The Sun.
London, England, 1861-04-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, T riURS DAY EVENING, APRIL 4, 1861.

PRINCE LUCIEN M RH TA Al) ITALIAN

AFFAIRS.

The subjoined letter is alluded to in the commu-
nication of our Paris correspondent:—
" CHATEAU DE RUZENVAL, March 27.
" Dear Duke,—Our political situation is more critical
than ever, and cannot remain so long. The different parties
which are disputing about Italy are ready for the conflict,
and I have been assured that the aspirations and wishes of
the kingdom of the Two Sicilies are directed towards me.
It is therefore advisable that I should make known my
thoughts to yourself and all who place their hopes in me. I
have already several times declared, and especially when
the annexations began, that I will never be an obstacle to
the unity of Italy, and I have kept my promise. But that
unity may be unierstood and realised in different manners.
There is the federal unity, in conformity with the historical
development and genius of Italy, aad the centralised unity
sprung from the Utepian movement of conspiracies. The
means, and I will even say the artifices, employed to realise
this chimera have been to me, ever since last year, a posi-
tive indication of the miscarriage of an enterprise which
ought never to have been attempted.
" It was easy to organise political associations intended

to support movements prepared beforehand—it was easy to

get up clever intrigues, to cajole indigence and easy con-
sciences, to take advantage of the universal hatred of justly
detested Governments—it was possible to win two or three
battles, but it was not easy to decapitate the kingdom of the
Two Sicilies, to make Naples a provincial town, to take
possession of Rome without caring for reasons of State and
the moral forces which defend the Papacy; to arm a million
soldiers to beat Austria, and even to pretend to overawe
France, the guardian of Rome, and with France the mo-
narchies of Europe menaced with a general revolt.
" I do not know whether Piedmont originally cherished

the secret thought of making a single kingdom of all Italy,
regardless of so many difficulties ; the tendencies of
Piedmont were often regarded with suspicion by even the
most eminent promoters of unification ; bnt when Pied-
mont planted her flag in the centre of Italy, she entered
upon a most perilous course, and now she has behind her
the reckless fanaticism which urges her on to extreme re-
solutions.

" That blind fanaticism now cries to the men who go-
vern Italy, ♦Forward ! let us enter Rome, and afterwards
we will turn against Austria ; or, if it suits you better, let
us attack Austria first and Rome next I' So speaks a party
which endeavours to induce all populations to rise in insur-
rection, in order to make them its accomplices.
" Will Piedmont cede to this fatal impulsion ? If she
does, if the work of union brings on new conflicts with
Austria, civil war will be renewed in the Kingdom of the
Two Sicilies. Piedmont will have before her the Austrian
army, and behind her Neapolitan autonomy ; and then will
be menaced at the same time the national independence by

the Austrian armies, and liberty by the violence of the
Borbonian party ; and both liberty and independence might
succumb, or at least fall again under the high jurisdiction
of the great Powers.

"I can understand, in presence of the possibility of such
calamities, that, as you write to me, the remembrance of
my father is like a ray of hope. As long as the people of
the Two Sicilies exist, the name of Joachim Napoleon will
be dear to all hearts, and will be venerated by all; and I,
his son, will consider it a groat honour to have to encoun-
ter the difficulties and dangers with which, in these grave
circumstances, the mission of succeeding him by popular
election will be surrounded.

" I would not undertake so great a mission unless it
were to open the era, so necessary to Italy, of political and
social progress, and with the desire of casting the founda-
tions of an edifice which would pot shake like that of the
annexations, supported as it is only by vacillating props.
The grandeur of States cannot be founded in the course of
a few months.

"The admirable power of the French Empire is the pro-
duction of the social labour of several centuries. .

" As I would not consent to embarrass Italian union, so
I would not suffer that others should embarrass the policy
of our reign by leading us into seductive but disastrous
enterprises. I would protect as a treasure your indepen-
dence, and would share with a Parliament the noblest part
in the task of a king—the development of social activity by
encouragements to manufactures, commerce, science, art,
great public works, and to all elements of collective educa-
tion and national progress.'
" The fundamental rule of my conduct would be diffe-
rent from that of the men who agitate Italy. These men
have placed above the Italian people associations of con-
spirators who arc. mixed up in all European revolutions. •
" We should, on the contrary, be happy to witness the
disappearance of that artificial aristocracy of conspirators
who dispose of all things as they please. We would not
seek for the friendship of those cosmopolitan agitators w 134
dream of a territorial remodelling of Europe, but for that
of every Government marked by conservative and progres-
sive tendencies.

" As to the populations of Italy,'it is not only their friend-
ship but their fraternity which we should require—frater-
nity taking the form of a confederation, which can alone
effect our political transformation.

" We would wish to be in Italy a pledge end in Europe
an element of thatuniversal conciliation so ardently desired
by the populations and the Governments who feel anxiety
respecting the immense dangers which a stormy future
seems to presage.

" Accept, dear Duke, the assurance of my especial esteem,
" Li) CIAN MURAT."

BOU.RBON INTRIGUES IN .

A Palermo correspondent of the Independance
Beige, writing on the 26th ult., communicates to
that journal the two subjoined letters from General
Bosco, and gives the following account of the way
in which they came into possession of the Govern-
ment :

These two letters are from General Bosco, refugee
at Rome with Francis 11., and were brought here
on ThUrsday last by Count Schlippenbacb, artillery
officer in the service of his Majesty the King of
Prussia, attached to the Prussian embassy at Rome.
These documents sufficiently explain what is the
business with which the noble count was charged,
but he declares, in fact, that be knew nothing of
what was going on, and thought that he was
merely bringing ordinary letters of introduction
on the part of General Bosco. The first letter is
addressed to a high personage here, who passed as
a, Bourbon attache. The second is addressed to
Father Damiano, a monk notorious for his royalism,
and inhabiting the convent of Morreale ; it was
seized upon him immediately on Count Schlippen-
bach's leaving the convent, to which he had brought
it, and where he was to receive an answer the next
day. The Count has been summoned before the
Minister of Public Safety, who informed him, with
equal dignity and forbearance, of the serious nature
of his fault, or error, for Count Schlippenbach
solemnly protested that he knew nothing of the
errand on which Francis 11., by means of General
Bosco, had sent him. In any case we are
eagerly waiting here to see what the Prussian
Parliament and Ministry will say to such acts,
and what will be their opinion of the conduct of
diplomatic officers and agents who appear to care
so little about the vote of the Chamber of Repre-
sentatives on Herr von Vincke's motion, which made
so deep an impression on the whole of Italy, and
which has here even called forth a subscription to-
wards a testimonial of gratitude. Is this errand of
Count Schlippenbach's the corollary of the mission
of the Loreley and the appearance of the Prussian
vessel before Messina when it was besieged by the
Italian army ?

Rome, March 3, 1861.

My dear --,—A gentleman attached to the
legation is paying you a visit for a few days.
He will then return here to report strictly to the
King all that you confide to him in a sincere and
straightforward manner. The King knows that I
am writing this letter, and he will be pleased to
learn from you the actual state of affairs,—that is
to say, the views that influence the educated por-
tion of the middle class and the people generally.
Here we are told that they prefer independence,
and have a horror of the Piedmontese.
You must let me know what forces there are in
Sicily, what number the native forces amount to,
and how the Piedmontese forces are organised. If
M-- is not from home, beg him to come to. your
house to meet the count, the bearer of this letter,
I should inform you that the count understands
Italian, and that you should speak in a low voice to
him, or perhaps rather in French. He will put up
at the Trinacria Hotel. I have recommended him
to M-- ; tell him to come to you at your house,
that you may not find him with them, and may be
able to speak more freely.

His Majesty Nv ill take account of positive infor.

Illation which you are enabled to give him by the
intermediation of the count. I hope that this time
you will not fear to speak and write without re-
serve. If you wish, you can accompany him to
Morreale ; I have given him a letter of introduction
to Father Damiano.

I am just now suffering from a glandular swelling
in the neck. I may inform you that I have been
promoted to the rank of marquis, named chamber-
lain, and decorated with the cross of commander of
St. George and of Francis I. I see the King every
day, but I have not made up my mind to accom-
pany him when he leaves Rome. Give me news of
your wife, and tell me if you know of any persons
devoted to the King, and willing to give him some
positive information. What are doing ? Give me
positive news, and tell me about —. I embrace
you, and beg you to send the enclosed letter to --
Your have forgotten my prayer for business. Send
me information about --. Greet him cordially
for me.—Your friend,

FERDINANDO BENEVENTANO (DEL Bosco).
Send the inclosed photograph to -.

Rome, March 3, 1861.

My very dear Friend,—To-day is my birthday,
.and I wish to celebrate it by writing you a few
lines, with the certainty of receiving an answer.
The bearer is Count S—, a Prussian officer at-
tached to the -- legation. He is going to stay
among you a few days, and is very devoted to our
cause. I beg you to act as his guide, and to show
him all the beauties of the country, and I wish to
receive your answer through him. I hope you will
not be afraid to write to me all that you have to
tell me on the subject of -- and the other five
fellows who have joined in the plunder of my effects.
We hope everything from time.
I have to inform you that I have come safe and
sound out of the siege of Gaeta, and that I have
been named Marshal, Chamberlain of his Majesty,
and Commander of St. George and Francis I. The
King will stay here some time ; as for me, I don't
know what I shall do. My notion is to go into re-
treat, and wait for the triumph of the autonomy,
under no matter what King, for "Italy one" is a
dream. Naples cannot submit to be a province. The
troubles are incessant. The Murat party is gaining
consistency.

A telegraph despatch arrived to-night states that
the Corps Legislatif has approved of Napoleon's
policy, but wishes the temporal power of the
Pope to be recognised; accordingly, the stupid
idea of Italian unity will go to the devil. The at-
tempt which has failed against Napoleon will make
him understand that all this is only a republican
intrigue, and he will soon therefore end by becoming
wise again. •

Be my interpreter to all the -, whom I love
and esteem so much. I reckon upon being able to
see you before long, and I beg you to point out to
me a rendezvous, for it will take many months yet
to re-establish order and put down the plebs.
Write by post to Oscob Ouglielmo to inform me
of your health, and I shall sign my letters Oscob
Guglielmo. I greet you all and shake hands with
you heartily. Patience still till the revolution has
run its course.

F. BENEVENTANO (DEL Bosco).

ME AUSTRIAN NAVY.

Much interest has been excited at Vienna by a
pamphlet on the Austrian navy, which, although
issued anonymously, is supposed to come from the
Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian, brother of the
Emperor, and the head of the fleet. Archduke
Ferdinand is an enthusiastic advocate of the Aus-
trian naval power, and imperatively asks for the
immediate augmentation of the fleet by as many
ships as can be got for money. He says—" What-
ever may be our misfortunes, we are obliged by the
rise of another great Power on our frontiers to in-
quire into the state of our defences, and if necessary
to make up for any deficiencies we may have
hitherto allowed to pass unnoticed. There is a de-
fect in the political machine of Austria. As Fre-
derick the Great created an army out of nothing,
the new State in the south will stud the Mediter-
ranean with a new fleet in the shortest time.
Austria is 900 years old, yet not decrepid enough
to shut her eyes against the coming danger, and
await the fatal blow in negligent inactivity. The
kingdom of Italy has been born, notwithstanding
the best worded protests of European diplomacy.
Europe looks surprised at the event, while Austria
has the presentiment of a fresh calamity approach-
ing her confines. However, if the consciousness of
the danger leads to the augmentation of our navy,
the danger itself may before long be hailed as a
wholesome restorative to a healthy condition."
The author then proceeds to prove that, in the
event of a successful landing in Dalmatia, the troops
stationed along the coast will be so many lost out-
posts. If the provinces follow them, which he con-
ceives to be most probable, then the next step in
the sequence will be for Austria to follow the pro-
vinces. " Our good old ancestors (says the Prince)
must have been odd fellows indeed. They actually
seem to have believed that a coast may be defended
by treaties, and, what is stranger, people still show
themselves worthy of their fathers in supposing the
sea capable of defence from the land. It is true that
during 40 sleepy years they had never to cope with
one of the great Powers ; but it is time for all that
they should be brought to acknowledge the fact
that water can be protected by water only, and that
a State with a far-stretching coast must provide
itself with a navy when the fates raise up a power-
ful neighbour close at hand. There are Via o causes
to awaken the cupidity of the Italians towards Dal-
matia. First of all, the Adriatic, of ill repute
among sailors for its storms and difficult naviga-
tion, has not a single harbour along the whole length
of its western shores. Its eastern side, on the other
hand, is literally crowded with the finest natural
havens, and in many cases offers the only security
to ships. Again, the Italians are well aware that if
once deprived of her coasts, Austria, like every
other country secluded from the sea, must speedily
cease to take her place by the side of the formidable
empires of the world. Without her seas she loses
her export trade, her claims upon the future of the
Orient, and the possibility of developing the inex-
haustible resources of Hungary, the true nucleus
and centre of her strength. Without access to the
surging highway of nations, Austria must be satis-
fied to play the despicable game of German minor
potentates of the Federal Diet, and humbly request
the profitable alliances of such great sovereigns as a
Couza and Obrenovich."

The Archduke does not believe in the restoration
of the Italian dukes. A victorious war for Haps-
burg he considers to be one resulting in the ex-
pulsion of the enemy from Venetian territory, and
enabling the Emperor to keep his own without
owing his existence to the good services of Ger-
man allies. But if his troops are beaten again ?
In that case our piratical neighbour will possess
himself of the last Italian province now obeying the
commands of the Kaiser. As for• Trieste, Istria,
and Dalmatia, they will be, however, preserved to
us in any case, both by, the power of the Germanic
Confederation and by English jealousy, which does
not permit the national movement to extend to the
immediate vicinity of the lonian Islands. With her
coasts thus diminished, and yet a considerable por-
tion of them remaining under Imperial rule—with
Ancona converted into a first-rate fortress, and the
opposite shores being at a distance of six hours
only, Austria will be none the less obliged to con-
struct ships, even after the possible cession of Vene-
tia to Italy."

Po counteract the dangers of the present situa-
tion £3,000,000 and an alliance with Great Britain
are then demanded as the only and mutally profit-
able course left for the Emperor. By means of the
money the Austrian navy is to be rendered equal to
that of Italy within about two years ; while Eng-

land is requested to look after the safety of the
imperial shores until the desirable point of efficiency
is attained.

AMERICA.

LIVERPOOL, *EDNESDAT EVENING.

The Royal Mail steamship Niagara, Captain
Moodie, from Boston on the 20th, and Halifax on
the 21st ult., has arrived in the Mersey.
The Neu loth Herald of the 19th ult. publishes
the two new tariffs, which it says "are destined to
play an important part in the settlement of the
troubles which now surround the United States.
The southern tariff is very simple and easily under-
stood, but the northern is full of incongruities.
" One of the effects of the Morill tariff, however,
will be to settle the question of the navigation of
the Mississippi river—the only one which looked
threatening to the South. The Southern tariff
being lower than the Northern, all goods destined
for Memphis, St. Louis, Cincinnatti, and other ports
of entry in the West, will be landed at New Orleans,
bulk broken, and then forwarded to their several
destinations.

" The western people will thereby have more ad-
vantageous and greater use of the river than they
had before. Instead of consuming products coming
westward from the Atlantic _border, they will re-
ceive them southward from New Orleans, giving
employment to the boats and railroads on and near
the Mississippi river, and reviving the old business
as it flourished before the east opened its artificial
connection with the west."

A despatch from Savannah states that goods in
transit through the Confederate States for such
states as are without their jurisdiction can proceed
to their destination without payment of duties.
A despatch had been received at Charleston from
Havre, intimating that ships from the Cnfederate
States would be admitted into that port on the
same footing as those carrying the Federal flag.
The following gentlemen had been appointed
United States representatives abroad :

Charles Francis Adams, Minister to England.
William L. Drayton, Minister to France.
N. P. Judd, Minister to Prussia.
George P. Marsh, Minister to Sardinia.
James Watson Webb, Minister to Turkey.
Jacob T. Huldeman, Minister to Sweden.

W. S. Thayer, Consul-General to Alexandria.

Advices have been received from Fort Brown
announcing the surrender of the Ringgold barrack
at Brazos Santiago to the Texan troops, and that
its evacuation was to take place on the 20th ult.
Colonel Ben M'Culloch was on his way to Rich-
mond to purchase arms for the state of Texas. It
was stated that he would also endeavour to induce
President Davis to form a regiment of mounted
rifleinen for the protection of the Texan frontier.

Advices from Washington indicated no change of
policy of the administration relative to the recep-
tion of the Southern Commissioners. Preparations
for the evacuation of Fort Sumter were expected
to be commenced in a few days, but the mode in
which it would take place had not yet been de-
cided on.

MONTGOMERY, March 18.—The Tariff Bill re-
ported last week has not been passed into law. It
will be up for action when Congress again meets,
on the second Monday in May.

It is said that the Commissioners for Europe
(Hon. W. L. Yancey, A, Dudley Mann, and P. A.
Rost) are about leaving for New Orleans, and will
go thence to Havannah, to take the English steamer
which leaves that port on the 27th of March for
Southampton.

The ordinance submitting the permanent consti-
tution of the Confederate States to the people for
ratification or rejection was defeated in the Louisi-
ana Convention on the 18th ult.
The Florida Convention would assemble in
April.

The following amendment to the fifth resolution
to the majority report of the committee on federal
relations, which had been under discussion, was
voted down on the 17th in the Missouri State Con-
vention by a vote of 61 to 30 :—" And further be-
lieving that the fate of Missouri depends upon the
peaceable adjustment of our present difficulties, she
will never countenance or aid a seceding state in
making war upon the general Government, nor
will she provide men and money for the purpose
of aiding the general Government in any attempt
to coerce a seceding state."

The New York Herald says, " It is probable that
the departure of the Southern Commissioners for
Europe is the cause of the postponement of the
passage of the new Southern tariff, to enable them
to meet the views of the commercial powers in
effecting treaties and making other important
arrangements on the other side of the Atlantic for
the recognition of the independence of the Con-
federate States by England, France, and the other
nations of the Old World."

Meantime the old tariff of 1857, which was tem-
porarily adopted for the provisional government,
will continue in force.

In the United States Senate on the 18th ult.,
Mr. Douglas's resolution, making inquiries relating
to the forts, and other Federal property, in the
seceded states, was under consideration, and Mr.
Breckenridge took occasion to comment upon the
inaugural address of President Lincoln and the
general course of the republicans. The address he
interpreted as meaning war, and in proof he cited
the fact that the President was utterly indisposed
to accept or acknowledge the fact that a division
has taken place in the Union. He further com-
mented upon the fact that in the proposition to
evacuate Fort Sumter, it was to be done, not as an
act of conciliation and peace, but simply as a mili-
tary necessity. Mr. Breckenridge also argued
that the construction of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet left
nothing to hope for peace. His opinion was that
the Federal government could not be perpetuated
on the principles which brought the now dominant
party into power. Mr. Hale followed in reply, and
at the conclusion of his speech the Senate went
into executive session.

The debate was continued on the 19th ult.

Mr Clingman said he thought the policy of the
administration was that of war ; but if the policy
was that of peace, why not announce it ? The
silence of the administration was sufficient proof to
his mind that it was its settled policy to involve the
country in civil war.—Mr, Simmons offered a sub-
stitute fol. Mr. Douglas's resolution, and in re-
ply to some remarks of Mr. Clingman, said he
was not disposed to force the seceding States
back, as he presumed they would be sick of their
experiment yv ithin a year.--The Senate after-
wards adjourned.
RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, MARCH 19.

The Committee on Federal Relations has made a
report to the Virginia Convention, proposing amend-
ments to :the constitution. It covers Mr. Frank-
lin's substitute, which is changed by using the
expression "involuntary servitude" instead of
" persons sold to slavery." The rights of owners
are not to be impaired by congressional or territorial
laws, or pre-existing laws of Mexico. In the ter-
ritory hereafter acquired involuntary servitude,
except for crime, is prohibited north of 36.30, but
shall not be prohibited by Congress or any terri-
torial legislature south thereof. The third section
is verbally altered for the somewhat better security
of property in transit. The fifth section prohibits
the importation of slaves from places beyond the
limits of the United States. The sixth section
makes verbal changes in relation to the remunera-
tion for fugitives by Congress. The seventh section
forbids the elective franchise and right to hold
office to persons of the African race. The eighth
provides that none of the amendments, nor the
third paragraph of the second section of the first
article of the constitution, nor the third paragraph
of the section section of the fourth article thereof,
shall be amended or abolished without the consent
of all the states.