The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-21 00:00:00

anew
presenting the floating capital of his business, and it
would be a very reasonable computation to estimate
these various things at £lO per head. This, multi-
plied by 400,000, would give property to the value
of four millions. (Hear, hear.) Now W. at was the
conclusion he drew from these figures ? In the first
instance, they had the annual income cf the work-
ing classes estimated at £208,000,000 sterling, and it
they added together the various items he had men-
tioned they would have a further sum of
£105,000,000, and all belonging to the working
classes of this country. (Cheers.) But suppose it
should be said, " This property is considerable, but
it is not equal to the property of those belonging to
the middle and upper classes." Well, then, he said,
" If you calculate so nicely, I throw into the scale
4,000,000 heads, 4,000,000 hearts, 4,000,000 con-
sciences, 4,000,000 families, 4,000,000 homes, and
these, be the other scale as heavy as it may, will
kick the beam." (Loud and prolonged cheering.)
For all these interests, and these interests repre-
sented so fully by those who were so dear to him as
his own townsmen, whose worth he knew—on these
accounts, for their sakes, and for the sakes of the

working classes of the kingdom, he felt it his duty-
to take the stand he did take in the last session
of Parliament. (Hear, and applause.) If the work-
ing men of England would do their duty as his
townsmen, the working men of Leeds, had done
theirs—(cheers)—they would soon see a disposition
on the part of Government and Parliament to listen
to them. 'Then it would be declared that the time
had come—(hear, hear)—and then they would get
their rights. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. Smith, of York, then read letters of apology
from Mr. G. Wilson, Mr. F. Crossley, M.P., Mr.
Roebuck, MX., Mr. Bazley, M.P., and Mr. West-
head, M.P.
Mr. W. E. FORSTER, M.P., was received with
loud and enthusiastic cheering. He said that the
few remarks he should offer would be directed
more especially to the question how they could ob-
tain that increase of the suffrage which Mr. Baines
had shown so convincingly that it would be safe to
confer on the working classes. Their member had
introduced to their attention the statistics of the
whole country, but he wished to bring them to their

own borough and the neighbouring borough o:
Bradford, and to speak upon their position in rela•
tion to this question. Since he had represented
Bradford he had had a very careful inquiry made
as to the number of working men who had votes.
The constituency numbered 3,450, but of these
there were only 302 in receipt of weekly wages,
of whom 32 were factory overlookers, and, with
the exception of one or two mechanics, included
in the 59 artisans, there was not a single factory
operative in Bradford who had a vote. (Cries of
" Shame.") Leeds and Bradford would not be
what they were if they had not working men who
were worthy of votes, and a representation of the
people which deprived those working men
almost entirely of votes was not a representa-
tion of the people, but a mockery and a sham.
(Applause.) But how were they to get this in-
crease of the suffrage ? The aristocracy would not
give them that increase of the suffrage. The middle
classes could not if they wished give it to them, and
he did not know that they would even wish to give
it to them. It they helped themselves, others would
help them. (Hear, hear, and applause.) He was
of opinion that the failure of Lord Sohn Russell's
Reform Bill arose mainly from the desire of the
working classes for the suffrage not having been
expressed with sufficient earnestness and sufficient
persistency. He did not say that in excuse of the
present Ministry or the House of Commons. If the
Ministry came pledged to a Reform Bill, they ought
to have fulfilled those pledges or given up their
offices, There was great probability, however, if
they set heartily to work, that they might get a
considerable share in the Government and a very
considerable share in the representation. What sort
of agitation were they to have by which they could
get some real measure of Reform ? They must work
hard for it. Petitions were good things in them-
selves, but they would do very little by them-
selves. They were useful things if there were other
' organisations and other expressions of feeling, espe-
cially if they came from different parts of the
country. But mere expressions of feeling would
not do. They wanted an active organisation which
would constantly keep at work, bringing all sorts of
legitimate action to bear upon their members. That
was what they wanted ; and if they did that con-
stantly and perseveringly they would find members
of Parliament would remember mor e accurately what
they said at the hustings. (Hear, hear.) Well, then,
if they wished to have that final organisation, he did
not think that they could do better than join the
Leeds Working Men's Reform Association, and per-
suade the working men of other towns in the coun-
try to form similar associations. He was sorry that
Mr. Bright had recommended that the trades unions
of the country should be the organisations for carry-
ing on the agitation for Reform—first, because he
thought the objects of these unions should be to
watch over the interests of trade ; and, secondly,
because such a step would give some semblance of
truth to the absurd objection that it might lead to
a difference between labour and capital. If a new
Reform Bill did result—as he trusted it might—in
the return of some working men to the House of
Commons, there would be no harm to the employers,
but, on the contrary, there would be great good.
(Cheers.) The very essence of a representative Go-
vernment was, that all classes should be represented,
and that every discussion which occurred in the
country should be represented by a similar discus-
cussion in the House of Commons. In conclusion,
Mr. Forster said that if in the management of as-
sociations similar to that just established they were
determined, and yet moderate, they might feel sure
of a Reform Bill, if not next session, at least within
two or three years, which should embrace within it
that most important class in the community now
excluded from all share in the Government of the
country. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. LEATHAM, M.P., said he should make a few
remarks about what the newspapers called " the
situation." He did not think there was anything
in the aspect of home politics which need alarm or
discourage the Reform party. No doubt there had
existed, and still existed, a great and culpable neg-
ligence and indolence among those most interested
in the passing of a Reform Bill. Of this the Go-
vernment had greedily availed themselves in order
to wriggle out of some of the most solemn pledges
which ever were extracted from the leaders of a
party. As to what was called Conservative reac-
tion, he was altogether incredulous about its exist-
ence. (Hear, hear.) What had occurred was this
—the country had been prosperous and busy, and
when a country was busy and prosperous it had
but little leisure for political agitation. The
ends of those who for selfish purposes professed
an attachment to Reform had been gained by
their instalment in office, and when men were
apparently actuated by no higher motives than
personal ambition, and great popular measures were
made the mere stalking. horses to power, there was
nothing wonderful in the fact that when this was
accomplished they should seek to fling what had
become an encumbrance on one side. lf, instead of
placing their confidence in the barren pledges of
public men, the working classes had from the first
braced themselves for the contest which was now
manifestly inevitable, they would not then be
organizing their forces for the struggle, but would
have been in the full enjoyment of its legitimate
of t
results, (Hear, hear.) He regretted that this
be
andp
upper
renderedper necessary by the
jealousy movementl
u e oeu middle bi
sy
classes,
w who
should
have granted that to the • •
intelligence which they
seemed determined only to concede to the agitation
of the people. (Hear.) If that
which should have
been an element of strength should be turned into
an element of dissension, whom would they have to
thank ? They would have to thank those who had
year after year persisted in postponing the settle-
ment of a vital and inevitable question, in the
childish hope that hundreds and thousands of intel-
ligent men, surrounded by everything to remind
them that they were strong yet powerless, could
stoop to the perpetual exclusion from the exorcise
bleb
of tiose rights the aspiration to participate in w
God had breathed into the breast
of every man who
for the working
WAS free. (C'neers.) It remained
classes to show that the hopes which those around
e were not W-
him entertained for Vheir futur

founded, and that in 'anguishing, as he believed
they would do, all opposition they would conquer
for no selfish purposes, but sinking the narrow ob-
jects of their class in the great and paramount claims
of the country, they would carry with them into the
Constitution those principles and those virtues
which became men who aspired to a citizenship the
responsibilities of which were as vast as its renown.
(Loud cheers.)
Mr. R. COOPER said he felt proud to stand be-
fore the meeting as the representative of the work-
ing class. The people had been charged with being
apathetic, but he thought it ought rather to be said
that they had been too confiding. (Hear, hear.)
They had trusted to statesmen who had deceived
them, but there were members of the Cabinet in
whom they had confidence, and the only wonder
was that these men did not come out when the aris-
tocratic element refused to abide by Reform, and
thus compel one of the most treacherous Ministers
of modern times to retire from office. (Applause.)
It had been said, he continued, that the working
classes would never get reform until they were in
earnest; he asked what was to be the test of
earnestness ? Was it to be tumult and violence, or
was it to be the calm and intelligent demand for
the concession of that to which they were entitled ?
(Hear, hear.) If the aristocracy wished to delay
reform until the former was the case, it was they,
and not the people, who must be charged with in-
citing to physical force; if the second ground was
to be the test, let them at once concede to the
people that which it had been proved beyond all
question they were fully qualified to exercise. (Ap-
plause.) They were told that Reformers were
afraid of their own principles, because of the state
of things in America. It was not just or true or
honest to say that democracy in America was upon
its trial, when the only cause of disruption there
was despotism. (Hear, hear.) Despotism was
trying to destroy the constitution there ; but let
Englishmen hope their American brethren would
rise equal to the crisis, and snap for ever the chains
of the slave. (Loud and long continued cheers.)
After energetic speeches by Mr. Hooson, of Man-
chester ; Councillor R. M. Carter, of Leeds ; and
Mr. Nield, of Oldham.
Mr. SAMUEL POPE said it was an important cir-
cumstance that the leaders of this movement were
hose who knew most about the working classes.

(Applause.) Labour could not be hostile to the
other great interests of the country, and therefore
he looked without a shadow of fear on an increase

in the power of those who represented the interests
of labour. He believed the curse of Liberalism at
present was, that there were a great many among
them who had no sincerity in the principles they
professed, but if the working men would bring to
bear upon this movement a deep energy and deter-
mination, they would succeed in wresting all they
asked from an unwilling House of Commons.
(Cheers.)
Mr. BARNES, M.P., said that in the House of
Commons any member who was anxious to support
a measure of Reform found himself surrounded with
influences of all kinds opposed to him. Nothing
could be done by members of Parliament unless they
were supported heartily and energetically by the
people outside. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) lie be-
lieved the Whig side of the House of Commons
rather rejoiced in what they called the indifference
of the people. The present meeting had done some-
thing towards contradicting that libel, and he
trusted they would continue to use every legitimate
means in their power to give expression to their
opinions, and not desist until they obtained a full
measure of Reform. (Cheers.)
Tho proceedings then terminated with a vote of
thanks to the chairman.

IRELAND.

DUBLIN, WEDNESDAY.

The Chief Secretary is still the principal topic of
discussion with the newspapers and in political
circles. It is an interesting fact that the motion
in the Town Council of Derry to present an address
to Sir Robert Peel was seconded by Mr. Foy, a
Roman Catholic, who for many years has taken a
prominent part in local politics, in the interest of
his own communion, In Belfast, in like manner,
the adoption of the address was seconded by a
Roman Catholic, Mr. John Hamill, who is a leading
member of the Roman Catholic party in that town.
In connexion with him an interesting little episode
occurred in the Town-hall. Mr. Hamill, after the
presentation of the address, approached the Chief
Secretary, and said, " Will you permit me to grasp
the hand of the son of the statesman who made me
a freeman ?" Sir Robert Peel shook hands with him
in a very cordial manner, seeming, says the Banner
of Ulster," much gratified by the incident."
The Daily Express no longer stands alone among
the Dublin Conservative journals in its defence of
the Chief Secretary. There is only one which now
assails him. There is no doubt, indeed, that the
Chief Secretary has carried with him the Protestant
feeling of the country, as may be seen from the fol-
lowing extracts selected from the provincial journals.
Such popularity enjoyed by a member of a Liberal
Government is an unprecedented phenomenon in
Ireland:—

(From the BeYirst .21'ews _Letter.)
" It is impossible to read the speech of Sir Robert
Peel, in reply to the address of the Town Council of
Belfast, without feeling the highest admiration for
the manliness and coinage, as well as for the ability
of the right hon, gentleman. When have we had a
Chief Secretary who could venture openly to accuse
Dr. Cullen of ' Jesuitical ingenuity,' and of hurling
against him blasphemous denunciations ?' Every
word of the large portion of Sir Robert Peel's specch
devoted to a counter-attack on Dr. Cullen is manly
and telling, because it is truthful and honest. There
is neither disguise nor exaggeration ; and we cannot
but believe that the straightforward and chivalrous
manner in which Dr. Cullen's challenge has been
taken up will produce a most beneficial effect upon
the minds of all sensible Roman Catholics."

(Newry Telegraph.)
" The speech delivered by the Chief Secretary at
Belfast, in answer to an address from the corpora-
tion of that borough, has the ring of the true metal,
and the promise it holds out—the assurance of im-
partial government—will be hail( d by all classes—
the intelligent and independent thinking of all
parties, creeds, and denominations, averse to that
coquetting with the Ultramontane section' which
Sir R. Peel, in so manful a spirit and tone, scorn-
fully repudiates, and indisposed to place faith in
acts or language which savour rather of the monkish
superstitions of the middle ages than the bold fea-
tures of religious toleration."'

(Derry Guardian.)
"The rebuke which Sir Robert administered to
Dr. Cullen met with the cordial sympathy of his
hearers, and if he shall only act in the frank end
fearless spirit which characterises this portion of
his speech, and which was still more emphatically
manifested by the right hon. baronet at Belfast, he
will secure for himself the approbation and support
of every person whose good opinion is worth hav-
ing in this country."
(Banner of Ulster.)
"The admirable address presented by the corpo-
ration is eminently creditable to their liberality,
while Sir R. Peel's own manly and magnanimous
words in reply have struck a chord that seldom
vibrates under the dexterous touch of ordinary
statesmanship. There is an openness, a breadth,
and a determination in the bearing of this man that
are quite refreshing in au age of trimmers and
diplomatists, while there is withal a Cromwellian
ring in the tone that proclaims defiance. Too long
has the ' concession' policy been the order of the
day, and it is well that Archbishop Legates and
their myrmidons should understand that they shall
in vain hurl their anathemas against the friends of
liberty and progress. A timid and temporising
course has only given new boldness to the demands
of Ultramontanism in Ireland, and it is a subject of
congratulation that from such an influential quar-
ter a voice has gone forth to rebuke its insolence.
All that is enlightened and independent in public
opinion will sustain the Irish Secretary against his
unscrupulous antagonists."

Independent.)

"Bravo, Sir Robert The good sense and honest
feelings of the true-hearted Irish people will know
how to respond to such an appeal against the unfair,
discourteous, and unmanly attempt of Paul Cullen
to misrepresent our noble-minded and generous-
hearted Chief Secretary, and to stir up against him
the religious animosities of a sensitive people. The
people of Ireland owe a debt of gratitude to Sir
Robert for his tour of inspection."
(Cork Comtifiction.)
" After all, we are inclined to be grateful to Dr.
Cullen. His placard has brought Sir Robert out,
He is speaking with the pluck which becomes a
man, and we can tell him that if he acts as he
I spoke he will carry with him at that is worth