The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-27 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 27, 1861.

THE SUN.

LONDON, MONDAY, MAY 27, 1861.

It is a very simple question indeed, the one that
comes this evening under the consideration of the
House of Commons. There is, first of all, the
Budget Bill, which—having been read a first and
second time—will now have to be examined in
detail in Committee. There is—upon that motion
—this promised Amendment of Mr. NEWDEGATE'S.
Beyond all which there is the exceeding proba-
bility of yet another Amendment to be introduced
from the side of the Opposition. It is through that
second, and not, so to speak, supplementary Amend-
ment that we are disposed to anticipate the solution
of kfinancial problem, hitherto characterised by its
apparently inextricable confusion, its bewildering
complication and its all but insoluble difficulty.
The Amendment announced by the hon. member for
Warwickshire has reference, it will be seen, to what
may be called the constitutional question, involved
in the fiscal and financial propositions embodied in
the Bill now under consideration in the House of
Commons, the Bill based upon Mr. GLADSTONE'S
Budget Resolutions. It suggests, this point-
blank Amendment, that these propositions,
instead of being tacked together, and so sent en
muse to the House of Lords, shall heretofore, with
the component parts of all the rest of the Budget
Bills within living recollection, be divided the one
from the other, and so sent up separately. Unfair—
monstrously unfair—though the cry raised upon this
matter-in-dispute by the right hon. baronet the
member for Carlisle, the cry raised by him in ironi-
cal explanation of the wishes cherished at heart at
this moment, by her MAJESTY'S Opposition—to wit,
" Up with the Lords and down with the Commons !"
Still it is unquestionably the truth that the position
proposed to be assumed in this matter by
the Opposition would, in the event of a tri-
umph en their part, bear that invidious con-
struction: And we might rest perfectly well
assured that supposing, for the sake of
argument that Mr. NEWDEGATE'S proposition (we
don't in the least expect it, but we put the sup-
position just for the sake of argument) were car-
ried, that wicked distoz tion, by Sir JAMES GRAHAM,
of the views and sentiments actuating .Her
MAJESTY'S Opposition, would inevitably be made
the most of at the various hustings throughout the
United Kingdom to the possible delusion of very
inner
weakness of the constituencies. 7hae is the
weakness of Mr. NEWDEGATE'S Amendment. And
hence—particularly remembering what are the
views linen this constitutional question which
have been expressed by such an authority as
Mr. WALPOLE, speaking through the lips of
his friend Mr. WILLIAM HEATHCOTE—hence, we
cannot for an instant believe that the Opposition
are likely to gain much by adopting the Amend-
ment about to be submitted to the House of Com-
mons by the hon. member for North Warwickshire.
It is in that other Amendment now meditated by
the Opposition that we think really lies anything
like peril to the financial schemes of her MAJESTY'S
Government. The Amendment setting aside, at the
eleventh hour it may be, but still setting aside, the
notion of an 'mutt Cate abolition during the present
session cf the still (sooner or later) doomed Paper
Duties. It may be objected, however, in regard to
t hi., that the question of the Paper Duties abolition
has already been settled, that the query has already
been asked, and that it has already been answered,
and that the answer given was decided to have been
in the affirmative, by a clear majority in an
mense house—by a clear majority of Eighteen. It
is not so, however. The question then put affected

the Paper Duties, not directly, but only indirectly: I
The immediate Abolition of those duties was only
in a manner underlined " for the good"—nega-
tively ! It was proposed that the duty upon tea
should be diminished to the extent of fivepence
in the lb. by preference. The house decided then
that the Tea Duty should still embrace that five-
pence. The inference to be drawn from which
certainly might—it is quite true—be, that the
house preferred to settle for once and for all the
agitation about the Paper Duties Remission. But
—there was and is still at the same time another de-
duction also to be drawn from that clear majority of
Eighteen. The deduction, that is, that the
Souse, by insisting as it did then that the
Tea Duty should be still maintained at the
exorbitant rate of ls. sd. in the lb. —re
served to itself yet to this moment re-
serves to itself the right and the power
(accordingly as it may deem best upon mature con-
sideration) either to abolish altogether the vexatious
duties still levied upon paper, or to remit nothing
more whatever of the current year's revenue—in
consideration, that is, of the probable surplus in no
way justifying any such further remission as the
one now (it may be rashly) proposed by the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer.
Certainly, if upon closer examination, the
surplus should be deemed, as many have from
the first deemed it to be, a pleasant delusion, a
mere financial mirage, conjured up in the arid
perspective of the coming twelvemonth by Mr.
GLADSTONE'S lively imagination—much as we
might deplore the still further hampering of
trade and of literature for yet another year
by the continuance of these long odious
paper duties—we should assuredly be the
merest bunglers, we should be but sorry
patriots to insist coute qui coute upon the imme-
diate abolition of the paper duties surplus or no
surplus. That, in truth, is the simple question
now about to be submitted to the House of Com•
mons. Is there in reality a reasonable and safe
probability of the country at the close of the
next:financial year finding itself in possession of
the agreeable little surplus Mr. GLADSTONE is
counting upon ? If so—away with the paper
duties ! But—if not ! Why then—in that case—
with the imminent possibility of a deficit before
us, rather than the faintest probability of
anything at all like a surplus—we should be
the veriest dolts to dream of urging upon
the nation (when it could least afford it!) the
foregoing at once of some £BOO,OOO, upon
the current financial twelvemonth, and the
abandonment year after year in perpetuity of
£1,500,000 of permanent revenue ! Let the House
of Commons then—not, this year, the House of
Lords let the House of Commons decide
calmly for itself, Whether or not the country can
afford to get rid of the paper duties in October.

so—let them go, as Mr. GLADSTONE'S Budget Bill
proposes. If not—then in the name of common
sense, in the name of justice, in the name
of prudence and of patriotism, let the abolition
of ,the paper duties stand over for another
twelvemonth. Party considerations of any kind
ought not, in regard to a question of this character,
to weigh one atom in the balance. The Commons
are the custodians of the national purse. Let
them not rashly or over hastily, out of a feeling of
false pride, or of participation in the personal piques
of one who is their glory less as a financier than as
'a rhetorician, strike a million and a half sterling
from the annual revenue of the country to gratify the
arrogance of another who, like the member for Bir-
mingham, can so far outrage Mr. GLADSTONE'S
feelings in regard to his own Budget as to exclaim
haughtily from his place below the Gangway—
" It is my Budget !"

It goes well in America with the upholders of
what is there still worthy of the name, style, and
title of the United States Government. The enthu
siasm among them is not alone maintained. It is
spreading and intensifying. The volunteers have
already numbered up there, as we know, 300,000
fighting men-300,000 out of a population of some
19,000,000. President LINCOLN is calmly but firmly
—all the more firmly, however, because so very
calmly—gathering up the reins of authority in his
grasp, and preparing to encounter all the difficulties
that may lie before him. Baltimore has not only
fallen into the possession of the Federal Troops, as
an earlier account had already apprised us, but
there, at Baltimore, later advices show that those
Federal troops had fully established themselves.
Along all the railroads, from the North through
Maryland, down to Washington, earthworks had
been raised with astounding rapidity. The capital
itself is described as completely girt round by en-
' campments. And it is said that all the railways
radiating from it, are under the complete control of
the central power at Washington. As to
the latest doings or designs of that central
authority, we are now furnished, through the
medium of the Adriatic, bringing the Transatlantic
intelligence down to the 14th inst., with several im-
portant, and some of them deeply interesting par-
ticulars. In reference to the probable purchase of
the Great Eastern, then but newly arrived upon the
American coast after a run of nine days across the
Atlantic through the teeth of a hurricane, the New
York limes says—" It is now definitely understood
that the ship will be offered for sale to the Govern-
ment as a transport ship, but should a sale not be
negotiated she will accept a charter for that service.
The Government will no doabt immediately
avail itself of the opportunity to obtain so
desirnble an addition to their means of offensive
operations." As to the general situation of affairs
on the 14th the New fork Herald gives a compre-
hensive record full of encouragement to the
Northerners. Upon the previous day President
LINCOLN and Secretary SEAWARD had together
gone down the Potomac on a tour of inspection.
The last accounts stated the number of Southern
troops at Richmond at three thousand instead of
at seven thousand, as at one time stated—the rebels
numbering at Harper's Ferry as many as six thou-
sand altogether. These latter, however, were but
very imperfectly armed, and already weread—" Pro-
visions were running short, 'supplies having been
cut off by the Western Virginia Unionists. There
were not two weeks' provisions anywhere in the
surrounding country, and that they must either
receive supplies at once, or retreat seemed inevi-
table." That, in truth, is among the most
imminent perils to be encountered by the
Southern gentry—the peril of defeat through
starvation. Hence it is that we read, from
other quarters in the South, of growing cotton
crops being pulled up and grain planted instead—
a far off prospect of nourishment for the rebels bat
an immediate threatening of further confusion and
embarrassment to our ovna manufactories in Lanca-
shire. As to the designs anal doings of President
DAvls, we read, The Conferate Government at
Montgomery
has appointed General LEE commander
in chief of
the forces in Virginia, in which
state there are said to be about 50,000 men.
Positive information, however, has reached General
SCOTT that the whole number of men from Har-
per's Ferry down to Lynchburg does not exceed
25,000. Strong efforts are being made to induce
trim to advance Ws forces into Virginia; but he

is resolute in maintaining his present position

until be is quite ready to move. Consilerable
bodies of men, said to be pretty well armed with
Minnie rifles and muskets, are moving up from
the South ; among them a regiment of Zouaves,
from New :Orleans, who went from Richmond to
Norfolk on Saturday. It is commonly reported
that the rebel troops are determined to burn
every city and village which they are compelled to
abandon in cas eof being driven back by the Northern
troops." The realisation of which diabolical inten-
tion will involve the necessity for terrible reprisals.
It is satisfactory to know, however, that " The
blockade of the Southern ports on the Atlantic
coast is now probably complete, including Charles-
ton and the Savannah River, and that those of the
Gulf will soon be in the same condition, if they are
not already so." It is on every account to be hoped
that the horrors of this lamentable civil war in
America may be restricted as much as possible
within the territories of the so-called Confederate
States, from the lawless passions of the population
of which same Slave States these deplorable con-
flicts have emanated.

Shall we do violence to all our best feelings as
Englishmen for the sake of Manchester and cotton ?
Such a question may, to some, seem like treason to
the commerce and industry of our country; but
that is a very superficial view. As Manchester has
been the nurse of American negro slatery, and thus
the bane of the United States, so nearly exclusive
dependence on America by Manchester has been
the bane of our own tropical colonial empire.
Through encouraging slave labour in America,
Manchester easily supplied herself with stolen
cotton—stolen from the unfortunate negro. Had
the great cotton city been thrown on British re-
sources, long before now Jamaica and India would
have been opened, and would have supplied all our
wants, and probably on the coast of Africa itself
the energy of Manchester cotton agents would have
shown that cotton would have converted many a

Borriobhoola-Gha into a substantially industrious
and really civilised community. We do not believe
at all that a great shortcoming in the American
crop would be more than a very temporary cala-
mity—the very year in which it occurred would
sweep the tropics of cotton as they had never been
swept before—and if the American deficiency were
both considerable, and from a cause, like a commo-
tion among the slaves, likely to be permanent, ano-
ther year would not follow without the creation of

an abundant extra-American supply. Something is

needed to break the neck of the Manchester re-
liance on slavery. Once do this, and Manchester
will be a patron of free labour in the tropics to an
extent now inconceivable, and will herself rejoice,
ultimately, in the change.
Such being our general view of the certain con-
sequences of a break up of negro slavery in the
Slave States, our sympathies are free to go forth as
they naturally m ould do, to the cause of the Free
States. Their original object, as we have before
shown, was to " crib, cabin, and confine" slavery
within the present Slave States. Not a very nar-
row cabin either ; seeing that the area of the present
Slave States exceeds somewhat that of the Free
States. But there is yet a large expanse of terri-
tory belonging to the Union untouched by the
industry of the White man—into this, says the
North, the hellish curse of Slavery shall never
come. Is that resolution right ? Is it one to be
met by legal quib';les and corrupt decisions of a
packed bench of Judges in the Supreme Court of
the Union ? Every Englishman would at once say
no—he would demand that the interpretation of
the Constitution should lean to liberty, not to
slavery ; and that so grave a question as that of
polluting Free Soil with the Southern abomination
should be a question of State policy, not of legal
subtlety, and this is just the demand of the North.
Freedom might indeed truly enough claim to have
the written Constitution on its side, since the great
leaders who constructed it were assuredly hostile
enough to Negro Slavery. We are confident, there-
fore, that the North was legally, as it certainly was
politically, right in saying to slavery, " hitherto
thou shalt come, but no further."

But we trust that the infamous conspiracy of the
South, and the'mighty energy it has aroused in the
North, will have a much wider result than that
originally proposed. We could wish that all the
Slave States kept together; that none of them struck
too soon ; and that the North should then bear
down upon them with a might wifich should
break up the accursed system for ever. If some
Slave States were willing too soon to make peace
with the North, the consequence would be that the
North must again give effect to fugitive slave laws,
and that the old pro-slavery leaven might again
corrupt the North. Now that the quarrel has
reached civil war, better far that there should be a
thorough settlement—a sweeping away for ever of
the " domestic institution," and " involuntary
bDndage," and the deliverance of North America
from the most infernal and atrocious crime which
can disgrace our humanity. The only thing which
can at all blind the eyes of our statesmen and mer-
chants to the utterly indefensible rebellion of the
South, and to the odious cause for which it sepa-
rates and fights, is cotton. We trust that they will
think of the negro more than of cotton ; and that
they will not disgrace their nature by showing the
slightest lenity, to a set of dealers in stolen men
who have rebelled causelessly against a noble Go-
vernment to carry out unchecked their nefarious
traffic in babes and children, women and men—in
the blood and sinews of their own fellow country-
men, though fellow countrymen of a different colour
to themselves. The Southern Confederation is a
confederation for felony, if not of felons. They are
intent on fighting for a crime which would in this
country shut them up in gaol, if it did not bring
them to the gallows. Like gaol birds at large in
this country, they are clever fellows enough ; but
it will be a disgrace to us if, while abstaining from
joining in the fray, we do not let the Northerns
have the encouragement of our sympathy—and if
we do not show to the South, that cotton does not
hinder our perception that they are rebels against
our common humanity as well as against their own
Government.

We write this because we regret to see a portion
of the press of England itself disposed rather to
run down the North, and to insinuate the best it
can for the South. If this be noticed abroad, as it
almost surely will be, it will be held to convict us
of national meanness. It will be justly said—
" Here is England, which has been ready to quar-
rel with half the world respecting the slave-trade
and slavery, converted into an apologist for slavery
as soon as its manufacturers are in the least
threatened by emancipation." " England loves
cotton more than she hates slavery," will be the
judgment of both continents. And not only will
such a judgment be our disgrace, it will embitter
and protract the quarrel, The Rebels in America
rely on our having our price. Free-trade and cot-
ton are the bribe they offer to England and to
France, too. They seem to have no doubt that the
School, which is strong enough to school the House
of Commons into acceptance of a Budget it does
not like, will be strong enough to school the Ad-
ministration into such indirect support of the
South as a neutral can give. We ought to let all

the world distinctly see that, neutral as we are,
we condemn Rebellion for Slavery, and sympathise
with a Government asserting the rights of Liberty.
If in no other way our House of Commons, by a
vigorous debate, should do it. We do not want
to palliate the past or the present errors of the
North ; we would expose, as it deserves, the folly
and selfishness of its hostile tariff, and the madness
of creating at a time like this a cause of alienation
from the free Christian countries of the old world.
But we would let the South know that its equally
selfish free-trade and proposal to tax cotton, leaves
their detestable cause just where it was; and that,
though neutral, England is heart and soul with
the North and Freedom.

LA/EST NEWS

TURIN, MAY 24 (Evening).

In to-day's sitting of the Chamber of Deputies
questions were put by several members respecting
the approaching celebration of the national fete,
Signor Minghetti, Minister of the Interior,
replied, and stated at the same time that the dis-
turbances at Milan had terminated.

ROME, MAY 22 (via Marseilles).

Christen, one of the military leaders of the reac-
tionary movement, has returned to Rome. It is
asserted that encyclical letters are being secretly
circulated with the object of exciting agitation
among the clergy.
The French police is on the alert to prevent the
enlistment of brigands.

TURIN, MAY 25.

The official Gazette of the kingdom of Italy of
to-day gives a denial to the report that the Italian
Government claims the right of depriving the
bishops of office and declares that nothing has
been changed in the relations between Italy and
the Pope in r6ference to the Bishoprics.

VIENNA, MAY 26.

An inquiry has been instituted by the Criminal
Tribunal of the Vorarlberg with reference to the
fanatical persecution of the Protestants by the
people in that province.

PARIS, MAY 25.

The Moniteur of to-day contains imperial decrees
nominating MM. Brenier and Stourm as senators.

MADRID, MAY 25.

The Court of Spain will maintain a representa-
tive near Francis 11. so long as he remains in Italy.

FRANCE.

The English workmen who have just visited Parie
addressed, before leaving the French capital, the
following letter to the Prefect of the Seine:—
"Monsieur le Prefect,—The undersigned English
workmen and citizens, who have made an excursion
to Paris, beg you to accept their respectful thanks
for the gracious manner in which you specially
opened the Hotel de Ville to them this day. They
also desire to express to you the extreme plea-
sure with which they have visited your splendid
city and its environs, and beg you to be their
interpreter to its inhabitants, both civil and
military, for the politeness and kindness
with which they were everywhere received.
We remarked the universal appearance of com-
fort which everywhere prevailed among the people,
as well as the general urbanity of their manners.
We were also happy to observe that the entry to
all your magnificent edifices was gratuitous for the
people, and to see all classes of society mixing
together in all the public places. We also desire,
in our humbler sphere, to express our thanks to the
Emperor for the abolition :)f passports between
France and England, a measure which greatly
facilitates friendly relations and visits between the
two countries. We were pleased to see the Empe-
ror devoting his exalted capacities to the develop-
ment of the material prosperity of the people, and
we have faith in his constant wish to maintain
between France and Great Britain that good intel-
ligence so necessary for the peace of the world."
(Here follow 89 signatures.)

BOURSE, May 25.—The market has been rather
firmer than for the last day or two, but with
scarcely any variation in price. Threes, for the
Account, opened at 69f 35c, and are now at 69f 40c ;
Bank of France, 2,890 f; Mobilier, 707 f 50c.
The following were the last quotations:-
4i per per Cents 96 35 , Credit Foncier 9BB 75
Do end month.... 96 50 Belgian 4f —
3 per Cents
Do. end month 69 45 ' Roman
Bank Shares .. 2895 Austrian
Credit Mobilier.... 702 50 Spanish Threes —
Do. Account 7OB 751 Home Debt

RAILWAYS.
Cash. Account.
Orleans 1355 .. 1356 25
Northern
New ditto
Lyons and Mediterranean 932 50 .. 933 75
Geneva 422 50 .. 421 25
Southern 575 .. 575
Western •..
Eastern
Sardinian
Austrian
Low bard

THIS DAY'S MARKETS.

CORN EXCHANGE.

Somewhat increased supplies of wheat were exhibited in
most of the country markets held on Saturday. All kinds
met a slow inquiry, and, in some instances, prices had a
drooping tendency. Barley was very dull, and lower to
purchase. All other kinds of produce changed hands slowly,
at about st tionary currencies.
On the Continent wheat has commanded full prises, but
the demand has become less active than of late. In the
United States the export business is steady. . _ _

The arrivals of English grain up to our market last
week were very moderate. From abroad we received 41,285
quarters of wheat, 4,990 barley, 59,335 oats, 1,031 beans,
2,245 peas, 8,863 linseed, 3,880 .rapeseed, 500 maize, 140
sundry, 2,323 sacks and 46,008 barrels of flour.
Fresh up to-day the arrivals of wheat were very mode-
rate, but, on the whole, the supplies came to hand in
tolerably good condition. Good and fine qualities changed
hands slowly, at a decline, compared with Monday last of
Is per quarter; but inferior kinds were almost unsaleable,
even at a similar reduction.

We were extensively supplied with most kinds of foreign
wheat, and the trade, generally, was in a heavy state, at is
per quarter less money than on this day se'nnight.
Floating cargoes of grain were in limited request, and
prices had a downward tendency.
Malting barley realised about previous rates, but grinding
and distilling sorts were decidedly lower to purchase, and
the general state of the trade was very inactive.
Malt changed hands to a limited extent, yet there is no
change to notice in its value.
Oats, owing to the large importation, moved off heavily,
at a decline, compared with Monday last, of 6d to is per
quarter. Really fine samples, however, which were com-
paratively scarce, in some instances, realised previous rates.
Beans were much less active, and the quotations gave
way Is. per quarter.
Peas were a dull sale, and prices, though drooping, ruled
about stationary. •
The flour trade was dull. Country marks were 6d. to Is.
per 280 lbs., and American qualities 6d. to ls. per barrel
lower than on Monday last.

CURRENCY PER IMPERIAL MEASURE.
Wheat —Essex and Kent, red, new
Ditto, old s9s 658
Ditto, white, new s2s 63s
Ditto, old 615 728
Norfolk and Lincoln, red, old s6e 64s
Ditto, new
Rye—Old —s —8
New 4os 42s
Barley—Grinding 27s 32s
Malting • 3 s 45s
Malt—Suffolk and Norfolk s2s 68s
Brown
Kingstown and Ware s2s 70s
Chevalier 7oe 72s
Oats —Yorkshire and Lincolnsh., Feeding. 218 27s
Potato
Youghal and Cork, black .. 218 26s
Cork, white 2lB 288
Scotch, Feeding 24s 28s
Beans—Tick
Pigeons
Peas—Grey
Maple
White 4ss 528
Boilers sos 548
Flour—Town-made
Suffolk 398 448
Stockton and Norfolk.. . 39s 418