The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-04 00:00:00

RUPTURES.

WHITE'S MOC-MAIN PATENT LEVER
TRUSS fs allowed by upwards of 200 professional
gentlemen to be the best for Hernia. It consists of a
small and elastic pad, to which a lever is attached,
and (instead of the usual steel spring) a soft bandage, fitting
so closely as to avoid detection. A descriptive circular may
be had, and the truss forwarded by post, on the circumference
of the body, two inches below the hips, being sent to the
manufacturer, Mr. John White, 228, Piccadilly.
Sinzle Truss, 165., 215., 265. 6d., and 31s. 6d. Postage, le.
Double ditto, 31s. 6d., 425., and 525. 6d. Postage, is Bd.
Post-office Orders to John White, Post-office, Piccadilly.
Maker of Elastic Stockings, Knee-caps, &a

CERTAIN RELIEF for the AFFLICTED.—
Dr. SCOTT'S BILIOUS and LIVER PILLS, pre-
pared without any mercurial ingredient, from the recipe of Dr.
Scott, of Bromley,. Kent, are a sure remedy for affections of the

,
liver,'indigestion, bile, sick headache, giddiness, loss of appe-
tite, lowness of spirits, .ke. They can be taken at any time,
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without pain or griping, clear the skin, remove sallowness
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package, with "W. Lambert, 20, Jermyn-street," engraved
on the Government stamp.

SIGHT AND HEARING.-SPECTACLES.-
POWERFUL TELESCOPES.—OPERA, RACE, and
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powerful assistance. Persons can be suited at the most
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not made use of spectacles by stating their age. Deafness.—
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is entirely removed, and it affords all the assistance that
possibly could be desired.-39, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly.
Observe—opposite the York Hotel, W

3, GREAT MARLBOROUGH-STREET, IV., NEAR
THE PANTHEON.

DR. CULVERWELL, Member of the Royal
College of Surgeons, Licentiate of Midwifery, and Apo-
thecaries' Hall, London, can be consulted daily (only) as
above, on all cases of Nervius Debility, Languor, Incapacity,
Loss of Memory, Sterility, and all Functional Derangements
of both Sexes, emanating from early and excessive indul-
gences.
- - -

• -
Has Just published, pBricese Is. ; by post, 13 stamps,
laled,
No. 4.
An entire new
OURSELVES.
and original Work, entitled
Synopsis : The Physiology and Anatomy of our Generation
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No. 1.
HEALTH, HAPPINESS, and LONGEVITY ;
On Debility, Nervousness, Dyspepsia, and Indigestion,
No. 2.
LOVE AND MARRIAGE:
Their Obligations, Happiness, and Disappointments ; Love
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No. 3.
THE CASE BOOK :
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canisters are forwarded carriage free, on receipt of Post-office
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Edinburgh, itaLmer and Co

THORLEY'S FOOD FOR CATTLE.—Every
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should obtain a supply of this celebrated and economical
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it. A pamphlet on this interesting subject, accompanied by
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oavable to Joseph Thorley, 77, Nowgate-street, Lon &On.
N.B.—The public arecautioned against being imposed upon
by worthless imitations.

GLENFIELD PATENT STARCH,
USED IN THE ROYAL LAUNDRY,
IND PRONOUNCED BY HER MAJESTY'S LAUNDRESS to be
THE FINEST STARCH SIZE EVER USED.
WHEN YOU ASK FOR
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SEE THAT YOU GET IT,
le inferior kinds are often substituted.
Sold by all Chandlers, Grocers, &c.,
WOTHERSPOON & CO., GLASGOW AND LONDON!

11JR. CAIRD, AND BIS CON-

ST ITUENTS.

Mr. Caird met his constituents at Dunfermline on Tues-
day evening in the Corn Exchange. The large hall was
crowded. Provost Robertson took the chair.

After some preliminary remarks in reference to the last
session, and the defeat of the Derby Government, followed
by the installation of a Liberal Administration,
Mr. CAIRD said that the present Government came into
power upon the question of giving a Reform Bili which
should be a reality—not a sham, while their foreign policy
was to be strict neutrality in the war in Italy, with no Aus-
trian sympathies. In so far as matters had yet gone, Lord
John Russell had maintained that neutrality, and had
shown a determination to be drawn into no Congress in
which the feelings of the Italian people were not adequately
represented. In that course he believed the Government
possessed their warm approval, and he trusted that they
would persevere in it till the noble Italian people, with
their gallant leader, Garibaldi, secured for themselves that
independent natural existence and position to which they
were so justly entitled. (Cheers.) With regard to reform
it would be the first business of the next session, for the
Government were pledged to it. Its details would depend

a good deal on the relalive strength of parties. The last
election had weakened the Liberal party in point of num-

bers, and in a corresponding degree had strengthened their
opponents. A Liberal majority of 12 or 15 seemed all they
could rely upon, for, though the numbers professing Liberal
politics would show a large majority, many of them were
lukewarm. This close balance of party strength in the
House of Commons gave great confidence to the Conserva-
tive.tendencies of the House of Lords. All this must be
considered by Government, and in framing their bill they
would be obliged to give up extreme points on both sides
in order co secure general support. There was this advantage
in their present position—that the Tories had shown us how
far they were prepared to go, and with regard to counties
the extension they proposed to £lO occupiers, if duly
guarded front landlord influence, would probably be deemed
at present satisfactory. Their treatment of the borough
franchise had been so universally condemned that little fear
need now be entertained of a Tory opposition to some
considerable extension. Ho had heard many of the Con-

servative party express an opinion that if there was to be
extension at all they would as soon have universal suffrage
as any ether limitation below £lO. Ho hoped, therefore,
that the present Government would grant a large extension,
wide enough to include the intelligent and respectable arti-
sans, who were as capable of forming an honest opinion as
any class in the community. (Cheers.) He would also have
the ballot if he could get it, and the recent bribery exposures
rendered it more than ever necessary that extension of the
suffrage should be accompanied by the safeguard of the
ballot. (Loud cheers.) Undoubtedly a partial disfran-
chisement of small constituencies would be made, but it
probably would fall far short of their just expectations.
On this point a Liberal Government might tako a useful
hint from Scotland. Every burgh member she sent to Par-
liament was a Liberal, and not one of them represented Jess
than 10,000 people. But there were not less than 127
members representing English and Irish constituencies
each of them below 10,000 in population. It was in that
direction that a Liberal Government should look for an in-
crease of their Liberal majority. (Cheers.) They had all
seen in the newspapers the disgraceful details of bribery at
Glocester and Wakefield. He had been a member of the
Wakefield committee, and had supported the issuing of a
commission, for, from the single day's inquiry which they
had, he was persuaded that extensive bribery prevailed on
both sides at the last election. As they were on the eve of
a Reform Bill, it was right that such iniquities should be
exposed, and some effectual remedy found. It would be
better to put the seat up t 3 auction and sell it to the highest
bidder—(laughter)—dividing the price equally among the
constituency, than to continue a system which threw the
decision of the election into the hands of a body of venal
electors. But, apart from the general subject of Reform,
Scotland required from her representatives a united demand
of equality with England both in the proportion of members
and the privilege of the franchise. (Cheers.) Whether
estimated by population or taxation, or by both put together,
Scotland was entitled to at least 16 more members. But that
right would net be secured unless the Scotch members
pulled resolutely together, and demanded that one general
Reform Bill for th 3 United Kingdom, treating both coun-
tries precisely alike, should be introduced. (Loud cheers.)
The Scotch members were in the habit of mceting to discuss
Scotch measures. He hoped they would agree with him in
thinking that this was a Scotch measure of such importance
as ought to secure their united action, and a measure, not of
a party character, but one in which Scotchmen of both par-
ties were equally interested. (Loud cheers.) He had intro-
duced a measure to place Scotch and English counties on
an equality in regard to the 40s. franchise, and he trusted
that this franchise, which had been designated as the very
leaven of the English counties, would be extended to Scot-
land. (Cheers.) He would now ask what they expected
from Reform. If the detail of administration merely was
considered, he believed that one party was as good as an-
other. But what they desired was to see the whole spirit
of the Government animated by the principles of freedom
of trade and freedom of conscience, and the taxation levied
with perfect fairness on the property and trade a the coun-
try. (Cheers.) He did not take a gloomy view of the
state of our finances, though the extravagant expenditure
of several departments was - discreditable to the House of
Commons. But in regard to public expenditure it was in
the nature of things different from that of individuals, who
regulated their outlay by their income. A great country
like this, with interests to protect in every quarter of the
globe, must regulate its expenditure by its requirements.
(Hear.) But it was the duty of the House of Commons to
prevent waste and extravagance, and to see that value was
got for the public money. In further discussing this im-
portant branch of the business of Parliament, he would
take the expenditure first and the revenue afterwards.
Within the last six years the annual expenditure
had increased by upwards of £10,000,000, and
he could not anticipate any material diminu-
tion for many years to come. £50,000,000, or
five-sixths of the whole, were comprised in the two great
items—the interest of the national debt and the cost of the
army and navy. The interest of the debt was upwards of
£28,000,000—£12,000,000 a-year more than that of France,
and borne by a people one-fourth less numerous. Sir Robert
Peel in 1813 reduced this burden by £2,000,000 a-year, but,
except by the falling in of terminable annuities, there was
little chance of a further reduction being for some time
made. It was chiefly in the cost of the army and navy that
the recent great increase had taken place. Now, he desired
here to guard himself against the possibility of misappre-
hension, for, whatever the cost might be of defending the
country or maintaining its honour, he believed the stake to

these great public departments in this country there was
monstrous waste and extravagance. (Hear, hear.) We had
an army of 122,000 men (not counting those in India, for
they were paid there) and 50,000 militia, while the French
had 500,000 men, and the navies of the two countries were
said to be now too nearly equal, and yet our army and navy
cost-us nearly a third more altogether than the Fr, nch force
cost them. He drew these facts from returns laid before
Parliament, and he believed thLt an instance which he
found in these returns would be conclusive evidence of the
defective state of our military and naval administra-
tion. During the last two years of the war with Russia,

when both countries were putting forth their strength,
though in numbers of soldiers the French greatly exceeded
us, the total charge for our armaments was £89,000,000,
while that of the French at the same time was only
£36,0)0,000. (Hear.) Now, if in two years we absolutely
threw away £50,000,000 more than the French in doing
much the same work, it seemed reasonable to conclude that
this was the branch of the national expenditure in which
a great saving might be made. (Hear, hear.) But we
must not shut our eyes to the difficulty of effecting a reduc-
tion. The adoption of every modern improvement neces-
sitated constant progress and therefore change in our arma-
ments. Beyond all considerations of economy we must
make the country secure from the risk of invasion, the ad-
vantages of our insular position having been greatly
impaired by steam. Ho was opposed to a large standing
army in this country, the existence of which in all history
had been found incompatible .with a free constitution.
(Hear, hoar.) Tho most competent military officers as-
sut ed us that if we had a regular army large enough tp
withstand the first shock of invasion there would be time
enough for the whole country to rise like ono matt in its
defence, and should that time ever come,
" IVha would fill a coward's grave,
Wins sat: use as be a slave !"
(Loud cheers.) Ile, for one, had felt it his duty to enrol
himself as a volunteer, and he thought if we had a volun-
teer force of 300,000 practised rifle shots in the British
islands no foreigners would dare to trouble us. (Loud
cheers.) For his part, he did not believe that
invasion would be attempted. Exactly 100 years ago
there was an invasion panic in this country, and
we actually imported foreign mercenaries to help to defend
us. But, small comparatively though our army was, no
man in this country fer a moment now dreamt that we could
not defend ourselves. (Cheers.) Though he believed
Napoleon was far too vise to quarrel with us, he looked
with great suspicion on the continued increase of the French
navy, and would never be content that the safety of our
country should depend ox the friendship of any foreign
Power whatever, be he Emperor or President. (Loud
cheers.) The question ofpeace or war with France had a
European aspect as well as an English one. It was not
more the difficulty of taking the-Italian fortresses held by
Austria than the menacing aspect of Germany that deter-
mined the French Empercr to conclude a peace before com-
pleting the
.programme with which he started. Unlike
Britain, France had neighbours on both sides of her, and
those on her northern and eastern borders were all living
under free constitutional Governments, naturally jealous of
military despotism. In numbers they exceeded the French
nation, and in military face were at least their equal. If
the French Emperor had already found it unsafe to disre-
gard the threats of Germany, he would probably picture to
himself the condition of h undefended frontier while en-

gaged in a life and death struggle with England. (Hear,
heir.) But if this did tot teach him caution, could it be
believed that at this tima of day he could bo so mad for
" glory" as to break up the peaceful intercourse between
two of the most populous and industrious nations on the
globe ? For the more money value to France of England,

as her best customer, was enormous. We figured in the

exports and imports of France to the extent of £30,000,000,
or nearly one-third of the whole business she did with
Europe. (Hear.) He had lately met with a speech of
Louis Philippe in 1843, from which he would read an ex-
tract, that might well be studied by the French Emperor :
" War appears to me a malediction ; and war in Europe

between civilized nations I regard as an absurdity. If the

smaller States should desire it, we should prevent them ;
and as peace between the great Powers become daily more
consolidated, I hope, if I live a few years longer, that a
general war in Europe will have become impossible."
Events, however, had dissipated this dream, and so mysteri-

ous was the policy of the present ruler of France that we
must be prepared to trust to ourselves, and not to him.
(Cheers,) But we must also be able to maintain our power
in all quarters of the globe to which our dominion or our
commerce extended. It was the business of the Govern-
ment and of Parliament to take care that our intercourse in
foreign countries was regulated by justice ; but it was our
duty, also, to protect our officers and men, and to see that
justice could be enforced. With regard to the unfortu-
nate China defeat, he desired to reserve his opinion
until they knew more clearly our position when the
British Minister reached the Peiho. He had read Lord
Elgin's correspondence and transactions with the ut-
most car 3, and could not do otherwise than regret
the rupture of a peace which that noble lord had con-
cluded with so much success. But our position in the
lima, be it for good or ill, was such ,that we dared not
accept a defeat. The existence of our Indian empire and
our prestige in the East depended on a knowledge of the
paramount power of our arms. If that belief should be
shaken, our Indian empire would be again imperilled, our
power in the Eastern Archipelago would be loosened, and
the progress of civilisation through our commercial inter-
course would be obstructed, and might possibly be destroyed
(Hear, hear.) And not in the East only, but in the ex-
treme West we had interests to defend. We could not sub.

mit to a filibustering occupation of territory which had
been referred to amicable arbitration, He had some confi-
dence in the good senso of the American President, and
hoped that the filibustering general would be disavowed,
and the peace between this country and the United States
remain undisturbed. But with such various interests to
protect and defend, it was clear that we must maintain a
powerful force always at our disposal. Could we afford the
cost? He maintained we could. Within the last 15 years
the annual income from prnporty and trade in England
and Scotland alone had increased £28,000,000, which was
equivalent in capital value to the amount of the na-

tional debt. (Hear, hear.) If capitalised, the property
and income of the three kingdoms, independent of our
Indian empire and our colonies, amounted to the enor-
mous sum of L 8,400,000,000. A tax of only ss. per cent.
on that, for insurance, would raise £21,000,000, which
was equal to the whole cost of our armaments. It was
trifling, therefore, with interests of such magnitude
either to talk despondingly of the resources of this
country or to hesitate a moment about their defence
on a question of cost. (Loud cheers.) He now came
to the subject of raising therevenue, and the much disputed
point of direct and indirect taxation. Direct taxes, as they
were aware, included income and assessed taxes, land-tas,
stamp, legacy, and succession duties. The indirect taxes
were raised by the Customs and Excise, and, being paid by
the importer or wholesale producer, and added to the price,
were levied from us without our knowing it directly. The
direct taxes might be said to be borne exclusively by the
upper and middle classes ; the indirect by the whole com-
munity. Both modes of taxation were in use in all coun-
tries with which we were acquainted, but the relative pro-
portions of the two varied in different countries. In no
other country but ours had there probably ever been so
large a proportion of the revenue raised by indirect taxa-
tion. (Hear, hear.) In no country in the world was pro-
perty so well protected or so lightly taxed. (Hear.) He
had been able, from the papers laid before Parliament, to
obtain accurate information on this point in regard to our
own country and our two nearest neighbours, France and
Belgium. While we raised one-third of our revenue from
direct and two thirds from indirect taxes, France raised
it in nearly equal proportions, and 'Belgium in greatly
the largest proportinn from property. He would not
detain them by going into details, but it could easily be
shown that under our mode of taxation the man who lived
by labour paid a much larger percentage of his earnings
in taxes than he who lived by income from property.
(Hear, hear.) It was no answer to this to say that a man
might, if he chose, live all his life and go to his grave with-
out being forced to pay a farthing of indirect taxes. Flo&
and oatmeal were untaxed—potatoes, salt, and water were
untaxed. True, but of what use was our commerce if the
people were to have no sharp of the comforts which it
brought ? (Cheers.) How long would trade prosper if the
people, the great consumers, were unable to buy ? If, then
We should follow the example of our continental neighbours

and adopt the principle that direct and indirect taxes should
be levied in nearly equal proportions, we could at once take
the second great step in free trade by abolishing the duties
on tea and sugar—(cheers)--a boon to the mass of the
people inferior only to that of untaxed bread. (Loud cheers.)
Every man, woman, and child in the country would feel
the benefit of the change in an immediate reduction of half
the price. Nor would this be all, for freedom of trade in
those great articles of consumption would at once diminish
the cost of our revenue establishments by half a million
a-year, while it would immensely promote our commerce,
and thus give a now impetus to trade. (Chum.) He had
been elected by them' to support the extension of liberal
principles and a free-trade policy. He had now endeavoured
to explain his views of our present position and prospects.
It would be his duty as their representative to promote in
every way in his power their public and local interests, and
to do what he could honestly to retain the confidence with
which they had been pleased to intrust him. (Loud and
continued cheering.)
A unanimous vote of thanks was accorded to Mr. Caird
at the conclusion of the proceedings, and an expression of
the continued confidence of the constituency.

made a confession to Governor Wise. Papers
that have been fou►'jd in his possession impli-
cated Gerrit Smith, Joshua Giddings, and other
abolitionists who furnished money. Brown, whose
wounds were not serious, says he had contem-
plated this movement since 1856. All his party
were eitber killed or captured, except one. It
is said that the papers do not show that the
negroes at Harper's Ferry were partakers beforo
the fact in the conspiracy. It had been thought
proper not to publish yet the names of the con-
spirators, but it appears the whole affair was
organised with considerable care. A constitution
and code of rules were drawn up, to which
the conspirators were bound to accede. A mani-
festo by Gerrit Smith, directed in August last
to the chairman of the Jerry rescuers, curiously
foreshadows the outbreak and its attendant circum-
stances. Brown had provided arms sufficient for
1,500 men, and on search being made at his house
a number of letters and other documents were found,
among which was one from Frederick Douglass, and
another from a lady containing the dollars "for the
cause." The result of the engagement at the Ferry
appears to have been six citizens and 15 insurgents
killed, three insurgents wounded and five prisoners.
The news of the outbreak caused great excitement
and alarm in Washington, and precautions were
taken in case of an outbreak occurring in that city.
In the meantime, apprehensions of further skir-
mishes were current in the neighbourhood of Har-
per's Ferry, and the citizens were arming. Colonel
Lee went with a company of Marines to Harper's
Ferry, but found all quiet. - On withdrawing the
consternation of the people increased, and they were
endeavouring to organise companies for general
defence when the last accounts left.

The following are the " Provisional Constitution
and Ordinances for the people of the United States"
proposed by the rebels :
" Whereas, slavery throughout its entire exist-
ence in the United States is none other than the
most barbarous, unprovoked and unjustifiable war
of one portion of its citizens against another por-
tion, the only conditions of which are perpetual
imprisonment and hopeless servitude, or absolute
extermination, in utter disregard and violation of
those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in our

declaration of independence :
" Therefore, we the citizens of the United States
and the oppressed people, who, by a recent decision
of the Supreme Court, are declared to have no
rights which the white man is bound to respect,
together with all the other people degraded by the
laws thereof, do for the time being ordain and
establish for ourselyrs the following provisional
constitution and ordinances, the better to protect
our people, property, lives, and liberties, and to
govern our actions :
" ART. I.—QU ALIFICATION S FOR MEMBERSHIP.—
All persons of mature age, whether proscribed, op-
pressed, and enslaved citizens, or of proscribed and
oppressed races of the United States, who shall
agree to sustain and enforce the provisional consti-
tution and ordinances of organisation, together with
all minor children of such persons, shall be held to
be fully entitled to protection under the same.
" ART. 2.—BRANCLIES OF GOVERNMENT.—The
provisional Government of this organisation shall
consist of three branches—viz., the legislative, exe-
cutive, and judicial.
" ART. 3.—The LEGISLATIVE.—The Legislative
branch shall be a Congress or House of Represen-
tatives, composed of not less than five nor more than
10 members, who shall be elected by all the citizens
of mature age and of sound mind connected with
this organisation, and who shall remain in office for
three years, unless sooner removed for misconduct
or inability, or by death. A majority of such
members shall constitute a quorum.
" ART. 4.—EXECUTlVE.—Thelexecutive branch
of this organisation shall consist of a president and
vice-president, who shall be chosen by the citizens
or members of this organisation, and each of whom
shall hold his office for three years, unless sooner
removed by death, or for inability or misconduct.
" ART. S.—JUDICIAL.—The judicial branch shall
consist of one chief justice of the Supreme Court
and four associate judges of the said Court, each of
them constituting a Circuit Court. They shall
each be chosen in the same manner as the kresident,
and shall continue in office until their places have
been filled in the same manner by an electbn of
citizens.

" ARTS. 13 to 25 provide for the trial of the Pre-

sident and other officers and members of Congress,
the impeachment of judges, the duties of the Presi-
dent and Vice-President, the punishment of crimes,
army appointments, salaries, &c. These articles
are not of special interest, and are therefore
omitted.

" ART. 26.—TREATIES OF PEACE.—Before any
treaty of peace shall take full effect it shall
be signed by the President, Vice-President,
Commander-in• Chief, a majority of the House of
Representatives, a majority of the Supreme Court,
and a majority of all the ge*eral officers of the
army. _ _

" ART. 27.--DUTY OF THE MILITARY. —lt shall
be the duty of the Commander-in-Chief and all the
officers and soldiers of the army, to afford special
protection, when needed, to Congress, or any mem-
ber thereof; to the Supreme Court, or any member
thereof ; to the President, Vice-President, Trea•
surer, and Secretary, of War, and to afford general
protection to all civil officers or other persons hav-
ing a right to the same.

1-‘ 28.—PROPERTY.—All captured or con-
fiscated property, and all property the product of
the labour of those belonging to this organisation
and of their families, shall be held as the property
of the whole equally, without distinction, and may
be used for the common benefit or disposed of for
the same object. And any person, officer, or other-
wise, who shall improperly retain, secrete, use, or
needlessly destroy such property, or property
found, captured, or confiscated belonging to the
enemy, or shall wilfully neglect to render a full
and fair statement of such property by him so taken
or held, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour,
and on conviction shall be punished accordingly.
" ART. 29.—SAFETY OR INTELLIGENCE FUND.

Mme.

—All money, plate, watches, or jewellery captured
by honouruble warfare, taken, or confiscated, be-
longing to the enemy, shall be held sacred to con-
stitute a liberal safety or intelligence fund, and
any person whdihall improperly retain, dispose of,
hide, use, or destroy such money or other articles
above-named, contrary to the provisions and spirit
of this article, shall be deemed guilty of theft, and
on conviction thereof shall be punished accordingly.
The treasurer shall furnish tho Commander-in-
Chief at all times with a full statement of the con-
dition of such fund and its nature.
"ART. 30.—COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF AND THE
TREASURY.—The Commander-in-Chief shall have
power to draw from the treasury the money and
other property of tho fund provided for in article
29. but his orders shall be signed also by the Se-
cretary of War, who shall keep a strict account of
the same, subject to examination by any 'member
of Congress or general officer.
" ART. 31.—SURPLUS OF THE SAFETY OR INTEL-
LIGENCE FUND.—It shall be the duty of the Com-
mander-in-Chief to advise the President of any sur-
plus of the safety and intelligence fund, and he
shall have power to draw the same, his order being
also signed by the Secretary of State, to enable him
to carry out the provisions of Art. 17.
" ART 32.—PRISONERS.—No person, after having
surrendered himself a prisoner, and who shall pro-
perly demean himself or herself as such to any offi-
cer or private connected with this organization,
shall afterwards be put to death or be subjected to
any corporeal punishment without first having had
the benefit of a fair and impartial trial. Nor shall
any prisoners be treated with any kind of cruelty,
disrespect, insult, or needless severity ; but it shall
be the duty of all persons, male and female, con-
nected herewith, at all times and under all circum•
stances, to treat all such prisoners with every de
gree of respect and kindness that the nature of the
circumstances will admit of, and insist on a like
course of conduct from all others, as in fear of the
Almighty God, to whose care and keeping we com-
mit our cause.
" ART. 33.—VOLUNTARIES.—All persons who may
come forward, and shall voluntarily deliver up
slaves, and have their names registered on the books
of this organization, shall, so long as they continue
at peace, be entitled to the fullest protection in per-
son and property, though not connected with this
organization, and shall be treated as friends, and
I not merely as persons neutral.
f " ART. 34.—NEUTRALS.—the persons and pro-
perty of all non-slaveholders who shall remain ala.-

solutely neutral shall be respested so far as circum-
stances can allow of it; but they shall not be en-
titled to any active protection.
" ART. 35.—N0 NEEDLESS WASTE.—The need-
less waste or destruction of any useful property or
article by fi,-e, throwing open of fences, fields,
buildings, or needless killing of animals, or injury
of either, shall not be tolerated at any time or place
but shall be promptly and peremptorily punished.
"ART. 36.—PROPERTY CONFISCATED—The entire
personal and real property of all persons known
to be acting either directly or indirectly with or for
the enemy, or found in arms with them, or found
wilfully holding slaves, shall be confiscated and
taken whenever and wherever it may be found, in
either free or slave States:
"ART. 37.—DESERTION.—Persons convicted on
impartial trial of desertion to the enemy, after be-
coming members, acting as spies, or treacherously
surrendering property, arms, ammunition, provi-
sions or supplies of any kind, roads, bridges, per-
sons, or fortifications, shall be put to death and
their entire property confiscated.
"ART. 38.—VIOLATION OF PAROLE OF HONOUR.
—Persons proven to be guilty of taking up arms
after having been set at liberty on parole of honour,
or after the same to have taken any active part with
or for the enemy, direct or indirect, shall be put to
death, and their entire property confiscated.
"ARTS. 39, 40, and 41 require all to labour for the
general good, and prohibit immoral actions.
"ART. 42.—THE MARRIAGE RELATION,SCHOOLS,
THE SABBATH.—Marriage relations shall be at all
times respected, and families be kept together as
far as possible, and broken families encouraged to
reunite, and intelligence-offices shall be established
for that purpose. Schools and churches shall be
established as soon as may be, for the purpose of
religious and other instruction, and the first day
of the week shall be regarded as a day of rest, and
appropriated to moral and religious instruction and
improvement ; to the relief orthe- suffering; the
instruction of the young and ignorant ; and the en-
couragement, of personal cleanliness ; nor shall any
person be required on that day to perform ordinary
manual labour, unless in extremely urgent cases.
"ART. 43.—T0 CARRY AR:11,8 OPENLY.—AII per-
sons known to be of good character, and of sound
mind and suitable age, who are connected with
this organisation, whether male or female, shall be
encouraged to carry arms openly.
" ART. 44.—N0 PERSON TO CARRY CONCEALED
WEAPONS.—No person within the limits of con-
quered territory, except regularly appointed police-
men, express officers of the army, mail carriers, or
other fully accredited messengers of the Congress,
the President, Vice-President. members of the Su-
preme Court, or commissioned officers of the army,
and those under peculiar circumstances, shall be
allowed at any time to carry concealed weapons,
and any person not specially authorised so to do
who shall be found so doing shall be deemed a sus-
picious person, and may at once be arrested by any
officer, soldier, or citizen, without the formality of
a complaint or warrant, and may at once be sub-
jected to thorough search, and shall have his or her
case thoroughly investigated, and be dealt with as
circumstances on proof shall require.
" ART. 45.—PERSONS TO BE SElZED.—Persons
living within the limits of territory holden by this
organisation, and not connected with this 'organisa-
tion, having arms at all, concealed or otherwise,
shall be seized at once, or be taken in charge of by
some vigilant officer, and their case thoroughly in-
vestigated, and it shall be the duty of all citizens
and soldiers, as well as officers, to arrest such par-
ties as are named in this and the preceding section
or article without formality of complaint or war-
rant, and they shall be placed in charge of some
proper officer for examination or safe keeping.
"ART. 46.—THESE ARTICLRS NOT FOR THE
OVERTHROW OF GOVERNMENT.—The foregoing
articles shall not be construed so as in any way to
encourage the overthrow of any State Government
or of the general Government of the United States,
and look to no dissolution of the Union, but simply
to amendment and repeal ; and our flagshall be the
same that our fathers fought under in the revo-
lution.

" ART. 47.—N0 PLURALITY OF OFFIC ES .—NO
two offices specially provided for by • this instru-
ment shall be filled by the same person at the same

" ART. 48.—OATH.--Every officer, civil and
military, connected with this organisation, shall,
before entering upon the duties of office, make a
solemn oath or affirmation to abide by and support
the provisional constitution and these ordinances.
Also every citizen and soldier, bofore being recog-
nised as such, shall do the same. _ _ _

" SCIUDULE.—The president of this Convention
shall convene, immediately on the adoption of this
instrument, a convention of all such persons as shall
have given their adherence, by signature, to the
constitution, who shall proceced to fill by election
all offices specially named in said constitution, the
president of this Convention presiding and issuing
commissions to such officers elect ; all such officers
being hereafter elected 'in the manner provided in
the body of this instrument."