The Sun.
London, England, 1844-05-07 00:00:00

EVENING, MAY 7, 1844.

been sought after, and very full rates given. For Ginger
prices are still advancing. Pimento at 3id to aid for mid •
dling, and 3id to 34d for inferior quality.
RlCE.—Patna is 13s to 17s, and Carolina 21s to 26s per
cwt. This afternoon Bengal Rice, sound, all taken in at lls
for good mid white, L eing the former value, sea damaged
sold at 103 to 105 6d for the first class and 9s to 9s 6d per cwt
for second class.

SAGO.—For Pearl Sago higher rates paid ; good middling
small Pearl at 20s to 20s 6d per cwt : privately at 13s to 17s
for low and middling, and better quality at 18s to 235. Sago
Flour at 20s to 21s per cwt. The demand is brisker for
Arrowroot ; Bermuda at 9id to is 4d ; St. Vincents 7d to
10d, and Tapioca, 4id to sid per lb.
Rum, BRANDY AND HOLLANDS.—Por Jamaica Rum prices
are maintained. Leewards at 2s lid to 2s 2d per gallon,
proof. In Demerara there is no change. Calcutta Rum at
Is 10d per gallon, proof. Fer Brandy prices rule as follows :
—Cognac best brands of the vintage of 1838 hhds 5s Bd,
puns 5s 6d ; ditto 1839, hhds 5s 6d, puns 5s 4d ; ditto 1840,
hhds 5s 4d, puns 5s 2d ; ditto 1841, hhds 5s 3d, puns 5s ld ;
ditto 1842, hhds 5s 2d, puns 5s ; middling qualities of various
marks 3s 4d to 4s 6d, and low 2s 9d to 3s 3d per gallon. Geneva
for shipping at is 8d to is 9d, for fine in small parcels for
home use 2s 2d to 3s paid. English Corn Spirits at lOs 2d
per gallon cash. To-day West India Rum was more in de-
mand : proof Leewarda at 2s 2d ; Jamaica 30 to 34 per cent
everproof at 3s 4d to 3s Bd, good 3s 9d to 3s 11d, and supe-
rior 4s to 5s per gallon. For Calcutta Rum, proof streigth,
Is 100 per gallon paid. For Brandy lower rates again ac-
cepted : Cognac, best brands of the vintage of 1842 selling at
4s lld and 5s Id per gallon.
INDIGO.—The maket is firm for East India, and the rates
previously established are sustained. Spanish is much wanted,
but the market is scantily supplied. New Bengal 4s 2d 5s 6d
per lb paid.
Oits.—Cod Oil has sustained the former currency, small
parcels at 34/, but for all other sorts of common Fish Oils
prices are still on the decline ; Southern sold at 281 to 29115 s
for good and fine quality; pale Seal is 33/ lOs to 34/, and
yellow and brown 28l to 32/ per tun. Sperm at 72l lOs to
74/ 15s, and at 7715 s to 78/ 15s for Headinatter. Palm Oil
at 23s 3d to 26s 6d per cwt for common to fine. Linseed Oil
firmer; 26s 9d to 27s per cwt paid for large parcels on the
spot. Rape Oil at the previous currency. Olive firm in price.
Gallipoli at 52/ lOs to 53/, Sicily 52/, Spanish 51/ to 51110 s,
and Barbary 50/ to 50l lOs per tun. Cocoa Nut 29s to 31s.
TALLOW.—Russian Tallow has been taken sparingly on
the spot, 40s to 40s 9d is the value of P. Y. Candle, there are
sellers for the last three months of the year at 42s per cwt.
North American at 38s 3d to 40s ; South American 34s 6d to
Os 6d, and Odessa Beef Tallow 39s 9d to 40s per cwt. Town
Tallow is 40s to 40s 6d per cwt nett cash. To-day the mar-
ket was in a dull state for Russian Tallow, and for the last
three months of the year prices have declined to 41s 6d to 42s
per cwt.

IMPERIAL- PARLIAMENT
(THIS EVENING.)

HOUSE OF LORDS.
Their Lordships met at Five o'Clock.
SAVINGS' BANKS.

Lord MONTEAGLE said he had to call the atten-
tion of the Government to a statement that had appeared
in one of the papers of that day, which it was necessary,
in justice to himself and the Government, and also, what
was more material than either, the public in-
terest, that he should notice. Their Lordships were
aware, from the Votes of the other House of Parliament,
that a Bill had been introduced by the Government for
the purpose of reducing the interest on savings' bank
stock. Of course it would be unbecoming to discuss a
question then pending in the other House of Parliament,
but he might say, in passing, that he approved of the ob-
jects of the Bill, and considered its principle to be per-
fectly right. It would be absurd on the part of
the
‘public to pay a rate of interest on the de-
posits in savings' banks which had been fixed at a
greater amount than the rate of interest which now pre-
vailed in the market. But the interest of the depositors
was a critical natter to deal with. They were a nume-
rous class, and many of them were probably not very
well informed on the subject ; they were apt to take
alarm, above all, when suggestions were made to
them calculated to excite that feeling. The state-
ment he referred to, arising probably from misap-
prehension, was calculated greatly to impede
the object the Government had in view, as well as to
create alarm on the part of depositors in savings' banks,
and consequently to prejudice the public interest, and
much more to prejudice the interests of the depositors
themselves. It was mainly in consideration of the in-
terests of the depositors themselves that he took the
liberty of bringing this matter under the considera-
tion of their Lordships as soon as possible.
Their Lordships were aware that, during the
period ' • he had the honour of being the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, a purchase of Exchequer bills was
made by the Trustees of Saving's Banks, which bills
were afterwards funded in the 3 per cents. stock. This
was not a time to defend that mode of procedure. The
Noble Duke opposite knew perfectly well that that pro-
ceeding was perfectly in accordance with
the existing law, under the Act of 1828,
which gave the Government the power of mak-
ing such investments. The statement he
referred to was this: "If it should be found that the
funds invested in savings' banks have been seriously in-
jured by the jobbing that prevailed during the time the
Whigs held office, the parties interested will be entitled
to compensation, and have all the circumstances
duly considered in any new arrangement it may
be necessary to make." ' It further appeared by
the statement, that interest amounting to 680,000 L,
representing a capital of 2,000,000 L or 3,000,0001. ster-
ling, had been lost by these proceedings. He need not
assure their Lordships that no such loss had been sus-
tained ; the statement was altogether fallacious. If any
loss were sustained it would not fall on the depositors.
To them the public faith was pledged, and every depo-
sitor was entitled to receive the full amount of his de-
posit, whatever might be the loss sustained by the sale of
stock. If this were not the case there wonld be no se-
curity for savings' banks. If an early opportunity were
not taken of contradicting such a statement an alarm
would have been raised which would have caused a run
on every savings' bank in London ; and, there-
fore, he had thought it right to bring the matter
under the consideration of LheyLoldsliips.=(Hear.)

DEBTOR AND CREDITORS' BILL.
Lord BROUGHAM, in proposing the second reading
of this Bill, said that its object was to remedy a great
defect in the law, which enabled a debtor with his cre-
ditors' consent to effect a composition as soon as he
found insolvency approaching. Under present circum-
stances, unless all the creditors agreed the composition
could not be effected, and in consequence there was a
great premium for a few of them to hold out against the
rest of the creditors, in order that they might ultimately
buy up the interest of the parties whom they opposed.
That defect would be remedied by the present Bill.
Lord COTTENHAM had no objection to the second
reading being now taken, provided that by so doing
would not pledge their Lordships to the principle of the
Bill.
The Bill was then read a second time.
Lord CAMPBELL, in the absence of his Noble Friend,
Earl Gosford, presented several petitions from different
parts of Ireland relative to the Presbyterian marriages.
RECAL OF THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF

not be through hostility to the Government the Directors
I had acted. But it was said that it was through igno-
j rance of the facts. That was not the fact—(Hear, hear)
—for the secret committee were not bound to conceal
such matters from the general body of the Board.
Hn had read over the statutes and the Charter,
and he found that it was only on questions of war
the Committee was sworn to secresy. All questions of
internal policy, and the appointments and dismissals of
servants, civil and military, were entirely unconnected
with the oath of secresy. Was it possible that Parliament
should have given that power, and not retained to itself
the means of knowing how the power was exercised.
Suppose it were the case of Sinde, on account of which
the Directors thought it necossary to recal
Lord Ellenborough. Why should not Parliament be
informed what the instructions of the Government at
home had been. He perfectly agreed with the propriety
of deferring any opinion upon the conduct of the Go-
vernor-General until he was there to defend him-
self.—(Hear, hear.) He (Lord Normanby) had felt
in a smaller sphere the inconvenience of exercising
important functions in a distant part of the empire, and
he should be the last person in the world to say that the
acts of a man placed in such circumstances should
not be viewed with consideration and candour.
His Noble Friend need not be afraid that,
in calling for these papers, he had any in-
tention of urging on the discussion which
ought, in fairness, to be postponed until Lord Ellen-
borough had returned to this country. But it had
been said that there was an intention on the part of the
Government to take steps for depriving the Court of
Directors of the power which they on this occasion exer-
cised. If there is any such intention entertained in any
quarter, there is one Noble Lord that ought first of all
others to be heard—that Noble Lord having made the
most decided objections to any reduction of the power
of the Court of Directors.—(Cries of " Hear,
hear.) No one had taken a more active
or useful part in that House in the administration of
Indian affairs, no one was more conversant with them
either when he was at the head of the Board of Control
or unconnected with the Government, and he had on
more occasions than one warned Noble Lords not
to interfere with the hitherto successful balance
of power. Those were the opinions of the Noble Lord—
[Lord Ellenborough was understood to be the Noble-
man referred to]—and he (Lord Normanby) had no
doubt his opinions so sound then had beon confirmed by
the practical experience he had since acquired.—
(Hear, hear.) Though he had been ready, on the
request of the Noble Duke, to postpone his ques-
tion till the better health of his Noble Friend
(Lord Ripon) permitted his attendance in his place, yet
he must say he regretted the mail had loft India
before he had an opportunity of putting it.. It
might be that the Directors had judged improperly of the
conduct of the Noble Lord (Ellenborough)—it might
be that they did not give the Government a sufficient
notice. On the last point, however, they had been given
to understand, that the Government had had full
seven or eight month's notice. Therefore the indiscretion
of the Directors) for so it had been called) wanted one
quality which usually attended indiscretion—rashness.
He repeated, in conclusion, what he had before said,
that if, in the opinion of the Government, it would be
inexpedient to furnish the papers, he would not press for
them. In that case, however, he must be permitted, as
a matter of justice, to say
.that that House could not
entertain a shadow of suspicion of the propriety of the
conduct of the Directors, till an opportunity was afforded
of placing the whole case before that house and the
country.
The Earl of RIPON said he deeply regretted that he
had been hindered by illness from attending to his duties
when the Noble Marquis tvas first desirous of putting
his question to him. However, he was then ready to
state his views as to the production of the papers asked
for, though before doing so he must say that the Noble
Marquis had introduced the matter in a most fair,
candid, and reasonable spirit. And he thought he
had acted much more conveniently by bringing
it forward as he had done, than by substitutingta more
formal motion on the subject. He must say, however,
that feeling a deep sense of the duty and responsibility
which attached to him and the Government Ministers
were unable to consent to the production of the papers.
He believed their production would be the cause of
great injustice to the Noble Lord who had been recalled
—of great embarrassment to the Right Hon. Gentle-
man who was about to proceed there—and would be
most injnrious to the best interests of the ser-
vice. Therefore he must, though reluctantly,
decline, for all the papers ought to be fur-
nished, or none of them ; and to do this at present
would be alike unfair to individuals and injurious to the
service. To produce part of the papers would be ob-
viously unsatisfactory, though it would not be possible
for him to say why, because he should then be
doing incidentally that which he felt it his
duty to decline to do directly. He therefore
declined to produce these papers, and the same
consideration led him to decline entering on the
matters alluded to by his Noble Friend. But he would
take the liberty of saying this, that however he might
regret the step taken by the Board of Directors—or, how-
ever inconsistent he might nave thought it with the course
which he considered advisable to take, he was nevertheless
bound to say, and he did say, that he was entirely con-
vinced that the Court of Directors, in taking the course
they did, were influenced by no other motive than an
honest and sincere conviction on their part that they
were doing what their duty called them to do. In saying
that he did justice to their motives, but expressed no
opinion on their policy, If he was ready to do justice to
them for the motives which had influenced their
course, he hoped he might ask their Lordships
to do justice to him and her Majesty's Government, by
believing that they had been influenced by no other
considerations than these in the course which they had
taken, and which obliged them to refuse their concur-
rence to the step of the Board of Directors. As he could
not consent to the introduction of papers he thought it
better not to risk any discussion on the subject by enter-
ing into any of the other topics which had been alluded to
by the Noble Marquis. With respect to the production of
the papers at another time, he thought nothing was more
unwise than to pledge oneself on a subject of that kind,
and he must decline doing so.
Lord BROUGHAM rose and was—
(LEFT SPEAKING.)

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
The SPEAKER took the Chair at the usual hour.
LEEDS AND BRADFORD RAILWAY,
On the motion for the further consideration of the
report on the Bill.

Mr. MACKINNON moved that the report be consi-
dered on that day six months.
Mr. LASCELLES seconded the motion.
Mr. YORKE supported the Bill. He thought im-
proper methods of influencing the Hon. Members on the
question had been resorted to.

- Sir E. COLEBROOKE thoughtithe opposition to the
Bill came at a rather late stage, and that the House was
called upon, under the circumstances, to confirm the de-
cision of the Committee.
Mr. STUART supported the motion.
After a short conversation the House divided, when
there appeared—
For the amendment' 5B
Against it,

Majority for th• Bill, —66
The report was then ordered to be taken into further
consideration.

After a few observations from Mr. M. Phillips, Mr.
S. Wortley, Mr. C. Wood,l,Lord Howick, and Mr. Green,
Mr. T. DUNCOMBE wished to know how the House
could do these parties justice by binding them to the
absurd regulations of the Standing Orders. He thought
the public interest ought to guide these proceedings, and
he would propose, therefore, that the debate be adjourned,
in order to see if the parties could not make out a case
that would induce the House to re-commit the Bill, in
order that the public should have the best line. The
Hon. Member concluded by moving that the debate
should be adjourned.
The SPEAKER then put the question, that the
amendments should be read a second time; and also the
amendment of the Hon. Member for Finsbury, that the
debate be adjourned.

Mr. LAWSON opposed the amendment. He thought
it was their duty to support the Standing Orders of the
House.

Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND thought there was no
practice so bad as that of excluding evidence. The
law now, in accordance with the increased intelligence
of the age, admitted evidence more freely than it
had heretofore been accustomed to do. They were now
arguing a case of the exclusion of evidence before a
Railroad Committee. Were they not, by giving such an
interpretation to their Standing Orders, committing
a great national injustice. They had the high authority
of their Chairman for saying that the House was in
error in putting such an interpretation upon their Stand-
ing Orders. If this interpretation were the true one,
whenever a railroad was projected, whatever injury
it might inflict on the proprietors, through whose
property it might run, there would be the greatest diffi-
culty in proving that injury. He should support the
amendment.

Strangers were then ordered to withdraw, and the
House divided, when there appeared—
For Mr. Duncombe's amendment
Against it
Majority against the amendment —3B
Lord ELIOT gave notice that, on Tuesday next, he
would move for leave to bring in a Bill to regulate turn-
pike trusts in Ireland.
Dr. BOWRING gave notice that he would bring on
his motion on quarantine on that day fortnight. The
Hon. Member also moved for a " Tabular return of the
quantities of wheat, flour, meal, barley, oats, potatoes,
cattle, sheep, and pigs, imported in each year, ending
the sth day of January, from 1835 to 1844, into the
Isle of Man ; exhibiting also the average price of the
several species of corn by the London Gazette, and the
average duties payable thereon. Tabular return, for the
same years, of the same articles exported from the Isle
of Man."--Agreed to.
Sir R. PEEL brought up copies of the correspondence
which had taken place between the Government and the
Bank of England, which were laid on the table.
The Exchequer Bills (18,407,0001.) Bill was read a
third time and passed.
COLONEL BONET.

Sir R. PEEL said he wovld take that opportunity of
alluding to a statement which had been made in that
House (upon which certain questions were put to the
Government) to the effect that a British officer
commanding a ship off Alicante, had been ap..
plied to by a Spanish officer, Colonel Bonet,
who was under great apprehension with re-
gard to the probability of his immediate execution,
to be taken on board that ship, and that the officer com-
manding the ship, which was called the Scout, had re-
fused apmission to the vessel to Colonel Bonet. The
question which was put to her Majesty's Government
upon this subject was, whether they had given instruc.
dons to the officer commanding the Scout, to refuse

admission, under the circumstances, to Colonel
Bonet, and whether any account had been
received by the Admiralty from that officer respecting
the transaction. He (Sir H. Peel) stated at the time
that no such instructions had been given. Since the
statement to which he had referred, however, had ap-
peared, Captain Drummond, the officer in question,
had forwwarded a statement of the whole transaction,
which he (Sir H. Peel) would read to the House.
and he thought it would be a decisive proof as to the po-
licy of their suspending their judgments upon reports
until they became acquainted with the subject. The
letter was dated Her Majesty's Ship Scout, Gribraltar,
April 20th, 1844, and was addressed to the
Secretary of the Admiralty. Captain Drummond said
" Sir, I have just read Galignani's Messenger in an article
which was taken from the Chronicle, containing a most
libellous statement against a British vessel of war lying
at Alicante, during the late disturbances, and as it con-
cludes by hoping that the question would be mentioned
in the House, I think it right to inform you of the tran-
saction that occurred, I being the officer in command at
that station at the time. On the 13th of February
I arrived at Alicante, and Mr. Waring, the
Consul immediately came on board, and he stated that
Colonel Bonet, the Governor, wished to come to see me.
I replied t'hat I could not receive any such person, he
being in arms. Mr. Waring replied that my refusal to
receive Colonet Bonet would greatly exasperate
him, and might endanger the British and British
property in Alicante ; upon which I consented
to see Colonel Bonet on deck in the presence of the
officers of the ship. Colonel Bonetthen stated that he
came to offer me any assistance I might require during
my stay at Alicante ; and I replied that my sole
object in visiting Alicante was to protect British
EU bj ec ts, and British property, and he then
quitted the ship and he never came along
side of the ship again during my stay at Alicante, and
I left on the 6th of March." This was the whole of the
transaction, and it now appeared that instead of Colonel
Bonet asking assistance, he came to offer it.—(Hear.)
Captain Drummond went on to say that he would have
had a most unpleasant duty to perform, but that he
would have been quite prepared to act on his own re-
sponsibility, had Colonel Bonet applied to him under the
circumstances which had been stated.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL was understood to express
his satisfaction at the statement which the Right Hon.
Gentleman had just read to the House.
➢ir. P. BORTH WICK said, that this object in putting
the question to which the Right Hon. Gentleman had
referred was only to elicit information on the subject.
COALS.

In answer to a question from Mr. HUTT, respecting
a return of the amount of coals exported,
Sir G. CLERK said there was considerable difficulty
in making out the return wished for. Some time must
elapse before it could be presented in a satisfactory state.
Lord HOWICK thought the return might be made
out in a short time, and if there was any inconvenience
in making out the return, he thought the Right Hon.
Gentleman himself was to blame. He hoped the return
would be furnished before the discussion on the Bill
took place.