The Sun.
London, England, 1861-08-14 00:00:00

COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.

(LATEST BY TELEGRAPH TO FATHER POINT.)
NEW YORK, AUG. 3.

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ADDRESS ON THE HUNGARIAN DIET
TO THE EMPEROR OF AUSTRIA.

PESTH, AUG. 9.

This morning the first part of Deak's address,
adopted yesterday unanimously, and without altera-
tion, has appeared in print.
The following is the translation of the text :

" Imperial Royal Majesty,—When the dominion of abso-
lutism which burdened us for 12 years suffered a break, we
thought our sufferings had reached their term, and that we
might confidently hope that time would soothe the after-
pains, that the strength of the nation, if not exhausted by
new attacks, would make good the injuries which the pur-
poseless course adopted had inflicted on us, and on the
whole monarchy.
" We could not shake off all feelings of anxiety when we
perceived that a great proportion of the ordinances issued
in the administrative department were not constitutional.
But we trusted that when the Diet was called together,
and had laid at your feet the expression of the rightful
wishes of the nation, your Majesty would progress in the
constitutional path—would deem worthy of consideration
the demands of the nation based in justice and in law, and
would order the suppression of all the unlawful relics of
the absolute system, so that at last the monarch and the
nation might stand united on the lawful footing of a con-
stitutional right.

" The Diet was summoned to meet. We considered it to be
our first duty to lay before your Majesty, with respectful
sincerity, a statement of those measures which are absolutely
indispensable for the complete re-establishment of the con-
stitution, and hence to reassure the nation. We addressed
ourselves in the name of the nation to a Prince who, by
virtue of his lawful right of inheritance to the throne, wishes
to become the lawful crowned King of Hungary. Because
we saw that already in t'ie preliminary steps many provi-
sions of the laws were disregarded, it became our duty
openly to express what are the conditions inevitably
attached to the light of succession and the coronation, by
that fundamental state contract by which the crown of
Hungary was conferred on the ruling dynasty.

"It is not we who have established these conditions.
This is not the first time that their fulfilment has been re-
quired. The predecessors of your Majesty became on the
same conditions crowned kings of Hungary. The title of
your Majesty to the crown of Hungary depends on the
self-same contract which establishes also those conditions.

" We asked in our address for no concessions ; we pro-
posed no new laws to guarantee our rights. We wished only
that the Pragmatic Sanction, with all its conditions and the
mutual obligations it imposed, should be strictly observed.
We required only that our ancestral constitution and the
laws enacted by our Diet, which have been suspoßdod by
force, should he re-established, and that the right of altering
and repealing laws should in no degree be withdrawn from
the Diet. In a word, we wished that legality and constitu-
tional procedure should not half, but entirely, take the place
of absolute force.

" The Rescript which your Majesty was graciously
pleased to send to us on the 21st of July of the present year
distinctly refused to satisfy our rightful wishes. From the
whole contents and spirit of the Rescript, we have come to
the painful conviction that in fact your Majesty does not
wish to reign over Hungary in the full spirit of the Prag-
matic Sanction.
"No one can doubt that it is a fundamental condition of
the granting of the right of succession to the female line,
that Hungary shall be governed according to its own laws.
The same article which conveys the right of succession to
the female line of the ruling house, after detailing the order
of succession declares in paragraph 9 that ' the third Act
of the year 1715 shall equally bind the female line admitted
to the succession by the above paragraph.' Now, the very
first clause of this third Act declares that' his Royal Ma •
jesty will not rule and govern the estates in any other way
than according to the known laws of Hungary heretofore
made or hereafter to be made through its Diet.' The same
Act (third of 1715) in its second paragraph adds 'that
Hungary shall not be governed according to the manner
(secunduin normani) of the other lands.'
"The King of Hungary is therefore to observe the laws
of the land, not only by the Royal Diploma issued at the
coronation and by the Royal oath taken, but by the Prag-
matic Sanction. This obligation extends to the period be-
fore the coronation. So the third Act of 1790, totidem vet-
Lis, declares that the Prince, upon whom devolves the suc-
cession, can, until his coronation, which may not be de-
ferred longer than six months, govern the land according
to the constitution.
":Therefore, the whole contents were quite unexpected by
us. Your Majesty has, in violation to the Pragmatic Sanction,
suspended our constitution and our laws by absolute might
and will not even now cause this suspension to ceaso. Your
Majesty promises to replace fragments only out of our con-
stitution, withdrawing from us its own essential rights. Of
your own might your Majesty has suspended our funda.
mental laws, and has substituted for them an Imperial
Diploma and Patent, which your Majesty wishes us to
regard as fundamental laws. Your Majesty requires of us
that we should send representatives to the Reichsrath,
which was created by absolute sovereign power, without
our influence, that withre,sard to our most important inte-
rests we should transfer to the Reichsrath the right of le-
gislation, which up to the present moment our nation has
always exercised in its own Diet ; that we should surrender
the rights of the land, by virtue of which it has always de-
termined its own taxation, and the levies of troops, and to
submit ourselves in these matters to the Reichsrath. Your
Majesty refuses to recognise a part and indeed an important
part of the laws passed by the Diet, and sanctioned by the
King, and at the same time commands us to modify
and repeal the same ; but beforehand your Majesty
declares that you will net recognise the laws. By this
your Majesty has completely laid aside the fundamental
principle of the Hungarian constitution, and indeed of all
constitutional government, that sanctioned laws can only
be repealed by the collective legislative factors, and
have therefore annihilated the whole legislative power of
the country. Your Majesty declines to complete the
Diet, are d yet require of us that, in the absence of
those who have not been invited to attend, and yet whom
the rights of the land concern as much as they do ourselves,
that in this incomplete state we should surrender an im-
portant portion of the laws of the land, should alter our
constitution, acknowledge as fundamental laws ordinances
mom& te') cf a bureau, and should pass laws on the most
important political questions. Further, your Majesty an-
nounces that the iterration' of the Reichsrath (by the in-
vitation of the Transylvanians, &c.) will only take place
after we have beforehand completed all this.
"These are throughout steps so unconstitutional as to
menace the very existence of the Pragmatic Sanction, for
they lay aside all that is contained in it as a fundamental
contract, in the shape of declared conditions for the security
of the nation, and retain scarcely anything but the right of
succession guaranteed to the Royal house.
" Whereas the most gracious Royal Rescript declares that
in conformity with the contents of the Diploma of the 20th
of October, the Hungarian Diet will no longer discuss and
decide the questions of taxation and military service; it adds,
by way of re-assurance, that 'the guarantees of the consti-
tutional independence of the land will not be endangered,
I but, on the contrary, further secured, if Hungary discusses
these questions in common with the representatives of the
inherited lands.'

" But we find in these words no ground whatever for re•
assurance. The constitutional independence of the land is
seriously infringed by the fact that your Majesty, without
the previous consent of the Diet, of your own might takes
away from the land this cardinal right ; that your Majesty of

your own might establishes laws, and, without once asking
the Diet whether it accepts these essential alterations of its
ancestral constitution, treats the same as an accomplished
fact, and orders us straightway to send representatives to the
Reichsrath, which will take the:place of our Diet in exercising
those rights with regard to Hungary; and so your Majesty
considers the Diet, not as a body which exercises in the name
of the nation, in conjunction with your Majesty, the legis-
lative power which is divided between the Prince and the
nation, without th 9 consent of which a law can neither be
made or altered; but your Majesty regards the Diet as a
corporation, which in the very field of legislation is bound
to receive the commands emanating from the sole power of
the Prince as law; nay, is bound further to inscribe them
in the statute book, even though they are in opposition to
the constitution and the sanctioned statutes of the realm. In
what would then the constitutional independence of Hun-
gary—whose legality the texts of the Royal Rescript
acknowledge—consist ? and where would be the guarantee
of this independence if at a future period a successor of
your Majesty, appealing to this precedent, should act in the
same manner with our other laws and rights, and should
by a command of his own power and authority suspend or
modify these without the previous consent of the land, and
then instruct the Diet to complete this order in the field of
legislation.

" But apart from this important consideration of political
right, and supposing that this question was laid before us,
in the regular course prescribed by the legislation, we could
not accept this alteration of the constitution, for the same
would be injurious, nay dangerous, to the rights and in-
terests of the nation.

" We will not now appeal to our older laws, which show
beyond dispute that so long as taxes have been paid since
the first standing army was established, the ganting of taxes
and the raising of recruits have been the undoubted right of
the nation, which the nation has continuously exercised
through its Diet. We refrain from recapitulating the de-
tailed exposition in the text of the Bth Act of 1715, and the
19th Act of 1790, and mill content ourselves with quoting
the 4th Act of 1827, which declares that as well as the de-
creeing of all kinds of taxes, and other subsidies, in gold or
in kind, as also granting recruits, belong to the province of
the Diet to discuss and settle, and cannot, under any pre-
text, even in the most extraordinary cases, be withdrawn
from it; that the taxes granted by the Diet cannot be in-
creased without its consent, that no new tax can be decreed,
nor the recruits raised.'

" In accordance with these laws, the nation has disposed
of its blood and its money. In times of peace and prosperity
it has fulfilled its public duties ; and when threatening
dangers required great efforts, or called for sacrifices, it has
never been known to spare its blood or property. The
nation did this from a feeling of duty, and in doing homage
to its laws it bore the burden more easily because they were
self-imposed in accordance with the requirements of ne-
cessity.
" But if the constitutional right the land has hitherto en-
joyed and exercised were taken away—if it, could only de-
termine the question of its new taxes and its military in com-
mon with others, the disposition over the property and blood
of the nation would pass into the hands of a corporation, the
considerable majority of which would be composed of the
representatives of other provinces. And seeing that the
greater part of the provinces belong to the German Confe-
deration, of which we (the Hungarians) are not members,
it might easily happen that they would impose burdens upon
us for such interests and such obligations as are not our in-
terests or our obligations.
" The Royal Rescript affirms that the influence of Hun-
gary extended hitherto over but a small area of the field of
taxation. This we cannot admit. The part of the direct
taxes which were called royal taxes,' was always fixed and
voted by the Diet : that part which was destined to cover the
expenses of the internal administration of the several coun-
ties, districts, and towns, was always fixed and administrated
by the autonomic jurisdictions themselves, subject to the
superintendence of the Hungarian Dicasteria. Indirect
taxes there hardly existed in Hungary but those derived
from the sale of salt, the monopoly of which legally be-
longed to the Regalia, and the Hungarian customs duties.
To determine the price of salt belonged to the Diet, and the
King could only raise it in cases of the greatest emergency,
without the sanction of the Diet, according to the provi-
sions of the 20th Act of 1790. The Hungarian customs
duties were also royal revenues, but were placed under the
superintendence of the Hungarian Dicasteria, and the Hun-
garian Legislature at various times passed decrees on the
method of their collection and on the purposes to which
they were to be appropriated. Moreover, commercial cus-
toms and duties in every well-organised land should not so
much be treated as part of the revenues of the state, as to
encourage the interests of manufactures and commerce.
The ports were also placed under the direction of the
Hungarian jurisdictions, not so much on account of the
trifling revenue they contributed to the state, but because
they can scarcely be considered as an organ of taxation.
Those indirect taxes which have been introduced by the
absolute: system, and which furnish the state with so large
a share of its revenue, and which are dangerous, partly
because they are too high, but chiefly because they weaken
the basis of the strength of the state through the expenses,
injustice, and grievances connected with the present mani-
pulation in their collection—these taxes were totally un-
known in Hungary, and are at the present moment totally
illegal. It is therefore not a fact that the constitutional
influence of the Hungarian nation extended hitherto over
but a small area of the field of general taxation.:
" The Royal Rescript further maintains that the Prag-
matic Sanction was called into existence not only to secure
Hungary more thoroughly from external and internal attack
and to prevent the internal confusion which might arise
through a disputed succession, but also to furnish a more
substantial base for mutual harmony and union, and in cor-
roboration of this it appeals to the literal sense of the Ist
and 2d Acts of 1723. In our first Address, we developed
our views of the text and meaning of the first and second
articles of the Pragmatic Sanction. We think that these,
our views, are well grounded, and we see nothing in the
Royal Rescript to shake them in the slightest degree.
There is not in these laws one line from which, whether ac-
cording to a literal or real meaning, any other union, any
closer union can be inferred than that which we in our said
Address have established. The indivisibility solely refers to
the undivided possession of all the lands by the Sovereign ;
and it is the more impossible to deduce the identity or unity
of the form of government or of the administrative system,
because the above-quoted 9th paragraph of the said 2d Act,
1723, extends the application of the 3d Act of 1715 to the
female succession, which said act explicitly declares that the
King shall only rule in Hungary subject to and in accordance
with the laws heretofore passed, and hereafter to be passed,
and that the country shall never be governed according to the
method of the other lands.' Of any other:kind of union not
a trace is to be found in the Ist and 2d Acts of 1723.

" The isolated acts which the Royal Rescript quotes to de-
monstrate a more intimate real union do not establish this real
union, but, on the contrary, the political and administrative
separation of Hungary. The unity of the Throne is, indeed,
referred to, but this• unity, in the sense that one and the
same monarch reigns over us, and over the inherited lands,
no one will call in doubt. This constitutes no real union, but
is the natural consequence, nay, the very essence, of personal
union. A unity of the Throne, taken in another sense, is
indeed not to be found. The method, the condition, and the
forms prescribed by law, by which the Priace becomes King
of Hungary, is one thing ; the steps by which he ascends the
throne of the inherited lands, are another. He governs us
according to one system, the ' inherited lands' according to
another. His sovereign rights are legally not the same in
all their parts, as there. Even the personal union of the
Throne would cease, if all the issue of your Majesty's ances-
tor, the Emperor and King Leopold L should fail; for in
such a contingency, as we developed in our first Address, in
accordance with the terms of the Pragmatic Sanction, the
country would be free to choose its own King, whilst the
other lands, according to the Pragmatic Sanction given to
them, and which they accepted, would devolve to the more
remote female branches of the House of Hapsburg.
" Further, in the Royal Rescript the unity in the ad-
ministration of foreign affairs is alluded to, and reference is
made to the fact that since the ruling family ascended the
Throne, Hungary never had any special representatives
abroad.

" In our country there exist sovereign rights, which the
constitution itself has transferred to the person of the King;
and since the King of Hungary is at the same time ruler of
the inherited lands, it follows, as a matter of course, that
rights of this nature should be exercised both in relation to
Hungary, and in relation to the inherited Inn/ by the same
prince. from tnence no closer real union can be deduced.

" Such a Royal prerogative is the right of the King of
Hungary, by virtue of which he decides of his own sove-
reign will the external relations with foreign powers. Our
laws, namely, the 2d Act of 1608, and the 4th of 1681, have
stipulated that the questions of peace or war, specially with
reference to Turkey, should be subject to the influence of
Hungary—that war should not be commenced in Hungary,
and its annexed parts, without the knowledge and concur-
rence of the country ; that the articles of treaties of peace
should be communicated to the Diet ; that a Hungarian
resident, with the same powers as the Imperial resident,
should receive like credentials to the Ottoman Porte ;
and many other laws, especially the 104th Act, of
1723, the 11th of 1741, the 17th of 1790, contain the
stipulation that the Hungarians should not be excluded
from the administration of foreign affairs, and that Hun-
garians should be admitted to the foreign embassies. But
the supreme control of foreign affairs was placed in the
hands of the monarchs, and the country, satisfied with its
highest and ample guarantee in its right to grant taxes and
recruits, only desired that Hungarians should have their
due influence in the administration of foreign affairs. This
principle, too, in reference to foreign affairs was carried out
by the Diet of '47-'4B, which, respecting the said Royal
right and maintaining it in its full integrity, considered it
sufficient that the Minister attached to the person of his
Majesty should exercise that influence, secured to the land
by the laws above enumerated.
" The Royal Rescript brings prominently forward the
fourth paragraph of the 11th Act of 1741, in which is con-
tained that his Majesty will cause Hungary to be repre-
sented in the State Ministry. But concerning the law
alluded to, we must remark that the words cited from the
same apply solely to extern al affairs, The land, as we above
said, only desired to attain that, pursuant to our former
laws, Hungarians should take part in the discussions on
foreign affairs ; and because foreign affairs were handled in
the State Ministry, and because his Majesty administered

them in accordance with the advice of the said State
Ministry, therefore and on this ground alone, the Estates
of the Land required that Hungarians too should be named.
This is corroborated by the 17th Act of 1791, which again
confirming the said 11th Act of 1741, referred to in the
Rescript, continues to declare that his Majesty will appoint
Hungarians to the State Ministry, and will provide that such
Hungarians as wish to be employed in foreign affairs shall
have the opportunity to fit themselves for the service in the
Secret State Chancery. From these words of the act it is
clear that it was only in relation to foreign affairs that the
country wished to have Hungarians placed in the States'
Ministry, from which no concision can be drawn that the
internal administration of the country was at all dependent
on the State Ministry,
" The Royal Rescript further alludes to the army, and
its unity. It is true that the Hungarian army fought against
the enemies of their country and the King side by side with
the troops of the other provinces ; but there existed always
an essential difference between Hungary and the' inherited
lands' in all that related to the Ministry. Hungary deter-
mined by its Diet the number of the Hungarian army inde.
pendently of any influence of the inherited lands or their
government, as very numerous laws, e.
,q., the 2d Act of
1802, prove. In the Diet was determined the means 13f.,
sustaining the Hungarian army, and that often deviated
materially from the system adopted in the inherited lands
the recruits necessary for keeping up the complement of
the army were granted by the Diet, which only regarded
and filled up the gaps made in the Hungarian regiraentBP
and did not regard the losses of other than Hungarian
regiments. In the Diet was determined the manner end
conditions of levying recruits, without any regard to the
method adopted in the other provinces. And in granting
supplies, not only did they take into consideration the nun'
ber of men wanted to raise the Hungarian regiments to
their standard number, but required that an account of the
foreign relations should be laid before it, and voted the
recruits according to the necessity which it seemed these
circumstances rendered necessary. The correctness of this
statement is established by our laws, of which it is sufficient
to quote the first paragraph of the 2d Act of 1840:
Whereas, in accordance with the demand of the Estates
based on the law, reports have been laid before them of the
circumstances pending in foreign affairs, and of the present
state of the Hungarian regiments, in consequence of these
reports, and in consideration of the requirements, the Estates
grant, as subsidies, to satisfy the said requirements, of their
free will, 38,000 recruits, under the following conditions.'
" The Hungarian army was kept up by regular continuous
levies, over and above the recruits from time to time voted.
These levies also took place in accordance with laws passed
by the Diet, and the Diet regularly voted the supplies neces-
sary to keep up the same.

" Our older laws especially provide that the foreign mili-
tary shall be kept out of the country, that the Hungarian
soldier shall always be brought back, that Hungarian
commanders shall always have the charge of Hungarian
fortresses, and that the command in chief of the Hungarian
troops shall devolve on the Palatine of the land. The Hun.
garian Royal Staat-halterei' council regulated the victual-
ling and the baaracks of the soldiery, and often, e. g. in
1790 and 1840, the Diet appointed commissioners to pre-
pare on these matters standing regulations. All this places
it beyond a doubt, that Hungary also in military matters,
both in a political and in administrative respects, enjoyed
constitutional independence, and that the clauses of the
third act of 1848, which place the administration of the
military department, without prejudice to the Royal prero-
gative of the Hungarian King, was not passed in opr"
sitiori to the spirit of the former laws.
" We are therefore compelled, as representatives of the
nation, with the most profound respect, and at the same time
with the sincerity we owe to your Majesty, our country, reld
ourselves, to declare that we hold fast the Pragmatic Sane-
tion, and to all the conditions centained in it, without all
exception, and we cannot regard or recognise as constitu-
tional anything which is in contradiction to any part of it.
" We hold firm to the constitutional independence of our
country, and cannot therefore, recognise any other union
with the inherited lands' than that which the Pragmatic
Sanction establishes.

" We can neither accept the Imperial Diploma of the 20th
of October, 1860, nor the intended application to Hung'
of the Patent of the 26th of February of this year. We can
not accept the same as basis for our deliberations, nor recog-
nise it as binding for the kingdom of Hungary.
" We also solemnly protest against the exercise, on tile
part of the Reichsrath, of any legislative or other power over
Hungary in any relation whatsoever; we declare that We
will not send any representatives to the Reichsrath; and
further that the election of any, by other instrumentalitYr
will be an attack on our constitution, and we declare that
any persons elected by such means cannot in any respect
represent Hungary.
" Whereas, no one has a right to regulate the affairs of
Hungary, except by will of the lawful King, and of the con-
stitutionally expressed will of the nation, we hereby declare
that we must regard as unconstitutional and unbinding all
acts or ordinances of the Reichsrath referring to Hungary
or its annexed parts. We further declare that we cannot
recognise as constitutional with reference to Hungary, and
therefore as binding, any state burden or obligation founded
by the Reichsrath, any loan contracted by its authority, or
the sale of any Royal demesne sanctioned by it—and that
we shall regard all such as having taken place unlawfully
and without the consent of the land.

" We declare that we will maintain, unimpaired, the right
of the nation to vote its supplies and regulate its taxes, and
military levies in its own Diet, and will never agree to the
transfer of these rights to the Reichsrath.

" We hold firm to the constitutional right of the country,
in accordance with which the legislative functions, whether of
passing or of repealing and modifying already sanctioned,
laws belong solely to the Sovereign, with the Estates in
Parliament assembled, and cannot be exercised by either
separately. A one-sided exercise of the legislative power,
we cannot, therefore, regard as constitutional ; we cannot
accept any oktroiyirung ' (orders issued from a bureau),
and cannot admit that sanctioned laws can be in any Pert
suspended, modified, or annulled by a one-sided power. Oa
this ground, we hold also to the laws of 1848 in their fell
extent, and declare them binding, because they have bees
constitutionally passed, and solemnly sanctioned by the
Royal power.

" We declare that until the ' completion' of the Reichs"
rath (by the issue of the writs, &c. in Transylvania) Prey
scribed by law we will enter into no negociations coneeru-
ing the Inaugural Diploma.

" We declare finally, that we are compelled to regard
present administration of the country, especially the despotic
conduct of unconstitutional officials, as illegal, and subject to
punishment according to the laws of the country; and the
direct and indirect taxes imposed in violation of the law?
and levied by military force, as unconstitutional.
" We see with regret that your Majesty by your gracinu4
Royal Rescript has rendered mutual understanding incP°°
sible, and has broken off the thread of negotiation. 06'
Royal Rescript does not stand on the footing of the gul-
garian constitution, but it establishes as fundamental 10'5
the Imperial Diploma and Patent which emanated froni
absolute power, and are in opposition to our constitution.
We are bound by our duty to our country, by our positioa
as representatives, and by our conviction, to the Hungarial
constitution, and on its footing alone our deliberations inns,
take place. These two directions deviating, nay, opposed
to one another, cannot lead to the wished for union. 00r
most holy duty has pointed out the direction we must take'
We must, therefore, declare, with the greatest sorrow, that
in consequence of the Royal Rescript we are also compelled'
to regard the thread of negotiations through the Diet a°
broken off.

" It is possible that over our country will again Pal
' hard times ;' we cannot ward them off at the sacrifice °'
our duties as citizens. The constitutional freedom of the
land is not our possession in such a sense that we can freelf
deal with it ; the nation has with faith entrusted it to oar
keeping, and we are answerable to our country and to our
conscience. If it be necessary to suffer, the nation will
submit to suffering, in order to preserve and hand down t°
future generations that constitutional liberty it has
herited from its forefathers. It will suffer, without loofa
courage, as its ancestors have endured and suffered, to bt:
able to defend the rights of the land ; for what might 901
power take away, time and favourable circumstances rill,
return ; but the recovery of what a nation renounces of I'
own accord, from fear of suffering, is matter ;of difficult':
and uncertainty. The nation will suffer, hoping for a betisi
future, and trusting- to the justice of its cause.—We re;
main, with the most profound respect, the most obedisli
servants of your Royal Majesty,
"THE REPRESENTATIVES OF HUNGARY
IN DIET ASSEMBLED."

Several remarks made by the King of Sweden at
Paris are already in circulation. His Majesty, on leaving
the Opera, is said to have observed to the Emperor, " Sire'
if I could become a private citizen, I should not wish r°
live anywhere but in Paris." After successively visiting
the Louvre, the Museum of Artillery, the Rue de Riv°ll
and the Caserne Napoleon, his Majesty said to Colonel
Castelnau :—" Your Paris is at once a drawing-roomy

theatre, and a fortress."
THE WESTERN FISHERIES.—The drift boats at
St. Ives (Cornwall), when the weather permitted of their
going to sea, have during the past few da ,s taken from 400
to 5,000 pilchards per boat. At Porthleven3, nearly the same
quantities have been taken, as well as a number of ligke.
At Mevagissey the drift boats have taken from 1,000 to
3,000 pilchards per boat, but the seines have done but little;
one only took about five hogsheads.
THE ORDER OF THE SERAPHIM.—The Order of
the Seraphim, which the Emperor wore at the review, i°
the most ancient and venerated of all the Swedish. It
is
said to have been founded by King Magnus I. in the 141'
century; but its primitive constitution has undergone sevo"
ral modifications, the last of which took place in 1748, in
the reign of Frederick I. The King is the Chief and Grand-
Master of the Order, but has no power to abolish it. Tb°
princes of the Royal family of Sweden are members I).Y.
right of birth. The knights form only one class,
number is fixed at 23 Swedes and eight foreigners, exclu-
sive of sovereigns and their heirs-apparent. No Swede call
be admitted to the Order of the Seraphim if he is net already
a knight either of the Sword or of the Polar Star ; but 00
being received into the Order of the Seraphim he become!
a commander in the order to which ho previously belougo"
and the ir