The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-06 00:00:00

ought to be recollected that, in addition to the advantages
which would result to trade and commerce from the universal
prevalence of free trade, there would also be the advantages
which always followed a free commercial intercourse between
nations.—(clear.) Solong as that free and close commercial
intercourse which might be produced by the abolition of the
corn-laws existed, there would be no danger of such nations
going to war with each other, and he, therefore, looked upon
the establishment of free and unrestricted intercourse be-
tween nations as the best mode of preventing all the evils of
war. Ho firmly beliffed that if they could effect the abolition
of the corn-laws, tiny would, in addition to those blessings,
increase the wealth and commerce and foster the industry of
the country, whilst it would remove the evil which Lord
John Russell had complained of in the House of Commons by
preventing the poorer classes from every day becoming poorer.
—(Cheers.) If they had a free commercial intercourse, un-
restricted by any corn-laws, he was convinced that the condi-
tion of the working people would be rendered better than ever
it had been at any former period.—(Cheers.) They ought to
remember what Mr. Cobden stated at Bath last night—they

ought not to suppose that the question could be settled, un-
less through influencing the registration; and he hoped that
with such a knowledge of the position of the cause of free
trade they would not neglect any opportunity of securing to
themselves a favourable position on the registration. He
would not detain them any longer, but would conclude by
proposing the first resolution, which was to the effect "that
the meeting felt thoroughly convinced of the injurious effects
of the laws which restricted the importation of corn on the
prosperity of the country, and on the morals, the health, and
the lives of the people, and that it highly approved of the
plan of purchasing freeholds in order to secure a favourable
position on the registration list, and earnestly recommended
its adoption in order to assist willing or influence unwilling
ministers to abolish the mischievous and injurious corn-laws."
The resolution having been seconded by Mr. G. JoNEs, was

'parried unanimously.
11r. CoBDEN then rose, and was received with most en-
thusiastic and reiterated bursts of cheering. As soon as the

plaudite which greeted his appearance had subsided, he

said,—My Lord and Gentlemen, I do not know whether
this is my three hundred and sktty-fourth or my three
hundred and sixty-fifth speech on the corn-laws—but it

must be one or the other.—(Cheers.) I could sneak 01 this
subject almost at any time with great facility; and so long
as I felt that I had a new audience, who had something to

lean, I enjoyed a satisfaction in speaking on this subject•
But we have come to that point now, that I almost have a

feeling that it is a work of superorogation to use any new

arguments on the subject of free trade ; and I find my

difficulties somewhat increased, when I discover that at a

moment when my arguments are least required, I see a
greater desire than ever on the part of that portion of the
press which has so ably advocated our principles, to give
publicity to my speeches.—(Cheers.) I see around me
gentlemen connected with that portion of the press to
which we are so much indebted for its able support of

our exertions.—(Cheers.) I see some gentlemen whom
met at the meetings in Yorkshire within the last ten days
(the reporters of the Chronicle) and others (the reporters of
the Chronicle), whom I have met at every meeting which I
have since attended, and I must now repeat the request which
I made more than once in private to all those gentlemen, that
they will not on this occasion give my three hundred and
sixty-fifth told tale.—(Cheers.) And yet, although I make
the request, I feel a propensity to go again over my old argu-
ments, for I believe they are the best—(Cheers)—they have
stood the wear and tear of seven years, and after such good
serviee as they have done us it would be wrong and ungrate-
ful to throw such trusty companions aside.—(Cheers.) Here
we are again met to confront our old foe monopoly.—(Cheers.)
You live not far from Wales here, and I will tell you an
anecdote illustrative of the nature of monopoly. the scene of
which was a district in Wales.—(Hear, hear.) A lecturer
upon the corn-laws was addressing an audience in Wales,
and in the course of his speech he felt it necessary to trans-
late the word monopoly into Welsh, but he found no little
difficulty in the attempt, for the ancient Britons,
it appears, would not stand monopoly—(Cheers)—they fled
to their mountains from those old monopolists, the Romans,
and they have no language to express monopoly.—(Laughter.)
The lecturer was so much at a loss that he applied to a very
clever Welsh scholar for aid, and the way in which he ex-
pressed the idea in Welsh is so perfectly descriptive that I
will repeat it for ;von. The way in which he rendered it
was, " A one-handed bargain."—(Laughter and cheers.)
Now I don't think that a bad definition of monopoly. It is
something like the definition which Colonel Thompson some-
where gives of it : serving oneself with a bucket and another
with a spoon.—(Renewed laughter.) And yet it has not
proved all profit with those who Made such a bargain.—(Hear,
hear.) That one-handed bargain was a bad bargain. It was
made from a desire to get high prices, but those who made
the bargain thought only one way, and their conduct in mak-
ing that bargain was as unwise as the conduct of the Dutch,
when they formerly burned half their spices, in order that they
might get a higher price for the other half.—(Hear, hear.)
It never occurred to those Dutchmen that they could have
made infinitely greater profit by increasing the market for
their spices, by trebling the number of the consumers of
spices, than by burning one-half to enhance the price of the
other. The argument with which we meet the monopolists
on that point is this :—if the wealth, and commerce, and ma-
nufacturing prosperity of this country are increased, then
their chances are better for getting a prise for their pro-
duce, than if the prosperity of the country were decreased,
and the manufactures depressed.— (Hear, hear.) What is it
which makes the price of corn higher in this country than
in Poland or in Hungary ? It is the superior wealth, intel-
ligence, and manufacturing industry of the people—(Hear,
hear)—and let us do anything to check the prosperity of our
manufactures, and we thereby strike at the root of agriculture,
and tend to bring its products on a level in price with those
of Hungary and Poland. I want to show the friends
Of monopoly, that they have been wrong in the policy which
they have hitherto adopted. I want to show them that
" honesty is the best policy."—(Loud cheers.) It is a
very simple way, and it is perhaps too natural a way for
getting wealth to put a ntan's hand into his neighbour's
pocket. He may think that an easier way than obtaining
money by the slow process of persevering industry, but it
will be found that when such a course is adopted, the police
will be after one set of prigs, and the Anti-Corn-law League
after the other.—(lmmense cheering and laughter.) We
must be prepared to maintain our doctrines to their fullest
extent, and if it be charged against us that we require a
monopoly for our manufactured productions, we must, in
order to support our case, come into court with clean hands,
and state that we abandon all idea of protection for our
manufactures.—(Hear hear, and cheers.) We again and
again have declared this, and stated that whilst we seek the
abolition of the corn-laws, we require no protection for any
elms of manufacturing industry.—(Cheers.) The agricultu-
rists who advocate monopoly must, under those circum-
stances, see that they have not the slightest chance of a con-
test with men who set out with that proposal. We com-
menced with it, and we now repeat that we are resolved, if
possible, to have no law on the statute-book which shall
have for its object the benefit of any class of the people, by
giving them a monopoly in the article in the production of
which that class may be engaged. There are people, how-
ever, and perhaps there are some in Bristol, who are so ob-
fuscated, that they do not understand this, and who say that
we are desirous on the same principle to abolish all customs'
duties, and do away with all indirect taxation. That is not
the object of the League—it may be the object of a future
League—(Cheers)—to do away with indirect taxation, and
adopt the eimnler. and. I think, the more effective, plan of
direct taxation ; but it is not our business, and we shall
leave it to our children to accomplish by a league of their
own.—(Cheers.) We are not monopolists, and we do not
profess to cure everything, but we do profess to put an end
to the system of monopoly which enables the Duke of Rich-
mond and the Duke of Buckingham to instal themselves in
certain offices in the Custom-house, and levy duties on the
whole country for the benefit of a class.—(Cheers.) There
may 'be duties, such as the revenue duty on tea, which are
not for the benefit of a class, but which nevertheless operate
against the importer, but the duty on corn is levied altogether
for the benefit of a class. The desire of the Government
would naturally be to bring as much tea as possible into the
country to increase the revenue, but the object of the duty
on corn is to keep as much as possible out of the country,
and its object is not accomplished unless it is kept out.
Those who were in favour of monopoly created all sorts of
chimeras to support it, and amongst other things they say,
they cannot carry on their business if the corn-'aw be re-
peled. To that we answer, " You can as well then as now,
but whether yon can or not, we mean that you shall try."—
(Loud cheers and laughter.) Seeing that manufacturers, or
those engaged in other departments of industry, do not re-
quire exclusive protection, they can only be looked on as
paupers, literally paupers, who require this protection at the
expense of their fellow-countrymen. The Times once gra-
phically described the corn-law as an extension of the pen-
sion-list over the whole agricultural community.—(Cheers.)
If they are to be paupers, then let them take the sum which
they require directly from the Exchequer—let the commu-
nity pa that sum, but let trade be free.—(Cheers.) I put it
in that way, in order that you may understand their posi-
tion, but we don't intend to let them have it, mind you—
(Laughter and cheers)—in one way or the other.—(Cheers.)
It was not tube wpndered at when we consider the nature of
this protection, that high-minded Irobleman, like our Chair-
man—men like Lord Radnor and Lord Kinnaird, who knew
what land could do if properly cultivated, should leave us
alone. This conduct is highly to their credit, and we
ought to pay every honour to our Noble Chairman
for having been one of the first to come forward and
repudiate such elemosynary support. (Loud cheers.)
I am, you perceive, anxious not to forget our old friends
now, when we are daily obtaining many new ones.—(Cheers.)
They were the first to step forth from their ranks to take a
prominent part in this movement. Honour be to them for
at.—(Loud cheers.) They will find in less than five years
everybody to agree with them, and they may well congra-
tulate themselves on being the first to leave their order in
common sense and common honesty. And when I speak of
distinguished politicians, I must say that, though no one
can appreciate more than I do the manly, straightforward,
candid, and honourable adhesion of Lord John Russell—
(Cheers for some time)—and though no one can appreciate
more than I do, who have lived some title among York-
shiremen, the accession of Lord Morpeth—(Loud cheers
again)—the man who, of all others I should say in the
kingdom, lives especially in the hearts of Yorkshiremen,
and • wherever lie is known in every other part of the
• country ; though, I say, nobody values more than I do
such adhesions, I can never forget the noble services ren-
dered us by the present Lord Grey.—(Loud cheers.) Now
3 think those members of the aristocracy have shown a wise
discretion in the course they have taken ; for I defy the
aristocracy, if they value the continuance of their order-
-3 defy them to take up, in the face of the world, so dis-
advantageous, so perilous a position, as when they enter
into collision with the middle and industrious classes
en the most odious, contemptible, and meanest of all
battle-grounds—the bread-tax.—(Loud cheers.) It is really
asurprising that men of large property should condescend, in
:the face of the world, to appear as the taxers of the bread
.of the people, for their own emolument, that such men should
ibe found to filch a third of his loaf from the half-starved
land-loom weaver,—(Shame)--and that they should not
*id any shame in going down the area steps, and sharing the
'perquisites of grea.se and lard with
BtuhpepoCo3oek,
t laughterlGarrdeaatnd grease
cook.—(Great
e ( sand cheers.) -You all recollect,
alebate—(yes, yes)—that celebrated night when the great
landed proprietors of this country came out in such glorious
and distinguished characters. lam not surprised to find that
genuine Englishmen, wearing
sagacity coronets, should be heartily
ashamed of this kind of conflict, and who have
'enough to see that if theeristocracy is to be preserved in any
laf its privileges, it cannot be preserved so long as it attempts
'o maintain the bread-tax.: Now, I think the reason we have
preserved our aristocracy in its ancient privileges longer
Shan in any other country, is simply because there
lave always been found a select few, like the late Lord
Durham, like Earl Grey in by-gone times, like the Russells
5n all times—(Loud cheers)—who have always stood out
From their order immediately the people unfurled their banner
even in the face of their own order, provided only justice and
wound principles were inscribed on it, and that the object of
she movement was to obtain the legitimate and constitutional
lights of the people.—(Loud cheers.) It is such men as the
Itadnors, the Fitzwilliams, the Greys, the Russells, and the
licirs it iielk U ..• e aristocracy of this country. We
are 1 6rorlein a .;1 as I told my friends at Bath, the
Maga
?' ' tion. I never despaired of our
s. i it..o& ,1..
.T.,....
.up,.
„I:1 1,,, F--, of the League could go into a
ric.

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