The Sun.
London, England, 1861-01-26 00:00:00

of the empire, Hungary and its affiliated pro-
vinces, offer an excellent basis of policy to a
monarch who could be content to govern the
free. She does not ask the repeal of the Prag-
matic Sanction, in virtue of which the House of
Lorraine-Hapsburg sits on the throne of Hun-
gary; she appeals to the last laws legally rati-
fied by the last monarch of that house, who was
legally King of HUNGARY, and thus saves the
crown. Now, suppose the present possessor of
the crown to throw himself on the generosity of
the Hungarians, one of the most noble-minded
and generous races on earth—as the Hapsburgs
have so often found—suppose he had, without
reserve, confessed that, for the last twelve years,
things had all been going wrong—that he and
his Hungarians had been at cross purposes—that
he now dismissed for ever the counsellors who
had advised such courses—that he would be King
only of a thoroughly free Hungary—and that he
relied on them in return to give him their hearty
support in all' projects which concerned the wel-
fare of the numerous States beneath his sway—
suppose he, a Hapsburg, could have thus given
hit hand to Hungary, "and his heart in it,"
does any one doubt that he might, in ashort twelve-
months, have been one of the strongest monarchs
in Europe ? He would, of course, have dealt in
like manner with all the nationalities ; and his
appeal would then have been—" Now, then, under
me and my successors, you will have liberties
worth fighting for—you can preserve them against
all the world—the Gallic coek, or the Russian bear,
or the Prussian eagle, or all together, by combining
your strength under my leadership. You, as con-
tiguous nations, will have in me an impartial
moderator when your claims seem to be in collision,
and a monarch anxious that the educational, social,
political, and commercial prosperity of each should
develope itself by the natural efforts •of well-
directed freedom." Who, we say, can doubt what
would have been the response to such an appeal ?
Instead of this, what must the infatuated young
Hapsburg do, but promulgate at a moment like
this, the Manifesto, the principal points of which
were given us recently in a telegram, and which
we have entire to-day. A Manifesto which with
some smooth and plausible phraseology, practically
says to a great and determined nation, " I will be
your Master. Not legality, but the will of FRANCIS
JOSEPH shall govern in Hungary. Illegally I can-
celled all your terms and as an arch Revolutionist
abolished all your institutions, older far, though
many of them were, than the Austrian empire
and the House of Hapsburg itself. I gave you
back a few of your municipal rights in the patent
of the 20th of October—but that you may see
that you receive even them by my will and plea-
sure, not one inch shall you go beyond. You pre-
tend that you have acted on the laws of 1848.
They are no laws to me—l abolished them—they
are gone—presume not to think of any law but my
Imperial will—or if you do !—"
somewhat bland, indeed, in manner, is the opening
of this foolish document ; he looks back with regret
to the time when, twelve years ago, the errors of
the well disposed, and the terrors of evil men, com-
pelled a settlement by the sword. He did not will
that this should form the basis of political institu-
tions. He must sustain the monarchy ; but "we
have had above all the desire to re-establish, as
promptly and completely as possible, the political
institutions of this kingdom, rooted in the nation, to
which they are so dear ; and we found tfierein, at
the same time, for all our other peoples a
guarantee for the preparation and the re-establish-
ment of the constitutional regime. It was in
order to accomplish this work, that we pub-
lished our diploma of the 20th of October.
But peace, the compromise itself, and recon-
ciliation, demanded in return some goodwill and a
' sincere concurrence, without arriere pensec and
without passionate excitement." He notes that
some scrupled to accept a re-establishment of the
Hungarian Constitution ; but he has considered
all that, and decided notwithstanding to confine
himself to municipal concessions; " and we were
persuaded that confidence begets confidence, and
that a frank and loyal initiative would ever find
just appreciation, real agreement, and sincere
assistance amongst a noble people, politically mature.
Our expectation has not been completely realised."
Of course not, and if the EMPEROR would ask the
reason why—a nursery line would answer the
question—

" Liars we can never trust ,"

and, not only did the diploma concede short mea-
sure, but it gave no guarantee whatever.

But mark how considerate were Count RECIIBURG
and his master. "We observed," he says, " with
calmness and indulgence the first impulses of poli-
tical life, and attributed them to the agitated cur-
rent of the time, suppressed passions, and the
effervescence of long-suppressed political activity."
When, however, they began to elect condemned
patriots, to re-estaltish the National Guard, to get
rid of the subordinate German authorities, to
meddle with imposts and taxes—all this was, of
course, anarchy; it might plead the laws of 1848,
but contravening the will of the EMPEROR was tie
essence of anarchy.
The EMPEROR has therefore resolved firmly to
" oppose revolution (that is, revolution from abso-
lutism to law) with all his strength," and closes
his manifesto with a set of resolutions quite worthy
of him. All elections of banished patriots are
declared null and void, and all things done beyond
the license conferred by the diploma of the 23d of
October will be put down in the severest manner.
All these things are dictated, he graciously adds,
by the "Imperial solicitude for the general good of
our peoples !" It should have been for the gratifi-
cation of wilful, selfish, misguided ambition:
He has already a foretaste of what the issue
may be. Hungary is not in the mood to yield
law to imperial will, at least without compulsion .
The General Assembly of the Comitat of Gran
has told him plainly that Hungary is distrustful;
that his diploma is in violation of the Pragmatic
Sanction by -which alone he can claim to be King
of HUNGARY ; that taxes are illegal if not sanc-
tioned by the Diet; and that guarantees are
demanded. Another comitat uses equally bold
language, and says in an address, in re-
ply to the manifesto--" The Comitat has not
transgressed and will not transgress the limits of
lawful rights. It will, however, preserve all its
ancient rights, and will maintain the laws of 1848
until the Diet shall have resolved upon a change in
the same. The Comitat is of opinion that without
the existence of an independent Hungarian Minis-
try, which was guaranteed by the laws of 1848,
Hungary cannot be considered to be lawfully
governed. The Comitat will gladly submit to the
decision of such a ministry." It now remains to
be seen whether the EMPEROR will enter once more
into the struggle of—bayonets and Imperial revo-
lution versus law and historical institutions.

Lord OVERSTONE has been offering his tribute of
aPPlause of the grand and patriotic Volunteer
movement. Nor can any one marvel at his doing
so. Apart from all the more generous motivcs
inciting the citizens of this land, one and all, to
encourage, directly or indirectly, by greater or
lesser degree, this large hearted enterprize Taic'a