The Sun.
London, England, 1861-03-19 00:00:00

consolidation of the whole of the complex and
jumbled laws relating to Bankruptcy and Insol-
vency, has now happily secured to the nation
this singularly rapid and ample compensation.
Before the Budget has been talked of, before the
Easter recess has commenced, while we are yet
considerably more than two whole months distant
from the great, the important day (Wednesday,
June the Fifth) big with the fate of the Church-rates
and of Party—the Bankruptcy Bill has not merely
been read a first and a second time in the House of
Commons, but has been passed carefully clause by
clause through committee after lengthened and
profound deliberation. It has not, in any particular,
at the same time, been hastily, or prematurely
forced upon the attention of the popular branch
of the Legislature. Having been minutely and
most lucidly explained by its author at the period
of its original introduction, it has since then
been sifted and scrutinised bit by bit as it passed,
clause after clause, through the analytical ordeal
of committee. And now having passed that
ordeal of committee in the Commons betimes, the
Bill, after a third reading there, will go up to the
House of Peers for Vet further consideration and
revision at the hands of the learned Law Lords,
the authoritative and venerable ex-Chancellors.
As it is—even in the Commons—the changes
adventured upon through the medium of this
bold measure of innovation are so daring some
of them, and are altogether so vaijous, that
it would be extravagant to suppose for an instant
that they have been all settled (even there) Jefini-
tively. Sir RICHARD BETHELL is too able a
lawyer to evidence in this matter any over-
weening obstinacy, or to show himself in
this way in any respect perversely or obdurately
self-opinionated. His course last evening, for
example—a course taken by him immediately upon
the appeal addressed by Lord STANLEY to her
MAJESTY'S Government in respect to the inci-
dental question about raising the salaries of
County Court Judges, who will manifestly have
large additional duties cast .upon them imme-
diately this bill shall have come into actual opera-
tion as an enactment—evidenced on the Attorney-
General's part, his readiness to concede or
to defer to the opinions of others when
principles are not actually involved in the question
under consideration. An opportunity, said Sir
RICHARD BETHELL, in reply to Lord STANLEY'S
appeal—an opportunity would be afforded later on
for the discussion yet further of this, among other
questions, affecting more or less intimately the
new Bill for the better adjustment and the more
systematic and symmetrical arrangement of the
laws relating to Bankruptcy.

After our remarks yesterday, which were written
upon the telegraphic summary of the President's
speech, the arrival of our American papers, as we
were going to press, enabled us to present our
readers with the complete inaugural address of Mr.
LINCOLN. Many, we presume, will have read it
with intense curiosity, for it is indeed an
important document. Nothing less than the decla-
ration of public policy by the head of the great
American Confederation, at a crisis quite
as important as that of the severance of
the first thirteen colonies from the mother
country. The occasion was indeed one to
shake the nerves of the firmest and ablest mind,
to perplex it to indecision, but also to arouse it to
very decided and unfaltering action, could the path
of duty be clearly seen.
All will agree that the speech is a very able one.
The single clause with which it concludes is a rather
unappropriate attempt at poetical rhetoric, but with
that exception it is a masterly and closely reasoned
document, whatever opinion may be formed of the
policy it indicates. It was listened to with breath-
less attention by 30,000 people, and with not less
attention we may be sure by Mr. BUCHANAN, and
the infamous Judge TANEY, of the Supreme Court,
who has used the bench of justice for pro-slavery
and party purposes, and who must have felt himself
put into his right place by the observations of Mr.
LINCOLN on the necessary limitations of the bear-
ing of the decisions of his court.
Mr. LINCOLN cleared the ground for his main
objects by proving from his candidate's speeches
and the platform of his party, that the Slave states
had nothing to fear from the Republicans in regard
to their State rights and institutions; also, by
acknowledging that the disgraceful clause in the
Federal Constitution, on the extradition of persons
held to labour, referred to slaves, and as all mem-
bers of Congress had sworn to it, it ought to be
observed. He held, however, that it was unimpor-
tant whether the extradition were made by the
laws of State or by lhe national law ; but, that
in either case, in any law upon this subject, all the
safeguards of liberty known in civilised and humane
jurisprudence ought to be introduced, so that a

free man might not, in any case, be surrendered as a
slave ? And might it not—he added—be well at
the same time to provide by law for the enforcement
of that clause in the constitution which guarantees
that " the citizens of each State shall be entitled
1 to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in
the several States."
He then came to the grand question, in regard to
which he gave his hearers both theory and practice.
He shewed that the Union was older than the
Constitution, and that the latter was intended to
strengthen it. He said—" I hold that, in the contem-
plation of universal law and of the constitution,
the union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity
is implied if not expressed in the fundamental law
of all national governments. It is safe to assert
that government proper never had a provision in

objects. But it is jutst here, if he adhere to his
speech, that the danger will begin. Will the
President not only send ships of war to Charleston
harbour to collect the customs—will he not only
reinforce Fort Sumpter.—but will he also land and
take possession of the Federal forts, arsenal, and
custom-house at Charleston ? If he make these
attempts, to which his speech yet seems to pledge
him, civil war will be the almost certain consequence.
He shows, however, in one respect, a disposition to
waive his right that of appointing Federal
officials where the States will not allow them to be
provided from residents in the State ; if he waives
this to avoid unpleasantness, much more we might
suppose would he be likely to waive the right of
entering on Federal property seized and held by
the seceders.

One of the parts in his address which it is most
difficult for the seceder to meet in argument, is that
where he shows the necessity of Government by
the decision of the majority, or, of despotism, or
anarchy as the alternatives ; and that the central
idea of secession is anarchy. His appeal to his op-
ponents to confide in the people and in the
ALMIGHTY is well put. The Chief Magistraie, he
says, "derives all his authority from the people, and
they have conferred none upon him to fix the terms
for the separation of the States. The people them-
selves also can do this if they choose, but the Execu-
tive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is
to administer the present government as it came to
his hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to
his successor. Why should there not be a patient
confidence in the ultimate justice of the people
Is there any better or equal hope in the world ?
In our present differences, is either party without
faith of being in the right? If the Almighty Ruler
of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be
on your side of the North, or on yours of the South,
that truth and that justice will surely prevail by
the judgment of this great tribunal—the American
people."
On two great questions the President appears to
be intentionally silent. The New Tariff, and what
will be his administration of the territories. Yet
these are the two gravest points in the opinion
of the South—they rebel, and justly, against being
made to pay extravagant prices for their iron and
cotton goods, merely to confer an artificial protec-
tion on Pennsylvanian iron-masters and New Eng-
land cotton weavers. The MORRILL Tariff
is a direct defiance of the South. Slavery
in the Territories is also one of their
chief demands ; but the LINCOLN address intimates
that there is a little vagueness in the Constitution
on the subject, while he has always maintained
that the Constitution ought to be worked for the
purposes of freedom. On the whole, the Message
concedes nothing to the South which could be
matter of legal dispute ; it leaves the chief questions
untouched ; it seems to assert intentions of fulfilling
Federal duties which must issue in a civil war, yet
it is moderate in waiving some of the most offensive
Federal rights, and insists above all things on the
duty and safety of avoiding hasty and precipitate
action.

" My countrymen," he says, "one and all, think
calmly and well upon this whole subject. Nothing
valuable can be lost by taking time. If it were
admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold the right
side in the dispute, there still is no single reason
for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism,
Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has
never yet forsaken this favoured land, are still
competent to adjust in the best way all our present
difficulty."

With these words he throws the onus of com-
mencing civil war on his "dissatisfied fellow coun-
trymen." The Government " will not assail them."
" You can have no conflict without being your-
selves the aggressors." Thus, firm as the tone
of the speech seems, it will be perceived that
moderation and waiting for the South to cool—

ittle likely, we fear—is the real policy of Mr,

LINCOLN.

INDL4N AFFAIRS.

TO THE EDITOR OP THE SUN.

SIR,--In a crisis like the present one, when our Indian
affairs are a subject of national debate, a few words from
an old Indian may not be amiss.

It appears to be the current opinion that Sir Chas. Wood
has offended the Indian civilians and officers by a grant of
half a million of pounds to one of the Mussulman Rajahs.
'I his I consider to be a very correct line of policy in the
present state of affairs in India. We cannot either govern
a child in a family, or a great country, by coercion alone;
and, to use an old Latin proverb, I would add, " Bis dat
qui cito dat." Regarding the reorganisation of the two
armies, perhaps it would be advisable for the authorities at
the Horse Guards to bear in mind that an empire is at
stake, and that the maintenance of that empire depends
solely en keeping up a good understanding with the officers
of the local army ; or should they fail in regarding the
interests of the Anglo-Indian forces, in the changes con-
sequent on amalgamation of the Indian and Royal armies,
they will find, to their cost, that that empire, which has
been so hardly won, will be inevitably lost.
I remain, Sir, yours obediently,
H. S. R. PECHELL, Bombay Artillery.

The Earl and Countess of Craven and family
have left town for Ashdown Park, Berks. .
PRINCESS'S THEATRE.—Mr. Augustus Harris,
who, as lessee and manager of the Princess's Theatre, has
deservedly gained the support of the public and the estima-
tion of his professional friends, announces his benefit for
Saturday next, the 23d inst. The entertainments on that
occasion will be selected from all that has proved most at-
tractive during his management, and comprise the talents
of the most popular members of his company.
ST. JAMES'S THEATRE.—Miss Herbert will take
her benefit at this theatre on Thursday next. So great is
the popularity of the " Isle of St. Tropez" that she retains
it for this occasion, and, as usual, will represent the wrongly
suspected wife, while Mr. Wigan will portray the sufferings
of the poisoned husband. It is needless to say that this
piece has been rendered by excellent acting one of the most
celebrated of the season.
SEIZURE or GUNPOWDER.—The recent seizure
of a quantity of gunpowder in the Old Bailey having caused
apprehensions amongst the inhabitants of the City, the
police have been on the alert to prevent, where possible,
and to discover the deposit of such a dangerous combustible
where, from the densely crowded nature of the district, the
consequence of an accident would be most disastrous. Ac-
cordingly, upon the receipt of informreion that gunpowder
in a large quantity was being warehoused on the premises
of Mr. Biggs, a carman, of One Swan-yard, Bishopsgate-
without, Inspector Harding proceeded to the premises in
question, accompanied by Inspector Mitchell, where they
found two packages containing 1 cwt. each, and four other
parcels containing 281bs. each. It was placed openly in
the warehouse, and merely a piece of convass thrown
loosely over it, but it was, it is said, in close proximity to a
blacksmith's forge. Inspectors Harding and Mitchell im-
mediately procured from the Lord Mayor a warrant to
seize the gunpowder, which they ultimately conveyed to
the Tower of London, where it woe placed in the magazine
for safety. Under the act of Parliament authorising the
seizure the owner of the premises is liable to penalties of
2s. per lb. for every pound over 501b5., independent of the
forfeiture of the gunpowder, which with half the penalties
will go to the inspectors who seized it.
THE LATE JOHN H. MANDETILLE, ESQ.—We
y
utissena longtniyd hcareere ld events.
,embraced
commission
nasb:rwieoeiarxastet
:rat
tateiod:ned:daii
glint
aotat
etohr extraordinary
regret to announce the death of Mr. John Henry Mande-
he
ville, late Minister Plenipotentiary to the Argentine Re-
public, which took place at his residence on Saturday last.
Born in Suffolk in 1773, and educated at Dedham School,
Mr. Mandeville had almost attained the advanced age of
88, and he was the oldest surviving member of the diplo-
maticrnv eaagrNi'iyme t;eynsheotref;viihsncueec wasdseenlici
selected to be the British agent in France
manner direct the contrary. I trust tLis will not
to Lord Whitworth 's Embassy, he
'`red for :he exchange of prisoners before the peace of Amiens •
be regarded as a menace, but only as the decLY
was
purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally he was attached
missions of
18351.
serrefary to Sir Arthur Piiget at Vienna in 1805, and he
defend and maintain itself." Then follows the afterwards served in the m
lause which may be interpreted according to
Minister Plenipotentiary at Buenos Ayres, where he is,
eveets. He sees no need of bloodshed. He must
tinople, Lisbon, Faris, &c. In
"hold, occupy, and possess the property and places mained for eleven years. Mr. Mandeville's great expe-
rience of public affairs, and his memory, which extended
belonging to the Government and collect the over the greater part of a century, rendered him a meat
duties and. imposts." He will use no lone i •
. agreeable companion, and lie continued to fill a most dis-
beyond what i$ necessary to effect these tinguished place in society to the last day of his protracted
life.

its organic law for its own termination. Continue
to execute all the express provisions of our national
constitution, and the Union will endure for ever, it
being impossible to destroy it except by some
' action not provided for in the instrument itself.
Again, if the United states be not a government
proper, but an associationitoafs states in
contract
tt the nature
peaee!
of a contract merely, can
ably unmade by less than all the parties who made
it ? One party to a contract may violate it—break
it, so to speak—but does it not require all to law-
fly rescind i
Hencededuces the conclusion that all the
law-
fullyhe
acts of the States and State Conventions are null,
ipso facto. They do not require that he should
even know them. " I therefore consider that,
in view of the constitution and the laws, the
Union is unbroken, and to the extent of my ability
I shall take care, as the constitution itself expressly
enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be
faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I
deem to be only a simple duty on my part. I shall

perfectly perform it, 49 far as is practicable, unless
my rightful masters, the American people, shall

withhold the requisition, or in st,'.
*lie authoritative