The Sun.
London, England, 1861-03-18 00:00:00

purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally
defend and maintain itself.

In doing this there need be no bloodshed or vio-
lence, and there shall be none, unless it is forced
upon the national authority. The power confided
to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the
property and places belonging to the Government,
and collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what
may be necessary for these objects there will be no
invasion—no using of force against or amongst the
people anywhere.
Where hostility to the United States shall be so
great and so universal as to prevent competent
resident citizens from holding the federal offices,
there will be no attempt to force obnoxious
strangers among the people that object. While the
strict legal right may exist of the Government to
enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to
do so would be so irritating and so nearly imprac-
ticable withal, that I deem it better to forego for
the time the uses of such offices.

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be
furnished in all parts of the Union.

So far as possible, the people everywhere shall
have that sense of perfect security which is most
favourable to calm thought and reflection. The
course here indicated will be followed unless cur-
rent events and experience shall show a modifica-
tion or change to be proper ; and in every case
and exigency my best discretion will be exercised
accordingly to the circumstances actually exist-
ing, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful
solution of the national troubles and the restoration
of fraternal sympathies and affections. That there
are persons in one section or another who seek to
destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any
pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But
if there be such I need address no word to you.
To those, however, who really love the Union,
may I not speak ? Before entering upon so grave a
matter as the destruction of our national fabric,
with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes,
would it not be well to ascertain why we do it.
Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is
any portion of the ills you fly from that have no real
existence? Will you, while the certain ills you fly
to are greater than all the real ones you fly from ?
Will you risk the commission of so fearful a mis-
take ? All profess to be content in the Union if
all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it
true, then, that any right, plainly written in the
constitution, has been denied ? I think not. Hap-
pily the human mind is so constituted that no party
can reach to the audacity of doing this. Think,
if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly
written provision of the constitution has ever been
denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a ma-
jority should deprive a minority of any clearly
written constitutional right, it might, in a moral
point of view justify revolution : certainly would,
if such right were a vital one. But such is not the

having the national constitution amended. While
I make no recommendation of amendment, I freely
recognise the full authority of the peoplz over the
whole subject, to be exercised in either of the
modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and I
should, under existing circumstances, favour rather
than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the
people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to
me the convention mode seems preferable, in that
it allows amendments to originate with the people
themselves, instead of only permitting them to
take or reject propositions originated by others
not specially chosen for the purpose, and
which might not be precisely such as they
would wish themselves to accept or refuse.
I understand a proposed amendment to the
constitution—which amendment, however, I have
not seen—has passed Congress, to the effect that
the Federal Government shall never interfere with
the domestic institut;ons of States, including that
of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruc-
tion of most I have said I depart from my purpose
not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to
say that holding such a provision to now be implied
constitutional law, I have no objection to its being
made express and irrevocable. The Chief Magis-
trate derives all his authority from the people, and
they have conferred none upon him to fix the terms
for the separation of the States. The people them-
selves also can do this if they choose, but the Execu-
tive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is
to administer the present government as it came to
his hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to
his successor. Why should there not be a patient
confidence in the ultimate justice of the people?
Is there any better or equal hope in the world ?
In our present differences, is either party without
faith of being in the right ? If the Almighty Ruler
of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be
on your side of the North, or on yours of the Soutb,
that truth and that justice will surely prevail by
the judgment of this great tribunal—the American
people. By the frame of the Government under
which we live, this same people have wisely given
their public servants but little power for mischief,
and have with equal wisdom provided for the return
of that little to their own hands at very short inter-
vals. While the people retain their virtue and
vigilance, no administration, by any extreme
wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the
Government in the short space of four years.
My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and
well upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable
can be lost by taking time.

If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot
haste, to a step which you would never take deli-
berately, that object will be frustrated by taking
time; but no good object can be frustrated by it.
Such of you as are now dissatisfied still have the
old constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive
point, the laws of your own framing under it, while
the new administration will have no immediate
power, if it would, to change either. If it were
admitted that you whoare dissatisfied hold the right
side in the dispute, there still is rtno single reason
for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism,
Christianity, and a firm reliance on Him who has
never yet forsaken this favoured land, are still
competent to adjust in the best way all our present
difficulty.

case.
All the vital rights of minorities and of indivi.
duals are so plainly assured to them by affirma.
tions and negations, guarantees and prohibitions_
in the constitution, that controversies never arise
concerning them. But no organic law can ever
be framed with a provision specifically appli-
cable to every question which may occur
in practical administration. No foresight can
anticipate, nor any document of reasonable
length contain, express provisions for all
possible questions. Shall fugitives from labour be
surrendered by national or by State authority ?
The constitution does not expressly say. Must
Congress protect slavery in the territories ? The
constitution does not expressly say: From ques-
tions of this class spring all our constitutional con-
troversies, and we divide upon them into majorities
and minorities.
If the minority will not acquiesce the majority
must, or the Government must cease. There is
no alternative for continuing the Government but
acquiescence on the one side or the other. If a
minority in such a case will secede rather than
acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn
will ruin and divide them, for a minority of
their own will secede from them when-
ever a majority refuses to be controlled by
such a minority. For instance, why not any
portion of a new confederacy, a year or two
hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as por-
tions of the present Union now claim to secede
from it. All who cherish disunion sentiments are
now being educated to the exact temper of doing
this. Is there such perfect identity of interests VISIT OF THE NEW YORK DELEGATION
among the States to comprise a new Union as to TO MR. LINCOLN.
produce a harmony only and prevent renewed seces- Washington, March 4, 1861.
sion. Plainly, the central idea of secession is the In pursuance of previous appointment, a deleg a-
essence of anarchy.
tion of New Yorkers numbering nearly 1,000, headed
A majority held in restraint by constitutional by Marshals Gavitt and S. H. H. Ward, of New York,
checks and limitations, and always changing easily proceeded in a body this evening from Willard's
with deliberate changes of popular opinions and Hotel to the White House, to pay their respects to
sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a true Mr. Lincoln. Among the number were Thurlow
people. Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly Wood,J. Kelly, and Senators Ferry, Tiero, M'Graw,
to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossi- and Bell, of the New York Legislature. On reaoh-
ble. The rule of a minority, as a permanent ar- ing the White House the crowd formed in a squstre
rangement, is wholly inadmissible. So that, re- about the main entrance, and a committee, consiats
jecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism ing of Senators Ferry and Bell and Messrs. Kelly
in some form is all that is left. and Ward, was sent in to notify the President of
Ido not forget the position assumed by some, that their presence. The committee found Mr. Lincoln
constitutional questions are to be decided by the in the famous East Room, and were severally intro-
Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions duced by Senator Ferry.
must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to In response to an invitation to go out and addross
a suit, as to the object of that suit, while they are
also entitled to very high respect and considers-
the crowd, he said he had just sat down to the dine,er
tion in all parallel cases by all other departments of table, and had left his company there, but he would.
f
the Government, and while it is obviously possible go out and make a very brie speech.
that such decision may be erroneous in any given On appearing he was received with immense
case, still the evil effect following it, being limited cheering, which was long continued. After ea m-
to that particular case, with the chance that it may parative silence had been restored, Senator Fer ry
introduced Mr. Lincoln to the audience, and he
be overruled and never become a precedent for spoke substantially as follows :
other cases, can better be borne than could the
FRIENDS AND FIIILLOW CITIZENS—I understood both
evils of a different practise. At the same time the before I appeared from your committee and by the int ro•
candid citizen must confess that if the policy of duction of my friend that you were from New York. You
the Government; upon the vital questions affecting seem to be in good humour after the proceedings of the
the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by the day.
If I have been fortunate enough to contribute to
decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they your good feeling lam glad, and I shall rejoice if what I
have said may cause the friends of the Union South to feel
are made in ordinary litigation between parties in
good.when they hear it. I made it as near right as I could
personal actions the people will have ceased to be in my poor humble judgment, and in accordance with the
their own, unless having to that extent practically principles of the constitution and the perpetuity of freedsom.
resigned their government into the hands of that (Cheers.) He made it as well for the good of those who
eminent tribunal. Nor is there in this view any lived south of Mason's and Dixon's line as you who live
assault upon the court or the judges. north of that line. (Cheers.) As he arose from the dumer
It is a duty from which they may not shrink to table to speak to them; he hoped that it would not be amiss
to bid them good night.
decide cases properly brought before them, and it Immediate applause followed and he retired,
is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their after narrowly escaping a general handshaking.
decisions to political purposes. One section of our When he had retired a gentleman in the crowd
country believes slavery is right, and ought to be proposed to visit General Scott, at his residence, in
extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and
ought Tenth-street, and it was carried by a tremendous
not to be extended. This is the only sub-
shout.
stantial dispute; and the fugitive slave clause of Arriving at his quarters, the crowd, which had
the constitution, and the law for the suppression of
the foreign slave trade, are each as well enforced, received strong accessions to its ranks, again drew
up, and a committee was sent in to invite the old
perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community chieftain to address the audience.
where the moral sense of the people imperfectly The appearance of the gigantic form of the
venerable Commander-in-Chief upon the stoop of
supports the law itself. The great body of the
people abide by the dry, legal obligations in both his house was the signal for the wildest outburst
cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, of enthusiasm that ever greeted him. Nine rousing
cannot be perfectly cured, and it would bew?rse
cheers were given him, which affected him almost
in both cases after the separation of the sections
to tears. On being introduced by Senator Fiero,
than before. The foreign slave trade, now im-
Gen. Scott drew up his form erect, and, with a
voice thick with emotion, said :
perfectly suppressed, would be ultimately re- .
Friends,—Whether from New York, Pennsylvania, New
vived, without restriction in one section, while
fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered,
Jersey, Ohio, Tennessee, or Kenfacky—it would make no
would not be surrendered at all by the other.
matter from what quarter you may come, you are my
we cannot separate —we can- countrymen. (Great cheers, and cries of " You are a
Physically speaking,
not remove our respective sections from each other, noble man," " Our saviour.") I can find no words to
nor build an impassable wall between them. A express my sense of the honour you have done
citizens, nee Fellow
husband and wife may be divorced and go out ofthese cheerswithdeep
nation—the
inau
thankfulness.
gra
the presence and beyond the reach of each other ,
One of
thethegeai receivet
saturnalias of the
Magistrate—is safely passed--a Chief
but the different parts of our country cannot do this, Magistrate elected by the voice of the people. I pray with
They cannot but remain face to face, and intercourse, you that the adminstration may be as happy eve,:y day
either amicable or hostile, must continue between of its existence as has been this of its conneucement.
them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse May the sentiments of good feeling expressed by the Pre-
more advantageous or more satisfactory after sepa- sident to-day be 9
et the
Aa
e sentimentsi
odso
of
commandeveoneryh
t b ea
t a
f art the end
e the ad.
ration than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier
weministrationmay
oncle people,oney Gbrotherhood, and one Union. He
than friends can make laws ? Can treaties be more
faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can was highly gratified that after paying respects to the Chief
friends ? Suppose Magistrate they should think it proper to -make so covopli-
amongyou go to war, you cannot mentary a call upon him. Ho was the oldest servant of
fight always, and when, after much loss on both sides, this mighty republic, of which we are all pillars and sup-
and no gain on either, you cease fighting, the iden- porters. He had laboured fifty years
hsteore and servethecoualtry
tical questions as to terms of intercourse are again
faonrclahllehfeelht
acdh done.ered by
yHe their
closed presence
by invoking the fullyble repaidssiing of
upon you. Thiscountry, with its institutions, belongs
to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they shall God upon the country, upon the audience and their families,
and again and again thanked them for the great honour
grow weary of the existing Government, they can they had done him.
exercise their constitutional right of amending, or immense cheering followed, end the audience
their revolutionary right to dismember or over- cried out :—" May God bless you," " You are the
throw it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that saviour of the country,,,
"Good bye,". and many of
many worthy And patriotic citizens arc desir9lls of the audience shed tears 'while the old man, was

In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow country-
men, and not in mine, is the momentous issue of
civil war. The government will not assail you.
You have no conflict without being yourselves the
aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven
to destroy the government, while I shall have the
most solemn one to " preserve, protect and defend"
it. lam loth to close. We are not enemies, but
friends. We must not be enemies. Though
passion may have strained, it must not break our
bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory,
stretching from every battle field and patriot grave
to every living heart and hearthstone all over this
broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union,
when again touched, as surely they will be, by
the better angels of our nature.
During the deliiery of the inaugural, which com-
menced at half-past one o'clock, there was mush
cheering, especially at any allusion to the Union,.

President Buchanan and Chief Justice Taney lis-
tened with the utmost attention to every word of
the address, and at its conclusion the latter admi-
nistered the usual oath, in taking which Mr. Lin-
coln was vociferously cheered.