The Sun.
London, England, 1828-10-17 00:00:00

SPIRIT OF THE LONDON JOURNALS,

The frequent correspondence with Alexandria
proves to us that the condition of Egypt is improv-
ing. Indeed, all the parts of the warld approach
nearer to each other, through the increased facility of
communication.
Egypt, though at the eastern ex-
tremity of Africa, tuaY now be considered almost as
tomprised in the great family of European States.
Egyptian indigo and flax, it is said, are not saleable
for tots, but only exchangeable, in the way of bar-
saes against cochineal. This is no doubt awkward
-where money is wanted. But what stupidity has
been talked on the subject of barter, as if it were
tl.e mast miserable state of suffering to which a
commercial people could be reduced; whereas, pro-
bably, more than a third of the internal trading con-
, cerns'of this country are conducted, and happily
conducted, by barter ; and the more barter prevails
the better. The butcher supplies the farmer or mil-
ler with his meat, and receives corn or flour in re-
turn, and at Christmas their bills may be about
equal. The tailor clothes the grocer's family, and
the grocer supplies the tailor's kitchen, and but little
money passes between them. Even the landlord's
rent is sometimes in part paid by corn and cattle,
and perhaps a horse or two sold to the squire in the
course of the year. All is barter ! Barter enters
into every transaction I And if there be one into
which barter aloes not enter—if there be one of a
pure exchange between goods and money—it will
ha a ease in which a fundholder, who fabricates
or produces nothing as such, gives money
exclusively to the tradesman or manufacturer
for the goods he receives, out of which
money the said manufacturer or tradesman sa-
sisfiee the demands of those who require money only,
having no need of goods, namely, the collectors of
the King'S or_paroohial taxes. In France, barter is
yet more prevalent; for one part of the realm being
productive of corn, and the other of wine, exchanges
are made, often without even the mention of money,
" I will give you so many tonneaux of wine for so
many hectolitre's of grain." Barter, therefore, is no
calamity ; but;on the contrary a proof of an internal
trade, brisk and active, and productive of comfort
to the degree which it prevails. We have stared
this, because barter is ignorantly and stupidly held
out as some great evil to which we may arrive : it is
our present good and blessing. At the same time
there always ought to be money enough in circula-
tion, and attainable by an easy quantity of labour to
fill tip the chinks which barter leaves behind it in
ommercial transactions. Genoa seems to be im-
proving by its commerce with Alexandria and the
Levant. Ah / poor Genoa, the great statesmen
who attended at the
Congresses at which her con-
cerns were arranged, have much to answer for !
However, one of them, perhaps the most criminal,
has answered already for his offences towards her,
whether they were offences of ignorance and inca-
pacity only, or of a deeper rlye.--=-Times.
The Irish Brunswickers, like-their fellows on this
side of the water, breathe nothing but fire and fury
against thts Catholics, whose most strenuous exer-
tions, on the contrary, are directed to the mainte-
Hance of peace, and to the inculcation upon each
other of the necessity, above all things, for a strict
obedience to the laws. It is as painful to read the
proceedings of the Orange Societies, as it is dis-
creditable to a Christian country to have given them
birth, and disgraceful to the policy of an English
Government to have produced them. The Guild
of Merchants in Dublin, or of nominal merchants,
has long been pre-eminent among factious corpora-
tions for its persecuting and unrelenting spirit. We
find by the report of what took place at a meeting
of this build on Monday last, that a resolution was
agreed to for petitioning, not merely against any
further relief to the Catholics, but also for the dis-
franchisement of the " Popish 40s. freeholders."
The word Popish was afterwards, for decency's
sake, omitted; but with that erasure, the' wise re-
solution was- confirmed by this loyal corporation.
Now it ought to be borne in mind, that those public
men who framed the Catholic Bill of 1793 never
had the most remote idea that, by the establishment
of Catholic 40s. freeholders, they were creat-
ing a body of independent or bona fide elec-
tors. The franchise was extended to 40s. Catho-
lics, because it was not believed that such men
were, Or ever could be, independent—that they
ever could exercise a free choice in the making a
member of Parliament. The scheme was, therefore,
e dishonest one from the outset--a base fraud upon
the best interests of the Constitution ; and it is not
the circumstance of Lord Westmorland being at that
time Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, that will white-
wash the known character of a transaction in all
its parts so profligate arid foul. Then is it to be
endured that the knavery which planned the forty-.
shilling Catholic freehold shall now turn round upon
the unfortunate voter and say to him—" It is true I
always meant you to be the reverse of an upright
freeholder; I created your privilege with a full as-
sarance that you -would, on every occasion, abuse
t ; that you would be a vile slave—a trembling
tool--a pander to the corruption of those on whose
lands you were tolerated;—but you have disap-
pointed the authors of the speculation ; instead of
voting as your landlords pleased, you have done so
as it pleased yourselves;—instead of exercising your
franchise basely, you have used it honestly; you
have chosen representatives for yourselves instead
of for your landlords, and, as a punishment for this
perfidious virtue, you shall never vote again ?" We
do not desire to be understood as affirming that a
freehold of 40s. is the best possible qualification of
a county elector, or that so much income derived
from land, or from any other source, is enough to
make a man independent. We do not pledge
ourselves that if the thing were to do again,
we should concur in the creation of that strange
know
Ireland of freeholders; but most men who ho
that kw
the
Ireland will be ready to acknowledge,
right is too much identified with the notion of
a vested property to permit any sane mind to think
of, at this time, withdrawing it from the people by
a sudden enactment. That the priests have sepa-
rated the 40s. freeholders from their landlords, seems
to us untrue. The priests were bet the instruments
of a power which they were themselves unable to
resist, and which took heavy vengeance on the few
who proved indiscreet enough to oppose it—namely,
the general spirit of the country, which excited the
public mind to a pitch little short of phrensy, for
the redress of a national, not an ecclesiastieal,
wrong. At the same meeting, of which we have
just characterized one of the proceedings, Mr. John
David Latouche, who a few days before had quoted
SO pungently, though to his audience unpalatably, a
sentence from Bishop Burnet, in praise of the libe-
ral principles of King William, got up to protest
against the whole spirit of the resolutions, a; inju-
rious to the rights of their Catholic fellow-subjects,
arid of the Protestants themselves ; but the wretched
creatores began to hiss what they were unable to
answer, as they also did in the instance of Mr. Ness,
another, arid apparently the only other, saber-
minded p„ssaa in the room. Those who talk of
the Catholics being outrageous, insurrectionary, con-
temners of the laws, and so forth, had better take
into their consideration one fact, of an interesting as
well as decided nature, in reference to such charges,
viz. that a gaoler and a single policeman marched a
string of seventeen prisoners, within theie few days,'
throttgh the wildest districts of Tipperary, and with-
out the slightest effort at obstruction from the inha-
bitants, lodged them safely in a prison. We hardly
knoW in what part of England such exemplary obe-
dience to the laws would have been manifested
either by spectators or by prisoners.--Ibid.
The time is now fast approaching when it will be
ascertained how far the men of Kent are willing to
be made the tools of the greedy hypocrites who,
under the mask of a regard for the Protestant Reli-
gion, ars seeking to perpetuate strife and discord
throughout the Empire. We cannot bring ourselves
to believe that so impudent an attempt can be suc-
cessful in the county of Kent. Were the Bruns-
wicker, to gain their object, the name of Kett
would bootne a by-word hroughout the island, and

it might not be amiss in that case to revert to the
old spelling, and call it the county of Cant. We
trust that the well-disposed will see the necessity of
bestirring themselves, to avert such a stigma as the
support of Brunswick Clubs will attach to them.
They should bear in mind that great efforts will be

made by the Orange Lords and Parsons to drag
the wretched creatures under their influence to the
place of meeting. We hope correspondent efforts
will be made by the well-disposed, so that the
friends of the good cause may not be overawed by
a contemptible rabble. Let us keep in mind that
these pretended friends of Reformation principles
are the declared enemies of civil and religious li-
berty ; that the repeal of the laws imposing disabi-
lities on the Protestant Dissenters was not only

opposed in Parliament by the men who formed the
Brunswick Club at Maidstone, but that the loss of
these persecuting laws is made a heavy charge by
the Duke of Newcastle, their Corypheus, against
the Administration of the Duke of Wellington.—
The admission of ten millions of Protestants (for
the Dissenters of England and Scotch Presby-
terians together are rated so high by those who
have the best information on the subject), that
is, double the number of the Members of the
Establishment, is lamented as a great evil by these
men. We hope the Dissenters will I ear this in
mind at the approaching conjunture. The Standard
of yesterday seems to consider it not only no in-
tolerance to subject men to civil disabilities, but that

there is no intolerance short of burning and tortur-
ing. "We deny (says our contemporary) that de-
priving any class of persons,._ be they Roman Ca-
tholicor Protestant, Jew, Islamite, or Gentoo, of
political privileges, which it is supposed they would
abuse, is religious intolerance. It may, or may not
be, political wrong or error; or the contrary, as the
case may be ; but what we call intolerance is burn-
ing people alive, or stretching them on the rack, or
pinching them with thumb-screws, or the other de-
vices of the Inquisition, the League, Queen Mary 1.,
&e., without any pretext whatsoever but their dif-
fering from us in religion. Now, of enormities of
this kind there is no great example in the history of
the Reformers, but that of Calvin aad Servetus (in
which, by the way, the part Calvin took is in gene-
ral much misrepresented), i. e. for almost 300
years (27th Oct. 1553); and no such stain has
rested upon the Church of England since King
James the First, about 1610, burnt a couple of
Arians, contrary to the advice and remonstrance of
the leading Churchmen of the day. We may,
therefore, safely say, that whatever real intolerance
was exhibited by the professors of the principles of
the Reformation was caught from the Church which
they had abandoned, but in which they had been
trained." We are sorry to say, that the principle
of intolerance holds yet its place in almost all the
books received by Protestants as authorities. In the
Larger Catechism of the 'Westminster Assembly of
Divines—an authority with nearly as many Protes-
tants of this Empire as the Common Prayer-book—
" one of the sins forbidden in the Second Com-

mandment" is declared to be the tolerating a false
religion." But if nothing less will serve our contem-
porary than burning and thumb-screws, what does
he think of the thumb-screws and other instruments
of torture made use of under the sanction of the
English Hierarchy in the reign of Charles the Second,
to force the poor Presbyterians to conformity ? We
suppose the fines and imprisonments of the non-con-
formists from the accession of Charles the Second
to the Revolution, 60,000 of whom suffered, accord-
ing to Jeremy White, is no persecution ; and that
the admonitions addressed by Archbishop Sheldon
to the Bishops of his Diocese, to see that the laws
were carried into full effect against them, is a proof
of Christian charity. The Corporation Act, so much
the admiration of the Duke of Newcastle and the
other Brunswickers, was the work of this bright
period of our history, when, according to a great
historian, " the English learned to know and to
detest, as the work of their Priests, all the igno-
miny and all the odiousness of a Secret Police."—

P
Bartholomew Legatt and Thomas Withman were,
as stated by our contemporary, burned for heresy in
1611, but not contrary to the advice of the church-
men; for they were delivered over by the Bishop of
London to the secular power, after having been pro-
ceeded against and sentenced in the Ecclesiastical
Court. But this is not the last case of torture. In
Burton's Diary, vol. 1. p.. 265, we have the follow-
ing naive account of the punishment infl;eted on that
poor creature, James Naylor, the Quaker :—"Dec.
27. This day B. and I were to see Naylor's tongue
bored through, and him marked in the forehead.—
He put out his tongue very willingly, but shrinked.
a little when the iron came upon his forehead. He
was pale when he came out of the pillory, but high-
coloured after tongue-boring. He was bound with
a cord by both arms to the pillory. Rich, the mad
merchant, sat bare at Naylor's fvet all the time.—
Sometimes he sang and cried, and stroked his hair
and face, and kissed his hand, and sucked the fire
out of his forehead. Naylor embraced his execu-
tioner, and behaved himself very handsomely and
politely." But long after this, dreadful severities
were practised. A young man of 18 was, so late
as the reign of King 'William, executed for expres-
sing the opinions which Sir Isaac Newton after-
wards expressed in his famous Letters to Le-Clerc,
and for which, had Sir Isaac been prosecuted, lie
might have shared the same fate. To the accession
of the House of Hanover, which was in fear of the
Church till the last reign, we are indebted for a to-
leration more than to any liberality on the part of the
Establishment. We are now more tolerant and

liberal, because the Laity, both of Protestant and
Catholic Churches, have become refractory. But
the Protestant and Catholic Clergy should take each
other by the hand, and exclaim, like the two dis-
tinguished characters in a well-known play,—
" Brother, brot!o.er, we are both in the wrong !"
—Morning Chronicle.

It is curious to see the Roman Catholic de-
claimers now laying claim to the title of " pacifi-
catory," %, ho had so recently boasted of their exer-
tions in the cause of " glorious agitation." Do they
suppose the public have no memory, and that the
appeals to the physical power of the "seven mil-
lions," which were poured out so abundantly only a
few weeks ago, are already forgotten ? Then the
language of Mr. O'Connell was," I am an agitator"
—" I glory in the name of agitator"—" The Go-
vernment shall have plenty of agitation ;" and such
like expressions, which were re-echoed by every tin-
fledged barrister and aspiring attorney in the Asso-
ciation, who, one and all, declared themselves "
agi-
tators," and nothing but agitators. Now, whom
were they to agitate ? The ig,norant and unreflect-
jug multitude, to be sure. And for what purpose
were they wbe agitated ? Was it to demonstrate
the fury
or the philosophy of a mob ? Their con-
version to peace is as sudden as that of St. Paul
to Christianity,
hut not quite so miraculous.--
Tempora mutanlur et nos mutant or cuni
is an adage that will explain the thing,_
They had been trying the forbearance of Go-
vernment so long, and with such success, that they
at length mistook the patience of the Executive for
the effects of intimidation. But when they came to
that point which would have made any further pas-
siveness on the part of Government a cruel encou-
ragement to popular folly, they were a,toniohed to
discover that they had called forth energy where
they expected to. find nothing but weakness. The
collecting of immense multitudes of men m military
array, under the pretence of reconciling factions, was
evidently a coup de theatre, to impress Government
and the Protestants in general with the appalling
idea of the immense physical force which the " long
talkers" of the Association, if they ever chose to be-
come " warlike," would have it in their power to
lead on. What has been the result of this shallow
attempt at intimidation ? Government have
sent troops and artillery into the excited districts,
and the Protestants throughout England and Ireland
are confederating in Brunswick Clubs. Hence the
fear which converts the champions of agitation into
pacificators.—liarnbig Herald.