
the state of public affairs may be, half the inconve- consistent with the Laws of Ireland. All immuni-
nience and danger to be apprehended from them ties granted to them, by virtue of the dispensing
vanishes when truth and openness prevail, and when power exercised by that Monarch, it takes away.
the people see that the Administration has nothing It is evident that it was very far from being the wish
to conceal. It is this character of undisguise which of De Ginkel to grant extraordinary favours to the
we would recommend to the new Administration. Catholics. A more positive indication of his senti-
Let them throw themselves openly and fairly upon ments may be found in the articles which he reject-
the country, without reserve, without real or mental ed than in those which he granted, the tenour of
reservation.—lbid. which is by no means of that strict and definite elm-
racter that their admirer would persuade us.
The attempts of the disconsolate Whigs to sow
Among the rejected articles is the following :
the seeds of disunion among the present -Ministers, " Art 4. Irish Papists to be capable of employments,
or at least to keep up, as well as they can, and for military and civil, and to exercise all professions, trades,
a brief season, the drooping spirits of their own fac- and callings."
tious adherents throughout the country, by per- This De Ginkel refused to
_,orant, because it was not
suading them that the elements of discord already only contrary to the laws of the realm, se far as he
exist in the Administration—will prove as vain as knew them, but dishonourable to himself. 'What
they are evidently preposterous. The present Ad- would the Presbyterian Dutchman have said, had
ministration are at least as earnest in their desire to the article, in addition to the employments generally
enforce a rigid economy, so far as may be consistent mentioned, added, seats in Parliament, Lord Chan-
with the national dignity and welfare in the public cellorships, every thing, Kingship excepted, and that
expenditure, as their immediate predecessors; and excepted only because it happens to be hereditary ?
if they should be less noisy in their professions of In speaking of the implied pledges at the Union,
this desire, it may be some compensation to the Mr. Lidwell remarks, that they were so notorious
public to know that they will not attempt, even for at the time that no one thought it worth while to
a single year, to postpone any investigation of which chronicle them, and it was only by accident that the
they admit the necessity, or to delay any reforms written proof which he communicated to Lord Ross-
which can be shown to be safe and practicable. No more had been preserved. We think, however, it
individual of this Administration, we venture to might have struck Mr. Lidwell, that if hopes had
say, will seek to attract to himself a meretricious been held out so generally as he says, we might, at
popularity by vague and empty declamation the distance of only twenty-seven years, command
upon this subject, to the - disparagement of if not abundance of documentary, abundance of oral
his Colleagues; for, if any one should go testimony, to the fact. There must be some half-
about this cunningly to elevate himself in the million of Catholics in Ireland at this moment,
opinion of the multitude, he would no doubt be in- who were come to the years of discretion in
stantly and severely rebuked by Mr. Huskisson, who 1800, and of these, four or five hundred at
has practically demonstrated in a very recent in- least should be able to speak to the point at
stance his entire acquiescence in the sentiment corn- issue. But we rather think that Mr. Lidwell
mon to all who have the least claim to reputation as will find, by having recourse to documents that are
Statesmen—that adequate remuneration ought in by no means of difficult access, that the Catholic
policy and justice to be allotted to all who labour in Question was mentioned, and mentioned very plainly,
the service of the State. So much for this the fa- during the discussions on the Union. In the de-
vourite topic with those who for their own factious bates that took place in the Irish Parliament, in the
and selfish purposes suggest the probability of dis- Session of 1799, we admit that nothing, so far at
union. With respect to the relaxations which have least as we recollect, escaped any of the speakers—
progressively taken place of that system of restric- and they were neither few, nor were their harangues
tion which was embodied in the old commercial very guarded—touching the Catholic Question, ex-
code of this country—another of the prominent cept Arr. Foster (on the 11th of February), who
topics of the apostles of disunion—their case is observed, in commenting on Mr. Pitt's speech, that
equally hopeless. Although the name of Mr. this- the Irish Parliament might adjust all points in which
lisson is popularly attached to 'these measures, the the Protestants and Catholics differed, as judiciously
fact is quite certain—let it be supposed to involve and effectually as an Imperial Legislature. But this
praise or censure —that all the leading and most was not tire case in 1800, when Mr. Grattan re-
influential Members of the present Cabinet appeared for the first time after his Parliamentary
were also Members of that, under the sane- secession. In that year, that most accomplished
tion of which they were proposed to and ap- of Irish speakers objected to the Union, because
proved by the Legislature, as well as an- "it was no Union : it was not an identification of
other fact equally important, viz, that the last the people, for it excluded the Catholics." He ad-
steps taken by that united Cabinet were retro- ded, on the same subject, " What was the language
grade instead of advancing—were in opposition of the Ministers' Advocates to the Catholics ? " Yon
to, and not in pursuance of the theoretic principles were before the Union as three to one; you will be
of free trade. We allude here to the Customs' by the Union as one to four." Thus he founded their
Regulation Act, and to the determination of hold- hopes of political power on the extinction of phy-
inrg the United States fast bound by the error corn- skid consequence, and made the inanity of their
mitted by their Government in neglecting to em- body, and the nonentity of their country, the pillars
brace the liberal offer of England to admit them, of their future ambition. The Minister, by his first
upon certain easy conditions, to a free commercial plan, as detailed by his advocates, not only excluded
intercourse with her West India possessions. These the Catholics from Parliament, but also deprived
facts indicate clearly enough the constant unanimity Protestants of a slue representation in that assembly,
which prevailed upon this subject in the Liverpool he struck off one half of the representatives of the
Cabinet, in a Cabinet which has supplied not only counties, and preserved the proportion of the
the model, but the principal materials of the pre- boroughs as two to one; thus dismissing for ever
sent. Its members were agreed as to the duty of the question of Catholic Emancipation and Parlia-
listening to the doctrines of enlightened theory, nor memory Reform." The promises, or, as he terms
did they less perfectly concur as to the still more them, the bribes, held out by Mr. Pitt—and, for
imperative duty of correcting those doctrines by the obvious reasons, we prefer quotino the account of them
lessons of experience. The Whigs and their ad- from Mr. Grattan's speech, for the question is not so
herents perpetually by their artifices draw down much what Mr. Pitt said, as how he was understood
upon themselves confusion and disgrace, and they —the bribes were-Ist, Perpetual security to the
now by their unprincipled manoeuvres compel Protestant Church. 2d. Salaries to the Catholic
us to revive the recollection of individual. conduct, Clergy. 3d. A communication of tithes. 4th.
which for the honour of human nature We should Certain commercial benefits ! There is in all this
otherwise have desired to bury in oblivion. Let us not wily no mention of Catholic Emancipation,
then, since they have driven us to this course, con- but the whole speech of Mr. Grattan teems with
trast the conduct of the Tories in regard to the sys- proofs that, according to his reading, Mr. Pitt meant
tern of free trade, with that of some of the most no such thing. It is with this view that he ridi-
distinguished of the Whigs. We do not know that cities the notion of the Premier that the English ca-
it is the subject of boast, but the fact is undeniable, pitalist would settle, with his family, in the midst of
that the first advances made in this country towards those Irish Catholics, whom he did not think it safe
the practical application of the principles of free to admit into Parliament. When the Resolutions of
trade were made by the Tories, and under the im- the Irish Parliament respecting the Union came
mediate guidance of a very eminent Tory—Mr. under discussion here, Mr. Pitt contented himself'
Wallace. It is equally true, that nothing has vet with a passing allusion merely to the Catholic claims,
been done in pursuance of those principles, but leaving them entirely to the wisdom of Parliament.
with the sanction of an exclusively Tory Cabi- Mr. Grey (Earl Grey) who moved an amendment
net. It is again equally true, that no Tory ever on the first resolution, which was lost by a majo-
attempted to gain a momentary popularity by rity of 263 to 30, contented himself with repeating
stigmatizing those principles at a season when the sentiments of Mr. Foster, that the Catholic
their efforts threatened commotion, arid when Question could be as easily settled in an Irish as in
the doors of Parliament were besieged by story- an Imperial Parliament. In the next Session the
ing multitudes suffering under the earliest opera- question was more distinctly alluded to. The words
boil of the system they had applauded. But of Lord Grenville, explaining the reason why he
carat has been the conduct of the Whigs ? They and several of his colleagues had retired from the
urged forward Mr. Wallace first, and afterwards Mr. Cabinet, are thus given in the debates :—" Imagin-
Huskisson, by every inciternent that they could de- ing this measure alono(CatholicEmancipation) could
vise and emPloY,t° Pursue thOsysteso of measures in be effectual if coming from . the executive govern-
question. But when the SPitalfields weavers in meat, we felt it our duty to propose it to those who
their distress besieged the doors and obstructed the direct his Majesty's Councils. It was not deem-
I avenue; to the Houses of Parliament, the best of ed eligible, and we were unable to prevail. Ac-
then's turned lukewarm in the cause—some of them cordingly, we tendered to his Majesty the
employments,resiona-
ellm,
i t andh
ou
our
e s
ehraysi
cl7ees.en , ,
positively hostile to it. We need scarcely do more resigna-
tion
than hint at what then occurred. The slightest hint graciously
c ioot u.s urly pleasedes-'
to dispense
will hp sufficient to awa4e" the Most vivid and the When, however, it came to Mr. Pitt to explain, he
most disgusting recollections of Whig conduct, mentioned, indeed, the differences of his views and
The greatest Whig merchant, and one of the great- those of the executive on the Catholic Question,
est Whig lawyers in the House of Commons, dis' but said there were other reasons for his resig-
tinctly took part with the malcontents. Tire former nation, which he did not choose to communicate.—
was most unaccountably spared, but the latter it can- It plainly appears, indeed, that so far from Mr. Pitt's
not easily b feentten,received from a Tory orator the being capable of ensuring success to the Catholic
leader of a Tory Ministry in that House, so rnerci- Claims, he had not even secured the co-operation of
less a castigation, that it not merely 'eumbled—it his own colleagues to the measure, and all that he
extinguished him. Never since that day has he ever did, or could pledge himself to, was, that he, as
tilaoelto rear his head in the House of Commons, Minister, would support them, If then, Cortl-
and we are perasiodeo he never will.—Yet this wallis, as he seems by his letter to do, gave any as-
person was so eminent a' thatse he had been surance to the Irish Catholics that their Claims
long encouraged to aspire to the aariog 4iguity of r would be granted as a returns for their support of the
being an enemy of the Earl of Eldon. It is only f Union, he must have misunderstood Mr. Pitt, or the
necessary to add, that neither of these Persons were latter must. have presumed on his power farther than
in arty way discountenanced' much less renounced he was entitled. We rather think that both Lord
by their pasty, The contrast we suppose is suffi- Cornwallis and Mr. Pitt erred on the occasion ; that
ciently striking; and, in conclusion, we have only to the Lord Lieutenant understood the Premier to
ask, which party any man f
o_ vigorous intellect, any say more than he meant, and that the Premier said
man of evens common sense, would Prefer as col- . more than he could perform. But let it be
leagues --those who would cheek his pursuit of a granted that Mr. Pitt alone waa to blame--

that he held out such hopes in the most posi-
tive and unexceptionable terms—to what does the
admission amount ? That we are bound to fulfil
those hopes ? By no means. Who authorized
him to hold them out ? Parliament ? It has
all along refused even to entertain the question. The
King ? He was decidedly and conscientiously hos-
tile to it. The people of England ? They were
and they are as one with the Parliament on the sub-
ject ; and we seek no better proof than their distrust
(simply because they were supposed to be over-
friendly to that question) of the two last Ministries,
which, in other respects, they were much attached
to. In fact, it is not this Minister or that Minister
—it is not this party or that party that forbids the
passing of the Catholic Bill; it is the influential
portion of the people of England—the landed and
monied Aristocracy—the Clergy—the Yeomanry—
all who lead or govern the sentiments of nations on
questions of national importance. And until they
shall change their minds, the Catholics must retrain
contented where they are.—yew Times.