The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-11 00:00:00

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

CITY BETTING.—(THIS DAY.
LIVERPOOL CUP.
6to 1 a rst Lady Ripon (taken)
12 to 1 agst Millionaire (taken)
I._ to 1 agst Prince of Denmark (taken)
12 to 1 agst Sir William (taken)
15 to 1 agst Soothsayer (taken)
15 to 1 apt. M. Philippe (taken)
15 to 1 agst Petra (taken)
20 to 1 agst Remunerator (taken)
20 to 1 agst Russley (taken)
20 to 1 agst Timandra (taken)
20 to 1 agst The Brewer (taken)
25 to 1 agst Joey Jones (taken)
40 to 1 agst Crusade (offered)

BETTING AT MANCHES rEn.—SITURDAY.

Tho quotations annexed on the Liverpool Cup only show
that towards the close such prices were taken and offered as
are affixed to the different horses, but cannot convey an
idea of the business done, for with the exception of Lady
Ripon and Russley, who remained nearly stationary, the
price of everything varied with every quarter of an hour.
The Prince of Denmark appeared very firm at 10 to 1
taken, then receded to 100 to 6 (offered), and to a small
amount 20 to 1 was laid. Petra went to 25 to 1 (offered),
then no higher price than 100 to 6 could be obtained.
Millionaire came with a rush to 15 to 1 (taken), then 25 to
1 (offered), and finished es near as we could make out at 20
to 1 (offered). The 50 to 1 Wildman of yesterday finished
at 14 to 1 taken. Closing prices :

THE LIVERPOOL CUP.
6to 1 agst Lady Ripon (taken)
14 to 1 agat Russley (taken)
14 t.,) 1 agst Wldman (taken )
15 to 1 agat Gabrielle d'Estrees (taken)
16 to 1 agst Petra (taken and offered)
16 to 1 agst Prince of Denmark (offered)
20 to 1 agst Millionaire (offered)
25 to 1 agst Sir William (offered)
25 to 1 agst Avalanche ktaken)
25 to 1 agst Timandra (offered)
33 to 1 agst Corona (offered)
50 to 1 agst The Brewer (taken)

THE FISLIMONGERS' COMPANY.

The Company of Fishmongers dined together on Satur-
day night—the Prime Warden in: the chair. :The speeches
of the members were of the usual character, and would
hardly have deserved notice but for the circumstance that
among the guests of the evening were the Hon. Dudley
Mann and the Hon. W. L. Yancey, the plenipotentiaries
of the Confederate States of America. Their health was
proposed by the Prime Warden, and Mr. Yancey replied.
Mr. YANCEY said—Upon the part of Americans I sin-
cerely respond to the sentiment just expressed by the Prime
Warden for the restoration of peace in America. Such a
wish proclaimed by a company of intelligent Englishmen
must kindle a corresponding spirit in the bosom of every
enlightened and impartial American. The name of American
no longer represents a united people. There exists now two
American nationalities —the Confederates and the Federal
Americans. I—as you may, perhaps, be aware—am a Con-
federate, or—as the Federal American, unmindful of the
character of our common forefathers, disdainfully terms me,
a rebel. But the justice and the sense of right of this great
government, promptly coincided in by France, and Spain,
speedily wiped out that stigma from our brows, and my
countryman are acknowledged here, at least, to be bellige-
rents. Though indebted to an enlarged and enlightened
view of the public law, and not to the mere grace or favour of
England for this acknowledgment of our unquestionable
rights and locus standi, I must freely express here to-night
that deep sense of thankfulness, which I am sure all my
countrymen feel, for its early public avowal—" Bis dat qui
cito dat." (Prolonged cheers.) From no other power could
it have come so gracefully. In this—" the old country"—
the principle of self-government is recognised and prac
tised, however blended with the prerogative of the Crown
and the privileges of the aristocracy. To your institutions
Americans are indebted for the chief of those vital prin-
ciples which have caused them to style their republic—

" The land of the fr e
And the home of the oppressed."
Such invaluable rights as the old English writ of habeas
corpus, of a speedy trial by jury, of freedom of speech and
freedom of the press, are the main pillars of American con-
stitutional liberty; and I am both happy and proud to say
are observed at least throughout the Confederate American
states as vital and practical rights, even during their stern
struggles to preserve their " national life." (Hear, and
cheers.) I feel how unbecoming it would be in me to intrude
upon suoh an occasion as the present any merely partisan
views of the causes which have broken up the late Federal
Union. No matter what they may have been, one thing is clear
and that is that the contest now going on is upon the part of
the people of the Confederate states for the right to govern
themselves and to resist subjugation by the North. (Hear,
hear.) They occupy a territory as large as England,
France, Spain, and Austria together—they are ten millions
in number—they are chiefly producers of important raw
materials, and buyers of every species of manufactured
goods. Their pursuits, soil, climate, and production, are
totally different from those of the North. They think it

their interest to buy where thoy can buy cheapest and to

sell where they can sell dearest. In all this the North differs
totoecelo from them, and now makes war upon us to enforce

the supremacy of their mistaken ideas and selfish interests.
(Hear, hear, and cheers.) In defence of their liberties
and sovereign independence the Confederate states and
people are united and resolute. They are invaded by a
power numbering 20,000,000 ; yet for eight months has
the Confederate Government successfully resisted—aye, re-

pelled—that invasion along a military frontier of 1,000 miles.
Though cut off by blockade from all foreign trade, their
internal resources have been adequate to the equipment and
maintenance in the field of an army of over 250,000 troops.
Can all this be, and yet these 6,000,000 of whites be divided ?

The idea is preposterous. So much has been said about our
efforts to obtain foreign intervention that I may be allowed
to declare emphatically that the Confederate States have

neither sought nor desired it. They can maintain their in-
pendence intact by their own strength. As to their recog-
nition by the powers of the world, that of course they desire.
They are a people, a nation, exhibiting elements of power
which few states of the world possess. But they have no
reason to complain, nor do they feel aggrieved, because these
, great powers see fit for a season to defer their formal recog-
nition and reception into the family of nations. However
they may differ with them as to the period when their
recognition should take place, they fully understand that
such action is purely a question to be determined by
those countries each for itself and with reference to its
own interests and views of public policy. Other nations
having trading relations with us have quite as much interest
to send ministers and consuls to us as we have to send
such representatives to them. (Hear, hear.) Why then,
shall there not be a peace ? Simply because the North in
its pride will not admit that to be a fact—a fait accompli—
which Old England, followed by the first powers of Europe,
has recognised, and which the Confederate government
and armies have repeatedly demonstrated to be a stern and
bloody fact—the fact that we are a belligerent power. There
can be no basis for negociations, or for peace proposals
or consultations so long as the Confederates are deemed to
be and are treated as rebels. (Hear.) But when our ad-
versary shall become sufficiently calm to treat us as a belli-
gerent power, the morning of peace will dawn in the hori-
zon. When that hour shall arrive I think I may say the
Confederate Government will be inflexible upon one point
only—its honour and its independence. For the great in-
terest of peace and humanity it will yield much that is
merely material or of secondary importance. (Mr. Yancey
sat down amid loud and continued cheering.)