The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-19 00:00:00

dimmed that reputation. But if they have been
cognisant of the despatch which we now present to
tho English public—if they have allowed the French
Government to act as a remora upon their action
in regard to Italy, kno wing its objects—England,
Italy, the world, will have a far more serious cause
of quarrel with them. This Italian question has
been far too long neglected by Englishmen. Frank
and unreserved explanations on this head ought to
be demanded at the hustings from every candidate
who presents himself as a pattisan of Lord Palmer-
ston on account of his Foreign Policy.

(Prom the Times.)

After reading forty or fifty electioneering ad-
dresses in succession one arrives at some interesting
general
results One is, that no two of them are—
incredible as it may appear—exactly alike. Even
the same precise past and the same precise future,
the same acts and the same promises, the self-same
opinions on Parliamentary Reform, Ballot, the
Maynooth question, Church rates, and Sir John
Bowring, assume a different external mould and
form. Some adapt the short, pithy, and other the
long, sonorous style. Some have obviously read
the Spectator at one time of their lives, and affect
elegance. Frankness, humility, ze 11, and discre-
tion we find to be all in their turn electioneering
virtues, and each is represented. The pe:t talks of
the seven ages of man, but the ages of electioneer-
ing man may, perhaps, be reduced to three. There
is, in the first place, the ardour of first courtship,
when the untried candidate breathes the freshness
of early promise, and longs for the opportunity of
exhibiting proofs of his generous devotion. To this
class belongs the address of Mr. Neate, at Oxford,
who runs full tilt at " the increasing power and the
increasing selfishness of the aristocracy of wealth,'
which have made it almost impossible " for honest
industry to better its lot, or unendowed talent to
rise to its proper level." He is prepared to
lead a crusade against this monster abuse, and
repeat the combat of St. George with the
Dragon in right earnest. These spring candidates
are in keeping with the time of the year ; but there
are varieties of them, and the young heir-apparent
who comes forward at the age of 21 to supply the
place of a retiring father or grandfather is the early
snowdrop or crocus of electioneering horticulture.
The ardour of first courtship is succeeded again by
the sober affection of wedded love, when the cand.-
date has represented the constituency in some three
or four Parliament.. This is the second elec-
tioneering age, when the hon. member alludes
modestly to past services, regular attendance at the
house, judicissus votes, and, at any rate, the very
best intentions. The third and last age is repre-
sented in the address of Sir Charles Burrell to the
electors of Shoreham, in which he says that, "hav-
ing represented the constituency upwards of 50
years, there is no occasionlfor him to enter into any
explatia•ion of his political priuciples."
The Chinese question is of course prominent,
and after one or two vague generalities the can-
didate usually begins his Chinese paragraph. • But
here we note a great difference. The supporter
of Government evidently likes tit) subject, as
being, in the electioneering sense, a good
one. He appeals at once to great national
principles, on which he knows the papules. feel-
ing will be with him ; he denounces fact'ous c alt-
tion wish a swing, and his sentence goes off like
the crack of a whip. He feels his advantage
on that question with a constituency of which the
leading and moving part is perfeetly able to see
through the thin humanitarian disguise which the
struggle for office has assumed. But the member
who has voted iu the majority as evidently does
not like the subject, though he knows he must face
it. He swallows the pill by an effort, and is very
glad to get it over. Thera are, however, different
ways even of doing this. There is the prosy apolo-
getic, like Mr. Rust's, who goes over the Chinese
question again with the electors of lluntingdou-
shire, and conclu les with a great deal about c
scientious conviction, sense of duty, impa.tial con-
sideration of the subject, and the like, the value of
which, whew it all happens exactly to coincide with
the Opposition side of the helms, iu very obvious.
There is the short apologetic, whoa the candidate
disposes of a disagreeable subject by one uneasy
bolt, such as Colonel Stuart adopts to the electors
of Cardiff. "On the Chinese question he is not
ashamed to find himself agreeing with Mr. Cobden."
This is short and summary, and the Colonel has mas-
tered the policy so often recommended of stating a
conclusion without giving the reasons. But, though
it is only one mouthful, it is obviously an unplea-
sant one. Why does Colonel Stuart say be is "not
ashamed" of his vote ? That is a very poor thing
to say ; he ought by rights to be proud of it, t
be glad to point to it, to wear it as a feather in his
cap. Is this all that a man who has just aided in a
great philanthropic triumph, a splendid victory of
benevolence and justice over unprincipled cruelty,
can say—that he is " not ashamed" of it There
could not he a clearer sign that Col. Stuart wad
ashamed of his vole ; indeed, as a rule, when a
man assures us he is not ashamed, it may generally
be inferred that he is. Nor has it less the appear-
ance of this when the Colonel attempts, as he does,
to cover his obnoxious vote with a whole cloud of
literal promises and cries—the Ballot, Extension
of the Suffrage, and Abolition of Church rates. We
must observe that even Mr. Bright is short on this
subject :—" I en t irelyapprove the resolution moved
by Mr. Cobden and seconded by Mr. Gibson on the
subject of the melancholy events at Canton." We
might have expected something more from Mr.
Bright upon a great philanthropic triumph than
the very short matter-of-fact statement, which
he words with a sort of dry exactness, " the reso-
lution moved by Mr. Cobden and seconded by
Mr. Gibson." This is not quite the way in
which a man alludes to a topic which he loves.
Why does not Mr. Bright enlarge upon this
" glorious victory," this br ght spot in the annals of
Parliament, when a majority of the House of Com-
mons generously declared for the rights of humanity,
and protected the defenceless against the strong.
What is it which holds his pen, and stops the
steam of congra'ulatory eloquence ? Surely, having
been prevented by a reason which we must all
lament from expressing himself in Parliament on
this question,. he was the more bound to use the
opportunity which an address to his constituents
afforded ; but lie rather ungraciously dispo,:es of the
whole subject in these two words, and immediately
goes off to the Persian war, upon which he spends
a long paragraph. Is Mr. Bright aware that a large
part of the constituency of Manchester shares the
feeling which a great mercantile nation must have
on this subject, and resents the insult offered to
British commerce in making our commercial con
nexions with the vast empii e of China the mere tool
for a party move and advancement to offise ? And
why, we ask with some surprise, does Mr. Cobden
himself wholly omit his own subject in his farewell
address to the West Riding ? Was it from bashful
reluctance to allude to his own victory, or because
he did not think it would be a very pleasant one ?
It is very symptomatic that several candidates
in their addresses imeiediately rush from the
disagreeable subject of the vote by which the
Ministry was left in a minority in this Par-
liament to general promises of support to Lord
Palmerston's Government in the next Parlia-
ment. Sir Henry Meux promises Lord Palmerston
" his unhesitating support in any measure which
may be necessary for the speedy and effectual ter-
mination of the war in China and the conclusion
of peace upon terms which will be consistent with
the dignity of Great Britain,"—an announcement
which leaves the hon. member as much room as ihe
most devoted supporter of Lord Palmerston could
want. Me-srs. Ker Seyrner, Royer, and Sturt, in
their joint address, assure the electors of Dorsetshir e
that " since the formation of the Government of
Lord Palmerston they have on many occasions given
him their support, and have no intention of chano-
ins,,the course hitherto pursued by them.' In ex-
plaining their vo,e against Ministers candidates feel
it is rubtaug again's!, the grain, it is one continual
disclaimer, and anxious disavowal of motives which
they know nine-tenths of the world w.:.hlleant,trailbnoituettoa
them. If tliey can say anything,
pport in pro wise for Lord Palmerston, they take
immediate refuge in the future as a harbour of safety
and protection from the past, where in still water
they can at last enjoy a little repose, and not be
tossed about by the adverse winds of popular dis-
gust.

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