The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-16 00:00:00

THURSDAY EVENING, MAY 16, 1944.

with the result of her industry, than that manufactures !
should be stopped for one year.—(Cheers.) In say-
ing this he should al;o state that he should like to
see the farmers prospering, because he knew that the
interests of bath classes of the community were mu-
tually dependent on each other. The course of
events showed that if the farmers and agricultural
population did not join the League in their efforts
for free trade they would become the laughing-
stock of all civilised nations.—(Hear, hear.)
If anyone entered the mansions of the aristocracy would
they not find all the luxuries and comforts which were
the production of manufacturing ingenuity and indus-
try ? But what evidence was there of the slightest aid,
so far as the surrounding objects went, of agricul-
ture ? But they said they did not want independence
of manufactures ; what they wanted was protection
for agriculture. Why, protection for agriculture
meant nothing more nor less than protection for the
landlords. Was corn the only • thing that would not
find its level ? Through all parts of the coun-
try did Heaven bestow equal blessings; the light
shone, and the rain fell, equally for the just
and the unjust; but if the food was to be sluiced up
like the waters, and prevented from a free current, he
thought the landlords of England would he answer-
able for the evil consequences. He. ould say to the
meeting that by their attendance there that night
they had manifested their determination to carry this
great measure, and shown an example to all the
nations of the earth. They should not tire in the
truly great and good work, the consuniation of which
would open the prairies of America to England as a
granary, and make the poor happy and the indepen-
dent more so. People were each day becoming more
enlightened; mind met mind ; a new world of ideas
had been created, and the consequent religious, poli-
tical, and historical power would be found sufficiently
strong to put down all the monopolies which now pre-
vailed. The present was not the time when rude masses
of uncultivated and ignorant men would rise together,
influenced by passion and violence, to commit inju-
ries upon their fellow men, involVing combina-
tions in crime.—(Cheers.) For his own part, he
would not address such an assembly—the present was
not such an assembly.—(Cheers.) But men wanted
to be taught, and these- meetings were held for the
purpose of teaching them.—(Cheers.) Let it be
remembered that those who wanted to maintain the
corn-laws had lost the monster monopoly of know-
ledge.—(Great cheering.) They had lost also the
monopoly of the knowledge of moral power ; and
having lost that, they had lost the only
monopoly which would have secured in
perpetuity all other monopolies.—(Cheers.) The days
when wily politicians could wield the condition of a
nation had gone by—the days of heroes, of warriors,
and fights had gone by—the days of the quarrels of
nations had gone by—(Cheers)—the days of peace
had come—(Cheers)—and the nations of the civilised
world looked to each other. France looked to
England—(Cheers)—England looked to France;
and even Spain was beginning to see that evils were
evils, and good was good.—(Cheers.) They were
looking to the beneficial results of good government,
and not to those transactions which had been a
scourge to countries, and only enabled those who
scourged them to prey upon the ruins they had
msde.----(Great cheering, amid which the Rev. Gen-
tleman retired.}
The CHAIRMAN then announced that another
meeting of the League would take place there next
Wednesday. It might, also, be as well that he
should state that it was not likely these meetings
would be continued for a much longer period, in
consequence of the necessity of commencing the
arrangements for the bazaar that was to be held in
that building.—(Cheers.)
The vast assemblage then dissolved after giving
nine cheers fOr the League.

SOUTH LANCASHIRE ELECTION.
MANCHESTER, TUESDAY NlGHT.—During the day both
parties have been hard at work canvassing, and on the part
of the free traders, every hour brings with it news of men
who have consented to separate themselves from party, and
to look at the contest only as one affecting the interests of
trade. As regards the " ways and means," the free traders
have evinced a spirit to-day, that shows them 'sanguine of
the result, for the guarantee fund has already reached 13,000/.,
and that for the Manchester district of the county alone !
Since we wrote yesterday, giving an account of Mr. Entwistle's
visit to his Committee here and at Newton, we have learned
that he went forward yesterday afternoon to Liverpool, and
met his Committee there. It was the intention of his friends
to introduce him on 'Change, at Liverpool ; but the Com-
mittee reported an adverse wind in that quarter, and he re-
turned to Manchester without suffering the honour. To-day
his friends have also forborne to introduce him on 'Change
here, and there is a whisper that.it is still the intention of his
party to wi.hdraw him from the contest, if they can substi-
tute a fitter man.

At seven o'clock this evening there was a splendid meeting
of the friends of Mr. Brown, the free-trade candidate, at the
Free-trade Ilall, of which we subjoin a report.

MEETING IN THE FREE-TRADE HALL.

_ .
He cared not whether they wore a du-cal coronet or MANCHESTER, TUESDAY NIGIIT.—This evening, at seven
any other badge of high distinction. An accident o'clock, a great meeting was assembled at the Free-trade
Hall, of the electors resident in the Manchester district pf
might have thrown that coronet in his way, or he
Amongstouth Lancashire, receive a deputation from the League.
might have been born to it, and, therefore, have noteeg League,n e gentlemen
consisting present, inof additionicilr to the depute-
gained it by any merit of his own—(Cheers)-0e it tion from th
might happen that amongst his ancestry there might. Mr. Alderman Brooks, and others, we obseravded Cobden,Ea(j"
Kershaw, Mr. Rawson, Mr. Woodward, Mr. Harvey (of the
have been sycophants who courted Royal favour b
At-
bowing and cringing, or, perhaps, by deeds of their firm of Harvey and Tysse), Mr. Atkinson (of the firm of
kinson and Saunders), Mr. Alderman Hopkins, Mr. Alderman
own they might have shown that highhotaoloeunirtl;wilihicaht `talker, and many of the leading freeholders.
elevated their family, and with wparsoceteadkiennwny Mr.
meeting of proceedings,
high pinnacle the moment they
then they hurled themselves one and
attema
tedrotmoGEOßGE WILSON, who, in
irrespective of all political partyfeelling, in order
I
electors G said—Gentlemen, t
residingl e ii e i, wen haanytt
near'con-
this
fetteri the minds, opinions, and convictions of the peo-
lip,red.—s
%(vCerheeedrese.)plylitetehraedstebdeelan
thsehomwaniattheantantehee
olfanthde- L
\A
1,
Manchester,
an nohedeh opening
ecs
this the
eri r,
that you. e
League,l. liayhavaeodanh opportunity of meeting a deputation
lar.roeu.stamteadtetrliiaolsiey rienasgoinvsiowglytioclazr tvhoetye
ftohri i -Ich
eofurgelet-tttroadion fieuaenndeei. hear
idls,clutsNsvaLneovt.rected, for party
present system. It was possible that reasons might
113erele-t.rade Hall is neutral
We have called this meetinggrinoofataleidiee.....ectoontest for this coupy.
be adduced to prove that it would be against their in-
tere,t if this country were to become a manufacturing
community ; and that reason was, the aristocracy an to
because engaged which this
squirearchy could not wield the franchise of the mama-
tinuance, for one hour, of these country suffers.—(Loud). ofthe giant monopolies under
sheaavte a numberi of letters from gentlemen cheers.) We ask you to pause well
l
favour of the perpetuation purposes. (rCs ground.—(Cheers.)
r sa l.
NV e tpatesw
meetaa hererflnotle
facturers as they did that of the farmers; they could before you give a vote in or con:
not drive the former to the poll, as they did the
latter. Neither had they that threat to hold over them
Ile
ssnwTlyllo
unmootni
M.P ,was erecev
be
occupy
in terrorem of granting no leases, serving ejectments, Badudtr nie Fax!
canvassing.—(Cheers.)
ecvsoa. —issuici
air! id l
(at
Con she)
ra
sh.
)I_
y your time by reading them ; I will at
or driving them from their houses if they opposed them once proceed to business ssofbiyhintroducing Mr. Cobden, who will
Mr. COBDEN,
at an election. If the landlords could just as well. League.—(Cheers.)
drive one class to the hustings as the other, heenthusiastic
asitfoillomX air
doubted much whether they would set themselves so andman pairioclozed cheering. He spoke
tleten,—
if you were met here for party objects
strongly against he manufacturers, or retain their at- I should not'
public,angstt you. I have never, since I
tachment so exclusively in favour of the farmers. The have appeared in
squabbles; and, so far as maakyeabeanZ partd eig
tionesreear
tra
manufacturers were rather an unwieldy political
a sentimentshadtioi
the opportunity
the Anti-Corn-law Learrune:lleerhallenjall who
material, and the country gentlemen, well knowing
of observing my public conduct,
this fact, were unwilling to run the risk of letting go to point to a sinrl
alonstance in which my .proceedings have
their political grasp upon the farmers, because they and been influenced single
the monopolists well knew that they could not regain individuals connectedywietprpda tot env political iiartirs,reorhaany,
it upon the manufacturers.—(Loud cheers.) The metart
ie
shere, as the chairman Yet; party.—(Applause)
Psaaays,eirrespective ofe
cannot point to any existingpolitical party which
landlords were interested in this change, but not- it)akes its. stand upona the ground that the free traders and the
withstanding the system could not go on. They Anti-Corn-law i. usisnpoossveoccupy. We have two
nserons
all had seen many changes during the last century. of politicians ; oraf
They had also seen some changes within the last two street, and to carry out free ttroadperliftetslse fbeyalitTlea; wet ehaavbe-
or three years, durino• which they found certain gen- tion;anothebruptarty taking its stand upon fixed duties and protee•
there is noh political party that seeks at once to ob-
tiemen—Tories, and e'Ministers, too—coming forward tarn the object in view—that of practical and per-
to plead the cause of the poor black man, whom the feet free trade. —(Hear, This is a question that is re-
people of England set free in spite of them, to in- ferred back to the electorslear
of this county; and to no portion
of the electoral body veigh against the system of slavery in general., can it come with so strong a claim to
their attention as to the electors of South Lancashire.—
Those charitable gentlemen said, if you set the
• (Applause.) Ge t _ ntlemen, we are not solely a manufacturing
slaves free the consequence will be that they all must m` • niounit y,in South Lancashire; there is a large rural ctoricti
dis-
perish.
No person could have any idea of the mis- liis county. We have farmer as well as manufac-
chief. which would be likely to ensue if the slaves turers. I have made good the
gen- ground as well as inanufacturigi,ra:rrnodanod
. freetr
and if thereade
on
farming
oneirig
were to be emancipated. And therefore those
tlemen at that time resisted every attempt to set v•tiocue
and rrorng hati another, it is that upon which Lord
benopietneer have taken up the question—that
the slaves free. Now,' they were still connected is, as to the which free trade will confer upon agri-
by the most kindly feeling towards them, and were culture itself.—(Hear,
manu-
anxious that nothing should occur which would be facturers of this country, hear.)%hi
isßtuttlunyforetouenraatiellya, tdhmeit
tlat
free trade would be good • for themselves, have hitherto not
likely to improve them, and consequently they took
come to cdnsider this question of free trade apart and alto-
them up, as they had taken up the farmers, and would
Fether.adway from a political partizanship. If we could only
allow no sugar to come in, except that grown by freearil predilections—if we could
oanyiyasolo aside our
tor olda
common animosities
blacks.—(Laughter.) Query—was this kindness at,
viewsiina consider sliNd - ri thisah dTo;II all manifested on account of •the West Indian inte- of the corn•laws apart frogmrauall
rests ?—(Cheers.) Well then, after the voice of the verily believe there would not be two opinions amongst the
manufacturing classes in Smith Lancashire.--(Loud ap-
country and humanity had been elevated so often and
plause.) Now, Gentlemen, I am glad to say, that on this
loudly against the vile system of slavery, those
oncetasion w e haye evidenthceast
happyof our corning soon, if we have
philanthropic gentlernen became at length convinced 'we shall be
that it was the voice of God and nature, and they noe longer alreadyblindedavedto
at,our true uer point,s, nowrhtellile
ceded the freedom of the slave—by purchase. After the country, by such absurd deliit•ions as these mere Whig
and Tory distinctions in politics. I am happy to announce to
yielding to all those circumstances--circumstances
forced upon them—they have found those vet same you that we hear from all quarters—not merely in Man-
v
, chester, not merely in. Liverpool—but in all the surrounding
gentlenien coming forward to take
districts we hear of numerous instances of most intelligent
freemen. But what were they to say to such hypo- and influential' men who have on this occasion declared that aired that
crisy as this ? After the Niger expedition, at a they will no longer vote as Tories or as Whigs;
ptoilat the
public meeting he chanced to be sitting next to Sir question before the country is free trade or monopoly,
but that they. will vote for free trade.—(Loud applause.)' and
It
R. Peel—a strange coincidence—(Laughter)— would be invidious to name these gentlemen, and besides
still no secrets passed between them—(Renewed
twh:tariet liziuldhbeivore7 paorotiralauujust ; for I really believe
laughter)—so therefore he had no ministerial secrets
to reveal to the meeting. But the Right Hon. Ba- contest is only beginning
wei
shall
seesuch conversion,ac haanadrethiant toreedth e
ronet got up upon that occasion ; and to show that a South Lancashire among the manufacturing classes,aa' ast even
a
the most sanguine of us has not expected. This is the last
sense of shame was sometimes inherent in all
3.4:3otreestthfoorelSouth Lancashire. int which any party will come
minds, began by saying that it was incumbent troros;?fmt,limiso Toriaanatodistriict, and profess to
,upon those who were not in the field before : be an upholder
to come forward and speak on behalf of the injured And, Gentlemen, if anything could tirroNa-eiapteo(Vplausf )
African. There must have been a twitch of conscience terms in which ill-. Entwistle has put forward' his aids d rtelses.
to the electors of this county.—(Hear, hear.) That •address
which affected the Right Hon. Gentleman. Now he is, at all events,. a tribute paid tto_ the triumph of free trade
(the Rev. Mr. Burnett) believed that if there was any
(p)prollsosnisoo.intot
ciasrrcouonutrty;hfeorlough it does not agree in
one monopolising interest concerned in this Niger ex- 'principles of free trade, it is full
pedition, it would have kept that wily gentleman .professing
compliments terthose principles•
so far as they have been
away from speaking one word in favour of the African. applied ; it speaks of the paramount importance of ma-
He would tell the meeting, therefore, to take comfort
nufactures and commerce; and it proposes, very intelligibly,
shall
ohs
be nameless,
out free tr.andeLaosmfiast as somebody else, who
from this : they had one who was sensible to the in-
rw)ill;ive the cue for
fluence of shame, and who, although steeled against doing so. al(lle..oesud' applauseperlaps andi Imo-hate hia'ffekl.wke
many things, was
:not yet made, of steel, and this in Lancashire are too old birds to be can ht with'l chaff
this on the present occasion.—(Laughter. Wo mast not be
showed. they, by perseverance, would be crowned with
deluded or mystified with plausibilities. Ve want free trade
success. What did the aristocracy mean by pressing
—not"deluded
in the abstract; w.e don't
ill.'ant it ten or twenty years
their opposition so long? Did they intend to set the ealCaaiti
told
it we will have.
IN e(LRo-aandtit rlow, and if
applause.) But I different classes of society at variance with each it noe'w.—for
idlitrahalts somee of Mr.
other, and tell them that if one prospered the other ' Entwistle's canvassers are canvassing
Tnqst• necessarily decay ? Did they mean to tell Now, I don't set myself tie Tire., is 4 easuist to% s'eltirl&liVg
of conscience ; lout Wire, 0 If geo9ol6l;!_,!_
, go 'iltitl'obtaihipriP
their respecte4 tThairrytap, that if hp snpcpadad, Air. '
to blill Tqlse firOte:f.rel, r i (11.:it'Otil-ed.t lhot'i:pkoinise4
Turner, who favoured them with his enlightened• !iii corny' to rddetre.
but ; lw°aar.nd.
views upon the op,:ration of the corn-laws that even- elec(t'orslaidnittioga7y('mkiLakiessa,. and, through thropgh the
.ing, must be reduced to poverty ? Did those pro- press, I beg to warn the constituency 32',.
ntwistle is not a free trader, though his
(ounty that Mr.
Opts mean to assert, that if the one class were to t: address tries, all
that words can do, to make it appear that he is.—(Cheers.)
gueeeed the .,
.., "thy shot-J(1 gq down ? Such an asses- NCTi Qentletrer we have 411444 e a iim
tion was Most ridiculous. 'lniibg • • .
e pets•ons meant to 'fly' i ' - ••• ,i-. .- • ' -4 ' • ' -(• -wrAtq 11 tie
petsorl
say that inariufaetiii • 'to • • • ' • '
13"Ivii'
'434'
Oil
Li
ri"1:-IL a II
. ' . '
es 'were go down, ' he , fb•ciiin• asi-a scimmiereiarmiii ..1 shoo?,' 4. • aPP ali,e-). Mr,
, , , mare, "Isay is 61411 others in
(the 4ev• NI% Burnett) Would tell' them
that he kingdom the man that' would beproperly' '
selected.fer the
•V(061 - 1:401.4 '4*-i4in__ 'fiih' le face of Paiji d 'high honour of' representing 'thig • in Parliament.-
covered with manuatorfni 'Adpi)- - iyithb an
(411Plav'se:) ! insay . as• a commerci Tin&
14 • 411 hiVtilso-frilm you' and Mr. —4 "Wit li's•:li4a "4111
acre of tillage, and En landg supplying the world did, for he would ' disguise
,
you himself, that if we

could, by deferring to the tone of public opinion in counties,
have found just the right man connected with the ag,ricul-
tural'interest, and even connected with an aristocratic family
iu South Lancashire, Mr. Brown would have been the, first
man to say, " Take him in preference to me, and you will be
most likely-to conciliate the greatest amount of support."—
(Applause.) And I may tell you, what iam sure Mr. Brown
himself will very readily tell you, that we did apply .to a
gentleman in London—Mr. Pascoe Grenfell, the-brother-in-
law of Earl Sefton—and had he not been at the time we
called upon him Under the hands of his medical attendant,
and confined to his house by a very painful disease, he would
have been inspirited to enter the breach on this occasion ; for
a more ardent repealer, and one more thoroughly devoted to
the principles of the League, I never found in all my travels in
England.—(Applause.) Under those circumstances we chose
—rspeak of the electors 'who took a part in it, for I was not
in Lancashire at the' time—the electors chose the first com-
mercial man in Lancashire.—(Applause.) He is a man who,
if you want. to test what he is, will answer to the question
which Napoleon used to put when anybody talked to him of
a man as a great man, a distinguished man, or a man of vast
superiority; Napoleon always put the question, " What has
he done. ?"—(Hear.) • Now, Mr. Win. Brown has built up
one of the most gigantic commercial establishments that ever
existed in this or any other country—(Hear)—and he has in
the various ramifications of his bu3:ness probably contributed
more to the facilities of commerce, to the interchange of the
productions of this district, than any other merchant, or pro-
bably any other half-dozen merchants, in England.—(Ap-
plause.) Next to the reverence we have for aristocratic
origin, is probably the homage which in England we, wisely
or unwisely, pay to wealth. On the score of wealth, Mr.
Brown must be acceptable to the most money-loving among
us. If great riches give a guarantee, in the estimation of
timid men, that the possessor of those riches is not likely to
be a destructive in politics, why then Mr. Brown has given
you that guarantee, and will commend himself to the most
timid amongst us. I know of no objection that has been
alleged to Mr. Brown as a candidate for our suffrages, unless
it be one which has originated in idle gossip, in the absence
of anything really tangible to oppose it. It has been alleged
that Mr. Brown is not a British-born subject. lam happy to
tell you, from the highest authority, that Mr. Brown was
born in the county of Kilkenny, in Ireland—(Applause)--
that his family were extensively connected with the linen
trade there; that Mr. Brown 'came to England, and was
educated ; that he left England in 1800, and went to America ;
that he returned from America in 1808, since which time he has
been a resident in Liverpool.—(Applause.) And as the owner
of large estates in this country, he has given that proof of his
naturalization which will both be a satisfaction to our oppo-
nents, on the score of his citizenship, and will also recom-
mend him as being an extensive landowuer.(Applause.)
There has been, also, I believe, (I don't know whether there
has or not), some other allusion made to Mr. Brown—but
we really don't talk about religious subjects here—but Mr.
Brown, I may tell you in brief, is a Churchman ; and if he
had been anything else he would have been equally unex-
ceptionable in this Free Trade Hall, for we do not meet here
to entertain theological questions.—(Applause.) This is the
description of a candidate which is presented to you, the elec-
tors of the southern division of Lancashire. If any of you
know the weight of a bale of cotton, you are only one remove
from a near acquaintance with Mr. Brewn, who has in his
hands one-sixth part of the trade between this country and
the United States.—(Loud applause.) There is hardly a
breeze can blow, or a tide can roll into the Mersey, that does
not bring a ship freighted with cotton, or some other costly-
commodity destined to fill the warehouses of Mr. BroWn;
and there is scarcely a railway or a canal in the kingdom
that does not' bear some of his produce on its way to be
shipped to China, or some other part of the world.—(Loud
applause.) Now, Gentlemen, short of being himself one of
the landed proprietors of Lancashire, Mr. Brown is more
deeply interested in the land of Lancashire than any other
man can be. He is not one of the aristocratic families of the
county; but a gentleman having the important concerns in
Liverpool to which I have alluded, and being, as he is,
so intimately bound up with every transaction in which you
are engaged in Lancashire—l say that, second only to the
ownership of an enormous estate in this county, Mr. Brown
may be considered most securely anchored amongst you, and
he has given the greatest possible pledges, by interest and
identity, that he is bound to regard and foster the welfare of
this county.—(Applause.) Mr. Brown does not appear before
this county as a party politician. He has not been known
either in Liverpool or elsewhere as a party politician. If he
has mixed with parties at all, it has been to moderate the
party feeling; and, I will venture to say now, in his name,
that Mr. Brown would deeply regret if this contest were
carried on upon any other ground whatever, than that of
strict principle, and that there is nothing which he would de-
plore more than if his friends should narrow the ground on
which he seeks your support.—(Applause.) Mr. Brown,
much to his honour, has taken a prominent part in Liverpool
in aiding the labours of the Anti-Monopoly Society there.—
(Applause.) His adhesion to that Society was an event about
as important to • that movement in Liverpool, as the ad-
hesion of Mr. Samuel Jones Loyd was to the proceedings
of the League in London.—(Applause.) And this step was
taken, not in anticipation of any such honour as you are now
striving to place in his hands; but it was done from a con-
viction of the baneful tendency of monopolies in general, and
from a desire to aid his utmost, by the influence of his great
example in Liverpool, in putting an end to a system so de-
structive to commerce. 'And, I marten you that Mr. Brown
is not an anti-monopolist of yesterday; for there is one fact
to be stated so highly to the honour of Mr. Brown, and so
strongly proving his disinterestedness, and his willingness to
assail monopolies, even when he himself was supposed to be
interested in them, that I cannot help mentioning them.
During the time of the monopoly of the China market by
the East India Company, Mr. Brown was one of those in
England who had the monopoly of the private trade with
China, which was carried on through American houses. No
English private trader could trade with those countries; but
the Americans took up the trade in an indirect way, and
Mr. Brown was the agent of that commerce, and it was a
very important branch of his business. When the proposal
was made to abolish the monopoly of the East India Com-
pany in the China trade, Mr. Brown went to London, and
gave evidence, before a Committee, in favour of an open
trade with China, though it was depriving himself of the
monopoly which he had before enjoyed.—(Loud applause.)
This then, Gentlemen, is the candidate you have before you;
he is a free-trader in corn ; but as a proof that he does not
consider a free trade in corn would be injurious to land, he
has invested largely in the land of this country; and I know
that. at this moment, he is prepared as willingly to invest
money in land with a prospect of the repeal of the corn-laws
to-morrow, as he would be if the corn-laws were likely to be
perpetual.—(Applause.) And let me remind you that Mr.
Brown's possessions in land may be quite as extensive as
those of many of the landowners who make so great a talk
upon this monopoly in corn, and who in appearance may have
a much wider expanse of surface in theirpossession ; for, when
a merchant invests his accumulated gains in land, the land is
his ; but those men who are making the greatest outcry for this
monopoly in corn, and who are the most prominent in opposing
the League, are merely the nominal possessors of those broad
acres.--(Great cheering.) Gentlemen, I have stated who Mr.
Brown is, and what he is; and now what is his opponent;
I'll not deal in personalities by alluding to Mr. Entwistle,
in any other way than as regards his public career; but
putting the test which Napoleon put, when a man was'spoken
of, I ask you, what has Mr. Entwistle done in public or in
private to entitle him to the honour of representing you in
Parliament ?—(Hear.) We are not opposed on this occasion
to one who, owing to high aristocratic connections or exalted
descent, is considered in this lord-loving country of ours as
entitled to a sort of ' presumptive right to represent a county.
—(Hear, hear, and laughter.) That claim, at all events,
does not stand before us. We know Mr. Entwistle as a private
gentleman, of respectable character, and we know him as
nothing else.—(Applause.) I have not had the opportunity
myself of listening to his speeches or hearing his views ; but
there is a part of what he stated the other day to his Com-
mittee, with regard to the operation of the corn-laws-, which
certainly does go far to convince me that Mr. Entwistle can
not have given the slightest attention to the subject of the
corn-laws. Gentlemen, we don't hear such fallacies as those
of Mr. Entwistle even in the House of Commons now ; they
are ashamed of them there.—(Applause.) I can assure you
that if Mr. Entwistle comes to the House of Commons, he
will have to learn his lesson before he speaks there, or he
will be laughed at as soon as he opens his mouth.—(Ap-
plause.) I suppose, brother electors, we shall have an oppor-
tunity of hearing Mr. Entwistle's views on this subject ; but
as he has decidedly declared himself for a sliding-scale
as against a fixed duty, I must confess I have been astonished
to see the name of one gentleman prominently connected
with his supporters—l mean the name of Mr. Hugh Birley;
for I very well remember four or five years ago, when we
were met at the Town-hall for a total repeal of the corn-
laws, that gentleman met us with an amendment, declaring
that nothing but a moderate fixed duty would restore the
commerce of this country ; but that, as the Whigs were then
in poWer, in whom he had no confidence, he was determined
not to petition Parliament for a fixed duty. And now it
seems, if one may believe the newspapers, that Mr. Hugh
Birley has been one of the principal men in bringing for-
ward Mr. Entwistle to stand on the principle of the
sliding •scale.—(Hear, hear.). Now, really, I don't understand
this kind of inconsistency. It is perfectly incomprehen-
sible in this Free-trade Hall.--(Applause and laughter.)
There is one question to which I would more especially like
to call their attention, and that is the great excitement
which has been created against the long hours of work in
this district. I have watched very attentively the pro-
ceedings in Parliament upon Lord Ashley's motion on the
Short-time Bill ; and I have heard it admitted by the
leading men on both sides of the House, that the
corn-laws and the the other monopolies were the cause of
the long hours of work in this district.—(Loud applause.) I
was walking down Parliament-street one day, just when
Lord Ashley had brought forward his first motion, and I was
mentioning the subject of the Ten Hours' Bill to a gentle-
man who was with me, a shrewd man, and one of few words,
and he shook his head and said, " It will be quite impossible
for the working classes to support the aristocracy with ten
hours' work a day."—(Loud cheers.) But I did not expect to
hear such specific admissions from the leading men on both
sides of `the House as I did hear upon this subject. After
Lord Ashley had carried his first motion by a majority, Sir
James Graham was speaking against it with a view to
reverse that decision; he tried every kind of argument, and
at last, at the conclusion of his speech, he turned round very
significantly indeed, with a look which hi can so well put on,
to the squires behind him, and lie said, "Let Honourable
Gentlemen beware what they do; this restrictive system of
ours is an artificial system—(Hear, hoar)—it is like a house
of cards—if you touch one, the rest will fall."—(Cheers
and laughter!') I was sitting behind a rabid protectionist,
a Member .for a rural district, and tapping him on the
shoulder, said "Do von understand that ?" " Yes, I do."—
(Applause and laughter.) Translated into plain common
sense and plain English, what did Sir J. Graham's admis-
sion amount to ? This—if you pass a Ten Hours' Bill, the
corn-laws, and the sugar-laws, and the coffee-laws cannot
be maintained. But why ? He did not see, whilst he was
II MATS/UST ASTONISH
Making this appeal to the 'squires behind him, or lie seemed
EADVERTISEMENT.]—ACUR
to forget that there was a Leaguer present, and that we should
Plus.--Mrs. Lee, keep-
in
piles
day Spitalfields, had for fire
interpretate his argument, and carry it out in the Free-trade TEN WORLD, BY Hoetoweya
Hall. For it' amounted to an admission by the Home Se- ing a small shop
,but more particularly from a
cretary that the working classes were working two hours a-- years suffered
fearful
bearing down of the body, her health
day to maintain the monopolists.—(Loud applause. And
when Lord John Russell and Lord Howick rose on the 0r1Q441 and. re
"x was conceived 'to be
washefirsbrtocuognah
other side of the House, they declared thitt I'9 Qua I beggar P
"yeodmopelteotrlyibriuuisn;edw,hsehnes
Bill could be passed with perfect safety, peeivide the corn- ; almost to h
cure, but in en ous pills, her friends eon-
other monopolies were menced the use of thon '
laws, and the sqgqr; eeffee, -and
she var.', e sound
moved. (Now this is very important in more senses than sidered her pit
sh 4. WAS in her life. suiadn(daiaaas
ot
onwg:y
two months by their; means,
one ; it shows us that we are the real ten hours' people after •
all; and certainly the attempt to make it appear Unit, 1)1,t
'a"Oluaintamasenet)veart
Leaguers are long hour men, will be the ireeti ieepaflen prolessr and audacious argument was used' after this ad- advicetr4l ktad gratis), and by
almost
all respect-
le heading opponents involve 0 - 4. 9 'en cet‘ 711 0,1164 serall'i 44" • t ,kei.ensA "V— 9r4 diktwehes throughout the civilised
dtiqr on the part* of the employer.? Amti :worlds .
tbgether 're!Tlele 'ilo.visv• 14W ilit4 compois the "it m
ft0,04:14 4414 td worii-two hours aa— • HE EPITERRANEAN AND „INDIA MAits.—The
LO
the monopolists? 4 would anee.l e • mittens following notice is put up at the General Post-office:—
, to employers of every arty ' "
I) The nort mails for Malta, Greece, and the lonian
thia, COUniry, and ask them, in the first laceP; from 4 Islands vic4 Southampton, will be dispatched hence on
sense of justice to those they employ (for woutiti t • • =
• .••• 4c) put it the morning of the leth instant (this day) ; and the
upon any lower motive, the ,y. t4enAselves to
• bd th •
tem lye.er is Cr4s.
,9,w • e Ten, women, aye, and the
a B.Yee mails 'for lioypt India, &c., via Southampton, on the
Aifciren, why ale living around them and are dependent morning' of the let of June • the mails fbr India via
them.; er will they now take advantage of this
iton
Marseilles (if not detained) Kill bedispatched on the 4th
when they, ae the constituency of South cortun'
of June. The Dee will take out the mails for the British
Lancashire, have ;
and foreign possessions hi the West Indies, on the arrival
votes in their hans, a b
41)e teQ WQrking classes have no votes
44viu. Iy a, right, uaq dill _ ose.vetes, a system of the morning mail of the 170instat?t,attSontharapton.
whiCh thus oppresses those who- are dependent upon them? the Caledonia, for the American mails of the in-
-(Loud applause.) If I wanted to appeal to a lower motive stant, on their arrival at Liverpool. The Garland Grove
than a mere sense oflustice, I would ask them to look at the , will take out the Sydney mails of the 31st instant."

PROMISSORY NOTES.
TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Stn,—The hostility that is manifested in various quarters
to the promissory notes of country bankers is really unac-
countable; one might suppose that they formed the only
peccant part of our monetary system, and that to get rid of
them would be to create universal order and harmony; this
opinion is certainly not entertained by persons who make use
of them, and who observe their operation in the districts
where they circulate.
Let it be observed that Bank of England notes are the
circulation in all the great mercantile and manufacturing
towns in the empire, so that bankers' notes are at least guilt-
less of the speculations and adventures that are carried on in
these places; in many of the agricultural districts, where the
largest amouilt of promissory notes is kept in circulation, a
bill of exchange is rarely seen. It would be worth while for
Sir R. Peel to inquire what amount of bills is discounted an-
nually by ten of the banks returning the largest circulation ;
if I were to form a conjecture, I should say that a larger
amount I discounted in one week in Liverpool, than in one
year by an agricultural note issuing bank. How, then, are
these notes put into circulation? 'I hey have been called into
action long ago, and they- pass to and fro in the ordinary
transactions oebusiness, circulating the various commodities
which the population require; the amount is adjusted to the
wants of the people, and in every such district a much larger
sum is deposited with the banker than is issued by him in
the form of promissory notes; he has received from his
neighbours their savings, and he has returned to them a part
of the sum in his own notes, with which to carry on their
operations. Now such a circulation, whatever theorists may
say to the contrary, is based upon sound principles—princi-
ples as sound as any deduced from the state of the foreign
exchanges. If the customer of such a bank, having 1,0001.
deposited, chooses to draw it out and build himself a house,
does it make any difference whether the bricks are paid for
in Bank of England notes or in the banker's own notes ; in
either case the circulation is increased without any regard to
the foreign exchanges; but Sir It. Peel complains that the
notes of country bankers fluctuate with prices. No doubt if
1,000 quarters of wheat are sold at 80s. it will take one-third
more money to transfer them than if they had been sold at
GOs.; but is any body to blame for tins? Sir It. Peel is
moving on towards one bank of issue ; and the sort of objec-
tions that are urged against the present system may teach
us what we are to expect under the new one. Of one thing
we may be certain, that the practice of allowing Merest on
deposits will undergo seine alteration, and a ther Chancellor
of the Exchequer is circumscribing tho savings banks, anA
ncd'enstn.lailfl
reducing their rate of interest, the working classes
pear
farmers must find ent some other investments, ag bankers
two-lhaarglfe and th.l
nw;cc, q-opecially Where they are
tellaen7
atreattnbortd
ainottot of cash which
they must keep by them to meet thl. 4i.iy demands
will
se.
totoisasluloewn(t)twe°s:
distance from 1,11. cfstipply,—l am ,
aritosuot curtail their profits,
, 7% our obe-
dient servant, BAXQUo.
Newcastle, UtLE.3I4.

wssweessooppesessiosessuse•-ser
time, which has been marillbsted net only in the Hem of r THE FFqr--t/---ss'ivc:-,
Commons, but in the public prints, upon the subject of the
1 N ,$
O Y eti .0041
long hours of labour in this country. It is quite evident—it AFFRCTED BY THE PROPOSED
is no use denying it, ti.a, there is a demand, by public opi- O-
nion, in favour of le-s intense labour on the part of the :
people of this country.-(Hear, hear.)- I join in that appeal.
—( Applause.) I will not say a word about legislating on
this matter-7-that is not our business ; but if I see that there
are laws and -monopolies, which, by the admission• both
of . the Ministers rof the day, and of their pre-
decessors, which compel the working classes to work two
hours a day for the support of these monopolies—l say, as an
employer, I should not be doing my duty, when a vote is
thrown into my hands as it is now, unless I voted for the re-
moval of those burdens which thus grind down and overwork
the people.—(Loud applause.) And let not the employers of
this district suppose, whatever was the decision of the -House
of Commons last night, that this question will be allowed to'
rest; for Lord Ashley has declared that he will pursue it to
the death. Does it not, then, become the master manufac-
turers and millowners of this district to see if there be not a
way of meeting the requirements of public opinion, by re-.
moving these monopolies, which I firmly believe, as I stated
in the House of Commons, prevent the working peopie of
this country from having as good remuneration, and the
masters from having as good' profits, as they would have,.
without the intervention of us law makers (and I would ad-
vise you to have as little to do with us as possible.)—(Ap-
plause.) I believe that by voluntary arrangements we might
all be doing as well upon ten hours a day as we are now doing
upon twelve; for I am firmly convinced that if the people of
this country had the full benefit of their natural advan-
tages they would be able to do as much, nay, more, in
ten hours as any people on the continent of Europe can do
in twelve.—(Loud applause.) Gentlemen, Ido hope that on
this occasion we who have the franchise will endeavour to
use it for the benefit of a class—not for the benefit of the
richest class—but for the benefit of those who are imme-
diately dependent upon ,us. The employers of labour in
this country are charged in the London prints—and the
charge is widely disseminated through the country—with not
having give due consideration to the interests or these em-
ployed by them. I do not stand here either to make the
charge or to vindicate the employers; but with these facts
before us, and with this admission from the highest autho-
rity patent to all the world, I say the employers who lend
themselves to a system which grinds the people down to the
dust, and compels them to labour for others without any re-
turn for their toil, will be justly amenable to this charge.—
(Applause.) I hope that on this occasion we shall not merely
manifest a desire to benefit those around us, but to promote
the beSt interests of the country at large. It is net merely
your operatives here who will be benefited by free trade—
you form but a comparatively small section of the commu-
nity—but if you go to the agricultural districts, where, if
they do not work so hard as you do here, their work is as
disagreeable and as painful, and not so well requited and if
free trade in sugar, coffee, and cocoa will bring plenty to the
houses of the workpeople in LancaShire, it will also carry
comfort into the thatched cottages _ of. Dorsetshire and
Devonshire--(Applause)—and give to the peasants a com-
fortable meal of wholesome bread, who are now often story •
ing upon meal and potatoes—(Loud applause.) Gentlemen,
these are the objects we have in view in supporting the free
trade candidate upon this occasion. One word upon the sub-
ject of the duty which devolves upon us during the next fort-
night.—(Hear, hear.) Vain is all the talking we have had
in this Free-trade Hall—vain is all our lecturing—vain the
million of tracts we have been distributing, unless we now
buckle on our armour, and work, work, and work until the
day of election.—(Loud cheers.) The basis of all chance of
success at a contest: is a due attention to the registration lists.
The registration lists of this county have been diligently 'at-,
tended to during the last three years, to my knowledge; and
there is upon the cards the fairest prospect of success, if the
friends of free trade only exert themselves during the next
fortnight.—(Applause.) It is true we have in this, as in every
county, a large number—three or four thousand—tenants-
at-will, occupying 50/. tenantcies, but for whom we should
have a large majority of the real bona fide freeholders of the
county. Of that we are quite sure,7without going to a poll.
But as many of these 50/. tenants are not allowed to choose
for themselves, it devolves on the freeholders in the towns
and the country districts to counterbalance the undue influ-
ence of the landlords by increased efforts amongst those who
are independent and can vote as they please.—(Applause.)
If due diligence be used, I haVe no doubt this battle will be
won.—(Great applause.) It depends on the labours of the
free traders and leaguers of Lancashire, upon their individual
and personal exertions in their several districts, whether we
are to triumph at the coming poll.—(Hear, hear.) It is im-
possible to overrate the importance of this contest. Do not
say, as some of our enemies, and our false friends, too, have
said, that if we lose the League may shut up shop. No, the
League will never shut up shop till the corn-laws are
abolished.—(Great cheering, which lasted several minutes.)
But this I do know, if we carry this election for South Lan-
cashire, it will be taken as a sign of the times to those who
live in high quarters, and it will save us a great deal of labour
and expense in carrying our question hereafter. But do not let
them deceive themselves by supposing that if they over-
whelm us now with their 50/. tenants-at-will we are going to
give up this contest.—(Applause.) No ; I have no hesita-
tion in telling them that if they were to beat us now it would
only be the signal for a larger gathering in this Free-trade
Hall than was ever held before, to devise the means of beat-
ing them at another contest.—(Loud cheers.) But when we
talk of beating them we seek no triumph over any one ; we
seek to benefit every one. We seek not to injure or triumph
over those manufacturers or: millowners who are canvassing
for another party ; our triumph is one of principle, a prin-
ciple in which our opponents, whom we believe to be mis-
taken, are as much interested as any one in this hall.—(Ap-
plause.) A large number of our neighbours are bringing
themselves to this conviction ; and on that belief alone I en-
tertain strong hopes that this contest clay be won by a large
majority.—(Applause.) After the last four or five years of
ntense suffering and disaster, I cannot believe that the
men of Bolton, Stockport, Rochdale, and Bury, who have
found their property wasting away on their hands, their
houses empty, and not even paying chief rent, will have
passed through this season of tuition without its leaving
the fruits of conviction behind it. I believe there is a vast
amount or conviction on the side of free trade amongst
those who have opposed us formerly on the mere ground of
Whig and Tory, and that there is a still larger amount on
the side of their opponents of doubt.—(Hear, hear.) I
ask those who have now come to the conviction that free
trade is good for all, to do that which several of the
`inost eminent of their party have already done, both here
and in Liverpool—to throw aside party and come out
manfully to maintain their opinions ; and I ask those
who have been brought to doubt not to record their
opinions while they have doubts on their minds, but
to abstain from a contest in which they do nut see their
way clearly, and to leave it till another contest to decide
whether they will take the ground of free trade, or resume
their own party colours.—(Applause.) Gentlemen, it is be-
cause I have sufficient confidence in the common,:sense and
sense of justice of my neighbours here and in other towns,
that I cannot doubt, if we work as we ought during the next
fortnight, that this contest will be won.—(Loud applause.)
And when it is won we will meet here again, not to triumph
over any one, for we seek no victory, but to congratulate
ourselves upon the victory when free trade comes, as come
it will, spite of what may be the issue of the election.—
(Loud applause.) It may be retarded, but truth is invin-
cible, it cannot be put down; but come when it will, I shall
hail as gladly the benefits free trade will confer upon my pos
litical opponents, as any it can confer upon myself and those
most nearly connected with me in politics.—(Cheers.)
The cheers which followed Mr. Cobden's address having
subsided,
Mr. Alderman KERSHAW moved a resolution pledging the
meeting to support Mr. Brown, the free-trade candidate, in
the coming contest; and the resolution having been seconded
by Mr. John Potter, was supported by Mr. Alderman Brooks
and Mr. R. R. Moore,
The resolution was carried with three times three cheers,
and the meeting separated at twenty-five minutes past nine
o'clock.

PRINCIPLES PROPOTJNIAILD RV •
TIIE ADVOCATES OF NON-INTER-
FERENCE WITH THE RIGHT
OF I,4St E AND . OF_ FREE
TRADE LV BANKING.
1. The right to issue paper 1. Coin and Bank-notes have
money belongs solely to the two totally different
.bases of
Government, as in the case value; the forme!' passm cur-
et' coin. rent from its intrinsic value,
and the latter, like all forms of
paper credit, from the credit
given to the issuer of his ability
to redeem it, in gold, when
required. To assert that the
Government has a right to
issue notes, to be paid or re-
deemed, not by itself, but by
other persons, is, on the face of
it, an untenable proposition.
This right, if it exist, can
apply, only, to inconvertible
paper.
2. The profits arisingfrom 2. The banker is as much
a paper issue belong to the entitled to the profit arising
Government alone. from the use of his credit, as
the professional man to the
• results of his skill. Practi-
cally, the assertion of such a
right by the Government will
merely lead to an extra charge
to customers of the bank.
3. Bankers' notes are not 3. In principle they are en-
like other forms of paper tirely identical. The endorse-
credit, such as bills of ex- ments on a bill merely add to
change, promissory notes, the number of its credits, and
&c. do not necessarily add to its
• value, nor can they alter its
character. All these instru-
ments are based on credit,
with the quality, or property, of
being convertible into gold, or
Bank of England notes.
4. The practice of private 4. The Bank of England
or unrestrained issue leads may over issue, because it has
to over issue. This has been extraordinary facilities for get.
proved to be the case in the ting out its notes, but pro-
example of the banks of the vincial issuers cannot over
United States, issue,. their notes being con-
stantly returnable by the prac-
tice of exchange between
bankers and the demand of the
holders for gold. Free trade in
banking never existed in Ame-
rica; their banks are chartered
banks, with limited liability ;
there was no practice of pe-
riodical exchange between
them ; and there are many
other differences. Scotland, on
the other hand, may well be
referred to as as example of
unlimited right of issue, with-
out excess. No case of over
issue has been established
against the private and joint-
stock banks.
5. A drain of gold, from
whatever cause, is a fact which
no banker will overlook. He
will be guided by this, without
any necessity for the imposi-
tion of an abstract rule. The
supposed difficulty about ex-
changes (i e. the want of unity
of action on this subject be-
tween the Bank of England
and other banks of issue) is
the effect of that monopoly
which constitutes the 'former
the great depository of gold.
All provincial issuers assert
that they cannot regulate their
issues by the exchange; and
that there is no necessity for
their doing so, except so far as
they may, indirectly, affect
them. If there were no Bank
of England notes, but their
own notes were redeemable in
gold only, the action of the
exchanges would be snore
readily felt by them than it
now is. The proposed altera-
tion will not make them con-
form to this rule.
6. If banks (with the ex-
ception ofthe Bank of England)
cannot and do not over issue,
this is unnecessary, and will, ul -
timately, be injurious to the in-
dustrious classes. The chief
use of a bank is to afford pe-
cuniary accommodation when
most required ; any artificial
limit which interferes unne-
cessarily with their ability to
do so should be avoided. Acts
of Parliament for this purpose
have all the vices of class
legislation, i, e., they increase.
the wealth of the rich and the
poverty of the poor. It mad
be desirable to limit the circu-
lation of the Bank of Englay.',d,
because it is not subject t'6 the
same checks as other issuers
are.
7. The issue ofnotes should 7. This is a Subject of in-
be managed by a separate de- ternal arrangement of little
partment in the Bank of importance to the public.
England.

THE GOVERNMENT.

5. Issues must be regu-
lated by the foreign ex-
changes.

6. It is expedient to put a
limit on the amount of note
circulation.

8. The limitation in the 8. The mismanagement of
amount of note circulation banks proceeds from over-
is the only direct interference trading, i. e. an abuse of real
which should be practised by and how; fide capital by loans,
the Government to prevrat over-drawn accounts, &c., and
banking mismanagement. drawing or accepting bills of
large amount, and not from
any over issue of notes.
The London banks and Manchester joint-stock
banks which have failed (the latter most egregiously)
did not issue their own notes, but those of the Bank
of England. Overtrading should be checked by en-
forcing proper rules of management. Such, for exam-
ple, as the following, viz.:—The banks should be com-
pelled to hold capital in reserve (i. e. gold, Bank a
England notes, Exchequer Bills, or Government Stack)
equal to the extent of their whole circulation, and of
one-fifth part of the amount of the deposits and average
balances.* The observance of this rule, the state of their
overdrawn accounts, &c., should be ascertained, from
time to time, by a system of inspection by officers elected
by, but not otherwise dependent upon, themselves,
or appointed by the Government. With some check of
this kind, and others relating to the formation of new
banks, uniformity of management, amount of paid-up
capital, auditing of accounts, and the like, a free trade in
banking might he safely allowed; except that a revival
of IL notes may not now be desirable.
The case of what may be termed the respondents has
been stated much more fully, because, it was, in a great
measure, necessary, and because it is placed at a dis-
eavantage from its opposition to the great authority of
the Government.—l aro Sir,

S
13
~.'-'4- -ICX:2-_----- -

-
mair.
TO THE- EDITOR OF THE, •tx ,i4F3'
Si['.,—_lJ the pros and cons of this question are vvti haer-
fcctly understood, and it is one of very great importance to
the commercial, manufacturing, and industrious classes gene-
rally, the following summary has been attempted of the lead-
ing propositions contended for on each side. We are now
entering on a career of legislation which will leave lasting
traces upon our monetary system, and become the prelude to
still greater changes. Are the principles proposed for adoption
sound, or are they not ?• Thu reader must determine for
himself.