The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-06 00:00:00

grateful—(hear, hear)—afa, if he imalrittoe that i am I
actuated by any settled purpose br hostilita to her Ma-
jesty's Gr4-rernment, or have any desire to offe • an amend-
mrant to this Address, I can assure him he aa. greatlymis-
taken the course which I am disposed to tai• on this occa-
sion. My lords, we must recollect that a S, eech from the
Throne is a very different thing from an o, dinary message
delivered by the President of the United at of America
to Congress. It does not assume to be an exposition of the
general principles of the Government for the time being,
much less does it assume to be an expositioe itt detail of the
manner in which they intend to carry out those principles.
No doubt there are occesiona when a Ministry finds it
needful to give to Parliament a general indication of the
leading principles of their policy, and when they may also
think it necessary to frame the Address as to compel an
expression of opinion favourable or unfavourable to that
policy from both branches of the Legislature, On the other
hand, there have been times when the Views of the Oppo-
sition on *vital questions Were so decidedly at variance with
those of the Ministry, and when they were so strongly con-
vinced that the Government of the country ought to be in
other hands, that an amendment to the Address has been
called for and has been proposed. But, my lords, these are
exceptions to the general rule ; and I think it is wise on
the part of the Government to confine the Address to that
which is its most legitimate character—namely, a brief
reference to the events which have occurred during the
Parliamentary recess, accompanied by an intimation
that papers explanatory of their details will in due time be
presented to both Houses, and also by a general indication
of the principal measures which it is the intention of the
Government to bring in upon their responsibility in the
course of the madam My lords, regarded in this point of
view, the present Speech appears to me to be quite unex-
ceptionable. And, although there are topics introduced
into this Speech which are of deep importance and the
highest political interest, and topics, too, on some of which
it is impossible for me to forbear from now offering a few
observations, yet I conceive that neither in the Address
itself; nor in the speeches of the mover and seconder) Is
there anything which calls upon your lordships to depart
from the unanimity usual on these ocae.sions. (Hear, hear.)
My lords, it may perhaps be more convenient, in comment-
ing ea the Speech, if I deal with its paragraphs rather in
the reverse order to that in 'which they are submitted tom.
I shall refer, in the first -place, to the paragraph in which
her Majesty's Ministers put forward the principal and most
important measures which they intend to propose to Par-
liament in the present session. And I hero cannot help
congratulating her Majesty's Ministers, the two Houses of
Parliament, and the country at large that the programme
appears to be of a much more practical, if of a somewhat
less ambitious character than that which was presented to
us in the corresponding paragraph of the Speech of last
year. (Hear, hear.) My lords, the leading measures to
which reference is made as those which the Government
intend to bring forward are measures which, if carefully
and wisely arranged in their principles and details, will,
when passed, constitute a valuable addition to our legisla-
tion. In the present absence of party bitterness and party
acrimony it is to be hoped that these measures will receive
from both Houses of Parliament that calm and impartial
consideration which they might under other circumstances
not be so likely to command. My lords, although the present
scheme of the Government promises much less than their
scheme of last year, I must be permitted to say that I
think it a much more promising one. (Hear, hear.) The
measures they intend to propose aro " for the consolida-
tion of important parts of the criminal law; the improve.
ment of the law of bankruptcy and insolvency; rendering
more easy the transfer of land ; establishing a uniform sys-
tem of rating in England and Wales; and for several ether
purposes of public usefulness." My lords, I hope I shall
not be thought hypercritical if, in passing, I say I think
One of those measures is not quite accurately described in
the Speech. The phrase " uniform rating" should be
"uniform assessment." (Hear, hear.) A uniform system
of rating exists at present. What is complained of is the
want of uniformity in the assessment for the purpose of im-
posing the rates. And if you can make the law and prac-
tice of the eountry correspond you may certainly obtain a
great advantage by the introductionand extension of a uni-
form system of assessment for the purposes of rating. There
is a little supplementary clause added with reference to the
introduction of measures that will be convenient for several
other purposes of public usefulness: The form of the Speech
is somewhat colloquial—perhaps too colloquial for a Queen's
Speech ; but I imagine that the measures thus referred to
are of the same nature, just as a kind of et cetera. And yet
I may be told by a n)ble and learned lord that there is a
great deal involved in et cetera. I think " Lord Coke upon
Littleton" says it comprehends almost every diverse ques-
tion, diverse points of commercial law, diverse diversities;
and in one case et cetera stands for six subjects, which oc-
cupy five pages. Such was the et cetera of Lord Coke, and
it may be the Royal et cetera introduced in the Queen's
Speech may be equally comprehensive. (A laugh.) Still, I
conjecture the measures referred to are of a more humble
class, and of the same denomination with the leading mea-
sures of the session. I mast confess there is one point on
which I feel some surprise that no notice is taken in her Ma-
jesty's Speech. 'Without adverting to the causes which
may have produced it, I think it would have been judicious
if some expression had been givenof sympathy for the deep
distress which existed in some parts of England; nor would
it have been ungracious to indicate something like a Royal
approval of the beneficence which it has called forth.
(Hear, hear.) That distress may not be referable to any
special cause, but it certainly suggests matter for serious
consideration that it could not be met by the ordinary ma-
' chinery of the Poor Laws. No doubt it was an exceptional
case, but the operation of the Poor Laws was found totally
inadequate to deal with it. I may be permitted to take
this opportunity of saying that I hope the working classes
will take a useful lesson with regard to provident habits
from the distress which some of them have been called to
endure. (Hear, hear-) No doubt many of them are ut-
terly unable to do more than provide for their wants from
week toweek, and if an immediate failure of employmenttake
place severe pressure must be the result; but it is a matter of
notoriety that a large body, not merely of Allied artisans,
but of the working classes generally, earn on an average
245. to 28s. for four days' work, and could very much in-
crease their means by working the additional two days.
(Hear, hear.) They might be in the receipt of 30s. a-week
—an income equal to that of many who occupy a higher
station, and have to keep up a better appearance; yet they
waste their whole earnings in drink and idleness, and a
week or fortnight's want of work throws them and their
families into destitution, for which they have themselves
only to blame. (Hear, hear.) My lords, I must also observe
that no notice is taken in her Majesty's Speech of the finan-
cial condition of the country. (Hear, hear.) I should cer •
tainly have expected that we should be informed that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer had succeeded to his most
sanguine expectations in those sources of increased revenue
which he anticipated from the operation of the commercial
treaty with Francc—(hear, hear)—and particularly in the
increase of revenue he calculated upon in the reductions
effected last year. We may be told that questions of finance
are not questions with which this house ought to deal or on
which we should make any observations, although I do not
know that there are any financial operations proposed by
the Chancellor of the ExeheqUer by which the members of
this houseare unaffected. (A laugh.) But we have this

year an opportunity which rarely occurs for considering and
examining two Royal Speeches, and comparing the results
of the policy followed in either case. T do find in the speech
addressed on Monday by the Emperor of the French to the
leelslative body what has been the result of the commercial
treaty of France, and I cannot do better than draw your
lordships' attention to this paragraph. He says, "At the
least we ought to endeavour to make'objects of the first
necessity as cheap as possible. It is with this view that
we have lowered the duties on certain articles and signed a
treaty with England." Ile also says that they have dimi-
nished the taxation on articles of pi ime necessity; and in
his commercial treaty he proceeded on the principle not of
abolishing but of reducing as far as possible all taxes on the
raw material of manufacture, the greater use of which might
make up for the deficiency. in the revenue. He proceeded
on the principle laid down by Sir Robert Peel in 1841 of
making the greatest reduction on articles of prime neces-
sity, and secondly, on articles of raw material, to promote
the industry of tho country. Now see the result. The
Emperor of the French informs us that " to realise these
economical reforms we have had to renounce 90 millions of
annual receipts"—between £3,000,000 and £4,000,000 ster-
ling—" but, nevertheless, the budget will be presented to
you in equilibi:um a ithout its having been necessary to
obtain resources by the creation of new imports or by trench-
ing on the public credit, as 1 bad to announce to you last
year." My lords, I can imagine the Chancellor of the
Exchequer reading this paragraph with very peculiar feel-
ings. (A laugh.) How he must envy the state of things
described. (A laugh.) But I will draw a veil over the
financial sorrows of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. As
to the
paragraph relating to reduction and economy I hope
iwillsatisfy the members of the House of Commons,
manedmmorial more
to
osptehce Premier ia
on this subject—(a laugh)—and
those 60 gentlemen who addressed a
who received a reply conceived in the most delicate and
•friendship.
conciliatory language combined with the strongest expres-
sions o f

answer of the Prime Minister, it am(unts to this--

" Gentlemen, economy is a good thing, but efliciency is a

better thing still ; and as her Majesty's Ministers are much
better judges than you are how far economy and efficiency

can be combined, I recommend you not to trouble us with

your crude speculations, but be satisfied with the estimates

we propound." (Hoar, and a laugh.) Following the in-
verse order I have already indicated, the next paragraph
refers to the serious differences which have arisen among
the States of the North American Union. It is impossible
not to tees th, deepest concern at the threatened disruption
of that great Union, as it must affect the happiness and
welfare of that country. (Hear, bear.) There is no man
in this country who would not view with the deepest
anxiety and regret the disruption of a community which,
without claiming perfection for its institutions, and cer-
tainly under various disadvantages, has yet procured for its
einferior—
Teeple an amount of prosperity almost unparalleled in the
*arid,ounandtryart. amount of personal freedom only
tind`l thin/ it is inferior—(hear, hear)—to.. that.ien. joYed in
this '
at that (Hear, hear.) But it is impossible: to look
threatened disruption—only possible to be effectei
at the cost of the horrors of civil war—without looking; also