The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-22 00:00:00

" Rusticus expectat tltim defluat amnis."

(Cheers.) But When our Government announces that a
comprehensive project is impending, it invites the Powers
of the world to take advantage of the moment guaranteed to
them. A few Weeks after the Government of 1853 solemnly
engaged to devote iao4 to a grand organic project, Prince I
Menschikoff began his fatal expedition. It was not too 1
high a tribute to the calculation and sagacity for which the
late Czar was known that these events should be in some de-
gree associated. He well knew to what rejoinder he was
open. It might be said that these considerations were as appli-
cable in 1831 as at this moment, and that if they had been
suffered to prevail the act of 1832 would never have been
carried.. _No doubt the hazard was as great at that time as
at any other,but the end in view was such•as to balance the
risk to be encountered, while for thafend occasional reform
would not have been sufficient. The country wanted to
transfer power from one class to another; to create another
I epoch in our history, and at a single blow to put an end to
the dominion or proprietors in boroughs. They wanted to
destroy interests which only popular excitement cotild
assail, to reverse the state of parties in the Legislature, to
pave the way to measures previously impossible. In a word
they wanted to achieve what they are now determined to
prohibit. And if the ends are opposite the agencies should
vary. But, as regards foreign policy itself, instead of
shrinking from, at that time, it stood in need of a large and
comprehensive measure to release and to advance it. Under
the old system we, could not follow the ideas Which Mr.
Canning had impressed upon the country when that system
was no longer governed by his mind and charmed by his
ascendancy. Two years, as he prophesied himself, were
sufficient to reverse much of what he had accomplished. In
order to rettrxreto those salutary principles which from 1827
to 1830 were eclipsed, but which have never since been inter-
rupted, a large and reconstructive measure was desirable
and necessary. (Hear, hear.) What lies at the bottom of
the favour with which comprehensive schemes in some
quarters are regarded is that, if carried, they would shut
out the prospects of further change and bring about an
absolute repose upon these questions. To men who had
watched events since 1848, such hopes. would not appear to
) have the shadow of foundation. What reason was there
to suppose that the same influences which weighed upon
the Minister in 1851, would not again coerce him ? These
facts deserve to be remembered. In the general election
of 1817 Reform was scarcely mentioned. Before the Par
liament which met at the close of that year expired, the
pledge to alter .the Reform Act comprehensively and
vitally was given. The Government 011846 came in with
the strictest understanding that organic change was not
to be included in its policy; and by that very Govern-
ment the present difficulties of the question were created.
Where was the security for permanence, as it clearly did
not rest in the consistency of Governments or fortitude of
statesmen ? Was it in the generous forbearance of the
democratic party ? Why should a party whose :strength
had juSt increased,, as by a reconstructive scheme it must
increase, be more forbearing than it used to be? Would
you look for your security in general concurrence not to
touch these. questions ? Will all the rising spirits in our
schools and universities? 'Will all the coming heroes of
suburban counties ? Will all the unpledged members of our
metropolitan constituencies join in this concurrence, and if
they do not what can be its value ? There is no security
whatever that the very session after a comprehensive mea-
sure has been passed, a comprehensive measure may not be
demanded. But setting this aside, and taking a more
favourable view of what might happen, if a new settlement
was not at once exposed and gibbeted, and followed by ano-
ther, to what would it be a preface except occasional reform,
whenever unforeseen facts, or popular opinion, or party cir-
cumstances called for it ? Why not begin at once with that
which, after any large and reconstructive scheme has been
adopted, you will enter on? (Hear.) At the same time
ho knew that such a line was inadmissible if it was obnoxi-
ous to the Democratic party of the country. But that very
party owed to it the only triumphs they had gained. They,
too, like older parties in the State, had found in reconstruc-
tive schemes an unmingled source of failure and disaster.
They had regarded with aversion and contempt the four
which Governments had offered them; and no wonder,
when protection of the voter by ballot, which all those
schemes denied, was among their favourite objects of acti-
vity, If the system of occasional reform was not adapted
to their sympathy, it would not in 1859, after the preient
Government was formed, have found, in Mr. Cobden a far
more powerful exponent than it had found in him to-night
before, their lordships. He had only, therefore, to revert to
the position that occasional reform ought to be seriously
contemplated, if not at once embraced ; that the reduction
of the county franchise was the step which circumstances
indicated ; and that justice to the freeholders prevented it
until its influence on their position had been estimated.
Whether or not the noble lord resolved to grant such infor-
mation, if the train of reasoning which he had most im-
perfectly endeavoured to present to them, mixing with his
thoughts, improved by his refledions,4ind strengthened by
the larger,rango of illustration end experience the noble
lord could bring to bear upon it, induced him to glance back
at all that had occurred from 1848 to this moment, and to
weigh the lesson such a retrospect afforded before he ven-
tured for a fourth time to be connected with any large and
reconstructive scheme to alter the Reform Act ; the moment
might arrive when the motion he had the honour to submit
would not be wholly useless to the country. (Cheers.) The
noble lord concluded in the terms of his motion.

Earl GRANVILLE said there would be no objection to
furnish the return moved for.

Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.--(YESTERDAY.)
BANKRUPTCY AND INSOLVENCY BILL.

Clauses to 81 ►ere agreed to without discussion.
On clause 82,

- Sir H. CAIRNS said he had a'ways been of opinion that,
though the case with respect to non•traders was one of con-
siderable difficulty, it would, to a certain extent, be a benefit
to them; and not a disdvantage ; and that they should' be
made subject to the bankruptcy laws. Whenever a judg-
e
went had been recovered against a non- teader, and he was
liable to be put in prison, which he cmild leave only as an
insolvent debtor, the best thing that could happen to him
. .
I was that his creditor should be able, instead of putting him
in prison; to make him a bankrupt. The Attorney-General
had adopted that principle in some of his clauses, but the
clause now undef discussion went much further; introduc-
ing other and more dangerous elements.' •It provided that
' .a non-trader who departed the realm with intent to defeat
or delay his creditors should be adjudged a bankrupt. That
was an excellent•proviSion with respect to 'traders, because
.. a trader was bound to be in his place of business either in
;his own person or in that of a properly accredited represen-
tative, but the case of a non-trader was wholly different. A
non-trader was not bound to be in any particular plaeo, and
it would•be a 'great 'hardship to declare him a bankrupt
whenever a creditor chose, to suggest that he haddeparted
a
the realm for the purpose defeating or delaying his credi-
tors, the fact all thb thno probably being that he was abroad
:on a touring expedition. The Attorney.:General would do
well to confine the case as. regarded non-traders to what
were called the-delitor summons Clanses; '
Sir G. BOWYER repeated what he had stated before,
that it was impossible, without greit injtStice, to bring non-
traders within- the same rule as traders:" Tiller the -present
clause a person of :AU first rank, and posseSs&l of a large
landed estate, who happened to be temporarily embarrassed,
though not insolvent, might be declared *bankrupt because
a creditor chose ter sailhat he had gene bad with intent
•to delay his creditors. No change was required in the ad-'
ministration of justice with respect'io'non."-traders.
The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, referring to the under-
standing that there ;should be a deliberate argument upon
thisUiatter at a future stage, said he would not•attempt at
present to reply to the observation's of.his hen,. and learned
friend the meniberter Belfast. He would merely say that
if non-trallers.conicl_ not abscond ' from their creditors, or if
Judgments couldle recovered against , them, he _should be
,content with the debtor summons clauses. The only answer-
he could give the last speaker was that there were hundreds
of• Englishmen now abroad who had taken their property
With them; Who.had defeated and-delayed their creditorsi
and who had lived for years, and were now living, abroad in
shameless extravagance; while their 'disappointed creditors
were unable to obtain a shilling of the' debts justly die to
them. (11-ear,,hear.) - - - ' • ,
Mr. MALINS thought the questiet wa4; whether debtors
• "'living property should-be allowed to retain it without tip-
[
plying it to the payinent of their debts: Many men Went
abroad and lived in- extravagance and luxury, leaving large.
debts in this, country, and drawing their rents of land, for
instance, from time to time, While their creditors were all
but starvirt.- -Wari*lnich a state' "of
.things to continue l
T
keY 114 tot got a judgment aganyi• tit& (lOW, because he