The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-23 00:00:00

MEETING OF UNEMPLOYED SILK

WEAVERS.
Yesterday morning, at the early hour of nine
o'clock, a meeting of the unemployed silk-weavers
of Spitalfields and Bethnal-green, was held in
Thoruld-sqtfare, Bethnal-green-read.
_ _

The ostensible object Of the meeting was to re-
ceive a report from a committee which was ap-
pointed some time ago, to press upon the attention
of the Government the injury which has been done
to the trade of the district by the recent French
treaty, but it ultimately resolved itself into a pro-
cession constituted of weavers, many of them re-
spectably dressed, and all bearing the unmistakeable
appearance of honest, hard-working artisans. This
body, after the merely formal proceedings in
Thorold-square, formed in line, and headed by a
banner, on which was inscribed—" Unemployed.
silk weavers of Spitalfields, loyal and peaceable
subjects of her Majesty, thrown out of work by the
French Treaty," and proceeded to the various
neighbouring districts, in the •hope of attracting
public attention to the undoubted and wide-spread.
poverty which now exists in this portion of the
metropolis. As to the results of this demonstra-
tion, we are, of course, unable to state anything,
but at its starting the wives and daughters of the
operatives, whose cause it was intended to promote,
were vehement in their protestations that " it was
time something was done, for they and their chil-
dren were starving at home."
When the meeting in Thorold-square was consti-
tuted, Mr. James Grandshaw was called to the
meeting
had been inflicted upon
in support of thepensa-
' chair, and various
eslapiemaks speakers
theaddrtersasdeed
totheee
rem t
changes caused by recent
legislation, or at least to such assistance
tthicenofpoerr atthievelsosse
new modes of supporting themselves as they consi-
dered they were fairly entitled to. in finding
bys whichth
Mr. TEMPEST, in reporting from the committee,.
stated, with some detail, the course they had pur-
sued in pressing their claims upon the Government,
and also upon the influential residents in the
district. As was well known to them all, they
had had an interview with Air James Emmerscn
Tennant, the permanent secretary of the Board of
Trade, who expressed a deep interest on the sub-
ject, and had promised to give them any informa-
tion the board possessed on the operation of the
treaty, and also as to the views the Government
might take of their claims. In fulfilment of this
promise, the committee had received a letter from
Sir James, enclosing the terms upon which silks of
all kinds can be imported into France, Switzerland,
and the Zollverein, under existing treaties, and also.
a return of the imports in the months of February
and March last, the returns of the board for the
month of April not having been made up. The
letter, which was dated the 17th of May, stated that
the board would be ready to afford any further in-
formation on application. From the return thus
furnished it appeared that tissues of pure silk hosiery
and lace can be exported to France, from the Ist of
October this year, duty free. From that date, crapes
called English unbleached, bleached, or coloured, at
a duty of Bs. per 21-ilbs., and after 1866 free. Net,
plain unbleached, 16s. per 211135., and after 1866
free. Dressed, 15 per cent. ad valorem, and figured,
unbleached, or dressed, at 10 per cent. ad valorem,
after Oct. 1, 1864, duty free. A somewhat similar
tariff applied to various other tissues, composed
wholly or partly of other materials, while velvets.-
ranged from 4s. to Os. 4d. per nibs weight, and
when mixed with other materials, were to be a:a_
mitted at 10 per cent. ad valorem. The tariff $j for
Switzerland and the Zollverein showed eonsii erably.
higher duties, as, for instance, silks in wb!ich half or
more than a half were silk are chargr,a 12s. 6d. on
the 1101bs. weight in Switzerland, while in the Zoll-
verein silk stuffs and manufactures of all kinds are
charged no less than £l6 102. for 1101bs. weight,
and silk stuffs mixed with other materials, £8 19s.
per 1101bs. The imports into the United Cingdom
of silk manufactures were, in February and March,
1861, as follows :—Broadstuffs, silk or satin,
52,8981b5. in February, 15,0641b5. in March. Gauze
crape and velvet, 3,5181b5. in February, 8,1311b5.
in March. Ribbons of all kinds, 36,1871b5. in
February, and 103,1181b5. in March. [" Not much
chance," as a speaker remarked, " for Coventry in
that."] Plush for making hats, 6,3781b5. in Feb.,
and 8,9521b5. in March.
From the statements made at the meeting it ap-
peared that the committee had applied, through a
committee of gentlemen formed in the district, for
a grant from the surplus of a fund raised in 1842
for a similar case of distress in the district, and out
of which, on the application of the Rev. Mr. Pat-
terson, £5OO was granted to the Coventry silk
weavers, but they had not as yet succeeded in their
object, though they considered themselves better
entitled to that relief than the weavers of Coventry,
seeing that it was oriOnt.klly raised for the relief of
the trade in that district. The results of a personal
visitation to nne only of the ten districts, into
which Bethnal-green is divided, had shown that at
the present time, out of 1,000 looms employed in
silk weaving, nearly 500 are now out of work. The
committee, and the trade they represent, therefore,,
contend that they are entitled either to compensa-
tion, or the means to enable them to start life again
in some other occupation, for which they are fitted,
and it was intended to send a letter to the Board of
Trade urging that claim.
The report of the committee was received, and Et
vote of thanks given to the chairman.

OM FIBRE, BARIC,

A writer in a contemporary says,---The repeal of
the excise restriction will enable the free applica-
tion of the thousands of tons of tanning refuse (now
valueless and of annual expense to the tanners for
its removal) to the making of paper; to which use
tree barks, fibres, reeds, rushes, and vegetable
wastes of many kinds are applicable. I can send
you splendid proofs in pulp and paper of this order.
A friend of mine, a botanist and M.D., produced
the pulps fit for paper by a simple process, whilst
he was in Whitingtonia some years since experi-
menting on and collecting the indigenous products
of that most prolific portion of the universe; if not
the Garden of Eden, assuredly the wild garden of
the world.

I submitted the facts and proofs to some tanning
parties in London and in the country, but could not
obtain their co-operation to patent and produce,
their remark being, " The excise botheration will
foil any such speculation." They deemed it safer
to speculate upon chamois leather and ready-made
rag paper. Equally extraordinary was the hostility
or apathy by the Manchester Cotton Supply Asso-
ciation to my ;submission of certain fibres (of
Whitingtonia, Central America-19 days only
from England), of which thousands of tons are
annually to be had for the cost of collecting, and
paying a small sum as tribute or royalty for the
landowners' license to get them.
These fibres have been valued at from 4d to 4s:
per lb., capable of producing shawls, table-cloths,
and a variety of other articles of utility, superior to
that of flax or cotton. I apprehend few of our
legislators are aware that the finest, cheapest, and
best collars and cuffs of ladies' and gentlemen's
shirts are now made from paper and sold for 12d.
per dozen, as a superior substitute for cotton.
When the excise restriction shall be removed from
pulp-making, the people will find much of their
wearing apparel made of materials now applied to
manure the land. Thousands of acres of bog and
marsh, unfitted by floods, 8:.c., for pasture purposes,
may be profitably applied to producing the common
meadow rash 'for paper-making purposes, for
which it is per se suited. The seed should be
sown thick on the ground, and bush-harrowed
in after the flooding season has ceased,
. ur
mach of the seed may be washed away ere itt._ germs.
duce.
The thicker the plant the better thepo
will prove
The barks and fibres of trees and plantste s
as do the
and rags, for paper and other P P
of as much service and good substitoses,
the food of man and
potato and mangel-wurzel forr
is incredible. It
animals. The opposition thereto
to
France the. people
for cotton
the potato. When
to adopt it for their food.
the reminds
latter mwe aosf
could not be prevailede
century King Louis hit upon.
After a quarter of
of wearing one day at a Court
an expedient—s.
itnhtenbhdousoctnei
button-hole of his coat, a bunch of its
levee, in the but
ssoms. This attracting attention,
beautiful blo introduced into
descant on the meritsof
enabled himthe
potato.
tosuccess in causing-
The effect was
suse The its general culture
and culinary. use. various purpose of manu-
facture to which mange],
the Wurzel bulbs are appli-
cable may now be developed, and will astound
the
people.
...—___

THE NEW AMERICAN MINISTER.—Mr. Adams
is the grandson and son of the two great men of his name
who were Presidents and Ambassadors in their day. Ha
has not proved himself equal to the great occasion of last
winter in the Washington State, having brought forward
a futile plan of compromise. But away from his trimming
political associates, and animated by the rising spirit of the
time, he is likely to be a better American Minister than any
that we have seen for a generation.—Once a Week.
GENERAL TURR AND THE HUNGARIAN LEGION.
—Colonel Gal, the commander of the Hungarian Legion in
Italy, who, it may be remembered, was arrested by order of
General Turr, has published in the Spada di Garibaldi
a protest which he addressed to all the foreign ambassadors
accredited to the King of Italy. Respecting this protest,
General Turr writes as follows to the Popolo d'
" To remove all doubt with regard to this arrest, I declare
that not only has Government received from various quar-
ters grave accusations against Colonel Gal, but it has also
been confirmed by the Hungarian Committee
Kossuth) that his proceedings are dangerous, not only to
the cause of Hungary and Transylvania, but to our reputa-
tion, and we cannot allow one of our fellow-citizens t
t
traneferia cur sAtitudo iuto ingratitude towards ktalY."
(P resident

CAUSES OF THE AIIERICAN CIVIL
WAR.

(From the 7imes.)

The de facto question in America has been re-
ferred at last to the dread arbitrament of civil war.
Time and events must determine whether the
" great Republic" is to disappear from the roll of
nations, or whether it is destined to survive the
storm which has gathered over its head. There is,
perhaps, a readiness in England to prejudge the
cese ; a disposition not to exult in our downfall, but
to accept the fact ; for nations, as well as indivi-
duals, may often be addressed in the pathetic lan-
guage of the poet,—
"Donee eris felix, multos numerabis amicos,
Tempora cum fuerint nubila, nullus erit."
Yet the trial by the ordeal of battle has hardly
commenced, and it would be presumptuous to affect
to penetrate the veil of even the immediate future.
But the question de jure is a different one. The
right and the wrong belong to the past, are hidden
by no veil, and may easily be read by all who are
not wilfully blind. Yet it is often asked why have
the Americans taken up arms ? Why has the United
States Government plunged into what is sometimes
called " this wicked war ?" Especially it is thought
amazing in England that the President should have
recently called for a great army of volunteers and
regulars, and that the inhabitants of the Free
States should have sprung forward as one man at
his call, like men suddenly relieved from a spell.
It would have been amazing had the call been
longer delayed. The national flag, insulted and
defied for many months, had at last been
lowered, after the most astonishing kind of siege
recorded in history, to an armed and organised
rebellion ;
and a prominent personage in the Go-
vernment of the Southern "Confederacy" is re-
ported tó have proclaimed amid the exultations
of victory that before the Ist of May the 'lime
cherished emblem of our nationality should be
struck from the capital at Washington. An advance
of the " Confederate troops" upon that city ; the
flight or captivity of the President and his Cabinet ;
the seizure of the national archives, the national
title deeds, and the whole national machinery of
foreign intercourse and internal administration by
the Confederates ; and the Proclamation from the
American palladium itself of the Montgomery Con-
stitution in place of the one devised by Washing-
ton, Madison, Hamilton, and Jay—a Constitution
in which slavery should be the universal law of the
land, the cornerstone of the political edifice—were
events which seemed for a few days of intense
anxiety almost probable.

Had this really been the result, without a blow
struck in defence of the national Government and
the old Constitution, it is certain that the contumely
poured forth upon the free States by their domestic
enemies, and by the world at large, would have
been as richly deserved as it would have been am-
ply bestowed. At present such a catastrophe seems
to have been averted. But the levy in mass of such
a vast number of armed men in the Free States, in
swift response to the call of the President, shows
how deep and pervading is the attachment to the
Constitution and to the flag of Union in the hearts
of the 19,000,000 who inhabit those States. It is
confidently believed, too, that the sentiment is not
wholly extinguished in the 9,000,000 white men
who dwell in the Slave States, and that, on the
contrary, there exists a large party throughout that
country who believe that the Union furnishes a
better protection for life, property, law, civilization,
and liberty than even the indefinite extension of
African slavery can do.
At any rate, the loyalty of the Free States has
proved more intense and passionate than it had ever
been supposed to be before. It is recognised
throughout their whole people that the Constitu-
tion of 1787 had made us a nation. The efforts of
a certain class of politicians for a long period had
been to reduce our Commonwealth to a Confede-
racy. So long as their efforts had been confined to
argument, it was considered suffic;ent to answer the
argument; but, now that secession, instead of re-
maining a topic of vehement and subtle discussion,
has expanded into armed and fierce rebellion and
revolution, civil war is the inevitable result. It is
the result foretold by sagacious statesmen almost a
generation ago, in the days or the tariff numnca-
tion." "To begin with nullification," said Daniel
Webster in 1833, " with the avowed intention,
nevertheless, not to proceed to secession, dismem-
berment, and general revolution, is as if one were
to take the plunge of Niagara, and cry out that he
wouldstop half-way down." And now the plunge
of secession has been taken, and we are all
struggling in the vortex of general revolution.
The body politic known for 70 years as the
United States of America is not a Confederacy, not
a compact of Sovereign States, not a copartnership ;
it is a Commonwealth, of which the constitution
drawn up at Philadelphia by the Convention of
1787, over which Washington presided, is the or-
ganic, fundamental law. We had already had
enough of a Confederacy. The thirteen rebel pro-
vinces, afterwards the thirteen original independent
States of America, had been united to each other
during the revolutionary war by articles of confe-
deracy. " The said States hereby enter into a firm
league of friendship with each other." . Such was
the language of 1781, and the league or treaty.thus
drawn up was ratified, not by the people of the
States, but by the State Governments,—the legisla-
tive and executive bodies, namely, in their corpo-
rate capacity.
The continental Congress, which was the central
administrative Board during this epoch, was a diet
of envoys from sovereign States. It had no power
to act on individuals. It could not command the
States. It could move only by requisitions and
recommendations. Its functions were essentially
diplomatic, like those of the States-General of the
old Dutch Republic, like those of the modern Ger-
manic Confederation.

We were a league of petty sovereignties. When
the war had ceased, when our independence had
been acknowledged in 1783, we sank rapidly into a
condition of utter impotence, imbecility, anarchy.
We had achieved our independence, but we had not
constructed a nation. We were not a body politic.
No laws could be enforced, no insurrections sup-
pressed, no debts collected. Neither property nor
life was secure. Great Britain had made a treaty of
peace with us, but she scornfully declined a treaty
of commerce and amity; not because we had been
rebels, but because we were not a State—because
we were a mere dissolving league of jarring pro-
vinces, incapable of guaranteeing the stipulations of
any commercial treaty. We were unable even to
fulfil the conditions of the treaty of peace and en-
force the stipulated collection of debts due to British
subjects;
and Great Britain refused in consequence
to give up the military posts which she held
within our frontiers. For
.twelve years after the
acknowledgment of our independence we were
mortified by the spectacle of foreign soldiers oc-
cupying a long chain of fortresses south of the
great lakes and upon our own soil. We were a
Confederacy. We were sovereign States. And
these were the fruits of such a Confederacy and of
such sovereignty. It was, until the immediate pre-
sent, the darkest hour of our history. But there
were patriotic and sagacious men in those days, and
their efforts at last rescued us from the condition of
a Confederacy. The " Constitution of the United
States" was an organic law, enacted by the sove-
reign people of that whole territory which is com-
monly called in geographies and histories the United
States of America. It was empowered to act di-
rectly, by its own legislative, judicial, and execu-
tive machinery upon every individual in the coun-
try. It could seize his property, it could take his
life, for causes of which itself was the judge, The
States were distinctly prohibited from opposing its
decrees or from exercising any of the great func-
tions of sovereignty. The Union alone was supreme,
" anything in the constitution and laws of the
States to the contrary notwithstanding." Of what
significance, then, was the title of "sovereign" States,
arrogated in later days by communities which had
voluntarily abdicated the most vital attributes of
sovereignty ? But, indeed, the words " sovereign"
and " sovereignty" are purely inapplicable to the
American system. In the Declaration of Independ-
ence the provinces declare themselves " free and in-
dependent States," but the men of those days knew
that the word " sovereign" was a term of feudal ori-
with a time-honoured
tin. When their connexion

feudal monarchy was abruptly severed the word
" sovereign" had no meaning for us. A Sovereign is
one who acknowledges no superior, who possesses
the highest authority without control, who is
supreme in power. How could any one State
of the United States claim such characteristics
at all, least of all after its inhabitants, in their
primary assemblies, had voted to submit them-
selves, without limitation of time, to a constitu-
tion which was declared supreme ? The only in-
telligible source of power in a country beginning its
history de novo after a revolution, in a land never
subjected to military or feudal conquest, is the will
of the people of the whole land as expressed by a
majority. At the present moment, unless the
Southern revolution shall prove successful, the
United States Government is a fact, an established
authority. In the period between 1783 and 1787
we were in chaos. In May of 1787 the Convention
met in Philadelphia, and, after some months' deli-
beration, adopted with unprecedented unanimity
the project of the great law, which, so soon as it
should be accepted by the people, was to be known
as the Constitution of the United States.
It was not a compact. Who ever heard of a
compact to which there were no parties, or who
ever heard of a compact made by a single party
with himself ? Yet the name of no State is men-
tioned in the whole document ; the States them-
selves are only mentioned to receive commands or
prohibitions, and the "people of the United States"
is the single party by whom alone the instrument
is executed.

The Constitution was not drawn up by the States,
it was not promulgated in the name of the States,
it was not iatified by the States. The States never
acceded to it, and possess no power to secede from
it. It " was ordained and established" over the
States by a power superior to the States—by the
people of the whole land in their aggregate capacity,
acting through conventions of delegates expressly
chosen for the purpose within each State, inde-
pendently of the State Governments, after the pro-
ject had been framed.
There had always been two parties in the country
during the brief but pregnant period between the
abjuration of British authority and the adoption of
the Constitution of 1787. There was a party advo-
cating State rights and local self-government in its
largest sense, and a party favouring a more consoli-
dated and national government. The National or
Federal party triumphed in the adoption of the
new government. It was strenuously supported and
bitterly opposed on exactly the same grounds. Its
friends and foes both agreed that it had put an end
to the system of confederacy. Whether it were an
advantageous or a noxious change, all agreed that
the thing had been done.

" In all our deliberations (says the letter accompanying
and recommending the constitution to the people) we kept
steadily in view that which appeared to us the greatest in-
terest of every true American, the consolidation of our
Union, in which is involved our prosperity, safety, perhaps
our national existence."—Journal of the Convention,l Story,
368.

And an eloquent opponent denounced the project
for this very same reason,—
" That this is a consolidated Government (said Henry),
is demonstrably clear. The language is we the people,' in-
stead of ' we the States.' It must be one great, consolidated
national Government of the people of all the States."
And the Supreme Court of the United States,
after the Government had been established, held
this language in an important case, " Gibbons v.
Ogden :"
"It has been said that the States were sovereign, were
completely independent, and were connected with each
other by a league. This is true. But when these allied
sovereignties converted their league into a Government,
when they converted their Congress of Ambassadors into a
Legislature, empowered to enact laws, the whole character
in which the States appear underwent a change."

There was never a disposition in any quarter in
the early days of our constitutional history to deny
this great fundamental principle of the Republic.
" In the most elaborate expositions of the constitution by
its friends (says Justice Story), its character as a permanent
form of government, as a fundamental law, as a supreme
rule, which no State was at liberty to disregard, to suspend,
or to annul, was constantly admitted and insisted upon."-
1 Story, 325.

The fears of its opponents, then, were that the
new system would lead to a too strong, to an over-
ecm raliacul C.lntrawn.wu.:l.4_ TL. foam* of >to f.:lendo
were that the central power of theory would prove
inefficient to cope with the local, or State forces, in
practice. The experience of the last 30 years, and
the catastrophe of the present year, have shown
which class of fears were the more reasonable.
Had the Union thus established in 1787 been a
confederacy, it might have been argued, with more
or less plausibility, that the States which peaceably
acceded to it might at pleasure peaceably secede
from it. It is none the less true that such a proceed-
ing would have stamped the members of the con-
vention—Washington, Madison, Jay, Hamilton, and
their colleagues—with utter incompetence; for
nothing can be historically more certain than that
their object was to extricate us from the anarchy to
which that principle had brought us.

"however gross a heresy it may be (says the Federalist,
recommending the new constitution) to maintain that a
party to a compact has a. right to revoke that compact, the
doctrine has had respectable advocates. The possibility of
such a question shows the necessity of laying the foundation
of our national government deeper than in the mere sanc-
tion of delegated authority. The fabric of American empire
ought to rest on the solid basis of the consent of the people."
Certainly the most venerated expounders of the
constitution Jay, Marshall, Hamilton, Kent,
Story, Webster—were of opinion that the intention
of the convention to establish a permanent, conso-
lidated Government, a single commonwealth, had
been completely successful.
" The great and fundamental defect of the Confederation
of 1781 (says Chancellor Kent), which led to its eventual
overthrow, was that in imitation of all former confederacies,
it carried the decrees of the Federal Council to the States
in their sovereign capacity. The great and incurable defect
of all former Federal Governments, such as the Amphic-
tyonic, Acha3an, and Lycian Confederacies, and the Ger-
manic, Helvetic, Hanseatic, and Dutch Republics, is that
they were sovereignties over sovereignties. The first effort to
relieve the people of the country from this state of national
degradation and ruin came from Virginia. The general con-
vention afterwards met at Philadelphia in May, 1787. The
plan was submitted to a convention of delegates chosen by
the people at large in each State for assent and ratification.
Such a measure was laying the foundations of the fabric of
our national polity where alone they ought to be laid,—on
the broad consent of the people."-1 Kent, 22,5.

It is true that the consent of the people was given
by the inhabitants voting in each State; but in
what other conceivable way could the people of the
whole country have voted ? " They assembled in
the several States," says Story ; " but where else
could they assemble ?"
Secession is, in brief, the return to chaos from
which we emerged three quarters of a century since.
No logical sequence can be more perfect. If one
State has a right to secede to-day, asserting what it
calls its sovereignty, another may, and probably
will, do the same to-morrow, a third on the next
day, and so on until there are none left to secede
from. Granted the premises that each State
may peaceably secede from the Union, it follows
that a county may peaceably secede from a
State, and a town from a county, until there is
nothing left but a horde of individuals all seceding
from each. other. The theory that the people of a
whole country in their aggregate capacity are su-
preme is intelligible ; and it has been a fact, also, in
America for 70 years. But it is impossible to show,
if the people of a State be sovereign, that the peo-
ple of a county, or of a village, and the individuals
of the village, are not equally sovereign, and justi-
fied in "resuming their sovereignty" when their
interest or their caprice seems to impel them. The
process of disintegration brings back the community
to barbarism, precisely as its converse has built up
commonwealths—whether empires, kingdoms, or
republics—out of original barbarism. Established
authority, whatever the theory of its origin, is a
fact. It should never be lightly or capriciously
overturned. They who venture on the attempt
should weigh well the responsibility that is upon
them. Above all, they must expect to be arraigned
for their deeds before the' tribunal of the civilised
world and of future ages—a court of last appeal, the
code of which is based on the Divine principles of
right and reason, which are dispassionate and eter-
nal. No man, on either side of the Atlantic, with
Anglo-Saxon blood in his veins, will dispute the
right of a people or of any portion of a people to
rise against oppression, to demand redress of griev-
ances, and in case of denial of justice to take up
arms to Vindicate the owed principle of liberty,

Few Englishmen or Americans will deny that the
source of government is the consent of the governed,
or that every nation has the right to govern itself
according to its will. When the silent consent is
changed to fierce remonstrance the revolution is im-
pending. The right of revolution is indisputable.
It is written on the whole record of our race.
British and American history is made up of re-
bellion and revolution. Many of the crowned
Kings were rebels or usurpers; Hampden, Pym,
and Oliver Cromwell ; Washington, Adams, and
Tefferson,!all were rebels. It is no word of reproach;
but these men all knew the work they had set
themselves to do. They never called their rebellion
" peaceable secession." They were sustained by
the consciousness of right when they overthrew
established authority, but they meant to overthrow
it: They meant rebellion, civil war, bloodshed,
infinite suffering for themselves and their whole
generation, for they accounted them welcome sub-
stitutes for insulted liberty and violated right.
There can be nothing plainer, then, than the Ame-
rican right of revolution. But then it should be
called revolution. " Secession, as a revolutionary
right," said Daniel Webster in the Senate, nearly
30 years ago, in words that now sound prophetic—

"Is intelligible. As a right to be proclaimed in the
midst of civil commotions and asserted at the head of armies,
I can understand it. But as a practical right, existing
under the Constitution, and in conformity with its provi-
sions, it seems to be nothing but an absurdity, for it sup-
poses resistance to Government under authority of Govern-
ment itself; it supposes dismemberment without violating
the principles of Union ; it supposes opposition to law with-
out crime ; it supposes the violation of oaths without re-
sponsibility ; it supposes the total overthrow of Government
without revolution."

The men who had conducted the American people
through a long and fearful revolution were the
founders of the new commonwealth which perma-
nently superseded the subverted authority of the
Crown. They placed the foundations on the un-
biassed, untrammelled, consent of the people. They
were sick of leagues, of petty sovereignties, of
Governments which could not govern a single indi-
vidual. The framers of the Constitution, which has
now endured three-quarters of a century, and under
which the nation has made a material and intel-
lectual progress never surpassed in history, were
not such triflers as to be ignorant of the consequences
lof their own acts. The Constitation which they
offered, and which the people adopted as its own,
talked not of Sovereign States—spoke not the word
confederacy. In the very preamble to the instru-
ment are inserted the vital words which show its
character, " We, the people of the United States, to
ensure a more perfect union, and to secure the bless-
ings of liberty for ourselves and our posterity, do
ordain and establish this Constitution." Sic volo, sic
jubeo. It is the language of a Sovereign solemnly
speaking to the world. It is the promulgation of a
great law, the norma agendi of a new common-
wealth. It is no compact.
" A compact (says Blackstone) is a promise proceeding
from us. Law is a command directed to us. The language
of a compact is, We will or will not do this; that of a law
is, Thou shalt er shalt not do it." (1 B, 38, 44, 45.)
And this is throughout the language of the Con-
stitution. Congress shall do this ; the President
shall do that; the States shall not exercise this or
that power. Witness, for example, the important
clauses by which the " Sovereign" States are shorn
of all the great attributes of sovereignty—no State
shall coin money, nor emit bills of credit, nor pass
ex post facto laws, nor laws impairing the obliga-
tions of contracts, nor maintain armies and navies,
nor grant letters of marque, nor make compacts
with other States, nor hold intercourse with foreign
Powers, nor grant titles of nobility ; and that most
significant phrase, " this Constitution, and the laws
made in pursuance thereof, shall be the supreme
law of the land."
Could language be more Imperial ? Could the
claim to State " sovereignty" be more completely
disposed of at a word ? How can that be sove-
reign, acknowledging no superior, supreme, which
has voluntarily accepted a supreme law from some-
thing which it acknowledges as superior?
The Constitution is perpetual, not provisional or
temporary. It is made for all time—" for ourselves
and our posterity." It is absolute within its sphere.
" This Constitution shall be the supreme law of
Llao Iqul, o.uy thin er tuL bl.o 17....414....CL"., .1, lawn
of a State to the contrary notwithstanding." Of
what value, then, is the law of a State declaring its
connection with the Union dissolved ? The Con-
stitution remains supreme, and is bound to assert
its supremacy until overpowered by force. The use
of force—of armies and navies of whatever strength
—in order to compel obedience to the civil and con••
stitutional authority, is not " wicked war," is not
civil war, is not war at all. So long as it exists the
Government is obliged to 'put forth its strength
when assailed. The President, who has taken an
oath before God and man to maintain the Constitu-
tion and laws, is perjured if he yields the Constitu-
tion and laws to armed rebellion without a struggle.
He knows nothing of States. Within the sphere of
the United States Government he deals with indi-
viduals only, citizens of the great Republic, in what-
ever portion of it they may happen to live. He has
no choice but to enforce the laws of the Republic
wherever they may be resisted. When he is over-
powered the Government ceases to exist. The Union
is gone, and Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Ohio
are as much separated from each other as they are
from Georgia or Louisiana. Anarchy has returned
upon us. The dismemberment of the Commonwealth
is complete. We are again in the chaos of 1785.
But it is sometimes asked why the Constitution
did not make a special provision against the right
of secession. How could it do so ? The people
created a Constitution over the whole land, with
certain defined, accurately enumerated powers, and
among these were all the chief attributes of sove-
reignty. It was forbidden to a State to coin money,
to keep armies and navies, to make compacts with
other States, to hold intercourse with foreign na-
tions, to oppose the authority of the Government.
To do any one of these things is to secede, for it
would be physically impossible to do any one of
them without secession. It would have been
puerile for the Constitution to say formally to each
State, "Thou shalt not secede." The Constitu-
tion, being the supreme law, being perpetual,
and having expressly forbidden to the States
those acts without which secession is an impos
sibility, would have been wanting in dignity
had it used such superfluous phraseology. This
Constitution is supreme, whatever laws a State may
enact, says the organic law. Was it necessary to
add, " and no State shall enact a law of secession ?"
To add to a great statute, in which the sovereign
authority of the land declares its will, a phrase
such as " and be it further enacted that the said law
shall not be violated," would scarcely seem to
strengthen the statute.
It was accordingly enacted that new States might
be admitted ; but no permission was given for a
State to secede.
Provisions were made for the amendment of the
Constitution from time to time, and it was intended
that those provisions should be stringent. A two-
thirds vote in both Houses of Congress, and a rati-
fication in three-quarters of the whole number of
States, are conditions only to be complied with in
grave emergencies. But the Constitution made no
provision for its own dissolution, and, if it had so
done, it would have been a proceeding quite with-
out example in history. A constitution can only be
subverted by revolution, or by foreign conquest of
the land. The revolution may be the result of a
successful rebellion. A peaceful revolution is also
conceivable in the case of the United States. The
same power which established the Constitution may
justly destroy it. The people of the whole land may
meet, by delegates, in a great national convention,
as they did in 1787, and declare that the Constitu-
tion no longer answers the purpose for which it was
ordained ; that it no longer can secure the blessings
of liberty for the people in present and future gene-
rations, and that it is therefore for ever abolished.
When that project has been submitted again to the
people voting in their primary assemblies, not in-
fluenced by fraud or force, the revolution is law-
fully accomplished, and the Union is no more.
Such a proceeding is conceivable, although at-
tended with innumerable difficulties and dangers.
But these are not so great as those of the civil war
into which the action of the seceding States has
plunged the country. The division of the national
domain and other property, the navigation and

police of thcgreat rivers, the arrangement and for-
tification offrontiers, the transit of the isthmus, the
mouth of tie Mississippi, the control of the Gulf of
Mexico, thee are significant phrases which have an
appalling stand ; for there is not one of them that
does not certain the seeds of war. In any separa-
tion, howevr accomplished, these difficulties must
be dealt wits, but there would seem less hope of
arriving at . peaceful settlement of them now that
the action of the seceding States has been so preci-
pitate and hwless. For a single State, one after
another, to resume those functions of sovereignty
which it htd unconditionally abdicated when its
people ratifed the Constitution of 1787, to seize
forts, arsends, custom-houses, post-offices, mints,
and other vtluable property of the Union, paid for
by the treastre of the Union, was not the exercise
of a legal finetion, but it was rebellion, treason,
and plunder. J. L. M.

ROYAL zGRICULTDRAL SOCIETY OF
ENGLAND.

The annual general meeting of this society was
held yesterday in the rooms, anover-square—the
Earl of Powis presiding.
Among those present were Lord Berners, Lord
Feversham, Lori Walsingham, Lord Heytesbury,
the Hon. Colon?" Hood, Colonel Challoner, Mr.
Millward, Mr. wren Hoskyns, Mr. W. T. Gibbs,
Mr. W. F. Hobbs, Mr. Frere, Mr. Jonas Webb, Mr.
W. Corbet, Mr. Owen Wallis, Mr. S. Bruce, Mr.
J. Bruce, Mr. kstbury, Mr. H. Corbet, Mr. S.
Sidney, Mr. Strafford, Mr. Torr, Mr. Turner, Mr.
Freebody, Mr. More, &c.
Lord ;FEVERSHIM said that as it had been sug-
gested that his Rcyal Highness the Prince Consort
would probably mdertake the presidency of the
society next year, when its meeting was to be held
in the metropolis, a deputation had waited, not long
since, on his Roy Highness to ascertain his views
on the subject, ant they had the pleasure of learn-
ing that he was wiling to fill the office. (Cheers.)
He believed that tie whole agricultural community
would receive the announcement with satisfaction,
and he therefore moved that a deputation be
appointed to wai; upon his Royal Highness to ask
his acceptance o: the presidency for the ensuing
year. (Cheers.)
Mr. FISHER HOBBS, in seconding the motion,
said he only expressed the sentiments of the farmers
of England when to said that no gentleman in the
kingdom wouldbe received with equal approbation
as president of the society as his Royal Highness
the Prince Consort—not on account of his exalted
rank, or from lis being the consort of our beloved
Queen, but because he was a practical farmer. He
had also encouraged this society both by his pre-
sence and the ?xhibition of animals at their coun-
try meetings. Having gone often during the last
few years over the royal farm, he could say that no
landlord in thecountry carried out agricultural im-
provements to a greater extent than his Royal
Highness did. He not only encouraged good farm-
buildings and good breeding stocks, but also drain-
age and a better cultivation of land ; and, in fact, he
promoted every objec4, in which the society could be
interested.

The motion was then agreed to, and a deputation,
consisting of the president and the mover and
seconder, was appointed to wait upon his Royal
Highness.
The trustees of the society having been re-elected,
the meeting proceeded to the election of the vice-
presidents for the year.
Mr. S. SIDNEY proposed that the name of the Duke
of Sutherland shoild be substituted for that of Mr.
Raymond Barker
Mr. W. Y. FRIEBODY seconded the motion.
The CHAIRMAN said that as the Duke was only a
life member, and tot a governor, he was not eligible.
The motion then fell to the ground, and the list
of vice-presidents, as originally proposed, was
agreed to.
The CHAIRMAN said that before he called upon
the secretary to read the report, he wished to make
a few observations. In the first place, he must con-
gratulate the meeting on the prospect of having their
important meeting next year, when the great In-
ternational Exhibition would be • open in London,
presided over by his Royal Highness the Prince
Consort. In 1851 her Majesty was graciously
pleased to let the council have their meeting in the
Home-park, Windsor, and it had been thought ad-
visable to have their meeting in London, to which
persons from all parts of Europe would then be
attracted. Her Majesty had consented to allow the
society to have its exhibition in the Regent's-park,
and the council had concluded the arrangements on
the subject with the Commissioner of Woods and
Forests. The site was an extremely elegible one,
and would give ample room for the multitudes who
would probably attend. The council had filled np
4itllffq,.nnk vanar..;.. in +ha nfflp.sa of trrat.n
vice-president, including that occasioned by the
death of the Duke of Sutherland, who was one of
the earliest members of the society, and took a great
and enlightened interest in the condition of the
large estates which he had inherited both
in England and Scotland. The noble chair-
, man then referred to the paragraph in the
report as to the financial position of the society,
and expressed a hope that, with a view to save in-
convenience and expense, members would give a
permanent order to their bankers to pay their sub-
scriptions. The council trusted and believed that
the meeting at Leeds would be in every respect
successful. In accordance with the report of a com-
mittee, the council had determined to admit the
members to the show by ticket gratis, and they
would be able to leave and return again as many
times during the day as they liked without being
subject to any pecuniary charge. This arrange-
ment would, he believed, be satisfactory to all, and
lead to a considerable accession of members. The
society had now almost made three circuits of Eng-
land, and as they met next year in the metropolis,
the council thought that a good opportunity pre-
sented itself for revising the districts. England
was now divided into nine rural districts, with a
tenth district comprising the metropolis and its
neighbourhood. Probably a decennial interval
would be sufficiently remote to render a teetropo-
litan meeting a pleasing variety, and attractive to
the immense population living within the London
distriot. (Hear, hear.)
The SECRETARY (Mr. 11, Hall Dare) then read
the following report :--
"The council have to report to the members at
their present general meeting that during the past
half-year 87 members have been elected into the
society, six governors and 67 members have died,
and the names of 236 members have been on various
accounts omitted from the list of the society, which
accordingly now comprises 84 life governors, 90
governors, 3,328 members, 1,113 life members, and
18 honorary members, making a total of 4.633
names on the list. The council have elected Lord
Feversham to supply the vacancy in the class of
trustees, and Lord Walsingham in that of the Tice-
presidents, caused by the decease of his Grace the
Duke of Sutherland, and the resignation of the Earl
of Hardwicke. Mr. Wm. Sanday, of Holme Pierre-
pont, has been elected a member of the council in
the room of Lord Walsingham, and the Earl Cath-
cart in the room of Lord Feversham. The statement
of accounts for the half-year ending Dec. 31, 1860,
has been examined and approved by the society's
auditors, and by Messrs. Quilter, Ball, and Co.
The funded capital has been lately raised to the
amount of £14,219 24. 9d. stock in the New 3 per
Cents. by a further investment of £2,000. The
Finance Committee have been enabled to effect this
by the Illarge collection of arrears of subscription,
which they have received authority from the coun-
cil to require all defaulters to pay. Repeated
applications having been made for the arrears still
outstanding, it has been decided to take proceedings
in the county courts against those who continue
indebted to the society. It has been resolved that,
on the proposal of any person as a member, a form
shall be sent by the secretary to the candidate for
his signature, containing an acknowledgment of
his future liability, which letter he must return
before his election can be proceeded with. A letter
will also be sent to each member in the course of the
year, reminding him of his subscription being due.
The bye-laws and resolutions of council having been
collected and revised, a reprint of them has been
made, and a copy will be forwarded to any member
on application to the secretary. The question of
the free admission of governors and members to the
show-yard during the society's country meetings
has been under the consideration of the council.
Governors and members who have paid their sub-
scription for the current year, will be admitted free
by tickets issued by the secretary, which tickets
will not be transferable ; and any governor or
member who shall be found to transfer or lend his
ticket will be reported to the council, and will in
future forfeit the privileges of membership. Appli-
cation for the member's ticket is to be made in
London, either by post or personally, not later than
Friday, June 12, and afterwards at the secretary's
office, near the entrance to the show-yard. During
the last month Professor Simonds has delivered
a lecture Oa the Natures and Causes of the
Disease known as the Rot of Sheep and Pro-
fessor Voelckcr On the Manufacture of Cheese.'
It has been determined to print professor
Simonds' lecture as a separate pamphlet. The
interest attaching to the country meeting will be
this year largely increased by the competitive trials
of steam-cultivators. The "result of these trials
will be made known at the Leeds meeting. The
society having offered this year a prize of £lOO for
the best theroNgh-bred stallion, having served mares
during the season 1861, which, in the opinion of the
judges, is best calculated to improve and perpetuate

the breed of the sound and thorough-bred horse for
general stud purposes, and an unusually large
amount for horses in other classes, they contemplate
that great interest will be evinced at this meeting
by the breeders of horses and the public generally
throughout the kingdom. The entries of imple-
ments and machinery in motion, to be exhibited at
Leeds, closed on May 1, and the council have the
satisfaction of stating that the applications for space
in this department of the show-yard exceed those of
any previous meeting of the society. The entries
for live stock and flax, which will close on the Ist
of June, already give indications that this portion
of the exhibition will be equally satisfactory. The
arrangements for the Leeds meeting, to be held in
the week commencing Monday, July 15, are ad-
vancing rapidly. The show-yard NN ill be open as
under :—Monday, for implements, and for stock
(after the judges have made their award), ss. ;
Tuesday, 2s. 6d. ; Wednesday, 2s. 6d. ; Thursday,
ls. ; Friday, ls. The successful competitors for the
prizes offered by the society have been, in Class IX.,
for 1859, Professor Tanner, of Queen's College, Bir-
mingham, who gained the prize of £lO for his Essay
on the Breeding of Farm Stock; and in Class VIII.,
for 1860, Messrs. Raynbird, of Hackwood Park,
Basingstoke, the prize of £lO for their paper on
Adulteration of Seeds. In Classes VIII. for 1859,
and VI. and IX. for 1860, the Essays were not con-
sidered worthy of the prizes, and the council cannot
forbear from expressing their regret that there was
not greater competition. Her Majesty has been
graciously pleased to grant a site of 26 acres in the
Regent's Park for the purpose of holding an exhi-
bition of stock and implements in 1862. The coun-
cil have made the necessary arrangements with the
office of works, and trust that the number of dis-
tinguished agriculturists, British and foreign, who
will visit the International Exhibition will, by their
presence in the show-yard, have an opportunity
of witnessing the magnitude and success of our
department of national industry. It has
been resolved by the council to maintain the origi-
nal scheme of districts for the county meetings of
the society, viz., A, comprising the counties of
Cumberland, Durham, Northumberland, and West-
moreland ; B, Lancashire and Yorkshire ; C, Che-
shire, Shropshire, and Staffordshire; D, Derby-
shire, Leicestershire, Lincolnshire, Nottingham-
shire, and Rutlandshire ; E, South Wales and
Herefordshire, Monmouthshire, and Worcestershire;
F, Bedfordshire, Berkshire, Buckinghamshire,
Gloucestershire, Northamptonshire, Oxfordshire,
Warwickshire, and Wiltshire ; G, Cambridgeshire,
Essex, Hertfordshire, Huntingdonshire, Norfolk,
and Suffolk ; H, Cornwall, Devonshire, Dorset-
shire, and Somersetshire ; I, Hampshire, Kent,
Surrey, and Sussex ; K, the metropolis and its
postal district."
Lord BERNERS moved the adoption of the report.
Mr. S. SIDNEY, in seconding the motion, said it
was impossible to object to anything in the report,
and that he only objected to what the report did
not contain. (Laughter.) The most satisfactory
announcement in the report was as to the finances
of the society, but the result there mentioned had
been brought about by a sort of revolution in intro-
ducing men, not bound down by any traditions,
who went vigorously to work for the benefit of the
institution. It was to a change of that kind they
must look for other improvements in the society.
So long as they continued to elect the same men to
manage their affairs year after year, and had as
chairmen those who, though very active and useful
in their younger days, were now less disposed to
active exertions, improvements, however beneficial,
would be resisted to the last moment. A general
cause of complaint was the tardiness with which
members received any account of the proceedings
of the society, and as a remedy he suggested that
reporters for the newspapers should no longer be
excluded from their weekly meetings when papers
were read and discussions took place upon them.
The society remained in the same torpid state
in which it was ten years ago, and it would do
so for the future unless there was an infusion of
younger and more active members. It was most satis-
factory to know that the president for the ensuing
year would be the Prince Consort, because he had
identified himself with progress in every depart-
ment of science and art in which he had taken an
interest. (Cheers.)
The report was then adopted.
The CHAIRMAN said that under the charter it
was necessary, as the exhibition of the society was
to be hell in London in 1862, that the annual meet-
ing for that year should take place in the country,
and the council had selected Windsor for that pur-
pose.
The Hon. Col.A. N. HOOD read the report of the
auditors, from which it appeared that the receipts
for the year amounted to £9,724 195., and that after
meeting all the expenses there remained a balance
in hand of £1,278 12s. 6d.

The Hon. N. GRANVILLE eongratulated the mem-
bers on having so large a sum in reserve as that
stated in the report. and Avprpßsea si hnpa that the
council would speedily devise a method of spending
it with a view to the benefit of the society. (Hear,
hear.) He attributed the meagreness of the show
of horses at Canterbury last year to the want of
proper accommodation, and to the reluctance of
owners of valuable animals to send them in conse-
quence of a fear that they might be injured; and
suggested that the surplus funds of the society
might be judiciously applied in providing better
accommodation at future exhibitions.

Mr. FREEBODY thought that the committee who
managed the journal of the society ought to act
more liberally in their dealings with those who
sought by mental work to advance the cause of
agricultural improvement.
Mr. HOBBS explained that the £14,000 did not
represent the surplus income of the society. By
the charter, the compositions for life governorships
and life memberships had to be paid into the bank
to a separate account, and were not applicable to
the current expenses ; and, so far from the society
having any actual surplus to dispose of, that ac-
count ought properly to amount to £15,330.
After some further discussion with regard to
giving greater and speedier publicity to the pro-
ceedings of the society, the report of the auditors
was received, and thanks voted to them for their
services.

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, WEDNESDAY.

The Archbishop of Dublin yesterday preached
the annual sermon in St. Patrick's Cathedral on be-
half of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel
in Foreign Parts, after which there was a meeting
in the same place of the Dublin and Kildare Auxi-
liary Society, his Grace presiding. The report
was read by the Rev. H. Dickinson. The meeting
was addressed by the Lord Mayor, the Archdeacon
of Dublin, the Dean of St. Patrick s, the Rev. Dr.
Salmon, General Hall, and the Rev. H. F. Poole,
F.T.C.D. ' A vote of thanks was passed to the
Archbishop for his able and eloquent sermon.
Galway is again roused into action by the with-
drawal of the subsidy. A meeting was held there
on Monday to express the public indignation ex-
cited by ,‘ the shabbiest act of a Whig Govern-
ment." A deputation had waited on Father Daly to
request that he would come forward and lead the
movement for the restoration of the subsidy which
he had done so much to obtain. He obeyed the
call and addressed the meeting, but by no means in
a sanguine tone. The rev. gentleman has been
summoned by telegraph to London to aid the com-
pany by his influence at head-quarters. At the
meeting a memorial to the Lord-Lieutenant was
adopted, and a deputation to wait on his Excel-
lency was appointed. The deputation is to be re-
ceived to-morrow.

In the meantime great efforts are being made to
have Foynes adopted as the Transatlantic Packet
Station. A meeting on the subject was held at
Limerick on Monday, consisting of the joint com-
mittees of the local railway companies. Mr. W.
Malcolmson, the chairman of Atlantic Steamboat
Company, presided. The Limerick people seem
confident of winning the prize from Galway, and
they anticipate that if the subsidy is not restored
some Government aid will be given to enable the
company to trade profitably, starting three vessels
from Foynes harbour.
The Prince Albert left Galway yesterday with
276 passengers but no mails.
Mr. Robert Archbold, a commercial traveller
connected with a London house, died suddenly
of apoplexy yesterday in a bookseller's shop on
Ormond-quay. He felt ill while passing the house,
entered, asked for a chair, and expired in a few
minutes. He had been stopping at the Commer-
cial Hotel, Suffolk-street. An inquest was held by
Dr. White, city coroner. The deceased had in his
possession a case containing 47 gold watches, 63
silver watches, and a large sum of money. He
stated that he resided at Newington, Surrey.

CRYSTAL PALACE.—ONE SHILLING DAY, Wed-
nesday, May 22.—Admissions on payment, 6,571; ditto by
season tickets, 1,364; total visitors, 7,935.
[ADVERTISEMENT.] Fills and medicine invariably fig-
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appointment, and expense may be avoided by persons
in indifferent health sending only their address to E.
S. Barry, Esq., 77, Regent-street, W., London, and theY
will receivP gratis and free by post the "INVALIDS' OWN
GUIDE," or Natund Restorer, without medicine or ex
pmse, of perfect dtestion, strong nerves, sound mugs, and
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nausea, epilepsy, paralysis, debility, nervousness, palpitatior.,
cough,. asthma, consumption, dropsy, flatulency, diarrt
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dysentery, biliousness, fevers, sore throats, catarrhs, cods,
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to

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

BATH RACES-IVEDNESDAY.

Sweepstakes of 5 sovs each, with 50 added ; two-yr.olds,
7st ; three, 9st 101 b ; four, lOst 61b ; five and upwards,
lOst 101 b; mares and geldings allowed 31b. Horses to
be sold for £2OO, allowed 31b; for £l5O, 91b ; for £lOO,
141 b : for £BO, 211 b. One mile.

Mr. T. Parr's Dartmoor, 3 yrs (V 0), 7st 101 b (Clement) 1
Mr. Holman's Zingari, 4 yrs (£5O), Bst 31b (Fordham) 2
Mr. G. Payne's Gwellyan, 4 yrs (L5O), Bst 31b
(L. Snowden) 3

Also ran Grillade and Miss Coutts.
Betting-7 to 4 agst Miss Coutts, 3to 1 agst any other
offered.

Dartmoor led, with Zingari and Grillade well laid up.
At the distance Grillade was disposed of, and the first two
finished the race together, Dartmoor winning by three-
quarters of a length, the third being three lengths off.
The Weston Stakes of 10 sous each, with 50 added ; for
2-yr olds; colts, Bst 101 b ; fillies and geldings, Bsl 71b ;
the produce of untried horses or mares allowed 31b ; if
both, 51b; to be claimed at the time of entry; the win-
ner of any stake of ZOO value to carry 51b. extra.

-
Straight half mile. 48 subs.
Mr. Merry's Discretion (allowed 31b) Bst 41b (Hayward) 1
Lord Stamford's Febrifuge (allowed 51b) Bst 51b
(A. Edwards) 2
Lord Portsmouth's Entremet (allowed 31b Bst 51b

(J. Goater) 3

The following also ran :—Rose d'Amour, Sappho, Ar-
mament, Lord Stanley, Pellucid, Paradox, Prince Edward,
Grindoff, Tolurno, Bandage, and Commander.
The owner of Grindoff claimed 51b allowance, instead of
31b, !as stated on the card and in the Calendar, on the
ground that the sire (Yellow Jack) and the dam (Maid of
the Mill) were " untried."

Betting-3 b 1 agst Febrifuge, 4tol, at first 3to 1,
agst Discretion, 6 to 1 agst. Tolurno, 7 to 1 agst Entremet,
10 to 1 agst
After some delay at the post a pretty fair start was
effected. Discretion, Entremet, Febrifuge, and Tolurno
getting off in front. At the half distance Entremet was
beaten, Febrifuge and DiscretiOn being nearly head and
head. Tolurno at their heels seemingly unable to
split them. On nearing the stand Febrifuge made his effort,
but could not head discretion, who won very cleverly by a
neck, three lengths between second and third, Tolurno was
fourth, nearly half a dozen lengths off, Bandage next. The
last three were Pellucid, Rose d'Amour, and Lord Stanley.
After the race much discussion took place in the ring as to
whether the horses had gone the proper distance, the condi-
tions on the card stating that they were to run the straight
half mile, no mention being made of the T.Y.C., but the
question was soon decided on reference to the book Calen-
dar, which states explicitly that the " T.Y.C. is a straight
half mile."

The Somersetshire Stakes of 25 sovs each, 15 ft, and 5
only if declared, with 100 added ; the second horse to re-
ceive 50 sovs out of the stakes, and the third to save his
stake. Two a miles and a distance. 99 subs, 58 of whom
declared, and paid 5 sovs each.
Mr. J. Pilling's Moorcock, 5 yrs, Bst 71b .. (J. Osborne) 1
Mr. Gully's Highflyer, 3 yrs, 6st 51b (inc. 51b extra)
(Midgeley) 2
Lord Wilton's West End, 3 yrs, Est

The following also ran:—Fitzavon, Eskdale, Bumble
Bee, Farmer from Kerry, Voltella, Anthem, Ipswich, Lady
Chesterfield, and Medusa.
Betting-4 to 1 agst Bumble Bee, sto 1 agst West End,
6to 1 agst Moorcock, Bto 1 agst Anthem, 10 to 1 agst
Highflyer.
After a little wheeling about the flag was dropped, and
soon afterwards Voltella rushed to the front and lead past
the Grand Stand, her immediate attendants being Farmer
from Kerry, Eskdale, West End, and Bumble Bee, Medusa
and Anthem bringing up the rear. On rounding the top
turn Voltella increased her lead, and on entering the far
side of the course she was nearly a dozen lengths ahead,
Fitzavon going on second, West End third, the others,
with the exception of Medusa and Anthem, who were
" lag last," keeping close company. Half way up the
brick stretch Voltella was still making the running at a
merry pace, and the cry of " they will never catch
her" seemed likely to be true. After rounding the far
turn, however, her lead was rapidly decreased, Eskdale,
Fitzavon, West End, and Farmer from Kerry followed her
in the order named. On entering the straight the last three
mentioned disappeared, and their places were taken by
Highflyer, Ipswich, and Moorcock. Before reaching the
distance Voltella had shot her bolt, and Moorcock took up
the running, but was not afterwards headed, and won very
cleverly by half a length, the second beating the third by
a length ; three lengths off Bumble Bee was fourth, Fitz-
aven fifth, Anthem and Eskdale next, Farmer from Kerry
and Medusa, the last two, beaten off.
The Badminton Stakes, of 10 sovs each, 5 ft, with 50 added ;
weights for age, &c. T.Y.C. Straight half mile.

Mr. Hare's Parasite, 3 yrs, Bst 81b (G. Fordham) 1
Mr. C. Burnard's Marksman, 2 yrs, Est 41b .... (Drew) 2
Mr. J. H. Wyndham's Sheerness, 2 yrs, Est 131 b (Page) 3
Mr. J. Clark's Springbok, 2 yrs, 6st 41b (Ducker) 4

Betting-5 to 4 agst Parasite, 2to 1 agst Sheerness.
Parasite laid in front throughout, and won by a head,
the second beating the third by the same ; a good foluth.

The Shorts of 25 soft. Straight half mile.
Capt. CoateB's Libelous, 4 yrs (£3O), Bst.. (L. Snowden) 1
Mr. E. Brayley's Gauntlet, 3 yrs (L3O), 7st 61b
(Lambourne) 2
Mr. G. Pallett's Lady Hinton, 2 yrs, (L3O). sst 71b
(Wheatley) 3
Cartridge, Zingari, and Maronite also ran.

Betting-11 to 10 on Libellous, sto 1 agst Lady Hinton,
and 5 to 1 agst Gauntlet.

Libellous made play throughout, and won by a neck; a
bad third. The winner was bought in for 45 guineas.

The Dyrham Park Handicap. Once round and a distance.
Kinnersley, 6 yrs, 7st 101 b, came in first, but having gone
the wrong side of the post, the race was awarded to South
Australian, who came in second. Thirteen ran. The
betting was even on Rosedale, 7 to 1 each South Austra-
lian and Jenny Longlegs, 10 to 1 agst Sycophant.

LATEST BETTING.
DERBY.
3to 1 agst Dundee (taken freely)
4to 1 agst Diophantus (taken)
10 to 1 agst Rouge Dragon (taken)
10 to 1 agst Klarikoff (taken)
11 to 1 agst Kettledrum (taken)
12 to 1 agst Kildonan (taken)
14 to 1 agst Imaus (taken)
20 to 1 agst Royalieu (taken)
50 to 1 agst Dictator

MANCHESTER-WEDNESDAY.

The Trafford Handicap of 5 sovs each, with 50 added, for
all ages. The winner of any race after May 9, at 8 p.m.,
value 50 sovs, to carry 31b ; of two, or one of 100 sovs,
71b exira. One mile. 22 subs.

Mr. Aspinall's Tresillian, 3 yrs, sst 101 b (Doyle) 1
Mr. Buckley's Wynnstay, 3 yrs, 6st 111 b (Grimshaw) 2
Mr. Osborne's V.R., 3 yrs, sst 121 b (Whiteley) 3
The following also ran: —Weazel, Lustre, Speaker, and
Longshot.
- - -

Betting-2 to 1 agst Speaker, sto 1 each agst Trail Han
and Weazel.

Wynnstay, with Lustre, Tresillian, V.R., and Speaker,
made play to the distance, Tresillian then went on and won
by two lengths ; bad third. The others beaten off.
The Sapling Stakes of 5 sovs each, with 130 added, for foals,
2-yr-olds ; colts, Bst 71b; fillies, Bst 41b. The winner of
any race value £lOO to carry 31b ; of £2OO, 51b ; of two of
£2OO or one of £5OO, 71b extra. T.Y.C. Six furlongs,

29 subs.
Mr. 11. W. Thomas's Elector, Bst 71b (Aldcroft) 1
Mr. Merry's Lord Clyde, Bst 71b .. (Custance) 2
North Pole and Lord Albert also ran.
Betting-5 to 4 each agst Elector and Lord Clyde, Bto 1
agst any other.
Lord Albert cut out the work, followed by Lord Clyde,
Elector, and North Pole to the distance, where Elector and
Lord Clyde came on together, and finished a good race,
Elector ginning easily by a length; a neck between the
second and third ; a bad fourth.

The Union Cup of 200 sovs, added to a Handicap Sweep-
stakes of 5 soya each; the winner of any race after May
9, at 8 p.m., of 200 soya value, to carry 51b, of two or
more, 71b extra; of 500 sovs 101 b extra, and the second
mile
bexantrd a quarter. a ; no horse
62 subs.
Mr.
tocarars.more than 101 b extra. One
Mr. Osborne's Wildman, 4 yrs, Bst 11b, including 511) ex
(Challoner) 1
Mr. Dawson's Misty Morn, 6 yrs, Bst 21b .... (Bullock) 2
Mr. I'Anson's Cramond, 4 yrs, 7st 81b
The following also ran :—Cape Flyaway,
Angelo, The Rap, Upperhand, Rara Avis, Montrose, Lady
Louisa, North Lancashire, and Knightsbridge.
Betting-3 to 1 agst Cape Flyaway, Lopcatcher,
Morn, 7 to 1 each agst Wildman and up4pertho 1
an agst Misty
,slotol
agst any other.
The start was delayed nearly an hour by Lancashire and
Lopcatcher continually breaking away. The first time they
ran the course, and the second to the stand, before they
could be stopped. At length the flag fell, and Rara Avis
cut out the work, followed by Montrose, Misty Morn, Lop-
catcher, Cape Flyaway, and Wildman, the others, with the
exception of North Lancashire, lying close up. On rounding
the top turn Lopcatcher took second place, Cramond third,
Cape Flyaway next ; in this order they ran to the far side,
when Lopcatcher took the lead, Cape Flyaway being second,
Rara Avis third, Cramond, Misty Morn, and Wildman
following on in the order named. At distance the lot
closed and ran together to the stand, where Wildman ob-
tained a slight lead and won, after a severe race between
four, by a head ; half length between the second and third ;
good fourth; Lopcatcher close up. North Lancashire
bolted, and threw Matley over the rails and broke hi 3
• The Eleventh Manchester Produce Stakes of 10 sovs each,
h ft, with 100 added, for 3-yr-olds ; colts, Bst 71b ; fillies,
Bst 41b. The winner of any race value 500 sovs to carry
51b, of 1,000 sovs 101 b extra ; those by horses or out of
mares whose produce have never won allowed alb, if
_both, 51b. One mile and three-quarters. 35 subs.

, •
Mr. Gooding's Miss Lancashire, Bst llb (Perry) 1
Mr. Osborne's Hellenus (Challoner) 2
Mr. Merry's Starlight (Custance) 3
Betting-5 to 4on Starlight, 6to 4 agst Miss Lancashire.
Hellenus made play to the distance, where Miss Lanca-
shire headed her, and won by three lengths. The same
betweeen second and third. Starlight beaten off.

The "%wipe gozadicap of 60 1i9v8,--f9r 411 Ass i tlw win-

LONDON : Printed and rubliahed by MURDO YOUNG, of
No. 112, Strand, Printer, at THE SUN Office, No. 112,Strand,
in the Precinct of the Savoy, 11i the County of kf.adlesig
TUursciftyr kW Is6l.