The Sun.
London, England, 1861-12-13 00:00:00

ARREST OF THE ' NASHVILLE' PIRATES.

TAKE NOTICE,
By force ' ad regem uhodiam' for the Criminal Law—
on this side the sea level, as on the other—Washington ex-
tradition Act—touching Fire-raising, as one of the four
pleas of the Crown pivot-voice reservata under oath for all.
The Mayor of Southampton, or *rear-admiral of England's
pinnace charge, Isle of Wight, also the coast-guard adja-
cent, will arrest the master PEAGRAM and crew of the ship
Nashville, for pillage and robbery, on the high seas, of the
property of the American plantation ship Harvey Birch, on
or about the 19th November, 1861.
By reason (a) in universa ditioni supremus est' of the
placet regium imperium, maris populo romano restituendo
A. D. 1346 in 1842, vide 291, P. I'ickius' Constituo federici
imperatoris Taxantur severs piratze'—Laws of Rhodes.
By reason (b) on the Lisbon Wine License Company of
merchants, in Precedent by newspaper on Junot-invasion,
1807, for England's mercantile marine protection under the
• • •Bristol (Liverpool. • •and• • •London)'s Admiralty " super
altum mare, qum ilfcendente et defcendente," in old style,
And this shall be your warrant as of the high commis-
sion of review in Portegal's ally, under the law of human
forethought, for general repose on the Holy Alliance Abo-
lition, thro' *Hamond, SANDY in 'g '. (Signed)
PETER Brant BASQUET, g The trade flag-union Jak,
a.m M p.m. 3-J. 1., corn-hill-row'er'd Income-tax-
P•Bulo.va'< freeman, Antipod'n crown-colont chief
0 Temple. of 1842, —The criminal law's Eitradi-
Labouehere. tion Gap, 3 .mile off-shore a-constable,
Lc [2 March, '4l] bearing lilmerica's paddle of Admiral's
.2 H. M. Perley, court over Canterbury's @e-Guizote set-
-23._ 3 Sept, '4l's tlement for New Zealand's deadproofflt
*, Gap Crt., its @ial x•lepoy Stil'lord Warden
Capt O'Halloran. —the' cruelly set a medal'd vacuo-Age'r
v Gappenthal, by Ashburton Baring-treaty. .*
CHARLES x' ACEERLEY, C. J. of Carib-isled f
Jethou'dEnGland, elect Aug. 29 1825 (by Ad- .•• : : rniral G. Hamond, Stuart de Rothsay's Sec- Crown-
ref at 7; Marcus HiII—SANDTS, Lay-presbyters egif,
on Can'ng'e Roly Alliance abolition, of King- A
clubs), the Standard weight-bearer of 1837, Lt.
u.w. vay'd double-oathiPd victim—supporter Si Peu,
of Mohawk PETER 10
yrs, by Red Indian Mary Qu' Rien
March's murder-tie,trans in '.thabeas, virginale
tenon= corpus chriati' , thre Quebec's 'Jose '75
Hamilton-Dalhousie, inpuro.v.Elciler' duty for his r.Toma'2s
and own's State-birth
the Mon- BRANT.'
ragne Subsidy lat-fruit loanlBr4l2aol' a on major Trevser-
Cartwright's chief sxcesasorial su rnoget'ey. (to troy*.
1322'99is red-turban'd Hen. 4th, or
Sigismond life Savoy'd Gape-159
yar;is, g „
to GONSALTI 1816 regolamento-159, by phi;
Scotch-Bailie Urban Bth's capA.city-eath of 17.0 -.4odn_
vomit STUART wortle-wewcomen's) in Gnlaloniere'
1824 passed is C. A.'s namingt Act 1-2 W 4
• 'd ' 14°. 64, 'n
July 1521-72 Luther- ca vin, or gem us' lay- seigno.
age, over W. Russell and Stanley's Dead-hand (1683
yet Sion-attaints), in Protectorship-life trust.
13 Dec. '6l, unpaid Christ corpus martyr 19 yrs, London,

LONDON RIFLE BRIGADE.—The Regimental
Committee, acting at the earnest request of large numbers
of the members of all ranks, have requested the command-
ing officer to tender the services of the regiment to Her Ma-
jesty, in order to relieve the regular troops from all garrison
inties within the city of London at the present juncture.
"'his offer is not intended to interfere with any more active
duties in which the regiment might participte, should it be
called out under the powers which Government possess in
case of war or invasion. In such service he brigade is fully
prepared to take its proper position, but the offer here men-
tioned is purely a voluntary step in advance of any such
" calling out," is the first of this description that has been
tendered, and there is every reason to hope it will be ac-
cepted, or, at the least, it will certainly be entertained
and serious considered.

ERECTION OF BATTERIES AT TORONTO.—We
understand that it is the intention of the military authori-
ties to erect immediately two or more batteries in the vici-
tatY of the old fort. On Monday work was commenced
lipoan one of them, on which will be mounted six guns of
he vy calibre and' of the most approved modern pattern.—
Totorito Leader,

THE SUN.

LONDON, FRIDAY, DEC. 13, 1861.

There are some indications that the Emancipation
question will not sleep quite so soundly as the pro-
slavery men North as well as South desire. The
Washington Cabinet is now known to be divided
on the subject—it is even said to be three for un-
sheathing against the South the sword of Abolition,
and four for retaining it in its scabbard, hardly
allowing an inch of the steel to be seen. The PRE-
SIDENT is reported to be on the side of the three,
but to be afraid yet to declare his real views.
Meantime, outside, the abolitionists are boldly speak-
ing out. Mr. CHARLES SU➢INER'S voice is heard,
denying the calumny of some that the abolitionists
are the cause of the war. They are, he replies, in
the same sense in which the early Christians were

the cause of the heathen enormities against which
they bore testimony, and the cause of the martyr-
doms, the axes, the fires, and the tortures under
which they suffered. But he openly affirms
that the process in which a beginning had been
made by the instructions to the Port Royal expe-
dition to use the services of slaves, though without
a general arming of them, is the only one which can
eventually succeed. It is, moreover, just, he says,
that this system should be commenced in South
Carolina, the fons et origo of Secession.
At Cincinnati a large meeting of Germans—a
meeting of sympathisers with General FREMONT—
uttered sentiments even more strongly and defi-
nitely expressed than Mr. SUMNER'S. The
speakers exposed the falsehood of the pre-

tence of General HALLECK, FREMONT'S suc-
cessor, that the slaves became spies for the
South, and showed what disasters the Federal
arms had suffered for want of the intelligence which
the slaves would have furnished. Besides others,
the great one of Bull's Run was due to MAe•
DOWELL'S ignorance of the existence of batteries
which, had the slaves trusted the Northerne, they
could easily have known of. Mr. CONWAY, one of
the speakers, showed that a military conquest of
the South, preserving slavery, would be as much a
conquest of themselves as of slavery. That the
Government of the Union would then have to
become a military Government, watching over the
Slave States, and protecting everywhere the
iniquity of slavery. He contended that the 'policy
of the Administration, or the Administration itself,
would be Septv, away, if it did not change, as soon
as the real state of the case was perceived and felt by
the people. The slaveholders were a pitiful 350,000,
who, for three.quarters of a century, had kept the
country in hot water, and had now precipitated it
into civil war. He represented it as a miserable
servility for a Government to be afraid to touch
the claim, of so few persons, to the indefensible
power of scourging men and women, and buying
and selling them at their pleasure; and he concluded
with the declaration that, a decree that the Govern•
ment ignores the relation of slavery, would end the
war. Frcm that time there could be no arming
in the South but a home guard ; one thing he said
the war would teach—" that slavery ends in mili-
tary despotism, that liberty ends in equality for
all, black or white. The moment which decides
between the two has arrived to this nation."

There may be more truth in this last remark

than we should think at first probable. Should the
war last as long as it must do without emanci-
pation, a military Presidentship is no impossible
result. If the North does not drop its ambition of
vast territorial empire, and if the South persists in
fighting for independence and a slave federation,
no termination can well be perceived to the struggle
now begun. Of course no one can say whether the
North may not tire of a costly war for such an un-
substantial shadow as an empire coextensive with
the Northern Continent of America. It has long
been the seemingly grand, but really vulgar dream
of American politicians and stump orators, but the
hard realities of war sometimes awaken men from
such dreams pretty speedily. There are no symp-
toms of this at present. Nothing to suggest that
Northern pride and Southern love of self-rule, may
not last and fight for many a long year, with vary-
ing fortunes. If so, it will be singular indeed if
amongst hundreds of thousands of Anglo-Saxon
soldiers, some half self-taught military genius
be not developed, some CROMWELL or CLIME, who
will be elected by circumstances and the urgency of
popular feeling, the Dictator of the war. Even un-
ruly Yankees, worn out by hopeless want of suc-
cess, and struck with the manifest ability of the
self-made leader, will come to think obedience an
honour as well as a necessity—and the result may
be the election of a military President for a long
term of years, while still at the head of a vast army
of his own creation, and one which regards his posi-
tion in the world as their honour, the recognition of
their powers, and the trophy of their victories.
Widely different indeed may be the issue ; yet who
can say that there is anything unnatural, unhisto-
rical even, in the above supposition. The only ob-
jection is that the unmanageable self-willed Yankees
are like none who have gone before them—but the
answer is, that what they will pass through may
tame and humble even Yankees.

As to the difficulties and dangers of abolishing
slavery we do not believe in them. It has become
the slang and cant of a number of respectable writers
and speakers to picture servile war, and all sorts of
horrors as the consequence of abolition. How can
these men believe themselves ? They must be
either thoughtless or hypocritical. Take the great
fact ; that England emancipated a host of slaves
equal to about a fourth of those of America, and
pent up in a much smaller space, and yet not a slave-
holder felt the hand of violence from one of the
many thousands who had suffered such cruel injus-
tice at their hands. To all such nonsense, Jamaica
is a standing answer. The masters suffered nothing,
but the loss of the most wicked power ever placed
by the arch-enemy of man in the hands of
the few—the power to treat human beings
as articles of merchandise. There were those who
predicted, as we well remember, all sorts of such
horrors in Jamaica—the answer is before the world.
The only horrible thing was that the negro laughed
and capered for joy, that Massa could lick him no
longer.

Nothing, with ordinary prudence, could be more
certain than the same results in America. Suppose
Mr. LINCOLN, in the language of Mr. CONWAY, to
"ignore the relation of slavery"—to do it honestly,
unconditionally, and in a way to show that the
North had really renounced its anti-negro feeling,
and would firmly protect the inherent right of
every coloured man to his personal liberty. What
must be the first step ?—to make the fact known
first to the masters, next to the ignorant and ex-
citable negroes themselves. The first would soon
enough understand. Of course, the intimation
mast at the same time be made, and faith
honourably kept, that the Government pre-
ferred creating a large national debt to
compensate fairly for the slaves, to creating one by
mutual bloodshed and devastation. that would
tell on a vast proportion of the planters themselves.
It would perhaps break them up as a combined re-
sisting power; for though unwilling to part with
their beloved despotism over their slaves, they would
think it better than losing their power and the
money too.
Then the slaves would not be difficult to deal
with, if only the North were as determined on their
emancipation as England was in her case. The
slaves can spread intelligence amongst them-
selves with wonderful rapidity. The watchword
would have to be—no attacks on masters, but liberty
on joining us. Aid us by information, aid us
by letting your masters know that you prefer
to be freemen working for wages; tell them
that the PRESIDENT of the United States is
willing to pay for their liberties, and by
letting them understand that you know your
new rights, and that they cannot be long kept
from you, you will damp their zeal in fighting use-
lessly to keep you in a bondage from which you
must soon be delivered. We repeat that if the
North went sincerely to work, in a short time all
the Slave States would be fermenting with the
new leaven of hope for the bondsman—the
Northern armies would be the slave's guarantee for
his hope. They would have his invaluable direct
co-operation, and his not less valuable indirect
help. In a few years the South would be covered
with a free, merry, industrious peasantry. The
cotton-plant would bloom again in all its beauty,
and that beauty would be undimmed by the dark
shades of the bondage of man to his fellow-man.

he bearing of our fellow-countrymen, the popu-
ation of our various North American possessions,
at the present critical juncture is in the highest
degree satisfactory. Throughout the two Canadas,
throughout Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the
other minor transatlantic dependencies of the
Crown, the feelings excitel by the imminence of
the present situation of affairs between the Govern-
ment of the British Empire and the Federal Go-
vernment at Washington, are at once very simple,
profoundly earnest, and absolutely unanimous. We
can judge pretty correctly of all this even now.
For it is remarkable that in all the accounts
that have as yet reached us from this
quarter of our dominions no two are in any
way at variance. And it is especially noticeable
already that in the emotions excited in our own
North American possessions by the certainly very
startling tidings of the astounding provocation to
war between the two Governments meaning
the outrage perpetrated on board the British vessel,
the Trent, by the officers of the Federal war-ship
the San Jacinto—have been emotions expressive
rather of a calm determination than of anything
like eager or impassioned enthusiasm. Remember-
ing what must be the situation of those colonies in
the unhappy event of war between Great Britain
and the Federal Government, it is surely better that
it should be thus, precisely in this spirit of resolute
and deliberate loyalty, that the Canadians, the
New Brunswickers, and the Nova Scotians should
accept the lamentable alternative. It was only the
octlheaerradna fellow-countrymen,
i comprehensiblethatio_t
the sentiments of those, whom we
may again be allowed to designate as our trans-
atlantic ontry me na ,nwd eeraerne
eearnest
vv e enunciatedrde
by thverye
Hon. t e
Scotia.J o
—OWE, the Prime Minister of Nova
It will be recollected by those who took
any note whatever of the significant address
delivered by that hon. gentleman to the working
classes, who were assembled to hear him down at
Ashton-un?.er-Lyne, he spoke distinctly and empha-
tically, c,f course in the name of the population of