The Sun.
London, England, 1861-07-03 00:00:00

POLAND.

Mr. HENNESSY, on rising to call attention to the re-
cent events in Poland, with reference to the treaties of 1815,
and to move for copies of certain despatches, said he had
endeavoured to make his notice as comprehensive as pos-
sible, including not only the Eastern question but the whole
foreign policy of the Government. It was impossible to
touch upon any branch of foreign policy, more particularly
upon anything relating to the Eastern question, without
finding that our ignorance of everything relating to Poland
was a barrier in the way of our arriving at the truth. There
were two principal points to be considered—the partition
and the incorporation of Poland—and it was to the incor-
poration chiefly that he wished to direct attention. Public
opinion in England seemed to be under the impression that
in showing sympathy for the Poles we should have to deal
with the three great Powers, Russia, Austria, and Prussia,
among whom Poland was originally divided; but that was
not the case. In 1814 one of the first subjects discussed by
the allies was Poland. Rusels was then desirous of making
a Russian province of part of Poland, but Lord Castle-
reagh not only recognised fully the justice of the claims of
the Poles, but was also fully alive to the importance of
making of Poland a strong barrier to the west of Russia.
In 1815 both England and Austria, however, seemed to
have held opinions different to those they entertained the
year before, but Russia still continued steadfast to her
former policy. The treaty of Vienna stipulated that the
civil rights of Poland should be maintained, that the
nationality of Poland should be preserved, that the com-
mercial system of Poland should be continued, that the
Diet should be summoned every two years, and a bud-
get laid before them every four years, that no Russian
official should hold office in the administration of Poland,
and that the rights of the Catholic and the Eastern Greek
Church should be preserved. It was alleged by Russia that
these conditions were broken by the Poles when they rose
in insurrection in 1831. The treaty of Vienna was the
title-deed by which Russia held Poland, and be defied
any friend of Russia to maintain that the trusts of that
deed had been broken by the Poles before they were broken
by Russia. The Poles rose in insurrection to defend their
rights from the breaches of the treaty committed by Russia.
The statement of the Poles to that effect had never been
denied by any Minister in that house. We were, however,
in total ignorance of what the conduct of England had
been in regard to these events of 1831 and 1832. Many hon.
members had asked over and over again for copies of the
despatches which passed between the Courts of St. James's
and St. Petersburg, but none had succeeded in getting
them. He hoped the Foreign Secretary would not now re-
fuse to produce them. Russia then incorporated Poland,
and the Emperor addressed the Poles in a speech at War-
saw, telling them that he did so as King of Poland no
longer, but as Czar of Russia. Austria at that time was
friendly to the Poles, and even during the insurrection
assured them of her support if the other great Powers would
join her. The French Government, at the suggestion of
Austria, not only took up the case of Poland, as Austria
had done, but addressed a despatch on the subject to the
British Government. He hoped this despatch would be
furnished by the noble lord, but M. Louis Blanc, in his
" Ten Years," gave the reply of the then Foreign Secretary
of England to Prince Talleyrand. In this despatch his
lordship stated teat the object of the note presented to him
by the French Ambassador was " to induce the British Go-
vernment to interfere in concert with France in the affairs
of Poland, for the purpose of stopping the effusion of blood,
and of procuring for the country a political and national
existence." This course, the noble lord said, his Majesty
refused to take on account of the frank and amicable rela-
tions existing between the courts of St. Petersburg and of
St. James, being also of opinion that the time had not
arrived for adopting the proposals then made "against the
will of a Sovereign whose rights are incontestable." He
(Mr. Hennessy) hoped for the credit of Eng-
land that this despatch was not genuine. What I
Talk of the rights of the Czar over Poland as
being incontestable, those rights resting upon a treaty
every important part of which bad been violated in the face
of Europe I The proposal of France must have been to
establish Poland as an independent and a self-existing
Power, and the noble lord's despatch, if correctly set forth
by M. Louis Blanc, appeared to recognise and to advocate
the treaty of Vienna, for it declared " that his Majesty
will insist upon the maintenance of the political existence
of Poland as established in 1815, and of her national insti-
tutions." So far with regard to the years 1831-2. Since
that time the Polish question had undergone some phases.
In 1841, he believed the Russian Government issued ukases
still further pressing on Poland. But the event of the
greatest interest to the country since 1831 was the Crimean
war. Now, he was informed that the Austrian Government
told us at that time that they were prepared and were most
anxious to re-establish Poland, and actually asked the
allies for a contingent of 100,000 men for the purpose.
France approved of the policy, but what did England do ?
An Hox. MEMBER here moved that the house be
counted, but as, including incomers from the library and
smoking-room, 40 members were found to be present,
Mr. HE NNESSY resumed—He said that we were with-
out information as to the language held by the English Go-
vernment at the time of the Crimean war with regard to
Poland. But some time ago Mr. Nassau Senior made known
a report of some remarkable conversations, one of which
took place in May, 1854, with a General Sharnofski, who
said :--
"I have reason to believe that Austria is thinking seri-
ously of reconstructing Poland. Ever since she joined with
Russia in the partition of Poland she has felt Russia press-
ing more and more heavily on her. I have lately seen a
letter from Bourqueney to a friend of mine in Paris, in
which be says that the Cabinet of Vienna proposed to join
England and France, on condition of their lending them-
selves to restore Poland."
He hoped that her Majesty's Government would to-night
give them some information with reference to this subject.
The intimate alliance existing between England and Russia
before the Crimean war might to some extent account for
the extraordinary conduct of England. In 1850 the Mar-
quis of Lansdowne said that upon some of the important
questions which then agitated Europe, and more especially
affected the interests of the north of Europe, the community
of feeling, sentiment, and action between the two countries
was as perfect as at any period of their history. The pre
sent Foreign Secretary made similar remarks. He said,—
" There is no week passes that my noble friend is not in
communication with Russia with respect to points of policy
on most important subjects, on which the two Powers are
fully agreed." . . •
No wonder, under such circumstances, when the Crimean
war gave England such an opportunity that England neg-
lected it. But it might be said, was it an English question
at all ? That was a very narrow ground to take ; but he
would call attention to the increase of the military expendi-
ture of the Powers of Europe and of England consequent
on the destruction of Poland. Even in the half-and-half
condition in which Poland was left by Lord Castlereagh
and the Treaty of Vienna she was intended to be a barrier
to Russia. The truth of what the first Napoleon said was
remembered, that if Russia destroyed Poland England
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down the principle that, as a rule, the expense of the mili-
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a-year ; and up to the period when Poland was incorporated
into Russia a reduction of the military estimates took place
year by year. After that incorporation, the estimates, mili-
tary and naval, began to increase, not merely in England,
but on the continent of Europe also. An increase in one
country led to an increase in others. The lesson that had
been taught them by this rivalry of the European Powers
was one they ought to take to heart ; and they
could trace
it to the effect of the incorporation of Poland with Russia,
and the removal of the great 'Western barrier to that Power.
Again, how had that measure affected the commerce of
England ? That inference was not lost sight of at the time;
but a few years afterwards, in Sept., 1842, it was said
" One of the fundamental conditions on which the king-
dom of Poland was constituted and handed over to Russia
was the freedom of commercial intercourse by land and by
water throughout all the provinces which had formed a