The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-11 00:00:00

THE STN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, JUNE 11, 1859,

Government of her Majesty to the confidence of the House
of Commons. That enumeration was, with more or 1.&38
consistency, followed up by the leaders of the party to which
the noble lord belongs. I inuit, however, except from the
category the noble lord the member for London, who to-
night broached a theory which has, at all events, the merit
of novelty. He has told us that upon the discussion of a
motion of want of confidence you need not go into any rea-
sons at all. (Hear, hear.) That is a maxim which, he says,
he has gathered from the writings of Burke, and which he
contends is unquestionable as a constitutional view of the
privileges of the House of Commons. Now, I must, in the
first place, beg leave to ask what, if that be so, was the
meaning of the cry which was raised on Tuesday last when
my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer'
invited the house to proceed without delay to a division on
this question? Why was it that we were then told by the
noble lord the member for Tiverton that the subjeci, ought
to be fully discussed ? (Hear, hear.) I shall in the next
place, if the house will allow me, take tha liberty of read;
ing a few lines from a statement which was made by a
public man on the occasion of a vote of want of confidence
having been proposed on the• assembling of a new Parlia-
ment. The statesman -to whom I. allude said, "I do not

find fault with the vote, the motion is quite regular," but he

added, "When I. say this, I say it is with them as with all
depositories of power in this country ; there should be rea-
sons given for such a proceeding. As a Sovereign is not
justified in appointing' a Minister from mere caprice, so
neither is the Hbuse of Commons justified by a mere con-
sciousness of pOlver in. setting aside appointments which
have been made by the legitimate exerciseof the prerogative
of the Ciown." (Hear.) These observations were made
when the Ministry of Lord Melbourne was met on the as,
sembling of a new Parliament by a motion of a want of con-
fidence and the statesman who made them was the noble

lord who sits there (pointing to Lord J. Russell)—(cheers)
—and who tb-night has instructed us in constitutional

learning out of th-e writings of Burke. (Hear.) Now, re.
serving for a few moments the enumeration of the charges
to which I have adverted, let me briefly examine thegrounds
on which the followers of the two noble lords opposite give
their support to the amendment before the house. And first
let me allude to the speech of the gallant admiral the mem-
ber for Southwark, who spoke early in the debate. He did
not give us very precisely to understand what course he
meant to take, and, exercising that discretion which in a
commander is the better part of valour, declined altogether
to argue the question, saying he preferred leaving it to be
dealt with by those for whom it possessed some interest.
(Hear.) He then proceeded to make some observations with
respect to naval affairs, to compliment my right hon. friend
the First Lord of the Admiralty, and to tender him advice,
the value of which I have no doubt he duly appreciated.
(A laugh.) We have next the hon. member for Devonport
(Mr. Wilson), who told us some scrap of news which he
had picked up during a visit to Paris, the rest of his speech
being a free libation of what he, no doubt, intends to make

upon the budget, and a charge which h'e_ claimed it his

ditty to brint,m-aiainst the Government with respect to the
sale of old stores. (Cheers and laughter.) Next comes
the hon. member fsr the Wick burghs (Mr. Laing), whom
lam glad to see again in this house. (Hear, hear.) He
said he should be glad to vote with the Government, but
that he thought he could not, as a matter of personal hon-
our, act in opposition to the party with which ho sat, and
to which he nominally belonged. He added that if he were

obliged to allege a reason for the vote which he was about

to give he should find one in connection with the foreign
policy of the Government, and that reason was that if we
drifted into war we should not, under the auspices of her
Majesty's present advisers, be found upon the side of
France. (Cheers.) Then we have my hon. and learned
friend the member for Cork (Mr. Sergeant Deasy), who
looks upon this question in an Trish point of view—(a laugh)
—in every sense of the word. The Government, he asserts,
are unpopular in Ireland, and he therefore intends to vote
against them. But what, let me ask, is the proof of this
alleged unpopularity ? (Heart) Is it to be found in the,
fact that at the late elections in Ireland where there is an

extended suffrage in the counties and in the boroughs they
have had the good sense for the first time since the passing
of the Reform Bill .to return a majority of Conservative

members to Parliament? (Hear, hear.) That is a fact
which, to my mind, does not appear to prove the justice of
the proposition which my hon. and learned friend has laid
down. (A laugh.) It is the one, however, which is• satis-
factory to him, and ho therefore intends to vote for the
amendment. I now come to the right hon. gentleman the
member for Stroud, and the reason which he assigned for
the vote which he is about to give is even of a still more
singular character than that which I have just mentioned.
He says he does not desire to pass a vote of want of confi-
dence in the Government, but that the point to be con-
sidered is whether they have efficiently conducted the nego-
tiations which have preceded the breaking out of war, the
papers with respect to which have not as yet been laid upon
the table of the house. " Now," argues the right hon. gen-
tleman, "if the Government had, instead of meeting the
amendment on the broad ground of want of confidence, come
down to the House of Commons and said, our foreign
policy remains to be considered ; the materials for pronounc-
ing a judgment upon it are not yet before you; we, there-
fore, implore you to postpone this discussion for a fortnight
until you have had an opportunity of acquiring the neces-
sary information on the subject before arriving at a decision
with respect to it"—if they had taken that course, I should
have voted with them, but now that they have thought
proper to take the more straightforward course which the
have adopted I cannot give them my support. (Cheers.)
I now come more directly to the changes made against the
Government by the noble lords the members for Tiverton
and the city of London. The noble lord the member for
Tiverton goes to the fountain head. He says, "I begin at
the beginning, and my first ground of attack rests in the
circumstances under which you came into power." (Hear.)
" You voted," he says; " for the first reading of the Con-
spiracy Bill, and then you voted against the second read-
ing ;" and the noble. lord- says he never alluded to this cir-
cumstance before, but feels compelled to do so now. The
noble lord hastlerived certain advantages from not having
referred to this subject before, and one of these is, that had
ho mentioned it in the late Parliament, he would have found
there was very •little• sympathy with such a discussion.
The noble lord, however, in now bringing the subject for-
ward, shows that he labours under certain difficulties as to
the facts of his case. (Hear, hear.) But I have to ask the
noble lords opposite, before they charge this side of the
house with inconsistency on that question, to settle a little
business with a right hon. gentleman who sits beside them
—I mean the right hon. member for North Wilts. (Hear.)
That right hon. gentleman voted for the first reading of the
Conspiracy Bill, and then voted against the second read-
ing. (Hear; hear.) The noble lord the member for
Tiverton says' he can have no confidence in any one who
could do that. Now, if the noble lord presses the right
hon. gentleman, perhaps he may get from him satisfaotory
reasons for the course he took. But I mention it because I
think these side attacks on his co-patriots are hardly in
accord with that knowledge of the world which the noble
lord is known: to possess," and*do not augur very favourably
for the concord of the future Cabinet. (Hear.) Now, as
regards the course taken by the Conservative party on that
occasion, I must say that the noble lord does not seem to be
aware of the circumstances as they occurred. The Conser-
vative party, speaking through my right hon.friend,who was
the leader of the party, when they voted for the first reading
of the Conspiracy Bill, expressly stated that they disap-
proved of the conduct of the Government in not answering
the despatch of the French Minister—(hear)—and that when
the time came for the second reading, the Ministers of the
Crown would be called on to justify their proceedings with
regard to the Bill, and the fact that the despatch had not
been answered.- (Hear; hear.) The Government was
warned of what would take place. The second reading
came, and the noble lord at the head of the Government
said the dispatch was not only not answered, but could not
be answered. (Hear, hear.) In these circumstances, the
Conservative party had no alternative but to oppose
the biil. (Hear.) It was not, however, the Conservative
party who turned out the Government on that occasion.
The noble lord had forfeited the confidence of his own

party, and the verdict which they gave was approved by
the country. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord might well
have drawn a veil over that transaction, but instead of doing
so he has again justified the course which he took, and has
shown to his new party that he has abandoned nothing, and
repented of nothing during the time he has been sitting on
those (the Opposition) benches. (Hear, hear.) The noble
lord told us that he had exercised the greatest forbearance
towards the Government during the last session. I have
no doubt the noble lord has persuaded himself into that
belief, but we consider that we are indebted to him for no
forbearance whatever. (Hear, hear.) We all remember
the motion made against the Government before they were
long in office—a motion supported by the noble lord in this
house, and proposed by a near connexion of the noble lord
in another place. (Hear.) It is true that the motion never
came to a division, but that did not arise from the forbear-
ance of the noble lord. (Hear.) But let me advert to
another circumstance. When the noble lord was in office,
the hon. member for East Surrey (Mr. L. King) proposed.
his bill for the reduction of the county franchise, and the
noble lord opposed it and voted against it. The bill was
renewed when the present Government was in power.
Every word of the bill was the same, though the title was
altered ; and the noble lord, on the ground that the figures
in the bill were printed in italics, said he would support the
second reading, and by doing so defeated the Govertprpt.
(Hear.) But, if the noble lord chooses to go over division
lists since the present Government came into (ace,. he will
find that there were nearly 40 divisions taken against the
Government, and that they certainly did not originate with
the Conservative side of the house. (Hear.) The next
charge of the noble lord against her Majesty's Ministers
related to the Government of India Bill. He says that
when in opposition we voted against the India Bill for
transferring the Government of that empire to the Crown,
and that When in office we brought in a bill to effect that
object. •Now, the Conservative party opposed the India
Bill when it was brought in by the Government of the
noble lord on the ground that while the rebellion was
raging it 'was not a proper time to make an experiment of
that kind. The house, however, affirmed the bill by
a majority of 150. Lord Derby soon after acceded
to office, and on the first occasion of his ap-
pearing in his, place in Parliament he stated that, as the
House of Commons had decided by so large a majority
against the East India Company, that company was weak-
ened, if not destroyed, and that it was impossible to delay
legislation on the subject any longer. (Hear, hear.) But,
then, says the noble lord, it was, after all, my bill that was
carried, and any credit you have is credit derived from my
handiwork. I must demur to that view of the case. I dare
say that in the 10 bills relating to India there were formal
matters the wording of which was identical; but the house
will recollect that the great points in controversy were the
.Council,—who were to be the councillors, what was to bo
their number, what their tenure of office, what should be
their pay, their powers, and their duties. These were
points with regard to which the bill of the present Govern-
ment differed from that of the noble lord, and on nearly all
of them the noble lord voted against the Government in a
minority. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. baronet the mem-
ber for Carlisle addressed himself to the subject of the ad-
ministration of the affairs of India, and found fault with the
noble lord the Secretary for India for asking a loan of
£7,000,000, which did not turn out to be sufficient.. Now,
it will be recollected that when my noble friend applied for
that loan he mentioned: that the annual financial statement
had not arrived from India, and that it was impossible for
him to say whether the loan he asked for would be suffi-
cient to meet the exigencies of the the case. (Hear, hear.)
But the right hon. baronet spoke of the reorganisation of
the Indian army being thrown over to a commission, and
said the servants of the Queen'differed as to theright course
to be taken. Now, he contended, that it was a wise thing
on the part of the Indian Government, who could not be
supposed to be cognisant of all that it was desirable to know
on a military question like that, to send the matter before a
commission, in order to obtain their advice, and he was able
to state that now there was no difference of opinion among
the servants of the Crown, and that his noble friend was
prepared to submit to the house a measure for the re-organi-
cation of the Indian army. (Hear, hear.) But in the case
of a motion of want of confidence questions like these were to
be decided very much by comparison, and he asked thi house
to compare the administration of the affairs of India now

with what it was under the Government of India that pre- plains of another statement made by the Chancellor of the
ceded the present. (Hear, hear.) , They challenged gentle- Exchequefi that "under these circumstances"- Lbrd-Cow;
men opposite to say-whether they could compare the state lerhad • proiseededi en -a mission to Vienna. I 'have- no
of Indian affairs- now with--that which existed under means of knowing from whom in Paris the hon. member
the preceding. Government of 'lndia? - (Hear, hear.) The derives his political information—(a laugh)—but 'if
next charge of the noble lord is, that we brought in a Re- the . -hon.. member, being 'in Paris, had referred to
form Bill. I admit that if these matters are to be judged of those sources of information, to which one might have
by comparison, the noble lord is free from any such charge. thought he could have had recourse—if he had looked at
(Cheers and laughter.) But then he says, " Your Bill was the Moniteur, the Government paper, he would have found
not approved of; no person thought for a moment of agree- that on the 27th of February, by authority, there was fin-
ing to its provisions."' Now, I will mention one person who sorted in the Moniteur a: statement almost in words the
did approve of the measure, and that was the noble lord him- same as that made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in
self. (Laughter.) He gave to thabill a considerable degree regard to the evacuation of the Roman States. • Isay he
of approbation. There were, he said, fancyfranehises which would have-found the statement inserted by authority-in the
he thought very good. It proposed to extend the county Moniteur, and in addition to that lam able thinform him
franchise, and he praised it for so doing, though he thought that that statement was made in this house in consequence
perhaps, that we went too far. (A laugh.) With regard to of a direct communication from the French Ambassador in
the transfer of seats, he added, some persons talked very London. -(Cheers.) I think, therefore, the lion: member
largely, but 'he thought the bill pursued a very safe course. will agree with me in thinking that upon that subject there
As to the borough franchise, he said he had been ofopinion could not have been much surprise felt at the Tiiileries. (A
for a long time that a £lO franchise mould be the best ; but laugh.) Then, with respect to the Foreign-office at Vienna,
now he thought this amount might be reduced, though he when the hon. member reads the papers which will be laid
did not venture to declare what reduction he would make, upon the table, he will find that for some days before the
The only subject uponwhich the noble lord found real fault date I have given, the authorities at the Foreign-office had
with the bill was as to the borough freeholders—a question received a communication from the Papal Government, and
which might easily and properly be dealt within committee. that they'had stated to our Minister that they were pre-
(Oh,. and hear.) The' right hon. gentleman (Mr. Sidney pared to communicate with Lord Derby. Thereecould not,
Herbert) has expressed the greatest surprise that any one therefore, have been any great surprise on the 'part of the
-should think it possible for the Government to lower the Foreign-office at Vienna. So' much, then, for the hon.
borough franchise,' and says that it Ives always stoutly member for Devonport. But the statement of the noble
maintained that this could not be done. I deny that the Go- lord the member for Tiverton is much more serious. The
verrmient ever maintained anything of the kind. (Oh.) I noble lord told us that in the course of the negotiations, up
hear a gentleman express a doubt upon that subject, some to the last moment, "the belief of the Government was,
one probably who was not present at the discussions which that if they could only frighten France from hostili-
occupied the last Parliament. Now, I, who can recall those ties by -holding it out to Europe that in the event
discussions with considerable distinctness, remember that I of war breaking out they would be found acting on the side
myself said, because I was authorised to say it, that that of Austria, peace would be preserved, and war would be
subject, like every other point in the bill, was one which avoided. I think," he added, "a threat to either side, that
•might be treated in committee, and properly ought to be any contingency of war was to involve England as an ac-
treated there, and I compared it with the course taken by five party in the contest was wrong and imprudent, the
tho'noble viscount, who only justified his vote for the bill of more especially when it was launched at a proud, warlike,
the hon. membor (Mr. Locke King), en the ground that he and independent nation, who must have understood what
could alter the amount, the italics, in committee. (Cheers.) was meant, and would doubtless have resented it." I have
But don't take what I said. What did the First Minister of no doubt the noble lord believed all this; but I can assure
the Crown state in his place elsewhere upon the same sub- the house that there is not a shadow of foundation-for that
ject ? He said before the dissolution that if the question had statement. (Cheers.) Nothing ever passed during the ne-
been between a £lO and an £8 suffrage in boroughs, the mat- gotiations which could in the remotest degree be construed
ter would .not have been difficult of arrangement. These into a threat to France • that in the event of -war breaking
were the views of the noble lord (J. Russell) Upon this bill. out we should be found acting on the side of Austria.
But now I will tell him what we objected to in his treat- Let the house remember that the noble lord is a states-
ment of the: Government. We complained that, going to man of eminence, and one whose eminence 'is known
the extent we did in the bill which we introduced—a bill over the whole continent.' ' (Hear, hear.) A statement of
in which the noble lord could find so few faults, and those this kind, therefore, ought not to have been made unless
So easily remediable in committee—he should yet combine there was an accurate foundation for it within the'know-
with those who found fault with it on an entirely different ledge of the noble lord. (Cheers.) Such a statement, even
matter, and to a much greater extent than himself—should though it -be corrected in this house, must do mischief
combine with those from whom he so greatly differed and when it goes abroad, and is read abroad ; because, next to
place the Government in a minority, not on the second the threat of war, any proud, warlike nation-would most
reading but upon an abstract resolution. (Cheers.) We dislike to have it said in an assembly of this kind that it
were willing to submit to the country whether that was a had been threatened with war. (Hear.) Now, I ask you
wise, patriotic, and statesmanlike course ; and if the verdict upon what ground is it that you propose to censure the Go-
of the country were to be taken upon that question I should vernment with regard to its foreign policy on the Italian
not have the slightest doubt about the answer. (Hear.) question ? It must be either, first, because war has broken
But then the noble lord—and this is his last charge respec- out; orit must be, secondly, because the negotiations have not
ting domestic affairs—says, " Your dissolution of Parlia- been conducted with energy and with earnestness; or it must
men' was unwise and reckless." Well, I rejoice in this be, thirdly, because since the war has broken out the• Go-
moderation of tone as compared with what the noble lord vernment uts acted in some manner likely to prejudice or
said before the dissolution. Then he declared that it was endanger this country. Is it on the first ground,—that the
impossible ; it could not be done ; the supplies would be war has broken out ? The noble the member for London
stopped ; Parliament would, not allow a dissolution. But has disposed of that question, for he has very fairly ad-
at present it is only unwise and reckless. Now, I will not mitted that he did not think anybody could have prevented
ask the noble lord again whether, after the new alliance he this war breaking out. Is it on the second ground—that
has formed, it is wise to make what are really indirect at- the negotiations have not been conducted with energy and
tacks upon those who are acting with him. Let us examine earnestness ? How are you to judge of that without the
the opinion of the right hon. member for Birmingham, who negotiations before you ? (Hear, h,ear.) Just observe :
now agrees with the noble lord in voting for this amend- you have had the gracious Speeech from the Throne ; you
merit. He has given us his opinion on the subject of the have had the Address so far as it goes, and you are about to
dissolution : , , thank her Majesty for the intimation that the papers relating
"It is impossible (he said) to come to any other conclu- to the negotiations in question, and showing how great has
sion than that the Government havetaken the course which, been her desire to preserve the peace of Europe, will be laid
acting upon the well known rules of what is understood to before you; and then, by way of amendment, you censure
be.-the constitutional ,or Parliamentary practice of the the Government for the conduct of those negotiations be-
country, they were bound to take. (Hear.) I entirely ap- fore you have had the information on which you might be
prove of the course which the right hon. gentleman and his expected to found that censure. (Cheers.) -Well, sir, is
colleagues havetaken. It is, I think, a wise course in the it on the third ground, because anything has been done
emergency with which they
have to deal." since the war to complicate or compromise this country
(Cheers.) Well, is the hen. member for Birmingham going with foreign Powers ? Sir, the course taken by the Go-
to vote against the .Gevernment upon the noble lord's vernment is clear and distinct. It does not rest upon a
charges, including that of the dissolution ? But I need not verbalstatenzent. The Government have issued a procla-
-1 mation not merely for this country but for foreign Powers.
go beyond the words of the noble viscount himself. He has
declared that the state of parties in the last Parliament was It is couched in clear and distinct terms, and affirms the
unsatisfactory, that its continuance wasundesirable, and that perfect and complete neutrality of this country. Is there
an amendment has been . proposed which may possibly any reason to doubt the sincerity of that proclamation ?
remedy the existing evil. Well, I ask ho* all these &Wan- The noble lord the member for the city of London says
tages could be gained except by the dissolution. These, I there is. He says that Lordiperby made a speech in an-
other-place, and the noble lord read that speech and corn-
think, exhaust the charges against the Government upon
their domestic policy. I don't know whether lam right in wonted upon it. I will notice the noble lord's comments
calling them charges. Statements of that kind, made in on the speech, but I will not notice his comments on the
character ef.Lord Derby. (Cheers.) The noble lord is an
support of a vote of want of confidence, were surely never
eminent biographer, and he has shown that he is no mean
called charges before. (Hear, hear.) But, from. the Govern-
ment measures which have failed I might appeal to those proficient in sketching character: But there is one ingre-
which have passed, or which were pending and are ready dient necessary to every successful sketch of character, and
to be resumed; to the conduct of the Government with re- that is, that the biographer shall be impartial, and that he
gard to the national defences ; I might point to the effi- should be placed in circumstances that ensure his iinpar-
ciency of the army, and more especially of the ordnance, to tiality. (Hear.) Now Ido not think it is the time for the
the energy with which every part of the Administration has noble lord to sketch the character of a statesman when he
been carried on ; and I think I may say-with confidence wished to dislodge that statesman and assume his place.
(Cheers.) The noble lord knew that the construction he put
that on these subjects, at all events, the Government has
the confidence of the country. (Cheers.) Now, I come to upon Lord Derby's speech had been denied by Lord Derby,
and that the-true construction had been assigned by Lord
that which no doubt is of the greatest importance—our fo-
Derby. I think, therefore, it would only have been fair if '
reign policy. A great part of the observations on this sub-
the noble lord had read the construction which the author
ject have naturally turned upon the present state of affairs
of the words himself put -upon them. Lord Derby in his
'in Italy. But before touching upon that. I must turn aside
speech at the Mansion-house said : • -
to deal with charges made against the Government in ano-
ther place by the right hon. baronet the' member for Car- "That noble lord (John Russell) supposes me to have
lisle. Don't let any one suppose, that lam going to re- said that I thought it the duty of England to maintain
open at this stage of the debate any of the personal charges a posture of armed neutrality, in order that we • might take
which the right hon. baronet brought forward on the Car- the part of whichever of the belligerents we believed was in
lisle hustings. I think,- however, as we pass on, it may be the right, and he adds that from the manifest partiality we
desirable, as merchants say, to "take stock" of these state- have shown for Austria, there Can be no doubt on which
merits. First, we had the charge relating to the Secretary side we are prepared shortly to draw the sword. Now I
at War and the billeting of soldiers. That statement we take the liberty to say here, thus emphatically and publicly,
know has been apologised for, and is not to be mentioned that nothingcould have been further from our view; What
again. Next, there is the statement respecting the Admi- I did say was this,—That we intended to maintain a strict
ralty and my right hon. friend the First Lord. That also neutrality; but that when a million or more of men
has been apologised for and retracted, and-I therefore say were in arms, when war was not only imminent,
nothing about it. Then, thirdly, we have the rumour of but in actual existence, and that moreover in Italy and
election subscriptions, as to which I may say no one ever on the shores of the Mediterranean, it was incumbent on
supposed that the right hon. baronet was doing more than and actually necessary for us, looking to the great interests
repeating a statement which he had heard or read in the we have involved there, looking to our great possessions,
reports of the day. We have next the statement about the and the military position we occupy in that quarter, that
packet service at Galway, which met with a contradiction we should be in such a state as to defend those possessions
on the first night of the debate. Next comes the statement and preserve the British flag and British arms from the
as to what is called the Roman Catholic alliance, which possibility of insult amid any of the contingencies that
the right hon. baronet fortified by reading a letter might arise. And I said this, not that we should maintain
said in the newspapers to be from a Roman Catholic that armed neutrality for the purpose of joining this or the
bishop in the north of England, but I saw within a week other of the parties with whose quarrels there is nothing
afterwards that that letter was declared by the bishop to be in our national interests or national honour that calls for
a forgery. (Cheers and laughter.) Number six charge re- our interference." - -
latee() the barracks at Berwick, which has also been put I say that this was a clear and distinct declaration of neu-
out of the question. - All this was the rubbish gathered out trality, and neutrality not in the sense assigned by the noble
of the kennel of calumny, which runs through every town lord the member for Tiverton, who talked of the neutrality
during the time of an election. (Cheers.) lam now going of this country as long as the war was confined to Italy,
to refer to a statement affecting the national honour, and but an absolute neutrality for every contingency that we
which I think transcends all the others. The right hon. can either see or speculate upon. (Cheers.) The hon. mem-
baronet was First Lord of the Admiralty not many years bor for Birmingham has a different objection, and I now
ago. He was accustomed, I apprehend, to consider the come to his ground for- voting for the amendment of the
course taken by our cruisers abroad, and the rights noble lord the member for North Lancashire. The hon.
which they exercise with regard to ships of foreign nations. member says "It is all very well to declare a neutrality, but
Well, when he was commenting on the foreign policy look what you are doing. You are strengthening your
of the Government at Carlisle, he affected to doubt whether army, increasing your militia, enrolling volunteer rifle
the honour of the country was safe in the hands of the pre- corps, and adding greatly to your navy and seamen." The
sent Foreign Secretary, and this was the instance he gave effect, he says,is to make the French look suspiciously upon
to the unsuspecting people of Carlisle : you and to peril our alliance. Ido not think it can be said
"With reference to, the slave trade a question arose be- that because we do not expect Austria to attack us we must
tween the United States of America and England. The slave therefore really expect France to attack us ; but lam glad
trade cannot be put down upon the high seas. unless the we have got this charge ; it is worthy the consideration
flag supposed under suspicious circumstances to be carrying of this house, and for this reason. According to the hon.
slaves is visited by the British cruisers. That right of visit member the French alliance ought to be drawn closer, and
has from the very commencement of our efforts to put that which perils the alliance is the icnrease of our arma-
doWn the slave trade been exercised upon the high seas ; ments and the strengthening of our fleet. What is the
and what did this champion of the honour of England do ? consequence ? The alliance with France, according to the
Why, in a single personal communication with the Minister hon. member's theory, can only be drawn closer by the re-
ef the United States, he remonstrating against this accus- linquishment and reduction of our armaments. (Cheers.)
tomed right of visit, it was renounced and abandoned by It is a strong term—the disarmament of England—but using
Lord Malmesbury ; and this champion of the honour of it to denote the comparatively defenceless state of our shores,
England did on that occasion renounce a right, a maritime and remembering what took place two years ago under a
right, on the part of England, which every Foreign Minister Ministry which I need not name, I say that the observe-
for the last 30 years has not hesitated to uphold. Now, so tions of the hon. gentleman the member for Birmingham
much for this champion of the honour of England in the convince me that, as his support is admitted to be necessary
person of Lord Malmesbury 1" to the new Government, the condition of that support must
be the disarmament of England. (Loud cheers.) But now
Every hon. member must admit the gravity of the charge,
and two reflections occur to me upon it. The first is that you talk of neutrality to the Government. Let me ask a
this were an accurate charge deprivation of office would not question. What is the neutrality of the noble lord the 1
member for Tiverton ? (Hear, hear.) Here I must begin
be the proper punishment. The second observation is that if
any other person besides the Foreign Secretary deserves eycreorrreeesteinntg,atilonamwhisurehe anhasunihenenterantlodneal,hybuthtestilrigl
hsterhioor.
punishment, it would be a statesmen of experience and of
weight in the house who knew all this, who sat in the last membermis for North Wiltshire and the noble lord the mem-
ber for London. They said, adverting to what fell from my
Parliament, and who never informed the House of Com-
mons of the injury which had been done to the honour of hon. friend the Under Secretary of State for Foreign
Affairs, that something fell from him that had the appear-
the country. (Cheers.) This was not a rumour, but a
ante of depreciating or speaking lightly of the French
matter depending upon statements made in the other house.
alliance. Now, there is not the shadow of a ground for
A knowledge of everything that had been done had been
such a statement. (Hear, hear.) What fell from my
communicated :to Parliament in consequence of inquiries.
hon. friend was that, speaking of the Almack's meeting—
What was the case ? So far from Lord 'Malmesbury giving
the meeting at Willis's-rooms--4 which we have heard so
up the right of British cruisers to visit ships under suspici-
much, he said that no man valued more than he did the
out circumstances, that is the very right which he has con-
French alliance, but he added that he found the noble
tended for, and which the United States has conceded.
viscount at the meeting declared in favour of neutrality,
(Cheers.) The fact may be briefly stated. There was great
but, above .all things, the interest of this country was to
p
irritation on the part of the United States as to the proceed-
reserve the alliance with France. The observation of my
ings of some of our cruisers off the Island of Cuba. A tor- hon. friend—and a well-founded one, I believe—was, why
respondence passed between the two Governments. Mr.
did not the noble lord say it was the interest of this count y
Secretary Cass, the American Foreign Minister, after some
to preserve the alliance with both countries, and thus exhibit
preliminary correspondence, stated that under suspicious
a real neutrality? (Hear.) What can foreign nations think
of saying in one breath we desire neutrality, and in the next
circumstances, neither he nor the country which he
breath that above all things necessary for this country is
represented would quarrel with such of our cruisers as
might exercise the right of visit. Lord Malmesbury
the alliance with France? (Hear.) I will will not stop at
Willis's Rooms • but the noble viscount at Tiverton, if
thereupon consulted the proper legal authorities ; he
rightly reported,' speaking of the positioni of Austria in the
found that was the right which we claimed and desired to
north of Italy, where her position, eitsagiododthoartb,
exercise; he closed with Mr. Secretary Cass- upon' his
teed by the public lawof Europe,
own statement, and without any further ill-feeling or
by the end of the year were driven out of the north of Italy,
controversy the question was arranged upon that basis.bad,
'Aisugastrai;
and Italy left entirely to the Italians, every cue would re-
(Hear.) All this was told to the other house. The righthe
'eke. I want to know how a declaration of that kind con-
teresthon. baronet was for many years a colleague of Lord A r-
deen, than whom no minister has ever taken a warmer in- J
sists.with, and how continental nations can take it to be
consistent with, perfect neutrality (Hear.) Suppose, for.
in this question. What 'did Lord Aberdeen
hsetynk?
ms stance'Lord Derb had
He said, " I have seen the letter of General Cass ; I t .
t
it reasonable and proper; it gives up what I . have always
'' succeeded in Y said—(cheers)—that if Austria_
contended for." But he added, "the only thing I obje it
to is that there should be any idea allowed to go abroadthat Venice, it would be a matter of rejoicing, what would have
the right of search generally"---that is to say, the right of been said then of the neutrality of Government ? (Renewed
search not under suspicious circumstances—" has been cheers.) That is not my construction of those words. There
given up ;it is impossible it .can have been given up, be. is a statesman who of all others should be competent to
cause I abandoned it 'myself 20 years ago, and it has not _ form an
idea of the effect of language of this kind on Italy;
been claimed since." • -(Cheers.) Ido not, of course, sup- heis not connected with us upon this side of the house.;
; he
pose that the right hon. baronet invented the story which has been for many years a colleague of the noble lord 9po-
he told to his constituents ; but what I complain of is, that site, and he is an experienced diplomatist in the affairs of
a statesman-of eminence and weight should, upon a subject Italy—l mean, of course, Lord Normanby. What has he
involving the-honour of- England and affecting the general said withinthe last day or two ? His opinion of that declare-
character of a minister of the Crown, have made so grave a lion at Tiverton is that the man who made it is a dangerous
statement•withont taking the trouble to procure correct in- man to be a Minister of England. (Loud cheers.) But the
formation. (Cheers.) I think this exhausts the chapter of neutrality of the noble lord the member for Tiverton is well
anecdotes at Carlisle. (A laugh.) Ido not dwell any longer known. .He was neutral in 1848, when he was Foreign
upon them. Only. one fact remains, 'and it is, that not one Minister. He then acted consistently with his notions of
of those anecdotes has been found upon examination to be neutrality I will not go into a review of those occurrences,
correctly stated—(hear)—and I can only
congratulate the but will only say any who reads the blue-books relating to
worthy electors of Carlisle upon the statements upon which them must come to the conclusion that if in 1848 there had
they have returned their distinguished member to parliat been any nation upon. the Continent sufficiently powerful
went. (Cheers and laughter.) I come now to the subject and disengaged to enter upon a war against us, the course
more immediately before the house—the foreign policy which the noble lord took would have furnished fun&
of the Government, especially in relation to the war noiv reasons and justification for a war. (Cheers.) I
kilowt=
raging in Italy. The noble lord who moved the amendment was made the subject of debate in this house, and that,
in
candidly stated that, not having seen the p which the
and_ sentiments,
iieve
noble lord defended himself, stating that all ho didt
Government are about to produce, he was-naot in a position n; but
to discuss thequestion of our foreign policy. In thathe has
the interests of peace and freedom, and was not iritneineded to
promote war. I firmly believe that that is P
not been followed by some of those who act along with him. he took in 1848,
The noble lord the member for Tiverton and the hon. mom- that is just the danger. (Hear.) It is just becausehis° the noble
lord thinks that in the proceedings whichoting
when he was neutral,freedoni in a
her for Devonport have said that they have information
be wy,asonly Praounise I believeve these
enough without waiting for papers to express their opinion harmless and peaceful
upon the foreign Policy of the government. I think we are his firm and ingrawianedthat I look upon
that if the noble
have in their observations two remarkable instances of the him as a dangerous Minister. Ibe
of what h e did in 1848,
inconvenience of discussing this question in the absence of lord were now to do one tenth-part
involved in war before 12
those papers. The hon. member for Devonport makes a we should ,have this country_f Divide,
and Cheers.) The
grave charge against the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He months were over. r Cr'
f (South Wilts (Mr. S. in his
says that on the 26th of February last the Chancellor of right hon. membetr :
gb h courteous tone of which gladly re-
the Exchequer stated to this house that the Government
speech t°-ni-the interest, of which I need scarcely say was
had reason to believe that the Roman States would shortly co se, and
onboth sides of the house—gave us some
be evacuated by the French and Austrian troops, and that felt by every one . ,
with regard to the circumstances under which per-
with the consent of the Papal authorities. The hon, member details
change their opinions ; and he also showed What
tells us he has been in Paris, that he' does not think ithere
sons
can
nmetimes sees even in thecase of the most clear-sighted
was any foundation for that statement, and 'that he has one s
dimpartial men—how they can overlook the applicability
reason to know that at the Tuileries and at the Fo ign- an f
office hi Vienna it created great surPrise. Re also coal- te
themselves of the rule which they prescribe or others.

In that speech, after having plentifully—l do not say too
plentikilly—supplied us With-quotations -fronrthe Ipeechts
of almost every one on this side ot the hciase Who has spoken
in times past, or in times present; on• the subjects under
discussion—after supplying us even with' division 'lists for
the purpose of testing the acts and opinions of hon., Mem-
bers—the right hon. gentleman fell foul of my hon. friend
the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs and of my right
hon. friend the Attorney-General for Ireland, because they
had done exactly what the right hon. gentleman did -tit/laugh-
out the whole of his speech—because they had read the
opinions of statesmen, members of this house, with regard
to the foreign policy of the noble' member for Tiverton.
Now I desire to refer to the opinions of statesmen with
regard to the policy of that noble lord-merely forthe pur-
pose of showing that upon a subject exactly similar to that
which we are now discussing, they expressed their dissent
from the views entertained by the noble lord upon foreign
policy. 'Why do I think it desirable that the house should
boar this circumstance in mind ? A rod many speakers
on the other side have stated that their great desire is to
see a strong-Government- - formed, --and_ that, therefore,
they support the amendment. • The right honourable
member for Wilts has told us that a Government
must be either strong within, or strong from its support
without; and 1 wish the house to cOnsider whether, with
regard to the composition of a Government, ,there can be
any weakness to compare with that arising from the dissen-
sion of its own members ? It has -been shown, to you, and
therefore I need, not undertake the task, with regard to
those who are now said to be the lea.derS of this movement
originating on the other side, and who must be looked to in
a greater or less degree as the
c°nlPonents_of_ any Govern-
meat that may be formed, that they differ from the noble
member for Tiverton upon this great, this all-important
question of foreign policy. I want to know, then, what
prospect of unanimity there is in a Cabinet so constructed.
The right lion. member for Carlisle (Sir J. Graham), the
right hon. member for Wilts, the hon. member for Birming-
ham, and the right hon. member for Ashton (Mr. M. Gibson)
have all disapproved in the strongest terms that policy
which we have no reason to believe the noble member for
Tiverton has surrendered, or intends to surrender, and
which therefore hewill be bound to carry out the moment he
is in office. (Cries of " Divide," and cheers.) The right
hon. member for Radnor (Sir C. Lewis) endeavoured to jus-
tify the amendment, and the hon. member for• Devonport
(Mr. Wilson) seemed to be under the apprehension that I
should be disposed to give it a held name. Sir, Iliave no
such intention. The noble lord who proposed the amend-
ment stated most frankly and fairly that he admitted it
to be a party motion. I will go further, and I will say
that I believe it to be perfectly legitimate as a party mo-
tion, and that it would not have been made if at had
not been deemed necessary as a partymotiOn. (Cheers.)
We are fallen upon anxious and upon critical times. I see
among statesmen opposite who support this amendment
many who have borne the weight and responsibility of
office, and he among them must indeed be a bold man who,
at a crisis like the present, would desire for the mere sake
of office to resume that weight and that responsibility.
But the favourable construction which I put upon the
objects of this amendment I demand in return for the
Government against which it is directed. The hon. mem-
ber for Birmingham has spoken of the pleasure or the pain
with which an interchange of parties from one side of this
house to the other is usually attended. Sir, if personal
ease and satisfaction alone were concerned, those who sit on
these benches might well hail with pleasure the change of
power which is sought to be effected by this amendment.
But there is in this country—and I do not claim- it as a
monopoly for any one set of public men—a higher and a
stronger feeling than the mere desire for personal comfort
and personal qualification; and that feeling is a sense of
public duty and a desire for the public welfare. Sir, we be-
lieve that we have, under circumstances of great disadvantage,
conducted; and are able to conduct, the internal affairs of
this country not without ability, and net without success.
We believe that the course we are pursuing, and intend to
pursue, with regard to our foreign relations is that which
can alone preserve to England the inestimable blessing of
peace, which can render her unassailable and unlikely to
to be assailed by any act of foreign aggression, and
which can enable her to labour in her opportunity to
secure to other States the blessings which we value for
ourselves. (Cheers.) We believe that this policy, so essen-
tial to the honour and prosperity of this country, would be
marred and thwarted by a transfer of power at this moment
into the hands of the noble viscount. And it is because
we believe this that we cheerfully and readily meet the
amendment which the noble lord has proposed, and await
with confidence and contentment on this great field the
verdict of the House of Commons. (Loud and continued
cheering, amid which the hon. and learned gentleman re-
sumed his seat.)
An HON. MEMBER below the gangway on the Ministerial
side then rose to address the House ; but the general-
of Divide !" with which he was greeted were so vehement
and so persevering that he was compelled to desist from his
attempt.
The SPEAKER then put the question that the follow-
ing words be added to the Address in answer to her Ma-.
jesty's Speech, viz. :—" We beg humbly to submit to your
Majesty that it is essential for the satisfactory result of our
deliberations, and for facilitating the discharge of your
Majesty's high functions, that your Majesty's Government
should possess the confidence of this' house and , of the
country; and we deem it our duty respectfully to submit
to your Majesty that such confidence is not reposed in the
present advisers of your Majesty." (Cheers.) .
The house divided, when the numbers were— •
For the amendment
Against it

Majority against the Government .. 13
This announcement was received with renewed, vocife-
rous, and prolonged cheering. Lord J. Russell rose from
his seat and took his place on the front Opposition bench
next to Lord Palmerston amidst great laughter and ironical
cheers from the Ministerial benches. The noble lord good
humouredly bowed and laughed, but did not long retain his
seat, and Mr. George Bowyer, who had taken possession of
the noble lord's place below the gangway, was obliged to
give it up again, to the general merriment. As soon as the
Speaker had officially declared that the "Ayes had it."
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER advanced
to the table and said—Sir, I move that this hoine at its
rising adjourn till this day at twelve o'clock, and perhaps
the noble lord opposite will by that time be prepared with
the report of the committee on the answer to the Address.
Mr. Huo-essen handed to the clerk the names of the com-
mittee to be appointed to prepare the report, among which
those of Lord Palmerston, Lord J. Russell, and Mr. Sidney
Herbert elicited loud ironical cheers from the Ministerial
benches. The name of Mr. Milner Gibsen was received with
still louder shouts, followed by general cries of " Bright,
Bright I" from the same quarter.

motions for the appointment of the committee, and
the adjournment till this day were agreed to.
Mr. SOTHERON ESTCOURT obtained leave to bring
in a bill for the better administration of Criminal Justice in
Middlesex.

Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE 'obtained leave- to
bring in a bill to amend the Galway Harbour and Port
Act, 1853.
The House then adjourned at twenty minutes past two.

NCEAW E E K.
0 A Miscellany of Literature, Art, Science, and Popular
Information. To be Illustrated by LEECH, TENNIEL, )ILL-
LAM, HABLOT K. BROWNE, C. KEENE, WOLF, &C., &C. Will
be published every Saturday, price Threepeuce. The First
Number will appear on the 2d of July.
All Literary arrangements will be made by the Editor, who
Is to be addtessed through the Publishers, Messrs. BRADBURY
sad EVANS, at their Offices, Bouverie-street, Fleet-street.
The Publishers will also receive Orders for the Miscellany
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OseNrtion A
In the Wrapper to be issued with it regularly
" CE
WEEK."

ROYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
Under the Management of Mr. Charles Kean
THIS EVENING will be presented Shakspeare's historical
play of KING HENRY V.
King Henry V., Mr. C. Kean ; Chorus, I,llrs. C. Kean.

rrHEATRE-ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
Lessee, ISIr. J. B. Blackstone.
THIS EVENING the performances will commence with
EVERYBODY'S FRIEND. Messrs. Charles Mathews,
Compton, and Buckstone ; Mesdames C. Mathews, Wilkins,
and Reynolds.
After which, THE CRITIC.
And JACK'S RETURN FROM CANTON.

Commence at 7.

STEW THEATRE - ROYAL, ADELPHI.
11 Sole proprietor and Manager, Mr. Benj. Webster.
THIS EVENING, GOOD FOR NOTHING. Mr. J. L.
Toole, Miss Woolgar.
Followed by THE HOUSE ? or, THE HOME ? Mr. A.
Wigan, C, Selby, Billington ; Mrs. Alfred Wigan, Miss II-
Simms. Miss Laid law.
To conclude with ICI ON PARLE FRANCAIS. Messrs.
J. L. Toole, Chas Selby, Billington ; Misses Keeley, Arden,
and Laidlaw. and Mrs. Billing,ton.
Acting Manager—Mr. Win. Smith.
Doors open at a quarter-past six—Commence at seven. Box
Office open from 10 to 5 —no ch eargr booking
articles foundfees to
servants permitted. A registry kept of all .