The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVEN ( SE PT E iil BE 9, 1859.

THE LONDON.—The attention of Gentlemen
is especially drawn to the advantages offered in these
elegant and spacious Saloons, which fulfil all the require-
ments of a West-end club of the most aristocratic and exclu-
sive character.
L'ou trouve dans la Salle de Lecture non seulement lee
meilleurs journeaux Anglais, mats aussi Allemand, Francais,
et Beige.

F. SAWYER, Proprietor. 191, Fleet-street.

THE ROYAL STATION HOTEL, Paragon-
-1 street, Hull, requires only to be visited to be pronounced
one of the most splendid hotels in England. The situation is
open and healthful, a few minutes' walk from all the public
buildings and places of business, and being connected with
the Railway Station, affords railway passengers arriving or
departing by every train day or night, the advantage of being
on the spot, and haying their wants and wishes immediately
attended to.
The public should know that under the present manage-
ment they will find every comfort and convenience at the
same charges they are paying at the minor hotels. It has
accommodation for upwards of one hundred and fifty visitors,
is fitted up with every luxury an hotel can command, and is
so arranged for the advantage of every class of visitor, that
Beds can be had from ls. to 2s. ; Private Rooms, from 2s. to
4s. ; Breakfasts, from 6d. to 2s. ; Dinners, from 2s. •, and
all other charges of that moderate character which will give
satisfaction to every class of visitor who may pay the hotel a
visit.
The hotel contains Gentlemen and Ladies' Coffee Rooms ;
a special Room set apart for Commercial Gentlemen ; fourteen
Pt ivate suites of Rooms ; large spacious Rooms for Dinner
Parties, Public Meetings, &c., &c. ; two first-class Refresh-
ment Rooms two Smoke Rooms ; liath and Billiard Rooms.
A Night Porter in attendance.
EDWIN TAYLOR.

Proprietor of the Royal Station Hotel, Hull, and Crescent

Hotel, Filey.

- .
N.B.—TAYLOR'S CRESCENT HOTEL, fronting* the sea
for Families and Gentlemen. It has accommodation for up-
wards of one hundred and fifty visitors. Table D'HOte at
five o'clock. Omnibuses and Cabs from the hotel meet all the
trains. Good stabling and coach-houses. Moderate terms.

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Mr. Westerdahl's engagement terminates in a week.

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to the other would have perpetuated for a time
the Government of Lord Derby. We now come
to 1857. The election which took place in that
year was not one which many people in Hudders-
field can look back upon with much satisfaction.
(Cheers.) There was then a great cry for a particu-
lar statesman. Many members were returned upon
the strength of that cry alone ; and when Parlia-
ment assembled there seemed to .be a considerable
majority for Lord Palmerston. That statesman was
not wise enough to know properly how to use the
majority he had obtained, and but 12 months after,
he appeared to be seated on an immoveable rock he
was overthrown an d his Ministry shattered to pieces,
(Cheers.) We have recently had another general
election under the auspices of Lord Derby, and
what has been the result ? The transference of seven
men from our side of the house would have given
Lord Derby a majority which would have enabled
him, at least fur a time, to maintain himself in
powyr. I have mentioned these facts to show you
that for many years past, whatever may have been
the opinions of the people, the returns made by the
constituencies have given no certain majority in
Parliament, and that your Government, whether it
has been the Government of Lord Derby or the Go-
vernment of Lord Palmerston, or the Government
of any other Minister, has been faced by a nume-
rous and powerful opposition, which has rendered it
unable, even if willing, to do those things which
you, the liberal people of Huddersfield and England
wish your Government to do. (Cheers.) The conse-
quence ha 4 been that for many years past there has
been only what we call wasted sessions of Parlia-
ment ; and I am so distressed, so weary, so disgusted,
and at times so hopeless, that I often at the end of
a useless session think myself a fool above all other
fools for spending my time, my labour, my life in
the House of Commons, and am half resolved, as a
duty to myself and family, to seek the only office
that possibly I may ever hold—the office of steward
of the Chiltern Hundreds. (A laugh.) lam often
tempted to take_myself from Parliament and t' cease
labouring in a field where there is no soil to grow
anything, and upon which neither the shower falls
nor the sun shines. All that we have done of late
years has been tovote with a listless apathy millions
of money for which you have toiled. You have
squandered scores of millions that under a just and
economical Government would have remained in
your pockets ; we have added tax to tax ; we have,
it is true, taken some off; we have shifted an un-
comfortable burden from one shoulder to the other,
but the burden remains. It grows larger, and, if
you do not stagger and fall beneath it, it is because
your industry, your productiveness, your resolution,
and your patience surpass those of any other people
in the world. (Cheers.) Allow me to ask your atten-
tion to one or two questions. I shall not discuss
them but merely glance at them. Look, for instance,
at the Established Church of England. There are,
no doubt, many persons here who attend the minis-
trations of that Church. lam not going to say a
syllable that would wound the most sensitive. If I
were a Churchman I would venture to say more
than I shall do now ; but, to take the simple ques-
tion of church-rates, for 20 years it has been dis-
cussed in Parliament—for 16 in my hearing—with
the same arguments and the same facts. It was
only during the last session that two eminent leaders
Of the party consented for the first time to vote for the
entire abolition of church-rates. Why is it that they
have come to this conclusion at last? Because you
parishes would not pay the rates. Wen juries re-
fused to convict a man of having robbed to the value
of £5 because he was liable to be hanged—when they
allowed forgers to go unpunished for the same rea-
son, then, and not till then, did your Parliament
mitigate the law with respect to robberies and for-
geries. Public opinion was formed and expressed
long in anticipation of the chsnge,- of the law. So
with retard to church-rates. As k ng as men would
pay and grumble, and grumble and pay, our great
Whig statesmen were not in the least convinced of
the injustice of the impost. But when multitudes
of parishes refused to pay, when Churchmen joined
with Dissenters and wished for a change, then the
leaders of the Whig party found out that church-
rates might as well be abolished by law, seeing that
the people had already abolished them in reality.
(Hear.) ,Let me appeal to the Churchmen upon
another point connected with their establishment.
We have archbishops and bishops who receive sa-
bries from £5,000 to £15,000 a-year. (Cries of
" Shame!") It is well known at the same time that
there are hundreds of most meritorious clergymen,
curates, and others,
who have barely sufficient to
keep their families in the very lowest degree of
comfort. The question I now raise is, not whether we
should have an Established Church or not, but
whether the vast revenues of the Church should not
be allotted with some moderate degree of fairness to
the various workers in that vineyard wherein to
labour is the highest honour which can befall a man.
If it be necessary to have an Established Church
with millions of revenue, surely it is just that those
revenues should be distributed with some regard to
the wants of the clergymen and the amount of ser-
vice they perform. (Cheers.) Our Church is still
in the fetters that were forged for her by the griev-
ance of 300 years ago, and I know not at wliat dis•
taut date we may expect Parliament to do some-
thing to remove the monstrous and shameful incon-
sistencies and inequalities which are connected with
the distribution of her enormous funds. (Hear.) I
now come to the question of land, a question which
the people of Huddersfield ought to know something
about. (A laugh.) We are fond of talking of
feudalism and the dark ages,
but the fact is that
feudalism exists among s at the present day. If
a man possessing landed, or what they call real
us
property, leaves it without a will, his eldest son
steps quietly into the possessiorto of the whole of
it. Younger sons and all the daughters are cast
upon the world so far as that property is concerned.
(A laugh.) A gentleman who lives not far from
here, and who has himself suffered grievously from
the injustice of a parent, used to say that if younger
sons and daughters are thus to be treated, those
who bring them into the world ought to adopt the
plan which is ordinarily taken when there are too
many puppies or too many kittens. (Cheers and
laughter.) Surely, at all events, if the law permits
—and I do not complain of the law—every man to
leave as he likes, in such portions as he likes, the
property he has to bequeath, nothing could be more
reasonable than in the case of intestates to act upon
the same rule which is followed where personal
property is concerned, and make an equal and
honest distribution among those who are entitled to
share upon the grounds alike of natural affection,
and common justice. (Cheers.) Now a word with
regard to another question connected with land—
the question of transfer of land. I was down in
Wales last week, and in passing along the banks of
the Severn a gentleman pointed out to me that we
were travelling through an estate which somebody
had bought for a very moderate sum within a short
period, and it took him, he believed, six years to
get the title to it. So complex, bewildering, and
utterly beyond the solution of the ablest lawyer is
the question of title to half the landed estates in
England, and yet you cannot get your Parliament
to alter it. Your Parliament touches this question
as though it was going to be caught in a trap.
Nothing equals the obtuseness of a landed proprie-
tor about land, and every landowner fancies that if
you make its transfer more easy in some way or
other, it will slip out of his grasp, and therefore he
is against every proposition for improvement. Re-
ference has already been made to our military affairs.
I am very thankful that I am not able to speak to
you on this question with the authority on minute
matters of a military man—(laughter)—but I can
tell you this, that over the £12,000,000 that are
expended by the Horse Guards Parliament has
almost' no control whatever, after it has voted
the main sum. The Horse Guards is a department
almost separated from Parliament and uncontrolled
by it, and it is the universal opinion, confirmed by

every fact that comes to my kno .vledge, that the
Horse Guards' management of that £12,000,000,
and of the vast forces under its direction is a ma-
nagement where interest and jobbery reign su-
preme, and where, the interest of the nation at large,
and fair dealing to all applicants for preferment,
are very little considered. In a free country like
this I wonder that certain things are permitted
which now exist. I have been engaged for the last
two months in procuring the discharge of a sol-
dier, if I may call him so, for he is not a man, nor,
indeed, a young man, but a boy who was only 14
years and a month or two when he was entrapped
by the recruiting sergeant. It has taken the father
of that boy, I believe, since last April or May to
procure his discharge, and it has only been obtained
at length on account of the urgent remonstrances
that I made ; for memorial after memorial has gone
to the Horse Guards and to his Royal Highness the
Duke of Cambridge, which memorials have been
replied torn the usual fashion, nearly meaning this
—" We have got your son in our barracks ; he has
taken the oath ; he has taken the shilling ; and, be
he man or boy, wo will keep him there." Mothers
—for there are some mothers here—think of a boy
'of 14 years of age being met in the streets by one
of these unmitigated scoundrels—(hear, hear, and
laughter)—and being asked, " Are you wanting a
job ?" " What do you want me to do ?" says the
boy. " Oh, come and be a soldier." " But I am too
little." "No you are not ; you are just the right
height"- " Well; but I am only 14." " Never
mind that ; say you are 18, and it will be all right."
Think of this, and then that it requires two months
of correspondence, and memorials, and protests, and
remonstrances before this boy of 14 can be brought
back again to the home of his parents. (Shame.)
But have you not seen within the last day or two
what they do with their recruits when they get
them ? Have you read in the papers the account
of the brutal flogging of one of these young re-
cruits down at Woolwich ? I am afraid to read the
extract that has been sent to me by some gentlemen
who wished particularly that 1 would refer to it on
this occasion. (Cries of." Read it.") " There were
two soldiers, but of one of them it is stated that his
back when they began with him was covered with
a mass of large, inflated boils, which bled profusely
at every stroke and reddened the ground under his
feet." The account proceeds :—" Upon which the
cat was ordered to be withheld for a few moments,
when,finding his punishment not at an end, he gave
vent to supplications for mercy, and partly suc-
ceeded in tearing himself from the straps with
which he was bound. The punishment was
again ordered to be continued, when at every
stroke his cries and exclamations were most
lamentable, insomuch that officers and men swooned
away at the sickening spectacle, and had to be car-
ried out into the open air. One officer and upwards
of 20 non-commissioned officers and men long in the
service fainted ; others stopped their ears and
closed their eyes lest they should become unnerved,
and be subjected to the reproach and ridicule of
their comrades." (" Shame.") I am told that
some person connected with this military—execu-
tion, shall I call it—(hear, hear)—has written to
the papers in some degree to modify this statement;
but if the main facts are true, and they are hardly,
called in question, I ask you—who are a fair re-
presentation of the people of the West Riding of
Yorkshire, as the West Riding is a fair repre-
sentation of the intelligence, virtue, and greatness
of the people of England—l ask you—ls it with
your consent? (Loud cries of "No.") Do you be-
lieve that the constituencies of England, polled man
by man, would permit the son of any one of those
electors to have his back thus flogged and lacerated?
And for what? For the crime of, absenting him-
self from the barracks—possibly, I do not deny it,
though it is not pioved, with the intention of de-
serting. Look how they are entrapped. I ask what
kind of men they often are. How suddenly and how
foolishly they commit themselves, and is it to be
wondered at that now and then they should wish
to escape. But, I ask, are you willing that some
200,000 of your countrymen should be degraded to
a position which is not exceeded in humiliation and
ignominy by that of any slave in the island of Cuba
under the lash of the planter and his driver P
(Cheers.) Now, leaving the army for a moment,
will you will go with me to the navy ? lam not,
you know, very much of a sailor, but then I am
just as much of a Sailor as generally the First Lord
of the Admiralty is. (Cheers and laughter.) Had
you read the debates of the past session, during
that portion of it when Lord Derby was Prime
Minister, you would have observed a very able and
important speech delivired by Lord Clarence Paget,
who was then not a member of the Government—
a speech of great ability, and, what is of far more
importance, let me tell you, also a speech of great
accuracy and great honesty. (Hear, hear, hear.)
Lord Clarence Paget showed how many millions—
£6,ooo,ooo or £7,000,000, I think, but an enormous
sum—had been expended within a given time ap-
parently in the building of ships, and there were
no ships to be found. (Hear, and laughter.) Lord
C. Paget is now Secretary to the Admiralty, and
represents the Admiralty in the House of Commons,
and probably among all the appointments of Lord
Palmerston's new Government there is no appoint-
ment for which he deserves more to be commended
than that of which I am now speaking. Lord C.
Paget's statement was, as I have told you, that,
reckoning up the cost of all the ships within a cer-
tain time, there still remained many millions of
money voted by Parliament and entirely unac-
counted for. Well, I see to-day an article in the
Times newspaper, a portion of which was pointed
out to:me, in which the Times following up, I be-
lieve, an article written a day or two ago, implores
Mr. Cobden—" the man of one idea "—(laughter
and cheers)—the man who really is not at all prac-
tical and who is always dreaming of a state of things
which never can happen—implores Mr. Cobden,
passing over all these lords and hon. gentlemen and
enthusiastic and sanguine patriots—(laughter)—to
come forward and rescue the country from this vast
and profligate expenditure; and the Times says,
even addressing me—(laughter)—that if I would
only conde,cend to come down from some of those
abstractions in which I delight to the consideration
of common affairs and ordinary business that paper
would make me, I think it says, if I choose to do it,
"the hero of this great work.' (Laughter.) Well,
what is this great work ? Bear in mind that the
Times can neither make heroes nor unmake them.
(Great laughter and cheering.) And why this great
.work? It is to save £5,000,000 ayear in the building
and repairing of ships, and to spend a portion of it
in a more complete manning and efficient working
and navigation of the ships you already possess ?
Well, I am not about to dispute that that would
be a great deal better than the course which is
now taken; but the man who wrote
,that article,
who penned that appeal to Mr. Cobden and to me,
knows perfectly well, unless he is as ignorant as
the most uninformed of his readers, that any appeal
to the House of Commons on behalf of economy for
economy's sake is very much like that unprofitable
occupation known in Yorkshire as " whistling to
the winds." (Great laughter.) You who have been
in the gallery of the House of Commons know well
that I have opposite to me there a phalanx, when
they are all there, of some 300 members—that is, of
the Tory party—and I am not about to exclude all
on our side from what I am going to say about
them; but I will undertake to say, and, what is
more, to prove, that if you will take those 300 men,
and add up everything which they pay directly and
indirectly in taxes to the State, and put it on one side
of the ledger, and on the other side put everything
which they and their immediate families received
from the State in appointments and salaries in one
branch of the public service or another, then it will
appear they receive three times, I believe five times,
I think I should not err if I said 10 times, as much
as they pay. Why, then, am I to be asked to go to
their stolid phalanx of tax received and tax ex-
pended, and to beg and implore them to be more
moderate in the use of the public money ? Every
addition of a million to our taxes and to the State
revenue is adding another stake to the patrimony of
the privileged classes of En gland,and until you come
to this point that you look them in the fate, and
say, "Parliament shall not be the instrument of
the House of Lords or of the great territorial pro-
prietors, but shall fairly represent the great body
of the people of England," there is no remedy for
the grievance of which you complain. (Cheers.)
There is one other question, and one on which you
have rarely been addressed ; but probably it is that
which, of all others at this moment, appears to me
full of importance for the people of England—the
question of the government of an enormous country,
and. a countless population which has been con-
quered by the arms of England. I speak of what is
called the British empire in the East Indies. In
that country we have gone through a century of
crime of every form known to governors and
armies, and after that century of crime we have
had a gigantic and most perilous revolt, from which
at one moment it was doubtful whether the power
of England in India would recover. Now, you
would suppose, that where there had been a revolt
like this, when millions of your conquered subjects
had protested against your authority, you would
suppose that Parliament would have established
some inquiry into the causes of this great evil, or,

[cp: 49. STAMPED,

that if they already knew the causes, they would
have taken some measures for the , purpese of re
moving them, and of giving to the people of India a
more satisfactory government -for the future ; but
what have they done? , Why, just nothing at all.
They have merely done, as it were, what a man does
when he takes something out of one pocket and
puts it into another, or does any other trick of
sleight of hand which you might fancy was a real
fact, and after all was nothing but a bit of conjur-
ing.. What is it they have done ? TheY'have abo-
lished the East India Company in name as governors
of India, and they have constituted the Queen of
England monarch and ruler of 200 millions of
people whom she has never seen in Asia,- but the
real Government of India still presides in a council
composed almost exactly of the very- same men who
formed the Council or the Directory of the late East
India Company. 'lnstead of its being presided over
by one of its own members it is presided over by a.
Secretary of State. During last year Lord Stanley
presided, over that Council, and at the present mo-
ment a countryman of yours, Sir C. Wood, presides
over it, but with that single difference,l give you my
word for it, I cannot discover in the men, in the
measures, in the' policy, or in the intentions, any
single change whatsoever in the government of that
great empire. ,'(Hear, hear.) And so I presume
will' go on until some great revolt—some othergreat
catastrophe. Parliament still slumbers on, and
when another gieat • earthquake comes, if it be an
earthquake heavy enough to shake them wide
awake, you may have an improvement of the Go-
vernment Of India ; but till then, or until the people
of England. are thoroughly represented, and take
this questiOn up, I fear there is small chance of
any real justice to the unfortunate population of
those kingdoms. Now I wish to say a sentence or
two upon another question—that of our financial
condition in England. You are told that reform
would do nothing for you ; that you are perfectly
content ; that you never paid your taxes with so
much alacrity ; that, in point of fact, anybody who
comes to nudge and disturb you you look upon as
unwelcome visitor. You paid £65.000,000 last year,
and thilyear it will be £70,000,000 in taxes. You
cannot reckon up that money. (" Hear, hear," aud
laughter.) If all the people of Huddersfield. were
to endeavour fairly to ascertain how much it is, to
compass it and to comprehend it, from this to the
time when I shall next have the honoar ofaddressing
you, which may. be a long time, I will undertake to
say you would not be able at all to make out how
much the sum of 170,000,000 really is.l(Laughter.)
Of this £70,000.000 you would suppose that in a
country like-this, Where there is, such enormous Wealth, where land and houSes, taking the whole
area of the country, 'fetch a higher price than they
do in any other part of the world—you would sup-
pose that the privileged class, the propertied classes,
would be likely to pay a fair share of the public
burdens ; but if you come to look at the mode in
which these taxes are raised you will find that pro-
babl v there is n0t£15,000,000 out of the £70,000,000,
and I am sure there is not £20,000,000, uor any-
thing near it, which is raised directly from pro-
perty of any kind ; that the great bulk of the taxes
were levied upon articles which are consumed by
all the people of the country, and that
every working man in good employment,,
with fair wages and a moderate amount 'of
comfort, pays a very much larger percentage upon
his income than, I believe, do any of the richer And.
more powerful population of the kingdom. (Hear,
hear.) At your Custom-houses at the different pOrts
they raise £24,000,000 ; by the Excise duties they
raise 118,000,000 a year ; by the stamps (a great
portion of which are connected with trade) they
raise £8,000,000 a Year ; on the Post-office they
raise more than £3,000,000 a year, and the only
taxes which can be said to *fall upon property
directly are the land-tax and the income-tax and
the legacy and probate duties. With regard to
these last duties, land and houses do not pay more
than one third, I believe not more than one-fourth,
of that which is paid by all other descriptions of
property in the country. Well, this is not to be
wondered at. You cannot expect it to be otherwise.
No man ever flagellated himself or punished or laid
burdens upon himself with a hearty goodwill when
he had the opportunity of laying them upon- some-
body else. (Hear, and laughter.) You have a Go-
vernment with all the power of an absolute Govern-
ment, but without the responsibility of an absolute
Government. Yea have a Government whicla consists
of about 400 great, some of them rich, all of them
titled families, and they are assisted and buttressed
up by all the untitled territorial possessors through-
outithe United Kingdom. They rule you, and they
tax" you, and they spend your taxes freely. (Hear,
and laughter.) Now, I have not the slightest ani-
mosity against these people. (Hear.) I like them
to be in their own, but their own place is not, to my
thiuking, governing- without my consent—(laugh-
ter)—nor governing you without your consent. Let
them have, then, fair play in the country. Let every
man, be his blood as old as., I was going to say
Adam, but then the blood of all of us would be as
old as that, and I suppose, like old wine, it may be
kept too old—(laughter) ; but let their blood be cs
old, as is the beast of those who came over here with
William the Conqueror, let them have fair play in
the country, but let everybody else have fair play
also. I do not find among this class any pre-emi-
nence either in art or literature, in industry, or in
commerce, or in the science of legislation, or is the
practice of administration. I never met with a lord
or R man of title, or a man of family, or a man of
" blood," or a man boasting of his ancestry, but I
could match him in any of his qualities to which I
have referred—(laughter and cheers) ; but notwith-
standing this that class has ruled us for 170 years,
and the time in my opinion, not of their final extinc-
tion, but the time when they will be reduced to a
participation with the whole people of the country
in the government, of the country, I hope is rapidly
drawing nigh. What has been the general result—
and with this I shall conclude my speech—of the
legislation and the administration of your govern-
ing class for 170 years ? When they took hold of
government your national debt was a mere nothing
—not more than 1500,000 or £600,000. They have
raised it to the sum of nearly £Boo,ooo,ooo—a sum
exceeding in amount, I believe, all the other na•
tiopal debts of all the other kingdoms of the globe.
Your taxation is greater—much greater than that
of any other nation of equal number in the world.
YOu have had, I believe, since that time more years
of warfare than any other nation in the world pre-
tending to be civilised and Christian has expe-
rienced; and at the same time you have a larger
percentage of your population without any visible
property than is to be found in any other Christian
nation of the globe. Well, until anybody can over-
throw these assertions, and can prove that I state
what is not true, I ask you, can any man say that
this has been a wise, and just, and paternal, and
moral government of this great and important king-
dom? (Hear, hear.) Look at your vast industry;
look at your hours of labour ; look at the wonder-
ful productiveness of your industry. All this which
you have done has enabled you to bear these vast
burdens, but in consequence -of these burdens, of
this bad legislation, and this mal-administration,
you, the' people 'of England, althougn your condi-
tion of late has been greatly improving, you are
not in the enjoyment of the results of your indus-
try to anything like the extent you would have
have been if you had had for 170 years a Govern-
ment that could fairly claim to be just and econo-
mical in the expenditure of the resources of the
country. (Hear, hear.) Well now, what do I ask ?
Injustice to anybody ? No, not the least. I have
never shown myself, as it is termed, the mere dema-
gogue who panders to the cry of an ignorantpre-
judiced multitude--(hear)—against his own light
fandree ktonowwitlehdstgaenda nd
whatco nI
feei
letn
werece.
the condemn the errors and the injustice of
Ithehaevrerorbseoenf thaes
people, as I am now ready to withstand and to
Govern-
ment ; but I say that if the
people
unless we are less virtuous and
less
are—if the people governed, i
even our rulers flatter us bnystteelaldmogf
auseltashast
the
nation and humanity, would gain. It is for this, and
this alone, that we demand a better and a free re-
pwri
se sdeunmt t iloono
k.
nWg
ae believelittle
aiht
ewa
do,uflodr beou
rt hgeo
vhei
rgnhiensgt
class to concede it, and we are as convinced as we
are of our own existence, that the permanent power,
welfare,
our
peace,andgrandeur of this nation depend
upon
obtaining that which we seek— a fair
and free representation of the whole people in the
Parliament of England. (Prolonged cheers.)
The resolution was carried with much cheering.
Mr. CROSSLEY, M.P., moved, and Mr. BAINES,
M.P., seconded the third' resolution "That the tran-
quil state of the country at the present moment, and
that the existing condition of our representative
system, which has been condemned by the leading
statesmen of all parties, renderthe present a favour-
able time for the settlement of the reform question,
and in the opinion of this meeting it will be the duty
of all shades of sincere and earnest reformers to
unite in assisting to carry the best bill which it
may appear practicable to obtain in the ensuing
session of Parliament."
The motion was carried, and the proceedings con"
eluded about 10 o'clock with Totes.
speakers and chairman. of thanks to the