The Sun.
London, England, 1845-12-05 00:00:00

" TIT

sidered necessary for the good of the country, and which, as
First Lord of the Treasury, he bad a right to do,
could he not say that if he was hindered.from prosecuting his
own measure, they should seek another minister? He had
not done so, but had called meetings from which nothing
-had resulted. The Times had asserted one thing yesterday
morning, and it was contradicted the same evening by the
Standard, and this morning the Chronicle asserted the state-
ment of the Times to be true, inasmuch as the allegations it
contained were quite consistent with the professions of Sir R.
Peel and the Duke of Wellington. Whose assertion were they
then to believe? If the Duke of Wellington advocates the
repeal of the corn-laws in the House of Lords, while
the Premier advocates it in the Commons, then by
these meetings they were assisting them in their
endeavour, but, if otherwise, they were forwarding
their own views. He wished Sir Robert Peel to remain in
office, because he did many things for them which, with all
their efforts, they would be unable to do themselves. If he
was guilty of neglect of duty they ought to impress it upon
him, and point out to him the necessity of some immediate
remedy. Supposing that Lord John Russell's letter had
not appeared, would the article in the Times have appeared,
or would any change in the views of the Cabinet have taken
place? Cobbett and his assistants had done all in their
power to forward that change, which was undertaken with
the view of benefiting the working classes, and enabling the
industrious man to get his own living.—(Loud applause.)
He knew that from ten to twenty-five per cent. had
been taken off from the wages of the men in the north,
and even now in some of the large manufacturing towns they
were,working short work. Take a bushel of wheat new from
the last harvest, and its quality was such that it would be,
if cleared, two or two-and-a-half pounds lighter than a
bushel from the preceding harvest, and then let them think
what a deficiency that would amount to when spread over
millions of bushels. Let them add to that deficiency the
failure of the potato crop, and what a frightful picture was
there. They heard daily the accounts from Ireland and from
Somersetahire, that the decay was going on to an alarming
extent. He knew a potato-merchant who bad pur-
chased a quantity of potatoes at 6s. per cwt., and
in a short time after he was glad to be able
to sell half of them to the cowkeepers at is. per
cwt iLet them, therefore, impress it on the mind of
Sir Robert Peel, who was the ruling power, and who was
personally responsible to the whole country for his own act,
in case of an impeachment—and such a thing might occur.
He saw that Sir James Duke was smiling, and well he might,
and laugh also, as he knew how tenderly that word was used
in the Houses of Parliament. Supposing that such a thing
was to arise as an impeachment for neglect of duty—a neg-
lect of duty which brought hundreds of his countrymen to
starvation and death—who did they think would be im-
peached? Would it be the Duke of Wellington? No.
Lord Whamcliffe, or the Earl of Ripon ? No ; it would
be the First Lord of the Treasury—the man who had
the nomination of his colleagues, who has, or ought to
have, the whole power of the country in his grasp. Who, he
again asked, was responsible ? Sir R. Peel, who would alone
be looked to for the remedy for a grievance, and who alone
could remedy it. He felt that he had taken up enough of
their time. He would conclude by proposing the resolution,
and saying, that so long as they obtained what they re-
quired, he did not care who got it for them—Sir R. Peel or
any body else.
Mr. BOYLE was then called on to second the resolution. He
said that he was taken quite by surprise. He had come there
more as a looker-on. He was sorry that the task had fallen
upon him, but it was necessary that those in power who
did not do their duty properly should have their neglect
expressed to them. Yet the gentlemen of the ward had
not the boldness to come before the meeting and give ut-
terance to sentiments that he had heard them often express
in private. There should be no question of delicacy which
should hinder them from expressing what they considered
the wants of their country called on them to do. They
knew that in consequence of the increased prices of provi-
sion trade had been paralysed. Many of them knew
that the mills were decreasing in work; the work-
men in consequence were earning less, and could not
afford to spend so much with the tradesmen.
around them. That train of reasoning was simple enough:
It might be that the famine was further off than their fears
had represented it to be, but it was; their duty to prevent
its recurrence at any time. If the Prime Minister was not
quick to do his duty, they should not delay. If Sir Robert
Peel had not been so wedded to party, and had adopted the
simple principle of buying in the cheapest market and selling
in the dearest one, there would have been no necessity for
this meeting. They were all convinced of the neces-
sity of free trade in order to save the country from
ruin. How much better off would the country have
been if those engaged by right in commercial
pursuits bad followed their own business and paid less at-
tention to railways. Had those persons whose offices in the
City entitled them to go into the presence of their Sc-
vereign, done something for the poor instead of attending to
railways the poor would perhaps have been better off.
Sir J. DUKE said that the Corporation of London had
done all in their power to assist the poor and to obtain the
required measures for them.
Mr. BOYLE said that there were splendid reminiscences
connected with the city of London, but the time had passed,
and they bad now become so bad and so degenerate as to
become a by-word and a reproach to all men.—[A round
of continued and loud applause followed this declaration.]
Instead of leading on every great question, they are found
the last They come in after Manchester, Glasgow, and
other minor communities. One's heart throbs while think-
ing of the glorious deeds of old, but now the most they do
is, if a gentleman's character be irreproachable, but because
he differs in some sentiments from them, to expel him from
amongst them, and make an election null and void.—
(Immense applause.) He (Mr. Boyle,) seconded the reso-
lution with the greatest pleasure imaginable. He hoped this
would be the beginning of a change in the ward, tie largest
in London, and that it would take its proper place in leading
on these great questions. When it was thought; that every
luxury we taste, every gem in her Majesty's crown, comes
from abroad; that not a wind that blows but wafts a vessel
laden with the riches of other countries; that this inter-
course has a power to civilise, an effect most desirable,
considering that round the globe the people are from
one great hand and for one great object—(Applause)—
it would be lamentable indeed if the cause of these
laws being continued till now were traced to our
own sun ineoess. If this [ward had done its duty—
if the Corporation of the City of London had done
their duty—they could have compared with pleasure
the glories of former days with the present. They
would, in that case, look upon each Alderman as be passed,
and say, there is a man who spends all his time for the good
of his fellovies,itizens ; did you read his speech ?—(Laughter.)
But, on the other hand, they, the degenerate descendants
of former aldermen are occupied with some trivial matter of
a sewage.--(Applause and laughter.) If they are not car-
ried away with the gold chains, the sword, and other gew-
gaws of office, they would act so as to be entitled to the
name of the of the poor man's friends.—(Applause.)
Richard Cobden, that great man, has borne on the contest
to a victory without the aid of such men as Lord
John Russell or Sir Robert Peel. Is not that
man of genius deserving of being presented with the
freedom of the city of London ?—(Applause.) Why should
Glasgow and Manchester be forward in this, and anticipate
the city of London. If a soldier, who has been fighting
with savages, unknown and unacquainted with the modes
of European warfare—if such a soldier come home, honours
are heaped upon him, snuff-boxes are handed to him, but
such a man as Richard Cobden, who labours to ameliorate
the condition of the people, and to christianize the world,
such a man is passed by.—( He sat down amidst great applause.)
Mr. RICHARD TAYWIL said he had been requested to se-
cond the resolution read and moved; but,having declined, be
just begged to say his reason was, that while he agreed in all
that had been said by the mover and seconder, he could not
agree to censure the ward, or to put Sir Robert Peel in the
position which the resolution puts him in. He thought that
they should speak courteously of our opponents when they were
coming over to the other side. The framer of the resolution
perhaps had not made allowance for opposing forces. Sir R.
Peel has been moving round to free trade, and Lord John
Russell has but lately declared his conversion ; allowance,
therefore, ought to be made for these things. He moved as
an amendment to the former resolution—" That this meeting
expresses its satisfaction with Sir Robert Peel's course in re•
ference to free trade, and begs that, since he has admitted the
scarcity of food, he would advise her Majesty to repeal the
corn-laws, and thus merit the lasting gratitude of the people."
Dr. LYNCH said he had great pleasure in seconding the
resolution as amended. They ought to be thankful to
Sir Robert Peel : he has launched the barque and it is for the
people to waft it along. The intimation made in the Times
is by the same journal affirmed to-day in every circumstance,
therefore they owed a debt of gratitude to Sir Robert Peel.
At such a moment of congratulation it is a pity to hear one
word out of keeping with the spirit of the times. Such hap-
piness is too great indeed, he was afraid, to last long lie
had read an anecdote of a gentleman who went to dine with
a miser, where he had never dined before. After dinner he
rhymed it thus :
" Here we have dined, where we shall dine no more—
Chimneys smoked that never smoked before."
—(Laughter.) In public calamities it is better to try to
prevent than to cure. Sir Robert Peel is trying this. Sir
Robert had the best interests of the country, he believed, at
heart, and would secure them, if the power with whichthe has
to contend be not too great for him; for in all times, ancient
and modern, the power of the British aristocracy of Eng-
land was unequalled ; and their interests were wound up in
in monopoly. But this proud aristocracy, yielding only to
necessities, must yield before the terrible necessity of public
calamity.—(Applause.) Truth and matter of fact reach the
peasant and the prince, the castle and the cottage. He said
he would just give them a few facts. Typhvs fever and pes-
tilence are never out of Ireland. For one hundred years
typhus fever had always accompanied scarcity, and this
scarcity of food in Ireland is never absent. Our
reports on health of towns prove this. Round this
neighbourhood there were hovels and huts. 11l drainage
and sewerage, and if there be a scarcity of food the
people will die, as if the angel of death had breathed upon
them. To make England the emporium of the world, and
make it available to ill, should we not merge their differences
for this noble object ? Sir Robert, the most powerful Mi-
nister ever existing, before whom Pitt sinks into insigni-
ficance, who puts away his sliding-scale when he finds it will
not work, and every consideration natural to a Premier, and
carries the object for which the meeting had come together,
the meeting would be worse than foolish to censure Sir Robert
or to express other than gratitude. (He sat down amid
great 'cheering.)
Mr. ANDERTON begged the mover and seconder of the
original resolution would agree to allow it to be withdrawn
in favour of the amendment.
This was complied with by both.
The amendment was carried unanimously.
Mr. PRENDERGAST said he had been taken by
surprise. He would always express himself in favour
of the repeal of these laws; but to come on now
with an harangue against the corn-laws seems like
a person coming in at the end of a fight who
had stood coldly by, they might now light their fires and
glory all day. He would not debate about the share of
honour due to each party in bring about this issue. He was
certain Richard Cobden was a man too high for having the
freedom of towns presented to him.—(" No! no!") If they
knew that he was satisfied. But he must say the Corporation
of London, long before Cobden or the League were heard of,
was in the front of the fight.—(Disapprobation.) Lord
John Russell deserved greatly the honour which
any and all might be inclined to render him. He had
not published his letter to oust Sir Robert from his office,
but to retain him longer in it. And who is Lord John repre-
sentative of ? The City of London itself, which his friend
had thought fit to censure so severely. Time had elapsed
during the debates on the corn-laws, but there is a season
for everything. Considering there was a large aristo-
cracy in the country, and a Church connected with
odt statesman
that aristocracy--considering there are so many op-
apinis ie n
great
arrived
riN_. interests.e
bringingS i would
thbeis
Rodbert Peel has done just that which
in
hgraseadtemlaeyaesdurt_Lll tTheheprtpe
t
aris-
tocracy must now see that either this
measure must be car•
-
ried, or Sir Robert must resign his office, and throw the
country into confusion : hence the propriety of Sir Robert's
delay to the proper time. His friend had censured the corpo-
ration. He would not go
,over these points to•day.
as it was not St. Thomass-day; therefore he would
leave corporate mat` era. But why dared his friend to
to bury that great talent of his in a napkin P—(Laughter.)
He has not done his duty. After this, he knows what he
has to do.—(Laughter.) He moved " that, in the opinion of