The Sun.
London, England, 1844-10-14 00:00:00

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'heir proper sphere, had been, after the banquet was
over, invited to enter the chamber and and receive from r•-a.
the chairman the mechanical expression of public. approaa.--
bation ; and these, even these demonstrations, I have.,
though were not to be despised, for it was thy opinion
that any approximation to public feeling and sympathy
were circumstances not to be rejected with contempt—
but I must honestly tell you that I have never found iu
these associations any of those means which could save a
state anything of that ancient character, the loss of which
we all deplore. But to-night everything stamped on
this meeting is indicative of that truth, of that sin-
cerity, of that deep staid ancient feeling, which I think
not only augurs well for the community in which you
live, and with which my Hon. Friend, the chairman,
is so deeply concerned, but it augurs well for Eng-
land, for the country at large, and impresses on me the
irresistible conviction that, though we may be only
on the eve of a great change, it is a change that will
bring back some of those old feelings, some of those
ancient and hallowed feelings and principles of loyalty,
of good faith and mutual trust, that once made England
great, and which, in my opinion, can only keep England
great. Gentlemen, I come not merely to be the guest of
my friend, though I know no friend I honour mere and
value more than your Chairman, but I come here be-
cause I was anxious with the Noble Lord on his light,
my companion before this time in some efforts to elevate
the condition of our community and to raise the tone of
public feeling—because I was anxious to be present on
an occasion aracterised, as this meeting has been, by
a hearty desire to bind all classes together, and restore
fully and completely that ancient feeling of goud intelli•
ligence which once was the boast of our country.
Gentlemen, I must say that the fruits of that movement
which is now making are neither schnty nor flaveuiless.
When I remember how very recently the first effort was
made to produce associations of this character, and
encourage sentiments of this description, I think those
who first originated that movement, those who had
that confidence in the character of their fellow-men,
that they believed that the people could be aided
by them with success—have no reason to complain of
the tardy justice they have received. I remember e hen
the Noble Lord (Lord John Dlanners) first published a
slight pamphlet which was to advocate the just recrea-
tions of the people. I, who know him well, knew the
strong conviction that impelled him, from a sense of
duty, to take that step. I remember—it is barely, I
think, five and twenty months ago—the frigid senti-
ments which it received from friends, the ridicule from
enemies, and have heard the sneers which have been
lavishly bestowed upon it. He (Lord J. Manners) came
forward to proclaim a truth to a careworn population.
He presumed to think that a people might be overworked.
And what was the result of that step ? Why a total
want of candour in those ranks where he might have
looked for sympathy—ridicule and insult from those
quarters where he was prepared to receive criticism.
But I can't forget that, within a week of the time I and
the Noble Lord have met the greatest meeting that ever
was assembled within four walls in the greatest city of
this country, with the exception, indeed, of the metro-
polis. And what has occurred in that city ? Why,
al,OOOl. have been subscribed in that city recently
to form public parks for the people.—(Hear, hear.)
Why, gentlemen, we did not want that success to induce
us to go forward, because, before we embarked
on this great enterprise, we had determined to struer,le.
We were prepared for failure ; but when a very ew
months have brought us such signal success, and such
unprecedented triumphs, you may imagine what our
feelings are—you may feel assured that so long as we
have the support of our fellow-countrymen, no preju-
dice, however rooted—no dried dogmas of political eco-
nomists, however quoted—will stop us in our course, sup-
ported by the sympathy of millions, and working for the
benefit of a nation.—(Tremendous cheers.) You are here
to-day to commemorate the institution of the Bingley
Cricket Club. Twenty-four hours after that great meet-
ing at Manchester I paid a visit to a Noble Lord—not
merely noble from blood, but from his enlightened mind,
his deep sympathy with his countrymen, and by the large
intelligence, which well qualify him for his high position
—I mean Lord Francis Egerton—(Cheers)—and the first
thing he said to me was, " I founded a cricket club for
my cotters, and you have no idea how they enjoy almost
the first sight of the sun." I mention that, Gentlemen,
because it shows how the spirit is moving, and that so
long as it is responded to by your sympathy, by the feel-
ing of the great body of the nation, it will make its way.
Founded on a right principle, its course will be irresistible,
and the day will arrive, and not tardily, when you will
be proud, not merely of your allotment of these native
spots you have revered and cherished, but because you
took a lead in that revolution, because you were among
the first and foremost that set an example to your
fellow-countrymen.—(Cheers.) Gentlemen, the time
has come when it is utterly impossible that the great
truths upon which this movement is established can any
longer be resisted. The fact is, that society, like man,
has an immortal soul. That is a truth which, for the last
fifty years, seems to have escaped the attention of our
rulers. All that they aimed at was the material comfort
of the people, and that, necessarily on their part, has
often been left to chance ; but to suppose that a nation
has affections, that it has a heart that can be appealed to
with success, and which, if they do not appeal to that
nature, must be unhappy, and that they must cherish and
cultivate those feelings, was a truth nearly forgotten,
and the result has proved that that bundle of sticks
which, while bound together, none could break, became
dissevered, and has singly been split into lucifer matches.
—(Laughter and applause.) What we desire is this—
that England should become once more a nation,
and not a mere collection of classes, avho seem to
think that they have nulling in. common.
interest which it behoves all of them to unite
together for, and no pursuit which it is the duty of all of
them ut the same time to cultivate. Now this is simply
what my Noble Friend and myself believe. We are of
opinion that it is a truth, founded on a thorough know-
ledge and complete acquaintance with the character of
our countrymen, and we are not deceived in the appeal
we have made to them. We are told sometimes, " What
do you want ?" They give us nicknames—we don't
quarrel with them that way—call us what they like.
They call us " Young England."—(Cheers.) Gentle-
men, when the Prince of Orange was anxious to vindi-
cate the liberties of his country, and save his fellow-
countrymen from the tyranny of Spain, they called his
party " The Mendicants." He said, " I accept the
term ;" and at the head of the mendicants he saved his
country.—(Cheers.) So it is with the title of Young
England—(Cheers)—given to us in derision. We ac-
cept the title of Young England; we believe there is not
an hamlet or village, a town or a city, to which that
name does not now bring hopeful tidings. We are asked
sometimes, gentlemen, what we want? We want, in the
first place, to impress on society that there is such a
thing as duty. We don't do that in any spirit of conceit
or arrogance—we don't pretend that we are better
than others—but this we do say, that we aro anxious to
do our. duty ; and if we are anxious to do our duty, we
think we have a right to call on others, whether they be
rich or poor, poor or rich, to do theirs also.—(Cheers.)
Gentlemen, it' that principle of duty had not been lost
sight of for the last fifty years, you would never have
heard of the classes into which England is divided ; it
had once a unity of purpose and unity of feeling, be-
cause every man, feeling the position in which he was
placed, did his duty, encouraged by the conviction that,
if entitled to rise from the sphere of a workman by talent,
the law permitted him to rise. That gate of hope, which
my Noble Friend has so properly and rightly said is
the only passage of communication, is open, it is by the
allotment system we want to see a bold peasantry, our
country's pride. Would any man, ten years ago, nay,
ten months ago, have talked of England's peasantry
being a bold peasantry, their country's pride ? Not a man
would have had the audacity. Yet that was a phrase in
every body's mouth. We are asked what we want ; we
have no mystery in telling what we want. We want to
put an end to that political and social exclusiveness which
we believe to be the bane of this country. Where
there is exclusiveness there cannot be sympathy •
where there is no sympathy we hold no society can be:
safe. This is what we want ; perhaps we want much
more ; that is enough at present to communicate to the
public. We do not care to talk polities, or to say that
we can remedy every evil ; we have our opinion on great
public subjects, and whenever these are brought out in
the Senate, we will, with all fairness, and with modera-
tion, express those opinions, and if they are true they
will be adopted.—(Cheers.) But we are profoundly im-
pressed with this conviction, that it is not so much by
law as by manners, that we must look to the influence
of manners and not law to remedy many of the
grievances and much of the injury of our people.—
(Cheers.) We believe, then, in the influence of manners;
but how are they to influence men it' they are divided
into classes, and the population of the country becomes a
body of sects, and are never brought together. We
believe that when the farmer and the manufacturer—the
land proprietor and the great millowner—when he who
employs and he who is employed—are brought together;
when they communicate their opinions—when they ex-
press their feelings, if there is a sympathy of intelligent
Sentiment, not only would better feeling pervade all classes;
but we believe that many will discover that really they
are rather differing about phrases than facts. For this
reason there is another thing we desire, which, though I
do not wish to be particularly confidential as to what we
propose, I will venture to express—We have little hope
for this country so long as that spirit of faction
has by circumstances been raised, and whicwhichh; which
s been
rampant of late years, is fostered and encouraged.
believe that the time has arrived
awnhdenwe know n
thecouee We
of that
factious spirit should be stayed,
practicable, no surer course, any that possesses success
more speedily, than throwing ourselves in the breach.
It is nothing to meet each odtihnegr itnheounrepwrsipvaapteercshaimnb:urr,
reading to mourn while we are .
slippers over a good fire on the ill effects of
faction on the
people—that may. be an evidence of our philosophic spirit,
it is not in our opinion a testimony of our civic courage.
Therefore wu have comp among -you to meet you and
conoTatulatei'you on what you have done, and stimulate
you to future efforts—to encourage you by the ex.
pression of our sympathy as public men, who are ready at
all times to uphold those opinions which we profess
on this solemn subject, when we believe them, as
we have expressed to-night, sound, virtuous, and true. j
can assure you that what-you have stated in this cham-
ber to-night fills my mind with the greatest hope for the
future. It is only meeting men that can prove the tem-
per of their minds. You may speculate for ever about
public opinion—you may calculate the affairs of parties
and the probable duration of particular interests—but
unless you mix with men—unless you have the sincere
expression of their feelings—unless you have a temper
of mind that can endure criticism and submit to inroad.
gation—it is utterly impossible to form an acquaintance
with the opinions of the nation in which you Lye. Now
I will illustrate that by the subject which particularly
calls us together this evening. How often have you
heard of the allotment system? See what it has done.
You will hear the sympathy of partieS' indulging lei
panegyric on the allotment system, and summoning sow►.
proprietor of the spade to receive, before an aristocratic
assembly, some reward; but he has no opportunity, and,