The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-01 00:00:00

ON 0

A writer in a contemporary says :—As an Ameri-
can, I earnestly feel, in common with many of my
fellow-countrymen in Europe, how important it is
at this critical stage of affairs in America that there
should be a just understanding here of the relation
which the Unitel States Government bears toward
the seceding States, and of the policy of Mr. Lincoln
since his inauguration. Your leader of last Satur-
day discusses this question in a generous, apprecia-
tive, and kindly spirit, and the English press, with
few exceptions, in this hour of our trouble has
treated us with a brotherly consideration which
will not be forgotten; yet there is an evident mis-
understanding of the question at issue between the
North and the South. It is a fact which is sustained
by the record, that since the formation of the
Constitution of the United States, legislation has
been in favour of the institution of slavery rather
than against it, and although the election of
Mr. Lincoln was the success of an anti-slavery sen-
timent, yet neither did the leaders of the Republi-
can party nor their platform of principles take any
more ultra position than that of non extension.
The Secessionistsknew this very well, and in their
new Deela ation of Independence they make no
special charge against the North, but deal in general
and ambiguous phrases. To the overtures of con •
ciliation offered by the Border Slave States, they
contemptuously reply " We will not come back
into the Union on any terms. We hate the North,
and will have nothing to do with them," and it is
from this response you may be sure that the coun-
try has been saved the shame of another compromise.
In reply to this statement I am asked "Why not
let them go ? Carry out your doctrine of popular
sovereignty ; get rid of the incubus." I answer we
should rejoice to be free from the curse of slavery,
but among a multiplicity of objections to a recogni-
tion of the Secession movement is, first, there is a
large Union party at the South which is overawed,
and which it would be unmanly to desert. Again,
we have acquired Tex4s, Louisiana, and Florida by
the expenditure of many millions of money. If ore
of the pet schemes of the South had been accom-
plished, we might have paid 1:25,000,000 for Cuba,
and she would have voted herself out in the same
way with the funds of the Federal Government.
That Government, again, has expended many mil-
lions more in the erection of costly fortifications
within their borders. The objection of their in-
debtedness might be removed it they were in a con-
dition to pay, but with a year's debt in advance
for the whole cotton crop, and a revenue insufficient
to pay one dollar in five of their expenses, they are
not likely to meet any obligations of that sort ' • and,
lastly, the passage of a free-trade tariff law by the
Montgomery Convention, although it was merely a
tub thrown out with which to catch the European
whale of 'trade, rendered the enforcement of the
revenue laws an absolute necessity. These and
many other considerations have dictated the policy
of Mr. Lincoln,
which was clearly and consistently
set forth in his reply to the resolution of the Vir-
ginia Convention. He says,—" Not hating seen
any occasion to change, it is now my purpose to
pursue the course marked out in the inaugural
Address." He then proceeds to define clearly what
that course is, viz., the retention of the property of
the Government, and tie enforcement of the revenue
laws.
I speak from personal knowledge of Mr. Lincoln
and members of his Cabinet in saying that, from
the moment of taking office, they have carefully
avoided any action which might inflame the mania
of Secession, or defeat the efforts of the large Union
party at the South, waich party, with Sam Hous-
ton at its head, will ye make itself heard, although
just now silencA by those significant arguments of
their opponents, the boas.-knife and revolver. W hen
the new Adrninistratica came into power they found
the whole machinery cf Government paralysed and
rotten to the core. The officials, with some hon-
ourable exceptions, frrm the traitor Floyd to the
meanest subordinate, ir. anticipation of a dissolution,
had been playing into the hands of the rebels.
Large quantities of war materid were concentrated
in the Southern cities ; the army and navy, chiefly
officered by Southeriers, were distributed in
foreign countries or a unavailable places ; the
Treasury was bankrupt, and panic was king at the
fireside, in the coutailq Lcusc, and workshop.
In the history of goTernment did any man ever
undertake a task moo difficult than that of Mr.
Lincoln ? No impartial judgment can deny that
he has acted wisely, diereetly,
and energetically.
If his inaction up to th, present moment be deemed
tardy or vacillating, i, is sufficient to reply that
two months is a very short time in which to restore
order to this ehaos,and that the President has

Mr. Bright in last Monday's debate took occa-
sion to dwell upon some of the statistics of the
trade of papermakinF, and to set forth what he
supposed to be the opinion of that trade upon the
measures now before the house. If he had known
their interests better he might have done them more
justice without in any way interfering with his own
object of getting cheap paper for his favourite penny
newspaper. Nay, he might have even furthered
that object and obtained cheaper paper from a great
competition than he is now likely to obtain from a
Continental monopoly. Failing his assistance, the
papermakers are themselves in the field, striving
to obtain a hearing from a very reluctant audience.
Unhappily for them, the general public will insist
that they know their case without listening to it;
and they have a fixed notion that the papermakere
are clamouring for a protection against foreign
competition and for a right to sell dear paper. This
happens to be directly the reverse of the fact. No
persons have a greater interest in the repeal of the
Excise duties than the papermaders ; no class is
mare desirous to sell cheap paper than the owners
of paper mills. An Excise is to them not only
an annoyance, but a loss ; and every trader
knows that the higher he is obliged to raise the
price of his articles of trade the less he sells, and
the less is his margin of profit. The public, how-
ever, cannot be brought to look at the question from
this point of view. If a papermaker should manage
to catch hold of the button of a member of Parlia-
ment, and begin to tell him that he is as strong a
freetrader as any man can be, and that he wants
neither favour nor protection, the captive senator
smiles blandly incredulous, and disengages himself
at the earliest possible moment. He goes away
down to the house congratulating himself that he
has got out of the clutches of a greedy monopolist,
who desires nothing less than to be hedged round
with protective duties, and secured from all foreign
competition. Of course, we shall buy our paper
where we can get it cheapest ; the exigencies of our
trade so compel us. But we have no special desire
to ruin a great-industry without any profit to any
one, or to destroy the bread of our own country-
people wantonly. Therefore, although we know
that we cannot touch this subject without drawing
upon ourselves a certain quantity of dirt, we shall
incur this inconvenience, and state what the pre-
sent case of the papermakers really is.
In the first place, we are able, from our necessary
business transactions with this trade, to affirm that
the disastrous effects which the papermakers an-
ticipated from the measure of last session have
not turned out to be mere illusory terrors. The
paper trade is going right away out of England.
Mr. Maguire, who stated the case very well to the
House of Commons on Thursday last, was very
much within the truth when he said that the Irish
papermakers had already lost from 25 to 30 per
cent. of their business. The instance Mr. Maguire
gives of one Dublin firm, which had sent paper
to the amount of £lB,OOO a-year to, London, and
does not now send a single ream, may be multi-
plied in many parts of England. It is clear that
the English paper trade cannot stand. The only
reason that it is not gone at once is that the
French, Belgians, and Germans have not yet had
time to put up sufficient machinery to meet the
increased demand. In a little time that difficulty
will be overcome, and then half the English mills
must be shut up and all the population now en-
gaged in this manufacture must be thrown out of
employ. This is a transition now being accom-
plished before our eyes. " Happy England !" cries
some fanatic who fancies himself a Free-trader ;
and is carrying out her principles; "she is buying
in the cheapest market.' Not so. England, for
the manufacture of paper, is the cheapest market
in the world. The labour, skill, machinery, and
waterpower are cheaper in England, in proportion
•to the results obtained, than they are in either
Belgium, France, or Germany. The British paper-
maker is dying away. His workpeople are be-
coming destitute, and his mills are shut, not be-
cause he cannot beat all the world in papermaking,
but because his raw material is withheld from him
by the ignorance of his rulers. He cannot make
bricks, because his rulers have taken away from
him not only the straw, but also the clay. He
would give you cheaper paper than even this which
is now ruining him ; he would drive it out of the
market both for price and quality, if you would let
him have free access to the market where he might
get the stuff wherewith to make it. The fact is,
you are even now paying (Ware', and you will,
when the Excise duty is taken off, pay dearer, for
French, Belgian, and German paper than you
would pay for English paper if you would untie
the hands of your own fellow-subjects.
It is you who are doing this—you Ministers, you
Diplomatists, you members of the House of Com-
mons ! If a ship comes into port with a cargo half
of rags and half of paper, you levy £9 per ton duty
upon the rags, and you let in the rags ready made
into paper duty free. You set the Frenchman and
the Belgian to do bungling work upon an untaxed
material, and you insist upon your own country-
men working upon a material heavily taxed. You
are eager to reply that it is not you who levy the
£9. With your permission, we must insist that
it is you who levy the £9. True, it does not go
into your pocket,— that is to say, into the pocket
of this nation. So much the worse; we have
not even that scintilla of advantage. You
have not had the common sense to retain for this
country the amount of the tax which is the destruc-
tion of one of its important interests. But it was
you who put it on. A twelvemonth ago you had
the power either to allow or to disallow this tax.
By a word you might have taken it off. If you
had but mentioned the subject, no Frenchman
would have had the face to propose to you that he
should, while he imported into England manufac-
tured rags, prohibit the exportation of unmanufac-
tured rags. The Treaty under which you let in
manufactured rags duty free was, as you yourselves
say, a matter of bargain—a "Reciprocity Treaty."
Having it, then, in your power to remove this £9
impost, you deliberately, and of choice, left it in
operation. It is, then, your tax ;as much your
tax as if you levied it at the English Custom-house.
It is you, Mr. Gladstone, it is you, Mr. Milner
Gibson, it is you, ye Diplomatists, who have done
this. By your unreciprocating Reciprocity Treaties
you have not only violated the principles of Free
Trade, but fixed a heavy protective duty against
your own countrymen, and enhanced the price of
an article which you were endeavouring to make
cheap.
This is what the Papermakers complain of. You
have taken off the Customs, they say, and we ac-
cept our position with confidence; you are about
to repeal the Excise duty, and we thank you for
it, bat you have taxed our raw material for the
benefit of the foreigner, and under such an un-
paralleled proceeding we are driven from all hope
of competition. With this case they repair to
Lord Palmerston, who gives them such gentle
language and unsubstantial satisfaction as Lord
Palmerston is wont to give to deputations on
subjects not within his immediate province.
Thence they repair to Mr. Gladstone, who tells
them that as to France he can do nothing, for
that the £9 export duty (which we are told is to
be substituted for the present prohibition) is tacitly,
and by inevitable constructive, part of the French
Treaty. That Treaty of Reciprocity and Com-
merce leaves the French Emperor free to levy this
duty, and Mr. Gladstone can ask for nothing which
is outside the text of that document. As to the
other countries with which there is no Treaty of
Reciprocity, Mr. Gladstone promises every possible
diplomatic interference ; but, as ho is about to com-
mence by unconditionally repealing the whole of
that Customs' duty which now balances the Excise,
it is difficult to understand what expectation he can
entertain of success from his diplomacy. What the
Papermakers are now asking is that the same duty
should be levied by us from any country importing
paper as that country levies upon rags exported
from it. The inevitable consequence of granting
this request would be that no duty would be levied
either upon rags or upon paper, and paper would
be a great deal cheaper than it ever can be while
foreigners levy duty upon rags and Englishmen are
shut out from competition in the paper manufac-
ture.—Times.

THE CIVIL SERVICE.—Mr. Gladstone takes
credit for the reduction of the Customs' establishment, as
the result of the legislation of last year, but the drawback
is serious ; the return of the increase and diminution in the
course of 1860 in the number of persons employed in the
public offices shows a diminution of 552 in the customs,.
and a saving of £91,957, but to set against there is an in-
crease of £50,246 in the retired allowances of that depart
meat. This is immediately followed in the list by the state-
ment of an increase of above £70,000 in the "expenses" of
the Inland Revenue Department, and of £52,000 in the
Post-office, which in the course of the year added 638 to
The number of its clerks and servants, and brought the
strength of the establishment above 25,000. Upon the
whole, notwithstanding the large reduction in the customs,
there were 89 more persons employed
in the public service
at the end of the year than at the beginning, and the sala-
ries and enelABc4 h4cl increased by £11032"
1

ISS

Yesterday the Commissioners appointed to con-
sider and determine upon the best plans for the em-
bankment of the river Thames within the limits of
the metropolis met at the offices of the commission
in Victoria-street, Westminster, to receive evidence
from the projectors as to the merits of the plans sent
in, which number upwards of fifty. The Commis-
sioners present were—the Right Hon. the Lord
Mayor (in the chair), Sir Joshua Jebb, G.C.8.,
Captain Galton, Captain Burstal, John Thwaites,
Esq., A. Hunt, Esq., and J. A. Maclean, Esq.
The first plan brought under the notice of the
Commissioners was one projected by the Thames
Embankment and Railway Company. The plan
was to construct an embankment from Westmin-
ster-bridge to Blackfriars-bridge, by a carriage road
eighty feet in width, joining the intended extension
of Canon-street to Bridge-street, Blackfriars, and
joining the central station of the Chatham and Do-
ver Railway. This would place the connection with
all the metropolitan railways at the central stations
in Farringdon-street and Finsbury-circus. There
would be forty or fifty acres reclaimed for docks
within the embankment, and the low-level sewer
would be formed in the embankment, by which
means all the expense and annoyance of construct-
ing the sewer in the Strand, Fleet-street. and Lud-
gate-hill would be avoided. The estimated expense
would be £700,000, exclusive of compensation. It
was proposed that the Metropolitan Board of Works
should contribute £150,000, and it was believed
that the coal dues would be found sufficient for the
purpose of compensation, amounting to £250,000.
Mr. Sheele's plan was the next one received. He
proposed to form a face wall next the river, and to
fill in the space included between the wall and the
present shore. It would begin at Westminster-
bridge in a straight line with Whitehall-stairs,
thence continue to the Temple-gardens and Black-
friars-bridge, touching Hungerford and Waterloo-
bridges. The space between the river wall would
be filled up for the purpose of the embankment re-
claimed for the shores of the river to the low water
line. On the centre road, 80 feet in width, would
be a railway terminating at the east side of Black-
friars-bridge. The cost of the embankment and face
wall would be £194,757 ; low level sewer, £lB,OOO ;
purchase of Waterloo-bridge approach, £7,000 ; new
roads, £10,000; making a total cost of £230,000,
or, including contingencies, £250,000.
Mr. Sich's plan was next gone into. He said that
it consisted of a series of small decks divided by
walls, so that the craft might be reached at all
times, which would be an advantage over one large
dock in the centre of the stream, which could not
at all times be accessible to the craft in the river.
He proposed to form a road 50 feet broad, with clear
entrances for waggons. The embankment could be
constructed in sections, so that the sewer, wall, and
docks, could be carried on at the same time. Each
wall would form a cofferdam, and might be used as
a means of transit afterwards. His plan would
allow the barges to come into the docks at any state
of the tide. He advocated the system of open docks,
for if the river was dredged the mud would pass
down the river, and would not be liable to be silted
up. He proposed to terminate the embankment at
Southwark-bridge, crossing Queenhithe-dock. A
sewer would pass through the embankment. The
road would be lifted up on girders. The entrances
to the docks would run from 50 to 180 feet, with
flood-gates, so as always to keep the barges afloat.
There would be a fall between Westminster and
Hungerford-bridges, of 16 feet. The roadway oppo-
site Somerset House would be raised above the
lower story. He had not formed an estimate of the
expense, as time had not permitted him to do so.
Mr. 11. It. Newton's plan was not produced. He
said his plan was a simple viaduct on both sides of
the river, with a causeway in the centre of it. He
proposed to make the river of a uniform width of
700 feet, as by so doing an embankment would not
interfere with commercial interests. At the present
moment the Government paid £30,000 per annum
for rentals of premises, between Whitehall and
Charing-cross, for different departments, and a large
sum was required to purchase sites for new law
courts, but if the public offices were erected on this
embankment, an increased accommodation would be
provided at the present expense, and effect a saving
to the country in respect to the erection of new law
. courts of not less than £750,000. It would also re-
lieve the coal tax, which would be absorbed for 10
years to pay for the embankment, leaving that tax
available for other improvements. His plan would
advance the ground 150 feet in front of Somerset
House, giving the Government an opportunity of
enlarging the wings of that estalishment.
The Lord Mayor, having consulted his colleagues,
said it appeared that this plan hardly came within
the limits of their instructions, which were to pro-
vide with the greatest efficiency and economy for
the relief of the most crowded streets by the esta-
blishment of new and spacious thoroughfares, and
for embanking and improving the river so as to
give an opportunity of making a low level sewer
without disturbing the Strand or Fleet-street, and
also to report on the means of carrying the same
into execution. If the plan did not come within
those requirements it would only be a waste of
valuable time to go further into it.
Mr. Newton said if that were the decision of the
commissioners he would at once withdraw.l
Mr. A. M. Renders plan was next considered,
which was a river wall, docks, and low level sewer.
He proposed an embankment from Westminster-
bridge to Blackfriars-bridge, with openings for
barges to enter. The line of road afterwards to
be continued to New Earl street. He proposed to
make the river wall by large blocks of brickwork
brought to the place, and then set by lowering
stages by means of divers, in the same way as
adopted by the late Mr. Rendel in the works at
Portland harbour. The foundations of the wall
would be 32 feet below Trinity high-water mark.
The cost of the works would not exceed £650,000.
'chat would not include compensation, as he was not
aware what compensation could be required. His
opinion was that in a few years first-class ware-
houses would spring up along the line.
The Lord Mayor said the commissioners would
first receive all the plans, and then they would in-
vite the wharfingers and others interested to ask
their opinion as to the plan which they might con-
sider the best, or offer any suggestions upon it.
The commissioners adjourned at four o'clock.

(No. 1.)
" To L. P. WALKER, SECRETARY Or WAR.
" An authorised messenger from President Lincoln has
just informed General Pickens and myself that several
hampers of canvass-back ducks, wild turkeys, corn cakes,
and materials fur brandy-smashes and cock-tails will be
sent to Foit Sumter, peaceably or otherwise.
" Charleston, April 8." "G. F. BEAUREGARD.
(No. 2.)

" GENERAL G. F. BEAEREGARD, CHARLESTON.

" Stop 'em I Keep what you liko, and send the rest to
me. Give Major Anderson notice to quit. If that vmn't
do, put your man in possession.
"L. P. WALKER, Secretary of War.
" Montgomery, April 10."

(No. 3.)
" L. P. WALKER, SECRETARY OF WAR.
" Luncheon is ordered at 12 o'clock.
" Charleston, April 10. "G. F. BEAUREGARD."
(No. 4.)
" L. P. WALKER, SECRETARY OF WAR.
"Demand sent at 12—Allowed till 6 o'clock for dinner.
" Charleston, April 11. "G. F. BEAUREGARD."
(No. 5.)
" GENERAL BEAU REGARD, CHARLESTON.
" Telegraph what Major Anderson says to that.
" L. P. WALKER, Secretary of War.
" Montgomery, April 11."

(No. 6.)
,6 L. P. WALKER, SECRETARY OF WAR.

"Major Anderson replies :---‘ I have the honour to ac-
knowledge the receipt of your communication, demanding
me to evacuaii3 this fort, and to dine before 6, without
waiting to receive supplies. I regret that my obligailions
to my Government and my own digestive organs prevent
my compliance.' He adds, I will await the first shot, and
then drink your good health in a brandy-smash,'
" Charleston, April 11. "G. F. BEAUREGARD."
(No. 7.)
" GENERAL BEAUREGARD, CHARLESTON.

" Fire away (but don't hurt anybody), unless Major An•
derson will send you the latch-key of the fort.
" L. P. WALKER, Secretary of War."
(No. 8.)
" L. P. WALKER, SECRETARY OF WAR.

"He won't consent. He's not such a go' as you think.
"Charleston, April 12. " G. F. BEAUREGARD."
The bombardment then commenced, and after 40 hours'
gallant resistance, Major Anderson, having nothing but his
umbrella left to cover him, hoisted a flag of truce.
(No. 9.)
" MAJOR ANDERSON, GINGHAM 'UMBRELLA, FORT
SUMTER.

" I see your condition through my telescope. We have
intercepted your supplies. Give in, like a good fellow, and
bring your garrison to dinner, and beds afterwards. No-
body injured, I hope ? " G. F. BEAUREGARD."
(No. 10.)
" GENERAL BEAUREGARD, CHARLESTON.

•
" Major Anderson presents his compliments to General
G. F. Beauregard, and has much pleasure in accepting his
kind invitation to dinner and beds. As no one is hurt,
Major Anderson fears he shall put General G. F. Beaure-
gard to some inconvenience, the party being a large one.
" ANDERSON, Major."
And so ended the first (and we trust the last) engage-
ment of the American Civil War.

COUNTRY MARKETS.

LIVERPOOL-APRIL 30.

There was only a small attendance of town and country
buyers at this morning's market, and we had but a limited
business doing in both wheat and flour at receding rates.
Barley, beans, and peas were rather more plentiful, and
the turn lower. Oats and oatmeal in moderate request,
but without change in value. Indian corn neglected, and
difficult to move, although 6d per qr lower.

LEEDS-APRIL 30.' 777,

Our market to-day was fairly attended by millers, but
the trade in wheat was of a limited character, at about last
week's rates. Beans rather dearer. Oats and other articles
unaltered,

SLEAFORD--AFBiL 29.

The attendance was moderate to-day, with a very poor
supply of wheat. Trade slow, at the rates of the previous
week. White wheat ruled at 57s to 61s, red 50s to 558
per qr. Barley in rather inactive demand, 30s to 36s ; oats
a ready demand, at former prices, 22s to 30s; beans from
44s to 58s ; peas, —ste —5.