The Sun.
London, England, 1857-05-25 00:00:00

they in their palace at Westminster. At any rate

for that interval Ministers are well rid of the bore,
the worry, the bugbear, the nuisance of Reform.
Ails they ? That—we fancy—remains yet to be

seen !

For—while Ministers are " laying this flatter-
ing unction to their souls"—Have they not glar-
ing upon them that horrible buggaboo threat of
Mr. BERKELEY ?—The 13111ot immediately after
Whitsuntide ! It is net, consequently, after all,

such perfectly smooth sailing for " The Pilot that

weathered the Storm" of the General Election so

triumphantly the other day—the gallant old
Skipper PALMERSTON now at the helm of the good
ship Britannia ? Skipper and ship are both
getting fast into rather difficult navigation. The
vessel itself will come through it, it is safe to come
through it, somehow. But—How about the Skip•
per ? That—we take it, is a very different ques-
tion. . . . Happily on board the Vessel of
the State, Persons are not requested Not to Speak
to the Man at the Wheel I Constitutionally, we
have not any such prohibition. And, therefore,
the Member for Bristol, according to his annual
custom, is—going to put a very pertinent question
(perhaps some may deem it a very im-pertinent
question under the circumstances---seeing that
Reform generally has been with pretty general
consent given the go by for 1857—Mr. BERKELEY,
we say, is going to submit a very pertinent ques-
tion to the man at the wheel and his mates collec-
tively. The Ballot—" That is the Question."
And it is a question fast coming upon us—as soon
as possible, in fact, after Whitsuntide.
Now, there is no doubt whatever about This—
That the Newly-elected House of Commons is
essentially a Reforming House of Commons. It
is a House of Commons in which the liberal
Reformers have notoriously gained an immense
majority. More than this—it is a House in which
the Advocates of the Ballot have obtained a very
considerable increase numerically. Consequently
—lf Hon. Members are true to their Con-
stituents, there is a tolerably fair prospect of
Mr. BERKELEY'S motion having this time at its
back a rather large body of supporters ! Remem-
ber, however, that it is a promise dependent en-
tirely upon that one essential proviso. A highly
important, but at the same time an exceedingly
precarious condition indeed—" If Hon. Members
are true to their Constituents !" Will they be
so ? A very few days will now clearly demon-
strate—to those constituencies. It will be seen
how far hustings promises may be relied on. It
will be seen, so that those who run may read it.
I How, and where ? Simply, let us repeat
again, what we said as plainly as words
could say, anything in our impression of
Saturday evening. In the Division List upon
Mr. BERKELEY'S motion soon after Whitsuntide !
In the " Votes" and in the " Pairs"—For and
Against. And (what will probably be still more
significant) in the list (very likely the long list)
of Non-Attendants ! Under any circumstances,
the Test will now be applied promptly and. directly
to the New House of Commons, in regard to the
most important of all Reforms—the Ballot. And
that test having been so applied in 1857, we
shall know at once how we stand in regard to that
Question. We shall know how Lord PALMERSTON
regards it, how his Government regards it, how
the House regards it. And we hope the last
mentioned will then act accordingly. If true to
itself—we do not think we are talking at random
when we say that we conceive the Ballot to be
already in its grasp. "If true to itself," observe.
In which event it will matter nothing to any
true Reformer (either in the House or out of the
House) under whose administration The Ballot
may be ultimately obtained. Supposing Lord PAL-
MERSTON to be still obdurately averse to it, the
New House of Commons, the Liberal and Re-
forming, and Pro-Ballot House of Commons may,
if it so pleases it, replace the Noble Viscount
with some more energetic and enlightened Admi-
nistrators.

The opinion of Parliament, as to the gross in-
justice of the mode of assessing and levying rates,
for the relief of the metropolitan poor will be for-
mally taken on Thursday next. The Honourable
Gent'eman the Member for the Tower Hamlets
has given notice of motion, that he will on that
day move for the appointment of a Select Com-
mittee to inquire and report on that important
subject. Mr. AYRTON could scarcely have selected
a better topic whereon "to flesh his maiden
sword." The magnitude of the grievance is uni-
versally admitted, oven by those who profit by
it 3 continuance ! None can defend the social

But unfortunately there is by nu
means equal unanimity as to the nature or extent
of the remedial measures that ought to be adopt-
ed. There can be but little doubt any change
that could receive the legislative sanction would
be an improvement. But it is exceedingly de-
sirable that just principles should be established
in the first instance. "Melius est peters foam,
quam sectari rivulos." The quotation is hack-
neyed, but that merely proves its indisputable
truth and perfect accuracy. We may patch up
and mend, but the entire edifice requires recon-
struction, which sooner or later must be under-
taken, and therefore the sooner we grapple with
all the existing difficulties, the better for all parties
concerned.

nuisance.

The Act of ELIZABETH, which first gave the
poverty of the nation a legal claim for relief on
its property, provided that the charge should be
a burden on all ; that every man should con-
tribute according to his ability ; and there was
no legislative distinction between real and per-
sonal estate. There was, however, but little
personal property in those days, and as that
which existed was easily concealed, and the
attempt to compel it to contribute its clue quota
gave rise to many fraudulent evasions and much
discreditable and costly litigation, it was gradually
abandoned, but merely as a matter of convenience,
not of right. In the leading case of REX v.
MAST (6 T. R., 156), the then Chief Justice,
Lord KENYON, clearly and distinctly laid down
the law. He said "That the assessment for the
relief of the poor ought to be so contrived that
each inhabitant should contribute in proportion to
his ability, which is to be ascertained by his pos-
sessions in the parish. Every inhabitant ought
to be rated according to the present value of his
estate, whether it continue of the same value as
when he purchased it, or whether the estate
be rendered more valuable by the improvements
which he has made upon it. If a person choose
to keep his property in money, and the fact
of his possessieg it be clearly proved, he is
rateable for that ; but if he prefer using it in
the melioration of an estate or other property,
he is rateable for the same in another shape."
Thia rule has never been impeached by the de-
cision of a Court of Justice. It, in fact, re-
ceives legislative recognition every session by
the
passing of the annual " Stock in Trade
Exemption Act," which, like the Mutiny Act, has
become a formal standing dish with Parliament.
An organised opposition to this bill would enforce
speedy attention, and the passing of a bill framed
in a large and comprehensive spirit.
We would earnestly invite the attention of those II
desirous of arriving at a fair and unprejudiced 1