The Sun.
London, England, 1859-02-02 00:00:00

liament against the 26 from Lancashire. And,
taking into consideration the great increase of
population since the Reform Bill, it would be found
that the increase alone in Lancashire since then
exceeded the entire present population of Dorset,
Buckingham, and Devonshire, which returned 38
members. (Hear, hear.) The Times had stated
some time ago that there were but three men of
great debating power in Parliament, and those
were Lord Derby, Mr. Gladstone, and Mr. Bright.
Now, all these gentlemen were Lancashire men—
(c)ieers)—and he thought they had reason to be
proad of the fact.
Mr. HENRY ASHWORTH, of Bolton, congratulated
the meeting on the influential character of the de-
putations sent. One leading feature of the pro-
posed Reform Act was an extension of the suffrage,
and it might be supposed to be some' new and
dangerous discovery. But where did we hear of
a Reform Bill of which it did not form a part ?
Lord John Russell's Bill proposed a L 5 rating
clause, and therefore it appeared that Mr. Bright's
proposition was not altogether novel. If the con-
stitution, which was always in danger, was in need
of repair, he thought they would not be disposed to
take advantage of anything in the institutions of
the continent. A great outcry had been made
against assimilating our institutions to those of
America, but to what country could we go with
greater hope of deriving a lesson that would be use-
ful and safe ? He referred to the question of the
ballot as an instance. It had been found to work
well on the whole in that country, and therefore
we might expect it would work well here. He
proceeded to defend Mr. Bright's Bill, and thought
that even in it they had not asked for all to which
they were entitled. He concluded by moving a re-
solution to the effect that Mr. Bright's measure
deserved the support of this county, and that the
conference was disposed to give it all the support
in their power. (Cheers.)
Mr. HERVEY, Mayor of Salford, seconded the
resolution.
Mr. BARNES, late M.P. for Bolton, supported the
resolution, and said he should have been prepared
to go with Mr. Bright if he had gone a little fur-
ther. He did not know but he should have asked
for manhood suffrage, because Governments seldom
gave all that was asked. He believed there never
was a man who stood before the country with the
I same amount of confidence, that he spoke the sen-
timents of the great mass f the people, and he be-
lieved that the people never had such an able ad-
vocate before. What he wanted was a power at
his back—(hear, hear)—and if this bill was lost they
might depend it would be their faults, and not Mr.
Bright's. (Cheers.)
Mr. R. GLADSTONE, of Liverpool, rose amid
great cheering. He regretted that Liverpool had
not been in the foreground on this question, like
Manchester, and he came there to give his feeble
help, because he thought it would be a stigma on
them if they remained silent. He spoke for himself,
and not for others, and he asked whether it was
better to wait till greater evils had developed them-
selves in our political system, or to apply. at once
a remedy while,there was time. (Hear.) In Liver-
pool there was, of course, a considerable difference
of opinion. Of course, from the old Tories there
was an opposition, but they knew how that oppo-
sition was to be dealt with, and that if the people
were firm and resolute in their demand not the
Tories, nor even the Times newspaper—which, after
all, was a Tory—with all the briefless barristers
and preachless ministers at its back as writers,
could stand against the arguments which pointed
to such a measure of Reform as Mr. Bright now
proposed. He did not profess to speak either for
the Tory or the old Whig party of Liverpool, but
he came to that meeting as one of a considerable
phalanx of the more advanced Liberals, to express
their most grateful thanks to Mr. Bright for his
distinguished services on this question. (Cheers.)
Mr. SEEFEuv, of Liverpool, and Mr. THOMPSON,
of Ray, near Lancaster, heartily supported the re-
I solution, which was carried unanimously.
Mr. BRIGHT then rose to address the meeting
amid enthusiastic and repeated cheering. He said,
—Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,—l can corrobo-
rate a remark which has been made by the chair-
man in reference to this meeting, for, looking back
to all or any of the meetings which were held
under the name of " conferences," and called in
the middle of the day, during the agitation of the
Anti-Corn Law League, I do not remember any
one so numerous, and I rembember none more
entirely united in action, more enthusiastic or in-
fluential than that which I loook upon at this
moment. (Cheers.) There are one or two
points which have been referred to as to which I
feel constrained to take something like an objec-
tion. Now, it must be understood, from the first
I have never put myself forward with any view
of becoming a great popular or Parliamen-
tary leader, either on this or any other public
question. You are aware, I presume, how it was
that I undertook to prepare a bill to be laid before
Parliament :—that a conference was held in Lon-
don, that many influential men were there, that
they represented many more, as they belieyed, who
were not present ; that they thought it would be
desirable that Parliament should see a Reform Bill
prepared by earnest reformers ; and that they did
me the great honour to ask me if I would under-
take, in conjunction with others, to prepare such a
bill, with a view to its being laid before Parliament.
Well, I did not feel at liberty absolutely to refuse,
bat I explained clearly the ground upon which I
intended to proceed ; and I now allude to this
question in reference to what has been said by my
friend Mr. Barnes. I said " I shall not be ex-
pected to introduce a bill framed upon the pro-
gramme or specification of anybody else or of any
Reform Association, but it shall be one that shall
square with my own convictions ; and I will take
the advice of some gentlemen in whose opinion I
have great confidence on a question of this nature."
I did not propose to prepare a bill that should be
theoretically perfect. We were not landed from a
colonisation ship in a new country, and about to
arrange a constitution without reference to the
past. I have no wish at all to be severed from the
great part of this country, but I proposed to take
this course—to prepare a bill just such as in my
conscience I believe it is the duty of any Minister
of the Crown really and honestly in favour of re-
form to prepare and submit to Parliament; not to
submit to Parliament for the sake of having a great
field-night, and making a great speech, and having
a vote, and the thing being then dismissed, and
never heard of again until another session or some
subsequent period ; but a measure that should have
regard, as far as possible, to all that exists in the
country, whether of fact or of opinion, hoping
thereby to combine in its favour so large an
amount of public support that it should finally
obtain the acceptance of the most influ-
ential of our statesmen, whose influence,
of.course, must diminish when they set themselves
permanently against the power of public opinion in
this country. Well, now you will observe the pro-
positions that I have made, and, as I said even at
that time, anybody who is disposed to cavil may
cavil. (Hear, hear.) Anybody might cavil at the
Reform Bill of 1832, but it was a great measure
notwithstanding, and it passed; and anybody who
is not now honestly in favour of reform, or who has
any personal dislike to the prominence which I
have taken in this matter, can of course, if he likes,
find fault with many of the arrangements which I
propose. But I have submitted to my countrymen
a measure, as a whole, foundedupon broad and easily
understood principles—recognising the great rights
of a great people, stepping not to the right hand
nor to the left to favour particular interests or par-
ticular localities—(hear, hear)—and I offer this
measure to them at once, believing it, if it should
become law, calculated to give them that fair, and
equal, and complete control over the legislation and
Government of this
country which our constitution
possess, says we ought to
o rayndtoouorurexwpeerlifeanrecefoorf
thethe
past shows us is necessary
future. (Hear, hear.) So,with regard to the
question of the Parliamentary suffrage I da not
include everybody. I don't know a-ny, suffrage
handtiy it out freely,class can stn u
a
so
scarcely that could, butirenl
ofe a
tea to exclu(tenalie,,
hear.)
whilea
that P
and
)
n say,o class
"Your and
bill n o
is dma
it intends to include somebody else."
Well,
The exclusions are of that nature that they affect
equally all classes, and the invitations to come in
within the pale of the constitution are broad and
general to all classes of the people. (Cheers.) V
then, you will observe that there is not very much
discussion at this moment on the question of
the franchise. The discussion now turns upon the
mode in which I have endeavoured to arrange
the distribution of members after having
disfranchised a certain number of the boroughs.
To obtain a certain number of seats, I
am told with great pertinacity in some
quarters, though with great feebleness of proof—
(laughter and cheers)—that I have been greatly
unfair to what is called the landed interests of the
country. Nov, I suppose it is intended that the
distinction between boroughs and counties is still to
be kept up. I proceeded upon an observance of,
and a regard for, the ancient customs and land
marks of system. If anybody wishes to sweep
them all away, and arrange something else, well,