The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-29 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, AUGUST 29, 1859.

'THE LONDON.—The attention of Gentlemen
A- is especially drawn to the advantages offered in these
elegant and spacious Saloons, which fulfil all the require-
ments of a West-end club of the most aristocratic and exclu-
sive character.
Mon trouve dans la Salle de Lecture non seulement lee
meilleurs jonrneaux Anglais, macs aussi Allemand, Francais,
et Beige.
F. SAW YER, Proprietor,l9l, Fleet-street

THE LONDON.—S AW Y E R'S famous
-a- LONDON DINNER, consisting* of two soups, two
iish, two entrees, joints, two sweets, cheese, and salad, at a
fixed charge of 2s. 6d. (attendance, 3d.), is served from Two
till Eight in the spacious Saloon.
In the Coffee-room, Dinners from thejoint, with vegetables,
cheese, and salad, Is. 6d. (attendance 3d.), and soup, fish, en-
tr4es, &c., a la carte, are served from One till Nine o'clock.
Ladies' Private Rooms and Dining Saloons. Spacious and
well-ventilated Wine, Coffee, and Smoking Saloon.
An extensive and carefully selected stock of Rhenish, Mo•
selle, and other Wines, imported expressly for the London
Dinner. Open on Sundays from Four till Nine.
F. SAWYER, Proprietor, 191, Fleet-street.

EVANS'S MAGNIFICENT MUSIC AND
SUPPER ROOMS.
In addition to the usual entertainment Mr. WESTER-
DAHL, of the King of Sweden's Orchestra, will perform on
twenty various instruments, with singular excellence, In the
course of the evening.
Mr. Westerdahl's engagement terminates in a fortnight.

I OYAL 'ALHAMBRA PALACE.-
McCOLLUM'S GREAT ANGLO-SAXON CIRCUS,
The most extensive and finest Equestrian Troupe in the
World, comprising the first artistes of Europe and America.
Two Grand performances daily, commencing at 3 and Bp.m.
Doors open at half-past 2 and half-past 7.

ROYAL CREMORNE GARDENS.
Second GPIEAT JUVENILE FESTIVAL.—HighIy
interesting BALLOON RACE, THURSDAY, Sept. Ist, in
which Twelve beautiful Balloons will represent the Metro-
politan Daily Press, and will then compete for aeronautic
fame. The Inflation of the Balloons will take place in the
presence of the assembied visitors. The drawing for choice
of Balloons will be confined to juveniles, and each successful
child will be allowed to start the Balloon they marhavewon.
The new Balloon Dances will be carried out on the Lawn,
the amusements will take place at an earlier hour, and every
effort will be directed to render it a Juvenile Festival of un-
precedented interest and magnitude. The leading Exhibi-
tions and Performances continue to receive daily fashionable
and very general support, and include a Grand Ballet—a
Marionette Burlesque, with especial (the Cremona) Band—
odson, the unequalled Irish Imitator—a Grand Equestrian
Performance—Dogs and Monkeys—the Italian Salamander—
the al fresco Ball and Concert—a Pyrotechnic Display, with
music from three bands throughout the evening. Admission,
One Shilling.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ROOMS,
High Holborn, REOPENED for the SEASON.—This
establishment, pre-eminently distinguished for the elegan
and matchless beauty of its decorations, combined with the
perfection of its management, is OPEN EVERY EVENING.
Great alterations and improvements have been made during
the recess, and nothing has been left undone that could en-
hance the beauty of the place, or increase the comfort of the
visitors. Doors open at half-past 8; overture at 9; closing
at 12 punctually. Admission ls.

THE DETECTION OF ARSENICAL
POISONING, &c., illustrated, and REIVCH'S,
MARSH'S, and other Tests, fully and Experimentally ex-
plained, with remarks on the fallacies of the Faculty, at Dr.
KAHN'S MUSEUM (top of the Haymarket), Daily at 2,1,
and S o'clock. Admission Is.
The HAN+ +BOOK, including Dr. KAHN'S LECTU 'ES
on the PHILOSOPHY of MARRIAGE, free by post for 12
stamps, direct from the Author, 17, Harley-street, Cavendish-
square, W.

'THORLEY'S FOOD FOR CATTLE.—Every
person having an interest in domestic or farm animals
should obtain a supply of this celebrated and economical
food, which will prove invaluable during the approaching;
season. For keeping horses in good Condition it is unequal-
.ed. Pigs fatten with surprising rapidity upon it, and their
flesh increases in flavour and value. Cowkeepers will find
meat advantage in the increased quantity and improved qua-
lity of the milk during its use. All animals are benefited by
it. A pamphlet on this interesting subject, accompanied by
festimonials from the principal Nobility, Gentry, and Agri-
:ulturists, forwarded on application. In casks containing
148 feeds (measures enclosed), price 505., carriage paid to any
Railway Station in the United Kingdom. Post-office orders
savable to Joseph Thorley, 77, Newp;ate-street, London.
N.B.—The public arecautioned against being imposed upon
by worthless imitations. •

being replaced by more durable materials. Sir M.
Peto is about to con struct2so new houses at Southend

The North Devon have declared a dividend for the
past half-year at the rate of 18s. 9d. per cent. per
annum. The earnings have been £12,624 against
£10,468 in the same period of 1858. About half
of the increase is due to the Agricultural Associa-
tion meeting at Barnstaple last June. At the North
and South-Western Junction meeting the distribu-
tion ordered was at the tate of 1 per cent, per
annum, being an addition of / to the amount divided
last year. The revenue shows an increase from all
sources, but the principal improvement has been
under the head of passengers. The shareholders of
the Warrington and Stockport have approved a 4
per cent. dividend as proposed. The bill for leasing
the line to the London and North-Western and St.
Helen's Companies for 999 years has received the
Royal assent. The terms are 4 per cent. for the first
year and 41 afterwards. The Coniston line was
opened for passengers in June, but is not yet ready
for goods and minerals. A railway is projected
from Thetford through Bury St. Edmund's to Sud-
bury. Another scheme proposes's, line from Bury
St. Edmund's to Elsenham. At a meeting of the
Monkland a dividend'at the rate of 8 per cent. per
annum was declared. There has been an increase
in the net revenue of £3,885. The report of the
Whitehaven. and. Furness Junction states the
available balance to be £2,256, out of which a
distribution of 3s. 6d. per share iS recommended,
carrying forward £265. At the Furness meeting
the proposed 7 per cent. dividend was agreed
to. There has been a considerable augmentation
in the receipts, notwithstanding the injurious effect
of the late war upon trade, while the working ex-
penses show a reduction. The agreement for the
lease of the Coniston has been sanctioned by the
Board of Trade. The directors of -the London,
Chatham, and Dover (late East Kent) state that
the works are progressing satisfactorily, and that
they confidently expect the completion of the whole
line by October, 1860. The portion between
Faversham and Canterbury will probably be finished
next March. A meeting of the English bond and
shareholders of the 'New York and Erie has been
held to consider the necessary steps to be taken
with regard to the legal proceedings instituted
against the company and the appointment of a re-
ceiver. It was resolved to send a deputation to
New York to examine the accounts and assist in re-
organising the concern. The Bourn and Essendine
line is expected to be ready for traffic by the end of
November. The report of the Great Western and
Brentford states that the bill for a lease to the Great
Western has received the royal assent. Upon the
completion of the approach road from Brentford to
the dock, now in a forward state, the arrangement
will come into operation. The Shrewsbury and
Hereford have declared a dividend at the rate of 5
per cent. per annum; South Staffordshire, 44 ' • and
Hull and Holderness, 21-. The committee of ma-
nagement of the Lombardo-Venetian and Central
Italian Railways have given notice that all future
calls must be paid in gold or silver, and that the
dividend for the year 1858 has been fixed at Bs. per
share.

THE BALLOT IN 2HE UNITED ST-4TES.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,—Mr. Cobden, in his speech at Rochdale,
says that in America " Every ono admits that the
ballot is the most convenient, peaceful, and moral
means of taking votes ever devised."
Perhaps it is not generally known that the bal-
lot, nearly universal in America, is not secret, as
proposed in this country, but open. I have before
me a rather striking commentary on Mr. Randall's
account of the value of the ballot in Philadelphia.
It is a leading article in the Public Ledger, of Phi-
ladelphia, Feb. 28, 1859, headed " Abuses of our
Government." Speaking of people in office, it
says :

" With the machinery at their command, and the
means they so well know how to use, they can con-
trol the elections and override the people in their
choice. If legitimate means fail, what is to prevent
such crimes being committed as false swearing at
elections, false voting, and all the other falsehoods
which are essential to fraudulent elections. . .

Hence the corrupt principle which controls our
political contests infects the vital principle of re-
publican government, the purity and freedom of
the ballot-box. The elections are a fraud on the
people, and the people are again defrauded by those
whom the first cheat has elevated into public
station."

The enclosed letter from the talented author of
" Two Years before the Mast " gives more precise
information than has yet appeared on the subject,
especially as to the diffiulty of making the ballot
secret.

Mr. Dana has kindly given me leave to publish
it. To vouch for its authenticity, I beg to sub-
scribe myself, your obedient servant,

London, Aug. 19.

RADSTOCK.

"Boston, June 27.
"My dear Lord Radstock,—Had I known at the
time that you were so much interested in the ballot
question I should have gone more into detail. I
think I can give you the history of the ballot in
Massachusetts within reasonable limits.

"We have always had the vote by ballot in
Massachusetts, but it is the open and not the secret
ballot. I have no doubt that the ballot was intro-
duced for the purpose of securing secrecy and pro-
tecting the voter. The first mention of it in our
kistory (see "Palfrey's History of New England,"
vol. i., page 375) seems to indicate this. But by
the inevitable operation of certain causes this pur-
pose has been frustrated, and the ballot has become
an open one.
" These causes are the following :
" The purity of the ballot must be preserved at
all hazards. Our experience has shown us that in
the excitement of great popular elections, deciding
the
policy of
ee he
f , and its vast patronage,
chance is given for
If allowed, the result is
them.frauds
will t
bht
these
roauundt s committed,r y
If
a
not only that the popular will may be defeated, and
the result falsified, but that the worst side will pre-
vail. The side which has the greater number of
dishonest men will poll the most votes. The war
cry, Vote early and vote often !' and the familiar
problem, how to cast the greater number of votes
with the smallest number of voters,' indicate the
direction in which the dangers lie.
"The first danger is of illegal voters. The
second is of illegal Totes.
" To gwzrd against the former, which is common
to the ballot and viva voce voting, we require a re-
gistry of voters to be kept, and each voter to pre-
sent himself in open meeting, declare his name, and
have it checked from the list before he can deposit
his ballot. If his name is not on the register he is
rejected. He cannot safely attempt to personate
another who is a voter in the presence of the public
meeting. We have never been willing to entrust
the duty of enforcing these rules and detecting
such imposture to any officers, however chosen or
appointed. We are not willing to let voters go
secretly into boxes or covered ways, out of public
view, and there entrust the purity of the franchise
to the risks of the fidelity, intelligence, or diligence
of any selected persons. Such a system could not
stand in America. Our experience will not war-
rant us in trusting such power to any officers, or to
delegates of parties or candidates. It could not
stand against the popular distrust, in case of an
unexpected result of an important election. Such
a mode of voting, too, is against the habits and
instincts of our people.

" Our security, then, against illegal voters, or
legal voters voting more than once; and the perso-
nation of an absent voter, is in requiring the voter
to appear in open meeting, subject to scrutiny and
challenge.
" The next danger is of illegal votes—that is,
of a voter depositing more than one vote. This
is a danger from whieh viva voce voting is free.
It is the great danger attending the ballot. If it
cannot be satisfactorily guarded against the ballot
must be given up. The end must not be sacrificed
to the means. The danger is that with the paper
folded several ballots may be dropped as one. This
gives the election to the party of the must rogues.
To guard against this we have required the
voter to present his ballot at the ballot-box in
public meeting, open and unfolded, SO that all can
see that he deposits but one vote. Not only the
sworn officers, but chiefly, and more earnestly, and
effectually, the party committees and eager par-
tisans keep watch over the singleness of the ballot.
" I have thus shown you how the necessary ope-
ration of causes has made our ballot an open one.
" Let me now tell you how far, and in what sense,
it is an open one.
" If the voting were for one or two candidates
only, and each man wrote his vote, he might pass
this ordeal of scrutiny, and still in many cases•pre-
serve the secret of his vote—yet not easily. But
we vote for so many officers in America that a bal-
lot is like a subscription:list. In choosing the Presi-
dent we vote for a whole corps of electors—in New

York for 36, in Massachussetts for 13. We choose
long lists of senators, representatives, counsellors,
state, city, town, county, and ward officers. All
these are usually on one ballot, arranged under
their proper heads. This list is agreed upon at a

party convention or caucus, and printed for 'the
use of the voters. The printed ballots are so COD-
venicnt that a written ballot is almost as rare as a
written bank cheque. It would be exceedingly
inconvenient—little short of impossible—for each
vother to prepare his own list, assigning to each
office a candidate who is legally qualified in all
respects, and is understood to be .willing to accept
the office. Moreover, as a plurality elects—that
is, a relative and not an absolute majority—every
vote for a candidate not previously agreed upon by
others is thrown away. From these causes .it
happens that printed ballots are all but exclusively
used, and that the ballots are those provided by the
party committees. Each party has at the polls its
printed ballots and ballot distributors. The ballots
are distinguished by colours and by emblems. The
Democratic tickets may be headed by the eagle,
and the Republican by the stars and stripes, and
one of blue paper and the other of white. If a man
deposits the party ballot, holding it open and un-
folded, in the presence of all the meeting, so that
it can be told that it is single, and gives his name,
and awaits scrutiny, it can readily be understood
what the secrecy amounts to. If he refuses the
party ticket, and offers one of his own, even if his
vote is not read, he is marked as a 'bolter.'
"Now, the politicians and the party committees
have every motive for ascertaining each man's vote: '
They canvass every voting district thoroughly.
They have their check lists at the polls. As each
voter is checked off from the public register he is
checked from the committee's list,' _ and the cha-.
racter of his vote is set down as certain or probable.
As the time of closing the polls draws near
absentees are drummed up, until the list of sure
and probable supporters is exhausted. Party
fidelity is exacted, and a swerving from it is
watched and remembered.

" In this state of things our ballot has practically
no element of secrecy. The result of the voting is
known before it is declared. I have seen a ballot
of 1,000 votes counted by bystanders so as to come
out correctly. It is not unusual, in times of excite-
ment, to hear applause or hisses as a ballot is de-
posited.

" About the year 1851 thepublic mind was much
stirred by a movement for a secret ballot. It was
agreed on both sides that our system had no secrecy.
The argument for the secret ballot was that the
voter must be protected against undue influence.
This influence was not, as in England, from great
landlords over their tenants and labourers; for we
have no such system with us. Our agriculture is in
the hands of small freeholders, and they are the
most independent class we have. The undue in-
fluence was from the political organizations, which
aim at a despotic control over individual action,
and from the great manufacturing establishments,
corporate and un-incorporated, and, to some extent,
from the large employers engaged in commerce and
the mechanic arts. Committees of inquiry were
appointed by the Legislature, and they reported
rather a serious state of inquisition and intimidation
in many quart( rs.

" Still, the secret ballot met with strong opposi-
tion. It was nicknamed the sneaking ballot,' and
was characterised as unsuited to our feelings and
habits, and as debasing. It was said that it was
better to leave a few timid voters unprotected, than
to lower the tone of a whole people. It was also
predicted that secrecy was impossible if desirable,
and that the result would be a series of troublesome,
undignified, and complicated contrivances ending
in nothing.
" The friends of the secret ballot took great pains
to meet the latter objection ; and a leading advo-
cate of it went to England and conferred with the
supporters of secret ballot there, and examined the
various plans. Some of these plans the friends of
the measure rejected as too complex, and others
because they knew that our people would never give
up the requirement of scrutiny in open meeting,
and would never leave the office of detection to
selected bodies, however selected, or however
numerous. Having free scope and full opportunity
they settled upon their system. It was that of the
sealed envelope.
" The question was decided by the Legislature of
1851. There was a strong party of devoted advo-
cates, and a strong party of determined opponents.
The men of middle opinions held the balance ; and
they were willing the experiment should be tried,
and fairly tried. It was rare to find a man who
wished the secret ballot for himself ; but all thought
they knew persons who did need it. The large
majority thought we ought to submit to inconveni-
ence, and even to some humiliation of pride, to
some crossing of tastes and sentiments, in order to
save our weaker brethren from offence. The advo-
cates of the measure moulded it as they pleased,
and carried the measure as they prepared it.
" Certain difficulties were to be met and overcome.
Public voting in open meeting was a sine qua non.
If the envelope betrayed its contents secrecy
was gone. It must be seen, or two envelopes might
be deposited for one. The party committees,
who never favour secrecy from their own scrutiny,
would furnish ballot, envelope and all, and the old
colours and emblems would defeat the end of secrecy.
To meet this difficulty, it was provided that the
envelopes should be of one size, form, and colour,
and all free from every emblem, sign, writing, or
any other designation. This made it necessary that
the law should determine the sizs, form, colour, &c.,
and that the envelopes should be furnished by the
public authorities. Accordingly, the Government
furnished to each town a large supply of envelopes,
which were to be furnished by the officers of the
town, at the polls, to the electors.
" To give the secret ballot its due efficiency it
must be made obligatory on all. For if the resort
to it was optional the use of it would be itself a
cause of suspicion, inquisition, and intimidation.
" To prevent a ballot flom slipping out of the
envelope after being deposited, and thus rejected as
irregular, each envelope must be sealed. Wax and
wafers might be used as emblems and would be
troublesome, so the envelopes were made self-
sealing with gluten.
" It was found that the party committees or
their employers obtained the envelopes, put ballots
in them, and offered them thus to the voters. This
put the voter to the dilemma of refusing or accept.
ing, and let in the very influence the law was in-
tended to preclude. Strict laws were then made
against obtaining and offering envelopes, and the
officers were required, under oath, to give them
only to voters, singly, and in the same room in
which the ballot -box stood.

" Still, the domineering employers and party com-
mittees might make envelopes of the required size,
form and colour and offer them. This made it ne-
cessary to forbid and exclude all envelopes but
those made and furnished by the officers. To secure
this, it was provided that each envelope should be
stamped with the arms of the State, and penalties
were enacted against counterfeiting these stamps.
" Another practical difficulty. arose. The self-
sealing was not always secure. Envelopes got
opened in the box, in tumbling out the ballots, and
lost their contents, and thus were rejected. To re-
medy this the authorities were required to keep a
supply of gluten at the polls to aid in the sealing.
Stiff-fingered labourers complained that they could
not manage the envelopes, the self-sealing, and the
gluten, and the very name of gluten became a by-
word and a jest. It was further provided that bal-
lots out of envelopes should be counted, if once
fairly deposited.
"These may seem to you absurd details, but I
assure you the best talent of the earnest friends of
the secret ballot were employed in perfecting the
system from year to year. The law was passed in
1851, and amended in 1852. It was tried two years,
at one presidential and several State and minor
elections. What with the interest whieh political
committees and the employers have in ascertaining
how men vote, what with the preference of many,
and the willingness of most to have their votes
known, and what with the inconvenience of the
system itself, it fell into disfavour. In 1853 a law
was passed allowing each voter to use either the
secret or the open ballot, at his option, and the
secret ballot died a natural death.
"At the Presidential election of 1856,
although the envelopes were supplied and
placed at the polls by the authoritiess with
their stamps and gluten, as the law directs,
I have been told that in the entire common-
wealth, out of 167,000 ballots cast, perhaps not 100
were secret. At the place where I voted I did not
see one envelope used, and the count of the by-
standers kept even tally with the official report.
"During the last session of the Legislature an
attempt was made to revive the secret ballot law,
but in a House of Representatives where the
Liberal party largely prevailed, the motion met
with no favour, and was given the go-by without
debate or division.
" You may ask me, why then do we have the
ballot at all, instead of viva voce voting, the latter
being less liable to frauds ? A sufficient cause is
that in the multiplicity ama complexity of our po-
pular elections, viva voce voting would be almost

PRICE 4D. STAMPED, SD.

impossible. The ballot is rapid, convenient, and
quiet. Probably, also, there is a feeling that while
the open ballot is not a protectionagainst scrutiny,
yet undue influence has somewhat freer scope, and
the dependent and timid voter is somewhat more
in danger where he is obliged to declare his vote
aloud.

(" In our, legislative bodies, of course, we have
the usual practice,—that, in taking a question,
even a small minority may demand an open vote,
which with us isyeas and nays, and not by a division
as with you. In the choice of their officers, legislative
bodies usually proceed by ballot • but in more im-
portant elections, as electing of United States sena-
tors, they have of late adopted the viva voce
method. It is thought that this being a high trust
to be exercised on behalf of the whole State should
be exercised:openly.)
" The summary of our experience, then, may be
stated thus

" 1. The ballot (secret or open) is promotive of
quiet at polls, and under our system of general suf-
frage, and of the multiplicity of officers to be voted
for at the same time, is almost a necessity, on the
grounds of convenience.
" 2. It is found in practice that the ballot can be
sufficiently guarded against fraud, but in securing
this result we have deprived it of the element of
secrecy.
" 3. The attempt to introduce a mode of ballot
which shall be at once secret, and secure against
fraud, and reasonably convenient, has so far failed
with us.
" 4. What may be the present opinion of the
majority as to the principle of the secret ballot is
matter of conjecture. A large and influential pro-
portion oppose it on principle, and what with this
difference of opinion on the principle, and what with
the difficulties in details, the secret ballot has been
abandoned and the open ballot fallen back upon, as
affording as much protection to the voter as in the
opinion of some is desirable, and of others is prac-
ticable.—Believe me, very truly. :yours,
" RICHARD H. DANA, Jun.
" Right Hon. Lord Radstock."