The Sun.
London, England, 1844-01-06 00:00:00

SPIRIT of the PUBLIC JOURNAL S

FR'33( THE DAILY PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
TIMES.—The news from India is calculate t
to excite, rather than gratify, curiosity. Dis-
sensions, overt and apprehended, treasona sus-
pected and punished, in Lahore; the collection
of one large army at Agra, the meditated pro-
gress of the Governor-General to the Suilej at um
head of another; and his provision for the adm:;,-
nistration of Bengal during his absence—all theset
indicate, if not Zdetermination to carry war into.
the Punjaub, at least a conviction that a war,
Must ensue, sooner or later, in that country, and_
that it is necessary to meet it with promptitude,.
1
Vigour, and decision. We have hitherto de-1
nonnced all unneceEsary invasions as unjust anti.
immoral. In the case of India, they might also.
be with truth condemned as most intl.olitic. The.
vast number of nations already subject to us.
between the Indus and the Burhampooter, .-en-
ders an accession of em; ire at once oner.sus
and hazardous. We would prefer svci ig
the British possessions confined within the tr
present limits to obtaining an ex tensio n
of territory at the cost of justice, good faith:,
or the- welfitre of the natives. But poll
necessity is a stern and rigid despot..
She disregards scrupulousness; she net:ides eau-
tion. Inflexible in purpose, and rapid in her
execution, yet shy is neither capricious nor wan-
tonly unjust. She balances the good against this
evil ; and though she may sometimes be re- •
proached with doing a little wrong in order to
compass a great right, she oftener waves a secur-
ing right to obtain a real and lasting good. Sher
discountenances arbitrary aggression and preda-
tory conquests; but she still further discounte-
nances the indifference which provokes contempt,
and the tranquillity which hoards up insult and
war fin a future day. What has been the history
of our Indian possessions ? Has it not been a
continuous series of involuntary acquisitions?
Have we not been betrayed into hostilities by
treachery or violence ; from collision gained ter-
ritory 'and power; from success in the field formed
profitable and honourable alliances; and on our
pacific relations laid the foundations of g; eater
glory and greater power ? Those who at first
courted us from tear have turned against us
in perfidy; and those whom we subdued once
were lulled by our moderation into a disbelief of
our resources and a contempt of our daring;
until, in self-defence, we were compelled to cas-
tigate perfidious friends, or to coerce rash and
unprovoked enemies. From allies and con-
querors we became masters ; and those who
fOund themselves neighbours to a new and grow-
ing dynasty invoked our assistance, and submitted
themselves to our protection. The same cycle of
treachery, aggression, and temerity was again re-
peated ; and at last, despise our sure protest, from
a slip of ground on the coast of Madras, we ac-
quired the empire of Hindostan. But the con-
quests which have been achieved may enforce the
necessity of future acquisitions. The elements of
internal weakness will hardly be confined to one or
two particular States ; and the helplessness which
has suggested,or the misfortunes which have com-
pelled, previous submissions to the British Go-
vernment, • may render future submission in-
evitable. In the States which have retained, or
seem to retain, their independence up to the
present. time, causes may now be operating no
lesS forcible than those which dethroned the
Nabob of Bengal, and degraded the Monarch of
Delhi into a glittering appendage of Saxon do-
mination. And if these causes be already at
work—if at Lahore the Minister is.vieWed with
jealousy and hatred—if another revolUtiottiS ap-
prehended, which to the suddenness of the
former one may add the atrocities of greater
bloodshed and the perils of further change—if
already the inhabitants are flying fbr security
into the British territory —if at Peshawur
there is dread of an Affghan invasion—if
in Sinde a savage insurrection is apprehended
from a halt-conquered people—if at Gwalior
are felt -the embarrassments and the per-
plexities which have never failed to hamper
the minority of an Eastern despotism—if
all these elements of trouble are at work in the
independent States, we do not see how they can
otherwise than re-act upon those which are
either allied or tributary to us. Sooner or later
the flame of discord must burst forth ; nor will
the danger of the conflagration be confined to
the scene of its origin. To be prepared, then, is
not only wise, as against any danger; but it is
at once wise and merciful to make such prepa-
rations as will defend our Indian possessions from
the insolence of rash aggression, and, if they do
not succeed in preventing a war in the north-
western parts, will at least succeed in bringing that
war loan honourable and happy termination. We
do not desire for this country territorial aggran-
dizement; but when we look to the condition of
the native population of India—when we content-
plate what may be done—much more, alas! than
that which has been done—by bringing them in
contact with English habits, opinions, and sen-
timents—by emancipating them from the yoke
of caste, from the mock servility to their pageant
Princes, from the tyranny of exaction, and from
the spoliation of usury—when we see the poor
inhabitants of a troubled district running for se-
curity into the EngliSh possessions, as into a
place of safe refuge—we certainly do recognise,
not only the State policy, but we may even call
it, the social philanthropy of those demonstra-
tions which are intended to repress insurgent
Ameers, to control the Court of Lahore, amid to
intimidate the successors of Scindia, by a bold-
ness and a vigour such as wrenched the sceptre
from the hand of Surajah Dowlah, stemmed the
might of Hyder Ali, and crushed the marauding
violence of the Mahrattas.

CHRONICLE—An able aml well-timed
parnPlll-,e't has just been published by Ridgway,
until of "What is to be done? or, Pre-
sent,. Past, and Future." The question is one
that the whole kiogdoin is beginning to ask. We
firmly believe that no five minutes' conversation
on public affairs takes place in any part of the
empire without its occurrence. No year within
the memory of this generation has opened upon a
mass of political embarrassments so intricate, so
dangerous, so perplexing, as those which now sur-
round and menace the Government of the
country. It is a time for hearing any man who
can give a word of seasonable advice; and the
writer of the pamphlet before us, whoever he
may be, is evidently qualified, by knowledge,
sagacity, and earnestness, to give counsel worthy
of attention. His work displays an intimate
knowledge of the politics of the last twenty
years; the style is brilliant and forcible, and
the matter so abundant that it would supply
themes fin• many articles. He treats first of
men, and then of measures. This is the right
order at such a time as the present. When
the crisis is sharp, and life is in peril, the
first question must be, who is qualified to pre-
scribe ?—who has shown the capacity to cure?
Morever, it is an indispensable part of prudence,
' in such cases, to inquire what each set of men
professes to do, what it has always been trying
•to do, and what it has successfully done ? After
some remarks On the break-up of the old Tory
party in 1827, and of the singularly unsuccessful
Administration of the Duke of Wellington, the
author of the pamphlet sketches the history of
the memorable ten years of Whig Government.
lie describes, briefly and fairly, the unequalled
combination of great measures by which that
period was distinguished, and in doing so recalls
much which, with the proverbially easy oblivion
of benefits received, men have been too ready to
forget. Assuredly no other Ministry ever took
its place in history with so splendid a series of
legislative triumphs. Tosay nothing ofthe repeal
of the Test and Corporation Acts, or of Catholic
Emancipation, which were virtually carried by
the same party, when in opposition, against the
will of the Tory Government, we had Parlia-
mentary reforms—abolition of slavery—munici-
pal reform—the establishment of national edu-
cation in Ireland, and its commencement in
England—English and Irish Church reforms—
punishment of death reforms—poor-law reform
—postage refbrm—law reforms—pension-list re-
forms—abolition of sinecures—diminution of
placemen and patronage—reduction of seven
millions of taxes, leaving, on the whole, a ba-
lance of surplus revenue over expenditure, and,
when large necessary expenditure for a time
destroyed that surplus, an attempted taxation
reform, involving the abolition of all monopolies
and protections. I; early every one of these
reforms brought the Government into hosti-
lity with some corrupt interest; and, by con-
tinual collision, it grew weaker from day to
day. The feelings connected with private in-
terests are more constant, intense, and effec-

tive in their operation, than those arising
from public benefits; and every year of Whig
Government added to the number of those
who had the strongest reasons to wish, and
scheme, and struggle for its downfal. Mean-
while the popular enthusiasm, which had floated
the Reform Bill over every obstacle, was ebbing
away, and the old Tory interests were emerging
from the tide, and gaining prominence daily.
At length the Tory Government was restored by
the grand coalition of monopoly interests, which
defeated the Whig bud!,,et. But what it, and
what is its position ? The author of the pam-
phlet gives a masterly answer to this question.
He commences with a felicitous portrait of Sir
Robert Peel, which will be found elsewhere, and
every trait of which deserves the attentive con-
sideration of those who feel the least interest in
the character of the Governmept. He then goes

S IT

‘c ~::: i--,•',-Alf fa...-
on, and makes good every al , itkiti;_th ,:„ 0:4'51,::. 9-4
by proofs in detail, which, • jogp-siirt., **4'. ~, I,
amount to a demonstration, ab 6 ::Iy;11-5.ii1:,.:-/c-1
of the essentially unstatesma ik'-sl.r.q:er..- ,•
the Prime Minister, We can x; upasi 49 y
S
any stupidity so opaque, a s 4ti etly:l .Prerl I
judice so callous to unwelcome impression, or
any subtlety of evasion so refined, as to blunt
the edge or resist the force of this calm and
logical exposition. We recommend a careful
perusal of it to all Members of Parliament, as
a preparation to the discussions on the address.
But what is the main source of weakness in the
present Government? it lies in the tiict that
the Government is, from its party posi,ion and
history, even if not—which may be doubted--
from inclination, stationary and repressive, while
the public mind i,; advancing. The Whig Go-
vernment showed itself fully cognizant of the
wants of the time. It might not have advanced
as fast as many wished, but its movement was
onward, and its principles were those of pro-
gression. It gave the great example of a
progiTssive Administration, and su created
a prayerful public opinion, which will not
be content with a Government that is not
progrt ssive. The old vessel, which wily
moved by tacking right and left, as
the win is of party blew, Low feels tile applica-
tm of a novel and tremendous power. The
Cap!ain, in despite of a mutinous crew, tries to
shape his course according to the new circum-
stance, but he either does not know how, or is
not permitted to adapt himself to the unusual
but irresistible impulse. It is evident that a new
bead and new hands are necessary to avert ship-
wreck. The management of public opinion has
I become, what the management of the House of
%Commons was formerly, an art of primary im-
portance to every Government. But how is it
poosible that this eminently active and expan-
sive principle should ally itself with the inert
policy of such a Cabinet as the present ?
How is it possible that a man like Sir
Robert Peel, who has spent his life in short-
sighted endeavours to prevent the inevitable
triumphs of public opinion a man whose
chief title to be historically remembered
is derived from a series of tardy and reluctant
submissions to its imperative demands—should
now, at the elevetth hour, evince the skill and
mental ascendancy necessary to guide the move-
ment by which he has been hitherto so igno-
miniously driven? No such moral miracle-can
he looked fir. The Premier will still be the
same football of fortathe that he has been. The
direction in which he may be thina next will de-
pend up in the quarter from which the strongest
uoptilne may be given. z...rpfseescuons to puohe
opinion he is very likely to make ; but they will
be made when they have lost the power to con-
ciliate, and can accomplish no end but to irritate
the passions of the party to isi%om concessions
are a loss, and heighten the demands and expec-
rations of those who receive them, not with gra•
titnde, but with contemptuous triumph. A Mi-
nister like this was not born to set right times so
much out of joint as the present. He is not the
man to tell us " What is to be done ?"
POST.—We have, during the past year, con-
tinually, emphatically, declared our opinion, that
Sir Robert Peel has based his Government on a
wrong principle; he has based it on the fears of
the timid, not on the hopes of the courageous—
on the indifferentism of the worldly-minded, not
on the generosity of the high-hearted—on all
the low and some of the respectable feelings, not
on the high and ennobling virtues of mankind.
Sprung., as he himself boasts, from the middle
classes, the mean, thought it often be the mean
between right and wrong, is ever to him the
happy mean ; neither high nor low, hot nor
cold, approving nor condemning, he has fixed
his Government on the moderate opinions of the
moderate portion of the middle classes, and there
" Content to dwell in decencies for ever,"

.te and it remain. In the meantime the princi-
ples, opinion►, and aspirations of his supporters
are to be examined, and as they are to be found
in the highest and lowest, as well as the middle
classes, it is of the first importance to discover
whether the middle class basis he has adopted
finds favour in their eyes or not. It is our belief
that it does tint. It pleases neither the aristo-
cracy nor the people ; and an English Govern-
ment in these days should aim at pleasing both,
and benefiting the one through the medium of
the other. In sayir+g• this, we arc far from wish-
ing a return to the Virhig oligarchy established
at the Revolution, nut are we anxious to see
men of high birth or rank invested with office,
simply on that account ; but we are anxious to
see more deference paid to the opinions of the
natural leaders of the people, a greater desire
shown to consult their advice, and less to follow
thatof their vulgar enviers, than we have been able
to detect in the proceedings of Sir It. Peel's
firovernment. It may, perhaps, be said that we
are arguing on wrong data ; that the aristo-
cracy is well pleased with the Government, and
that the House of Lords has passed all its mea-
sures with overwhelming majorities. True, the
majorities may be as large, I.r nearly so, as they
were before ; but where are the energy and en-
thusiasm that render those majorities really
triumphant? Though a thousand causes con-
nected with private friendship and public duty
may keep under any open expression of disap-
probation, will any one venture to say that the
feeling of at least one-half of the House of Lards:
is strongly and heartily in favour of Sir Robert
Peel and his Government? The contrary is too.
notoriously the case. But is the matter mended
as we descend the scale ? By no means. The
rural aristocracy is, if possib!e, more alienated
from the Ministry than are the nobles; the
representatives of the country gentlemen iu
Parliament have done nothing hut grumble
and complain—after a very lame and im-
potent fashion, we confess—since the Mi-
nister first propounded his commercial schemes.
Every club has resounded wilt their expres-
sions of discontent, and the Carlton, last sum-
mer, was a hot-bed of sedition. Indeed,.
always excepting the middle classes, it would be
difficult to mention any great division in the
country with which the Ministry can be said Lo
be in favour. The Church, which embraces all,
and to \dile!' we Shall devote a separate article,
regards Sir H. Peel with distrust; and the lower
classes are loud in their complaint that no prac-
tical relief has been afforded to them. They
deserted and discarded the Whigs because,
talking loudly and promising much, the Whigs
did practically nothing for them; and it now
behoves the Tories to take care, lest, failings
in a similar manner, a similar fate await alga.
It is vain to aay that the Whigs were turned
of office, not because their• principles were
wrong, but because they skilled not to carry them
conveniently into practice; they fell bemuse,
professing democratic principles, they acted for
the benefit of an oligarchy, and gave way to the
Tories in order that they, professing Royalist
principles, might act for the benefit of the
people. We see, to say the least of it, a dispo-
sition in men in power, and their more imme-
diate followers, to profess the same abstract
principles of governing as their predecessors,
and, believing those principles to be essentially
wrong, we continue to give them our hearty op-
position. We are confident that if anything can
save this country, it is, under God, a recurrence
to those sounder, more humane, more Christian
principles which guided our forefathers; and .we
shall ever be ready to help and urge on. those
who are not afraid or ashamed to plant the old
Tory standard in the ground, and under its folds
to fight the battle out. There is energy enough,
enough of patriotism, enough of religion, to
render the fight hopeful ; and the gentlemen of
England—those, at least, who will engage in it
—have the glorious satisfaction of knowing that
if they succeed, they rescue not only the
Monarch froth degradation, and themselves from
contempt, but the poor and oppressed people of
England from the harsh and grinding tyranny
of a sensual, heartless, and ignoble plutocracy.

STANDARD.—THE REVENUE.—The Reve-
nue for the Quarter and Financial Year, ending
to-day will be made up this evening, and we
rejoice in being able to state, that from the
accounts already received, it is likely to show
an increase on the quarter, as compared
with the corresponding quarter of last
year, and on the year a considerable
increase. In the important item of Excise
on the year there is, we believe, an increase
of about 400,0001. The Customs also, we under-
stand, will exhibit an increase on the year of
nearly half a million. In the Stamps there is a
small decrease on the quarter. The Property
and Income-tax remains much the same,
averaging something more than 1,260,0001. the
quarter. In the Assessed Taxes a slight decrease
is anticipated. The Post-office returns, it is ex-
pected, will not materially differ from former
quarters; and the returns from the other
branches of the revenue are considered to be
satistlictory. On the whole, the aspect of the
revenue for the last year is most gratifying. It
shows a gradual increase in the trade and corn-
fierce of the country, and will, we believe,
exhibit a surplus. The revenue for the year
ending to-day will, it is confidently expected,
nt the
exact the expenditure of the country;
public departments have not
returns from the
says the Herald,
exact amount is not yet known, as some o f the
e
yet been completed.
rilttimonay irnetloievNevl"ich the excellent
ahe Causes of Distress and Sys-
the Foreign and Colo.
articlee 1111 ti°epoßColonisation," in