The Sun.
London, England, 1857-06-26 00:00:00

FIIE SUN, LONDON,
_PRI,DAY EVENING, JUNE 26

Basinghall-street; Hessr3. Hine, Robinson, and Haycock,
Ch ,rtrhoipe-s Inare. _

David Arthur Singer, Oxford-streat, July 10, at hilf-
past two, and August 10, at one, at Court of Bankruptcy.
Pennell, official assignee, Guildhall-chatnb,-A, Basioghall-
street ; Bennett and Stark, Furnival's-inn,
William Downes, smith, Great Dover-street, Newing-
ton, July 9th and August 7th, at half-past one, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Whitmore, official assignee, City ;
Summers, City.
George Archer, seed merchant, Colchester, July 8, at
eleven, and Aagust 6, at twelve, at She Court of Bank-
ruptcy. Graham, official assignee ; Marten, Thomas and
Hollams, Mincing-lane. _ .

Leah Isaacs, tobacconist, Piccadilly, trading as Picard
and Co., July 14, at eleven, Aug. 3, at half-past eleven,
at the Court of Bankruptcy. Pennel, official assignee,
Guildhall-chambers ; J. and S. Solomon, Finsbury-place.
Charles Thomas Moon, bookseller, Regent-street, St.
James's, July 8, at half-past one, Aug. 5, at eleven, at the
Court of Bankruptcy. Pennell, official assignee, Guild-
hall-chambers; Lawrance, Plows, and Boyer, Old Jewry-
chambers.

Morris Moss, coach-broker, Somers'-place, New-road,
July 13, and Aug. 10, at two, at the Court of Bank-
ruptcy. Nicholson, official assignee, Basinghall-street ;
Braham, Furnival's-inn, Holborn.
James Cook, boarding-house keeper,lateof Queen-street,
Cheapside, now of Peckham, July 8, at twelve, and Aug.
3, at two, at the Court of Bankruptcy. Nicholson, official
assignee, Aldermaubury ; Lawrence, Plews, and Boyer,
Old Jewry.
Richard Rowlinson, ship owner, Liverpool, July 15, and
August 4, at eleven, at the Liverpool District Court.
Morgan, official assignee, Liverpool ; Atkinson, Liverpool.
Granville Scott Walton, ironmonger, Wolverhampton,
July 9 and 30, at ten, at the Birmingham District Court.
Christie, official assignee, Birmingham ; E. and H. Wright,
Birmingham.
Wm. Audley, auctioneer, Newcastle-under-Lyme, July
9 and 30, at ten, at the Birmingham District Court.
Whitmore, official assignee, Birmingham; Knight and
Udall, Newcastle-under-Lyme; Knight, Birmingham.

COURSE OF EXCHANGE.—Tnis DAY.

km5terdam............ 11 18

Gibraltar ...... •• •• ••

Ditto, three months .. 12 Ni Leghorn .. .. ...• 29 85
Rotterdam ............ 12 Xi Genoa .. 25 ti*;,

Antwerp •• •• •• •• •• •• •• 25 55.-Milan •• •• •• • • •• •• • • ••

Brussels •• •... •• •• •• 25 55 Venice.... •..• •• •• ••
Ramburgh •• •• •• •• •••• 13 Naples •• •• •• •• •••• ••• 42%
Alton •• •• •• •• •• •• •• •• • • Palermo •••• •• •••• •• •• 128%
Paris.• •• •• •• ••••• •• •• es 25 32% ,Messina •• • ... 129,4
Ditto, three months .. 25 70 Lisbon ... 521
Marseilles 25 72% Oporto 52%
Bourdeaux ..•• Rio Janeiro ..... .• • ....
Fr ankfort-on-llaine .... 119% Buenos Ayres.... .
I._ . ••

Berlin ................ •• ' - !New York, 60 Clays' sight
Vienne,............ .... 1031 Philadelphia ..........
._ .

Trieste •..... •••• • • .... 10 32 PIICESI Of BULLION' PER oz.
Petersburg ............ 37 Foreign Gold In Bars .£3 17 9
Madrid 48% Portugal Gold Coin .. 0 0 0

49g

Cadiz . •• •• •• •• •• ••• ••
Bmelons •• •• • •• .• • •
Seville ................

liencan Dollars .... 0 0 0
New Dollars ...... 0 0 0
Silver In bars ...... 0 0 0

71:1-E BANK CHARTER.

The Bank Charter Committee continue their heavy
labours, but, according to report, no revelations have
thus far been arrived at to encourage the delusion that
the means of establishing a " sufficient currency," such
as shall keep the supply and demand for money always
independent of any disturbance from the foreign ex-
changes, are destined to be arrived at. The evidence
taken is likely to prove voluminous, yet, however weary-
ing may be their task, it is to be hoped the committee
will not break up until they- have given ample latitude
to every gewleman anxious to unfold any idea on the.
subject. With the whele arguments of the various
schools comprised in one book it will be in the power of
any person, even if the committee should abstain from
reporting their own conclusions, to form a clear judg-
ment, and the public will be relieved from a continuance
of that issue of pamphlets—each propounding some obvi-
ous and infallible system, wholly overlooked by every
previous inquirer—which has been kept up in an
uninterrupted stream for the past twelve years. It will
create surprise should it be found that the Examina-
tions have brought out a single opinion or statement
which had not years previously been answered over
and over again, but an available record of them
will be invaluable towards stoppiog similar repeti-
tions for the future. There is one suggestion, how-
ever, which, although more specious than most
others that are put forward, has been less discussed than
any, to which the committee will perhaps give particular
attention. It is founded on the cry of free trade, which,
according to many recent signs, seems as liable to per-
version in the commercial as that of liberty in the poli-
*cal world. The question is, why should there be a
monopoly of the power of issuing notes ? "Let us," it
is said, " have free trade in money as in everything else."
The days of restriction and prohibition are passed, and,
if a private individual, or a body of individuals consti-
tuting themselves a company, choose to issue their pro-
mises to pay, and the public choose to receive them,
why should the law interpose a bar and declare that such
a privilege shall not be allowed to any establishment
other than the Bank of England 1 Even if it be found
impossible all at once so far to discard old prejudices as
to refrain altogether from the paternal system of State
ietethrence in such matters, surely, it is said, it would
be enough to stipulate for a deposit of certain recognized
securities, such as Government stock, real estate, &c ,
with an ample margin. Against such arguments can any-
thing be urged I To the astonishment, perhaps, of those
by whom they are brought forward, the answer even in
the Times must be that they are indisputable. There ought
to be no legal restrictions whatever on the issue of notes.
If this is what is meant by free trade in "money" the
wishes of the advocates of that principle might at once
be granted. In strict consistency every man should be
at liberty to make what promises he pleases, leaving the
public also at liberty to place faith in them or otherwise
at their own discretion. But is it certain that this is all
that the agitators of the question demand ? Of course
such notes must not be a legal tender. If the Govern-
ment force the community to receive notes as a legal
tender they are bound to take upon themselves the re-
sponsibility of insuring that they shall, under all con-
ceivable circumstances, be found convertible into the
gold they purport to represent. That precaution is taken
with regard to the notes of the Bank of England, and
it is capable of demonstration that under no imaginable
contingencies can the exchangeable value of the issues
of that establishment be for one moment jeopardised.
But 14,000,0001. or thereabout, which is the issue
allowed to the Bank, has been clearly ascertained to
be the limit to which a currency based merely on
securities can be carried with the certainty that its part
value in the money-market will be maintained. Hence,
as the Government cannot guarantee any further issue
that may be made except against a deposit of gold
of equal amount, they must of course refrain from
assuming any liability with regard to it. To prevent
misconception it must therefore be provided that all
notes Except those of the Bank of England should be
stamped with the words " not a legal tender," or if this
should be deemed an unjustifiable compulsion by the
extreme sticklers for license, the difficulty might be
equally well met by the words " a legal tender" being
prominently affixed on the Bank of England notes, leav-
ing the public to discriminate the probable value of the
paper on which this inscription is wanting. Such a pro-
vision in connexion with the existing powers of the cri-
minal law would undoubtedly supply all the protection
the community are entitled to insist upon. In can) of
attempts to pass other notes than those of the Bask of
England as " money" the Courts of Justice could at
once meet the evil. If any person asks Mr. A. for his
note there can be nothing wrong in the transaction, but
if Mr. A gives his promise to pay on demand to a customer
across his counter, who through being a foreigner
or an ignorant person is led to assume that he has
received a legal disbursement, then, of course, Mr. A.
must hold himself liable to sustain the penalties which,
as the law already stands, apply to all anal Tons pro-
ceedings. A strict enforcement of the penal clauses of
the Bankruptcy Act against all who should be found
to have issued notes payable on demaxil under circum-
stances of actual or approaching insolvency would like-
wise assist to keep everything straight. Tbat the first
introduction of this kind of freedom would be followed
by many abuses and much mischief cannot be doubted;
and to most persons it will be a question whether, until
the general popul ttion become better informed on finan-
cial matters than at present, these results would be com-
pensated by the fanciful_ advantages of rounding off a
theory. For the moment the point to be understood is
simply that thr cry against the supporters of the Bank
Charter Act, that they are opposed to the principles of
commercial freedom whenever those principles clash with
their views, isaltogether a mistake. Perfect free trade in
money exists already. The profits of the 14,000,0001. issue
which, apart from gold and silver, is all that can ever
be really regarded as money, are divided among the
public, since heavy deductions on account of it are made
by the Government from the Bank. With respect to
money beyond that total, every man is at liberty to
make as much as he pleases—or, in other words, to take
gold and silver to the Mint whenever he can get it,
where it will be made into money fur him at the public
expense. With the golden promises of A, B, er C, issued
on their own credit or on the security of stocks, shares,
houses, colonial produce, &c., the term " money" has
nothing to do. If, however, there is a class of persons
who would place them in that category, and who would
desire to have opportunities of being furnished with an
unlimited supply, it must undoubtedly, as far as our
ideas of freedom are concerned, be regarded as a pity
that there should be any legal barrier to their being
gratified.—Times' City A rtide.

BANE OF FRANCE.—Notwithstanding the reduction
of 800,0001. which has occurred during the last 10 days
in the stock of bullion of the Bank of France, the di.
rectors of that institution decided yesterday morning to
lower their rate of discount from 6 per cent., at which it
had stood since the 26th of September la,t, to 5i per
cent. It is believed, however, that by all the most pru-
dent members of the board the step was regarded ae in-
opportune, and that it is virtually to be attributed to
Government compulsion. Yesterday M. Fould, who is
at present acting for the Minister of Finance, officially
catled for the attendance of all those members whose
presence might otherwise have been uncertain at the
weekly court to-day, on the ground that a re-
duction would be proposed ; and it was fully
understood that, whatever might be the amount
of individual opposition, the Government would
certainly not abandon their point. Perhaps if Count
D'Argout bad still teen governor, the resistanec
might have been greater ;.but the very object of the
recent arrangements for the retirement of that func-
tionary was assumed to have been the removal of the
difficulties which the weight of his long experience
often interposed in cases like the present. Happily
there is ground to hope that the measure, although ut-
terly inconsistent with sound principle, may not for the
moment lead to serious consequences. The Govern-
ment are, doubtless, rendered sanguine by the prospects
of the harvest, and are impatient to snatch its benefits
without waiting for it to be safe from all contingencies.
Of course, if any untoward event were to happen, the
position would be one of great danger ; but if financial
institutions are to be made subservient to political mo-
tives, risks of that sort must be run. The worst danger
lid in the use which' the precedent is likely to be put to
for the future.—Times' City Article.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OUI LORDS.-(YESTERDAY.)
SALE OF OBSCENE BOOKS PREVENTION
BILL.

Lord CAMPBELL moved the second reading of this
bill. The object of the measure was to put an end to
the sale of obscene books and pictures, an evil which had
increased to an alarming extent of late years. The only
remedy that at present existed was to indict the publish.
ers for a misdemeanour, but the greatest difficulty was
experienced in bringing the offenders to justice. The
present bill would authorise the magistrates to grant a
warrant authorising the police to enter the shop of any
person suspected of selling these abominable publica-
tions, to seize any books and pictures of an obscene nature.
It was not the object of the bill to create a new offenee,
nor did it give a power of summary conviction ; but it
simply extended the prov.sions of the Betting-house
Act to shops of the description he had mentioned.
Lord BROUGHAM said it could not be denied that
the sale of obscene books and pictures had increased to
a very great extent, but ho thought the details of the bill
of the noble and learned lord would require careful conside-
ration. A. limitation must certainlybe fixed as to what works
were of a character to be deemed obscene. He did not
think it was the intention of the noble and learned lord
to indicta bookseller for se ling copies of Horace orJuvenal
Lord CAMPBELL—Certainly not.
The LORD CHANCELLOR said be felt considerable
difficulty in opposing the present bill, which had for its
object the purpose- of checking evil. The bill, in its
p e‘ent Mate was se ei imp rfect, and he thought before
it soeld o Ave the assent of their lordships it would
require very great alteration.
Lord LYNDHURST agreed with his noble friend on
the woolsack that credit was due to his noble friend the
Lord Chief Justice for the beet possible intentions in in-
troducing this bill. At the same time he must say it
seemed t) him to be most imprudent and unwise, by
dealing with such questions, to agitate the public mind
in regard to them. As to what was an "obscene print,"
that depended unon the interpretation put upon the
word " olecene." Now, what was the definition of the
word " obscene ?" According to Dr. Johnson, it was
said to be either "something immoral"—" something
that called forth unchaste ideas," or, " something in-
consistent with a chaste mind." Now, suppose a man
went as an informant into a shop, and saw what he con-
4dered to be a licentious print ;13e forthwith goes before
magistrate, and describes, according to his ideas, what
b saw. Thereupon the magistrate issues his warrant
for the seizure of the questionable print. Well, the offi-
cer then proceeds to the shop, and he says to the owner
"I want to see a print yon have here of Jupiter and
Antigone." (Laughter) That was a picture of a beau-
tiful armnan asleep, with a strange expression upon her
' countenance, perfectly naked, and a satyr standing by
her side, the expression upon whose countenance dis-
tinctly showed what were his feelings, and what his
olject. The officer proceeded to seiza the print—the
shopkeeper must know his right to do so. "Oh," said
he, "I do so under the authority of Lord Campbell's
Act." "Well," replies the owner, "I am very sur-
prised al what you are going to do for this is a most
celebrated print that has c Jet me a great of money."
" Perhaps you have some others of the same kind" says
th, officer ! "Oh yes, I have several others." Accord-
ingly the officer proceeds upon his search, and he stumbles
upon a print of Jupiter and Danae. This print is open
to precisely the same objections as its predecessor. It
represents a beautifully drawn woman—her eyes cast up
to Heaven, but standing in a very strange attitude ; she
is catching the shower of gold as it descends while
the little Cupid close by is pointing his arrow in a
direction which it is not nee-scary to describe.
Well, was this print also to be brought before the ma-
gistrate! For undoubtedly, according to the bill of his
noble and learned friend, such a representation must be
deemed to be obscene. It was a copy of a celebrated plc-
tore by Corregio,hanging in the large room of the Louvre
opposite to an ottoman, at which ladies of the first rank
from all parts of Europa were daily in the habit of assem-
bling to contemplate so noble a work of art. It might be
that women had a great art of seei, g what they ought
not to see—(laughter)—but he must say that, according
to the definition of Dr. Johnson, the term "obscene" of
necessity referred to such a work. However, that was
only a small part of the case. The man, after he leaves
this French shop, goes into the studio of a sculptor, and he
finds before him plaister casts of men, of fawns, of satyrs.
All these figures are perfectly naked, and some of them
in attitudes that I shall not choose to describe; of course,
however, by the bill of my noble friend, all these copies
from the antique will be seized and destroyed. Well, I
have now to deal with a third class—the poets—for the
informant next proceeds to the circulating libraries. Now
I have no doubt that my noble friend's extensive readings
have made him famil'ar with "Rochester's Poems."
(Laughter.) I confess I myself I myself have read them,
but I remembervery well my noble learned friend, speak-
ing of the freedom of the ancient satirists, said they no
more came up to the licentiousness of Rochester than
did the natives of India to that of the common prosti-
tutes in our streets. Well, "Rochester's Poems" are to
be found in the circulating libraries, but of course, by
the bill of his noble friend, they would be henceforth pro-
scribed. Again, what will my noble friend say as to the
translating of the worst productions of Osid, of his " Art
of Love," a work for which he was exiled to the shores
of the Ermine ! Why, there is not a single volume of
that great poet that would not come under the denuncia-
tion of this bill. Does not my noble friend recollect
Ovid's description of " The Secret Marriage," of the
scenes that preceded and the scenes that followed at,
In one of Dryden's fables there was the following pas-
sage :

" The holy man, amazed at what he saw,
Made haste to sanctify the bliss by law."
Again, all the French novels, not alone those of Paul
de Kock, but all the novels that some into the country,
will be proscribed by this bill. It is only necessary that
they should in any way promote " licentious dealings."
The whole stock, therefore, of a circulating library will
at any moment be liable to seizure, and the reading of
even Don Quixote will be forbidden. Now this is no
mode of dealing with the evil. I myself believe the
existing law to be sufficient for the purpose of suppress-
ing the sale of filthy publications, but if it is not, I am
satisfied that nothing can be easier than to arrange means
fur the detection of the persons engaged in the trade,
and that will make the law sufficient. I have such an
objection, my lords, to the bill of my noble friend, that I
propose that it be read a second time tbis day six months.
Lord CAMPBELL thought the suggestions that had
been made would take away all the securities that
existed.
Some altercation took place between Lord Campbell
and Lord Lyndhurst in reference to the right of the for-
mer to speak, and then it was suggested that the Lord
Chancellor had not put the question.
A long di-cussio
n ensued as to the rules which should
guide their lordships in their speeches on substantive
motions and amendments, but nothing definite was come
to for the regulation of future proceedings.
Lord CAMPBELL hoped that after what they had
jest heard their lordships would not aloes this b 11 to be
rejected on its second reading. Upon the principle laid
down by the noble IoF3 (Lord Lyndhurst) there would
be no misdemeanour in Belling these obscene books, and
he had asked bow they were to define what was to be
meant by obscene. Teat would of course be a question
for a jury to decide. The bill he had introduced had
especial reference to books which were written with the
horrible purpose of corrupting. the youth in this coun-
try, and there could be no difficulty in determining upon
. in committee of words
the
character of these book,. There wouid be no
objection the
introductionwhich might guard against any abuse of the provisions
of the bill.
Earl GRANVILLE supported the second reading of
.the bills believing that any amendments that might be
necessary could be introduced in committee.
The amendment was withdrawn, and the bill was read
a second time.
The County Cess Ireland Bill was read a second time,
and the Vexatious Litigation Bill was withdrawn by
Lord Brougham.
The Grand Juries Act Amendment Bill was read a
first time.
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YnTBRDAT.)
OATHS BILL.

On the motion for the third reading of this bill,
The Marquis of BLANDFORD moved that the bill
be road a third time this day six months.
< Mr. H. DRUMMOND seconded the motion:
The O'DONOGHUE opposed the third reading of
the bill, not because he objected so much to the ad-
mission of the Jews to Parliament, as he did that the
bill did not give equal rights to the Roman Catholics.
Mr. E. BALL on rising was met with cries of "time.
time." He was understood to say that having bad to
bear reproach and sneering during his life on account of
his opinions, he had therefore acquired sympathy for
those who held opinions different from his own. lie
objected that the existing oath was not binding on the
conscience of the Jews. Now, as they owed very much
to the Jews--(a laugh)—an oath ought to be framed
which should be as obligatory on them as on ourselves.
They had affieities with the Jews—(time)--and he had
no fear that their admission to the Legislature would
un-Christianise the house. If it were possible to un-
Christianise the house it had been done already. After
admitting them to administer the laws, there was no
consistency in refusing them a share in making those
laws. (Time.) He believed he was doing right in giving
his support to the noble lord in bringing in the bill, and
he would support him till it was carried.
Mr. DILL WYN supported the bill on the principle
that religious opinion should no longer be a disqualifica-
tion for a seat in that house. He did not believe it was a
measure to meet a particular case, but a protest against
the intolerance he had mentioned. He objected, how-
ever, to the clauses which had been introduced since
the introduction into that house, as being entirely an-
tagonistic to what he understood to be the principle of
the bill. There was no relativeness between the exclu-
sion of the Jews and the Roman Catholics from cer-
tain offices in the State. The first was excluded on
account of religion ; the second because he acknow-
ledged a Ligher earthly potentate than the Sove-
reign. (Time, and cries of " Divide.") Much as be re-
gretted the introduction of the clauses to which he had
alluded, he still did not think that a reason sufficient for
voting against the third reading of the bill. (Time,
time, divide.)
Mr. COLLINS, having supported the amendments of
the hart: members for Cork and Stamford, felt double
reason for being dissatisfied with the tell as it now stood.
He olijscted to the exemption of the words " on the true
faith of a Christiac," as getting rid of the Christian cha-
racter of the house. Why had the noble lord retained a
separate oath for the Roman Catholic ? Though it might
have been necessary before 1829, it was not necessary
now. Oa some of the clauses of that oath no legal inter- I
pretation could Le put—(time, and confusion)—why

was that part of the oath which affirmed that the taker

would not commit treason retained in the Roman Catho-
lic's oath,` and not in that taken by Protestants It was
an insult to the Roman Catholic membtrs. Why bad not
the noble lord in brivging in such a rneasura framed an
oath which would be applicable to all classes of the com•
muriiiy. (Time, time.) He should oppose the third read-
ing of the bill.
Mr. BOWYER on rising was met with great confusion
—(cries of "Oh, ob," "Time, time"). He was not going
to argue the question. ,(Laughter.) He was aware the
house was impatient to divide. (Hear.) Bat he must
state his reasons for voting against the bill. (Oh.) He
had always supported civil and religious liberty, but as
the present measure did not contain that principle, he
was bound to vote against it, The Roman Catholics

were now called upc•i to say that the oath imposed on
them in 1829 was a just one. He was not prepared to
do so. He should therefore oppose the bill. The bill
made no change in the oath taken by Roman Catholics,
which was almird, nugatory, a mockery, and a profana-
tion, and he could not vote for a measure the effect of
which was to reimpo4e that oath on the Roman Catho-
lics. (Time, time.) How could any Catholic be a party
in imposing an oath which denied the supremacy of the
Holy See I (Divide.)
Mr. DEASY could not vote for the third reading of
the bill. He regretted it because of the strong feelings
which were entertained by tie Liberal party in that
house. The measure for the first time created an invi-
dious distinction between the Roman Catholic subjects
of her Majesty and those who belonged to other sects,
but though he could not vote for it he would not adopt
the course taken by the hon. members opposite and vote
against it. He should not, therefore, record his vote on
the present occasion.
The house then divided, when the numbers were—
Fur the third reading 291
A gainst it l6B
Majority —123
The bill was then read a third time and passed.
THE ORDER OF VALOUR.
_ _

Oo the motion for the house going into committee of
supply,
Admiral WALCOTT ca'led attention to the omission
of the navy from the programme of to-day (Friday), for
the distribution of the Order of Valour. The same cour-
aee animated the blue jackets as the red jackets in the
late war, and he feared that the red jackets would to-
morrow (this day) be disappointed at the other's absence.
The 70 Greenwich 'pensioners ought not to be present,
because they did not represent the participators in the
late war. He thought the absence of the blue jackets was
to be deplored, and ha believed it was an oversight that
would cause much pain and concern amongst the service.
He understood that at the last hour 100 sailors bad been
sent for from Porrsmouth.
Sir C. WOOD said that there was greater difficulty in
collecting a large body of sailors than soldiers for such
an occasion. There would, in addition to the recipients,
be a number of Greenwich pensioners and boys of the
Greenwich school present.
Sir C. NAPIER was glad to find there was to be a
sprinkling of sailors present in Hyde-park, He asked the
Lords of the Admiralty if they had discontinued the gra-
tuity for good conduct usually granted to petty officers
on being paid off I
Sir C. WOOD said the gratuity was withheld because
petty officers now received in lieu of it higher rank
than their proper grade, and the additional pay belong•
ing to it, for good conduct,
Sir W. CODRINGTON regretted there was not to
be a better representation of the navy (to day) in Hyde-
park. He bore testimony to the great identification of
feelingthat existed in the late war between the army and
navy. He regretted also the absence of many of the
regiments or their representatives that were in the late
war, and instanced the absence of one regiment now at
Aldersbott which lost eight officers at Inkerman, the
19th ; the 97th, that headed the storming parties at the
Redan • tht 88th, that were at Aldershot!, and the 3d
Grenadier Guards, now at Windsor, that went through
the whole of the campaign. If they could not all attend,
the medical men and class men of each regiment should
have been ordered there as their representatives.
Admiral DUNCO MBE regretted that the navy would
not be properly represented,
Col. FRENCH referred to the 79th Highlanders being
selected to be present on Friday (this day), while the
Connaught Rangers, who were through the late war, and
were disabled in killed and casualties 476, while the 79th
only number about 50, were to be absent. He could
only devise one excuse for the selection of the Highland-
ers, and that was probably Vat) contrast of their dress.
Mr. B. OSBORNE expressed his regret at the j-•a-
-lousies that existed whenever a national review wok
place. It was impossible to have a large body of the
navy in London without causing much inconvenience to
the manning of the navy in harbour, besides the diffi-
culty there would be in lodging them on shore for one or
two nights. He thought the navy would be satisfied
with the arrangements that had been made. The 79th
Highlanders were selected, not on account of their dress,
but because they had been under orders for some days
for Dublin,
.and that was taken advantage of to have
them in attendance in Hyde-park on Friday. A body of
100 sailers had been ordered up from Poitsmouth.
Mr. HENLEY ridiculed the idea of the commissariat
being unable to provide for a body of sailors in London,
and regretted there was not to be a larger gathering of
the navy on the occasion, especially as they aced so cor-
dially with the army in the late war.
The subject then dropped.
ESTIMATES.

Mr. W. WILLIAMS complained of the mode adopted
of bringing up reports on supply at an hour when it. was
impossible to disee-s them, especially after the promise
made by the no Al that an opportunity wi uld be
given to hon. bringing up the report to dis-
cuss many su -.-giret allowed to stand over. On
Tuesday the • /1., •44 • .!% d reference to 57 votes, was
,
brought up it was impossible to keep
a house at '•I our to discuss them.
Lord Pi! it 1- 4'01!`; defended the course as king
in accord. :le re ks of the house.
- THE .7 1; )POLITA.N WORkHOUSES.
Lord R.- moved for the app intment of a se-
lect comtniasu inquire into the management of the
metropolitan workhouses'.
Mr. NICOLL seconded the motion.
Mr. BOUVERIE objected to the motion, as there was
no ground for it, the workhouses that were the wont
being now in course of reform.
Mr. P. MARTIN denied that St. Pancras workhouse
was at all reformed. It was as bad as bad could be, and
he adduced several in-tauces of inhumanity that had
come within his own observation.
Mr. DRUMMOND insisted that the poor were
neglected whenever they were left to the care of the
middle classes. He censured Mr. Bouverie for not taking
steps to correct abuses Which he admitted he had power
to remedy.
Alderman COPELAND urged the noble lord not to
press his motion this session, though he knew well the
state of the poor required attention. His own exrerience
in the city of London was, that poverty was treated as a
crime.

Sir J. PAKINGTON also pressed upon the noble
lord the propriety of postponing Lis motion for the pre-
sent session.

Lord RAYNHA.M. said that if the right hon. gentle-
man at the head of the Poor-law Board woul I give him
a pledge that the Poor-law Board would institute a
searching inquiry he would withdraw his motion.

The house then divided—
For the motion
Against it
Majority against the committee —2l
The house then went into committee of supply.
The first two-votes of 11,5041. for the superintendence
of-prisons, and 476,3761. for convict establishments were
agreed to after a short dissuasion.

152,502/. for maintenance of prisons and county gaols.
2t9,4051.f0r reformatory establishment in the colonies.
These two votes were agreed to.
On the vote of 361,2331. for education in Great Britain,
Mr. HADFIELD complained of the growing amount
of the vote, which had trebled within a few years, and
was likely to reach a mil•.ion more before long, if some
check was not put. All the attempts at national educa-
tion hitherto being bad, he proposed to move that the
proposed vote of 361,2331., for public education in Great
Britain (in• addition to 180,000/. already voted, and
making altoeetber 541,2331.), for the year ending 31st
March, 1858, be pOstponed for consideration, and be the
last on the estimates for civil services. It was a reasona-
ble propesit'on, sena one to which the house oughtto agree.
Mr. FITZROY said that the hon. member might pro-
pose to negative the vote, but not to postpone it.
Mr. COWPER made a statement of the progress of
education in this country. He reminded the house. that
educational efforts in England had always originated in
religious zeal. It was so in Roman Catholic times ; it
was so at the time of the Reformation. The educational
efforts of the present day had also had their origin in
the zeal of the Dissenters and the Evangelical party in
the Church. Under these circumstances Government
felt that their function was to supplement and aid
in the meantime at least the efforts of those bodies.
They did so by erants of money and by the appointment
of inspectors. The increase in the number of schools
bad of late been very great. Three years ago there were
about 4,700 schools liable to inspection—this year there
were 7,500 schools so liable. The normal and training
schools for teachers had also greatly increased-32 had
been estahlished within the last ten years by voluntary
subscription, a facs which filled the friends of education
on the Continent with astonishment. He defended the
system of. pupil teachers, and said that he believed
tnere were very few children, except among the most
degraded classes, who had not been for some period or
other of their lives at school—the real difficulty was
that they stayed for such a short time. After advert•
ing to various plans for remedying this evil, and ex-
pressing his disapprobation of any compulsory system,
he concluded by expressing his firm conviction
that the cause of education was steadily progress-
ing, and that the seed was sown on a fertile soil.
SirJ. PAKINGTON did not mean to discuss the ques-
tion at length, as Lord Paltnetaton had promised him a
day for its full discussion. But be could not refrain
trom saying that the annual increase of this educational.
vote was becoming serious, and required the immediate
attention of the house. He complained that much of
the progress described by Mr. Cowper was fallacious ;
that the schools were in a wretched condition, and the
education given, of the worst quality ; and to this he
attributed the unwillingness of parents to keep their
dren at school where they were learning nothing neeful.
After some remarks from Mr. ALCOCK and Mr.EWART,
Mr. HENLEY defended the conduct of the parents
in not continuing children at schools, a hsre, accorling
to the reports of th.e inspectors, the children could learn
nothing. He hoped the Government would withhold
the grants from schools that were so badly conducted.
He did not object to the amount of the grant, nor to the
mode of its distribution.

After.a lengthened discussion,
Lord MELGUND expressed his disapprobation of