The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-30 00:00:00

of Italy should be advised to introduce certain
reforms, but that the States of Italy should be left
to effect their own reforms without foreign interfer-
ence, and without dictation from foreign armies.
(Prolonged cheers.) You may be quite wrong in the
advice you give with respect to the in titutions of
other countries—you may advise something very
good in itself, but which would be utterly un-
suited to them ; but if you say t'icy shall be at
liberty for themselves to make and to amend their
own Governments, you then act upon a sound
principle, and no one can doubt that whatever mis-
takes they may make, upon that principle you can
abide, and upon that principle you can take your
stand. Now, gentlemen, we have been told
of late that another great Power is about
to interfere—namely, Russia. I think we should
all be cautious before we settle our minds, without
further inquiry, to believe the statements made
upon this subject. (Cheers.) There is, no doubt,
sufficient cause for our Government to ask the Go-
vernments of France and of Russia whether there
are new ties by which they are bound together, and
what is the nature of those ties. (Loud cheers.)
Two different accounts are given on this subject,
and it is impossible, without inquiry, to say which
of them is true. The one statement is that an al-
-1 liance called offensive and defensive," has been
concluded between France and Russia. For my
part Ido not believe that account. (Cheers.) I
believe it was a vague and mistaken notion of what
had actually taken place. The other story is that
it was supposed in France—and naturally supposed
from the German newspapers—not only that Aus-
tria was about to make certain demands upon her,
but also that if she did so, and if France assisted
Sardinia, the others Powers of Germany would in-
terfere on behalf of Austria. Now, I considered,
when I first heard this statement, that it would be
a great misfortune if such an event were to happen,
because I believed that such interference could
hardly take place without leading to other interfe-
rence. Prussia and the States of Germany are no
more concerned than ourselves in the misgovernment
of Italy. They have no interests involved. Their se-
curity and honour are not affected by any change
in the Governments of Italy, but it seemed likely
that if France saw herself threatened on the side of
Germany she would apply to Russia in order to
gain additional defence against that menace or, it
might be, aggression. Well, the other story is that
France had made that application, and that Russia
had complied with it, and had agreed that in case
Germany should make war on France, she would
on her side threaten Germany, and, if it were neces-
sary, make war upon Germany. Now, these are
Questions as to which I will only say that it is neces-
sary to know all the facts before we can arrive at a
solid arid sound judgment. (Hear,hear.) I will also
say further, in the spirit of what I have already
told you, that I think we have nothing to do but
to defend our own honour, to defend our own terri-
tory, to defend our own interests, and not to put
ourselves forward with the notion of aiding one or
other of these parties, and thus incurring the dan-
ger, when they are engaged in conflict, of being
drawn into a struggle, and of preventing that set-
tlement which might otherwise take place. (Cheers.)
My belief is, if these powers are left to a conflict
among themselves, that after a time—l hope it may
be a short time, but I believe, at all events, after
some time of struggle—the powers that are at war
will be glad to take the advice of England, and
that they will be glad to have recourse to the me-
diation of England, as a power which is likely to
act upon principles of justice and equity between
the contending parties. (Cheers.) 'While I protest
strongly against taking a part in war with the no-
tion that the freedom of other countries may be as-
sisted or established by means of war, I will say that
if it comes to a question of advice—still more if it
comes to a question of mediation—it is for us to con-
sider that we are a free country, and that the cause
we ought to promote by our friendly and peaceful
influence is the cause of civil and religious liberty
all over the world. (Cheers.) I have expressed my
opinions, and although some of them may be con-
fined to myself, I believe they do not differ materi
ally or substantially from the views which are held
by those who now bear sway in this country and
conduct the Government. Jam sure, then, it will be
a great advantage if, when Parliament meets, we
should be unanimous, at all events, upon that sub-
ject. I have no reason to think that Lord Palmer-
ston, Mr. Gladstone, and others who have taken
part in the debates on this matter, at all differ from
the opinions I have now expressed. (Hear, hear.)
If you will permit me, I will say a few words on
my own position. One gentleman who spoke of me
did me the honour to allude to my ancestry. I have
always been of opinion with one of our own poets
that

" They who on glorious ancestry enlarge,
Produce their debt instead of their discharge."
It has been my desire to endeavour to pay that debt
—to endeavour by measures which I thought bene-
ficial to the country, and which promoted religious
and political liberty, to pay in some degree for the
advantages I have derived from the ancestry from
which I am descended—(cheers)—and I hope you
will be of opinion that some part of that debt at
least has been paid by me. (Renewed cheering.)
Whatever accusations of faction, and of conspiring,
and of intriguing there may be against me, I have
the satisfaction of thinking that whenever I have
interfered in the House of Commons, whether mis-
taken or not, my object has been to promote the
welfare and liberty of the country. (Cheers.) It
is necessary, in order to do that effectually, to enter
into concert with others ; and you may rely upon it
that in the future it will be my endeavour, as I hope
I may say it has been in the past, not to put forward
obstinately andprecipitately any opinions of my own
as better than those of others who aim at the same
objects, but that I shall carry into practice the
opinion once shortly expressed. by Mr. Fox, that
" it is better to yield a little to a friend than to
yield everything to an enemy." (Hear, hear.) I
am convinced from the history of the last 30 years
that the great measures which have been carried
affecting religious liberty, Parliamentary reform,
free trade, and the repeal of the corn laws, have
been carried by a conjunction of different parties,
some calling themselves Whigs, some calling them-
selves Radicals, some calling themselves at one
time followers of Mr. Canning, and at another
time followers of the late Sir R. Peel. When I
look to these questions, I find that it has been only
by the combination of the three parties I have men-
tioned that such measures have been successful. If,
then, measures useful to the country have in times
past owed their success to these combinations, I
think we ought to look to similar combinations for
success in the future. lam much concerned when
I see differences among Liberals, and when I find
them applying names to one another—when I find
some saying that those who go further than them-
selves are " Destructivts," and wish to abolish the
sound constitution of the country, while those who
go to what may be deemed extremes call men who
do not go so far, but who are yet sound and good
Liberals, " retrograde politicians," and apply to
them other terms which depreciate their usefulness.
I am convinced that, in the face of the great party
which will be opposed to us, it is only by the con-
cert and agreement of all Liberals throughout the
country—by union and determination—that we are
likely to carry measures for the good of the' people.
(Loud cheers.) In that spirit lam disposed to act.
You have elected me as one of your four representa-
tives at a most anxious and critical time in the
fortunes of this country. Believe me, I shall not
betray or neglect -tnat trust; and I again repeat to
you my heartfelt gratitude for the honour you have
conferred upon me. (Prolonged cheering.)

TIVERTON.
FRIDAY AFTERNOON.

Lord Palmerston and the Hoii.Gr.ls;;;;;,ihe
two Liberal candidates, were elected for this borough
to-day without opposition.
Lord PALMERSTON came forward, and expe-
rienced a most enthusiastic reception. His lordship
spoke as follows :—Mr. Mayor and gentlemen,
electors of Tiverton, I must in the first place assure
you that I shall for cogent reasons which I see
before me (alluding to the representatives of the
London press), endeavour to compress within
the narrowest possible limit
the remarks and
observations which I shall think it my duty to
address to you. (Hear, hear.) In the first place
allow me to say with what regret I stand here
to-day without the companionship of that worthy
and excellent friend of yours and mine, Mr.
Heathcoate—(loud cheers)—who has so long and so
worthily represented your borough in Parliament.
I quite apree with what fell from my hon. friend
who proposed Mr. Denman as a candidate, that it
would be idle for any man here to attempt to be-
stow on Mr. Heathcoat any praise stronger than
that which must suggest itself to the minds of
every man in the town and neighbourhood, who so
well knows his value. (Hear, hear.) But I may
be allowed to say that there was no member of the
House of Commons on either side of the chair who
commanded to a greater extent the respect, the
esteem, and the goodwill of every member of the
house. (Hear, hear.) There was no man whose
judgment was more valued, no man whose honesty
and independence were more appreciated, and
there is no member who, I am sure, retires from
the arduous duties of the House of Commons who
will carry more than Mr. Heathcote will into the
retirement of private life the regret and the esteem
of every man who enjoyed the happiness of his ac-
quaintance during his long career as a member of
ParhaPaent. (Cheers.) When I see, gentlemen, as
Ido with cordial satisfaction, the progressive pros-
sive prosperity and improvement of this town, I
am favourably reminded that it is in a great mea-
sure to Mr. Heathcoate that this improvement and
prosperity are due--(hear, hear)—and therefore I