The Sun.
London, England, 1844-02-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EV-ENING, FEBRUARY 28, 1A44.

•
ASSIZE INTELLIGENCE. -- •
NORTHERN CIRCUIT.--Carlisle, Feb. 26.
Mr. Baron Wife "sat on the' Civil side, and Mr. Justice
Coltman on thb Criminal. The Court was engaged a great
part of the day with the trial of the case of " Dixon v.
Dixon," in which the matter in dispute was a very small
strip of land lying between two contiguous estates, and of
very little value. The evidence as to the disputed titles was,
as usual in such cases, very long and very uninteresting.
The cause will probably occupy the greater part of to-
morrow.

•
necessity of resorting to the proposal we now recommend to
your adoption, that the grievances of the people should be in-
vestigated and redressed before the supplieS are voted.
Councillor PERRY gave an account of the interview which
the deputation, entrusted with the memorials and petition,
had with Mr. Muntz. He said Mr. Muntz seemed to throw
ridicule on the proposal. With regard to the present meet-
ing, he could not help stating with what feeling of indigna-
tion he had hoard the statement that the Duke of Wellington
had received about two millions and a quarter of the public
money, for what ?—(Hear, hear.) It was really awful to
think of it, that thousands and tens of thousands had been
called out to shed their brother's blood, and were themselves
now lying low in the dust of the ground.—(Hear, heitr.)
A vote of thanks was passed to Mr. Scholefield, with an ex-
pression of regret that Mr. Mentz did not support Mr. Craw-
ford on the 6th instant.

PRICES OF SHARES

IN CANALS, RAILWAYS, BANKS, ASSURANCE
iND OTHER COMPANIES' STOCK.

LONDON, TEUSDAY, FEB. 27.

Dividend
per

Amount

Aimurn.

Names of Com-
panies.

I •
Paid. IPrice.

Share.

On the Criminal side there are 22 cases and 26 prisoners.
Of these three stand charged with rape, one with child
murder, one with cutting and wounding, two with man-
slaughter, and one with sheep-stealing. The othe'r offences
are of a trifling kind, chiefly petty thefts, of a class more
usually disposed of at sessions. Some cases of the latter
kind occupied the Court the greater part of the day.

A I. 41,

Jo° 1 0

It was, announced, amidst much applause, that Mr. O'Con-
nell was to be in Birmingham on Friday, when a public
breakfast will be given to him, and a town's meeting held in
the evening, on the subject of Irish affairs, at which he would
be present. The meeting then separated.

IRELAND.
REPEAL ASSOCIATION.

41 13 4

DUBLIN, FEB. 26.—The usual weekly meeting of the Re-
peal Association was held this day at the Conciliation Hall.
JOHN O'CoxNELL, Esq., M.P., took the Chair. The Hon.
Gentleman, on taking the Chair, observed that deep as were
his feelings of thankfulness to the meeting for the reception
which they had given him that day, there was a feeling still
stronger, still snore engrossing, in his breast—a feeling of
gratitude, deep and unfeigned gratitude, to the English
people for the generous sympathy extended to him and the
other Irish Members on their appearance in the Howe of
Commons.—(Hear, hear, and cheers.) He •acknowledged
he was unprepared or such a reception, and his
father was also unprepared for such a manifestation of
genuine English feeling. Until he entered the House of
Commons, he was totally unaware of the extent of indigna-
tion which the proceedings of the Government had
generated in the hearts of the English people. The
organs of the Tory party had endeavoured, by raking
up ancient prejudice, to create and dissension
between the two countries ; but the national generosity
and love of fair play, which were among the noblest
characteristics of the English people, were strikingly
displayed on the occasion, and the effort signally failed. The
Hon. Gentleman then gave a feeling account of the enthu-
siastic reception given to his father at the meeting of the
Anti-Corn-law League, and assured the meeting he had then
the honour of addressing, that it delighted him chiefly be-
cause he regarded it as a foretaste of the affectionate sym•
pathy which had subsisted between the two countries—when
justice had been done to Ireland, when Ireland should have
her Parliament again, and be in a position to prove her sin-
cere attachment to the best interests of the empire.—(Cheers.)
The Hon. Gentleman then took a rapid review of the late
debate, in the course of which he observed that the only per-
son who had reason to complain of the course it took was the
Chief Justice, whose name was entirely omitted by those
whom the Government supporters praised for liberality, in-
tegrity, and fairness. What was meant by the omission was
not for him to say, nor would it, perhaps, be quite
safe for him to say what he thought. From the result of
the debate he could hold out no hope to the people of Ire-
land. Indeed, it had only confirmed him in his belief that
they had no hope of obtaining justice at the hands of
the Imperial Parliament, and that on themselves and
their own exertions the people of Ireland must rely.
The Hon. Gentleman proceeded at considerable length to de-
monstrate the necessity of local Government, and concluded
by again thanking the meeting for the enthusiastic reception
they had given him.
The Secretary then read the minutes of last day's proceed-
ings and correspondence of the week, among which was the
following letter from Mr. O'Connell :
" London, Feb. 24, 1844.

1
1100 0 0

I® -7) 0

"My dear Ray,—l am not a little proud at being able to
congratulate the Association on one circumstance of no small
magnitude—l mean the generous sympathy exhibited by the
English people towards the friends, and for the sufferings of
the Irish. I have constant manifestations of this kindly and
generous spirit, but the meeting at Covent-garden, on Wed-
nesday, produced a scene never exceeded, and I do believe
never equalled in any country. This is a spirit to be che-
rished, as well as admired for its noble generosity. I am sure
the Association will reciprocate these most laudable and
honourable feelings, and that the Irish nation will show that
Irish gratitude will at least equal English generosity. We
must cultivate these kindly sentiments at both sides.
" The melancholy reflection, however, follows, that it is
quite useless; for the wise and the good in Great Britain
desire, as they do, cordially and sincerely, that justice
should be done to Ireland. Alas, power has passed from. the
wise and the good, and is vested in the selfish and the
bigoted. The monopolists and the bigots have got pos-
session of Parliamentary power--class legislation provails.
The spirit of reform is extinct, or lives in little more than
isolated individuals. The unhappy genius of Chartism is
still sufficiently strong to delude some of the operative
classes—of those to whom increased reform would give in-
creased power to alleviate their hard condition, and improve
the social state.

" Under these circumstances, every reasonable and just
Irishman must see that there is nothing for Ireland save in
and by the restoration of our own Parliament. There is not
the least reason for any kind of despondency; on the con-
trary, it appears to me to be as clear as the noon-day sun,
that the repeal must succeed, if the Irish people observe two
essential conditions of success.

"The first is, the strict observance of the peace—the total
absence of riot, tumult, outbreak, or force. In short, to con-
tinue peaceable under every circumstance, and in every event.
" Secondly,—To continue perseveringly and unremittingly
the Repeal agitation, to continue that agitation in strictly
legal channels, and in no other. To abandon and avoid any
course that may be declared—however wrongfully—illegal,
and to continue to model every public body into such a shape
as shall set every prosecution at defiance. In short, to con-
tinue constitutional and legal agitation, so long as one shred
of the Constitution remains.
" Peace and perseverance is our motto. Perseverance and
peace are the Shibboleth to our success. Before peace and
perseverance present difficulties will vanish, and by them
Ireland will be restored to national dignity and prosperity.
"Ever yours faithfully,
" J. M. Ray, Esq." " DANIEL O'CONNELL."
Several sums of money were then handed in, among which
was 2001. from New Brunswick 131. from Waterbury,
America 221. from Watertown, America ; and 7/. from
Ariel, America.
Mr. O'Down then moved that the letters enclosing the
American remittances should be inserted on the American
book, after which,
Mr. Sum' O'BRIEN, M.P., rose, and addressed the meet-
ing at considerable length. He commenced by observing
that the collective wisdom of the empire had solemnly de-
cided, by a large majority, against taking the grievances of
Ireland into consideration. It was clearly Shown that the
Imperial Parliament required, not information as to the state
of Ireland, but the spirit to right the wrongs of the country.
Should they therefore despair ?—(Cries of " No, no.") No !
they had learned the secret by which the regeneration of
Ireland could be accomplished, and that was by relying on
themselves, and on themselves alone.—(Hear, and cheers.)
Mr. STEELE next addressed the meeting, and contended
that it was the duty of the Irish people to reciprocate the
kindly feeling manifested towards them by the people of
England, and concluded by giving notice of his intention to
bring the subject of the Protestant oath before the Associa-
tion at the next day of meeting.
Mr. Pigot, Mr. Sheil, and several other Irish Members, ar-
rived at Kingstown this morning, from London.

NATIONAL COMPLETE SUF-
FRAGE UNION.
The Council of the National Complete Suffrage Union held
the quarterly meeting in the Public-office, Birmingham, on
Monday last. The Court-room was crowded by a most at-
tentive and respectable audience. Joseph Sturge, Esq., Pre-
sident, in the chair.
As it was arranged that the deputation appointed to wait
on the Members for the borough in London, and present
them with memorials from the electors and non-electors of
Birmingham, requesting them to support Mr. Crawford's
proposal and the petition to Parliament on the same subject,
should be present, ' -
Mr. STURGE read -a letter from Mr. Scholefield on that
subject. Mr. Scholefield stated that he had presented the
petition and read the principal part of it to the House, and
that they would not be surprised to hear that " it was re-
ceived with the indifference usually manifested on such occa-
sions ;" with regard to the Supply movement,;Mr. Schole-
field said, " I shall never shrink from recording my vote at
every fitting opportunity against the granting supplies whilst
our heavy national grievances remain unredressed."—(Ap-
plause.) Mr. Sturge then said—Perhaps the best way in
which he could show the advantage of the:Supply movement
as a means of forcing discussion within the House of Com-
mons, would be to contrast the difficulties with which
Wm. Sharman Crawford had to contend in his endeavours to
introduce the subject of complete suffrage last year, with the
ease and freedom with which he had been enabled to intro-
duce it already during the present session.—(Hear.) Last
year, after labouring three or four months to bring on two
substantive motions, and, after all, getting but a very tame
discussion on them, this year two amendments on the supply
principle of action had been discussed, and on both occasions
interesting and important speeches had been made.—(Hear,
hear.) They had every reason to be encouraged by the re-
ception which had been given to the amendments affirming
the principle that the redress of grievances should preeede the
voting of supplies. 31 Members of the House voted for the
first, and 24 for the second amendment, and the earnestness
and sincerity which evidently characterised the debate were
very remarkable. The numbers who voted for the principle
were small, but when he told them that Mr. Sharman Craw-
ford, on the morning of the day when Parliament was open-
ed, did not know of one man who was prepared at all risks
to support his proposed amendment on the address, they
would be surprised to find that so many had voted with him
that night.-'- (Great applause.) A few were prepared
to go with him on the first motion of supply, but even
those few had doubts as to the policy on moving at once on
the address in answer to the Speech from the Throne, By
the firmness and decision of the friends of the movement who
had met in London to encourage Mr. Crawford and his friends
to persevere, the course was taken which led to the impor-
tant results he had just stated, and if the people continued
to support the movement with the same spirit in which it
had been begun, he did not doubt but it would be found in-
strumental in the accomplishing of their political freedom.—
(Applause.) They had now three things to consider in re-
gard to this movement. First, was the principle just ?
Second, was the present the time to apply it ? Third, had
they the power to do so ? With regard to the first, he held
that nothing could be more just than that if a man was to be
taxed, his grievances should be redressed before his money
was taken.—(Applause.) To shew that this was the proper
time to apply it, he would just give a statement of the
amount of money that had been paid to one man—the Duke
of Wellington. Mr. Sturge then read a statement showing
that upwards of two millions sterling had been given to the
Duke of Wellington. The statement was received with strong
marks of disapprobation.
Mr. WirsoN, the Secretary of the Union, read the
quarterly Report, which gave a very encouraging account
of the progress of the Supply movement.—lt was unanimously
adopted,
A coloured Man made a very interesting speech in broken
English. He did not understand Parliamentary affairs, he
said, but he knew that Britain had much to account for in
calling herself a Christian nation, while the Parliament, in
the name of Christianity, robbed the people, and when the
people complained of being robbed, put Christian men like
Mr. O'Neil in gaol.—(Hear, hear, and applause.) He was
glad to see that Mr. Sturge had other views of Christianity,
and as he had been the friend of the black man, so was he
the friend of the white man, and this was all right, for God
had said all men were brothers.—(Cheers.)
Mr. WnsoN addressed the meeting on the general ques-
tion. He said, we believe that the House of Commons does
not represent the people ; that its actions are oppressive and
despotic ; that it is voting away the people's money for any-
thing and everything but the people's benefit ; that it is
ruling by physical instead of moral force; that by each suc-
ceeding, act it , plunges the country into difficulties and debt.
We not only believe all this to be true, but we prove it—we
place the facts in evidence before the world, and challenge
contradiction.—(Hear.) We show, too, that to our petitions,
remonstrances, and complaints, Parliament has turned a deaf
ear that by its tactics and manoeuvres it has rendered nugatory
all our efforts even to obtain an inquiry into the grievances
of which the people have complained. We offer to prove all
this and more, and in the strength of our case we rest the

SPIRIT'of the PUBLIC JOURNALS

FROM TRH EVERIIid 'PAPERS OF YESTERDAY.
STANDARD.—Mr. Sharman Crawford last night
divided the House of Commons upon a motion to post-
pone the consideration of the navy estimates until after
Easter. This is, we believe, in part fulfilment of a
factious and vexatious opposition, threatened by the
Member for Rochdale at the commencement of the
session. The motion was, of course, rejected by a great
majority-105 to 11; but Mr. Sharman Crawford's ob-
ject, the only object he could propose to himself by
such a proceeding, was gained—the public time
was wasted, and Mr. Sharman Crawford's name
appears in the newspapers before a speech and
at the head of the debate. The oecasion was also
convenient to Colonel Rawdon and Mr. E. Roche, who
were safely delivered of two suOerfettitions upon Lord
John Russell's motion. Now, all this is very well in
February, but surely such proceedings ought to be re-
membered in August next (that is, if Parliament can be
adjourned so soon), when complaints will be made of the
small amount of business transacted during the session.
How can the session's really useful business be otherwise
than :mall, when every, say every Mi. Sharman Crawford,
feels no scruple in obtruding himself end his crotchets upon
the public time ? It would be a delicate and difficult,
but a very useful analysis, to separate the number of the
Members of the House of Commons into the several
classes of those who go there to serve their personal
interests, those who go to serve a faction, those who
go to gratify their personal vanity, and those who
enter the House with the honest and sober purpose
of serving their country. The last class would, we
fear, be found a very small minority: and yet all the
public business is really transacted by this class, not
merely without help from, but in defiance of, the most
pertinacious opposition of the other classes of all politi-
cal parties, for they pervade all parties, though happily
the Conservative party numbers but few Borth-
wicks, D'lsraelis, and Monckton Milneses. In
proportion, however, to the number and activity
•of the really honest and intelligent men of business on
one side, and the factionists, fops, crazy dotards, &c., on
the other, must be the amount of useful work done in the
course of a session. We have only to look back for
proof to so much of the present session as has already
passed. Nearly a month has been consumed, and what
is the result of that period's labour ? Why, we have
had a long Irish debate of nine nights, in which
three-fourths of the speeches have been one tissue of
fallacy and nonsense—not less nonsense than it was in-
flammatory and mischievous nonsense—while the other
fourth was extorted from reluctant speakers, by the ne-
cessity that falsehood should not pass unanswered and
unexposed; these nine nights, wasted in speeches, making
a full half of the sitting nights since the opening of the ses-
sion. Well, at the end of the long debate, the servants .f
the Crown come forward to try if the House of Com-
mons will at length engage with the public burthens, and
forth comes Mr. Sharman Crawford deliberately to un-
buckle his budget of treasured grievances,. modestly
requiring that the public business shall not be entered
upon until after Easter (say the 15th of April as
the earliest day), that is, until about eleven weeks
of the session shall have elapsed, and Colonel Rawdon
and Mr. Roche follow with their superfetations.
Mr. Sharman Crawford's request is, indeed, ridicu-
lous, but it is characteristic. What are we to think of
the patriotism—we say nothing of the sense—of a gen-
tleman who professes to exclude all public business from
the first half (according to old practice, more than the
first half) of the Parliamentary session ? We entreat
our readers not to forget last night's proceedings when
they shall, about August next, hear solemn speeches in
Parliament, and read grave Edinburgh Reviews, com-
plaining that little or nothing has been done during the
session.

GLOBE.—When we hear of a New Zealander making
a feast of his enemy—when we read of the purer can-
nibals of old making their daily food on the flesh of
their fellow-men—the horror which we feel at the act
is greatly softened, perhaps too easily removed, by re-
flecting how wide is the difference, in race, colour, and in
habits, between the actors and ourselves. But when we
hear, as we did but yesterday, that among a people
sprung from the same race that we are, speaking the
same language that we do, and looking to the outward
eye even as we look, whose religion is one with ours,
whose laws are derived from the same source, whose
justice (so to call it) is clothed in the same forms, a
man has been doomed to die for assisting in the escape
of a female slave—who had, too, that claim upon
him which springs even from an unlawful passion—
in the midst of our indignation and disgust, we tremble
to think how small may be the interval which divides
even ourselves from the savageness of the brute !
This is not the occasion nor the theme for indulging
in any thoughts of our own superiority; and still less
is it the time to utter them in the shape of taunts, or by
the suggestion of any threat to give to the pride of a
susceptible nation a pretext for throwing its shield around
the crime which it contemplates. Rather does it be-
hove us to reflect how far our own bad example,
our own bloody laws, not so long disused, may
have paved the way among a people sprung from
our stock, for the perpetration even of such atro-
cities as this. True we have been reclaimed at
last, and by slow degrees, from the guilt of a
ferocious legislation ; but it is still with a deep
sense of shame at the remembrance of our own past
enormities that we would adjure our transatlantic kins-
men that they should not still further disgrace the
Saxon name by a deed from which, all legal
as it is, even our Millers and our Garrows
would have recoiled in horror, and which, if
it be really done, will open between America and
England a gulf of moral separation far wider
and more impassable than the ocean which now divides
them. That ocean seemed yesterday but as a strait.
on the further side of which there abode among a
kindred people the spirit of Christian 'love, the feel-
ings of civilised humanity. To that spirit and
to those feelings, and to the may there who own
their sway, we still confidently appeal—not as assum-
ing to originate or to prompt the ind;gnant protest
which ere this they must have put forth, but as ready
to rejoice in their indignation, and to cheer them
on, if we may do so, to the rescue of their country's
honour. Soon, no doubt, will the sound, the welcome
sound, of their remonstrance be wafted to our shores.
We wish but to return it hence with increased and
more wide-spread urgency, and to mingle with the plead-
ings of American humanity the cry of applauding sym-
pathy with which the universal heart of England is pre-
pared to re-echo its voice I