The Sun.
London, England, 1857-02-04 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY vj NSF FEBRU A 11.. Y 4, 18b7.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT

HOUSE OF LORDS.-YESTERDAY.

The fifth session of the fourth Parliament o:
Queen Victoria was opened yesterday by Royai
Commission.

The ceremony was, of course, of a purely formal
character. The presence of Vie Sovereign, which
gives eclat to all public acts of a ceremonial charac-
ter, was wanting on this occasion, and the House
of Lords presented anything but the imposing
appearance which it always wears when peers and
peeresses, the diplomatic corps, and the illustrissimi
of the land assemble to greet the Sovereign at the
openii.g of a new session. The severity of the
weather also tended to keep away many who would
otherwise have been present at the ceremony.
The doors of the house were thrown open at one
o'clock, when some 50 or GO ladies were admitted
to the third and fourth row of benches usually
occupied by peers.
The attendance of peers was limited to six. Of
these five took their seats on the lower bench near-
est the throne on the Opposition side of the cham-
ber. Lord Willoughby d'Eresby, Lord Berners,
and Lord Erne were among the number. The only
peer on the Government bench was Earl Cowper.
The Bishop of Lincoln attended in his place to
say prayers.

half-past one the great bell of Westminster
commenced a rather solemn peal, and continued to
thunder forth its summons in anything but jocund
strains till two o'clock, when the Lords Com-
missioners, preceded by the Usher of the Black
nod, made their appearance in the house, and took
their seats in front of the throne.

The Lords Commissioners were the Lord Chan-
cellor, the Duke of Argyll, Lord Stanley of Alder-
ley, the Kul of Harrowby, and Earl Spencer.
The Royal Commission having been read, her
Majesty's faithful Commons were summoned by
Sir Augustus Clifford, and the Speaker, accom-
panied by Lord Palmerston, Mr. Bouverie, Mr,
Roebuck, Mr. Bowyer, Sir S. Bignold, Sir. W.
Clay, Mr. Hindley, Mr. Scott, Mr. Swift, Mr.
Oliveira, Colonel Dunne, Mr. Otway, Mr. Crau-
furd, and about a hundred other members appear-
ed at the bar.

The Lord Chancellor then read the following
speech :
MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
We are commanded to assure you that her
Majesty has great satisfaction in recurring again
to the advice and assistance of her Parlianient.
We are commanded by her Majesty to inform
you that difficulties, which arose in regard to some
of the provisions of ths Treaty of Paris, delayed
the complete execution of the stipulations of that
treaty. Those difficulties have been overcome
in a satisfactory manner, rnd the intentions of the
treaty have been fully maintained.

An insurrectionary movement which took place
in September last in the Swiss Canton of Neuchatel,
for the purpose of re-establishing in that Canton the
authority of the King of Prussia as Princ© of
Neuchatel, led to serious differences between his
Prussian .111Ljesty and the Swiss Confederation
threatening at one time to disturb the general peace
of Europe.

But lier Majesty commands us to inform you
that, in concert with her august ally the Emperor
of the French, she is endeavourim4 to bring about
an amicable settlement of the matters in dispute,
and her Majesty entertains a confident expectation
that an honourable and satisfactory arrangement
will be concluded.
In consequence of certain discussions which took
place during the Conferences at Paris, and which
are recorded in the Protocols that were laid before
you, her Majesty and the Emperor of the French
caused communications to be made to the Govern-
ment of the King of the Two Sicilies, for the pur-
pose of inducing him to adopt a course of policy
calculated to avert dangers which might disturb
that peace which had been so recently restored to
•
Europe.
Her Majesty commands us to inform you, that
the manner in which those friendly communications
were received by his Sicilian Majesty was such as to
lead her Majesty and the Emperor of the French
to discontinue their diplomatic relations with his
Sicilian Majesty, and they have, accordingly,
withdrawn their missions from the Court of
Naples.
Her Majesty has directed that papers relating
to this subject shall be laid before you.
Her Majesty commands us to inform you that
she has been engaged in negotiations with the Go-
vernment of the United States, and also with the
Government of Honduras, which she trusts will be
successful in removing all cause of misunderstand-
ing with respect to Central America.
Her Majesty has concluded a Treaty of Friend-
ship and Commerce with Siam, which will be laid
before you.
Her Majesty commands us to express to you
her regret that the conduct of the Persian. Govern-
ment has led to hostilities between her Majesty
and the Shah of Persia. The Persian Government,
in defiance of repeated warnings, and in violation
of its engagements, has besieged and captured she
important city of Herat.
We are commanded by her Majesty to inform
y©u that a British naval and military force de-
spatched from Bombay has taken possession of the
Island of Karrack, and of the town of Bushire,
with a view to induce the Shah to accede to the
just demands of her Majesty's Government. Her
Majesty has seen with satisfaction that the naval
and military forces employed on this occasion have
displayed their accustomed gallantry and spirit.
Her Majesty commands us to inform you that
acts of violence, insults to the British flag, and in-
fraction of Treaty rights, committed by the local
Chinese authorities at Canton, and a pertinacious
refusal of redress, have rendered it necessary for
her Majesty's officers in China to have recourse to
measures of force to obtain satisfaction.
Those measures had, up to the date of the last
accounts, been taken with great forbearance, but
with signal success as regards the conflicts to which
they had led.
We are commanded to inform you that her Ma-
jesty trusts that the Government of Pekin will see
the propriety of affording the satisfaction de-
manded, and of faithfully fulfilling its treaty en-
gagements.
GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUS➢ OF COMMONS,

Her Majesty has directed the Estimates for the
ensuing year to be laid before you.
They have been prepared with every attention to
economy, and with a due regard to the efficient
performance of the public service at home and
abroad.

Mr LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
Her Msjesty commands us to inform you that
Bills will be submitted to your consideration for the
consolidation and the amendment of important por-
tions of th,3 law ; and her Majesty doubts not that
you will give your earnest attention to matters so
deeply affecting the interests of all classes of her
subjects.
Her Majesty cpmmands us to recommend to
your consideration the expediency of renewing for
a further period the privileges of the Bank of Eng-
land, the conditions imposed on the issue of bank
notes in the United Kingdom, and the state of the
law relating to Joint-stock Banks.
Her Majesty commands us to express. the grati-
fication which it affords her to witness the general
well-being and contentment of her people, and to
find that, notwithstanding the sacrifices unavoid-
ably attendant upon such a war as that which has
lately terminated, the resources of the country re-
main unimpaired, and its productive industry con-
tinues unchecked iu its course of progressive de-
velopment.
Her Majesty
commits with confidence the great
interests of the country to your wisdom and care,
and she fervently prays that the blessing of Al-
mighty God may attend your deliberations, and
prosper your councils for the advancement of the
welfare and happiness of her loyal and faithful
people.
At the conclusion of the Royal Speech the
Speaker retired, and prayers were read by the
bishop
The ofLinco ln'
ceremony did not occupy more than half•an-
hour.

Their lordships re-assembled at five o'clock.
THE NEW BISHOPS.
The Bishops of London and Gloucester took the oaths
and their seats as spiritual peers. Their lordships were
introduced by the Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Earl of CARDIGAN gave notice that on Thurs-
day next he should put certain questions to the Secretary
of State for the War Department connected with the
late war.
Lord BERNERS gave notice that on an early day he
should move for a return of the number of tickets-of-
leave granted since the introduction of the system. He
thought that the apprehension of the public with respect
to the subject would justify the motion, as it was re-
ported that to 15,000 convicts no less than 5,000 tickets
of-leave had been granted. The return he should wish
to contain the nature of the crimes committed by the
persons to whom tickets-of-leave had been granted.
The LOUD CRANCgLLOR then read her Majesty's

gracioas Speech to the house, which, at this moment,
presented a very animated appearance.
The Ministerial bench was occupied by the Earl of
Harrowby, the Earl of Clarendon, the Duke of Argyll,
Lord Pam-Imre, Earl Granville, the Marquis of Lans-
downe, and Lord Stanley of Alderley.
The Opposition benches were also very fully occupied.

cf the Government, and in the assurance that the tax was
essentially a war tax, a vast instrument,' of vast effect,
which should. exhibit to foreign countries the resources and
power of this country in time of war, but which ought
never to be allowed to remain in time of peace—to be
res )rced to as an instrument of dangerous facility in the
hands of a minister. This, my lords, is a subject in which
you have a strong personal interest, in addition to your
regard for the public welfare; and I cannot nass on
without expressing a confident hope that Parliament
will insist on a full and entire carrying out of the pledge
—that in 1860 the income tax should c;aeo to be imposed.
(Hear, hear, hear.) I now, my lords, proceed to a
far more unsatisfactory portion of the speech. I
cannot but regret the good old days in wh'ss4 a stereotyped
paragraph of the Royal speech assured us toot " his or her
Majesty continued on the most friendly terms with all
foreign Powers." I venture to say that that single para.-
graph would afford more satisfaction to the people of this
country, and more security for the peace of Europe, than
the multitudinous references to disputes more or less near
a satisfactory termination. The only subject to which her
Majesty could refer with unmixed satisfaction is the im-
portant fact of the treaty with the King of Siam. Ido
not wish to speak with any disrespect of the present mo-
narch. I believe he is of great intelligence, and fully im-
pressed with the advantages to be derived from an inter-
course with this country; and I am always rejoiced at an
extension of our commercial transactions, and the open-
ing of a new outlet for the products of our industry.
Her Majesty has also referred to the difficulties which
have arisen with regard to some of the conditions of the
treaty of Paris ; and she has told us that these difficul-
ties have been overcome, and the intentions of the treaty
fully attained. My lords, as we are now at peace—and I
trust in Got that peace will long remain—l cannot but
regret that the noble earl should have indulged in some
remarks not very complimentary to the good faith of the
potentate with whom we have lately been at war. I have
always!
_thgneelet, ited_alwaye sty, tw when engaged Lei
war we were boundlo -peoseEtite it with the utmost energy
and vigour. I was nut satisfied with the results of the
war, nor with the peace which appears to give so much,
satisfaction to the noble earl and to her Majesty's Govern-
ment; but now that peace has been definitively concluded,
let me remind the noble earl, who, I hope, is now com-
mencing a long career of public usefulness, that from the
time peace is made not one word of bitterness to our late
enemy should come from him. lam told, but I can
hardly credit it till I hear it from the noble earl himself,
that the main difficulty in the carrying out of the treaty
of Paris did not arise upon the interpretation of some
doubtful phrase as to the delimeation of the boundary,
but from the fact that the map which was to be the
authoritative record of the future boundary of the terri-
tory was not made a part of the instrument itself, or re-
ceived the signature of any one of the plenipotentiaries.
Why, if it was a contract for the purchase of a field, you
would make the map by which the boundaries were defined
as a portion of the instrument itself. Yet, on a question
which was to settle the boundaries of empires, it does not
appear that there was any authoritative instrument on
which the plenipotentiaries had to rely for their interpreta-
tion. If this be so, I do nit think it creditable to the fore-
aightedness or the business-like habits of the Government.
I recollect the tone and language not of that portion of
the press which is supposed to be under the influence of
the Government—but the tone and language of the First
Lord of the Treasury himself—the language which he held
at Manchester with regard to compelling the Emperor of
Russia to maintain his good faith, to fulfil the treaty to
the very letter, and saying that he would a:low no discus-
sion of the treaty, which must to fulfilled in the sense
in which England understood it. (Rear, hear.) He
alluded to the fleet in the Black Sea, and told his
hearers that he would insist on a liberal fulfilment of the
terms of the treaty. Bat, acting a .der the advice and per-
haps something more, of his allies, the noble viscount, who
• would not abate a hair's-breadth of his demand, was com-
pelled to refer the question to a conference, and though he
obtained his own construction at the treaty, he only did
so at the expense of a further cession of territory beyond
that proposed in the original conference. (Rear.) I hope
this treaty may be satisfactory; but I trust that peace
having been restored, there will be a faithful adherence to
the letter and spirit of the treaty, and that we shall not
have, either from public men, or in the journals, intempe-
rate language or violent abuse of those who were lately
opposed to us, and thereby interpose serious obstacles to
the maintenance of friendly relations. (Hear.) I cannot
but regret also that the noble earl Should characterise as
paltry and miserabletue insurrection of those misguided
men—for misguided I t'aink they were--,-who rose to sup-
port what they considered the rights of their lawful, sove-
reign iu the canton of Neuchatel. Misguided and erroneous
as I think they were, and unfortunate as have been their
efforts, I never heard any one throw doubt on the purity of
the motives or the sense of loyalty by which these men were
actuated—(hear, hear)—and even though there were faults
and errors, I think that feeling of loyalty should not be
spoken lightly of in any country. (Hear) Not only was
there the expectation that this dispute was about being
brought to a satisfactory conclusion, but that it hat been
a'ready satisfactorily concluded, but I regret to find that it
is not altogether settled.. With regard to the claim of the
King of Prussia, I may be permieted to say a few words,
because I had the honour of being the Minister of the
Crown when the protocol on the question of Neuchatel was
signed. I beg of year lordships te look back to the state of
Europe at the time of the signature of that protocol.
France was in a most restless and unquiet state. The,
words " c'est la pada" were not yet uttered. The
public mind of Europe was greatly agitated. Piedmont,
Switzerland, and Belgium were in great alarm about the de-
mands for the expulsion of the refugees, which they consi-
dered to be inconsistent with- national honour and inde-
pendence. The time was critical for the peace of Europe,
and I must say it was a matter of satisfaction to the GO-
vernment with which I was connected that by their good
offices, and I must say by the moderation of the parties
on both sides, this question was satisfactorily settled. But
justat that time we wet() called on by the King of Prussia
—not to take active steps in his behalf, not to enforce his
rights as Prince of Neuchatel—but to recognise the exist-
ence, de jure, of certain rights, not well defined, which he
claimed over Neuchatel. Observe that these rights were
guaranteed and secured to the King of Prussia as Prince of
Neuchatel—for Prussia, as a kingdom, was not in the
slightest degree interested in the question by the treaty
of 1816, a treaty which it was of the .utmost importance
to the peat* of Europe at the time to preserve from the
possibility of beinginfringed in the slightest degree. The
arrangement with the King of Prussia was, that if we ad-
mitted on the one hand the existence of his elejure rights, he
on the other hand was to enter into an engagement not to
disturb the peace of Europe by the enforcement of those
rights. No arrangement could be more harmless in itself, and
none was more likely to tend, first, to the immediate preser-
vation of peace, and next, to an ultimate settlement of the
question. Ido not blame the Government that from that
time to this they have taken no steps towards a complete
settlement of that question, though I think that when they
were dealing with other questions inthe Conference of Paris '
it might have been well to have considered this. But they
did not do so, and the present complication has resulted.
I believe that the King of Prussia was willing to place the
question unreservedly in the hands of the Emperor of the
French, and that Switzerland was on the point of accepting
his mediation if it were not for the representations whim
were made by the British Government. It lam correct in
assuming, as I believe I am, that Switzerland was encou-
raged to demand higher terms than were proposed, and
to refuse the arbitration of the French Government, by
the act of our Minister, I cannot but think, though her
Majesty may rejoice that in concert with her august ally
the question is on the point of being settled, if her Majesty's
Government had not interfered with het august ally, the
question would have been much earlier aed snore satisfac-
torily settled. (" Hear," and laughter.) With regard
to the question of Central America, I am glad to find it is
on the point of being honourably and satisfactorily settled.
We have but few interests there. We have to fulfil our
honourable engagements to the Mosquito Indians, what-
ever they may amount to, and to secure the neutrality of
that passage which may ultimately turn out to be the
mode of communication through the isthmus; but be-
yond these we have no interest whatever. and need not be
jealous of the advance of others. The sacrifice of Ruatan
and the other islands in that quarter is, I think, well com-
pensated by the advantages of a general arrangement.
That arrangement, I presume, will be concluded, as it
only awaits the ratification of the senate of the United
States. But in the improbable, yet possible, case of the
senate refusing to ratify that treaty, I hope the Govern-
ment will be able to inform me that the surrender of Ruatan
is to form part of the general arrangement— that the two
treaties—the one for the orarrender of the islands, and the
other respecting the protection of the Mosquito Indians
and the passage of the Isthmus—are to stand or fall to-
gether, and that we are not to be bound by the one if we
are not to obtain the advantage of the other. (Hear.) I
now turn to other topics of difficulty which crowd upon
us, and will continue to crowd upon us as long as the
noble viscount is at the head of affairs—(laughter)—be-
cause, admitting as I do the extraordinary adroitness
by which he gets out of difficulties, I cannot but ima-
gine that the fact of his gettiug out of difficulties with
into
as inspires him with the desire of getting
as many as possible. (Hear, and laughter.) I cannot
account for the fact in any other way that, whether as the
Minister for Foreign Affairs or as the head of the
.Govern-
ment, he has embroiled the flover.?ment first with one
country and then with another, not indeed in great wars,
but in little difficulties, which the country gets out of
with credit or advantage, or with loss or discredit. (Hear,
hoar.) With regard to Naples, I
.should be glad to see the
papers on that subject before coming to a conclusion ; but
as far as any judgment can be formed from the means of
information we possess, I cannot conceive on what plea her
Majesty's Government can justify their course of proceed-
ing and interference in Naples. Aro we quite sure that
our own conduct on all.questions has been straightforward
—that we have always held the same language to different
nations—that we have not held the word of promise to the
ear, and broken it to the hope: Have the good faith and
promises we held out to Sardinia been kept ? Are we cer-
tain that we have not obtained valuable support from that
brave and noble people by holding out expectations of
our interference, if not by action, at least by moral per-
suasion, towards the improvement of their condition with
regard to the other countries of Italy ? Ara we sure that
when we obtained the benefit of their co-operation we
gave them that assistance and material support which
they calculated on receiving at our hands? I greatly
doubt it. (Hear.) I have not forgotten the language of
the Sardinian commissioner —I have not forgotten the
evasive answer (I don't use the term offensively) with which
the noble earl, after six weeks'delay,was compelled to reply
to that remonstranceof the Sardinian Government. (Hear.)
It is true that the conference of Paris kept the word of pro-
mise to the ear by introducing some vague and unmeaning
passages as to the occupation of the Papal States, but did
you take a single step, did you make the slightest effort to
press on the Governments of France and Austria to put an
end to that, abnormal state of things? (Hear.) I am ono
of those who think that it is no part of our business to in-
terfere in the relations between Austria and her Italian
subjects—that it is no part of our business to encourage to
revolt, that it is no part of our business to disturb her in
her possessions. (Hear.) Good faith required that we
should abstain from any such course. But I ask the noble
earl to answer me this—has not Austria, by the acts of her
allies in the course of these negotiations?ob tamed greater se-
curity for the maintenance of her Italian possessions than
she ever had before? I dotibt if the noble earl will answer
in the negative. But, whilst abstaining from taking such
steps as might really meet the views of Piedmont, you
satisfied the letter . of your engagement of interfering in