The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-29 00:00:00

RAILWAY INTELLIGENCE.

The railway proceedings of the last week have
again comprised several important meetings. At
the Great Northern a dividend was declared at the
proposed rate of 31 per cent. per annum. With the
view of keeping down the capital account many
new lie es for which Parliamentary powers are ob-
tained have not been consti ucted. The expendi-
ture of capital during the past half-year has been
£64,157410 principal items being £25,000 for the
right of using the Sheffield station of the Manches-
ter, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire, £11,178 for land
and compensation, £5,000 to £6,000 for a building
to accommodate the engines of the Midland, for
which a rent equivalent to 6 per cent. will be re-
ceived, £3,200 for improvements in engines, &c.
The total revenue for the half-year shows an in-
crease compared with 1858 of £21,000, notwith-
standing a falling off of like amount in the coal
traffic, and the circumstance that in the previous
year there bad been an exceptional receipt of
£15,000 from Redpath's estate. The report of the
Birkenhead states that the total revenue for the six
months ending in June was £6,035 more than in
the same period of last year. The available balance
is £29,856, out of which a distribution at the rate
of 21 per, cent. per annum is recommended. The
terms for the transfer of the line to the London and
North-Western and Great Western are a2l per
cent. dividend in 1860 and 1861; for the next four
years 31, and then 4. If the earnings, however,
in 1860 exceed 21 per cent. 31 per cent. is to be paid
for 1861. At the meeting of the Eastern Counties
the proposed distribution at the rate of 2k per cent.
per annum was agreed to. It was stated that the
deferred permanent way account has been reduced
in two years from £130,000 to £50,000. The un-
secured debt from Messrs E. and A. Prior is £6,000.
The debenture debt, as compared with December,
1858, has been diminished by £40,818. The re-
duction in the dividend was attributed to the
heavy compensation for accidents paid by the com-
pany. The report of the Lancashire and York-
shire states the net balance to be £274,851, out
of which a dividend is recommended at the
rate of 41 per cent. per annum. The increase
in the gross receipts for the past half year was
£107,006, while the expenditure has aug-
mented by £16,471 only. The bill for the amalga-
mation with the East Lancashire has received the
Royal assent. At a meeting of the Bristol and
Exeter the proposed 51 per cent. distribution was
ordered. There has been a satisfactory augmenta-
tion under every head of revenue. The directors of
the South-Eastern state in their report that the
gross receipts for the past half-year were £524,919,
including £22,932 from steamboat traffic : the ex-
penditure being £250,800. Compared with the
same period of 1858 an increase is shown in the net
reqips of £36,213. A dividend is recommended at
the rate of 4 per cent. per annum. The amount of
capital laid out in the six months ending in June
was £32,942, the principal items being £15,200 for
the purchase of the Caterham Railway, £5,070 for
rolling stock, &c. At a meeting of the Bristol and
South Wales Union it was stated that the works
are progressing satisfactorily, 21 miles of the most
difficult part of the undertaking having been com-
pleted. The distribution of the Eastern Union is
at the annual rate of £1 4s. on the A stock, and 16s.
on the B. With reference to the litigation with
the Eastern Counties the directors state that they
have obtained a favourable award. The Wood-
bridge line has been opened for traffic. At the
Ambergate, Nottingham, and Boston meeting the
dividend declared was 3s. per share. There has
been a decrease in the goods and mineral traffic,
but an increase in the passengers. The capital
account was stated to be virtually closed. At a
meeting of the Margate (late Herne-bay and Faver-
sham) it was announced that the bill for the exten-
sion to Margate has received the :Royal assent.
The whole line is expected to be completed by the
beginning of next June, by which the distance be-
tween London and Margate will be shortened by
26 miles. The shareholders of the Blyth and Tyne
hate agreed to the proposed dividend of 9 per cent.
per annum. Theline is said to have improved, and
the rolling stock to be in better condition than on
any previous occasion. The report of the Waterford
and Limerick states that the total revenue during
the past half-year was £31,908,and that an increase
is shown in the net receipts of £3,915. The. avail-
able balance is £3,335, out of which a 1 per cent.
per annum distribution is recommended. At the
Wimbledon and Dorking meeting it was stated that
the line was opened for traffic In the 4th of April.
The profit since then, to the 30th of June, has been
£1,564. The shareholders of the Dublin and Belfast
Junction have adopted the proposition for a 4 per
cent. dividend out of the net balance of £23,466.
The laying of the additional portions of the second
line of rails is expected to be completed before the
u inter. At a meeting of the London, Tilbury, and
Southend it was announced that the net revenue in

the six months endiniiii;Yune was £6,946, or £656
more than at the same period of last year. The
whole of the permanent way was stated to be in good
order, and in some of the bridges the wood-work is

being replaced by more durable materials. Sir M.
Peto is about to construct 50 new houses at Southend
The North Devon have declared a dividend for the
past half-year at the rate of 18s. 9d. per cent. per
annum. The earnings have been £12,624 against
£10,468 in the same period of 1858. About half
of the increase is due to the Agricultural Associa-
tion meetini, at Barnstaple last June. At the North
- and South-Western Junction meeting the distribu-
tion ordered was at the rate of 11 per cent. per
annum, being an addition of 1 to the amount divided
last year. The revenue shows an iacrease from all
sources, but the principal improvement has been
under the head of passengers. The shareholders of
the Warrington and Stockport have approved a 4
per cent. dividend as proposed. The bill for leasing
the line to the London and North-Western and St.
Helen's Companies for 999 years has received the
Royal assent. The terms are 4 per cent. for the first
year and 41 afterwards. The Coniston line was
opened for passengers in June, but is not yet ready
for goods and minerals. A railway is projected
from Thetford through Bury St. Edmund's to Sud-
bury. Another scheme proposes a line from Bury
St. Edmund's to Elsenham. At a meeting-of the
Monkland a dividend at the rate of 8 per cent. per
annum was declared. There has been an increase
in the net revenue of £3,885. The report of the
Whitehaven and Furness Junction states the
available balance to be £2,256, out of which a
distribution of 3s. 6d. per share is recommended,
carrying forward £265. At the Furness meeting
the proposed '7 per' cent. dividend was agreed
to. There has been a considerable augmentation
in the receipts, notwithstanding the injurious effect
of the late war upon trade, while the working ex-
penses show a reduction. The agreement for the
lease of the Coniston has been-sanctioned by the
Board of Trade. The directors a the London,-
Chatham, and Dover (late East Kent) state that
the works are progressing satisfactorily, and that
they confidently.expect the completion of the whole
line by Pctober, 1860: The portion between
Faversham and Canterbury will probably be finished
next March. A meeting of the English bond and
shareholders of the New York and Erie has been
held to consider the necessary steps to be taken
with regard to the legal proceedings instituted
against the company and the appointment of a re-
ceiver. It was resolved to send a deputation to
New York to examine the accounts and assist in re-
organising the concern. The Bourn and Essendine
line is expected to be ready for traffic by the end of
November. The report of the Great Western and
Brentford states that the bill for a lease to the Great
Western has received the royal assent. Upon the
completion of the approach road from Brentford to
the dock, now in a forward state, the arrangement
will come into operation. The Shrewsbury and
Hereford have declared a dividend at the rate of 5
per cent. per annum; South Staffordshire, 4i ' • and
Hull and Holderness, 21. The committee of ma-
nagement of the Lombardo-Venetian and Central
Italian -Railways have given notice that all future
calls must be paid in gold or silver, and that the
dividend for the year 1858 has been fixed at Bs. per
share."

THE BALLOT IN 2HE UNITED STATES.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,--Air: Cobden, in his speech at Rochdale,
says that in America " Every one admits that the
ballot is the most convenient, peaceful, and moral
means of taking votes ever devised."
Perhaps it is not generally known that the bal-
lot, nearly universal in America, is not secret, as
proposed in this country, but open. I have before
me a rather striking commentary on Mr. Randall's
account of the value of the ballot in Philadelphia.

It is a leading article in the Public Ledger, of Phi-
ladelphia, Feb. 28, 1859, headed " Abuses of our
Government." Speaking of people in office, sit
says : _

" With the machinery at their command, and the,
means they so well know how to use, they can con-
trol the elections and override the people in their
choice. If legitimate means fail, what is to prevent
such crimes being committed as false swearing at
elections, false voting, and all the other falsehoods
which are essential to fraudulent elections. . .

Hence the corrupt principle which controls our
political contests infects the vital principle of re-
publican government, the purity and freedom of
the ballot-box. The elections area fraud on the
people, and the people are again defrauded by those
whom the first cheat has elevated into public
station."

The enclosed letter from the talented author of

" Two Years before the Mast " gives more precise
information than has yet appeared on the subject,
especially as to the diffiulty of making the ballot
secret.

Mr. Dana has kindly given me .leave to publish
it. To vouch for its authenticity, I beg to sub-
scribe myself, your obedient servant,

London, Aug. 19.

RADSTOCK.

"Boston, June 27.

' «My dear Lord Radstock,—Had I known at the
time that you were so much interested in the ballot
question I should have gone more into detail. I
think I can give you the history of the ballot in
Massachusetts within reasonable limits.

"We have always had the vote by ballot in
Massachusetts, but it is the open and not the secret
ballot. I have no doubt that the ballot was intro-
duced for the purpose of Securing secrecy and pro-
tecting the voter. The first mention of it in our
history (see " Palfrey's History of New England,"
vol. i., page 375) seems to indicate this. But by
the inevitable operation of certain causes this pur-
pose has been frustrated,, and the ballot has become
an open one.
" These causes are the following :
" The purity of the ballot must be preserved at
all hazards. Our experience has shown us that in
the excitement of great popular elections, deciding
the policy of the country, and its vast patronage,
frauds will be committed, if a chance is given for
them. If these frauds are allowed, the result is
not only that the popular will may be defeated, and
the result falsified, but that the worst side will pre-
vail. The side which has the greater number of
dishonest men will poll the most votes. The war
cry, ' Vote early and vote often !' and the familiar
problem, ' how to cast the greater number of votes
with the smallest number of voters,' indicate the
direction in which the dangers lie.
"The first danger is of illegal voters. The
second is of illegal votes.
" To guard against the former, which is common
to the ballot and viva voce voting, we require a re-
gistry of voters to be kept, and each voter to pre-
sent himself in open meeting, declare his name, and
have it checked from the list before he can deposit
his ballot. If his name is not on the register he is
rejected. He cannot safely attempt to personate
another who is a voter in the presence of the public
meeting. We have never been willing to entrust
the duty of enforcing these rules and detecting
such imposture to any officers, however chosen or
appointed. We are not willing to let voters go
secretly into boxes or covered ways, out of public
view, and there entrust the purity of the franchise
to the risks of the fidelity, intelligence, or diligence
of any selected persons. Such a system could not
stand in America. Our experience will not war-
rant us in trusting such power to any officers, or to
delegates of parties or candidates. It could not
stand against the popular distrust, in case of an
unexpected result of an important election. Such
a mode of voting, too, is against the habits and
instincts of our people.

" Our security, then, against illegal voters, or
legal voters voting more than once, and the perso-
nation of an absent voter, is in requiring the voter
to appear in open meeting, subject to scrutiny and
challenge.
" The next danger is of illegal votes—that is,
of a voter depositing more than one vote. This
is a danger from whieh viva voce voting is free.
It is the great danger attending the ballot. If it
cannot be satisfactorily guarded against the ballot
must be given up. The end must not be sacrificed
to the means. The danger is that with the paper
folded several ballots may be dropped as one. This
gives the election to the party of the most rogues.
" To guard against this we have required the
voter to present his ballot at the ballot-box in
public meeting, open and unfolded, so that all can
see that he deposits but one vote. Not only the
sworn officers, but chiefly, and more earnestly, and
effectually, the party committees and eager par-
tisans keep watch over the singleness of the ballot.
" I have thus shown you how the necessary ope-
ration of causes has made our ballot an open one.
" Let me now tell you how fur, and in what sense,
it is an open one.
" If the voting were for ono or two candidates
only, and each man wrote his vote, he might pass
this ordeal of scrutiny, and still in many cases pre-
serve the secret of his vote—yet not easily. But
we vote for so many officers in America that a bal-
lot is like a subscription:list. In choosing the Presi-
dent we vote for a whole corps of electors—in New

York for 36, in Massachussetts for 13. We choose
long lists of senators, representatives, counsellors,
state, city, town, county, and ward officers. All
these are usually on one ballot, arranged under
their proper heads. = This list is agreed upon at a
party convention or caucus, and printed for the
use ,of the voters. The printed ballots are sp con-
venient that a written ballot is almost as rare as a
written bank cheque. It would be exceedingly
inconvenient—little short of impossible—for each
vother to prepare his own list, assigning to each
office a candidate who is legally qualified in all
respects, and is understood to be willing to a2cept
the office. Moreover, as a plurality elects—that
is, a relative and not an absolUte majority—every
vote for a candidate not previously agreed upon by
others, is thrown away. From these causes it
happens that printed ballots are all but exclusively
used, and that the ballots are those provided by the
party committees. Each party has at the polls its
printed ballots and ballot distributors. The ballots
are distinguished by. colours and by emblems. The
Democratic tickets may be headed' by the eagle,
and the Republican by the stars and stripes, and
one of blue paper and the other of white. if a man
deposits the party ballot, holding it open and un-
folded, in the presence of all the meeting, so that
it can be told that it is single, and gives his name,
and awaits scrutiny, it can readily be understood
what the secrecy amounts to. If he refuses the
party ticket, and offers one of his own, even if his
vote is not read, he is marked as a 'bolter.'

"Now, the politicians and the party committees
have everylnotive for ascertaining each man's vote.
They canvass every voting district thoroughly.
They have their check lists, at the polls. As each
voter is checked off from the public register he is
checked from the committee's list,' and the cha-
racter of his vote is 'set down as certain or probable.
As the time of closing the polls draws near
absentees are drumnied up, until the list of sure
and probable supporters is exhausted. Party
fidelity is exacted, and a swerving from it is
watched and remembered.

" In this state of things our ballot has practically
no element of secrecy. The result of the voting is
known before it is declared. I have seen a ballot
of 1,000 votes counted by bystanders so as to come
out correctly. It is not unusual, in times of excite-
ment, to hear applause or hisses as a ballot is de-
posited.
" About the year 1851 the public mind was much
stirred by a movement for a secret ballot. It was
agreed on both sides that our system had no secrecy.
The argument for the secret ballot was that the
voter must be protected against undue influence.
This influence was not, as in England, from great
landlords over their tenants and labourers; for we
have nosuch system with us. Our agriculture is in
the hands of small feeeholders, and they are the
most independent class we have. The undue in-
fluence was from the political organizations, which
aim at a despotic control over individual action,
and from the great manufacturing establishments,
corporate and un-incorporated, and, to some extent,
from the large employers engaged in commerce and
the mechanic arts. Committees of inquiry were
appointed by the Legislature, and they reported
rather a serious state of inquisition and intimidation
in many quart( rs. _ _

" Still, the secret ballot met with strong opposi-
tion. It was nicknamed the' sneaking ballot,' and
was characterised as unsuited to our feelings and
habits, and as debasing. It was said that it was
better to leave a few timid voters unprotected, than
to lower the tone of a whole people. It was also
predicted that secrecy was impossible if desirable,
and that the result would be a series of troublesome,
undignified, and complicated contrivances ending
in nothing.
_ _ _

" The friends of the secret ballot took great pains
to meet the latter objection ; and a leading advo-
cate of it went to England and conferred with the
supporters of secret ballot there, and examined the
various plans. Some of these plans the friends of
the measure rejected as too complex, and others
because they knew that our people would never give
up the requirement of scrutiny in open meeting,
and would never leave the office of detection to
selected bodies, however selected, or however
numerous. Having free scope and full opportunity
they settled upon their system. It was that of the
sealed envelope.
" The question was decided by the Legislature of
_ _

1851. There was a strong party of dev-oted advo-
cates, and a strong party of determined opponents.
The men of middle opinions held the balance ; and
they were willing the experiment should be tried,
and fairly tried. It was rare to find- a nian who
wished the secret ballot for himself; but all thought
they knew persons who did need it. The large
majority thought we ought to submit to inconveni-
ence, and even to some humiliation of pride, to
some crossing of tastes and sentiments, in order to
save our weaker brethren from offence. The advo-
cates of the measure moulded it as they pleased,
and carried the measure as they prepared it.
" Certain difficulties were to be met and overcome.
Public voting in open meeting was a sine qua non.
If the envelope betrayed its contents secrecy
was gone. It must be seen, or two envelopes might
be deposited for one. The party committees,
who never favour secrecy from their own scrutiny,
would furnish ballot, envelope and all, and the old
colours and emblems would defeat the end of secrecy.
To meet this difficulty, it was provided that the
envelopes should be of one size, form, and colour,
and all free from every emblem, sign, writing, or
any other designation. This made it necessary that
the law should determine the sizs, form, colour, &c.,
and that the envelopes should be furnished by the
public authorities. Accordingly, the Government
furnished to each town a large supply of envelopes,
which were to be furnished by the officers of the
town, at the polls, to the electors.
"'l'o give the secret ballot its due efficiency it
must be made obligatory on all. For if the resort
to it was optional the use of it would be itself a
cause of suspicion, inquisition, and intimidation.
" To prevent a ballot from slipping out of the
envelope after being deposited, and thus rejected as
irregular, each envelope must be sealed. Wax and
wafers might be used as emblems and would be
troub!esome, so the envelopes were made self-
sealing with gluten.
It was found that the party committees or
their employers obtained the envelopes, put ballots
in them, and offered them thus to the voters. This
put the voter to the dilemma of refusing or accept-
ing, and let in the very influence the law was in-
tended to preclude. Strict laws were then made
against obtaining and offering envelopes, and the
officers were required, under oath, to give them
only to voters, singly, and in the same room in
which the ballot -box stood.
" Still, the domineering employers and party com-
mittees might make envelopes of the required size,
form and colour, and offer them. This made it ne-
cessary to forbid and exclude all envelopes but
those made and furnished by the officers. To secure
this, it was provided that each envelope should be
stamped with the arms of the State, and penalties
were enacted against counterfeiting these stamps.
" Another practical difficulty arose. The self-
sealing; was not always secure. Envelopes got
opened in the box, in tumbling out the ballots, and
lost their contents, and thus were rejected. To re-
medy this the authorities were required to keep a
supply of gluten at the polls to aid in the sealing.
Stiff-fingered labourers complained that they could
not manage the envelopes, the self-sealing, and the
gluten, and the very name of gluten became a by-
word and a jest. It was further provided that bal-
lots out of envelopes should be counted, if once
fairly deposited.
"These may seem to you absurd details, but I
assure you the best talent of the earnest friends of
the secret ballot were employed in perfecting the
system from year to year. The law was passed in
1851, and amended in 1852. It was tried two years,
at one presidential and several State and miner
elections. What with the interest which political
committees and the employers have in ascertaining
how men vote, what with the preference of many,
and the willingness of most to have their votes
known, and what with the inconvenience of the
system itself, it fell into disfavour. In 1853 a law
was passed allowing each voter to use either the
secret or the open ballot, at his option, and the
secret ballot died a natural death.
" At the Presidential election of 1856,
although the envelopes were supplied and
placed at the polls by the authoritiess, with
their stamps and gluten, as the law directs,
I have been told that in the entire common-
wealth, out of 167,000 ballots cast, perhaps not 100
were secret. At the place where I voted I did not
see one envelope used, and the count of the by-
standers kept even tally with the official report.
"During the last session of the Legislature an
attempt was made to revive the secret ballot law,
but in a House of Representatives where the
Liberal party largely prevailed, the motion met
with no favour, and was given the go-by without
debate or division.
" You may ask me, why then do we have the
ballot at all, instead of viva voce voting,
the latter
being less liable to frauds ? A sufficient cause is
that in the multiplicity anti complexity of our po-
pular elections, viva voce voting would be almost

impossible. The ballot is•rapid, convenient; and
quiet.* *Probably, also, there is a feeling that while
the open bal:ot is not a protection against, scrutiny,
yet undue influence has somewhat freer scope, and
the dependent and timid voter is somewhat more
in danger where he is obliged to declare his vote
aloud.

. ("In our' legislative bodies, of course, we have
,the usual practice,—that, in taking a, uestion,
even a small minority may demand an open vote,
which with us isyeas and nays, and not by a division
as with you. In the choice of their officers, legislative
.bodies usually proceed by ballot • but in more im-
.portant elections, as electing of United State:: sena-
tors, they have• of late 'adopted the "viva voce
method: It is thought that this being a high trust
to be.eiereised on.behalf of the whole State should
be exercised:openly.) •
" The summary of our experience, then, may be
stated thus :--

" 1. The ballot (secret or open) is promotive of
quiet at polls, and under our system of general suf-
frage, and of the multiplicity of officers to be voted
for at the same time, is almost a necessity, on the
grounds of convenience.
" 2. It is found in practice that the ballot can be
sufficiently guarded against fraud, but in securing
this result we have deprived it of the element of
secrecy.. •
" 3. The attempt to introduce a mode of ballot
which shall be at once secret, and secure against
fraud, and reasonably convenient, has so, far failed
with us,

" 4. What may be the present opinion of the
majority as' to the principle of the secret ballot is
matter of conjecture. A large and influential pro-
portion oppose it on principle,' and what with this
difference of opinion on the principle, and what with
the difficulties in details, the secret ballot has been
abandoned and the open ballot fallen back upon, as
affording as much protection to the voter as in the
opinion of some is desirable, and of others is prac-
ticable.—Believe inc, very truly. yours,
" RICHARD IL DANA, Jun.
" Right Hon. Lord Radstock."

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.
Sir,—ln the Times of this day appears a letter
from Lord Radstock, offering you an explanation of
the state of the ballot in Masachussetts, United
States, America, from the pen of Mr. Dana,, an
American writer. I have in the most complete
manner laid before the public the whole of that
information on the authority of the Hon. A. Wal-
ker, late one of the Secretaries of State, and, hav-
ing lately been honoured with an interview with
Mr. Walker, I am enabled to say that he confirmed
every word which I had ventured to say on his
authority. •
Between Mr. Dana and Mr. Walker this differ-
ence exists. Mr. Walker considers that the Ame-
ricans never can eradicate the vices which have
found their way into their electoral system without
a secret ballot, and contends that when he carried
that measure in the Legislature it was successful
in operation and upset by a faction, and if it re-
quired any alteration it was merely in detail. The
Americans generally, and Messrs. Dana and Wal-
ker in particular, are united in one common opinion
that the ballot, of whatever description, affords the
best, most peaceful, and least objeotionable mode of
taking votes. Why need we trouble ourselves
with the ballot 'in America when we have the
ballot in England perfectly successful in our elec-
toral institutions, and only untried in Parliamen-
tary and some municipal elections ? Why are our
flourishing Australian colonies so carefully ig-
nored in the columns of the Times? Why
should the difference of opinion, not on the exist-
ence, but the mode of ballot in America be
descanted on, and the perfect unanimity of all
classes which exists in Australia as to the beneficial
results of its adoption be so studiously avoided ?
Simply, it is because every objection which has
been made in theory to secret voting has met with
a practical refutation in our Southern colonies ; in
an Australian election personation is just as easy
of detection as at an election in England. '
Bribery under secret voting is just as easy of
detection as under open voting; and, if'you desire
a comment upon the utility of secret voting as a
check upon bribery, refer to the late disclosures
printed in those records of infamy the blue-books,
and you will find that where the election agents
have been green enough, contrary to usual practice
to pay some scoundrel in advance for his vote, the
vote has been given with no reference to value re-
ceived, but directly in accordance with the voter's
original opinions. (See Minutes of Wakefield and
Gloucester Election Petitions.) If, therefore, you
plunge the vote altogether into obscurity, you will
destroy the market. This was Mr. Coppock's
opinion of the effect of the ballot. In Australia
the power of detection of all kinds of malversation
of the franchise exists under the ballot, as it does
in this country under open voting, while the bal-
lot appears to have proved altogether its prevention.
As for intimidation, the ballot destroys it entirely.
The arguments used against the operation of secret
voting upon intimidation arc utterly unworthy of
notice. All I have ventured to ask of the House of
Commons is to accord to me the truth of the prin-
ciple, that the elector has a right to demand pro-
tection in the discharge of the duty imposed upon •
him, and the details are the most simple things
possible by which that principle can be carried
out. In forming these details I should be acting
under the advice Df some of the most distinguished
and able men whether in or out'of Parliatnent. I
admit that if we did not produce a measure utterly
subversive of our monster grievance, intimidation,
calculated to check bribery in all constituencies of
at least 2,000 electors, retaining the means of de-
tecting personation, false votes, and the power of
appeal, at the same time producing peace and order
at elections, we must have grossly miscalculated
cause and effect.

It is, not for me, however, even acting under the
best advice, to claim perfection for any measure.
Accord me but the principle, and the details of the
bill which we shall propose are open to discussion
and amendment, and they are certain to be met by
the most acrid opposition. If such a bill could not
be successfully opposed in the House of Commons,
as the time is, I believe, approaching when it can-
not, an attempt would then be made to perpetrate
its emasculation; in which the House of Lords would
join with great gusto. If it pleased the Legislature
to make such a law and to turn their attention and
abilities to its completion, we may reasonably ex-
pect a more perfect and complete statute than that
which has proved such a blessing to Australia.
I am, Sir, yours obediently,
F. HENRY F. BERKELEY.
Victoria•square, Aug. 27.