The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-27 00:00:00

0W viva;

of eloquent declamation in this house from the days of Mr.
Fox and Mr. Pitt to this time. But if the Chinese Coolies
were sent to this island, at least there is this, that in China
you can establish relations in concert with the Chinese
authorities by which emigration shall be entirely controlled.
Instead of a fierce war going on, the labour market of
China, which is always redundant, may be relieved, and
and persons wishing to emigrate may obtain good wages
instead of living in poverty and starvation. You can regu•
late that part of the undertaking ; you can regulate its
object. I agree with the hon. gentleman that you cannot
regulate the manner in which the owners and the authori-
ties in Cuba will treat them when they get there. (Hear.)
But something of the same kind might happen which the
hon. gentleman mentioned with regard to Bourbon. In the
same way as the natives of India preferred emigrating to
Mauritius instead of t 3 the Isle of Bourbon, so if it were found
that the coolies did not return from Cuba, or that report spoke
unf ivourably of their treatment, there would be the same
indisposition to emigrate to Cuba. The hon. gentleman readily
alto wed, and it was in fact the foundation of his motion, that
be would allow emigration to our own colonies. I should
be the last person to differ from him on that subject.
I res. member perfectly well, when I was Secretary of State
for the Colonies, teeing the advantages which would
accrue from an emigration from India to the Mauritius. I
did not siecceed, however, in that project, because the house
was adverse to any such scheme. It was considered in this
house that slavery would thereby be encouraged in the
Mauritius. (Hear, hear.) That, however, did not prevent
the colonial legislature from proceeding with the plan, which
for many years Las been attended with the greatest success.
I am informed that there have been more than 150,000
Indians introduced into the Mauritius frsm the time of that
first emigration. Numbers of them have returned to India ;
' and numbers, lam happy to say, have settled in the Mauri-
tius. (Hear, hear.) And I believe that the enjoyment
which they have had and the good wages which they have
been receiving, have been not merely a source of profit to
the owners of the land, but have been the great means of
raising these people in the scale of social life, and enabling
them to obtain an honest livelihood. Therefore, having
taken that early part in promoting the emigration into the
Mauritius, T certainly should be most happy to see a similar
emigration to our West India colonies. But the question
occurs how this is to be done ? I think it must be left to
the Colonial Secretary of State, from time to time, to frame
such plans as will tend to favour that object. This I can
say that her Majesty's Government are fully aware of the
advantages that may be gained by introducing emigra-
tion into the West Indies, and thus increasing the
quantity of free labour. They are of opinion also that,
with the conditions of emigration that may be framed,
the abuses that have prevailed in some instances may
be warded off and guarded against. Therefore the Govern•
ment is not in principle at all opposed to the honourable
gentleman. Ido not think that it would be sufficient to
say, as the third resolution seems to imply, that we have
merely to introduce more free labour into those colonies
where free labour is already established. I think, with
that great and bad example of Cuba before us, those other
measures which we have taken may be made from time to
time more effective, and must not be given up. (Hear.) I
must confess I do not see the practical advantage of the
hon. gentleman's resolutions. The first says that the means
hitherto employed by his country for the suppression of
the African slave trade have failed to accomplish that ob-
ject. Of course, if the hon. gentleman means the total
suppression of the traffic, that is quite true; in the same
way as it might be said that the police in the metropolis
have not succeeded in putting an end to pocket-picking.
(Hear, hear, and laughter.) But there is no doubt that we
have succeeded in throwing great obstacles in the way of
the slave trade, just as the police have done in the way of
thieving ; therefore I should be sorry to agree with that
resolution. The third resolution, which says that we ought
to augment the working population of those countries where
Ass -ely has been abolished, points to a very useful measure ;
but the former part of it, " That the true remedy is not to
be found in countenancing immigration into those countries
where sla'.'ery exists," rather seems to include other reme-
dies, which Have been found very conducive to the suppres-
sion of the trann With these opinions, therefore, concur-
ring in the greater part of the hon. gentleman's observa-
tions, and concurrismg fully and entirely in his object, I beg
to wove the previous question.
Mr, BUXTON said he had satisfied himtelf that the
introductioze;of coolies into the West Indies, if properly
carried out, siermuld be of great advantage both to the islands
and themselves. In spite of England's exertions, the
Atlantic was at present covered with slave-ships ; but it
would be a mistake t.,7 suppose.that our exertions had pro-
duced no effect. It Nos demonstrable that, were the
slave trade put down, an immense traffic would arise on
the African coast, including timber, sugar, coffee, and,
above all, cotton. (Hear, hear.) It would be a blessing to
the inhabitants of that continent ; the wealth of the world
at large would be increased, and an impulse would be given
to the spread of Christianity. (Hear, hear.)
Lord A. CHURCHILL suggested that steps should be
taken for obtaining the co-operation of the King of Da-
homy. It was also desirable that steps should be taken for
pauisliing the captains and crews of playa ships. This
might be done without exciting the jealousy of foreign
nations. The slave trade was principally kept alive by the
desire of native chiefs for European goods. Hence, if a
legitimate commerce could be established there would be no
inducement to trade in slaves.

the end the result must be that the planter was out of
pocket, unless the crop paid better than usual. The system
of immigration must consequently, in the nature of things,
of itself come to an end. Then, he said, there was nothing
better than to bring fresh hands into the oolony. The
mother country might find it to be true economy to grant
loans and guarantees, and by increasing immigration to put
an end to slavery for ever. It was, he believed, a disputed
question whether free labour was cheaper or dearer than
slave labour in our colonies. He believed the former, be-
cause the owner of free labour was contented with less pro-
fits than the slave owner. The slave owner was compelled
to indemnify himself for the risks he ran ; a pestilence
might destroy at ono blow all his human chattels ; a con-
spiracy might endanger his life and property. As the poet
said of old—" Incedit in ignes suppositos cineri doloso."
This feeling of the slave owner was the cause of the preva-
lence of Lynch law in certain parts of the United States ;
for, as his hearers were aware, nothing was so cruel as fear.
This he thought was a national question. The Government
which first kept an armed force on the coast of Africa gave
every encouragement to a deplorable system of cruelly ;
but by adopting the plan proposed they would at once strike
at the root of slavery, and encourage commercial enterprise.
There were, therefore, two alternatives, either to withdraw
our squadron, or to let our colonies go to ruin, and continue,
as we are at present, the greatest consumers of slave pro-
duce in the world. But let us put an end to those empirical
remedies, which only checked the ulcer in one place that it
might break out in another, and which substituted for the
slave trade a system which, from the length of the voyage
and the character of the voyagers, was unfortunately more
cruel than that which it professed to destroy.
Lord J. RUSSELL—The hon. gentleman has proposed
these resolutions to the house in a speech of great feeling
and great ability. (Hear, hear.) It is worth the while of
the house frequently to consider this subject, and if any
member of the house will point out any means by which
the slave trade can be more speedily and more efficiently
suppressed, our time will not be lost in considering the sub-
ject. I shall, however, reserve what I have to say with
respect to the motion of the hon. gentleman till after I
have made some observations upon the comments he has
made upon the proposal he has offered. Now, sir, we have
got rid most happily, and we ought to be thankful to God
that we live at a time when we have got rid of slavery in
our own dominions. (Hear.) I remember the time, unfor-
tunately that that should be the case, when Mr. Canning
came etown to this house and read some 12 or 15 propositions,
which %ore the proposals of the Government of that day, not
for the abof.ition but for the mitigation of slavery in our West
Indian colones, with a view to its final extinguishment.
Among those p,eopositions was one of a most humane cha-
racter. But some months, perhaps a twelvemonth, after-
wards the minister came down to this house and said that his
propositions were not favourably received by the West In-
dian colonists ; and one in particular to which the 'West In-
dians objected—on the gound that its adoption would be
fatal to the property of the colonists, and to the labour upon
which their whole prosperity ,lepended—was that the flog-
ging of women should be abolished. Mr. Canning was
obliged to state that the colonists N:rould not suffer this pro-
posal to be carried out. Happily we' Leave advanced far be-
yond that time. We have seen not o'uly plans for the en-
franchisement of slaves, but we have seen' .that noble scheme
which was introduced by Lord Derby for its total abolition
of slavery carried into effect. At the same ti,'o that we were
adopting a plan of our own for the abolition slavery, an
endeavour was made to provide by treaties that file abolition
of the slave trade should be carried out in other ways. The
hen. gentleman says he cannot conceive «hat groeVed we
have for saying that we have suppressed slavery. lad re,e twe
have not been wholly successful ; I admit we have not lee en
successful to the extent of utterly suppressing it, but all oele-
efforts have been made in this direction, and to a consider-
able extent they have checked and obstructed the slave
trade. There is, however, this consideration, that whilst the
whole nation with willingness, I may say with enthusiasm,
adopted the plans which were proposed for the suppression
of the English slave trade, and afterwards of English
slavery, there is no such moral public opinion existing in
other countries against either slavery or the slave trade
that we can depend upon their efficient assistance to the
diplomacy of this country, or to our active efforts for the
suppression of the slave trade. 'We have done much, it is
admitted, towards the suppression of the trade in Brazil;
and I find it is reported that during the last two years no
instances have occurred of the slave trade being carried on
in Brazil. But there is a very great slave trade carried on
between the states of America and the 'West Indies. (Hear.)
A great number of slaves are introduced into Cuba ; and
some 500,000, or as some persons say 600,000 tons of sugar
are grown and manufactured in Cuba almost entirely by
slave labour. This is a melancholy fact, and we have en-
deavoured to ascertain why it is that this trade continues.
In the first place, we find that every person in Cuba who
has any official knowledge of the importation of slaves re-
ceives, or is able to receive, a large bribe for permitting the
introduction of slaves. It seems that a bribe given for the
permission to import slaves is to persons of small incomes
an irresistible temptation. But I believe they content
themselves with receiving a large bribe instead of using
their efforts for the suppression of the traffic. I believe the
Governor of Cuba says in his public declarations that he
wishes to suppress the trade, and no doubt the Spanish
Government has dismissed several persons who had been
accused and convicted of trafficking in slaves. But still
the profits are so enormous, and the facility is so great, that
these measures are unheeded. What then, according to
our ideas, shall be the remedy ? This is a remedy, that
vessels sailing under the Spanish flag, and carrying slaves,
should be boarded, taken before a mixed commission, and
condemned. But here, I say, we meet with an effectual
obstacle to our efforts. The hon. gentleman says—" If
certain cruisers were placed off the coast of Cuba, and were
to arrest vessels sailing to Cuba, that might be a very
complete suppression." But we have several times had a
very effective squadron off the coast of Cuba, and we have
used every endeavour to prevent the importation of
slaves. Here we are met with another objection, namely,
that these vessels carry the American flag. The prac-
tice is carried on in this way, and when I state this
I state what I have read over and over again in American
papers. There is a large association of very considerable
means at the Havannah. This association sends vessels to
New York and to other ports on the coasts of America, and
their agents purchase vessels on the coasts of America, at
New York, and other places, which are sent sometimes to
the Havannah, and sometimes directly to the coasts of
Africa. These vessels are equipped in a manner fit for the
reception of slaves. They arrive at the coast, and remain
sometimes for weeks without being able to import their
human cargo. But opportunities are found along all these
coasts for the embarkation of the slaves. The vessel sails to
the coast of Cuba, and finds an opportunity to land its cargo
in some small creek or harbour, and all this time the Bri-
tish cruisers are unable to take them because they are
covered by the American flag. Then we remonstrated about
this. The American Government replied, and stated, what
they were perfectly right in stating, that the right of search
in time of peace cannot by international law be allowed, and
that they were entitled to be exempt from any such search
of their vessele. No doubt that flag covered such importa-
tions, when under the Spanish flag we should have cap-
tured those vessels. But the flag being the American flag,
it was impossible so to do. Then I urged, and I think with
great fairness, "It may be that that sensitiveness with
regard to the search of your ships is justifiable. It may
be that your native pride will never allow an English officer
to come and search vessels that aro bona fide ships belong-
ing to the United States. But if that be so, do not depart
from your own treaties and declarations against the slave
trade. Employ measures of your own. If you will not allow
British cruisers to put down the slave trade, put it down
yourselves. Take all the merit of the glory which will accrue
from successfully putting an end to the traffic. Let us not
take a single one of your ships. Do it finally for the sake
of your own character, for the sake of that great republic
which I hope may still remain the United States." Well,
sir, the President of the United States directed his Sec-
retary of State to tell me that the American Government
had already had enough of these remonstrances on the part
of the British Government. (A laugh.) My answer to
that was, that the American Government might state what
it pleased, but that no declaration of theirs, no statement of
theirs, would prevent the British Minister from remon-
strating and declaring that it was a blot upon the United
States that they did not effectually repress the slave trade
that was going on—(cheers)—and I hope when there is
occasion to repeat that statement. (Cheers.) This leaves us
in a state of things to which I think no hon gentleman will
easily find an answer. The Spanish Government do allow
their officials in Cuba to draw enormous profits, of 70, SO,
and even 100 per cont. for this horrible trade, which to us
is the subject of such deep aversion, and this under the pro-
tection of the Spanish flag. What I proposed was, and the
hon. gentleman seems to think it a very flighty proposal—
I really felt it was right to try every possible menus, to look
here, there, and everywhere fur a remedy—what I proposed
was, that there should be a joint squadron of English and
Spanish ships--
Mr. CAVE--I beg the noble lord's pardon. I said that
the proposal was a very reasonable one.
Lord J. RUSSELL—I am glad to hear it meets with the
hon. gentleman's approbation. A similar propcsal was made
many years ago, which I should have been perfectly glad
to see adopted, but which I feared the United States, France,
or Spain would not accede to. The proposal was made by
the Emperor Alexander of Russia. Seeing the jealousy
that those nations had of each other, he proposed a squadron
composed of each nation, but bearing one flag, and being em-
powered by all the different nations to search vessels and
carry them before a commission, which should be authorised
by all these powers to condemn traders in slaves. That
seemed a very reasonable proposal. 'lnstead of endeavouring
not to have such a proposal carried nut I supported it. But
the American Government refused the proposition. I now
come therefore to the objections which the bon. gentleman
has made. 'With regard t l the importation of Chinese
coolies into Cuba, it seems to me at least to have this ad-
vantage. The demand for labour is of course very great in
Cuba; with such a soil and with such means of produce
there are great demands for labour. These labourers are
procured by slave dealers, who keep the African tribes in a
state of unmitigated hostility for the purpose. In short the
means of obtaining slaves are repugnant to humanity—
(hear, hear)—and the mode in which these unfortunate
creatures are brought across the seas has been the subject

➢lr. KINNAIRD trusted the noble lord would not op-
pose the resolutions which had been moved by his hon,
friend in a speech which was so temperate and so full of
argument, and which had been well received by the house,

Mr. M'MAHON said there were three articles of slave
produce which were largely consumed in this country—
cotton, tobacco, and sugar. Now if the Government of
this country would tolerate the growth of tobacco at home,
thoy would be carrying out the views of the hon. gentle-
man the member for New Shoreham (Mr. Cave).

Mr. YORTESCUE said he was anxious to make a few
observations by way of explanation of the course pursued
by the Colonial Department, and he understood the com-
plaint against :it to be that the expenses of transporting the
coolies to the Worst Indies should not be charged on the
planters, but that they should be borne by the revenues of the
colonies. The power of regulating the supply of labour re-
mained with the Secretary of State. Ho admitted that the
question was one by no means easy of decision, and the
great difficulty was how to apportion those expenses between
the importing planters and the colonial governments. This
question would inevitably be regarded from different points
of view, according to the interests of those who considered
it. It must be remembered that these labourers were intro-
duced to the colonies for the especial purpose of growing
sugar, and they were allotted to one description of impor-
ters only, for fixed periods, who acquired a natural right
to their labour. There was not the proportion of women
and children which usually accompanied ordinary emi-
grants from one part of the world to another, and thus
these people did not contribute to the permanent increase
of the population of the colonies. That was the state of
facts which had led many able men to say that any con-
tribution from the colonial revenues for the expenses of
the introduction of the coolies to the colonies could not be
said to be anything else than a bounty from the public
funds for the production of sugar. (Hear, hear.) Again,
it was equally true that the importation was not conduc-
ted as the planter himself would choose, nor was it allowed
to flow in a natural way. The planters wore subjected to
many restrictions laid on for the protection of their poor
people, and were obliged to import a certain number of
women, children, and old people along with the field
hands. Under these circumstances the aid from the
Colonial Office was not a bounty, but a compensation. He
believed that the importation of coolies had been a great
advantage to the West Indies, and had materially bene-
fited the native labourer himself. These were the points
which successive Secretaries of State had had to consider,
and the present secretary had come to the conclusion that
the present rate was not an unfair one, namely, that two-
thirds of the expense should fall either directly or in-
directly on the planter, and the remaining third on
the general revenue of the colony. It should never
be forgotten that the governing class were the em-
ployers of the colony, and therefore it became the
duty of the government at home to represent the im-
migrants. As to the encouragement of slavery or the
slave trade,'the Colonial Office had made up its mind. They
had determined to encourage free immigration, and he was
happy to hear that all objections on the parts of the old
friends of the slave had been withdrawn. The Coloaial-
office was determined to carry out the system to its utmost
extent. The Mauritius contained 200,000 coolies, who had
declined the permission to go back, and now formed a resi-.
dent population in the colony. The production and wealth
of the country had increased, and the system was being
gradually extended to the West Indies, to Natal, and to
Moreton Bay. lie could not concur in his hon. friend's sug-
gestion of an intended protectorate on the coast of Africa,
which he feared would be ineffectual beyond the stations
which we possessed at the mouth of the river, where a few
white men possessed an immense moral influence over the
natives. lie feared that an extension of our protectorate on
the Gold Coast would not offer a practical means for the
suppression of the slave trade. He believed that the best
resource fur the labour market in the tropics would be the
free immigration of Chinese labourers, who were much bet-
ter than the India coolies. He looked forward to the im-
portation of Chinese labour into the West Indies with the
greatest confidence as to its success.
Mr. C. EWIN:i heard with the greatest pleasure the de-
claration of the Government of its intention to encourage the
impartation of free labour into the West Indies. He be-
lieved that the production of sugar would be largely bene-
fited, and he begged, on the part of the West India interest,
to thank the Colonial-office for the attention which both
the late and the present colonial ministers had devoted to
the subject.

Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, I am sure the house is very
much indebted t) the hon. gentleman who moved the re-
solutions, for ha-ling brought under the consideration of
the house a subject of the greatest possible importance and
interest, and h)wever we may differ from him as to the
wording
of the resolutions, I think that which has
passed in the coarse of this discussion must have satisfied
him that there is no difference whatever of opinion be-
tween the hon. member and her Majesty's Government as
to the 'object to be attained. There were some expressions
used by the hon, gentleman, and re- echoed by the hon

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY „EVENING,- IttRUARY

_
member for Perth, which I think if allowed' to go forth
without some explanation might create considerable misap-
prehension as to the impression they intended to convey,
because the hon. gentleman stated that the English Govern-
ment had for a long course of time encouraged and pro-
moted slavery and the slave trade in other countries. Now,
I believe what he meant was this, that by consuming slave-
grown produce the people of England indirectly encouraged
slavery and the slave trade. Well, that is a question which
has been frequently discussed in this house, and upon full
deliberation those who have advised Parliament to discourage
the consumption of slave-grown produce have not been sue •
cessful in convincing Parliament that that would be either
a wise or a right method of putting the slave trade down.
But I wish it to be understood that the efforts of the Go•
vernment for putting down slavery and the slave trade have
been most exemplary, have been of long continuance, have
been most energetic, and, to a great degree, successful—
(cheers)—and that is one reason why I object to the word-
ing of the first resolution, because taken as it stands it would
imply that our efforts had been altogether and entirely a
failure. We set the example ourselves of abolishing the
slave trade and the condition of slavery. Has that remained
a fruitless example ? Why France has followed our example.
France has abolished first her slave trade and then slavery,
and no condition of slavery now exists in any territory
belonging to France. Well, Holland has abolished the
slave trade. We have concluded treaties with Spain and
Portugal, giving means and providing machinery for put-
ting a stop to the slave trade. We have concluded treaties
innumerable with chiefs on the coast of Africa for putting
a stop to the slave trade from their territories. Well, to
say that this country has been encouraging slavery and
the slave trade in other nations is to assert that which
is at variance with the most notorious his-
torical facts, and it is a calumny on the British nation and
the British Government. (Cheers.) Our efforts have been
greatly successful. We have induced by our example and
by the efforts made by the :British Government ever since
the year 1815, when at the great Congress at Vienna the
Esitishrepresentative persuaded all the confederated Powers
to agree to a declaration that the slave trade was a curse to
Africa and a disgrace to Europe and ought to be put down—
ever since that time we have made every effort to put an
end to the sh2ve trade. Well, we have succeeded greatly.
In the first place, ;pith regard to Brazil, which used to import
fifty, sixty, and seven; thousand negroes yearly, a number
which in human misery en ,4 suffering represents three times
that extent, because at least three times that number had to
be torn from their homes and families, is the centre of
Africa, in order to produce the residue, the sle7e trade has
entirely ceased ; and if we had only accomplished t2at, it
would have been a great glory to the British nation. Well,
Portugal used to be the most active instrument of slavery.
I will not undertake to say, because 1 know it would not be
true, that in the Portuguese colonies in Africa a great ex-
tent of slave trade does not still go on, but it goes on with-
out the consent and without the wishes of the Government
of Lisbon ; and that Government, when representations are
made to it on the subject, expresses its concurrence, and
does all it can to discourage slavery as far as they have power
to prevent it, and now very little slavery is carried on under
the Portuguese flag. Holland carries on no slave trade, and
yet she used to carry on a great deal ; and therefore the slave
trade is confined almost exclusively to that centre of abomi-
nation, the island of Cuba. (Cheers.) The number of
slaves imported into Cuba some years ago was compa-
ratively small, but I am sorry to say that within the last
few years the number has greatly increased ; and why ?
Because the American Government from motives which per-
haps one ought to respect, from a mistaken sense of national
honour, has interfered to cover with impunity that prosti-
tution of the American flag which covers the abomination
of the slave trade. In speaking of the slave trade it is im-
possible to express too strongly one's sense of indignation
at the profligate, shameless, and disgraceful bad faith with
which the Spanish nation has acted with regard to it.
(Loud cheering.) As far back as 1817, the Spanish Go-
vernment bound itself by treaty to abolish slavery, and the
slave trade, and we paid £400,000 for compensation to those
who might suffer by that change of policy. In 1835, after
the Government of England had mainly contributed to the
establishment of a free constitution in Spain, we asked, as
the only acknowledgment of the services rendered, that
Spain would conclude with us a treaty by which machinery
should be established for mutual right of search and mixed
commissions, in order that the engagements of 1817 might
be concluded, and an effectual stop put to the slave trade.
Well, the memory of our services to Spain being fresh we
obtained that treaty, and if it had been fairly carried out the
Spanish slave trade would have ceased. It is most extra-
ordinary that a nation which taken individually has the
highest sense of honour and good faith, should when taken
in the aggregate be guilty of such a shameless abandon-
ment of honour. (Hear.) No doubt the conduct of Spain
would give us a good cause of war, if we thought proper to
avail ourselves of it. We have repeatedly warned them in as
strong language as I am now using, and the papers before
Parliament contain records of it ; but lam sorry to say
they have been dead to a sense of their duty with regard to
their national engagements. I hope that is only a remnant
of that debased feeling which their arbitrary Government
in twiner tlain imill,tcti upon tho Spanish nation, and that
those more generous feelings which belong to a constitu-
tional government will soon have their sway. (Hear.) I
tun sorry to say that NI e have notreceived from the govern-
ment of the United States that co•operation which we had
a right to expect, because they are hound by treaty to work
with England in suppressing the slave trade. But the Ame-
rican government prevents eurcruisers from meddling with
ships sailing under the American flag, except at their own
risk and peril in the event of the ship being found to have
American papers as well as the American flag, it would be
considered an insult to the American nationality to search
the ship. A great difficulty arose, some two or three years
ago, on the coast of Cuba. We thought it right that there
should be an intercepting squadron on the coast of Cuba as
well as on the coast of Africa, but a clamour arose in the
United States against that proposal, and we were obliged to
withdraw our cruisers from that station. My noble friend
made not long ago a proposal to the American Government
which, if they had been disposed to co-operate with us in
the abolition of the slave trade, I think they ought to have
accepted, as it would have put an end to the abuse of the
American flag. When slavers sailing under that flag were
boarded by British cruisers they presented American papers
as a proof of their nationality, but when they are searched
by the Am,rican cruisers they throw the American papers
into the sea, and thus destroy the only proof of nationality
which would enable Amerieanofficers to seize and condemn
the ship. What my noble friend proposed was, that the
British and American cruisers should sail in couples, so
that if the slaver threw away the American papers the
British cruiser could seize her, and it they were retained the
American cruiser could seize the vessel. (A laugh.) I
cannot too strongly express my concurrence in the
opinions of my hon. friend behind me (Mr. Buxton),
whose name is associated with all the most honourable
and vigorous efforts to put an end to slavery and the
slave trade. However, the main object of the motion of
the hon. member is, I believe, that the Government should
encourage immigration. I should hope after the statement
made by my hon. friend the Under Secretary for the Colo-
nies as to the increase in that immigration from year to
year, that the hon. gentleman will be satisfied with
having elicited an expression of feeling on the part of the
house which will fortify the Government—(hear, hear)—
in their future communications with other governments
upon this subject, and that he will not expose the house to
the painful duty of dividing on the previous question.
(Cheers.)
Mr. CAVE briefly replied. He denied the charge made
against him by the noble lord the head of the Government,
that he had uttered any calumny against this country. On
the contrary, he had stated that when the bill of 1846 was
received at Havannah the whole town was illuminated. He
repeated his objection to the Chinese being carried to Cuba
—it would be much better to have Africans than Chinese
for that purpose. He said that without fear of contradiction
that Spain was not to be trusted in this matter. Spain had
already worked two races to death in Cuba ; and ho trusted
the noble lord would not encourage Spain to drag a third
race to what the noble lord so properly termed " the centre
of abominations"—Cuba. After the observations of the
noble lord he should not press his motion, being satisfied
with the general tone the debate had taken. (Hear, hear.)
The motion was then withdrawn.
TRANSPORT SERVICE.

Mr. LINDSAY moved for a select committee to inquire
into the organisation and management of those branch ,s of
the Admit alty, War-office, India-office, and Emigration
Board, by which the business of transporting, by means of
shipping, troops, convicts, emigrants, materials of war,
stores, and any other similar services, is now performed.
The motion was agreed to.
LOCOMOTIVES BILL.

On tho motion of Mr. GAIQ4rETT this bill was read a
second time, and was ordered to be committed on 13th
March. . _ .

--- ---
The house adjourned at 10 minutes to 10 o'clock.

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