The Sun.
London, England, 1828-09-30 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF Tilt LONDON JOURNALS.

We suppose that whatever ingenuity may be
shown by Ministers in excusing the paltry policy
which they have adopted for some months past
towards Portugal, their most daring. partisans
will not affirm, that it has been such as to raise
the character of England, to increase the num.
ber or improve the quality of her friends in fo-
reign countries, or to retlder her less liable to
insult or outrage from her enemies; When the
meanest quibble :could be. fastened upon, of a
nature to tie up the -hands of Great Britain, and
to encourage Don Miguel and his creatures to
the worst extravagancies of persecution anti re-
venge against the deserted advocates of the Por-
sugu6e charter, the opportunity was never lost.
Every thing that the English Ministers could do
was accomplished with unblushing eagerness,
for so shaping and steering the course of their
policy, as that both their acting and their omit-
ting to act should tend to advance the cause of
usurpation--gilt and sweetened as was that offen-
sive pill by its alliance with unmitigated despo-
tism, But among the untoward effects of this
liptern, one there was upon which the authors
of it did. not, apparently, calculate. They set
at nought, it is true, the opinions of the more
Enlightened and spirited of their own countrymen ; '
but they (lid not expect what seems to have hap-
peneds:--that their motives would be vilified by the
very culprits whom they served, and their passive
conduct towards the person and Government of
Miguel imputed not to a conscientious respect
for his right to become a traitor and a perjurer,
but to the mere force of abject impotence,- Which
Made them tremble at the notion of being com-
promised With-even the basest - and most despi-
cable wretch that 'has dishonoured, in our times,
the. criminal history of Europe. The feelings
entertained for this subservient Cabinet by the
tyrant whose suecess it so glaringly promoted,
might be judged almost from the day on which
he got possession of the Crown. His seizure
of Sir J. Doyle and Mr. Young was a charac-
teristic return for the encomium pasSed by L(.) d
Aberdeen on the friendship of the Miguel party
towards the British nation. That the outrage
offered to English dignity by this wanton attack
upon the.persons of our countrymen produced
itt first its full effect upon the people of England,
is plain from the earnest applications to Lord
Aberdeen to learn what steps had been taken by
his Lordship for the release of his fellow-sub-
jects. The answer of the noble Lord was an as-
surance that the . British Government hid re-
monstrated successfully with the faction in power
at Lisbon,
.and that they would be immediately,
if they were not then, set at liberty. But the
prisoners were put on their trial for no of-
fencel. acquitted as a matter of course ; and as
a matter of course remanded again to prison.
They -were long afterwards let loose ; but
in what condition ? Were they in any manlier
indemnified for their false imprisonment and un-
merited sufferings ? Was the honour of the Bri-
tish Crown appeased hyduesubmission and atone-
ment ? The time has been when, at the first
rumour that an Englishman had been trampled
on by a foreign tyrant, an Admiral with a squad-
ron would hale spread his canvass before a single
night-watch had been set, and, anchoring in the ,
Tagus, would have demanded the bodies of his ,
fellow-citizens, or the head of the Minister who ,
insulted them ; but from the moment that any
danger arose to British subjects in this late Por-
tuguese convulsion, they have had no protection
from the guns or flag of England. In some late
eases, the subjects of King George have owed
their safety to oflieers of the• French monarch.
Is not that sufficient inortifieadon-"?; It cannot
then be wondered at that Miguel'andhis-monks
should try how far the forbearance or the apathy
of England, under injury, will` sanction their at-
tempts upon the person and property of her un-
offending citizens. It appears from the last- ac-
counts, that Lord Aberdeen is again bearded by
a series of acts of atrocious violence at Oporto,
where no less than six British subjects have been
proscribed by name, their properties 010 seated,
and their persons hunted These are merchants,
men in affluent circumstances, and accused of
meddling in politics—a charge which before an
Apostolical tribunal would be held as " proven" :
by a word or a look. We ask, then, once for
all—will time Ministers stir, or will they not, to ,
protect their fellow-subjects, or to avenge them?
There is indeed a point of humiliation from
which men who have attained it can fall no
lower ; but the country is not yet prostrate.—
Times.

Parties are often thrown into apparent inconr
sistencieS, by pursuing the plainest road which
the exigencies of their affairs point out to them.
There is now a contest preparing in, Ireland for
the
return of a representative Peer. Lord
-.-11glesey strongly recommends and supports
Lord Dunally, who. has always been a friend to
emancipation. The Brunswickers have set up a
counter candidate • the
in person of Lord Castle-
maine, a violent
opposeru of the Catholics.. Thus
are the Catholics, one hand, requiring pledges
from their candidates
s in the House of Commons
to oppose the Government of the Duke of '‘'Vr
el--
lington, while the Oramngheoineisn (1)110)11)ose the House
of Lords' candidate,
CatholicsAnated by the.
Government which the
determination oithe .
assembly
i part
condemn.
That there is a strong
is, We believe,
of Government to put down any which 1
attempts a breach of the peace,
unquestionable, and:t9t that we cannot blame
them. Tumultuous and multitudinous vio-
lence is of.: all 'modes of tyranny the most
dreadful ; fOr with it , no reform of law can
be', .executed, no authority enforced, no right
can be exercised, and 'no liberty
.establish-
ed. That the Catholic peasants of the south
have exhibited themselves in an array so for-
midable, is a fact as much to be deplored as
the causes which led to it have been, on the part
of the Catholic Association, ntiaVoldable.' ''The
Catholic gentlemen, having no wish to act un-
constitutionally, had no means of action. but
_through the mind of their community. It ,is in-
6-Mental to all great masses of men to have their
passions
ss
wrongs.' The Catholic A ' '• - lOng•
ociators ago
had the power been in
tranquillized the country, by procuring'
of emancipation. The , a bill
progress of excitement
has been commensurate with the duration
of the' evil whose removal ' - -
was sought for;
and the Catholic leaders, under
- the. pres-
sure of that evil, are nut responsible,. but the
authors ofit are so, for an ay dise • .
lies which it may
produce in the moral temperaineat of the coun-
try. They are now most strenuously and laudably
exerting themselves to cairn down the fertnenta-
tion of the popular spirit. They are aware,
although the peasantry may not be so, that their
surest path to success is by the employment of
lawful powers, which they can wieldirresistibl -
)
against their Orange ePlionents;. and if the un-
happy peasantry .cannot,eautent themselves with
the advantage derivable from, the same legitimate.
sources, the terrible consequences must be upon

their own heads—since, at all events, and at all
hazards, with a view to all the most solid irate-,
rests of society, life and property must be pro-
tected, and the 'violators of the public peace,
whether Orange yeoman or Catholic peasant,
must be crushed.—lbid.

The report of the blockade of the Dardanelles
gains more and more credit ; and it is affirmed
that a notification of it has been made to our
Governmet.t. That this measure will be ex-
tremely unpalateable to commercial men, is .be-
yond a doubt. However, as in these days of
the march of mind, it is deemed unseemly in
Governments to object to a measure merely be-
cause they dislike it, the publicists are at a loss
to know on what ground England, which has
hitherto persisted in her Blockade Law, can de-
part from it at this particular time. Having
admitted tacitly the right of the Emperor of
Russia to prosecute; at the same time, the two
objects of carrying into effect the Treaty of the
6th July jointly with us and France, and making
war on his own separate account against Turkey,
we cannot with a good grace object to his avail-
ing himself of all means of injuring that Power.
The argument that it is unfair to blockade the

Dardanelles, because England and France,. in
conjunction with Russia, have destroyed the
Turkish fleet, and thereby be made instrumental in
giving Russia an advantage over Turkey, would
apply to the war in all its extent, and not merely to
this particular blockade. If this argument be
worth any thing, it should have been urged when
the Russians commenced the war, because the
question has not changed its character since that
time. We may indeed say, that as we'did not
contemplate a separate war between RuSsia and
Turkey when we concluded the Treaty of the
6th of July, and the effect of that Treaty has
been to give Russia an advantage over Turkey
which it was not intended by us she should
have, we will no longer consider ourselves bound
by the Treaty, but withdraw our force. Russia
cannot, of course, object to this. But 'further
we cannot go without admitting that we were
deficient when the Russians issued their Decla-
ration of War, and leaving .it to be implied that
We do--”ot-object to the blockade on the prin-
ciple of having a right, under the Treaty of 'the
6th of July, to see that Russia derive no ad-
vantage from it in:her separate war (for such ad-
vantage she has derived from the commencement
of hostilities), but because the blockade inter-
feres with our own commerce. On thislast
around we cannot stand without abandoning our
Blockade Law, because the extent of the com-
merce cut off does not affect the principle.—
Morning Chronicle.
The ordering of an additional fOrce to Ireland
has led some people to suspect that projects are
entertained by the Duke of Wellington by no'
means in accordance with the views which have,
of late, been generally attributed to him. The
Duke has, indeed, been all along any thing but
communicative, with respect to his mtenttons.
His public declarations reduce themselves to one
speech, composed of some very heterogeneous
propositions ; but of which the leaning was, upon
the whole, supposed to be in favour of concilia-
tion. However, observations had occasionally
dropped from. his Grace, in conversation, indi-
cative of a disposition to come to an arrange-
ment with the Catholics ; and these observations
served like tradition to supply the deficiencies of
Scripture. We are now, • however, with his
Grace, somewhat in the case of a lover, who
having been. led to conceive himself highly fa-
voured, on' perceiving some equivocal symptoms
is his mistress,: begins to task 4isjecollectiou,
With a view to recal, if possible, the various cir-
cumstances on which he founded his hopes. The
Duke certainly has been coquetting with the
Catholics; but if he be disposed to jilt them, we
suspect it would be difficult to fasten a positive
charge of bad faith against him. There are
some who even go the length of saying that the
appearance of a friendly feeling towards the Ca-
tholics was a manteuvre, to draw out the Orange-
men and the Church party, in order that he
might have in their array the pretext, that
though he himself saw no objection to conces-
sion, yet, as so decided a hostility was mani-
fested, he could not' consider himself warranted
in compromising the peace of the country by
making the attempt Under such circumstances.
We are not sufficiently acquainted with the per-
sonal character of his Grace to be able to form
any conjecture of our own how far he is likely
to act on such Machiavelian principles. Nei-
ther can we form any conjecture how far he is
likely to. have espoused the system on which the
English have always acted hitherto in Ireland,
namely, the taking advantage of pretexts, which
are always to be found in the state of that coun-
try, for cUttingdOwn the population. A cold-.
blooded man .might say to himself, . there are
two ways of quieting Ireland—one, that of
conciliation, folloWed up by vigorous and
searching measures by which the Aristocracy
would be compelled to do justice to the
people—another, that of intimidation. The
former I find inconvenient at present. To
strike a terror in the Catholics, I must precipitate.
then into insurrection, when the horrors of mili-
tary executions will effectually rid
.the existing'
generation at least of all disposition to effectuate
their liberation by force. If violence is to be
used, a time of peace is the most convenient ;
for, without foreign aid no resistance can be
.offered, while, were a French army once to set
foot in Ireland, that country would in all proba,
bilitY-beifost 'for ever. Ireland has great ad,
'vantages" over England for defensive warfare,
(coin the
very want of occupation. of the. people.
England is stronger in foreign than in .domestic
war ; because the industry which enables her to
maintain well appointed armies, confines her
military means to those
armies. Hence, from
,the general occupation of the inhabitants, when
there is no regular force in the way, a very small
number of troops have overrun the country. The
small army of King William, in 1688, was not
joined for three days, till it was seen that it was
likely to keep its ground. That Revolution,
according to Sir John Dalrymple, was nearly
.entangled tuem.
frustrated in a short time, by the departure of
three Scotch Regiments to their own
iu
coun-
try ; fortuiFiaeticilyc,otuhar;,.
Several times
since b slillit', thedfuls of armed men have nearly over-
turned the Government. But were Ireland to be
once armed, such a numerous militia could be
paid armies
obtained from a population employed only a few
weeks in. the year,
at a small sacrifice, as Would
be far' more than a match
.forthe
of England. The steam-boats., ,and other fac..l-:
lities of conveyance possessed -by England,
would be of no further advantage than to enable
her to convey her paid forces to
England can only fight by regulars. It pos,
sible that such cold-blooded calculations, aided
by an apprehension for the' revenues of the
Church of Ireland (for -religion .meatia money
.with the 'Aristocracy of this country), only enter
the head of an unscrupulous man, - A more ab-

surd, as well as wicked policy, could not, how-
ever, be possibly embraced. Wicked. as it is,
we are confident it is the policy on which a large
portion of those who now form Brunswick Clubs
found their hopes. We wish, however, to think
better of the Duke of Wellington than that he
would go down to the grave with such a load of
guilt on his conscience, even though incurred in
behalf of Church revenues.—lbid.

A great, and, as we think, a very unneces-
sary fuss seems to be making about .the arrival
of the Portuguese Princess, Maria da Gloria,
in this country. That she should be received
with the hospitality due to the member of a 'fa-
mily with whom this country has been so long
in close alliance is reasonable enough ; but, to
say nothing of the apparent absurdity of paying
homage and regal honours to a child of ten years
of age, it seems to carry with it, in the present
state of aflltirs, a departure from that wise system
of neutrality which the Duke of Wellington has
hitherto adopted. • It is but the other day that
Miguel was among us, receiving the same
homage, and pledging us eternal friendship in
return ; and now the same tongues and pens
which were lauding him to the skies can .hardly
find language strong enough to describe their
altered feelings towards him, or his altered feel-
ings towards us. It does not follow, to be sure,
that his niece-will imbibe or act upon the prin-
ciples he has adopted ; as yet she is not of an
age to have any political principles of her own ;
but it should at any rate be remembered that, as
far as we yet know, she is the destined bride of
Don Miguel; raid, as 'such, it does not, per-
haps, very much become Ub to begin by inocu-
lating her »A:int.-mind with tenets of conjugal
disobedience,-which would be the case if her af-
fianced lord and master is to be pictured and
held up to her as a violater of oaths and treaties.
—But what we are anxious to impress upon
the British public is, . that her coming here
neither is, nor ought to be made:a matter of the
slightest moment. Mr. Canning, no doubt,
would have looked upon her arrival as a matter
of prodigious importance, and would have been
proud beyond measure to have had a Queen
" the nursing mother" of his. Portuguese Con-
stitution. But the folly of constitutionalising
Portugal has, We believe, died with its author
The people of England have long seen that mat-
ter' in its true light , and the Duke of Welling-
ton, if we mistake not, echoes and falls in with
public opinion upon the occasion. That the
young Queen, or Princess, then, whichever she
may be, May receive every degree of attention
and hospitality due to her rank, and Our ancient
connexion with. her family, we heartily desire,
but there we trust the matter will stop. N't, hat
her future destiny may be, is no concern of
our's, nor need we trouble ourselves about it ;
above all, we trust that nothing so ludicrous
will take place, as to see her residence here made
the focus of intrigues by those who have proved.
incontestably that whatever their powers in the
closet may be, they have neither the courage nor
the patriotism to strike a blow in favour of the
cause which they are so loud in professing to
espouse.—Morning Herald.
Religious clubs, called Brunswick Clubs, kip:
pear to be coining into fashion. They corn—
menced in Ireland, and are beginning in Eng-
land. This was to be expected. It was not
likely that the Protestants would quietly look on
the proceedings of the Catholic Club in Dublin
and at the clubs emanating from it, nor while Mr.
Lawless was establishing clubs in the North of
Ireland,..: The Catholics of Ireland and London
first. began the system; the Protestants, are only
imitating them. It must be admittted . that the
Catholics had cause for the erection. of clubs—
' for they are deprived of the liberty of sitting in
Parliament, or of filling the high offices of the
State. Whether it would be prudent to email--
.
opate them from such exclusion we would leave
to the determination of the clergy of the Church
of England, for the great danger to be appre-
hended from letting the Catholics into Parlia-
ment is, lest their Church, which certainly has
complete hold of its floCk, should gain ground
in England, and become of such strength that
an effort might be made either to fasten another
church upon the State, or attempt to divide the
tithes with the Church of England. Now no
Church of England man, or Methodist, or any
other sectary, would like to be taxed to pay a
Catholic. Clergyman. There would, in such
case, therefore, be a contest between the Catlio-
lics and Protestants as to whether the Protest-
ants should be taxed .to pay the Catholic clergy ;
and if the Protestants should bet the better, after
perhaps a contest, the next thing the Catholic
clergy would essay would be to divide the tithes
with our clergy. John Bull would very likely
look calmly on, we know the Methodists and
other Dissenters would, especially the Quakers,.
Now, if Emancipation were granted, and the
Catholic and Church of England clergy were to
enter into a contest • respecting tithes, the
peace of the nation might be disturbed, and
by possibility revolution and civil war'be the con-
sequence. These are the dangers to he appre-
hended from the granting Catholics emancipa-
tion. •As to what Messrs. Sheil, O'Gorman,
and others say respecting the danger to be ap-
prehended to the United Kingdom by the non-
admission of Catholics to Parliament and place,
we do not credit it, more especially when Mr.
O'Connell has' repeatedly said that he and the
Catholic .AsSociation will keep the seven mil-
lions quiet.: Some say, put an end. to the
Association, and- pmceed against Messrs.
O'Connell, Shell, 'arid: others for high treason.
We can see no reason • for this : 'so long
as . Messrs. O'Connell, Sheil and the Catholic
Association, keep Ireland quiet, what more could
our Government.wish ? So long as the Asso-
ciation preserves the peace of Ireland, so long
would it be, the height of folly for our Govern-
ment to put it down. .At the same time, if the
Government allows Catholic Clubs, so it ought
to allow Protestant Clubs. And if the Protes-
tants choose to call their Clubs Brunswick Clubs,
let them—that name is as good as any other.
The Catholics are making speeches with impu-
nity, we cannot see why the Protestants should
not also make speeches ; we are therefore glad
that Protestant Clubs are being established, and
we hope that a few good speakers will appear at
them, and that they will endeavour to put into
their speeches as little of the common-place mat-
ter as possible. We wish success to the Bruns-
wick Clubs.. We would .reccommend Sir Har-
court Lees to come over to speak at :these meet-
we- could also recommend.. Messrs,
O'Connell, Slieil, O'Gorthan,. LawleSs, and
otherS, to attend, so that the public might bear
the question fairly discussed..-sibid.

Last -week as a gentleman, residing near
Ariiig at a taiget;---Goi) Save the mark !
he unfortunateli-lodged a-hurl-fit in thelthorax of an inno-
cent sheep: which, was- unconsciously nibbling in- an ad-
joining field about twenty yards from the scene of action !
'—Cockneys may shoot pigs with impunity after this.
B ucks Gazette.