The Sun.
London, England, 1861-06-06 00:00:00

SPEECH OF THE KING OF PRUSSIA

Those who can divert from the American crisis any
of their attention to the Continent will not fail to
recognize that, amid the lull of enforced peace, a
strange restlessness prevails. It is not merely that
Italy and Austria stand on opposite side of a
stream, ready for the struggle which they know
must one day come ; or that the Pope every time
he quits his palace looks out on quiet, determined
faces, in which he can read his doom. A fear
of change perplexes Monarchs even in regions where
no word is uttered against the Throne, and where
foreign enemies are kept at a distance by armies,
and fortresses, and powerful alliances, and the pa-
triotism of a generous people. The condition of
Germany, though it may not attract attention now,
is full of materials for future history. Many years
will hardly pass before it is proved how much the
nation has been affected by the events which have
so changed its neighbours. Up to the present time
it must be admitted that government in Germany
has received little benefit from the examples or
warnings of 1848 or 1859. To all outward appear-
ance, the rulers have been obstinate and the people
indifferent beyond what could have been expected
in a country where it is fashionable for Princes to
be philosophers and students revolutionists. But
we have the very best hopes in spite of this seem-
ing apathy.
It is as much a proof of independent thought to
resist the captivating example of foreign revolu-
tions as to rebel against the monotony of traditional
servitude. Germany has within the last two years
beheld a spectacle which has agitated her pro-
foundly, but which has not betrayed her into any
rash act of opposition or imitation. Italy, a coun-
try divided and misgoverned for petty objects,
something like the Fatherland, has found a bold
Sovereign to put himself at the head of those who
have for years been yearning after unity and inde-
pendence. A people never credited in later times
with the possession of energetic qualities, and con-
signed by the narrow judgment of the world to
the destiny of providing musicians and artists for
Europe, has shown that in courage, activity, fore-
sight, self-control, and all the virtues which make
nations great, it need not fear the rivalry of any in
Europe. The example of the Italian revolution has
affected Germany in a singular manner. First of
all the feeling was simply one of antipathy. The
Italians were attacking a German Sovereign with
the help of a Power which had one day been, and
was likely to be again, the great enemy of Germany.
The bitterness of the Courts against Victor Em-
manuel and his plotting Minister was equalled
by that of even the best informed and most
equable politicians of the middle class. But ani-
mosity soon became tempered with admiration, and
the Italian, from being an unprincipled and co wardly
rebel, was soon a brave and dangerous enemy, whom
it was necessary to guard against and to thwart,
but who could not be denied the possession of many
good qualities. The success of Garibaldi excited
the imagination of all classes, who could not but
compare the brilliant adventurer with the Legiti-
mist poltroons he had to deal with. Of late some-
thing not only of appreciation but of sympathy has
prevailed in regard to regenerated Italy. Of this
feeling the success of M. von Vincke's motion was
a proof, the Prussian Government being on this
occasion compelled to express an unwilling appro-
bation of Italian liberty. What the next steps may
be is concealed in the future. The success of Italy
—the union under one head of a country long, and
to all appearance hopelessly, divided—the elevation
to the rank of a sixth great Power of a bundle
of little priestridden monarchies, has already deeply
sunk into the minds of the German people.
" Granted that the Italians are enemies," say the
Liberals ; " it is right to learn even from an enemy.
eau do all she has done, why may not Ger-
many do still more ? If 26 millions in one country
can form a Power which no State can disregard,
how high will be the destiny of 40 millions among
the most educated, and, as their colonies in America
show, the most energetic on the globe ?" In short,
the dream of the most intelligent and sanguine Ger-
mans is not to thwart but to rival the Italians. The
lesson taught by the success of the latter is that
their northern neighbours should go and do likewise.
The Germans see their fatherland exposed to military
monarchies on the east and west, and their most
cherished provinces lying open to the invader when-
ever a pretext for war shall offer itself or be made.
Not federal fortresses, or federal armies, or comman-
ders elected by a federation will be of much avail
when that evil day shall come. While Italy has been
teaching them one lesson, the republic of the United
States has taught them another. The fable of the
fagots has been acted before their eyes. The little
slender sticks—the States of Italy—are bound now
tightly into a bundle which few would attempt to
break, while the huge logs of the Transatlantic
fabric are weak, because there is nothing to keep
them together.
What, in these circumstances, might not be done
by an able Sovereign at Berlin ? Germany is long-
ing and striving after unity in her own timid
manner, debating, like Hamlet, every eventuality,
and conjuring up all the difficulties which stand
between the hope and its satisfaction. A strong
wish and a weak will are the best opportunity for a
leader. Such a Prince as Frederick the Great might
make himself master of Germany before half of its
eight-and-thirty Sovereigns bad recovered presence
of mind enough to protest. With Napoleon sup-
posed to be looking with fixed eyes upon the Rhine,
a bold King of Prussia might mediatize his neigh-
bours wholesale, amid approbation from every side,
and even from his own conscience. All that Ger-
many wants is that the Prussian Court should rise
to the level of its mission, and turn its primacy into
a really controlling power. But how does Berlin
understand its opportunities? Let the histories which
have been lately narrated in these columns answer.
The energies which might win the leadership of
Germany are devoted either to exciting sedition in
one of the provinces of a neighbouring State, or to
the enforcement of minute regulations in every walk
of Prussian life. While they can meddle, Prussian
functionaries care not to command. When even
the mere cessation from mischievous interference
would attract the goodwill of Germany, they
cannot refrain from worrying, and prying, and
' scolding as they have done for the last fifty years.
But these are not the worst signs. Unhappily,
there is among the governing body, and particularly
those connected with the army, an intolerance and
vindictiveness which could not have been exceeded
under the worst of those despotisms which have
just passed away in Italy. The duel between Gen.
Manteuffel and M. Twesten is a proof of this feel-
ing, and the affair, coming so soon after the Patzke
and Zedlitz exposures, has naturally caused much
curiosity and indignation. We have nothing to say
personally against Gen. Man teuffel, who seems to
have fought fairly enough, and who, if the Kreuz
Zeitung is to be believed, did not send the challenge.
But that he, as the Chief of the Military Cabinet,
should call upon the author of a pamphlet to apolo-
gise because the latter bad criticised his military
skill and acquirements, shows the spirit of Prussian
administration even in the present day; and we can
hardly imagine that a duel was not understood by
M. Twesten to be the only alternative should he
decline to retract his statements. The parties
met, and M. Twesten was wounded in the arm.
Gen. Manteuffel, on returning to Berlin, had an
an interview with the King, and since that time
continues to transact business as usual, though it is
officially announced that be is to be brought to a
court-martial. Such affairs as these, coming one
after the other, are enough to chill any sym-
pathy which Germany generally might learn to
feel for Prussian superintendence. The State which
has it in its power to be the nucleus of Germany is
occupied with petty foreign quarrels, police squab-
bles, railway outrages, and military duels, when it
should be studying to give the great nation of which
it forms part the benefits of unity at home, and a
position in Europe which the most powerful would
be bound to respect. How much of this arises from
the personal character of the King it is difficult
and invidious to say. It may, however, be observed
that his Majesty is more suited to superintend the
details of administration than to guide the helm
of general policy. The Prussian Sovereigns have
had something of a family likeness, but it is strange
that the qualities which raised them to celebrity in
the last century either do not exist, or have taken
a less eminent and useful form in our own time.
The late King was, like Frederiek the Great, am-
bitious of German supremacy, and addicted to lite-
rary diversions but he let the German Empire slip
AVM his hands, andoeither learning nor planophy
_ . _