The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-05 00:00:00

tians ? Mark the words now following—they are
in a manner in their tone (reverently speaking)
apocalyptic. They are these : " Ten years
and upwards have just expired in the
midst of the most profound iniquity, and
Austria —we have already proved it in
the most peremptory manner —has positively
given herself for mission to exclude the principles
of justice, the supreme object of all society. Since
the House of Hapsburg-Lorraine, abusing its pro-
per authority, refuses to submit to moral laws and
traditions, it is necessary, and it is moreover just,
that its pretended subjects—free citizens whom it
wishes to transform into slaves—should resume the
legal exercise of their proper liberty, in order to
secure the maintenance of human and traditional
rights, and the permanent application of those
moral laws which constitute Divine right. In
short, since FRANCIS JOSEPH, instead of protecting
the universal existence of the States which he go-
verns, either legally or illegally, dares to sign the
sentence of their political death, it is just that the
peoples, instead of protecting the existence of the
Austrian Monarchy, should not fear in their turn
to sign the warrant for th 3 political death of the
House of Hapsburg. For " the destruction of a
nation," says HOENE WRONSKI, "is a public as-
sassination for which eternal justice prescribes the
lex talionis." These general principles have a par-
ticular value as regards the Croatian nation and
state, because the political and moral ties which
unite it to the House of Hapsburg were the result
of a bilateral contract which neither party could
violate under any pretext without absolutely re-
leasing the other party from its engagement. 'We
therefore call Europe to witness the sanctity of our
cause, and of the independence which we have a
right to enjoy as a free nation in the midst of all
other nationalities, neither more nor less than Italy,
since the rights of nations are never prescribed.
The actual enfranchisement of a single nation
implies in principle the immediate or future
enfranchisement of all the other nations
who now struggle under the blows of a brutal
Austrian despotism." KosSUTH even has never
breathed words of more trenchant logic, of more
withering scorn, or of more eloquent denunciation.
The voice of each of the nationalities cursed by
Austrian rule, is becoming fast the voice of a CAS-
SANDRA. Like CASSANDRA they may one and all
be derided, yet are they like CASSANDRA prophetic
in spite of the general derision. As surely as Troy
fell so surely will Austria. But the fall of Austria
will as surely be the same—with a difference. It
will be as final and complete. But it will be un-
heroic—the disgraceful downfall of retribution.
Then, and only then, can there be hope of peace for
Europe. Because then, and only then, can there
be that true Balance of Power of which Europeans
have so long talked and only talked—that true
Balance of Power which is, in fact, nothing else
and nothing less than the independence of nation-
alities.

Archdeacons to the rescue ! Whatever difficulty
there may be in enlisting sailors for the Royal Navy
there is none in enlisting Archdeacons for Church-
rates. Sixty-two of them are willing, so unlike
the masons of London, actually to sign a " declara-
tion," and here it is :

" We, the undersigned, Archdeacons in the Church of
England, being deeply sensible of the special responsibility
which attaches to us, in virtue of our office, to do all that
lies in our power to maintain the Church-rate; and being
not without hope that the public expression of our collec-
tive judgment may, with the Divine blessing, have weight
with our brethren the clergy and laity, and MDVO them to
unite with us in making general and systematic efforts in
that behalf."

On which we venture to remark, that the " col-
lective judgment of the Archdeacons" is very fitly
united " with the Divine blessing," since, without
that adjunct, it will certainly go for very little in-
deed in these profane days—these days in which
the very name and title of Archdeacon is apt to ex-
cite a smile amongst irreverent laymen and their
; but then the Archdeacons will tell us that
the things which are despised hath GOD chosen
to confound the things that are wise "—therefore
the smiled-at Archdeacons may be chosen to con-
found the " wisdom of Parliament."
" We hereby declare-1. That the provision made for the
worship and service of Almighty God, by means of Church-
rates, is an integral part of the establishment of the National
Church."

Hence, when Church-rates go, as go they will, the
establishment will crumble apace. To which de-
claration all the voluntaries will therefore respond

Amen.

" 2. That such provision is especially the inheritance of

the poor."

Of the "poor" who prefer going to the Metho-
dist Chapel, and rating themselves a penny a-week
there, for a service better suited to their taste (see
Rev. J. OSBORN'S evidence before the Lords' Com-
mittee, last session).
"3. That all persons purchasing or renting house or
land, or building house, purchase or rent such house or
land, or build such house, subject to the liability to pay
Church. rates."

If the majority of their neighbours agree that
they shall pay it. The rate Dr. LUSHINGTON and
Lord CAMPBELL declare to be a charge on persons,
according to their utility, not on property, but in
respect of it only.
" 4. That for these principal reasons, it is the duty of
the Legislature not to destroy, but to maintain the law of
Church-rate."

Its duty, if the majority of the Legislature think
the said reasons worth a straw ; which they do not.
Their duty is to do what they think right in regard
to all the subjects of the realm.

After the declaration follow the 62 venerable
names, but as with one or two exceptions they are
names which no one ever heard of beyond their own
archdeaconries, we omit them, and beg to honour
them by inserting their petition," agreed on at the
same meeting" :

" The humble petition, &c., showeth, 1. That the making
of a rate upon the occupiers of property in lands, houses,
and other tenements for maintaining the fabrics of parish
churches, and for proving such things as are necessary to
the performance of Divine service therein, is a custom from
time immemorial, and, as such, part of the common law of
the land."

The argument is, that—no " immemorial custom"
or "part of the common law" needs to be changed.
According to Lord DERBY'S definition that is bad
Conservatism. According to the practice of thr
Legislature it is false. According to common
sense—silly.

" 2. That all such property, inherited or acquired, has
been inherited or acquired subject to the liability of the
occupiers thereof to charge by custom of Church-rate."

"Subject" to being the measure of a charge on
the person (see above), and at the will of the ma-
jority of the neighbours. The question is, ought a
majority of parishioners to have this power over the
dissenting minority ?

"3. That the custom of Church-rate has been, from time
to time, recognised and confirmed by decisions of the courts,
and by statue:; law."

No doubt. So have fifty bad customs which have
yet been abolished.

"4. lhat the custom of Church-rate is an integral part
of the constitution of the National Church, inasmuch as the
nation has provided that the maintaining of the fabrics of
the churches, and the supplying of such things as are neces-
sary to the performance of Divine service therein, for the
use and benefit of all the parishioners, shall be a charge
upon the occupiers of property in lands, houses, and other
tenements in every parish ; and the custom of Church-rate
is the means whereby the national purpose is carried into
effect."

Only, now, the nation thinks that those who have
the rent-free use of churches should keep them in