The Sun.
London, England, 1861-04-22 00:00:00

TilE SUN,L,', LONDON, MONDAY EVE NI NG, APRIL 22, 1861.

not political, and Mr. Calhoun on that very point
said,—

"Let it never be forgotten that if we should ab-
surdly attribute to the Supreme Court the exclu-
sive right of construing the Constitution, there
would be, in fact, between the Sovereign and sub-
ject under such a Government no Constitution, or
at least nothing deserving the name, or serving the
legitimate object of so sacred an instrument."
The argument revolves in a circle ; it ends no-
where, and there seems no solution except such as
concession or a sword cut may give.
There are at present in Washington two of the
three unrecognised Ministers, Plenipotentiary of
the Southern Government, Mr, Roman and Mr.
Crawford. Judging from the tone of these gentle-
men, all idea of returning to the Union, under any
circumstances whatever, has been utterly aban-
doned. Mr. Forsyth, the third of the Commis-
sioners, who is at present engaged in adjusting cer-
tain business of a very important character at New
York, is expected back in a few days, and it will
then be seen whether the Commissioners consent to
walk up and down in the salle des pas perdus any
longer. They are armed with full powers on all
questions which can come up :for settlement. The
Government has refused to receive them, or to take
any official notice of them whatever, but there is
reason to believe that certain propositions and nego-
tiations have been laid before Mr. Seward in a pri-
vate and unofficial manger, to which no reply of a
definite character has been "given. Before this
letter reaches you Mr. Yancy, Mr. Mann, and Mr.
Rort will have arrived in Europe to try the temper
of the Governments of England and France in
referenee to the recognition of the Southern States.
Both parties have been somewhat startled by the
intelligence of an active movement of Spain to gain
political ascendancy in St. Domingo; and the news
that France and England are sending a combined
fleet to these shores, though coming in a very ques-
tionable shape, has excited uneasy feeling and some
recrimination.

If is the Congress is reassembled, there is much
reason to fear an open rupture; if not, another solu-
tion may be arrived at. It is unfortunate for the
Government that Gen. Scott is suffering at this
moment from the infirmities of age, and the effect of
the great demands made upon his strength. Mr.
Lincoln gave a dinner to his Cabinet on Thursday
last, the first of the season, in honour principally of
Gen. Scott; but the veteran General, who had en-
tered the White House, was obliged to leave before
dinner was served. There has been a great emigra-
tion of candidates and office-hunters- from this since
I last wrote, some contented, many more grumbling.
It is asserted that there never has been such a clean
sweep of office-holders since the practice was intro-
duced by Get. Jackson. If lam rightly informed,
the President has the patronage of 140,000 places,
great and small—some very small.

NIGHT. .
The influence of England.and of France on the
destinies of the Republic is greater than any Ame-
rican patriot would like to admit. It must not be
expected therefore that there will be any proof of
excessive anxiety afforded by the leaders of either
party in reference to the course which may be taken
by the European Governments in the present crisis;
but it is not the less to be apprehended that an im-
mediate recognition of the confederated indepen-
dence of the South, or of the doctrine of absolute
individual sovereignty on the part of those States,
may precipitate the hostile action which,in the event
of absolute final separation, seems to be inevitable.
To the North it would be a heavy blow and greai
discouragement, the consequences of, which could
only be averted by some very violent remedies.
Separation without war is scarcely to be expected.
The establishment of an independent Republic in
the South may, indeed, be effected peaceably, but it
is not, humanly speaking, within the limits of any
probability that the diverse questions which will
arise out of conflicting interests in regard to revenue
and State and Federal rights can be settled without
an appeal to arms. At the present minute there is
nothing to induce a stranger to believe that an
effectual resistance could be offered to a vigorous
aggressive :movement from the South, supposing
the means to make it existed either in the adhesion
or permission of the Border States. The North,
however, is strong in its population, in its wealth,
and in its calm. In the hands of the Border States
are all the arbitraments of revolution or union, of
war or peace. By an unmeaning euphemism the re-
volution of the South has been called a Secession,
but the confusion and mischiefcaused by the euphe-
mistic timidity of statesmen disappear when the acts
of the South are tested by the standard applicable
to revolutionary crisis, and by that standard alone
are those acts intelligible and coherent. Measured
in that way, the seizure of property, the deeds and
the language of the leaders of the movement, and
the acts of the masses can be properly estimated.
Mr. Douglas, whose mental capacity is a splendid
justification of his enormous political activity, and
of a high political rank" unattached," is under-
stood to be engaged on a vast system for establish-
ing duties all over the North American continent
in the nature of a Zollverein. It is his opinion that
the North, in case of separation, must fight the
South on the arena of free trade--that the tariff
must be completely altered, and that the duties
must be lowered from point to point, in proportion
as the South bids against the North for the commerce
of Europe, till the reduction reaches such a point
that the South, forced to raise revenue for the actual
expenses of Government, and unable to struggle
against the superior wealth of the North in such a
contest, is obliged to come to an understanding
with its powerful competitor, and to submit to a
treaty of commerce which shall include all the States
of the North American continent from the Isthmus
of Panama to the ice of the Arctic Seas. The
Canadas are, of course, included in such a project;
indeed, it is difficult to say where the means o

escaping from their present embarrassment will no

be sought by the leading statesmen of America.
But on one point all are agreed. Whatever may
happen, the North will insist on a free Mississippi.
It is the very current of life for the trade of myriads
of people hundreds of miles from New Orleans. If
Louisiana, either as sovereign State or representa-
tive agent of the Southern Confederation, attempts
to control the navigation of that river, we shall see
a most terrible and ruinous war. Let England
look to the contingencies.

APRIL 5.
One month and one day have elapsed since Mr.
Lincoln and his Cabinet were installed at Washing-
ton. Long previous to their accession to power, or
rather to office, the revolution of the South had
assumed the aspect of an independent Government.
When the new Administration tried to direct the
horses' heads they found the reins were cut, and all
they could do was to sit on the State coach and take
their chance of falling in a soft place or of the fiery
steeds coming to a standstill from exhaustion. A
month ago and the State Treasury was nearly ex-
hausted ; only some £370,000 was forthcoming to
meet demands and requirements four times as large.
The navy was scattered all over the world at sta-
tions by no means readily accessible ; the army
posted along frontier lines, between which and the
Northern States was interposed the expanse of the
Southern Confederation ; the officers disaffected to
the Government, or at all events so well affected to
their individual sovereign States as to feel indisposed
to serve the United States; the whole machinery of
Government in the hands of the revolutionary
leaders; every trace of Federal existence erased in
the South, wiped away by acts which, unless justified
by successful revolt, would be called treasonable, or
by force or stratagem ; and only two forts held on the
seaboard, weakly garrisoned,and unhappily situated
with reference to operations of relief. In addition
to these sources of weakness, came the confusion
and apprehension caused by divided counsels, want
of cohesion, the disorders of a violent national con-
test, mistrust of adequate support, and, above all,
the imperious necessities of the place-seekers, whose
importunate requisitions distracted the attention of
the Government from the more important business
which presented itself for adjustment. It was of
course necessary to fill the posts which were occu-
pied by enemies with men devoted to the interests
of a Government-which could little brook any in-
difference or treacherous tendencies on the part of
its subordinates. But had the Administration been
as strong in all respects as any United States Go-
vernment ever could or can hope to be in reference

to such emergencies as the present, it really could
have done little, except precipitate a civil war, in
which the Border States would have arranged
themselves by the side of the Cotton States. A
considerable portion of the North would have been
hostile to coercion and the theories which have been
propounded with much apparent approbation re-
specting the actual uses of Government, its powers,
and jurisdiction, show that European doctrines on
such points are not at all accepted by statesmen,
politicians, and jurists in North America. Without
the means of enforcing an authority which many of
its own adherents, and most of the neutral parties,
denied to it, Mr. Lincoln's Administration finds
itself called upon to propound a policy and to pro-
ceed to vigorous action. The demand is scarcely
reasonable. The policy of such men suddenly lifted
to the head of affairs, which they cannot attempt
to guide, must be to wait and watch, and their
action must be simply tentative, as they have no
power to put forth with moderate hope of success
any aggressive force.
Be satisfied of this—the United States Govern-
ment will give up no power or possession which it
has at present got. By its voluntary act it will
surrender nothing whatever. No matter what re-
ports may appear in the papers or in letters distrust
them if they would lead you to believe that Mr.
Lincoln is preparing either to abandon what he has
now or to recover that which he has not.
The United States Government is in an attitude
of protest ; it cannot strike an offensive blow. But
if any attack is made upon it, the Government
hopes it will be strengthened by the indignation
of the North and West to such an extent that it can
not only repel the aggression, but possibly give a
stimulus to a great reaction in its favour.
On these principles Fort Sumter and Fort Pickens
are held, They are claimed as Federal fortresses.
The Stars and Stripes still float over them. What-
ever may be said to the contrary, they will remain
there till they are removed by the action of the Con-
federated States. The Commissioners of Mr. Jeffer-
son Davis's Government " have reason to say that
if any attemptbe made to throw reinforcements into
Fort Pickens, unless they receive previous notice of
it as promised, it will be a breach of good faith."
From all I can learn no intention of strengthening
the fort is at present entertained, but it may be
doubted if the attempt would,:not be made should
any favourable opportunity of doing so present
itself. Ali "the movements of troops," of which you
will see accounts, are preparations against—not for
—aggression. At most they amount to the march of
a few companies and guns to various forts, now all
but undefended. Fort Washington, of which I shall
have a few words to say hereafter, was till lately
held by a very inadequate force. As a member of
the Cabinet said to me, " I could have taken it last
week with a little whisky," that potent artillery
being applied to the weak defences of the aged Irish
artillerymen who constitute "the garrison." The
" formidable military force concentrated in Wash-
ington," of which you may read in the American
journals, consists of about 700 men of all arms, as
far as I can see, and four brass field guns. There is
a good deal of drumming, fifing, marching,and music
going on daily. I look on and see a small band in gay
uniform, a small body of men in sombre uniforms,
varying from 15 to 30 rank and file, armed, how-
ever, with excellent rifles, and a very large standard
pass by, and next day I read that such and such a
company had a parade, and " attracted much ad-
miration by their efficient and soldierly appearance
and the manner in which," &c. But these military
companies have no intention of fighting for the
Government. Their sympathies are quite undeter-
mined. Formidable as they would be in skirmish-
ing in the open country, they would be of compara-
tively little use against regular troops at the outset
of the contest, as they have never learnt to act
together, and do not aspire to form even battalions.
But their existence indicates the strong military
tendencies of the people, and the danger of doing
a ne
rh ienngtwhich
m r.
might turn them against the Go-
Lincoln has no power to make war
vyntm
against the South ; the Congress alone could give
it to him ; and that is not likely to be given, be-
cause Congress will not be assembled before the usual
time unless under the pressure of an imperious ne-
cessity.
Why, then, hold these forts at all ? Why not give
them up ? Why not withdraw the garrisons, strike
the flag, and cease to keep up a useless source of
irritation in the midst of the Southern Confedera-
tion ? The answer to theie questions is :—These
forts are Federal property. The Government does
not acknowledge the existence of any right on the
part of the people of the States to seize them as
appertaining to the individual States. The forts are
protests against the acts of violence to which the
Federal authority has yielded elsewhere. They are,
moreover, the points d'appui, small as they are, on
which the Federal Government can rest its resist-
ance to the claims of the Southern Confederation to
be acknowledged as an independent Republic. If
they were surrendered without attack, or without
the existence of any pressure arising from the refusal
of the Southern authorities to permit them to get
supplies, which is an act of war, the case of the
United States Government would be, they consider,
materially weakened. If it be observed that these
gitiic value, it may readily be re-
pliedcal value is very great. But,
considerations may be, or may be
serious
fortsr i ouhts
ha
ava
ste
tnt
hhoee
issrter
political
thought to be with respect to foreign relations, there
are in reference to domestic politics still more weighty
inducements to hold them. The effect produced in
the North and North-West by an attack on the forts
while the United States flag is floating :over them
would be as useful to the Government at Washing-
ton as the effect of abandoning the forts or tamely
surrendering them would be hurtful to them in the
estimation of the extreme Republicans. A despe-
rate attack, a gallant defence, the shedding of the
blood of gallant men, whose duty it was to defend
that intrusted to their keeping, and who yielded
only to numbers—the outrage on the United States
flag—would create an excitement in the Union which
the South with all its determination and courage is
unwilling to provoke, but which the Government
would be forced to use in its own service. Such an
event must lead to war—a very terrible and mer-
ciless war; and both parties pause before they
resort to that court of arms. Unless the Border
States join the South, Mr. Jefferson Davis could
scarcely hope to carry out the grand projects which
are attributed to his military genius of marching
northwards and dictating terms on their own soil
to the Republicans. He could scarcely venture to
leave the negro population unguarded in his rear,
and his flanks menaced by the sea-borne Northerners
on one side, and such operations as the water-sheds
insignificantly indicate on the other. It is idle to
speculate on the incidents of that which may never
occur, and which, occurring, may assume insignifi-
cant aspect of border skirmishes or the tremendous
proportions of a war of races and creeds intensi-
fied by the worst elements of servile and civil con-
flict. The Government of Mr. Lincoln hope and
believe that the contest may be averted, The Com-
missioners of the South are inclined to think, also,
there will be a peaceful solution—obtained of course
by full concession and recognition. But inaction
cannot last on the part of the South. Already
they have begun the system of coercion. The sup-
plies of the garrison at Sumter will be cut off
henceforth, if they are not ' already forbidden.
They do not fear the moral effect of this act, for
some of their leading men actually believe that
nothing can stop the progress of a movement which
will, they fondly think, absorb all the other States
of the Union, and leave the New England States to
form an insignificant Republic of its own, with a
possible larger destiny in Canada. Their opponents
in the North are as fully satisfied that the direct
Nemesis will fall on the Montgomery Government
in the utter ruin of all their States the moment they
are left to themselves.

The Government is elated at the success of the
loan, and Mr. Chase has taken high ground in re-
fusing offers made to him yesterday, and in resolving
to issue Government Securities for the balance of
the amount required to complete the amount. Mr.
Forsyth, one of the Southern Commissioners, who
has just returned from New York here, is equally
Satisfied with the temper of parties in that city,
and seems to think that the New Yorkers are pre-
paring for a secession. But, though States may be
sovereign, it has never been asserted that cities or

A letter from Alexandria, dated April 10, says :
-We are again beginning to look forward with
some confidence to the prospect of being in tele-
graphic communication with Malta before the end
of this summer. Her Majesty's surveying ships
Medina and Firefly are actively engaged in taking
the last soundings along the course of the line that
has been chosen, and Mr. Forde, the superintend-
ing engineer, having completed his preliminary ar-
rangements for this end of the line, returns by the
present mail to Malta, and will there await the ar-
rival next month of the Malacca, with the first por-
tion of the cable.
The line is to be laid in three sections—the first
from Malta to Tripoli, and thence along the coast
to Bengazi. The second will be brought by a sepa-
rate steamer to Alexandria, and will be paid out
from this end, proceeding to the westward. The
Malacca, meanwhile, is to return to England for the
middle section of the cable, by means of which the
entire line is expected to be completed before the
end of July. Three dimensions of cable will be em-
ployed ; one of about 21 tons, the second of 5 tons,
and third of no less than 7 tons to the knot. These
will he submerged along the oeaut iu suoh wino ao
to keep as much as possible within a depth of 100
fathoms, so as to admit of the cable being raised to
the surface for examination and repair at any point
where a defect may occur. In one place, however,
at the top of the Bay of Sidra, it will probably have
to lie in about 300 fathoms. From Malta to Tripoli
the greatest depth is 450 ; but the bottom is little
else but smooth sand, and this part of the line will,
consequently, consist of the light cable. The same
size will be employed at the Alexandrian extremity.
The starting point here will be from the new har-
bour. For a distance of 11 miles the course of the
ship will be in a straight line, almost, due north, so
as to keep clear of the anchoring grounds of the
western harbour, and a depth will then be reached
of about 55 fathoms. Thence the line will again
gradually bend towards the coast, for a length of
about 60 miles, along which the cable will lie gene-
rally upon sand aad mud. It is the middle section
that will be the most trying part of the work. The
bottom at that portion consists apparently of jagged
rocks, with great irregularities of depth. At one
spot, for instance, about eight miles from the shore,
the soundings sink almost abruptly to 800 fathoms.
At another a depth was found of 90 fathoms ; the
ship was swung round, and upon the line being
let down a second time it gave a sounding of 190
fathoms. On this section, therefore, the heaviest
cable must come into use.
The above will serve to show that the difficulties
to be contended with are by no means inconsider-
able ; but the Government seem to have wisely de-
termined upon grudging neither labour nor expense
in the endeavour to guard against failure. Every
precaution that could be dictated or devised by the
combined skill and experience of the engineers has
been adopted, both in respect to the construction of
the cables and to the selection of the route, and all
concerned in the work seem to look forward with
full assurance to the prospect of its being brought
to a successful issue. Viewing the matter even
merely in the light of a final experiment, it is one
of extreme interest, since, if it should result in
failure, it will reduce the cause of submarine fele-
graphy to a state of well nigh utter hopelessness—
at least, according to the present state of knowledge
of the subject.
Between Alexandria and Malta there will be two
intermediate stations, one at Bengazi and another
at Tripoli.
No official notice has yet been issued here of the
approaching alteration of the Custom-house tariffs,
but the matter is beginning to cause inquiry, and,
to some extent, an unsettled feeling among the
merchants of Alexandria. On the part of the
Egyptian Government, it is to be feared that the
alteration will for some time to come cause a con-
siderable loss of revenue. The value of produce
shipped from this country has always greatly ex-
ceeded that of the imports from abroad, even
though in the latter be comprised machinery and
stores of all descriptions, annually imported by
Government to a large amount, and which are con-
sequently altogether unproductive of revenue. On
the other hand, however, there can be no doubt that
the country at large and the Government itself must
ultimately derive great benefit from the change.
It is not unlikely that, among other articles, wemay
see a large increase in the production of cotton,
which for some years past has continued almost sta-
tionary. The great part, if not the whole, of the
gain arising from the reduction of duties may be
expected to go to the grower. A remission of 4 per
cent. ad valorem will naturally tell with the greatest
weight upon articles of high intrinsic value ; and
among our several articles of agricultural produce,
cotton, owing to the expense of culture, holds in
that respect a foremost rank. We may therefore
look forward to supplying England and France, our
principal customers for the staple, if not more
cheaply, at least more abundantly. One condition,
however, is very essential, viz., that the Egyptian
Government be content to bide its time for sharing
in the benefits that must ultimately accrue to all
-parties concerned, and that it be not so shortsighted
as to yield to the temptation of neutralising the
effects of the reduction of duties by laying fresh
taxes upon the land.

The Egyptian frigate the Saighet el Bahr has