The Sun.
London, England, 1844-04-18 00:00:00

plc

NG, APR

L 18, 1844

sympathy-had been expressed by the newspapers some'
time back, and was generally felt through the whole
community, in the fate of those umfortunate female.
who were milliners to the
,great, and slops
workers for the shopkeepers. - (Hear, hear.)
Some benevolent gentlemen convected with the
Mansion-house, he forgot his name', suggested the
formation
.of a society which would not allow those
females to word: longer than they could earn 15s. a-
week. What became of it? Why, it did not last
three weeks.—(Hear, hear.) It was im possible any-
thing could last which did not pay. The proper way
to benefit the condition of these poor girls was to
give them encreased employment and cheap food—
(Hear, hear.) This was plain common sense—it was
the carrying out of an obvious principle, and was
better than all the rhodornontado— which had
been uttered by all those -exchisive ad-
vocates of humanity. Those short-time men
usurped our practical rights. lie- (Irr.Ward) would
say, give the people cheap food and plenty of employ-
ment, and then they would be able to work short
time. Lord Ashley's-speech was full of kind feelings
and humanity—spurious humanity, as he considered
it. The speech was founded on superficial and
narrow views, and if it aimed at anything it aimed
at the subversion of the whole commercial system of
the country. It was not an accidental abuse the
Noble Lord deprecated, but it was a speech against
manufactures and ngainst- trade. He would
say the same thing of the speech of a
friend of his, Mr. Charles Buller, and he
disdained to say anything behind their backs
which he would not say to their faces, and which
he had not said before them elsewhere.—(Hear,
hear.) The theory of these men, if carried out,
would be the ruin of trade, and all concerned in it.
It was strange that those public journals which con-
tradicted one another in everything-else, were agreed
in one point The Morning Post—(Laughter, and
cries of "Oh !")—was full of eulogy upon Mr.
Oastler. Now he (Mr. Ward) considered Mr.
Oastler a very well-intentioned fireman—(Laughter)
—a man who would set a stack on fire with the very
best intentions—there never was so well-intentioned
a mischief-maker.—(Hear and laughter.) Mr. Oast-
ler said it was the demon of competition that
produced that ugly monster "cheapness." Why,
it was the working classes themselves, whom
he pretended to advocate, that had the greatest
interest in cheapness. Nothing could be made
dear without its coming home to them. (The Hon.
Gentleman made some further quotations from Mr.
Oastler's speeches against the extension of trade with
China and India, whilst the people at home were in
want.) They should, he said, make clothing for
themselves at home, instead of ruining foreign coun-
tries, in order to force our trade upon them. And
such were the sentiments, the preposterous
doctrines, which the Post supported • and this
was the nonsense which the "Jost called
broad facts and enlightened principles of
political economy ! Mr. Oastler said if the British
manufacturers continued to export their goods, they
would rot in the store-houses of foreign countries.
Now, the character for common sense of the gentle-
men around him had been sometimes impugned, but
never to such an extent as that if they sent a cargo,
which rotted for want of customers in a foreign store-
house, they would send others with a prospect of
meeting with the same fate.—(Hear hear.) Why. it
was by foreign trade our people lived. What did
Mr. Gladstone say ? Why, that a reduction of 1-15th
in our foreign trade had produced all the calamities
which resulted from the depression of trade in Lanca-
shire and the other manufacturing districts, which
Dr. Taylor had so emphatically depicted. It was to
foreign trade the wives and daughters of Lancashire
spinners were indebted for garments and house furni-
ture, which would have been articles of luxury to a
Plantagenet Princess.—(Hear, hear.) He now came
to another great authority—the Northern Star—the
organ of the Chartists. What said Mr. Fear-
gus O'Connor ? He said that the factory ques-
tion was a measure in importance only second to
the Charter itself. It was not a Ten Hours' Bill he
advocated as a practical limit to labour. He did not
acquiesce in any such principle—far from it ; for,
although ten hours was a comparative improvement
on the Government scheme of fourteen hours, yet he
held the imposition inflicted by the amendment as
positively cruel and murderous. No full-grown man
could devote twelve hours a day to his business with-
out sustaining an injury to his health. The poor
should have regular holidays. He (Mr. Ward) did
not wish, any more than Mr. O'Connor, that the poor
should be subjected to any cruelty or hardship. He
dared say they would like ten hours better than twelve
—so would he, but he did not know the way by
which they could arrive at it without injuring
their condition. A man must work to live
in this country. The condition of the labour-
ing classes was certainly harder in this country
than in others which were less wealthy. But
he did not think the condition of the working-classes
could be improved by legislative enactments restrict-
ing the hours of labour. Suppose, for a moment, that
the theory of these men could be carried out—sup-
pose Lord Ashley's principle of restriction could be
acted upon, that labour was to be restricted—that
everything was to be regulated by Acts of Parliament
—and the whole business of the country managed by
the landed majority in the House of Commons. Did
they wish for that ? Had they not had enough of it ?
Lord Ashley's Ten Hours'Bill was striking the largest
rivet out of the labourer's fetter. It was recognising the
great principle of restriction, so said Feargus O'Con •
nor. He (Mr. O'Connor) cordially supported Lord
Ashley's principle of restriction, for, said he, if the
time of labour was not restricted the labourer could
not compete with the master. He (Mr. Ward) con-
fessed he did not understand this sort of reasoning.
The great object of the operative
.was to gain
a livelihood by his labour.—(Hear.) He heartily
wished that to gain that livelihood it was not neces-
sary for the operatives to work more than ten hours—
so did all those gentlemen around him, but he and
they perfectly well knew that dabbling with Acts of
Parliament would never effect so desirable a con-
summation. Just let them look for a moment at the
question as it really stood. Suppose they restricted
labour to ten hours. In that case wages would fall, it
was generally apprehended, 25 per cent., or, according
to the opinions of others, thousands of working men
would be thrown out of employment, and there
would be greater competition among the working
classes ; manufactured goods would be dearer; people
would pay more for less ; and thus whilst there were
dear goods, there would be a fewer number of opera-
dues employed, and consequently a fewer number able
to purchase these goods. A million and a half were
employed in factories—suppose all these received
higher wages, then the natural consequence would
be, that the manufactured articles would be higher
priced. See how much all the other members of the
community would be affected by those high prices.
Again, the labourers in every other department would
expect similar restrictions in the hours of toil ; they
would ask for the same boon; they would
call for Acts of Parliament, which the ad-
vocates of the restrictive system declared afforded
a greater leisure, and invigorated the health and
improved the morality of the people. There could
be no just reason for refusing to extend the prin-
ciple, and what the effect of such legislation would
be on the interests of the country it would be easy to
determine.—(Cheers.) Let them not be misled by
false or vague theories. Let them not try ex-
periments which must eventuate in the most fearful
results. They had arrived at a most critical
period. They had come .to a crisis. They
stood at what the Germans called entschiedenpunkt
—that was the point of discussion. They must
distinguish between the evil and the good
—between the real and the fictitious—and not allow
those absurd theories of restriction upon labour to
throw the country into the same state of chaos which
the maximum Bill produced in France. The wages
of labour in that country, it was well known, was
attempted to be regulated by the Government. They
issued a quantity of paper, called assignats, which when
the mechanic presented to the shopkeeper would not
be accepted for more than one-fifth or one-fourth of
the amount which they purported to represent. , But
the Convention, as Lord Ashley would, soon found
out their mistake The next step the Conven-
tion took was to fix the price of every saleable ar-
tick—first they took bread, then cotton and sugar, and
they took" care to keep the guillotine at
work for all who dared to question the propriety of
their policy. The consequence was that in six weeks
all the retail shops in Paris were shut up ; not a
single man would venture to sell his goods for these
assi gnats. Within twelve months the law was ab-
rogated by common consent. The people of Eng-
land had a plain and simple course before
them. - He advocated as much as any man
increased leisure and increased enjoyments to every
Blass, but with respect to the mode of arriving at it,
he oalled upon them in the most earnest manner to
protest against those newfangled doctrines which had
been so industriously circulated amongst them, and
to proclaim their decided conviction that there, was
nothing could insure the prominent im-
provement and comfort of the people of this
country, or ameliorate the sufferings, or lighten the
burdens of the working man, but that legislative
change which would enable him to exchange the pro-
duct of his labour, in a fair and equitable form, in
all the markets of the world.—(Great cheering.) If
a more effective receipt than this could be shown him
for the present social disease, he would be anxious and
willing to support it ; but, as such had not been
pointed out, he would be guided by those principles
which clearly led to this object, instead of embarking
in a route ofwhich
he would never see the end.
The Hon. Gentleman concluded amid loud and
prolonged cheering.
- The CHAIRMAN next introduced
Celenel "I'TolaEsc.ri to the meeting. The Gallant
Colonel, on advancing to the front of the stage, was
received with reiterated cheers. .He said—it would

be known to many of them that he had come from
wanbring to and fro on the earth, examining into
the feelings and fallacies that beset different portions
of the community; and when he arrived he found
that, during his absence, they had got a new flight of
grasshoppers or locusts let loose upon them; and he
felt desirous to discuss at least one of them that had
been laid before them that evening. He surmised
that nineteen out of twenty of those whom he saw
before him would not shrink from bearing the ho-
nourable name of British tradesmen. They had been
told they had the custom of rogues. It was not he
that said it, but they. He had one searching question
to ask every tradesman there : would not the custom
of honest men do for them as well ? It was
not many years since they had horsemen with
splendid arms, displaying themselves upon the roads,
cavalry they were, and supported by a corps on foot.
These men robbed, but what they robbed they spent.
Many a good bottle of claret did they purchase from
the innkeepers on the road-side, but he never heard
that the citizens of London maintained these to be men
of wealth, for when they caught them they hanged
them.—(Laughter.) That was civic ingratitude.—
(Laughter.) Oh, they were bearing people those
citizens of London. They were patient, and patience
was a virtue. But virtue had not always its reward
in this world. They of the popular side had some-
times been taunted with the misdoings of some of
their prototypes when they got the upper hand. One,
Mr. John Cade, for instance—(Laughter)—had been
often thrown in their teeth. Let them look at their
legislatorial Jack Cades of the present day.—(Laugh-
ter.) They had got a Jack Cade, who legislated for
them by virtue of his sitting as Member for East
Kent. What said he ? He said " There shall be
no maiden married until she pay me her mar-
riage portion." Thank God three centuries had al-
tered, one word in that speech. They vowed
with all humility in their hearts, and on bended
knees, that they recognised the mercy of that aristo
cracy that had indulged them in that change. It was
their daughters' marriage portion that they were now
content with, and God be thanked for it, and the pa-
tience with which it was borne. Did it• not come
home to the heart of every father present—and nine
out of ten of those before him were fathers—had they
not considered that if they should chance to meet with
those losses to which every man in trade was liable, and
should death be added to those mischances, so that
they unexpectedly left their families unprovided for—
had it•not come home to their hearts what the result
might be? Might not she, the child of their affection
—one whom they had set before them and viewed as
though she were an angel sent from heaven —might
not she, when her parent _ _

" Oppressed with everlasting sleep,
Can neither hear her sigh, nor see her weep"—
be sent forth togain her thauJiless bread by striving to
instil some portion of her own virtues into the young
scions of the aristocracy—perhaps for some rich
libertine to gloat upon ? But all this was borne with
patience. Was there any one there, he asked,
who was not determined to add his mite
towards the general stock of assault upon those
miserable fallacies by which they were at present
governed, in order that they might not be governed
by such for the future ? He regretted that there
were some persons in the north of England running
after those Jack Cedes to whom he had adverted.
They were offering to the men who oppressed them
to cut down the compensation for their labour, and to
allow them to further oppress them if they would
grant them a shorter period of suffering—if they
granted them a shorter number of hours per day ;
and not a shorter number of hours during the brief
period of their lives. They had perhaps before heard
the story of a Turkish frigate which sailed on a three
weeks' voyage, with one weeks' water on board for
600 prisoners. The captain, Turk as he was, sold
that water to the prisoners. Those unhappy men
employed themselves by day, and also by night, in
their only species of manufacture—cutting tobacco
stoppers, which they would sell to the others, their op-
pressors, for draughts of water, to save their lives.
The Muftis went round the deck, and said, we pity
you, we shall shorten your hours of labour in
cutting tobacco stoppers- to ten hours a day.
Did they not suppose that these unfortunate men
called out to them, " If you love 113, take us under a
pump."—(Cheers and laughter.) The only thing
their commanders never meant to do. He for his
own part would not undertake to describe all the de-
grees of hybridization that might take place between
the two animals—knave and fool. But this he said,
that he did not believe the promoters of the -Factories
Bill to be dishonest, because he had not the proof be-
fore him ; nor did he believe them to be honest, be-
cause he had not the proof before him. Meanwhile i
his mind was in the condition of a sheet of white
paper on the subject, except that in one corner he
found it written, that in 99 similar cases out of 100,
dishonesty had been the rule.—(Hear, hear.) Ile
had told them they were governed by a miserable
system of quackery, and the Hon. Member for Dor-
setshire made it felony to drink small beer. If the
Hon. Member was at all honest, he believed that the
way to make men drink strong beer was to make it
felony to drink it small.—(Cheers and laughter.)
Why, the fallacies that they propounded were such
that any turkey-cock that would swallow them would
eat a crocodile.—(Laughter.) The Gallant Colonel
concluded by appealing to London, which had always
been foremost in the battle of liberty when it was
fought amid bloodshed, not to be back ward on the
present occasion, when, though no personal danger ,
attended the contest, there were yet great results to
be achieved for freedom. He Eat down amid re-
peated cheering.
The CHAIRMAN introduced Mr. George Thompson
to the meeting, by a eulogistic reference to his
labours in the anti-slavery cause. He (the Chair-
man) could never see the difference between stealing
labourers and stealing the fruits of labour.—(Cheers.)
Mr. G. THOMPSON, after some prefatory observa-
tions as to the state of his health and the lateness of
the hour, said he was free to confess that he agreed
with his Hon. Friend who had introduced him to
their notice, that the question of free trade, including
the abolition of the corn-laws, as the most important
branch of that question, was equal in its magnitude,
in the solemnity of its aspect, equal as respected the
comfort and happiness of the human race, and much
more than equal as respected the stability,
as well as the honour, of the British em-
pire, to that great question which he had
had the honour of endeavouring to promote
in times that were past. If he had asked before that
man should be free, he asked now that food should be
free.—(Hear, hear.) God meant all men to be free ;
he believed that he also meant all men to be fed.—
(Cheers.) lie believed it to be a crime to steal the
liberty of man ; he believed it to be equally a crime to
diminish the quantity, to raise the price, or to deterio-
rate the quality the food of man. And if, in addition
to stinting the amount, and raising the price of the
article, he found also that this corn-law, through end-
less ramifications, affected the amount of their wages,
raised the supply of labour in the market above the
demand, threw thousands, and hundreds of thousands
out of employment, and left for those who were for-
tunate enough to gain employment but half what they
would be able to realise under other cir-
cumstances, and then sent them into the
food-market, and made them pay ' double the
price for their subsistence which they would
otherwise have to pay; the corn-law then stood before
him as a tremendous robbery, as a sin on the part
of the Government against society, for whose benefit
they ought to legislate ; and as an abrogation of that
charter which heaven in its beneficence had given to
man, that of the fruit of the earth he should freely
eat," and that as seed-time and harvest, summer and
winter, never should cease, so man should never
be without the means, so far as the earth's
fertility was concerned, of obtaining that which
heaven designed when it made the earth
capable of yielding all that was necessary
for man and for beast.—(Cheers.) They were all
under infinite obligations to the Anti-Corn-law
League for this great travelling university, lecturing
s
and preaching upon the great distinguishing maxims
of political economy. There was only onethtahtingwlncl
he regretted when he came into house,
and that was, that . they were not always
ne re ee ds
compelled to pay somethingl at the door
withteontheit
witetherywhweonultdheyreoaalmlye
into
that honse under other circumstances, when any other
rhecyonsecniet
performing—(Laughter)—they received
companymore wa
amusement or more instruction than when they
occupied the pit, the boxes, the gallery, and the stage
in consequence of the invitation of the Anti-Corn-
law League.—(Hear.) 'They had heard that night
an able and admirable lecture upon the political eco-
nomy- of that question—for it was a politico-economic
t‘hvehiratinwtearsetsitise,
gbruotattomthaseteirnterests.ofprinciple question, and one of vital importance, not only to
of political society
that system
t satregne;
economy which they were assembled to
propagate for their own benefit, and that of the world
at large ? Why this was the distinguishing doctrine
which the League was travelling through the length
and the breadth of the land, to teach and to preach—
that every class of the community should be left to
its own free agency in the management of its own
commercial transactions, while those transactions
were in themselves honest and honourable ; that there
should be no legislative interference, still less any
legislative control, and, least of all, any legislative
compulsion, in the hours of labour, in matters of trade,
or in matters of commerce. They must never give
up that principle.—(Cheers.) He agreed with `the:
preceding speaker that the corn-law was the key-
stone of the dark, gloomy, oppressive, consolidated
arch of monopoly, and that if they could pull that
down, those whom they had assailed and de-
feated on the question of the corn-law would
he their most sincere .and energetic compeers in
accomplishing the destruction of other monopolies.—
(Hear, hear.) Let them lay it down as a maxim,
sound and impregnable, that Government abused its

1 power and exceeded its functions: when it proceeded
to interfere with, to control, or to coercethelabottg-
ing men, or their transactions in their „individnal
capacity, while they did not in their
trading, and laborious pursuits commit
fence against society.—(Loud cheerS.)',..„Now 'Amy
had all confldence in the. sounds:l.4i, pt., that
doctrine. If they had wanted that confidencejn,tbe
beginning, it would have been inspired within them
by the fact, that just in proportion as that-4444e
had been proclaimed, argued, illustrited,*droN9tlak
mended, 'did -mankind- receive.. that 'doctrine.-„,4vert
those Who did not, give theni the benefit4theii,,artt-
sistance, were compelled to do; homage to PulttilLtll-91
their maxims. the abstract.--Hear hear, he
were told in high quarters that it wa.Srihe.iiiht. of
men to buy in the cheapest; the dearest
market.=(Cheers.) They were told
;an'tiiithOrity
almost equally high, at all events by one wfi'd sat at
the feet of the Gamaliel whom he had alresidi quoted,
that the doctrine of free trade was the'doetrine of
common sense. Yet he pers!sted in violating the right
which he admitted, and his deviation from common
sense was sufficiently apparent in the dismission of
the motion to which the gentleman who preceded
him had adverted.—(Laughter.) Ile 'was asked to
admit corn from India, from Australasia, from this
Cape of Good Hope, and from other colonies
.and
dependencies of this country. " No," said
refuse to concede this measure ; :because from
such and such colonies, which are not im-
porting colonies, no corn can be . sent, . :and
therefore, the measure is not, wanted.; and
I will not concede it in the case of the other
colonies, because they can send corn, and we .must
not excite the fears, or disturb the minds of the gen-
tlemen around us. " Lastly," said lie, "I cannot
listen to the argument drawn from Canada, because
Canada, at the time when this measure was granted,
was in a peculiar attitude. We were compelled to
enter into an arrangement of a conciliatory nature
with regard to that colony, and this measure, with
respect to corn, was part of. that arrangement.
Now you do not pretend to say that either
our South Australian colonies, our South African
colonies, or our Indian dependencies, are in the
position of the Canadas at the time when we
granted this measure ; therefore we shall . deny
it." The plain English of the matter was . that
Canada was in an attitude of rebellion, speaking
not unintelligibly of a separation from the mother
country, and having actually put herself under. arms;
whilst the other colonies were peaceable, loyal, at-
tached, and would be contented with a small measure
of justice. Therefore the doctrine of this distin-
guished gentleman.was, that in order to get anything
from the present
.Administration, they must put them-
selves in a peculiar attitude.—(Laughter.) A Noble
Lord seemed to have found this out, and he had,
therefore, assumed the attitude of the celebrated Mr.
Cade.,(Laughter.) But they did not regard this
question in the abstract. They regarded it as a prac-
tical one—as one of vast importance to this and every
other country to the end of time. In its honest and
impartial application, this great principle would sweep
away all those restraints which had been so frequently
exposed and denounced in that place, and which
formed the sole hindrance to the free. exchange of the
products of industry. It would welcome to these
shores the accumulated riches of every other country.
Like mercy,

" It is twice blessed;
It blesseth him that gives and him that takes."
It was impossible to contemplate the events which had
transpired within the last three or four years without
feeling, as lovers of their country, the most sincere and
poignant distress. While on the one hand, there was
much to minister to their pride as Englishmen ; there
was still more to excite dismay, wonder, and compas-
sion. Their greatness as a nation was undeniable,
and he wished for a moment to fix their eyes on thatgreat-
ness, that they might stand astonished at the strange-
ness of that distress which prevailed over the length
and breadth of the land. From the shores of their

island they had embarked upon the wide ocean ; they
had spread their sails, and visited and explored the
uttermost regions of the earth. They had done more.
They had conquered and colonised the most beautiful
and fertile tracts of every region. They had added
to the number of those who owed and owned alle-

giance to them, of every creed and of every Clime.
By the prowess of our sailors and soldiers, by the
skill of our naval and military commanders, by the
talent of our diplomatists at home and abroad, we had
subdued—utterly subdued, many nations. Our un-
rivalled manufactures in every department had found
their way into the habitations of men in all quarters
of the world; and by the combined strength of our
moral, our political, and our physical influence, we
had made the whole world tributary to us, and caused
the earth itself, with all its riches above and beneath,
to lay its fruits and exhaustless productions at our
feet.—(Loud cheering.) Look at the capital
which existed in this country. At that
moment, in that very city, it was super-
abundant—it was almost superfluous, and any
mole of investment was grasped at which promised
the smallest amount of return with security to the
owner. Our ships were floating in all waters, and
were to be seen in every part of the world. And if
they were only awaiting a system, of free trade to
bring to our shores, and pour into our laps the teem-
ing riches of our universal mother earth—(Cheers)—
mankind all over the world were ready to be our
customers, and millions of them, as he could testify
from travel, were deprived by our laws of the means
of benefiting by our inventions and our manufactures.
Our powers of production were ample, and our
facilities, from our insular position, our high alliances,
and our political power, were advantages possessed by
no other nation. Our valuable minerals were found
in such abundance, and in such close contiguity to
each other, that, in many spots, the ore could be
raised and smelted in the same district. Ten thou-
sand streams flowed through our fields, working ten
times ten thousand machines for the production of
those descriptions of manufacture which were calcu-
lated to minister to the enjoyments of man-
kind. But in the midst of these, ragged as
be was, impoverished as he was, beggared
as he was, hopeless, dispirited, moody, and dis-
contented as he was, and rebellious as he might
be, stood man, the lord of all—a diadem over the
whole.—(Cheers.) It was on this fact that he de-
sired to fix their attention that night. Though at the
present moment there might be found, in some parts
of the country, the semblance of temporary pros-
perity, yet they would find, in the immediate
neighbourhood of that splendid edifice, hearths on
which the fires had expired—cupboards which were
empty—and young mothers rocking their children to
sleep, with hearts wrung with the prospects of the
morrow, frightening hope from their breasts, and by
the dread of being incapable of finding bread for
their children. Such scenes were to be met with all
over the country. Ile challenged any one to point
to any part of the world where, in proportion to the
population, they could find an equal number of human
beings who were utterly destitute and without hope.
It was in England alone that such scenes could be
found, and they were there to be witnessed under the
walls of custom-houses, close on the steps of palaces,
and on the approaches to the temples. Theree
must be a cause for , all this.
.I::,%d(h
re
land was plentiful it was not so—where le
it was
was
cheap it was not so—where labour
was
sois s within
not so. Among barbarians it
such was the case.
idespotican d,n Greatterri territories oßr ine
Britain,
was in Eng.
r jtiy, their rags and
Should they lay their pove
of an
who had created
wretchedness, to the charge
they should lay such a
them ? Heaven forbid that
who had made them what they were,
charge to Him ,wasslonneotht sali.asltn
and who had g iven them bread to eat. Did they
want corn ? They might get it
from America—+
they might get it from Egypt, or from
India. rom almost every State in Europe
they
might have it. It was all round them. Thou-
sands of ships were ready to be sent to our shores
freighted with golden grain, and ready to take in
eofthe allowedlabotunr
doof otuhris,sktihlfeulswar:ria-
sans.
n phie•ody uNcvtesr
would soon become useless, and would remain in the
sheath as worthless. It would be used only as is
ploughshare, while the spear would be turned into a
pruning-hook. They had heard much of corn, and
he had now one word to say about sugar. He would
do this the more fearlessly, because he thought that
no one would suspect him of having any
particularly leaning in favour of slavery. But if any
one was_to do so, he could but say, " read the history
of my past life, and I think you will then see that you
have done me an injustice.' He was the foe of all
monopolies. He was the foe of every description of
slavery, whether it was personal slavery or slavery of
-any other class, either ecclesiastical, political, or
social.—(Cheers.) But what were they to do on the
subject of the sugar question ? His friends wrote to
him and said, " We are free traders with respect to
everything except sugar ?" Now, he (Mr. Thomp-
son) agreed with them that .t was a crime to
bloke a man a slave, and therebp to transform
b o f a
a rational beings into things and chattels personal. He
admitted that it was a crime to take the l_ao
man without giving him the wages which were due
to him for that labour. He admitted that the Bra-
zilians were not guiltless in keeping human beings
in bondage, and in raising sugar, cotton, and coffee
at the expense of unremunerated toil. If a man en-
tertained certain opinions with respect to the con-
sumption of certain produce, let him do so • and if' he
believed that other men ought to entertah: the same
pj
4 let him go to them and endeavair to con-
But while ha (Mr.- Thompson)
maintained thez right of the Brazilian slave to be free,
he also maintained the right of every man in this
country to be a free man also, and to have the power
on the Saturday night of purchasing whatever he
pleased with his earnings, if his conscience tdald him
that he was not doing. wrong in making arikh pur•
chases.. Why was it that the Government had
taken such hold of the anti-slavery zeal P “fe knew

them Well. There was not - a man amongst • them
' with whoSe sentiments with respect to' slavery, he
Was not well aequitinted. Who was it' that talked so
much about vested interests when the subject of the
abolition of the slave trade were first brought before
the country ? Who was it that employed a man, who
was now voting with them in the House of Commons,
to go about and attempt to prove that Heaven itself
had ordained -the condition of slavery; and had en-
-entailed on the sons of Ham this curse, and, therefore,
it were impious to seek to free them ? Who were the
men who employed that man ? Why the very men
with whom the' Government were intimately asso-
ciated. Who Were the men who for years actually
prohibited bki heavy duty the introduction of East
India free-labour sugar into the markets? Who
were the men who shared in the twenty millions
which were granted for slave compensation ? Let
them turn to the compensation books for their
answer to this question. They would there find that
the Goulburns and the Gladstones were the men who
received that money in the largest proportions. Who,
again, wereethe men who opposed the late Adminis-
tration when they brought in a Bill 'to suspend the
charter of Jamaica ? Who were the men that did
this ? They were the men who now expressed so
much sympathy for the slaves in Brazil. These
were the men, - too, -who had lately advocated the
transportation of -Hill Coolies—a measure which had
• ended in disappointment. Who was it that opposed
the abolition of flogging female slaves, and who took
the tWente, millions and. divided it amongst them-
selves ? Why, the very parties who now seemed to
- have caught the mantle of Wilberforce, and were
dividing it amongst them, such affecting svmpathy
did they evince for the Brazilian slave. but were
they consistent in this ? No, they were not; for, if
• they were, - they would apply the • same argu-
ments which • -they now used with respect to
Brazilian sugar to the article of tobacco.
• Why did they not apply the same argument to rice
which was grown in Carolina, and the cotton which
' was grown in Massachusetts, Lousiana, and Alaba-
ma ? Why even Brazilian sugar itself, they allowed
• to come into England to be refined for the purpose of
exportation in 'British bottoms, and in this way-Bra-
zilian sugar was refined and sent to Jamaica, where the
Jamaica • planter used it in preference ' to his own
because he could get it at about 4d. per pound, while by
sending his own Muscovado sugar to England he could
get Bd. per pound for it.—(Cheers.) It would therefore
- he seen that encouragement was given to Brazilian
• slave-grown 'produce, notwithstanding the expressions
of sympathy which came from-this so-lately, changed
party. But what did they do with respect to the article of
cotton ?' They dill not deal in cotton, and therefore they
• cared every 'little about the slave labour by which it was
exclaimed: -For yeftre past he had 'been endeavouring
• to turn the - attention of the Government to British
India, for the: purpose or calling into life the trade
• with that: parrot' the empire in the article of cotton.
• He had seen" itliirnself growing on the upper waters
of the Jut-Ones- and nlong the fertile banks of the
Ganges. Ile hail often fancied to himself large crops
of eottorebeing &own in these districts, floating down
in ships, of '1,201) tons burthen, carried to Liverpool,-
there utishipeied; 'sent to Manchester, thence to Pais-
ley to be weavetl, to Ayr to be tamboured; to Glasgow
to :be 'bleached; from thence to London, and-from
London back again to the hanks of the Ganges; there
to adorn the:form "Of her Whese 'husband had toiled in
the field tis produce the raw 'material of which her
dress was composed. ' Then with respect to the arts-
de of tobacco, the Government had no scruples what-
ever as to the manner in which tobacco was produced.
They turned quietly round, and•said, "Young gen-
tlereen, smoke your cigars, and, old gentlemen, take
your snuff; for tobacco is an article- in
which we •do not deal, and therefore we
take no heed about it." They also said with respect
to cotton, " Get cotton wherever you please, and
get rice from wherever you please ; but We deaf
in corn, and therefore you, will not receive corn froM
the banks of the Ohio; we deal in sugar, and
therefore you must not receive your sugar from Rio.
Touch not sugar, therefore ; touch not corn; touch
riot coffee ; touch not timber, for these are commo-
dities in which we deal, and in which we are inter-
ested, and: therefore you will only take them froin
those • parts of the world which belong to' tie."
He denied the right of a small minority to legiehite
upon this subject.. They did not represent the nation:"
He admitted their right to send lecturers through+t
the kingdom ler the purpose of 'getting up petitio
to he presented to the House of Commons ; but he le-
vied their right -to force any man to consume a c -
taro article,and to say to him, " unless you consu e.
this you shaft go without. Now he (Mr. Thorepso )
thought that . some of his friends had fallen into
a singular mistake. He knew some good per-
sons who were eery anxious to see Brazilian sugar
kept out of the:market. He would ask if the mortice-
poliet minority were sincere in their present profes-
sions, what sort -of men they must have been before ?
—(Cheers and-laughter.) If they were sincere now,
they must have repented of former errors. Certain
friends of his had repudiated all armed inter-
vention,- gir the- suppression of slavery. Now, what
was the Act-of Parliament which -prevented the in-
traluction of - Brazilian sugar into the market ?
It was ', but a piece of parchment; and would
•
he ueelees, unless supported by a coast-guard, by
Cu .torn-hooes, and by Excise Boards. It never
could be kept up without force, and, therefore,•there
was- a continual armed force in existence. He would
Wee it , to rnen'e consciences as to whether they
would eensume'ene kind of sugar in preference to an-
ether. " This he believed would act more bene-
ficially in abolishing the slave trade and' slavefy,
than our Abolition Sopieties; • and he believed
that this' 'was' not a solitary-opinion of his own,
but was elipperted by Cropper,llodgson, Fearon, And
Adam Stiiiiii Ititn.elf. But what became of the deee
trine which was how held by the monopolists, when
they came to consider other parts of the world. frOin
which sugar could be obtained ? 'There were Shim,
Ceeltis‘Chi an,. the vast plains.' of India,. Java, Pulo-
Penang.. • Million of acres of land could be culti-
veted in- these 'parts of. the world for the producgon
ei • sugar, :IT an opportunity' were given lof
tieing • se.
4s!i, • eecount -of its being •the produce' lof
'is ser'e why pot take sugar 'from :Siam ? Ve
believiet that if -All- the countries in 'the world; in
Which' sugar could he grown were to be•thrown iiito
fair competition That slavery -and the . slave trade
waild soon be entirely. at an end. Tie put those pi'.
mini broadly before- the meeting, feeling confident
that they were -worthy of their attention ;! he
put the' question' lei them in this way,. because ilthe
time was note. 'con-ling when they must make up t eir
minds either to 'he robbed for another year, and it
might be for years' to come, or to break offat oneeithe
fetters-which irienticled the trade with respect to sugar:
The language of Government ought to be, " N't, e Will
act on the hroad principle of truth and justice. It is
the voice of Nature which says men should-trade with
their fellow-men. It is the voice of God which says
nations should-be brethren, and interchange blessings
with• each other." • The principle Of free ' intercourse
with all the nations of the earth *as the - only 'one
which was calcblitted to -maintain still further the: in-'
dependence which had so long been maintained by
this country: • It was this principle alone which
would 'continue England - in her present high
and palmy itate of civilization, and which alone
Wai likely to confer lasting benefits and happiness on
her:people. Until:such a principle were recognised by
the Government of this' country, so long woul& the
manufacturing population be plunged in distress and
in abject misery. 'But, as soon as the principle be-
came recognised,- so soon would the manufacturing,
transactions of the country assume a healthy and pros-
perous aspect, and our artisans would be relieved from
the degraded and Miserable condition in. which they
wersenow placed. 'Our farmers would be remune-
rated for their heavy toil, and in a few years' time,'
si,. e'the principle which he had been humbly illustrat
i
ng expanded-
and•advanced they would be enabled to
see that Englinrelswas herself
again, happy in the ene
joyment of-'that, 'friendly intercourse-' with foreign
nations which 'was. based on mutual interests, i and'
'could only increase the hinger it lasted. The Hon,
Centreinan sat dawn amidst loud and prolonged
'cheering. - • • ,
• TheCilialitltiA* then stated that the nest meeting
of the M i
emberi. bf the Anti-Corn-law
ague would
he' held in that house on Wednesday next.
The meeting then separated.

Flni " -.
. oiTo,N,, APRIL 16.—The ship Pauline iI g
' - f 4m,,fl:oin the..Atiturititig, arrived in, the ChanneCyst(Yuerd-lal);
arid landed inallgOAncli were forwarded immediately by rail-
' ivlty 'for Lfindory,- ghertly afterwards the •NOrthniiiherland,
. f Eng (Indianian; Caplan Drew, 'anchored in the roadstead, and
: - pot, on -shore,-per,..pilot hOat, several • passengets, including
Major Chapman; of the 36th Bengal Native Infantry, Lieut.
• )4rrierof the 1411 Bengal Native Infitntry,Vri. Adams and
faintly, MrA. (Captain) ,Tasdor and family, and Mr. Meyer,
Among the pas,f;engers on hoard the Northaniberland, who
•• ialled; withitho: vtis:ser for the Downs, were. Captain Seaton,
• . Lietit-Nelion (241;314drag Native Infantry)), Mr. Bell, Mr.
. . Brewer, Mrs. liatlan. ,t and Mrs. Crisp. • •
Her Ilaj-e-sty Queen Adelaide this day, at one
:7P'docl4 commanded the attendance of General Tom
,!PLaitrib, 1 ,r the purpose of presenting the Gliteral with
geld 'watch and chain, 'Made expressly for him, and
"corresponding hr si•ie to t hi-4 wonderful, phenonemon.
... '1,;,,,,'.0:, e.nf'-r.tl%;a:s:' attired in a full court dress, with
4..0r. j and bieltles*,: and afforded great gratifitr.•iition t.)
'6,,;Atbralkd:ti, !liio;o3ittthfsg:of Gloucester, and the'Duke of
34:-Liesty 'wc,..•:',..'7. .'ere present on the oemsion. Her
min.
the Geici6,raaeplsly pleased to expreis to' Mr. Bar,
welfare, and intii:n.tdiardian, her anxious desire for his.
--:-e;lobe 10711. intention ofpon seeing the
• 'renerai-again.
meat be astonished to leo.figastifvenit - [The Yankees
.. honourlim ..,.
‘ illat .in England we pay
tn:nne of. thgir Generals, than we did. to
'Pw' ) ,
-
• .ast burs-
Tp.itea •
z,,,, 7,t.,,,,.,
ai!pyiligiketiii4ott hea:tnrt_erical,olencilikpelLietitecil'lits threei
sAtrz
ltuTiddredth
implies goad
unprecedented
management
ff,i 41 '-,'l, '::. -)knniil:4": • .ii rely this i
Wit" , efirtartfilt4N4 at Ohl, public on tql.odthmera;uNaV a wish i....t, reo 0f....ra140P1/ainusement .conld- rtval. 'Webster iii
':„•\ - servedikiroaltieg,
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ci
•
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