The Sun.
London, England, 1861-03-22 00:00:00

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1 BETHELL, we say, can hardly in any-
thing of all this recognise aught
.that
can impress him with the most remote idea
that this Bankruptcy Bill of 1861 has, on the
whole met with a reception other than one charac-
terised by frankness, candour, and magnanimity,
Exceptions were taken—it is gratifying to remem-
ber most successfully—to the extravagant notion
of legalizing a sort of posthumous bankruptcy—so
successfully that the dead man's clause (207), as we
have seen, has been summarily struck out of the
bill altogether. Exceptions have been taken with
partial success, also, to other flaws in a bill, that
in a comprehensive view has given only
very general satisfaction—flaws, for example,
like that very recognisable one, threatening every
British traveller during his absence from these
islands with the unlooked for misery of finding
himself rapidly reduced to a state of bankruptcy
during his absence. Modifications have, in that
last instance particularly, been wisely insisted
upon as requisite by the critics of the Bill
as it has gone on its way pretty smoothly
altogether through the House of Commons ; and
they have in several instances been quite as wisely
allowed by the author of the Bill himself to the
further improvement (in spite of himself) of his
bola and sweeping scheme of innovation. So
satisfactorily in truth has the good work gone on
that Sir RICHARD BETHELL, in compensation for
the cheers which greeted the adverse majority of
sixteen, enjoyed the satisfaction yesterday of inti-
mating at the close of the discussion upon his Bank-
kruptcy Bill, that immediately upon his bringing
up the report to-morrow (that is this evening)
and after moving a supplementary clause fixing an
ad valorem duty upon deeds—the Bill, as now revised
and modified and altered in Committee,will be passed
on into the hands of the QUEEN'S compositors to be
at once reprinted in readiness for the Third Reading !
That Third Reading to come on directly upon the
reassembling of the House after the close of the
Easter vacation. This, recollect, before the month
of March has yet closed, before the Easter recess
has yet commenced ! It speaks well for the spirit
in which the House of Commons has welcomed
Sir RICHARD BETHELL'S new Bankruptcy Bill,
and it speaks well, also, for the skill with which
the First Law Officer of the Crown had put his
master-hand to the re-moulding and the re-
adjustment of the whole system of English law
relating to Bankruptcy and Insolvency.

It has pleased Earl GREY to express, in his place
in the House of Lords, the same opinion as we have
already given on our wisest policy in regard to the
lonian Isles. We totally disbelieve that they have
the shadow of a grievance to complain in our ad-
ministration. of the protectorate confided to us in
1815. The Protectorate itself is the only grievance,
if they choose so to consider it. It is, however,
plain enough that there is a party there, whose
extent and influence are as yet doubtful points,
who desire to get rid of us and our protection, and
to unite the islands to the adjoining kingdom on the
mainland, to which they are bound by the ties of
race and language. We have not the least doubt
that they are politically deeply indebted to us. We
took them under our wing when Greece itself was in
Mahommedan hands; and had any Continental Power
been entrusted with the charge, they would have:had
a rule which, while giving " patriots," as they call
themselves, plenty to complain about, would have
taken care that, if they opened their lips in com-
plaint, they should have done it the second time
with the walls of a dungeon for auditors, and per-
haps hardly able to stand upright from the effects
of the bastinado and weight of irons.

' How far the desire for union with Greece extends
among the populace, is not easy to guess from the
language of acknowledged demagogues. Some
accounts tells us that these patriots were unwilling
to bring about a dissolution or prorogation of their
parliament, for fear of losing their pay; and that
when the Lord High Commissioner did send them
about their business, they were jeered by the
people. They must be singular Greeks if they
were indifferent to pecuniary considerations;
but the islanders also must be very unlike
the race they belong to, if they do
not view the political question chiefly
through the pecuniary one. There are times of ex-
citement in almost every community when the
national feeling overpowers every other, and when
even the bourgeoisze are carried away by it. If
there is anything like this among the Islanders at
present, then, indeed, we can hardly doubt what
would be the course most consistent, most dignified,
most conducive to the spread of English influence
throughout Europe.
England has applauded as one man the language
of her Foreign Secretary, " That the people were the
only judges of whether their grievances were such as
to justify a change of dynasty." We cannot de-
fend Lord JOHN by saying, with the Duke of
NEWCASTLE, that this has no relevance tithe de-
sire of the Islanders to get rid of our protectorate ;
we must agree even with the Marquis of NORMANBY
for once, that this language is altogether relevant to
their case; indeed, it is a case a fortiori, for we are
purely foreigners at Corfu, and it must be admitted
that, unless for some very weighty reasons, any
people are justified in regarding the rule of
foreigners as itself a grievance—such a grievance
that it is likely to magnify the most unintentional
errors into grave delinquencies, and to cause even
good to be evil spoken of. Lord JOHN'S having
used the language referred to before all Europe,
and it having been notoriously popular in England,
strengthens the case for taking the high position
of declaring that if they wish us away we certainly
deem it no advantage to ourselves to keep there;
basanumtdeetvheen coursemhoas dtdthigese words never been written the
wouldniaehaavfeoreEquoaglllad
equally been the wisest
We cannot conceive a step we could now take
more popular than that of ascertaining thoroughly
and honestly the sense of the population of the
Seven Islands, and of acting upon it. We would
not even address to them a word in favour of
kepitleddoiguser.
`ire
with
the would
mosttake care to
unequivocalm e
protectorate.
otifnctthlye
k,knnaotwionnal faith, that should the majo-
rity of the Islanders prefer retaining Our
protectorate, the
minority, their leaders in-
eluded, should not experience any disad-
vantage, not even mere coldness from our Govern-
ment in consequence of their votes. We would offer,
not a sham, a Savoy ballot, but an effective and
independent one, with every assurance that we were
perfectly willing to part company with them if they
did not think our company worth having. We
must believe that an act of this kind would render
England the most popular power in Europe. The
sympathies which France is now attracting from
the reviving nationalities would be at once trans-
ferred to us. Fraace would be regarded as the
selfish appropriator of all she could grasp ; Eng-
land as the consistent giver up of those who had
-the claim of nationality only against her rule. Our
absolute power over the Islands, and the perfect
easewiotfhthwehaiceth. we could do what we pleased,
would
is ldbut enhance the generosity and the popu-
larityquite true that Lord JoHN's despatch had
nothing to do with the present political rebellion