The Sun.
London, England, 1859-01-10 00:00:00

MR. SCROPE ON REFORM.

A public meeting having been called at Stroud
for next week, to hear the statements of th 9 mem-
bers on the political questions of the day, Mr.
Scrope has issued an address to the constituency,
in which he says he does not avail himself of this
opportunity of addressing the electors, because in
" the present misty and uncertain state of the
political atmosphere," he has " nothing definite or
positive to state to them." He adds :—" I confess
that I look back with some disappointmept
on the proceedings of the last parliamentary session
as productive of small benefit, with the exception
of the change in the government of India—a
change, after all, more nominal than real. I regret,
also, the unhappy misapprehension of the public
feeling with respect to the foreign refugee question,
which led to the substitution of a Conservative for
a Liberal Ministry ; but, in common with the rest
of the Liberal party, I have been satisfied that the
present Government should be allowed a fair trial,
more especially since they appear to have adopted
to some extent a Liberal policy, and I await with
some anxiety and no little curiosity the production
of their measures in the next session, and particu-
larly that which they have undertaken for the fur-
ther reform of the national representation. Until
these measures are developed little can be said
beyond vague generalities. On the subject of
reform Mr. Scrope says :—" With regard to reform
there are certainly many persons at present not
possessed of the Parliamentary franchise, who, from
their intelligence and education, may be safely and
advantageously entrusted with it. It is also unde-
niable that some localities possess more, some less,
than their just proportion of the entire representa-
tion. I think a favourable opportunity is now
afforded for the correction of these anomalies.
Moreover, I have always been of opinion that the
voter should be protected in the conscientious
exercise of his suffrage. While, however, lam a
Parliamentary Reformer to this extent, I may say
that I shall not be found to support any extreme
and hazardous changes in the machinery of our re-
presentative system, which, in its present form, has,
throughout the long time during which your con-
tinued kindness has enabled me to assist in its
working, been productive of so much beneficial
legislation, and has indeed, I believe, moved quite
as fast in the path of progress as public opinion
would permit. Moreover, the contrast exhibited
during the same period by other countries in which
fundamental institutional changes have been at-
tempted with results fatal to liberty, does not encou-
rage us to risk a continuance of the blessings we have
been all along enjoying by any rash experiments of
that kind ; and I shall deeply regret if, as some
persons anticipate, a year or two are to be spent in
the agitation of such proposals, which might be
much better employed upon measures of practical
improvement, the only true object and end of Parlia-
mentary representation." In conclusion, he expreses
continued confidence in the late Ministry.

MR. JOHN ABEL SMITH, M.P., ON
REFORM.

Mr. J. A. Smith, the Liberal member for Chi-
chester, addressed a crowded meeting of his consti-
tuents in the Council Chamber on Friday night.
Mr. SMITH, in the course of his remarks, said he
was one of those who wished and meant to trust
the people,
.and in this spirit he approached the
great question of reform. He denied that it would
be an organic change to have a large extension of
the suffrage—(cheers)--that it would be an organic
change to take the members from those places
which in the course of time had become reduced in
importance and population, and give them to those
places where trade and commerce had drawn
together large numbers of people. (Hear, hear.)
He could not understand the persons who called
themselves Liberals, and said they did not want any
change at all. (Hear.) He held in his hand the
manifesto of the Birmingham Reform Association,
who first stated what they wanted, and next why
they wanted it. They wanted a large extension of
the suffrage—(cheers)—they wanted vote by ballot
—(loud cheers)—and they wanted a more equal
apportionment of members to population. (Cheers.)
Now, he wished his constituents to know that he
was in favour of a very large extension of the sill-
frage—(eheers)—that he was in favour of vote by
ballot—(great cheering)—but if the Birmingham
gentlemen, when they talked of a more • equal
apportionment of members to population, meant
electoral districts, he did not agree with them
—(hear)—because he did not believe that such
)
anof atphpeortpioenople
ment
owfoulEdnbgelaancdc_ (hear,eptable to the
hearmass
and he considered that old arrangements and
old associations. possessed great importance
With regard to the present Government, there was
an old proverb, that necessity makes
And when
ac-
quainted with queer bedfellows." when he
saw Mr. Bright and Mr. Henley. going together he
confessed he did not like it, as it was a strange
amalgamation, which filled him with something
like suspicion. (Laughter.) But at the same time
he should look at measures and not men—(cheers)
thoseliss
support.
changespor t. desirable
Aaa
nnn
dad
—and if Lord Derby's
.Government proposed a Re-
form Bill which he. believed. to be honestly framed
hs
shouldeohfitni time
giverrenderedhuactalhnegm
e
they did this they IN
people of nglao
nudld also receive
hfa oletrebi
e. theal itei
necessary,oNP, ne believed
hPI
thef support
the
otherof the people (Cheers.)
If, introduced measure so
unconstitutional and wrong as would transfer power
from the boroughs to the counties, and give tho
latter supreme influence, he should, of course, most
determinedly oppose them. (Cheers.) He hoped,
however, that they would not be so *wise.

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THE SUN.

MONDAY. JANUARY 10, 1859.

Austria has certainly not accepted the address
of the Emperor NAPOLEON to M. HUBNER, on
New Year's-day, as a "compliment " (!) which
some French. journals insisted it ought to be con-
sidered; or, at least, if so, it is deemed one of
rather sinister purport. We hear accordingly by
telegrams, this day received, that Austria has
adopted active measures for the purpose of
strengthening her Italian troops, which are said
now to number no less than 140,000 fighting men.
Other forces are also marching from Vienna, and
certainly the address, which may have been
merely the result of a bad night's rest, or
a fit of indigestion, has already produced very
important results, so far as regards the pecuniary
interests of Austria. Nor has the tardy explanation
given in the Moniteur satisfied even the French
people. They are well aware that the Emperor
works in private—that he loves to shroud himself
in mystery, and keeps his most deliberate intentions
to himself. Some have gone the length of saying,
that looking to his antecedents, the best proof he
could have given that he did not mean any-
thing was the vague hint thrown out.
If he intended to strike a sudden blow, he
would not have given the slightest intimation to
place Austria on her guard, or induce her to make
preparations which might defeat, or at all events
render his task more difficult. Besides, he may
mean mischief, and when that is even possible,
every precaution becomes essential. Nothing can
be left undone to ensure safety. The Autocrat
who can control half a million of disciplined soldiers
and wield a navy that has even been compared
with that of Great Britain, cannot be disregarded
when exhibiting manifestations of displeasure.
" Quicquid delirant rages, plectuntEr Actium."
So says the time-honoured adage, and it is unfortu-
nately true to the present day. On account of a
few indiscreet words, the Bourse has been agitated,
rade and commerce materially injured, a feverish
anxiety created on every side, and that not only in
France and Austria, but throughout Europe. We
should certainly desire to witness the complete evacu-
ation of the States of the Church by all foreigners.
The occupation has been too long continued,
and Louis NAPOLEON discovers the mischief
into which hP r" mpting to maintain
V to the wishes of
To sacerdotal admi-

e to a nation ; nor
tion calculated to

in, the general
)f France have
ttumelious in dif-

the EMPEROR
utiful son of the
e to the ecelesi-
vould willingly

concede. He is therefore anxious to wash his
hands of the entire affair, and let the Pontiff
settle matters with his own subjects in the best
manner practicable.
But there is a pressing difficulty in the case.
If French soldiers have held the Eternal City—if
allegiance to the Triple Crown has only been main-
tained by the ominous appearance of Gallic bayo-
nets, so have the Legations been occupied by
Austrians, and every demonstration therein effec-.
tually restrained. If Rome bg evacuated by the
French, the Austrians would speedily take their
places. The sound of their approaching kettle-
drums would closely follow the departing echoes
of the French military music. This is not what
Louis Neroixori wants or wishes. It would not by
any means suit his book. If he leaves the Pontifieal
dominions, he will not allow any to remain behind
him, either in the city or country. But Austria will
not move ; she is too well aware of the peculiarly
delicate state of the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom.
If a storm were excited in the Papal States,
tranquillity could scarcely be maintained in the
Austrian territories ; nor would Naples remain at
peace. Sardinia is beginning to retrieve her
former position, and to become the regenerator of
a happy and united Italy.
LOUIS NAPOLEON has not acted discreetly, but
most certainly it is full time that the occupation
should cease. England most certainly will not
interfere to maintain the reign of violence and
despotism either in Italy or elsewhere. She is
happily out of the scrape, and should not
suffer herself to be implicated. under any
possible circumstances. If ever a country
required reform it is Italy, and if the unex-
pected movement of Louis NAPOLEON should pave
the way thereto, many will rejoice, although they
may feel convinced that it will not be ascribable to
any good or kindly feeling towards the patriot
party on the part of the French EMPEROR.

Are we to number the Westminster Review
amongst the opponents of the Ballot ? It would
seem so. In the number for January, this year, is
an article, intended, apparently, to moderate the
zeal of the Radicals ; the pages which once were
adorned with the philosophical and historical dis-
quisitions of Mr. GROTE are now employed, and
that without the appended initials, in dissuading
us from demanding the Ballot ! Of course the
Tory section of the Cabinet and of the Whigs will
rejoice. They care little about other points de-
manded by Reformers, but the Ballot and the
equitable redistribution of members are their dread.
The latter point our quarterly contemporary insists
on as it deserves ; but on the former it is worse
than unsatisfactory, it is hostile! It aims to super-
sede the Ballot by somewhat Radical proposals to
be sure ; but still to supersede it, and we feel pretty
confident to supersede it by making the franchise
to thousands but a mockery, a delusion, and a

snare.

The proposal is to do away with the " desire for
the Ballot," by rendering it unnecessary. If the
small constituencies are abolished, and the tenant-
farmers in counties overwhelmed by the new voters
created by Mr. LOCKE KING'S Bill, then it will be
useless for customers to attempt intimidation of
shopkeepers, and for landlords to interfere with,
tenants. We do not, however, believe that large
constituencies are free from the vice of intimida-
tion. Few might be disposed to bribe individual
electors when the constituencies amounted to ten
or twenty thousand, although it has been found
useful, even in such cases, to employ extensively
the services of public-houses ; still there is in
large boroughs a great deal of that unfair
influence which makes persons wish they had
not votes at all, rather than feel constrained to give
them contraryto their wish, to disoblige by abstain-
ing from‘voting, or, as the rarer case, to sacrifice
some social or pecuniary advantage by voting as
they believe to be right. The most obviously mis-
chievous use of power in large borough consti-
tuencies is that of employers over labourers. Man-
chester is a case in point. It has more than 18,000
electors ; yet, at the election when Mr. BRIGHT
was- rejected, it is notorious that millowners con-
veyed-their workmen and clerks in omnibuses to
the polling booth, and compelled them to vote
against their favourite candidate. Even if the re-
sult of elections were not affected in large consti -
tuencies by such malpractices, yet they ought to be
repressed, and, if possible, prevented. But they do
affect the result. We have little doubt, for instance,
that with the ballot Mr. BRIGHT would have kept 1

his seat.
The Westminster, however, argues that " when
men, by reason of their social position, dare not act
a bold and simple part, they may claim either to be
relieved from a duty to which they are unequal, or
to be shielded from enmity by some change of cir-
cumstance." It sees, however, no feasible changes
but disfranchisement or enlarging the constituen-
cies. The latter we have shown to be insufficient ;
the former alternative who could venture on ? If
tenant-farmers and first•class artizans cannot, even
in large constituencies, vote with independence,
who would dare, at this time of day, to strike them
off the (register ? But, says the reviewer, to
authorise them to vote in secret would not be a sure
safeguard to them, and would foster the habit of
secrecy and evasion. The writer forgets that there
are other habits at least equally objectionable.
Tyranny, and the unfair use of pecuniary or other
power over a neighbour, are surely far worse evils
than the others. Secrecy and evasion are but
defences ; coercion of voters is a crime. The evils,
therefore, consequent on the Ballot, are obviously
inferior to the crimes perpetrated through open
voting. Equity, therefore, demands that the criminal
should find himself obstructed by the police of the
ballot-box, not that the honest voter should be
obliged to resort to subterfuge to evade the political
garotter.

But our reviewer adds, " freedom was never yet
advanced by men with their tongues tied ;" there-
fore, as your elector who votes against his land-
lord's will must protect himself by dissimulation'
perhaps by dissimulation he contributes nothing to
the cause of freedom. He dares not proclaim, ad-
vocate, and defend. the opinions for which he has
voted. His vote may be right, but that is of little
service. Not so little, surely. Granted that he may
be obliged to withhold his opinions in public dis-
cussion, it is a little relief to him that he is not
obliged to withhold his vote in their favour. Well
if he could speak as well as act ; but better liberty
of action than no liberty at all. Besides our re-
viewerforgets that he dares not now speak in public
against the opinions of his oppressor. The Ballot
deprives him of no privilege he now enjoys, but it
does-make his vote his own.
But, adds the pertinacious reviewer, the Ballot
will set upon him his oppressor's detective police ;
he will be worse off than ever. Now the oppressor
gets his vote, he is content with that ; " he does
not ask or care what he thinks." Indeed ! Such
has not been the result of our observation. We
have known instances to the contrary. What is
worse, we have seen the elector whom we have
known to be liberally inclined, come gradually, for
shame's sake, to defend, and make the best of, his
Tory vote. 'Lord BACON is quoted to prove what
no one certainly ever doubted, that in cases where

the curious man . was determined to come at the
mind of the secs •et man, the latter must practise
dissimulation. :n such cases the moralists must,
of course, strike tl pie balance between two things—
between a man's giving a vote against his con-
science and his -" letting fell signs and argu-
ments that he i:3 not what he is," as BACON
happily expresses ;it. We can only say that the
great living stand a rd of Christian morals never did
anything even analogous to the former, but that he
did the latter repe catedly. Moreover it is clear to
the humblest that a vote against one's own judg-
ment is wrong ; it is equally clear to us all that we
may properly go a long way in disguising our
opinions to those whom they would not benefit, but
rather irritate to (,',u:r injury. It is a Divine direc-
tion in regard ev en to opinions of infinitely more
importance to teach than any of political kind—
" Give not th at which is holy unto the dogs,
neither cast -your pearls before swine, lest they
trample them. under their feet and turn again and
rend you." The reviewer, however, leaves out of
consideration the effect of the Ballot as a Legis-
lative instructor. It stamps the vote as an
elector's own as much as the sovereign in his
pocket. It generates the sentiment that the one is
no more to be tak en from him than the other. It
has done this in Australia, it must do it increasingly
everywhere. It induces candidates to reason with
electors for their votes just as we reason with a
man for his sovereign to a charity ; it discredits
threats and intimidation, as well as makes it nearly
useless, or worse than useless. With an efficient
Ballot we should soon find the electoral relations
of superior and inferior entirely altered, and so far
from dissimulation being extensively necessary, we
believe that those on whom others were dependent
would rather avoid adverting to the circumstance
if they wished to secure their votes. More reliance
would be placed on kindliness than on that most
annoying of all things—reminding a man of your
power or favours, and his obligations.