The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-17 00:00:00

' the Government of the Pope's Prime Minister, Car-
dinal Antonelli, had been of the worst possible kind.
Passing on to Florence, Mr. Griffith observed, that
it was an impossibility to separate those sm-,sl Ita-
lian States, which were of no more extent than our
English counties. At Florence, he saw the gover-
nor, Baron Ricasoli, by whom he was received with
the greatest frankness and confidence, and he de-
scribed the Baron as being the model of a patriotic
nobleman. The Baron was a member of one of the
most ancient families, and he told Mr. Griffith
though he was that day a man of wealth, he knew
not but that on the next he might be in poverty, as
he had laid his all upon the altar of his country.
To show how free Florence was from a sanguinary
desire for vengeance upon their oppressors the
Baron told him that on the previous (Sunday) night
Count Andrea Corsini was at the opera, and, though
the bitterest enemy of the Florentines, not the
slightest indignity or the least molestation was
offered to him. On returning to Turin, Mr. Grif-
fith saw the Sardinian Minister for Foreign Af-
fairs, who was a man quite fitted for his position
by the mental qualifications, extensive information,
and liberal mind which he possessed. Many
of the questions which Mr. Griffith had desired to
be informed upon in direct communication with the
people of Italy, when he left England, had, he
found, travelled with as great rapidity as himself
between the respective Governments, and already
been disposed of. He found all those with whom
he came in contact men well qualified for their
duties as leaders in such a time ; and to the one
great question which he sought to have answered—
Whether they would have the Grand Dukes at all?
he received from all the same reply, that " they
would not, be the consequences whatever they
might." They stated that they were prepared rather
to adopt the most desperate measures, and they did
not hesitate to state to him what they would do ;
but, so desperate were some of their measures, that
he did not think it advisable to make them public.
Another object he had in view in going to Italy
was to ascertain what idea was entertained as to
the feelings and intentions of England in connec-
tion with Italian affairs. Many had a notion that
she could send her fleets to any part of the coast,
and do what she liked in the way of armed inter-
vention ; and he was therefore desirous of explain-
ing to those with whom he came in contact, that
the employment of physical force by England would
do the cause of Italian freedom more harm than
anything else, as it would be the very means of ex-
citing the jealousy of all the European powers—
especially that of France—and would lead to all
the other powers being arrayed against them. They
had stated to him that they were quite prepared to
fight their own battles, and to ask from England
only sympathy, and the moral force of public opi-
nion. After some remarks in support of a prin-
ciple which he laid down, that government was
an art and not a science, he contended that it ought
to be made or altered to suit the taste, habits, and
feelings of the people governed, although he depre-
cated the idea, broached 'at a recent meeting at
Aberdeen, that people were justified in deposing
their rulers or kings whenever they thought pro-
per. He believed, however, that when the case of
the States of Italy came to be examined, it would
not be found so very different from our own Revo-
lution. James 11. abdicated, and the Grand Dukes
ran away from their States, so that in both cases
the seats of power were left vacant for the time
being. In support of his argument in justification
of the Italians, Mr. Griffith cited the conduct of
England, in aiding the Greeks against the Turks in '
1826, and fighting the battle of Navarino, conduct
which was applauded by the French people; and,
at a more recent period, France gave her aid to
the Belgians against the Dutch, the Belgians be-
ing strangers to the Dutch both in habits and
religion ; but to come to a still later period, at
the close of the Russian war the French pro-
posed
a measure the reverse of that which had
been adopted in relation to Italian affairs—that of
separation—they had proposed that the Principali-
ties of Moldavia and Wallachia should be united—a
proposition which had been carried into effect, entire-
ly through the influence of France. In illustration of
the inconsistency of France he recurred again to the
conduct of the Emperor, who, he said, when his
armies entered Italy, had at first called on the inha-
bitants to become soldiers for that day that they
might be citizens on the morrow, and who had given
encouragement to the inhabitants until the terrible
battle of Solferino, after which, he went into ne-
gotiations with the Emperor of Austria, and pro-
ceeded to make treaties with but little or no regard
to the wishes of the people of the Indian States. He
maintained that the Emperor of France, because he
had obtained Lombardy from Austria, and had
transferred it to Sardinia, had still no right to at-
tempt to force upon other Italian States rulers, to
whose domination the population was opposed. The
proposition of tho Emperor of France that the Pope
should ho the head of the Federal Union of the Ita-
lian States, was so preposterous that, wishing to
give his Majesty credit for sincerity, he could enly
reconcile the fact of a man of such sagacity and in-
telligence acting so being under the influence of a
pious illusion. He was very much mistaken if
there would not be great difference of opinion on
such a question in France, and as to the opinion of
England, it was quite clear that the people were
utterly opposed to it, and and he was satisfied that
no English Minister would be able to stand for a
day who should venture to countenance such a
proposition. The Italians deprecated a Congress
to settle their affairs ; they had the matter in their
own hands, and he believed-they were prepared to
adopt the couplet of Lord Byron—

" Hereditary bondsmen, know ye not
Who would be free, themselves must strike the blow."
And he also believed they would be ready to adopt
our English motto, quis separabit ? or " who shall
separate us ? as well as that other motto, Xenzo me
iinpune lacessit. "No man wrongs me with im-
punity."
Mr. GRIFFITH then sat down amidst much ap-
plause, which hid been frequently accorded to him,
during the course of his address.

The MAYOR proposed a vote of thanks to Mr.
Griffith, which was given by acclamation and duly
acknowledged, after which the meeting separated.

HISS MARTINEAU ON TIGIIT-LACING,

The modern dross perverts the form very dis-
agreeably. The evil still begins with the stays, in
tio many instances, though there is less tight-
lacing than formerly. It is a pity that women do
not know how little they gain by false pretences in
regard to figure and complexion. ,Our grandmo-
thers would not have worn paint if they had been
aware, that it is useless after forty to attempt to
seem younger—the texture of the skin revealing at
a glance the fact which paint and dyed hair cannot
conceal, except perhaps in the parks, or across a
theatre. In the same way, the round waist pro-
duced by tight-lacing is always distinguishable in a
moment from the easy oval form of the genuine
snail waist. Compare the two extremes, and
you will see at once. Compare the figure
of the Graces of Raffaelle, or the Venus de
:Medici, with the smallest and most praised waist
is a factory, and observe the difference. Before
the glass, the owner of the latter sees the smallness
in front, and fancies it beautiful ; but it is disgust-
,in gto others. It is as stiff as the stem of a tree,
and spoils the form and movement more than the
armour of ancient knights ever did ; and we know
what is going on within. The ribs ase pressed out
of their places, down upon the soft organs within,
or overlapping one another: the heart is comp' o3sed,
so that the circulation is irregular : the stomach
and liver are compressed, so that they cannot act
properly : and then parts which cannot be squeezed
are thrust out of their places, and grave ailments
aro the consequence. At the very best, the com-
plexion looses more than the figure can be supposed
to gain. It is painful to see what is endured by
some young women in shops and factories, or else-
where. They cannot stoop for two minutes over their
work without gasping and being blue, or red, or
white in the face. They cannot go upstairs with-
out stopping to take breath every few steps. Their
arms are half-numb, and their hands red or chil-
blained ; and they must walk as if they were all-of-
a-piece, without the benefit and grace of joints in
the spine and limbs. A lady had the curiosity to
feel what made a girl whom she knew so like
a wooden figure, and found 4 complete palisade
extending round the body. On her remonstrat-
ing, the girl pleaded that she had "only six-and
twentY whalebones !" Any- visitor of a range of
factories will be sure to find-that girls are dropping
in fainting-fits, here and there, however pure the
air and proper the temperature ; and here and there
may be seen a vexed and disgusted proprietor,
seeking the warehouse•woman, or some matron, to
whom he gives a pair of large scissors, with direc-
tions to cut open the stays of some silly woman who
had fainted. Occasional inquests afford a direct
warning of the fatal effects which may follow the
practice of tight-lacing ; but slow and painful dis-
ease is much more common ; and the register ex-
hibits, not the stays, but the malady created by the
stays as the cause of death. That such cases are
common, any physician who practises among the
working-classes will testify.—t nce a Week.
[A

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