The Sun.
London, England, 1845-01-16 00:00:00

nected vtith his name. He ought never to have been
the Mumber for Middlesex. His election was ore
•

Ditto College at Seville
Interpretation of Languages
i)ern:itg

..viLn,ssed for many y tar, 11..0
us that " Freedom shrieked when Kosciusko fell."
Liberalism, if it did not weep, ought to have done so,
wh-u Mr. Woad, or Tom Wood, as he is familiarly
called, was chosen Member for so important a county
as Al:dd'escx. His presence in Parliament, as the
reprr si-ntative of that county, is one cf those things
for which the friends of popular principles have cause
to blush. An opportunity is now afforded of getting
rid of him. If the free traders who possess the means
Kill only, without the loss of a day—for, literally, a
day is nut now to be lost—purchase some little cot..
tage, valued at forty shillivgs per annum, there will
be an overpowering majority of free traders at the
next election for Middlesex. We need not, in that
case, name the result—the legislative services of
f:iend 'l'om" will be dispensed with.

Monies Pius
Employments granted
Arrears expected from taxes, hereafter to
be extinguished
Ecclesiastical revenues, during vacancies 600,000
Three per cent. on offerings to Rome
Pusses to cross the lines of Gibraltar
Reimbursements—Tax levied on grandees
and titled men
Excess of colonial revenues

3,750,000
40,000,000

1,250,635,353

The taxes to be taken off, and the arsears of which are
included in the budget, are the following :—Rentas
Provinciales yielded 101,800,000 reals. Equiva-
lents, &c., 40,000,000. Frutos Civiks, 17,800,000.
Tax of Culto y Clero 74,000,000, together with
the- present duties levied at the gates of :towns,
IliCh is merged in the general tax on consumption,
and the small taxes called Manda Pia, Med‘ls
A natas, Donatum'from Navarre and the Basque pro-
:;;!es, ditto from cemmerce, half per cent. on morgages,
on right of succession to property &c., and the one
I akd on householders in Madrid, in place of billetting
troops.

14. 1-4-3 •aih„
fi tit U tttOti

THE FUNDS-(CLOSING PRICES,

BRITISH FUNDS.

Bank Stock
3 per Cent. Reduced
3 per Cent. Consols
New Wit per Cent
Long Annuities to expire Jan. 1860 12 1.16
Ditto 30 years, Oct. 10, 1859
Ditto 30 year:, Jan. 5, 1860
Consols ... ........... ...... .....

Exchequer Bills, 1,0001., 111/2d 58 pin.
Ditto 5001.
Ditto Small ... 60 pm.
FOR FUNDS.
Columbian Bonds 6 per Cent 14%
Dutch, 2% per Cent
Ditto, 5 per Cent 994

THE SUN, LONnON, THURSDAY EVENING, JANUARY 16 1

10,500 FRANCE. wishes for the English alliance ; he has not proposed or
20,000 CHAMBER OF PEERS—Shreve OF JAN. 13. I even hinted in the questions which we have had to treat
150 000 The (Ms mher et its , penieg was very miseh crowded
of any solution very different from that which we have
a- voch uy Peer, and strangers. L. great number of mem- adopted. He cutlet not help acknowledging that for four
130,000
leers of the Chamber of Deputies occupied. the seats re- i years, all that he demands has been done by the Cabi-
-1,100,000 served for them. The sitting was opened at a quarter- : r et. Peace has been maintained ; the English alliance
past two. Among the Peers present was the Duke of is in full vigour ; the questions which have arisen be-
' Nemours and Marshal Suult, as well as the whole of the j tween the countries have been regularly and pacifically
Ministers.
i settled. He has reminded us of one which remained in
The order of the day having been read furthe general !suspense—the question of the right of search. Since your
discussion of the Address in Answer to the Speech from
; last session, I have followed seriously and atten-
the Throne, tively the negotiation of which I accepted the burden. I
Count Mole mounted the tribune, amidst some cheer- have represented to the English Government the neces-
ing, followed by deep attention and silence. He said:—
I
sity of searching, in order to attain one common end (an
Gentlemen, for four years I have kept silence in this
end to which we are, and shall always be as sincerely
Chamber, from respect for my party, from respect for
devoted as the English nation or its Government), the
repression of the slave trade—of searching, I say, for
the Conservative party which supports, the Cabinet, and ,
from respect for myself. I feared that my words might
carry some disunion into the ranks of the Conservative other means than the right of search, which have become
majority, inefficacious for the suppression of the slave trade, at the
and I feared not the less to appear actuated by
same time that it threatens to compromise the relations
a wish for revenge which would be unworthy of me. of the two countries. The English Government has un-
Revenge is the consolation of the vanquished, but the
derstood this position. It has comprehended the reasons
President of the Council of the 15th of April had not
on which our proposition is founded, and mixed commis-
been so, and he formed no other wish since his volut. sioners are to be charged immediately to inquire toge-
tary retreat than to see the affairs of the country ther for new means to put down the slave trade—means
directed with prudence, and conducted with intelli- which
will be equally efficacious, or more efficacious even
gence and firmness. More than once, however, I than the right of search. The question is thus as far
have seen great faults done, and I asked in my con- advanced as it can be at the present moment. The Ho-
science if I was really not at liberty to point them out ; pourable Gentleman may thus be satisfied. There is up
but the same scruples always prevented me. I should to the present moment no question pending between the
have abstained even to-day if the best accredited orgaus two countries, which is of a compromising nature. Yet,
of the Minister of Foreign Affairs did not every morn- although the Cabinet has done all this for the last four
ing throw me a defiance to explain myself from the tri-
years ; although the Honourable Member admits at hots
bune with respect to their policy, and if they did not torn, and in the whole, our policy, he criticises a part of
join to that defiance the only insult which the care of
our conduct. He thinks that he can see that at one
my personal dignity will not allow me to disclaim. The time we might have done more, at another less. That
Minister of Foreign Affairs and his friends must neces- we might have done otherwise, or might have done
sexily reckon much on the benefits of time, and place better. He finds faulty errors which will compro-
much confidence in want of memory on the part of the miss, according to him, hereafter, the results
country, to speak as they do of intrigue, of renewed at present obtained, and which we at present
coalition; or they are endowed with considerable auda- enjoy. I shall discuss, in the course of this debate,
city, or as they call it, courage. To whom, then, have the special questions to which these particular criticisms
we given the right to think that we could be drawn by apply. But even if that should be true ; even if such
the spite or ardour of ambition:so far as to disavow our
and such particular reproaches should be well founded,
whole life, to tread under foot the maxims which we do you believe that they would be sufficient motives, that
have constantly sustained, and to become the hottest de- they they are sufficiently grave to induce a grave man,
lenders of principles and of doctrines which we have al- who approves in principle of our policy, to commit (allow
ways opposed. Do you wish, gentlemen, to know from me the word) an act of opposition such as has new
what comes all this noise, all this wrath, which satisfies been made from this tribune ? Is the Honourable Count
itself with so many unjust insinuations, and even with Mole ignorant that the policy, the principle of which he
the faults, of the Minister of Foreign Affairs? The em- approves, has many obstacles to surmount, many ene-
barrassmeiit which it has created for itself, the evidence mies to overcome, many dangers to run ? Is he igno-
of these faults, and above all the gravity of the rant that it has had to struggle against national preju-
consc quences which they may have produced, dices, which are worthy of respect even when they err ?
have affected the minds, nay the ranks of the Is he ignorant that the revolutionary factions have con-
majority. From that moment they became alarmed, spired against that policy, and endeavour without ceasing
and the word intrigue is nothing more than a cry to ruin and upset it, because it is the real obstacle to
of alarm. Is it necessary, then, that a mode of con- their designs ? Is it an act of prudence, is it an act of
ducting the affairs of the country, which may place the
patriotism, to give all of a sudden enemies, who threaten
interests or the dignity of the country in peril, should so violently, a policy which he approves on the whole,
become indifferent to the majority for the sole reason, and for the principles of which he desires success ? No,
that the Opposition combats it, or has pointed it out ? I these are not sufficient reasons for such an act of oppo-
should be unjust to insist more ; a word should be suffi- sition. I still seek the true reasons—the peremptory
cient to repel imputations which cannot reach us. I owe reasons —which could have decided Count Mole. Perhaps
it, however, to the Chamber, to lay before it my whole he think s that good policy is now not the question—that
ideas of that system of policy of which they are about to it is so well established, and so sure of success, that it
appreciate the acts, and to justify that which I have may be treated severely, that no respect should be ac-
already said in regard to it. If I were :to characterise corded to it, and that it may be treated as harshly and
the policy of the Minister of Foreign 'Affairs, in one as exactingly as people may choose. If it were so,
word I should say, that it is every where and at all if this were the motive which induced the Honourable
times a policy a outrance; it is a policy of extremes Gentleman to speak, he will allow me to thank him
even in its weaknesses. From the moment that the in the name of the Cabinet, for if the peace—
Minister of Foreign Affairs adopts a principle he exag- if the alliance :with England—if the good relations
gerates it. He allows himself to be drawn rapidly over between the two countries are secured to that extent, the
to the extreme consequences, as if a mind such as his could Cabinet has the right to take some credit to itself. It is
be ignorant that the extreme consequences of a prin. a great service which it has rendered to the country and
ciple are surely exhausted by provoking an inevitable to the Opposition itself. It is that which has given the
reaction against it. Thus, the Minister of Foreign Opposition the security and the leisure which it sets to
Affairs wishes for peace; and all France, all opinions in work to-day against the Cabinet itself. lam neither
the country, commencing with the political men of each surprised at this, nor do I complain of it. I know that
of them, wishes for it as much as he does, and yet he the Opposition is not bound to be grateful, but lam en-
speaks of it in such a manner, he shows so much titled to remind it of the benefits. Another motive,
ardour and anxiety for its maintenance, that he makes perhaps, has influenced the Honourable Gentleman. Per-
people believe that for that end he would make haps he thinks that, from the position which he takes in
such sacrifices that the most pacific could hardly his present conduct, it will be easy for him to maintain
consider themselves as pacific as he is. He wishes for the good policy and to avoid the faults which he thinks
the English alliance, and I believe that there is not in he discovers on the part of the Cabinet, and which, ac-
France a well-wisher of his country, a sensible man, and cording to him, will compromise that policy hereafter.
above all, a political man, who does not wish for it, and Let him permit me to inform him that he will be com-
mitting a serious error. To practice efficaciously—to
who does not perceive its importance as much es he
does; but, without wishing it, and without knowing it, maintain solidly—a good line of policy, it is not suffi-
he exaggerates the consequences, and he speaks in a cient to be anxious to do so ; it is also necessary to have
way to compromise and to rouse the national suscep- in the political arena, and in the midst of the contending
tibility against it, and to give to the French a dislike to parties, a position in harmony with the policy which it
that alliance of which I believe I laid the foundations in is wished to support—a position which will give it
1830—a dislike which, if it does not cease, may lead to strength. When the confidence of the King called the
great embarrassment hereafter. What are, in fact, present Cabinet to office, the Conservative policy was
gentlemen, the two questions which, as is said in the gravely compromised, peace was seriously menaced, the
speech of the Crown, have created some difficulties in English alliance was weakened, and the good understand-
our relations with England, at the same time that in ing between the two countries hardly existed. The Ca-
France they have, to a considerable extent, agitated binet was formed to change that state of things. It
men's minds? The first of these is the right of search ; formed itself under that banner ; it has carried it high
the second, the question of Otaheite. Do you wish in front of it, and all the men who wished as it did ral-
that I should say who has been the most dangerous lied around it. It was under that banner that the Con-
enemy of the right of search ? My God, it is the servative party reunited, and that it has lived for four
Minister of Foreign Affairs himself. It is his convention years, in spite of such difficult incidents and trials. Here
iof 1841, to extend the operation of that right, which has is a clear, simple, and strong position for the majority,
brought about the reaction of the public mind and of the and for the Government which marches at its head.
Chambers against the right itself. In seeing him make What, on the contrary becomes of the Hon. Gentleman
that concession, which was so long asked and desired by and his position, after what he has himself said from
England after the treaty of 15th July,lB4o,;the Chambers, this tribune? I admit it ; he would enter into power
not content with having prevented—a thing without to practise and to maintain the good policy, while he
example, and to some extent to be regretted—not con- would endeavour to disengage it from what he calls our
tent with having prevented the ratification of that con- faults. But he would enter it by the impulsion and with
the support ef all the men who have not ceased to corn-
vention, demanded the abolition of the right of reci-
procal search, and the elective chamber unanimously bat that policy. He would take power to do the same,
forced the Minister of Foreign Affairs to announce that and to do better (as he says) the affairs of the Conservative
he would enter frankly and loyally into a negotiation, party ; but he would take that power pushed forward,
of which he had previously said in this tribune that it carried in, sustained, and raised by all the phases of the
could only end in weakness or folly. When or how can Opposition. It does not require much reflection or much
he escape from this net, in the meshes of which he bas experience to see that that is a false position, and one
entangled himself ? without power. Do you know what would happen if you
The Minister of Foreign Affairs—l demand the word. were put to the proof ? You would find yourselves be-
-(Sensation.) tween a powerful, a considerable, and an important posi-
Count Mol6—Will he be able to make England yield, tion of the Conservative party—discontented, mistrust-
or will he be able to make the Chamber give way ? ing, and irritated ; and on the other hand, between ex-
['here are other interests besides his at stake, and I ar- acting branches of the Opposition, which would, in fact,
dently wish that be may be able to answer by announc have good reason to demand something from you, for
ing that this negotiation has had a favourable result. lii the support which they gave you on your entering into
the affairs of Otaheite, gentlemen, the faults have been office. Would you call that a good situation for the
af such a nature that I must give up the attempt to ex- Government ? Is that a good position for a good line of
plain them. It was when he was at full and entire Policy ? You would do well, you would wish well, at
liberty that the Minister of Foreign Affairs ratified the the very moment when that policy would be in your
taking possession of that island in the Pacific, and that hands enervated, abased, and compromised. Perfection
he chose to form an establishment there for France with or amelioration would then be entirely out of the ques-
the title of Protectorate. How ! It is so warm a par- tion ; the very foundation and principle of affairs would
tisan of the English alliance, who has chosen to form an be compromised by you. If that is the motive which
establishment in that part of the globe which is so re- has
has decided you—if it is confidence that you can in that
mote from us, without interest for us, and from w
position maintain and rectify the policy in question, and
the first cannon-shot fired upon the sea would force us which is your policy—undeceive 3 ourselves, for that will
to retire ; it is he who has chosen to place the protecto- be impossible for you.
rate of France in the face of the protectorate of the Eng• Count Mole —I demand the word.—(General move-
lish missionaries, who so many years have ruled the ment.)
population and the consciences of that country, and M. Guizot—The Hon. Gentleman reproaches the
who directed with their counsels the Government, or Cabinet, and especially me (and I do not hesitate to
rather were themselves the veritable Government. say, that I willingly accept, as he seems to wish to
The more we reflect upon that the more strange and repose it upon me, the responsibility of the whole of
incredible it appears. We are forced in this instance the policy of the Cabinet) with compromising even the
to accuse the Minister of Foreign Affairs, at least, policy which it supports. If that policy has dangers yet
of levity. It could not be sufficient for him to to run, it is itself that has created them. The difficulties
hope, or even to believe, that the Cabinet of Londcn which exist, it is the Cabinet itself which has raised
would be tolerant with respect to his projects. He ought them. It is its own faults which create the embarrass-
to have remembered that in England—and I say it to ments which good policy feels. In truth, the reproach
the honour of that groat nation—the Government reckons upon it is a strange one, and I understand those who say
upon acting, and is obliged to do so, with the religious that these are alliances more natural to France, and more
men and the religious feeling, and that no Cabinet can conformable with its interests than the English alliance,
refuse its support to their efforts to propagate the faith. and that it is necessary to cultivate them. I understand
Such is the fundamental principle of the Otaheite ques- those who, while they wish for peace and a good under-
lion. I cannot sufficiently express my surprise that the standing with England, say that it is necessary, never-
Minister of Foreign Affairs did not understand it suffi- theless, on account of ancient recollections, on account
ciently soon to spare our good relations with England of certain peculiar interests, to live in good report, but
this second and dangerous trial, and to spare France the coldly, with England, without alliance, without intimacy.
blood of her brave sailors, of her brave soldiers, who I believe that both believe themselves, and that in the
have paid with their lives for our doubtful occupation of present state of affairs and of opinions in Europe, they
a rock, when it appears that the Minister of Foreign seriously deceive themselves; but, in short, these are
Affairs doesenot knowhow to remain or how:to',get out die serious opinions, and which must be seriously discussed.
The war with Morocco is the only one of all the difficul- But to come and tell men who, since 1830, have never
ties which have occupied the country between the two ceased to support the peace policy and the English alli-
sessions, which the Cabinet could not have avoided. fleece, who have a hundred times developed the reasons
Our forces by land and by sea, and their illustrious of that policy, that it is they who compromise it, really
leaders, have there covered themselves with glory. I will is not a subject worthy of being taken seriously, espe-
not examine in detail the treaty which has been termi- cially when the men spoken to are persons who for
hated—not years past have done more than speak—who have re-es-
sich a s to attracth that itsblished the peace and the English alliance, which had
ithtee tenor does
attention notaod appear to
observation m e
of
fo
the be years
Chamber of Peers ; but because I have not undertaken been left to them too much compromised, and which for
to enter into a detailed examination of the policy of four years they have defended and sustained against
the Cabinet, and in particular of the Minister of many different parties; who have supported them in the
Foreign Affairs. It is he and his- friends who have midst of trials and diffioulties of great gravity—who
forced me to speak. I never have and never shall have done more—who have carried, as the result of
oppose systematically any Cabinet. I have proved this their policy and of their efforts, the peaceable and re -
for the last ten years; and with regard to all the Cabinets lar arrangement of many stormy questions raised be-
which have succeeded each other, I have voted for all tween the two countries—to men who have carried the
that I approved, and even for some things of which I journey of the
,Queen of England to the Chateau
disapproved, so useful and reasonable did I think it in d'Eu, and the journey of the King to Windsor Castle,
the present times to aid in the regular march, whether and all the pacific, amicable, and salutary manifes-
more or less enlightened, of the Government. In short, tations which have taken place on this double occa-
gentlemen, the difficulties which the Minister of Foreign
sion. lii the presence of such facts, at the end of four
Affairs has accumulated around him are grave, and Ido ) ears, to come and tell the men who have brought about
not think he will be able to resolve them. Perhaps, such results, at the moment when the questions between
nevertheless, he may find resources and have abilities the two countries are settled, that it is they who have
which Ido not foresee. Between him and me there aro compromised the English alliance and the peace, is really
few means of our understanding each other. We do not not a matter worthy of refutation. Shall I tell you who
start from the same point ; we do not look to the same compromises the English alliance, and ,the persons who
end ; and we differ, besides, as to the legitimate means are really dangerous for the peace and the good under-
of attaining them, standing between these two countries ? In the first
M. Guizot—l acknowledge that the speech of 'the Place, it is those who, whether by design or from blind-
ness, seize upon every difficulty, upon any incident, upon
Hon. Member has astonished me. To whom does he
reply? Of what does he complain P Who in this place
all the questions which are raised between the two coun-
has as him of that of which he complains ? Who tries, and aggravate and envenom them, and, whether
ever has spoken to him of such things e He replies to voluntarily or unintentionally, run the risk of producing
rumours from without, to the conversations de salon a rupture, or at least a coldness. These are the prin-
,
and to newspaper articles. True or false, all those
cipal, the true compromisers of peace and the English
al iance. The second are those who when such questions
things cannot eater into the Chamber, nor mount the I
are raised, when opposition exaggerates and envenoms
tribune. The public acts of public men, the reasons
them, meets them half-way on, or by halt' repel the at-
thefor their conduct publicly given by them, these so e
tacks of the Opposition ;then, while they talk, good
only proper objects, the only objects deserving
politicians, of their love for their country, and of their
of your debates. Ido not undertake, either to jus-
desire to maintain peace, and to support the English al-
Honourabletify or to explain, nor to contest that of which the
fiance, lend a distant—very distant, and very indirect
Gentleman has complained, and I should
not have thought of saying one word respecting those assistance ; but, in short, who lend their assistance, and
incidents which are occurring outside, if he had not give an additienal strength to men who have seized upon
spoken of those himself. He has also spoken of the cu every incident, and on every question, to embroil the two
coals-
countries. It is those persons, also, who, whilst they
tion of 1839, and has compared it with that which is
profess a desire for peace and sound poli nd a certain
passing at this moment. In another place the Oppod.
aid to men and parties, who seize on addle questions in
two has often endeavoured to open a discussion upon
order to set the two countries by the ears. We oppose
that subject, and to get me to join in it, I have always
them both—.
refused ; I did not think that, for the sake of m er-
" Les uns, parrs qu'ils sent mgr leans et malfaisans,
sonal defence in past times, I ought to sacrifice, ate he
c
present time, the interests of my party, the Conservative Et les enters, pour 4tre aux ere hens complaisans,
party, of its cause and a its p hey. Evidently the first Et n'avoir pas pour eux ces haines vigoureurs,
es.
of these interests is the maintenance of' the union, the Que le vice fait naitre aux limes vertueus
medians
firm and compact action of the majority which sustains The Prince of Moskowa—There are neither
that policy. With an anxiety for that interest, I have nor complaisans here.
Here. c
refused all discussion, all retrograde explanation with M. Cousin—There is no hatred the haters.
respect to old and distant disagreements. I will act in reehans,
M. Mole—You should name the
the same manner to-day, and to a certainty I have the Name them.
right to do so more to-day than ever. Let us lay aside M. Guizot—Allow me to finish. You do not know
all petty personal complications, and let us arrive at what I am going to say. No one can suppose that I
e
once at the really public policy—the affairs of the coun- apply to the policy of our adversaries the meaning of
and I ask for hatred for no person.
try. The Hon. Count Mole admits, at bottom, the whole the words of Moliere, a _ .
intention of making any personal application.
of the policy of the Cabinet. Ho wishes for peace—he I have no .
If hatred exists, it is not in this assembly, but outside

345.

its walls. The present situation is said by many to be
difficult, but I find no one able to prove it. I declare
that, ou the contrary, all the difficult questior s have been
arranged. With whom is the position one of diffi-
culty? In all the assertions made on this point I
see nothing but factitious emotion in men's minds.
and factitious tumult in the public journals. The
Chamber will not allow itself to be led away by such
manoeuvres,, but will perceive the truth through the mist
thrown around it. For my part, I shall show that in
the affair of Otaheite, as in that of Morocco, all the acts
of the Government have sprung naturally from the
nature of the questions, and have been altogether in
accordance with true Conservative policy.--(Hear.)
Count Mold (from his place)—l rise to reply in a few
words to an observation of the Honourable Minister. He
has told you that there is an intention on our part to
come forward and assume the reins of Government,
because the present situation of affairs is so good that it
is not feared to compromise affairs ; and that proves to
me th4t the Minister of Foreign Affairs also considered
the situation excellent in 1838 and 1839, for I believe
him to be too good a patriot to suppose that he would
have attacked the Government with so much bitter-
ness if there had been any danger in the position of
I,affairs at that time.—(Noise.) The Minister of
Foreign Affairs asks me what I would do the day after
my assumption of power, but I had no idea of the kind
when I spoke. The Hen. Minister designates as op-
position anything which is an obstacle to his personal
policy ; he sees nothing, absolutely nothing cloudy
in the horizon ; does he then consider the affairs of Ota-
heite and the right of search terminated ? My convic-
tion is, that it was the unseasonable convention of 1841
which aggravated the great difficulties of the question
of the right of search. I say more—l say that he en-
tered into engagements which he cannot keep. I re-
proach him with having been wanting in courage to-
wards the other Chamber. I am accustomed to public
affairs, and I can see no measures which would be ac
cepted by England, which can ever replace the right of
search—the mode at present employed for the suppres-
sion of the slave trade. The affair of Otaheite, you say,
is also terminated, and nevertheless it is still burning,
and I am still at a loss to know how a mind so eminent
as that of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, could have
allowed himself to be lured into such conquests. On
those points in the South Seas, where we find ourselves
opposed to England, it will be necessary to offer some
system of action. You well know the results which
may be anticipated from the concurrence to Catholic
and Protestant missions. What system do you propose
to adopt in this case ? You have chosen just the part
in this affair which appears to throw you into inextri-
cable embarrassment. The result of this fault has been
the shedding of much blood, and the greatest state of
uncertainty with regard to our new possessions. This
is your work, these are the embarrassments which you
have yourselves created. If these difficulties can be sur-
mounted, I shall rejoice with all my heart. You speak
of private ambition—we act through patriotism, and not
ambition. You imagined, perhaps, that I would not da: e
declare what I thought ofyour policy, but you were mis-
taken. I have no ambition to possess your place. I de-
sire simply that you may get with honour out of the
embarrassments which you created for yourselves, and
which, I confess, alarm me. I wish nothing more.
M. Guizot—As I intended in the beginning of my
speech, I shall not at present enter into any details as to
the question of Otaheite. I shall reserve that point to
another part of the discussion. I ascend the tribune to
remark on one of the Noble Peer's assertions relative to
the right of search. Has the Noble Peer considered
maturely what he has just spoken ? He wishes the
question to be arranged, and yet he declares that he
cannot imagine any other efficient measure but that now
in force to repress the slave trade. It would, therefore,
be necessary for France to renounce either putting down
the slave trade, or changing the present mode of repres-
sion. No, France does not find herself in such an alter-
native. When I undertook the management of public
affairs I thought that it was possible to find more effi-
cient means than the existing ones to put down the
slave trade I undertook to resolve that problem, and I
have strong hopes of doing so in a manner satisfactory
to our interests. I am glad that the Noble Peer has
furnished me with the opportunity of repeating this
double assertion—that we believe that the present system
of repression has lost much of its efficacy, and that at
the same time we are determined to repress the slave
trade with the same vigour as before. This is what we
are seeking to do, and I have the firm conviction that
the two Governments, united by a mutual good feeling,
will attain this object. Both at Paris and at London
this object will be steadily pursued, and finally attained,
notwithstanding all the prophecies to the contrary, that
are furnished so unsparingly on both sides of the Channel.
Count de St. Priest made some general observations on
the ensemble of the address, certain parts of which he
criticised ; but after addressing the Chamber for a few
moments, he pleaded indisposition, and requested per-
mission to retire, reserving to himself the right to speak
on the discussion of the paragraphs.
Viscount Dubouchage expressed his indifference to
any change in the Cabinet which would not bring about
a change in the policy pursued. Candour should, how-
ever, be observed. It was not the present Ministry which
had prepared the treaty of October 29, 1840 ; it was not
to it that the fault must be imputed of having aban-
doned a powerful Prince of the East, an ally ; nor was
it the present Ministry which had made the treaty of
Mexico, which imposed on them fresh sacrifices and
fresh expenses ; it was not the present Ministry which
had made the treaty with the United States for the pay-
ment of 25 millions of francs. A Cabinet succeeding
another took affairs as they found them, and it was not
just that they should be accused for not bringing every
negotiation to a successful termination, for they were
compelled to accept them or to sanction them. The
speech from the Throne, in his opinion, was the most
remarkable that had been presented to the Chambers for
the last fourteen years. It was remarkable for what it
said and for what it left unsaid ; it was still more re-
markable for its being couched rather in the language of
an absolute than of a constitutional monarchy. He also com
plained that it was silent on many most important subjects.
It devoted three paragraphs to the entente cordiale, two
to interests purely monarchical, and one only to foreign
policy, and in this one paragraph there was not a word
said of the changes to be made in the treaties of 1831
and 1833, or of Spain. In conclusion, he said that the
speech from the Throne did not satisfy him, and as the
proposed address was merely a paraphrase of that speech,
he should vote against it.
Count Boissy d'Anglas, in a written speech, but in
reading which he was in many parts inaudible in the
gallery, demanded whether the present Cabinet had pro-
perly fulfilled the mission confided to it. It possessed a
numerous army, a powerful fleet, and considerable finan-
cial resources ; but had they, with all these advantages,
known how to make France respected ? Had it con-
cluded advantageous alliances, or entered into any pro-
fitable treaties ? To all these questions he should reply
in the negative, and should vote against the address.
Baron Pasquier—As there are no more names in-
scribed to speak on the general discussion, it is now closed.
Marquis de Boissy rose and demanded to speak on the
general discussion. He was, he said, one of those who
complained loudly of the acts of piracy committed on
French vessels. He was a good Frenchman ; but was
strongly opposed to England. He gave due homage to
the good faith of Count Mole ; he had said that he
would never carry on a systematic opposition, and never-
theless he had opposed the Cabinet. He should follow
iu his steps, and he thanked him for giving a chief to
the Opposition against the present Ministry.—(Comme-
tion and laughter.) That, he repeated, was what he
wished ; he desired a complete change in the policy
pursued ; he desired that the plan of making too great
sacrifices to perpetuate certain alliances, and of repulsing
others, should not be persisted in. To justify his wish,'
he would remind the Chamber of some facts which had
been already enumerated, but which did not the less
prove the necessity of the measure which he proposed.
In 1830, it was said henceforth France was to be governed
with sincerity, but this sincerity was far from being prac-
tised. So far indeed from it, that a public writer had
declared the present Government exceeded all others
in falsehood and deceit ; and he much feared that the
speech from the Throne, delivered this year, would be
a chef d'oeuvre of that kind.—(Loud marks of dissent.
and exclamations.) The Noble Peer then referred to
the occupation of Ancona by the Austrian troops,
notwithstanding the principle of non-intervention
laid down by France, to the rupture with Switzer-
land, to the affairs that took place in the East, and to the
treaties of 1831 and 1833, relative to the right of search,
as proofs that the Cabinet had failed in their foreign
policy. The Noble Peer reproached M. Guizot with
having, when Ambassador in England, concluded these
treaties without taking orders from those placed by the
Constitution over him. Unless the Ministry changed its
line of conduct, he felt convinced that it would shortly be
the last of the Government of July.—(Cries of" Oh,
oh," and laughter.) The Noble Peer then alluded to
the visits to Eu and Windsor, and declared that, in his
opinion, they merely proved that M. Guizot was the
most popular man in England, and the most unpopular
in France.—(Agitation and marks of denial.) He should
not at present detain the Chamber any longer, as he re-
served to himself:the right of speaking on some of the
subjects which he had just adverted to when the para-
graphs of the address were brought forward separately.
The general discussion was then declared to be closed,
and the first paragraph of the address was read from the
chair: e Sire,—We have received with respect and
gratitude the words of your Majesty. Witnessesequall.Y
with yourself, of the interior prosperity of the State, we
return thanks to Providence for permitting our national
e
activity to multiply, on all points of the territory, the
precious fruits of peace. We take delight, Sun in rei
cognising with your Majesty, that these blessings are
due to the wisdom of our laws, to the faithful and int:lli-
gent.manner in whichthey are carried into execution, and
to the progress of public reason.
Count de Montatembert supposed that the Committee
in speaking of the prosperity of the country, meant nut
only to allude to its material prosperity,
wassperity,obivattoatlasollytociiifts.
moral condition. On that point
ferent opinion, and would even assert that the moral
prosperity of the country was gravely attacked by the
coorso adopted in religious matters. In speaking on
that point, be felt that he should carry with him but
littl„ympathy, but it was not for the mere pleasure of
hearin himself speak that he had come forward, but
t
throug a conviction and sense of duty. Six months
back, after the long, luminous, and profound discussion
of the new Secondary Instruction Bill, most eminent
men had asserted, that if the prelates kept silence, the
reprosems which were dits cted against them would fall
to the ground, and all be arranged according to their
wishes, How, he would ask, had that prediction been
accomplished? The bishops, after having protested
against the law that had been brought forward, remained
silent, and the mass of the clergy followed their example.
Was the Church at present more respected? Unfortu-
nately facts were there before them to prove the con-
trary. This silence was re2lied to on the part of their
enemies by demonstrations more and more hostile in cha-
racter; nothing was spared or respected, neither the
ceremonies of worship, nor the lessons in theology, nor
the morals of the clergy nor their pious devotions, nor the