The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-09 00:00:00

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RATIONAL ASSEMBLY ROOMS, High
Holborn.—NOTlCE, this Establishment will be closed
TO-NIGHT, the 9th inst., on account of its being Ash Wed-
nesday.

ARGYLL-ROOMS, Windmill-street, Piccadilly.
These popular and celebrated rooms are open every
evening, with R. R. Bignell's Grand Orchestra, conducted by
that great composer, Mons. Antony Lamotte, of. Paris.
Leader, Charles Hall. Mons. Bonlcourt, the celebrated cornet-
a-piston player, performs nightly, with other talented
artistes. Selections from Rigoletto, Il Trovatore, La Traviata,
liugnenots, Robert le Diable, and the new opera Martha.
anager, R. R. Bignell. Doors open at half-past 8, close
ten minutes before 12. Admission, Is. to Promenade.
N.B.—An applications for the above band for Concerts and
Balls, to be made to Mr. William Price, treasurer, at the
Rooms.

HOWES AND CUSHING'S GREAT
UNITED STATES CIRCUS.—The ALHAMBRA
PALACE, Leicester-square.
Engagement for a short period of the Rocky Mountain
'Wonders. These celebrated California perfomers, six in
/lumber, have nevar appeared in England. Ilheir performance
is so wonderful that it cannot be described.—Sprites of the.
Silver Shower. The celebrated horse Cruiser. " Black
Eagle," the horse of beauty.
Pit, Is. • Boxes, 2s. ; Reserved Seats, 35.; Stalls, 55.; Private
Boxes, Zi 2s. Children under Nine years of age, half-price.
Gallery, 6d.
Two Performances Daily at two and hall-past seven p.m.'

NETTING, BUNTING, SCRIMS, AND
TIFFANY, for the PROTECTION of FRUIT TREES
and TENDER PLANTS.—These articles are found to be the
best protection against Frost, Hail, and Wind, also from
Wasps and Insects, and Good for Shades of Greenhouses. Sze,.
Patterns forwarded free on application to BENJAMIN Eno-
/NoTort, Marquee, Tent, and Rick Cloth manufacturer, 2,
Duke-street, Southwark, London Bridge. S.E. ; West-end
establishment, 32, Charing-cross. Temporary Rooms, with
boarded floor for Dancing.

ECONOMY-A TEN GALLON CASK
(equal to Five Dozens) of the finest SOH AFRICAN
SHERRY, for. Four Guineas, or 20s. per Dozen; best PORT,
248. per Dozen. Cask or Bottles and Case included. Three
Dozens Carriage Free. HENEXEYS', ABBOTT, and Co.,
blisTmporters3l.. 22 and 23, High Holborn, London, W.C. Esta-
hed 18

RENEKEYS' COGNAC, a pure FRENCH
BRANDY, Pale or Brown, 20g. per Gallon ; 425. per
Dozen.
HENEKEYS' LONDON BRANDY, Pale or Brown, 14s.
per Gallon ; 30s. per Dozen.
HENEKEYS' LONDON GIN, as from the Still and the
Strongest allowed, sweet or dry, 12s. per Gallon ; 268. per
Dozen.

Packages to be returned within Three Months, or charged
Is. per Gallon. Six Gallons, the cask included, and carriage
paid. •

Country orders must contain a remittance.'
HENEKEYS, ABBOTT, AND CO.,

Gray's Inn Distillery, 22 and 23, High Holborn, London, W.C.

Established 1831

GREY HAIR RESTORED TO ITS
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Headache, Rheumatism, aCOL
ndOUR Stiff JointsNeura Cured by F. 11.
HERRING'S PATENT MAGNETIC BRUSHES, 10s. and
158. • Grey Hair and Baldness PREVENTED by F. M. H.'s
Patent Preventive Brush. Price 4s. and ss. Offices, 32,
liasinghall-street, London, where may be had, gratis, the
Illustrated Pamphlet, "Why Hair becomes Grey, and its
Remedy." Sold by all Chemists and Perfumers of repute.

RUPTURE S. - WHITE'S MOO-MAIN
PATENT LEVER TRUSS is allowed by upwards of
200 professional gentlemen to be the best for Hernia. It con-
sists of a small and elastic pad, to which a lever is attached,
and '(instead of the usual steel spring) a soft bandage, fitting
go closely as to avoid detection. A descriptive circular may
be had, and the truss forwarded by post, on the circumference
of the body, two inches below the hips, being sent to the
talmfacturer, Mr. John White, 228, Piccadilly.

Single Truss, 165., 215., 265. 6d., and 31s. 6d. Postage, is
Doublo ditto, 31s. ed.. 425., and 525. 6d.—Post-office Orders to
John White, Post-Office, Piccadilly. Maker of Elastic Stock-
ings, Knee-caps, Sm. ,

THORLEY'S FOOD FOR CATTLE.—Every
person havinga supply an interest
of th in
celebrated and economical
food, which will prove invaluable during the approaching
Season. For keeping horses in good condition it is unequal-
led. Pigs fatten with surprising rapidity upon it, and their
flesh increases in flavour and value. Cowkeepers will find
great advantage in the increased quantity and improved qua-
lity of the milk during its use. All animals are benefited by
t. A pamphlet on this interesting subject, accompanied by
Testimonials from the principal Nobility, Gentry, and Agri-
culturists, forwarded on application. In casks containing
448 feeds (measures enclosed), price 505., carriage paid to any
Railway Station in the United Kingdom. Post-office orders
Payable to Joseph Thorley, 77, Newg,ate7street, London.
N.B.—The public are cautioned against being imposed upon
by worthless imitations.

3, GREAT MARLBOROUGH-STREET, W.
DR. M. R. CULVERWELL and SON, Mem-
ber of the Royal college of Surgeons, Licentiate of
Midwifery, and Apothecaries' Hall, London.
Dr. C. was originally apprenticed to his brother, and assisted
him until his death in 18.52, when he was appointed (through
his brother's will) by the present executors, SOLE SUCCES-
SOR TO THE PRACTICE, which he carried on in Argyll-
Place five years, and has now removed to 3, Great Marl-
borough-street, W., London:

Vide WILL, Somerset House.
!Just published, price Is. ; by post, 13 stamps, 18 sealed,

No:

HEALTH, HAPPINESS, and LONGEVITY;
on Debility, Nervousness, Dyspepsia, and Indigestion, with
Dietaries for both Sexes, and Analyses of all Food.
No. 2.
• LOVE AND MARRIAGE :
their Obligations, Happiness, and Disappointments ; Love
and other Matches. Removal of Sterility, and Healthy Off-
spring secured.

No. 3.
CASE BOOK:
100 Cases of Sperrnatorrhma, Causes, Symptoms, and Treat-
ment, Cauterisation, and Galvanism.
On March Ist, 1859, will be Published, with Plates,
No. 4,
An entire new and orininal Work, entitled
OURSELVES.
Synopsis : The Physiology and Anatomy of our generation
- The Origin of Disease in both Sexes ; their Symptoms,
Treatment, and Cure. Also, an Exposition of, and Remedy
for, all Urinary derangements and 3farital disqualifications,
To be had of Mann, Cornhill ; and the Author.
Consultations daily, 11 till 5 ; Evening, 7 till 9. Sundays till 1.
To the Working Classes only,
Morning and Evening. 9 tilllo. Advice and Medicine,
Half-a-Guinea.

ON MEDICAL GALVANISM IN THE TREATMENT OF
NERVOUS DEBILITY, ORGANIC WEAKNESS, &c.

Just published, price ls., post free, 13 stamps,
SELF-PRESERVATION : A Medical Treatise
on NERVOUS DEBILITY and FUNCTIONAL
WEAKNESS, more particularly In reference to the INFIR-
MITIES and DISORDERS of the GENERATIVE SYSTEM;
tracing. the Origin of these distressing. afflictions to causes
Which vitiate the very fountains of Life and prematurely de-
stroy the vigour of Manhood. With Practical Observations
on the Cure of these Diseases, and on the extraordinary re-
storative power of LOCAL GALVANISM in Spermatorrhcea,
Impotence, and Sterility, in which cases it is applied without
Pain or danger, and is frequently successful without the aid
of medicine. _

-Ira-77 BY SAMUEL LA WERT, M.D.,
37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON,
r,
Recdstered Licentiate of the London Society ofApothecaries,
Doctor of Medicine of the ETniversity of Erlangen, Honorary
Member of the London Hospital Medical Society. &c.
An erroneous impression exists that public announcements
on these disorders emanate only from unqualified persons,
but as the new Medical Act provides that nonebut registered
practitioners shall assume any medical title, those that are
.legally qualified can readilybe distinguished—a point of great
oportance in cases where secrecy, confidence, and skill are
equally requisite.
In the new edition of Self-Preservation,' 'facts of para-
tuount utility are brought together—facts appealing to the
Prudence of all who are suffering from affections which in-
volve the enfeeblement and ultimate loss of those powers
Without which man forfeits the dignity of nature, and sinks to
the most pitiable depths of physical and moral degradation.
-1 cases where the vital essences have been weakened by the
influences of tropical climates, by pernicious habits. indiscri-
minate excesses, improper diet,liardship, or by injudicious
treatment, the means of cure adopted by the author, in con-
junction with the application of Local Galvanism, have gene-
rallyL been found successful, even in cases where recovery had I Po'
been Pronounced impossible. on
Published by the Author, price is., or free by post for thir-
teen stamps, and may be had of Allen, Warwick-lane, Pater-
noster-row, London; Westmacott, chemist, Market-street,
lianchester ; J, Guest, Bull-street, Birmingham; Baraclounb,
-rarP:ate, Sheffield ; Rayner, High-street, Southampton ; W.
Lovc, Smoch-square, Glasgow; 11. Powell, Westmorelavtd-
S_treet, Dublin, or from the Author, who may be consulteddaily, from Eleven till Two, and from Six till Eight, At his
ssideoge, 87, Bedford-square, London.

THOMAS MOORE'S POETICAL WORKS.
PEOPLE'S EDITION of MOORE'S POETI•
CAL WORKS, in 10 Monthly Parts, price One Shilling
each. [Part 1. price is. on the 31st inst.]

PEOPLE'S EDITION of MOORE'S IRISH
MELODIES, Music and Words, in 10 Numbers, price
One Shilling each.
Nos. I. to IV., price is. each, are now ready.

MOORE'S SACRED SONGS, and SONGS
from SCRIPTURE, Music and Words. Imp. Bvo. 163.
cloth ; or handsomely half-bound, 265.
MOORE'S NATIONAL AIRS, and other Songs,
Music and Words. Imp. Bvo. 31s. 6d. cloth ; or hand-
homely half-bound, 425.
MGORE'S IRISH MELODIES, Music and
Words. Complete in One Volume, Imp. Bvo.
31s. 6d. cloth; or handsomely half-bound, 425.

HARMONISED AIRS from MOORE'S IRISH
MELODIES ; Music for 2,3, or 4 Voices, and Words.
Imp. Bvo. 15s. cloth ; or handsomely half-bound, 255.

POETRY and PICTURES. from THOMAS
MOORE : Selections of the most popular and admired
of Moore's Poems, copiously illustrated with highly-finished
Woodcuts. Fcp. 4to. 21s. boards ; or bound in morocco, 425.

MOORE'S POETICAL WORKS:
A-V-1- Library Edition ; with Portrait and Vignette. Medium
Bvo. 21s. cloth ; or in morocco, 425.

11/rOORE'S POETICAL WORKS:
Traveller's Idition, from Ruby Type; with Portrait.
Crown Bvo. 12s. Gd. cloth ; or in morocco, 218.

MOORE'S POETICAL WORKS:
Cabinet Edition, with Portrait and 19 Vignettes. 10
vols. fcp. Bvo. 355.

OORE'S IRISH MELODIES : With
13 highly-finished Plates from Original Designs by
eminent Artists. Square crown Bvo. 21s. cloth ; or in
morocco, 31s. 6d.

MOORE'S IRISH MELODIES : Illustrated
by D. 3IACLISE, R.A. Super-royal Bvo. 318. 6d. boards ;
or in morocco, 525. ed.

J[OORE'S IRISH MELODIES : With the
Preface and Notes, and a Vignette. lemo. ss. cloth ;
or in morocco, 12s. ed.

MOORE'S IRISH MELODIES, from Ruby
Type ; with the Preface and Notes, and a Portrait.
price One Shilling, cloth.

MOORE'S SONGS, BALLADS, and SACRED
SONGS : With the Notes and a Vignette. 16mo. ss.
cloth; or in morocco, 12s. Od.

MOORE'S SONGS, BALLADS, and SACRED
SONGS, from Ruby Type; with the Notes and a
Vignette. ,32m0. 2s. 6d. cloth, gilt edges.

MOORE'S LALLA ROOKH: With 13 highly-
finished Steel Plates from Designs by CORBOULD,
MEADOWS, and STEPRANOFF. Square crown Bvo. 15s. cloth;
or in morocco, 28s.

MOORE'S LALLA ROOKH : With the
Preface and Notes, and a Vignette. 16mo. ss. cloth;
or in morocco, 12s. 6d.

MOORE'S LALLA ROOKH, from Ruby Type;
with the Preface and Notes, and a Frontispiece.
32m0. price One Shilling, cloth.

MOORE'S EPICUREAN: With the Notes and
17-1- a Vignette. 10mo. ss. cloth ; or in morocco, 12s. Gd.
London : Longman, Brown, and Co., Paternoster-row.

The Fourth Edition, Just Published, Bvo, in cloth, price ss.
by post free, 55. 6d.
ON TRUE and FALSE SPERMATORRIREA;
with the View to the Correction of wide-spread Errors
in relation to the Treatment and Cure of Sufferers from De-
bility of the Generative system, or Sexual Hypochrondriasis.

. •
Translated from the German of Dr. PICKFORD.
" Dr. Pickford is known to English readers by his frequent
practical contributions to German medical literature. This
is the first time, he informs us, that he has addressed himself
to the non-medical reader. We trust that this may not be the
last, if be shall detect any other equally flagrant evil which it
may be in his power to correct."—London Medical Gazette.

" The editor has conferred a great boon on the sufferers
from this distressing malady by translating this little book,
and by laying bare the scandalous practices of unqualified
adventurers, who profess to cure a disease of which they
know nothing, with no other object than to fill their own
purses. The difference between true Spermatorrhcea and the
various forms of disease which resemble it are accurately de-
scribed, and thus a safe guide is offered for the treatment of
the malady."—Medical Circular.
" We have delayed so long upon the contents of the preli-
minary chapter, that we have scarcely left ourselves space for
any notice of the subject specially treated of by Dr. Pickford ;
but the moderate price at which the 'brochure' is sold, places
it within the reach of every one interested in the matter."—
Dublin Medical Press.

London : li. Bat Mere, 219, Regent-street.

NEW AND IMPORTANT DISCOVERY IN THE
SCIENCE OF MEDICINE.

Patent Office Seal of Great Britain. Diplome d'Ecole de
I'harmacie Pharmacien de Paris. Imperial College of Me-
dicine, Vienna.
_ _ _

The Patentee attends daily at No. 19, Berners-street, Ox-
ford-street, London, between the hours of 11 and 2, and from
5 till 8, where the medicines may be had.

TRIESEMAR Nos. 1,2, and 3, prepared in the form of a
lozenge, devoid of taste or smell, and can be carried in the
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TRIESEMAR No. 1 is a Remedy for RELAXA-
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TRIESEMAR NO. 11.
effectually, in the short space of three days, completely and
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of a vast portion of the_population.
TRIESEMAR NO. 111.
is the great Continental Remedy for Syphilis and 'Secon-
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'
and which all the sarsaparilla in the world cannot

restore.
Price lls., sent direct from the establishment, 19, Berners-
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saving of £1 128., upon receipt of Post-office Order, payable
to 3ledicus, and a statement of the case, the Medicines will be
sent by return of post.
To be had also of Barclay and Sons, 95, Farringdon-street ;
Daniel Church, 78, Gracechurch-street ; Bartlett Hooper, 43,
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annay, Oxford-street; Ingham, druggist, 46, Market-street,
Manchester.

:UMAN FRAILTY ; a Medical Work, 'price ls.
free, illustrated with 100 engravings, containing the
ions of Valpeau, Lallemand, Roux, Ricord, &c. It gives
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also showing the dreadful results from early abuse, gonorrhoea
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aain,dd
tsreeixliasiiiination of the sperniatoza by the newly-con-
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the Establishment, No. 19, Berners-street, Oxford-street.
Sold by J. Allen, 20, Warwick-lane, Paternoster-rOw, and
by all agents for the sale of "Triesemar."

GREAT REFORM MEETING AT
JVORWIJH.

NORWICH, MARCH 8.

One of the most crowded meetings ever held in
St. Andrew's Hall took place last evening for the
purpose of considering the provisions of the Minis-
te•aal scheme of reform. Mr. Osborn Springfield
(of the firm of Springfield, Son, and:Nephew), was
voted to the chair, and was supported on the plat-
form by all the leading Liberals of the city, and also
by Lord Bury, M.P., and Mr. Schneider, M.P.
The CHAIRMAN, in commencing the proceedings,
noticed the absence from the ministerial measure of
the various details of reform which had been agi-
tated since 1832.

Mr. J. SULTZER moved the first resolution, which
declared that the measure of reform proposed by
Ministers was far below the just wants and expec-
tations of the people, and recommended that a peti-
tion be presented against the bill.
Mr. J. J. COLMAN, in seconding the resolution,
said he attended the meeting with-the view of help-
ing those present to get what Lord Derby refused
to give them. They were all agreed that the minis-
terial bill would not do. The present meeting, he
thought, was a sufficient answer to the assertion
that the people cared nothing about reform. With
regard to the savings bank franchise, Mr. Colman
called attention to the fact that the official returns
showed that the deposits of nearly 700,000 persons
were beluw £5O; and referring to the franchise to
be conferred on the holders of stock, he argued
that it would embrace very few working men. Mr.
Colman expressed his conviction that Mr. Bright
was deserving of all honour for the great exertions
he had made ; and stated that he himself had no
fear of the result of a large extension of the suffrage
—certainly not such an extension as was likely to
be conceded for some years to come.

The CHAIRMAN then introduced to the meeting
he members for the city.
. _

Mr SCHNEIDER, M.P., who was received with
loud cheers, said he had felt it his duty to come down
to tell his constituents what he was prepared to do
onthe question. In two:words, it was his intention
unhesitatingly to vote against the second reading
of the Government bill. (Cheers.) It would be a
great consolation and support to him to know that
the citizens of Norwich, who had confided to him
the trust of representing them in Parliament, ap-
proved the conduct which he intended to pursue.
They must all feel that, while they were desirous
of having a Reform Bill, they would not accept the
Ministerial measure as even an instalment of that
which they were justly entitled to receive. The
present scheme was not a Reform Bill, but an anti-
Reform Bill ; a bill not to extend the suffrage but
to diminish it. The bill proposed a £lO franchise
in counties, and this he was willing to accept as
part of a larger and better measure; but £lO for
counties alone would not do for him, especially
coupled as it was with the fact that all householders
who resided within the limits of boroughs were to
be disfranchised from voting for counties. These
latter, he maintained, infused vigour and vitality
into the county suffrage. (Cheers.) It was some-
what remarkable that while it was stated that the
county franchise would be increased from 150,000
to 200,000 votes, the disfranchisement of the 40s.
freeholders living in boroughs would reduce that
number by at least 180,000. Another and much
larger enfranchisement was going to take place at
the same time, as it was proposed that no man
should have votes for different places. The result
would be that many honest, earnest, and good re-
formers would be prevented from voting in the
various counties in which they had votes ; and this
would be a measure of large and substantial dis-
franchisement. No bill could be received by the
people of this country as a substantial measure of
reform if it disfranchised a single voter ; and the
only ground upon which he was willing to take a
,£lO franchise for counties was, that it would enable
every man who lived in a small borough which
must necessarily be disfranchised in any good
Reform Bill, at the same time at which he was
deprived of his vote for his borough to get a vote for
the county in which it was situated. In that way
there would be no disfranchisement as under the old
Reform Bill. What were the people likely to get by
a " fancy suffrage," as it was justly called ? It was
said that a savings bank franchise would create
130,000 votes ; but he would first ask how many of
the depositors were women; and, secondly, how
many of the remainder had votes already? The
Government measure stopped at £6O, the very point
at which it was almost certain that a man would
otherwise have a vote ; and therefore he contended
that a savings bank enfranchisement would be no
enfranchisement at all. It had nothing to do with
the working classes. How many of the working
men present had £6O in the savings bank ? (A
Voice—Not any.) Far be it from him to wish to
dissuade those present from putting money in a
savings bank, but when a man, having deposited a
tolerable sum, became anxious to push himself up-
ward in life, and to be a small shopkeeper or some-
thing else, what enfranchisement would he have ?
Let a rating franchise be established by which
every man rated for the poor should have a vote
for the place in which he resided. That would be
a fair and true enfranchisement of the working
classes. He would venture to predict—and let his
words be marked—that the Government bill would
be thrown out by a majority of 150 votes. His
noble colleague could enter upon this branch of the
subject better than he could; but he would venture
to tell his constituents that the entire liberal party
had swamped all minor differences, and that Lord
John Russell, Lord Palmerston, and Mr. Bright—.
mark, Mr. Bright—would join together to kick out
the Government bill and have none of it. The
result was inevitable ; we should get rid of a Go-
vernment who.had proved themselves unworthy of
the confidence of the country ; and it would then

be the duty of the Liberal party to look carefully
and well to see who should succeed them, that a
really strong and vigorous Liberal, Government
might be formed who would really meet the wishes
anxieties, and just demands of the people. He
hoped statesmen of the Whig party had learnt a
lesson from experience, that the new administra-
tion would be based upon larger and more liberal
principles, and that all differences of Whigs and
Radicals would be merged in the desire to have
a united Government, which would really carry
on the Government of the country to the satisfaction
of the people. So long as a new Government fol-
lowed this course he would give them his most
earnest support, but the moment they shrunk from
performing their duty he would desert them, and
go into the ranks of the independent party. (Hear,
hear.) Referring to his past conduct, the hon.
member said, since the present Government had
been in power he had upon no occasion given any
factious vote against them. He was willing to
allow that they had brought forward many mea-
sures which had been long wished for, but when
the time of trial came, and they brought forward
their Reform Bill, one member after another de-
serted them, and at the present moment it was '
doubtful whether they would remain a governuient
till the 21st. (A Voice—'' How about the Conspi-
racy
Bill ?") He voted with Lord Palmerston upon
that occasion. (Cries of " Shame.") He did so
because he was not prepared to withdraw his en-
tire confidence in Lord Palmerston. He regretted
that his lordship brought in the bill, but he did
not think the matter 'of sufficient importance to
justify him in assisting to turn out a Liberal Go-
vernment and to brin., in a Tory one. (A Voice—
" That won't do.") He could say that he gave an
honest, conscientious vote upon the occasion. Re-
verting to the Reform Bill, Mr. Schneider expressed
his opinion that the proposed system of voting
papers. would be a sham, and that it was an attempt
to shelve the ballot. ;He would have nothing
to do with voting papers. What he wanted, and
what he would always vote for, was the ballot,
pure and simple. He hoped another Reform Bill
would be brought before the House of Commons,
and he thought this would be the case before a dis-
solution took place, because he did not believe that
Lord Derby, in the face of a bill which he had the
audacity to bring before the country, would dare to
dissolve Parliament ; if' he did, he would have a
much larger and more vigorous majority against
him than at present. (Cheers.)
Lord BURY, M.P., next addressed the meeting,
and was very cordially received. His lordship said,
when he appeared before his constituents a few
weeks ago every one was in a state of expectancy
with regard to the Ministry, who had now declared
themselves. The Government then stood pledged to
bring forward a Reformßill,and the reformers of Eng-
land were pledged not to give them any factious op-
position till they knew the details of their measure.
The Government, who had for a certain time traded
on the support of the Liberals—who had obtained
that support by the fictitious pledge that they were
going to give the oountry a Reform Bill—had now
shown themselves in their true colours ; and the
honest members of the Opposition could rise in their
places in Parliament and appear before their con-
stituents to announce that they should offer uncom-
promising hostility to any such measures as that
which had been brought forward. (Cheers.) Per-
haps the Liberals would have given this opposition
with less chance of ultimate success if they had
offered it a few weeks ago instead of offering it now,
because all sections of the Liberal party had at
length, to the joy of all true reformers, consented
to waive minor differences. Lord John Russell tend
Lord Palmerston, teo long the leaders of two sec-
tions of the party, had at length fused those two
sections in one; and on the second reading of the
bill, which the present meeting was convened to
discuss, that old reformer—Lord John Russell—
(cheers)—would be seen hand in hand with Lord
Palmerston—(cheers)—giving his .vote against a
measure which had disgraced the House of Com-
mons. (Cheers.) It would hardly have been a
matter of surprise if Lord Derby had not brought
forward a Reform Bill at all, for not very long since
the noble earl announced, in his place in the House
of Lords, that his mission was to stem the tide of
democracy, while Mr. Disraeli said that reform was
subversive of the Constitution, and destructive to
the best interests of society.' When he (Lord Bury)
remembered these things, he could not see that
Lord Derby would have been wrong in not bring-
ing forward any measure at all. In that case the
Liberals would have known what ground to take ;
they would have opposed him from first to last; and
Lord Derby would never have remained in office
with the support of the Liberal party. Lord Derby
had obtained the support of the Liberal party by
always saying he had a Reform Bill in his pocket,
and that he would bring it out at the proper time.
After nearly a year it now appeared from
the confessions—or rather the honest state-
ments—of those who had been obliged to
leave the Cabinet, that up to the middle
of January, 1859, there was no reform bill at all.
Lord Derby had acquired the support of the Liberal
party by saying that he intended to bring forward
a measure of reform, and every vote thus acquired
was an act of political immorality. Mr. Walpole
and Mr. Henley, who had deserted Lord Derby's
Cabinet, saw what a hollow sham this Reform Bill
was, and they said like honest men, " Perhaps we do
not agree with the whole of the Liberal party as to
what the Reform Bill is to be ; but if it is to be any-
thing at all, let it be something honest and true,
and don't pull out to us such a sham as this." It
was upon this ground that they left the Cabinet;
the corner stone had fallen, and the whole imposing
fabric must follow it to the ground. (Cheers.) It
might be a matter of regret that such men as Sir
Edward Lytton, Pakington,
Sir John and Lord
Stanley, from whom better things had been hoped,
should have yielded to the pressure put upon it by
the Derby Cabinet. It only proved that the ques-
tion of reform must be entrusted to those who had
already tried their hands at it; thus it must be left_
to those who understand the subject, and not to
those who merely use it as a stepping-stone and
instrument to keep them in power. (Cheers.) If
the ministerial bill were passed and carried, the
questions of extension of the suffrage, vote by ballot,
and re-distribution of seats would still remain ;
it would not in any degree alleviate the pressure
which was felt or satisfy the people What did
reform mean ? If it meant merely a little shuffling
of seats, a disfranchisement of 40s. freeholders from
voting, in counties, and a uniform franchise of £lO,
the present bill was all very well ; but he had
alway
.understood that a Reform Bill meant an
extension of the franchise passed in 1832. (A voice
—" Manhood suffrage.") It was acknowledged
by the advocates of the measure of 1832 that it did
not give to the working classes their fair share of
power. In the measure of 1832 the power which was
originally in the hands of the higher classes was
given into the hands of the middle classes. The
working classes put their shoulders to the wheel
to assist in obtaining this measure of justice for
the middle classes ; and the understanding was
that when the time came those who were then
enfranchised should lend their influence to perfect
that which was so well begun. It seemed to him
that the middle classes would forget their duty and
be unworthy of the confidence shown them by the
working classes if they omitted, when it was in
their power, to throw out a Reform Bill which only
nominally carried out this object. The growing
intelligence of the working classes deserved some
recognition, and every circumstance combined to
show that the present was a suitable time to have
a Reform Bill carried out as it fully deserved.
Having thus before them the heads of what a
Reform Bill ought to be, let them see how the pre-
sent Reform Bill carried out these principles. It
was proposed to establish a £lO franchise ' • did that
admit the working classes? (" No.") With re-
gard to the savings bank franchise, his hon. col-
league, who understood the subject well, said that
it would be equally inefficacious. The " fancy
franchise" proposed to admit clergymen, medical
men, and barristers; but these gentlemen had for
the most part the franchise already. Was is not an
insult to enfranchise them in the Reform Bill?
Were they the working classes ? He did not ob-
ject to the franchise ; he thought it a very good
one, but if there were any clergymen or barristers
unenfranchised they surely lived in a £lO house.
(Laughter and cheers.) There was to be a change
with regard to the 40s. freeholder who lived in a
borough and had a vote for it and also for the
county in which it was situated ; but it was no
enfranchisement, no boon to the working classes.
In pursuing the provisions of the bill you got no-
thing for your money ; it was totally unsatisfac-
tory. The proposed £lO franchise in counties was,
per se, a good measure—it was simply Mr. Locke
King's Bill, for which his honourable colleague and
himself had voted, but as it now came from the
hands of the Tory Government it amounted to just
nothing at all, because it was coupled Kith an addi-
tion which rendered the whole nugatory. Mr.
Disraeli said, the extension of the franchise
to £lO in counties would increase the number
of voters to the extent of 200,000; but a deduc-
tion of 100,000 must be made for the county
voters living in boroughs who. were disfran-

chised, leaving only 99,000 remaining ; and as the
areas of boroughs were to be increased, another
slice ought to be taken off .the 99,000. If all the
disfranchising clauses in this nominally enfran-
chising bill were looked to, it would be found that
the representation of the people would remain
pretty nearly as at present, with this exception,
that a more dependent class of voters would be
substituted for the 40s. freeholders, whom the
Tories found they could not manage, and whom
they therefore wished to destroy. With regard to
the mode in which it was proposed that votes
should be given, what did the Tory Government
suggest ? Why, that people possessing a 40s. free-
hold linywhere might send a letter to the returning
officer, stating that they voted for a particular per-
son. The whole tendency of legislation for years
past had been to get rid of oat-voters in boroughs,
but here was a clause not only to give out-voters
facilities for voting, but to create votes. What
was to prevent a large proprietor from constituting
as many 40s. freeholds as he liked, and then from
his house in London sending down his voting
papers for them all ? It seemed to him (Lord
Bury) that this was nothing but another gross
sham—another method by which a landed proprie-
tor could, if he wished to do so, swamp a whole
constituency of a small borough, if he only had
money enough. The remedy was at hand in the
ballot, which ought to form part of any Reform
Bill, and for which he should be prepared to vote.
The present bill would not be passed if the country
was united in its dislike of it. He would not echo
the observations of his hon, colleague, that it would
be thrown out by a majority of 150, for he believed
the Cabinet would crumble to .pieces, and that the
measure would never come to a second reading at
all. (Cheers.) In that case there would not only
be a majority of 150 against it, but a majority of
all the millions of England. If the second reading
did come on, he believed he should speak the senti-
ments of his constituents if he lifted up his voice
strongly against this iniquitous bill, and if he de-
nounced all the shams it contained, and told the
Ministry in the name of the people of Norwich and
of that England of which Norwich formed a part,
that they would have none of their bill, but would
have their room instead of their places. (Cheers.)
The resolution was then put and carried.
Mr. TILLETT was received with repeated rounds
of applause. He said—Mr. Chairman, the resolu-
tion I have to move is this : " That the great ano-
maly exhibted in the present representative system
is the almost entire exclusion of the industrial popu-
lation from electoral power, and that no measure
will be acceptable to the people which does not to
a large extent remedy that grievance and injustice;
and this meeting declares that inasmuch as large
numbers of electors are dependent upon others, the
real sentiments of the community cannot be ascer-
tained without the ballot ; and further, that to
realise the true theory of representation constituents
should have voices in Parliament, corresponding
with their population and importance." Mr. Chair-
man, I humbly conceive that that is the sum and
substance of the whole matter. (Cheers.) We
have put there in plain English what we mean and
what we want, and just what we expect that any
Ministry that seeks the confidence of the country
will carry out for us in Parliament. Sir, lam not
here to serve a party turn to-night. (Applause.)
I am not here to help with my feeble voice to turn
my Lord Derby out, nor to put my Lord Palmer-
ston in. (Cheers.) If we are to have do-nothing
men in the Treasury benches, I would rather that
these do-nothing men should be called Tories than
that they should be falsely called Liberals. lam
here, I say, not to turn Lord Derby out or to help
to turn him out, nor to put any other men in—l
am here simply to lift up my voice to say what are
the principles which should be recognised by the
Government of this enlightened country, and the
great principle upon which I stand to-night is this
—the enfranchisement of the working classes.
I beg my Lord Bury, and I beg my friend Mr.
Schneider, to go to Parliament deeply impressed
with this, that we are wide awake, that we under-
stand what we want, that we understand what the
people want—that the great demand is that the
industrial population of this country shall be no
longer continued in a state of disfranchisement, and
almost of serfdom. (Hear, hear.) We claim that
those men who by their strong. arms are prepared
to fight when their country is in danger, and who
are the base of the great pyramid of the nation, that
they should be recognised as really a portion of the
community, and should be allowed to give their
opinions on those great questions and discussions
which concern their lives and interests. (Cheers.)
I care not in what way it is done, but this I do
care for, that the hundreds of thousands of the
working men of England, now beyond the pale of
the constitution, shall be brought within it, and I
beg our representatives to have their eyes upon this
important question. We may possibly have such a
measure proposed in Parliament, either by inten-
tion or by error, as would only nominally be a re-
form—one that would only offer in words, and
would not in fact confer the suffrage on the work-
ing man. I have, I must confess, a great fear of
that rating suffrage as it is called—(cheers)—and I
beg our members, if they speak on this question, to
speak plainly, that we are afraid of that rating
provision by which, under a compounding system
or under some system of jugglery, working men
would be excluded from the franchise. (Cheers.)
We must have no mistake about the matter. What
we want is that the working men, or at all events
the better half of the working men shall be at once
admitted to the electoral roll. (Cheers.) We do not
care how it is done, but we do care, I say, that it be
done. And now, Mr. Chairman, let us understand.
I do not believe in a cut and dried uniformity ; I
do not believe in men coming on a platform and
exhibiting to the country that they are perfectly
one when they are not so. I believe it does goodto
speak out. (Cheers.) Why I am known by you
all as a radical reformer—(cheers)—but there are
gentlemen around me who do not go so far as I do.
Well, they have of course as much right to their,
conscientious opinions as I have to mine—(hear)—
and when we can find common ground and can meet
on that common ground, we are justified—and I say
it gives strength to our movement to tell the coun-
try that here we are—Whigs, Conservative Whigs
here we are ; very slow coaches indeed—fast
coaches, very fast coaches, too fast some will
say—(laughter)—that here we are all travelling
the same, road to-Right; here we are all
agreed in this one thing, that we won't have
this bill of Lord Derby's at any price—(loud
cheers)—and all are agreed that Lord Derby has
forfeited the confidence of the country, and the
sooner he is out the better. (Great cheering.) But,
gentlemen, let there be no mistake. We are not
perfectly agreed on the next point ; we are not pre-
cisely agreed as to the length and extent to which
the bill should go. (Hear, hear.) I for one have
great misgivings about that Lord Palmerston.
(Cheers and laughter.) He has a great horror, we
understand, of American institutions, so have I of
that institution of Barnum—(laughter)—that in-
stitution, the art of money-making and humbug.
Only substitute " place-hunting' for " money-
making," letting the word " humbug " stand, and
that seems to be a qualification which my Lord
Palmerston has learnt either from America or some-
where else. ' (Cheers.) Why, gentlemen, he has
been very quiet lately; he has not said much about
reform ; no, he has been watching the opposite
benches, now and then chatting confidentially with
the illustrious Hayter. (Laughter.) lie has said
"Let them alone ;" he has watched them and
watched them, and let them deceive themselves into
the belief that there is no feeling in the country for
reform, and that they might bring forward. a namby-
pamby bill; and now Lord Palmerston has caught
them in his trap. Now they have brought forward
a measure based on this belief that there is no re-
form feeling in the country ; and what does Lord
Palmerston say ? Come, my little wagtails, come
and be killed." (Laughter.)
" Come, my little wagtails, come and be killed,
The customers are waiting, and their bellies must be
filled ;
Dilly, dilly, dilly, come and be killed,
The customers are waiting, and their bellies must be
filled."
(Renewed laughter.) That is what he says, and so
he comes to those dear little ducks, who have been
swimming so pleasantly on the ornamental water
near St. James's-park, and says,
Come and be
killed." (Applause.) Yes, he has played his game
,‘
very cleverly; he has led them into the trap, and
there they are ; but, gentlemen, let us have an eye to
the game. Our game is not to serve my Lord Palmer..
ston at the expense of Lord Derby—(cheers)—our
game is to take care of ourselves and our rights •
our game is to make every Government impossible
the people.
faith in Lord
w(Chihecehrs.s)halll refuseconfe
ssl
htoavdeomjuueshtimceorteo
John Russell than I have in Lord Palmerston.
(Loud cheers.) 1 cannot but remember that the
name of Russell stands gloriously eminent on the
historical records of our country. (Hear, hear.)
Lord John Russell is not a patriot merely of yes-
terda he is not a weathercock who has gone
round with every wind, but he is one of
the main authors of the Reform Bill- of
1832, and I say it is appropriate, it is becoming
that the people of England should trust to him the

carrying out and the carrying on to perfection that
Igreat measure in which he advocated the rights of
the people, in which he, through many years of
'difficulty and contention, fought a battle which but
Ifew men could have fought. .(Cheers.)
i But even
my Lord John Russell I would not trust implicitly,
!for he belongs to the aristocratic order, and it may
be that his own personal views go beyond those of
the clique by which he may be surrounded ; it may
be that a little pressure, a little merciful coercion,
will do a great deal, even to my Lord John Russell,
in helping him to carry on any great scheme which
he may have in contemplation. (Applause.) Let us
tell him, through our hon. members now present,
that we are ready to trust him, but that we trust him
with our eyes open. (Cheers.) We trust him with
our hands extended, which we expect to have filled
with good things, and we will open our mouths to
receive anything he may have for us, but we will
keep our eyes open too, to make sure that it is worth
accepting. (Cheers.) Why, sir, this measure of
reform brought in by Lord Derby has been alluded
to sufficiently already ; but there are one or two
points in it so offensive to the working man, that I
a m sure I am justified, at the risk of occupy-
ing you too long (cries of "Go on") —in
calling attention to them. It is proposed that if a
working man has £6O put into the savings bank,
he is entitled to vote. Now, working men, how
are you by anything short of a miracle to get £6O
put into' the savings bank ? (A voice —" We
have enough to do to feed ourselves.") I can
understand a single man earning good wages being
enabled to lay by a shilling or two, or more, every
week, until he does accumulate this £6O, or some-
thing beyond it, in the savings bank ; but as soon
as he thinks of making a fool of himself by marry-
ing—(laughter and cheers)—as soon, as he thinks
of opening some greengrocer's shop, or as soon as
he thinks of entering into some sort of business to
raise and improve his condition—the very moment
he thus draws the money out of the savings bank
for the purpose of benefitting himself—for the pur-
pose of furnishing his house or really improving his
status in the country,ithen Lord/Derby tells him he
is utterly unworthy of a vote, and his vote is lost.
(Cheers.) There is something, working men, offen-
sive, grossly offensive, in that provision. Why if a
man marrieB, if a man has a large family, if he by
daily work, by working on, almost night as well as
day, provides means of maintaining his wife and
children honourably and properly—then that man
is declared to be unfit to exercise the franchise.
(Cries of " Shame !") Why, sir, I believe there is
no man in the country, no class of men, more de-
serving of a good word, more deserving of a kind
word, more deserving of being trusted by the classes
above them, than that honest artisan who delights
himself in seeing his wife happy, his children well
educated, well clothed, well fed, who is at the head
,of a poor community it may be, but of a happy
community ; who works hard and lives honestly,
who does his
.duty to his neighbour and loyally
obeys the law. (Applause.) Is that a class of men
to be treated with insult P Why, when I was here
last, I told you about the militia, and was sadly
blown up for alluding to the militia. They are
such a proud class of men these militiamen—(laugh-
ter)—that because I did not speak in complimentary
phrases of them, I was attacked by a sergeant of
militia. (Laughter.) Now, I did not wish to say
anything disrespectful of those worthy gentlemen,
who are prepared at any moment to go and
fight the enemies of the country ; but I did say
this, and I hope you will excuse me for indulging
such an idea, that if a militiaman, after five years'
service, was entitled—as Mr. Walpole, instructed,
I apprehend, by his colleagues, considered him
entitled—to the franchise, surely the honest, indus-
trious artisan, after having five years, ten years,
aye, fifteen or twenty years. many of them, served
their country in working industriously and honestly
in maintaining their families, in obeying the laws,
in contributing to the wealth and strength of the
country—surely it cannot be right to say a five
years' militiaman is entitled to vote, and that the
twenty years' artisan is not. (Cheers.) Well, next
comes the proviso that persons who have £lO a year
derived from money in the funds or the Bank of
England may be entitled to vote. How many
working men in Norwich have £lO derived from
money in the funds, or have £3OO invested in Go-
vernment stocks ? (Laughter.) Why, my friends,
it is an insult to propose to enfranchise the working
classes of this country by a provision that would
not touch one man in a thousand of the working
classes. (Cheers.) Well, then, there is another
proposal that the pensioner—the man who is in
receipt of £2O a year as a pension—the man who
by service in the Government offices, or in the
revenue department has learned to be obedient to
the Government, has learned, by any means he may
be employed and directed to use, to serve the
Government, the man who is cleared out by a long
course of training of any independent thought—
that man, if he has but £2O a year coining from
Government to keep him steady, may be allowed
to vote ; but the poor artisan who has more than
£2O a year, not enjoyed in leisure, but earned week
by week by his toil—he is not to have the right
of voting. And why ? Because he calls no man
his master. (Cheers.) I mean calls no man master
in regard to those matters of conscience and ofjudg-
ment wherein no man should own a master upon
earth. (Applause.) Well, Mr. Chairman, these are
the features of this measure, and they strike me as
conveying an insult to the working classes, and on
that ground I call upon you to-night to unite with
other Liberals of this city in denouncing the Go-
vernment measure. I call upon you to petition
Parliament to dismiss both them and it together.
(Cheers.) Men have risen up, and with tears in
their eyes, and with trembling limbs, have said
that if this measure passed then the sun of Eng-
land would have set for ever, and there would be
ruin and wide-spread desolation throughout all our
dominions. Yet from time to time have those pro-
phecies been falsified. And now, when we come
forward and claim, on behalf of the working men,
their right to some position in the constitution
which they uphold and defend—some voice in the
making of those laws which they obey—some re-
cognised place under the sway of the beloved Queen
whom we all serve—(cheers)—we are told there is
to be desolation—that there is to be the overthrow
of everything that is noble and grand in our con-
stitution. Why, gentlemen, it is a mere delusion,
it. is the raising up a bug-bear to frighten the
nervous old ladies—(laughter)—and lead people
astray. The honest working men of this country
are too loyal—they have too great a love of order,
they are too much afraid of confusion and tur-
moil, and bloodshed—they are too much afraid,
I say, of all these evils ever to risk them by a
revolution. I say that those are the men who
make revolutions who resist the just demands of
the people—(cheers)—who, year after year, refuse
to render justice to the working classes—who
say" no" to the reasonable demands of the people,
until the people are wrought up to frenzy, and are
driVen to snatch what ought to have been given to
them long ago. I hope, Mr. Chairman, the result
of this crisis will be nothing delusive to the people,
but a real, honest, thorough Reform Bill, which
shall enable hundreds of thousands of men to recog-
nise their interest in the constitution, and to cause
them to feel, what they have never felt before, that
in a free country they are truly free. (Applause.)
Mr. C. N. BOLINGBROKE seconded the resolu-
tion, which was carried news. eon.
Thanks to the chairman closed the proceedings.