The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, AUGUST 19, 1859.

that where constituencies have only one member
there is a greater tendency to maintain a higher cha-
racter and greater public spirit. There are more
contests, and the line of demarcation more strongly
marked. Where there are two members people get
tired of contests ; they say " Let us agree to vote
one and one," and there is a general acquiescence.
This a bad state of things, because political contests
are of the greatest advantage in the maintenance of
free institutions. (Cheers.) I don't intend to say
anything about short Parliaments ; they have been
short enough lately—(laughter)—and to all ap-
pearances will continue to be as short, unless our
legislators deal with this question of reform in such
a way as to give a predominance to some one party
in the house. I have always advocated a return to
the rule of triennial Parliaments. Short leases and
frequent reckonings are more likely to maintain the
character of the representatives of the constituency.
(Cheers.) I could enlarge much longer on these
topics if time permitted, but I am to be followed by
several gentlemen, and by one in particular, to
whom if we ever do get a Reform Bill the country
will be mainly indebted. (Cheers.) The hon. gen-
tleman concluded his speech by expressing his grate-
ful acknowledgments to the electors and non-electors
for his unopposed return, and sat down amid loud
and prolonged cheering.
Mr. FENTON then moved, and Mr. SHEPHERD, a
non-elector, seconded a vote of confidence in Mr.
Cobden.

After a few words from Mr. S. CRAWFORD in
support of the resolution,
Mr. BRIGHT then addressed the meeting, and on
rising was greeted with prolonged and hearty
cheering. He said,—l was very glad that during
the speech delivered in this place by Mr. Cobden
last night he announced his intention of speaking
more at length to-night on the question of Parlia-
mentary Reform—(hear)—for, notwithstanding that
some men may think that this question has not re-
cently excited the attention which it merits, I think
every thoughtful and logical man will admit that
after the settlement of it has been promised by not
less than five Administrations within the last
few years, I may fairly assume that there is some
necessity for dealing with it, either in the re-
cent condition of parties in the House of Commons,
or in the temper and resolution of the people with
regard to it. If we turn back only to the month, I
think, of April last we shall remember that there
were held in this country in one fortnight far more
than 100 public meetings, most of them of great
magnitude, at which a bill called a Bill of Reform,
introduced by the Government of Lord Derby, was
unanimouslycondemned,and resolutions were passed,
on the whole, demanding more extensive changes
than those which have been discussed to-night.
(Hear, hear.) I am not, therefore, one of those who
are willing to admit that the people do not care
about this great question. I admit, of course, that
we do not see it discussed in a hurricane of passion,
and surrounded by all those bitter animosities amidst
which the question was treated in the years 1831
and 1832. As a far larger number of the people are
now enfranchised there is a general admission!on
the part of even the most obtuse of our opponents
that there must be a still greater enfranchisement.
We have none of the opposition to contend with
that we had then, and there is not the necessity
now, which could not be avoided then, of tumul-
tuous assemblies, of revolutionary speeches, of in-
surrectionary movements, of menacing demonstra-
tions before which the oligarchy of this country
quailed, and in the face of which they were unable
to deny a considerable and beneficial measure of re-
form. But there are people still who tell us that
the country is so well governed and that the people
are so well off that a very little need be done, a mere
sop to a few of the discontented, and that a measure
very little in advance of the old m"asure will sa-
tisfy any demand which exists. They tell us that
the people are so comfortable that it is of itself a
proof that the country is sufficiently well, nay, ad-
mirably well governed, and that it is a good rule in
politics, as in many other things, to let well be well,
and not to disturb anything for fear we should find
ourselves worse. (Laughter.) Now, lam speaking
here to a meeting composed of several thousands of
men who were not born, as it were, with silver
spoons in their mouths—(laughter)—except it be a
blessing—and I hold it no mean blessing in a free
country and with a fair field—that men are born to
earn their living, to make their fortunes, and to
build their hopes upon their own industry, their
own intelligence, and their own virtues. (Oh l)
But, whether men are well off or not is in some de-
gree a question of comparison, and, speaking as I
am to thousands of men who have nothing in the
world but their own skill and their own industry
to depend upon, I am willing to undertake the task
of showing that which is great and good and pros-
perous among the people of England springs from
the people of England themselves, and not from
any peculiar virtue or intelligence in the oligarchi-
cal Government of this country. (Cheers.) What
is it that we owe to the Government, and what is
it that we owe to ourselves ? Looking back for 60
years, we shall find that for 22 years of that period,
from 1793 to 1815, when you had no power, and
when we who are on this platform had no power
over the Government of this country—when the
Government was an absolite, undisputed, and un-
controlled oligarchy, all the vast resources of Eng-
land and her population were employed ix costly
and sanguinary war for an object which now we
know was not accomplished, but has been entirely
reversed, and which, if it could have been perma-
nently secured, could have brought not one atom of
good to any single working man of the toiling mil-
lions of this kingdom. (Cheers.) I will not ask you
to listen to any lengthened description of that long
war. I might tell of the sufferings of your citizens
who entered the military service, of the suffering
of your manufacturers, your shopkeepers, and the
millions of your artisans. Suffice it to say that it
is written on the page of history, and no sophistry
can ever erase it, that that was a period when free-
dom was unknown in England, when there was
spread among the people of every class but the con-
sumer of taxes a suffering and a misery such as
never existed in modern times before, and such as
it was utterly disgraceful to our country that it
could exist at all. (Oh.) Many here can look
back to the time of the conclusion of that war ;
everybody here knows who has read of
those times that, starting from 1815, the peace
and plenty which are supposed to attend the cessa-
tion of war—the plenty, at any rate, was long in
coming—(a laugh)—and that up to 1826, and, in-
deed, to 1832, there was a period of almost univer-
sal discontent. So much had the capital of the
country been wasted, so enormously were taxes in-
creased, so grievous was that fiendlike infliction
which was embodied in the clauses of the Corn
Bill, so frightful were the consequences of the
policy of the preceding 22 years, that I will under-
take to say that all the burning words which
orators have ever used utterly fail to describe the
calamities which that war had entailed upon the
people of this kingdom. (Hear, hear.) You know
that. hundreds of men were tried for sedition and
insurrection under one form or another; that csn-
tests were incessant between workmen and their
employers ; that many men were transported for
offeves into which their sufferings of necessity
drove them ; and that some even finished their
career upon the scaffold or gallows, who, had it not
been for the evil system of our laws and Govern-
ment, might have lived out their natural term of
life in honour and credit, and might have left an
unblemished name and reputation to their children
and posterity. (Cheers.) Coming down to the
period of 1A32, when the Reform Bill passed, it will
be admitted that, on the whole, since that time there
has been a great improvement in the temper of the
people, arising, as I believe, mainly from the ame-
lioration which has become evident in their physical
condition. Forty-four years have elapsed since the
conclusion of the war ; in the latter portion of that '
space of time, within the last 15 years especially,
we have observed in every part of the country and
in every class of our people a gradual and sensible
rising into a better state than that which they occu-
pied before. They are better fed, they are wonder-
fully better clothed, they are far more sober,
they are far more instructed, far less bar-
barous, far more kind to each other, and to all
classes of the people they are more moral ;
and there is about them more of everything
which marks a steady and high hope—a per-
manent improvement in their condition. (Hear,
hear.) But, let me ask you, is it the exclusive
and class government of the country which has
brought all thi to pass ; or does it spring from the
industry, and the growing comfort arising from that
industry, which we observe among the people ? I
ill not about now to slaythe slain, and recapitulate
the glories of that victory in the fight for which I
bore such part as I was enabled to bear—l mean
the victors- by which the principle of free trade was
established for ever in the legislation of this king-
dom—(eheers)— but I may say what I think all
men admit, that it it be true that since the abolition
of the corn laws nearly £20,000,000 worth every
year—not in the 13 years, but every year,
£20,000,000 worth of corn of various kinds, of cattle
and of various articles of food, which before were
mainly prohib'ted, have come into this country,
surely somebody among our 30,000,000 of popula-
tion must have hada better filled cupboard, a better
spread table, and greater health and comfort in the
enjoyment of life. (Cheers.) But he would be a
very bold man who said that we owed free trade to
the oligarchical Government of Esgland. 'We

fought for free trade as though we were wringing
some act of justice from an enemy of our country.
It was a battle of many years ; it lasted nearly as
long as the fabulous siegeof Troy, and, as you know
hundreds of thousands of pounds were subscribed
and spent in the prosecution of that great contest.
Take another source of well-being in this country
during that period—namely, the extension of the
system of railways throughout the United Kingdom.
I have sometimes endeavoured to make acalculation,
not of the money which has been expended, for there
has been great waste, but of the money which has
been saved to the commerce and the people of Eng-
land by the introduction of our railways. And I
believe that it would take, according to our old sys-
tems of conveyance, an annual sum equal to the in-
terest of the national debt to accommodate the
traffic which is now necessary in the conduct of our
affairs. But the Government did not make the
railways. (Laughter.) There are great lords, and
I am afraid great commoners, who resisted the
introduction of that system, and Parliament, in-
stead of giving facilities, made everything as costly
as possible when anybody wished to make a rail-
way. Railways are the offspring of the intelli-
gence, industry, and capital of the nation, not of
the intelligence or the patriotism of your Govern-
ment. (Cheers.) There is another source from
which many persons think we have derived great
good—the extension of our colonies and the dis-
covery of gold in Australia and California ; but,
whatever be the amount of that good, it has come
from the energy and industry of the people, and
not from any special virtues of our Executive Go-
vernment or Parliament, But before free trade,
extension of railways, colonial extension, and gold
discoveries, in my opinion the people have gained
most in every way from the long duration of peace
from 1815 to 1859. With the exception of two
years in the period before 1815, you worked when
you got work ; you had wages when you could get
them, but the capital of your employers and your
wages were year after year more and more ab-
stracted and diminished by the guilty evpenditure
caused by the wars. During the last 44 years the
cost of your Government has been less, probably
by one-half, than it was during the war. During
those 44 years you have worked, you have received
wages, your employers have created and accumu-
lated capital, and I believe that the long duration
of peace more than any other thing has been the
cause of that universal and most gratifying im-
provement which we find among all ranks of people.
(Cheers.) All these things the Government has not
done. It has permitted among us a large amount
of personal freedom. For the last 30 years we have
been free to talk, to write, to meet and pass resolu-
tions, to demand whatever we thought the Govern-
ment ought to concede. But in all this the Govern-
ment has permitted, not because it liked it, but be-
cause, as the people became more intelligent, more
organised and determined, the ruling classes found
it less safe to withhold these things than in past
years. Suppose that during the 60 years of which
I have spoken we had had peace, and that the in -
telligence and industry of the people had been as-
sisted by a wise and just Government, don't you
think there would have been a still greater improve-
ment in the condition of the people, and should we
not have presen ed to the world a spectacle of a free
and a prosperous nation such as Europe yet never
saw ? (Cheers.) I hold that our Government has
been far b4ind tae just sentiments of the people,
and it has been somainly because your Government
has been in the hands of a small class who fancied
that they had interests opposed to the general in-
terests of the nation. I was speaking the other day
:o a member of the House of Lords, one of the most
eminent of its members, and one of the most con-
scientious of our statesmen. We were discussing
the very question of Parliamentary reform in refer-
ence to Lord Derby's bill, and he made this obser-
vation to me, " Up to 1832 the Government of this
country was the government of the aristocracy. No
man, of course, can deny that ; and I think the Go-
vernment have been better since the Reform Bill,
though whether it will be better still by going fur-
ther in the same direction is a question about which
men will form their own opinions ; but I have no
doubt that a further change in that direction is in-
evitable." If, then, the government before the Re-
form Bill was a government of the aristocracy—if
since that bill it has been less absolutely a govern-
ment of the aristocracy—if since then the course of
legislation has been more just and liberal—if the
physical condition of the people has improved, and
their temper towards the Government has become
more kind and more in harmony with the Govern-
ment—l ask you, as sensible men, whether you
have not laid a foundation for our demand for ano-
ther advance in that direction ? (Cheers.) What
interest have we who stand on this platform in
overturning any institution which is advantageous
to the country, or in making a change which shall
even endanger the prosperity which is as much to
us as to any other man or class of men in the na-
tion ? The people do not want to seize the whole
power, or to exclude anybody else from their fair
share in the Government. What they want is,
that the Parliament of England should fairly and
advantageously represent all classes, from the
highest to the lowest. (Cheers.) What are we to do?
You have a Government which is pledged to reform.
In that Government there are men honestlyanxious
that a Reform Bill, and a good Reform Bill, should
be carried. It is our interest and it is our duty to
give them our honest and energetic support. We
are doing that to-night. (Cheers.) Thousands are
here assembled to whom the law has hitherto said,
" You are not competent to take part in even those
simple deliberations which end in a return of a
member to Parliament ;" thousands are here to-night
who have led their lives in a state of unremitting
industry—who from morn till night, from youth to
gray old age, have fulfilled honestly and scrupu-
lously the duties which devolved upon their condi-
tion ; thousands are here to-night who look forward
to something better than they now possess and en-
joy, and are stimulated in their daily and hourly
exertions by the hopes and aspirations which ani-
mate their souls. Shall we repudiate, shall we re-
ject or neglect the hopes and interests of the mil-
lions of our fellow-countrymen who are represented
by the thousands I see before me ? Let us make
, up our minds that we are not only people of the
same country, brethren of the same soil, living under
the same Government, but that we are all men in
common—that the highest interest of every poor
man is the same as the true and highest interest of
every rich man ; that the Government shall be a
just Government, faithful to its trust and to its re-
sponsibilities, dispensing that which is equal fairly
among all classes of the people. (Cheers.) If we
believe this, as I do firmly believe it, let us become
as though our interests were the same. Let us
petition, let us resolve. (Cheers.) Let us, by re-
turning suitable members to Parliament, where we
have the powei, by the creation and organisation
of opinion, show to our fellow countrymen and the
Government that we know what it is we want, that
we comprehend the justice of that we demand; let
us support the members of this Government, all of
them, if they be in favour of a real and substantial
measure of reform ; let us, between this and Febru-
ary next, unite with our countrymen everywhere
I in such an expression of opinion as shall convince
Parliament that, whether they like the ques-
tion or not, the people of England like it ;
and, liking it, are determined that it shall be
settled at an early period in a manner consistent
with justice, and with their true and universal in-
terests. (Cheers.)
The resolution was then carried unanimously,
and the proceedings terminated.

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TRE SERPENTINE.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,—We had intended not to have troubled you
again on the matter, but we must continue to do so
until we find that the letters sent to you for inser-
tion are based upon something like facts.
Sir S. M. Peto appears to be very indignant at
our venturing to contradict a statement made by
him, upon a matter not of opinion but of fact, and
one, too, in which we are directly concerned. We
have known Sir S. M. Peto for many years, and we
can honestly say that no one has a higher appre-
ciation of his great talents than we have, so long as
they are exercised in his own vocation, but we can-
not help thinking that to take his opinion upon a
question of water supply is somewhat like calling
in an eminent medical authority to decide on a
point of law. The question at issue between us is
this :—Sir S. M. Peto, " who resides near the Ser-
pentine, and who has a business establishment near
St. James's Park," states that the concrete bottom
of the lake in St. James's Park is pervious, and that
the water filters through the concrete bed, and is
pumped back again into the lake. We, on the
other hand, who sunk the well, fixed the ma-
chinery, filled the lake, and are still pumping into
it under contract for the Government, say that this
statement is not correct, and we have given our
reasons for this assertion in your paper of the 13th
inst. Now, independently of our to be presumed
better opportunities of knowing the exact state of
the case, it must: be observed that Sir S. M. Peto
has not been publicly supported in his statement by
one single individual, while public opinion, ac-
tuated by public common sense, cries aloud against
the plan for the Serpentine supply which his sin-
gular assertion is intended to support.
It would be supposed that the able letter of your
correspondent " Tyburnian" in your impression of
Saturday last would have been sufficient to con-
vince Sir S. M. Pete that he had made a mistake,
and would have induced him to relapse as quickly
as possible into silence upon a subject of which he
obviously could know but little. As, however, he
seems determined to adhere to his opinion on this
point, we will inform him that, after a fortnight's
cessation of pumping, the lake has remained full ;
the difference of level between the surface of water
in it and the well being still five feet. This we
state as a fact, but if any doubt should exist, let the
pumps be stopped, and watch the result. The dis-
cussion is assuming this position—viz., that of a
person endeavouring to persuade the public that a
basin with a hole in the bottom will remain full
without a further supply. If, therefore, Sir S. M.
Peto does not now choose to be convinced, we must
leave this portion of the discussion as it at present
stands.

We wish only now to say that, notwithstanding
the accusation against us that we force our plans
upon the Government, we still think that we have,
as taxpayers, a right, as well as a duty, not to
allow a useless and wasteful expenditure of public
money to pass in silence, while we know of a means
of avoiding it. Further, we wish it to be clearly
understood that we have taken up this Serpentine
question chiefly as a matter of professional reputa-
tion. We have already shown that the work in
St. James's Park is only the first portion of our
plans of 1848-57 for the improvement of the condi-
tion of the public lakes. It is, happily, not a matter
of importance to us whether we are employed by
the Government or not in this business, but we do
think that a change of Government should not be
allowed to arrest the completion of a plan proved
by experience of one lake to be perfectly successful,
and to substitute for it a more expensive and less
efficient one.

We think that, could it be obtained, the opinion
of Mr. Mann, who superintended and directed the
whole works in St. James's Park, would be of great
importance in this question. We are induced to
make this remark from having just observed in Mr.
Hawksley's report that he claims the concur-
rence of Mr. Mann in some of his conclusions, from
which it might be inferred that Mr. Mann was of
opinion that a sufficient quantity of water could
not be obtained from the well in Duck Island. We
do not think this can be so, because to Mr. Mann
is due the merit of originating the idea of this
source of supply, from circumstances that came to
his knowledge during the progress of the works ;
and he had also the opportunity of observing the
immense quantity of water pumped from that well,
and the large increase day by day as we extended
the cuttings made for collecting the water.
We feel that we have now done our duty ; we
have placed the matter in a true light before the
Government and the public, and we care not whe-
ther our plan be carried out by oursels es or any
other " contractor," merely remarking that in
case we sdould be employed, we are still willing to
guarantee that the supply of fresh water, in-
stead of filtered, shall be carried out at a less first
cost of £5,500, and a less working expense of £7OO
per annum. The public may have a better idea of
the quantity we propose to supply by our_ saying
that were it flowing over a weir 12 feet wide it
would run 2.4 inches deep.
We are, Sir, your obedient servants,
EASTON, AMOS, AND SONS.
Grove, Southwark, S.E., Aug. 17.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.
Sir,—lf Mr. Lilwall and Messrs. Easton, Amos,
and Sons are of opinion that they can obtain the
assent of the world to their assertions—the one,
that I am a " contractor," and the other, that the
payer is benefited by the payee being allowed to
design, execute, superintend, and pass his own
works and accounts, I am quite willing to let them
remain in their present agreeable state of delusion.
Nor do I much care to what extent Mr. Lilwall may
endeavour to distort my report for the purpose of
satisfying his own mind that I sat in judgment on
other gentlemen's productions, or that the "various
papers" in question were supplied to me with any
such object. It is enough to inform the public that
I was called in by the Government to examine and
advise as a professional man possessed of pre•experi-
ence on the subject, and that the " papers " came
into my hands for the purpose of affording the
necessary and already acquired information and
data as to plans, sections, soundings, quantities
of water and mud, and the amount and expense
of the materials and work which would
be required, according as my report should
advise one mode of procedure or another. I accord-
ingly, and with the advantage of a knowledge of
facts thus obtained, made my own independent and
most careful and unprejudiced investigation, and
having reported the circumstances as I found them,
and stated what, according to my opinion, would
be the proper modo of improving the lake, I had
fulfilled my engagement, and had earned my pre-
scribed fee. I did not know, and was unable to
surmise, what would be the fate of my report, and
at that time was in nowise further retained in the
matter. Subsequent events have, however, dis-
closed that my report was not only carefully con-
sidered by the First Commissioner, but that it was
also laid before other gentlemen of practical and
scientific eminence for their views upon it. My
recommendations ultimately received official accep-
tance, and then, and only then, was I called in to
prepare plans and specifications for the execution
of the work.
Messrs. Easton, Amos, and Sons are also at pains
to explain away the imputation of having endea-
voured to force themselves upon the Government ;
but, unfortunately, the long history they have writ-
ten on the subject is not " brought down to the
latest times." I therefore refer you and you/
readers to their own subsequently printed corres-
pondence and their more recent proceedings.
Messrs. Easton, Amos, and Sons have presented
the public through your columns with a most mar-
vellous comparison (of course in their own favour)
between the annual expense of their scheme and
mine, upon which I may be permitted a few words.
Your already know that I have proposed to supply
the Serpentine with a daily quantity of 2,000,000
gallons of purified water. But from Messrs. Easton,
Amos, and Sons' printed correspondence it is now
discovered that their proposition has become re-
duced to a supply of only 1,000,000 gallons daily,
with a contemporaneous stoppage of the supply of
fresh water to Buckingham Palace-gardens and St.
James's Park, the lakes in which, according to their
present scheme, are to be hereafter replenished
from the overflowings of the Serpentine. More-
over, for the purpose of preventing the action of a
5-horse engine in Hyde Park, they propose to erect
a 30-horse engine in St. James's Park.
Now, sir, the sequence of the arrangements pro-
posed by Messrs. Easton, Amos, and Sons is as fol-
lows :

1. The well in St. James's-park is to be made to
yield, if it will, and I believe it will not, 1,000,000
gallons per day.
2. '1 his water is to be discharged into the head
of the Serpentine, and to be two months in making
its passage to the overflow, during which time it
will have received the washings of 120,000 bathers,
and have become clouded with vegetation and effete
organic matter.
3. In this condition (and without filtration) it is
to be passed into her Majesty's private garden and
into St. James's-pal k.
Thus destroying the results which Lord Llanover
giving just cause of offence where it
has beeu at such considerable pains and expense to
secure, and
should be most scrupulously avoided.
With this treatment of the water in view, Messrs.
Easton, Amos, and Sons may well venture to aug-
ment my estimate of annual expenses by an amount
of £5OO which does not pertain to it, and to erase
from their estimate of annual expenses many and
large charges which ought to be added to it. Messrs.
Easton, Amos, and Sons also choose to place my
structural estimate in contrast with their structural ,

estimate; whereas, if my adopted works were to be
made on the footing of their proposed works, my
estimate for the constructions would amount to only
£8,300. If Messrs. Easton, Amos, and Sons' est:-
mates be raised to the proper amount for affording'
2,000,000 gallons of water per diem for the supply
of the Serpentine, plus 500,000 gallons for the sup
ply of the Palace-garden and St. James's-park, beds
lieu of the latter quantity for providing filter
near Albert-gate, they will be found to exceed mine
by sums I hesitate to mention.
This controversy has, I fear, already trespassed
beyond its worth upon your valuable olumnet b t
so far as I am concerned it has now terminated.
trust, however, it will not be forgotten that I diu,
not originate it, or take any part in it, till I had
been made the subject (as I hope I have satisfac-
t)rily shown) of personal attacks of a very unWar-
rantable character. b-
With many thanks for the space you have ° t
lingly afforded me, I am, Sir, your most obediee
servant, T. HAWNSLEY.
London, Aug. 17.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES. h
Sir,—Your correspondents seem to resolve
some unanimity, to keep me before the puidieft4
relation to this matter, and consequently Inr:re
under the pressure of the circumstances, once
trouble you.
1. The level of the water in the gravel under St;
James's-park is determined by the conditions __°t
its flow to the tidal outlet, and therefore ne,.vilve
can coincide with the level of the water in

lake. vet
2. The quantity of water accumulated in grave
may be very large, and consequently requireuot
great and protracted effort to pump it out, alth°„Ty
the inflow upon which alone the continuous IPtion
must depend may be very small. The acquisioni
of the knowledge of this practical and univerkg
fact has cost me in the execution of large
11,10,
through saturated gravel many thousand P°,7ll;etn.
In one very analogous instance—that of the ' 90
ria Docks—l made an excavation or Well °f to
acres' area into an extensive bed of gravel, nearon,
and communicating with the Thames ; th.„%qad to
tity of water was at first immense, and I— it;
put down two very large engines to Withdrawbeen
after, however, the accumulated water hat, ,00-
pumped out, the infix was found to be s°ked
siderable that one engine only, occasionallYw".
at half speed, was sufficient to remove it. ell
3. The only mode by which the yield of the the
in St. James's-park and the water tightness .?`„, by
bed of the lake can be accurately ascertained the
fixing a gauge weir at the pumps, and,, no
gauge weir at the outlet from the lake. 11111 .t,rhy
objection to furnish competent parties to sur on.
tend an experiment of six months' duration ction
ducted in this manner, but with a full con
of the character of the result. t the
4. From the published tables it appears that hes
quantity of water constantly flowing n ii,netwo
deep over a weir of 12 feet wide, is nearii ton
million gallons per day, but Meser,e'i;aLads
iu
and Company make their estimate, Puu"—earon
the Times, on a delivery of only one 01their
gallons per day ; for they say in :ted
latest letter to the Chief Commissioner, ,"ne
the 10th of August instant, "We are w"Leiii.
to obtain this quantity of water (one milli3O°ll
Ions) for the sum of £7OO per annum"----'' et,
amount set down in their comparative state to
although Mr. Hawksley proposes by his estinlaw,a,
supply two million gallons. When my former in
in
ter to you was written, I had only just arrived
town, and had not then perused Messrs. -"8.-
proposal to the First Commissioner. dole
5. I dissent entirely from the proposition t°
tou
Gut this limited quantity of water to the Serf
tine, and still more so to the uninviting sngg.es„,ie to
that the same water is to be used a second trig.
supply the Queen's garden and St. Jamess-Plans
6. It is stated—and my own observation con
tine
the statement—that the water of the SerPent The
has no offensive smell (except
extreme head, near the flood opening fr°,'"; re,
occasional-1Y
„nit' the
Ranelagh sewer), although it is discoloured u.'t Nee
movable matter. It seems to me, therefore, thia
ought either to letter the Serpentine alone, an
with
mit to the discolouration, or content ourselves "lin.
purifying the water. I am quite satisfied Per or
inent is not prepared to vote the £80,000: the
£90,000 necessary to remove the mud, rais'rks
bottom and coat it with concrete, and make water.
for maintaining a continuous renewal of the Wa
I am, sir, your very faithful servant,
S. MORTON PET
Q'
12, Kensington Palace-gardens, Aug. 18.