The Sun.
London, England, 1859-10-22 00:00:00

THE QUARTERLY REVIEW, No. CCXII.,
is Published THIS DAY.

CONTENTS.
T. Architecture of all Countries,
11. Progress of New Zealand.
lii. Geography and Biography of the Bible.
IV. Strikes, and their effect on the Working Classes.
V. The Order• of Nature—Baden Powell.
VI. Farm Weeds.
VII. Tennyson's Poems.
VIII. Orchard Houses.
IX. The Thrpe Bills of Parliamentary Reform.
John Murray, Albemarle-street.

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thin t.ll, reach of every, one interested in the _matter.' '—
DulAity Medical litres. •
London IT. Maniere, 219, Regent-street. '311..

{OYAL FREE HOSPITAL, Gray's-inn-road
Treasurer—Edw9.rd Masterman, Esq.

During the pest year (18?8) 40,403 received the benefits
.01
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onuclation to 31st Detember, 1858, the number relieved was
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The Committee entreat AID to enable them to continue
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STANFORD S. SMITH, Sec.

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~trc

(Cheer s.)
General PEEL, in acknowledging the toast, said
—I think it my duty, as the senior officer present,
to return thanks for the compliment which has just
been-paid to the united services. I perceive from
the newspapers that at the St. Neot's Agricultural
Society the chairman stated that, in consequence of
the multiplicity of toasts, it was proposed to omit
the Army and Navy. I rejoice exceedingly, how-
ever, that that was not done, for I .can safely say
that there never was a period in the history of this
country in which the army and navy more deserved
the admiration and gratitude of their fellow-sub-
jects than the present ; there never was a moment
when the efficiency of those services was of more
vital importance. (Cheers.) .I shall not break
through that salutary rule which forbids the in-
troduction of political or party subjects upon this
occasion. It would be difficult, indeed, to intro-
duce politics l connection with the present toast,
because the army and navy, as soldiers and sailors,
are of no politics. - As individuals, they have of
course a perfect right to entertain and to express
their sentiments on proper occasions ; but as the
army and the navy they know no party but the
Queen and their country. (Cheers.) To do their
duty to them is their highest ambition, and the
acknowledgment upon occasions like the present
that they have done so is their highest reward.
But not only should soldiers and sailors have no '
politics, but I think that the great matters of peace
and war, in which the services of the army and
navy are engaged, should never be made a mere
party question, even by those whose profession is
that of politic). (Hear, hear.) We are all actuated
by one motive, and our sole desire is to secure the
blessings of peace, and to maintain our country in
that high position among nations which it has
hitherto held. I am delighted to think that the
country has expressed, in a manner which no
Government can misinterpret, their perfect deter-
mination not to interfere in. any way with the
affairs of the continent ; for whilst we take care,
properly to secure ourselves, we have no occasion
to enter into any disputes about matters which do
not concern us. I trust that the measures which
Lord Derby's Government took to strengthen the
defences of the country by sea and land have met
with general approbation, and as they are being
vigorously carried out by our successors I hope that
they Will prove successful and permanent. I trust
that we shall have no more of those occasional in-
vasion panics which from time to time " fright the
isle from its propriety." Do not think for a moment
that I underrate the danger, for I cannot conceal
from myself, and I will not conceal from you, that,
the introduction of steam and railroads has mite=
rially affected the security which- this country
formerly derived from her insular position. Large
bodies of troops may now be suddenly collected and
suddenly landed upon any part of the coast, and it
is the universal opinion of all the great military and
naval authorities of this country that we should al--
ways be prepared to meet such an emergency (cheers).
That preparation must consist in maintaining the
fleet in such a state as to be perfectly able to cope
with any fleet that may be opposed to us. We must
also be prepared to meet an enemy landing with
force sufficient in the first instance to cheek them
until we can call out our reserves. Those reserves
naturally consist of the militia of the country. Of
that militia I cannot speak too highly, for to them,
when I was Secretary of State for War, I was in-
debted for the means of employing the regular army
to an extent which I could not otherwise have done.
We must also depend upon those volunteers whose
zeal and exertions in the matter of drill arc beyond
all praise. Without previous drill their bravery and
zeal would be thrown away. There is not the slight-
est doubt that if England were invaded the whole
country would rise like one man to defend it. Where
is the coward who would not dare to fight for such a
land. (Loud cheers) ? But, as I have said, without
previous drill all volunteering efforts would be use-
less. I would, therefore, urge upon every county to
keep up its militia, if possible, to the full quota, and
where volunteer corps exist to do everything in its
power to maintain them. If those steps are carried
out depend upon it you need have no fear of an
invasion. In a country like this occasional difficul-
ties must occur. An Indian difficulty has just been
overcome. We have now a Chinese difficulty on
hand ; but for the good sense and forbearance of
Governor Douglas we should have had an Ame-
rican difficulty also. The only way to prevent these
occurrences is to be always prepared to meet them.
There are other questions connected with the army
which, considering the official position which I have
held, I should be happy to touch upon, if it jJe the
general wish of the meeting. (Cheers.) Next, then,
to the efficiency of the army, probably that which
concerns you most is the expense of the army. I
have seen it stated at agricultural meetings, and
elsewhere, that we have very little indeed to show
for our money. The estimates, I acknowledge, are
very large ; and I perfectly admit that, so far as
large standing armies are concerned, it is impossi-
ble that we should ever compete with the great
continental military nations, because our men are
raised by voluntary enlistment, whilst theirs are
raised by conscription. But when we are asked
what we have got to show for our money, it
Must be remembered that we have an empire
on which the sun never sets; that we have posses-
sions and colonies in every part of the globe; and
that the ships. and troops are required to protect
them. It is impossible, therefore, scattered as those
troops are, to show any vast number in any one
spot ; but Sir Erskine Perry, when •he spoke upon
this subject, being 'acquainted with India, might
have recollected that that country was saved by the
aid of 100,000 of her Majesty's troops, whilst we
had at the same t;me 100,000 in this country, and
42,000 in the colonies. So also with regard to
military works and barracks ; you see very little of
them, yet the expense is enormous. No person
could have entered into the army estimates with a
greater determination to cut them down to the
lowest possible point, consistently with their per-
fect• efficiency, than I did; but I rose from
their consideration with the most perfect
conviction that, instead of asking too much
from the House of Commons, I could have spent a
great deal more with advantage to the country. 1
was, indeed, obliged to postpone ninny works which
would have proved economical and highly benefi-
cial. Under these circumstances I cannot hold
out to you any hope that either the present or
any future Secretary of State will have it in his
power greatly to reduce the army estimates ; for if
you intend to maintain yourselves in perfect security
you must keep up the army to its present strength.
I must say that when I was Secretary of State I
never met with the slightest check from Parliament
in granting, any money which was abso:utely ne-
cessary for the country, and I was always most
graeful for the manner in which the House of Com-
mons voted money for the services both of the army
and navy.. Another point on NS hick I wish to touch
is the control which Parliament has over the money
that has been voted by Parliament ; and here I
would remark upon a speech which was made by
Mr. Bright at Wakefield. [A voice ;He has
nothing to do with us.] I only wish to do so in
order that I may disabuse the public mind upon an
important question. (Hear.) Mr. Bright stated at
that meeting that over the money voted by Parlia-
ment for the armyrarlia.ment had little or no entrol.
Ile stated that the Horse Guards, who spent the

Hotel.
The usual loyal and patriotic toasts having been
disposed of,
The CHAIRMAN proposed " The Health of Lord
Lyveden," which was received with enthusiastic
cheering.
Lord LYVEDEN, on rising to return thanks, was
received with great cheering, which was again and
again repeated. He said—There are more exciting,
topics than the recollection of past events, and
when I see the promises of the young men who
surround me, to dwell upon the past performances
of their elders is but poor entertainment •, but I must
claim for experience some advantages. Age does not
always accomplish the promise of youth, and the
phantoms of hope which we pursue with eagerpess
to-day often vanish before we can approach them-to-
morrow. Such are the vicissitudes ef the future, but
who shall deny us the glorious past. I came among
you underthe auspices of that tried advocate of the
people; that stately tree which gave shelter to Libe al
opinions, and weathered every political storm, and I
here heard him make declarations in behalf of the
repeal of the corn laws, which were echoed through-
out the country. (Hear.) When I first came among
you, there were three parties, as there are now, in
Northampton, the old Whig, the Radical, and the
Tory parties ; the old Whig party in :inishine and
in shade, and among them not only do I reckon my
warmest political partisans, but some of my oldest
personal friends. From the Radical party I have
always met courtesy and kindness, and I have no
right to quarrel with them if, in the exercise of
their political principles, they thought that there
were other persons who were fitter repreenta,tives
than myself. I bore with good'humour many taunts
which were thrown out against aristocratic connec-
tions and official incubus; but I now find that hav-
ing got rid of the aristocratic and official incubus
they have chosen as one of their representatives a
noble lord. (Laughter.) It would be presumptu-
ous on my part to delay vou by entering at length
into that career to which the noble chairman has
drawn your attention, but it would on such an oc-
casion be absurd if' I did not make some reference
to a portion of that career. In 1855 Lord Palmer-
ston was called by the unanimous voice of the nas
tion to the post of Prime Minister, and when that
section of the Peelite party, which then belonged
to the ministry, left it, Sir G, Lewis and myself
were requested to fill their places, I being appointed
President of the Board of Control. Tnat was a
high office for country gentleman of Northampton-
,‘aire to fill, and I will say that whatever abuse I
fell under, and I certainly had my share of it—
(laughter)—none came from this quarter. Gene-
rally spenitsingsst4a abuse cisme from a portion-
of the press Opposed to my principles. I do
not quarrel with that, for I am perfectly well
aware that no public man in this country can aspire
to office without being subjected to the criticism
of public opinion, and would rather see the free-
dom of the press carried to the utmost license than
that it should be subjected to those shackles which
are imposed upon it in some foreign countries. At
tho same time. I do not think that it is advisable
that the press should indulge in indiscriminate
abuse which is neither dignified nor useful, and I
will show how it affected ine and why I think it
may be most mischievous. When I was first sub-
jected to it I confess I wrs extremely irritated. I
never said a word about it, or answered it in any
way; and very shortly afterwards my irritation
gave place to amusement, because 1 found those
things made use of to abuse me with which I had
nothing to do ; and I was-actually shown an article
in a provincial paper in which it was Laid, "No
wonder India is so misgoverned when the chief
administration of its affairs is entrusted to such a
beardless boy as Vernon Smith." (Laughter.) At
length, however, after having, been irritated and
amused by the abuse in the. press, I became per-
fectly indifferent to it. I ceased to care anything
about the observations which appeared in the papers,
and that, I think, is the ultimate result of indiscri-
minate abuse of public men ; but it is not a proper
state of things, where ministers should at all times
be open to the strictures of the press and respon-
sible to public opinion. There were, however, two
observations made by a person so conspicuous in
the country, that as I have never yet had an oppor-
tunity of referring to theth before I shall do so now.
Lord Derby, on the first outbreak of the Indian
mutiny, charged me with levity, and said that
when the first news of the mutiny reached England,
I treated it with too little gravity ; but every direc-
tor of the East India Company and every person of
authority on the subject whom I consulted, took '
the same tone, and accordingly I took a bold tone
in the House of Commons ; and I contend that as •
the Minister of one of the boldest Sovereigns who
ever sat on the throne of England, I had no right
to come to the House of Commons and pretend•
fear which none of us ever felt. Lord Derby also
attacked me upon an expression I had made use of,
that Delhi should be surrounded; and some four
months afterwards the noble earl, who in the mean-
tithe I suppose had been studying the map of India,
said, " Surround Delhi ! There's ignorance ! " when
at the very time I had letters from :India which
informed me troops were advancing to Delhi on all
sides. But the other point upon which he attacked
me was so void of foundation that I am even now
surprised he should have done so. He said that
after certain engagements had been made with the
Oriental and Peninsular Company I wrote to know
whether they could carry. them out. That was
disproved over and over again, but Lord Derby
never had the manliness to come forward and own
that he was mistaken. I will not detain you any
further by reference to past events, but I may per-
haps be permitted to refer for a few moments to
those which are now taking place, and upon which
the eyes of almost all men are at present fised. The
great question which has been agitating Europe for
months past is the Italian question. On the last occa-
sion on which I addressed you I had just returned from
France, and I told you that the Emperor intended to
invade Italy, and invade Italy he certainly would do.
Every one who had travelled in France was certain
of it, and so it proved. Now, whatever may be said
of the Emperor of France, I think it is quite clear
that he left Italy in a better position than she was
before, for lie has turned the attention of all men
towards the Italian question. Late events have
given them a chance to establish their nationality,
and I hope they will succeed in doing so. I,l' e are
told tl ere is to to be an Eiropean congress, in which
England is to take part; but I must he pardoned
if I express my opinion that England rately comes
well out of congresses. We are generally out-
witted,either because our diplomatists are deficient,
or from some other cause, and therefore I .hope that
her Majesty's Government will pause long before
it consents to enter into a congress. (Hear, hear.)
Then, again, we are told that we are to arm our-
selves for fear of an invasion. Now, I think that,
although it is perfectly right that we should be
prepared for such an event, I cannot understand
upon what ground we are to apprehend any attempt
of the kind will take plaCe. It is said that the
French still smart under the recollection of Water-
loo ; but nearly half a century has elapsed since
that event, and all things arc changed since then.
I cannot believe that such a thing dwells in their
minds, but if it did, what aro they to do ? Could
they ever hope to conquer this country by in-
vading it; and although it is possible that an
army might effect a landing, do you suppose that

one of them would ever return ? Why they would
all be cut to pieces and destroyed before they had
time to say their prayers, if they ever do say them.
But if they did return, does any man of com-
mon sense suppose that they would-derive hinour or
glory from any such attempt ? (Hear, hear.) I
cannot believe such a thing as that. I have now
cone to the last topic upon whichl mean to address
you. We are, I am told, to have a fresh reform bill.
lam not in state secrets, and I can speak. freely
upon such suljects, but all I can say is, that if a
reform bill is to be produced next session I heartily
hope that it will be a full and efficient one, that we
shall have no sham reform, but that we shall so
settle the question that we shall not be perpetually
quarrelling about it; and whether it is introduced
by Lord John Russell, or whether it settles the
representation of the country upon the basis of a £6
franchise in towns and £lO in counties, or whether
it results in a large extension of the franchise, all
I have to say is that I hope it will be an effectual
one. Some people still aver that it is not wanted,
anl go s far as to say that if Lord Derby had had
the manliness to say that he would put it off for
some time there would have been no great cry raised
against him. If, however, it is not wanted, how
came it that on the occasion of the last dissolution
there was not a single person who appeared before
their constituencies who did not say that it was re-
quired ? (Hear.) Young ladies very often say they
do not want to be married, but they seldom refuse
the chance—(laughter)—and members of the House
of Commons sometimes say they do not want to he
made peers, but they, like youno•r' ladies, generally
accept the offer. (Laughter.) So it was with re-
spect to reform—that reform was urgently required
was shown in the recent citscs of bribery which had
been brought so prominently before the country.
The question is full of difficulties, and the bribery
difficulty is not the least. The indirect bribery
of custom cannot be got over, but as a proof that
the other bribery, of which we have seen such dis-
graceful instances proved daily in the Wakefield
commission, can be done away with, I will only
mention that whereas my first election for North-
ampton cost me £4,000, the last one only cost £3OO.
(Cheers). In conclusion, the noble lord observed
that he:had the consolation of knowhig that while
in office neither kith nor kin benefited by his
patronage, anti that, although he was quite con-
scious that as a member of Parliament he had not
"gone the pace" quite sufficiently fast, yet he had
always eideavoured to adopt that course which he
conceived most beneficial to the interests of the
country. The noble lord resumed his scat amidst
the cheers of the meeting.
Lord HENLEY then proposed " Her Majesty's
Ministers," Which was acknowledged by Mr. Gilpin,
M.P., and several other toasts having been proposed,
the meeting broke up at a late hour.

LORD 11.4THERTON ON THE NATIONAL
DEFENCES.

In his capacity of Lord-Lieutenant of Stafford-
shire, Lord Hatherton attended an inaugural dinner
of the Ha.nsworth Volunteer Riflemen on Tuesday
evening last. During his speech, in reply to the
toast of his health,
Lord "[ATHERTON said—Gentlemen, this i 3 not
an improper occasion to observe that there has been
undoubtedly for a long course of years, and espe-
cially for the last two years, a deep-seated feeling
of uneasiness and distrust because of the de-
fenceless situation of this country. This feel-
ing pervades not merely men of the class I am
addressing ; it exists equally in the higher
and the
very lowest classes of society, provg how sound
in substance that society is. I believe it is a feeling
that supersedes every political feeling whatever;
and I believe it will be found, in the next session
of Parliament, that the main question will be, not
" What do you think of this or that franchise ?"
but" What are your opinions about the defences of
the country ?" That will ha the question of the
next few years. I am sure I need not say anything
in detail as to the actual condition of our army and
navy; but I may cursorily observe with respect to
the army that such is its condition in organization
and substance, and such is its insufficiency of men,
that if a sudden quarrel were to take place with
our neighbours across the Channel to-morrow we
should not have a single man in the field if out
garrisons were supplied in the way they should be.
We should require 15,000 men for Plymouth,
10.000 for Portsmouth, and 10,000 for the Isle of
Wigli ; besides these Avc-=strolfiti Bare to--innn our
lines at Chatham, and put smaller military forces
into other garrisons, so that when all this was done
we should not have a single man to place on the
field. It is absolutely necessary that the truth
should be spoken. Across the Channel a Govern-
ment exists of which I say nothing, but of which
weeall.know that secrecy is one of its elements, and
that its power is immense. It can man a force,
either on land or sea, at the shortest possible notice.
We can do nothing of the sort. We can do nothing
except by the operation of a Parliamentary vote ;
the votes once passed cannot be exceeded ; and six
or nine months may elapse before additions can be
made. It is absolutely necessary, therefore, that
the people should understand their position, and
forego all minor or party considerations for the pur-
pose of giving their representatives authority to do
whatever may be necessary in their estimation for
the defence of the country. (Cheers.) We all
feel, however, soldiers though we are, that our first
hopes must rest on the efficiency of our navy,
(Hear.) That has ever been the arm of this country,
for on no other can we rely for its safety. What is
its condition ? I believe we have at this moment a
better navy than we have had for years, but it had
fallen into a most discreditably low conditibn. lam
old enough to have served upon a committee in the
House of Commons in 1817 and 1818, the object of
which was to ventilate the different departments of
Government, and see what could be done in the re-
duction of expenditure. I remember that when we
came to the navy estimates Lord Castlereagh pre-
sented himself, and said he came at the request of
Lord Liverpool to inform us what the views of the
Cabinet were with respect to the strength of the
navy at that period. He laid it down that at no
period could this country ever be safe unless it were
able to put to sea at the shortest notice a fleet at
least equal to that of any other two Powers. For a
very short time a fleet of that description was main-
tained ; but we know how it has dwindled away
until at length the country has been excited by
alarms, and we are now spending millions in re-
storing it to its proper position as a steam navy.
Now, the navies of the two countries may be equal,
but there is one point, I regret to state, in which we
are inferior. I believe that France could now put
into the Channel a larger fleet, in a shorter period
of time, than it is in the p )wer of England to do.
Considering the vast resources of this country, the
immense foreign possessions it has to defend, our
vast wealth at home, and our great population; I
say that if any disaster were permitted to befall this
country by means of its navy, it would be the
greatest disgrace that ever fell on any country in
the history of the world. (Hear.) I believe there
is no effort that England is not prepared to make
—there is no pecuniary sacrifice we would not
submit to—for the purpose of avoiding such a dis-
grace. (Cheers.) Consider what would happen if
we had an equally balanced action in the Chan-
nel. We might be invaded at every point, and a
large army might take the field while we have
such inadequate resources to meet it. (Hear.) Or
evert if our navy sustained disaster and defeat it
would not be necessary for France to invade Eng-
land. We should be already conquered. She conld
blockade our ports; she could prevent the en-
trance of food or raw material. It' she were mis-
tress of the Channel fur a few months site would be
mistress of half the world. Therefore it is that the
influence of the represented should be brought to
bear upon the representative, in order that the
House of Commons may see it is your desire that
the honour of the country should be protected.
(Cheers.) Do not let it be supposed that lat all
undervalue the volunteer movement. I understand,
on the authority of the very best officers—those
who have had the largest experience—that, carried
on as it is now, it cannot fail to render the most
important services to Government in the case of
sudden danger arising. The volunteer artillery will
enable Government to dispense with a vast number
of troops in our garrisons that must otherwise have
been detained ; and I believe that, even with the
restricted discipline which can only be maintained
by solitary companies, yet that, connected with re-
gular troops they might be made available in a
short time for most important services. This is the
opinion of Sir John Burgoyne,—a person of' the
highest authority. But I hope that a good deal more
than this may be done. We must have a consider-
able increase of the army, or the militia must be
made more effective. There is no sufficient reason
why the old constitutional resource of the ballot,
with a modification suiting it to the altered circum-
stances of the country, may not still be resorted
to. Nine-tenths of the surface of these islands are
of rural character; and in those parishes there is
no more reason now than there was 50 years
ago why the ballot should not be had recourse
to. I would suggest that an Act of Parliament

An interview b tween the Colonial Secretary and
a certain deputation has accidentally raised a ques-
tion of considerable public interest. Sir George
Grey, as is well known, has rceently returned from
the Cape of Good Hope,- the government of which
colony he administered with such 'SUCCCFS as to
create a very general desire that be Should be re-
installed in the office. This feeling oa theeepart of
the public assumed at last its ordinary expression,
and a deputation of the mercantile and other classes
principally interested in the pfosperity of the colony.
waited by formal appointment on the Duke of New-
castle, for the purpose of explaining their wishes
and urging their views. Oa Thursday afternoon
the Meeting took place, and after the usual preli-
minaries of introduction the spolzesman-of the depu-
tation was commencing his address, when his
Grace remarked that certain gentlemen .piesent
appeared to be taking- notes of what occurred, and
proceeded to observe that .he thought a report of
the interview would be attended with inconvenience.
Upon this intimation the representatives of the.
press, four of whom were in the room, prepared, of
course, to withdraw, and after some explanations
had been courteously offered did actually retire, so
that the result of the interview cannot
.be given to
the public. This occurrence calls for attentive con-
sideration.
That a Minister of the Crown may receive visitors
for the discussion of im ortant questions without
necessarily making the interview a public one is a
proposition requiring no proof, and when the Duke
of Newcastle remarked, on the occasion referred to,
that privacy was desirable in order that he might
lay aside reserve, it would have been altogetherini-
po
ss
treatedibletore a
resist
s an exceptionalintimation.tlie
c
If the
n co maseohrae could
be plainly
be said, but this does not appear to have been the
Duke's view of the matter. lie did, it is true, allude
to his own official character, and to the nature of
the question, which related to a prerogative of the
Crown, but his succeeding observationa were evi-
dently applied to the general practice of reporting
such proceedings. lie stated, indeed, with perfect
frankness, that he had no wish to invest that parti-
cular interview with any extraordinary secrecy; and
that his object was simply to indicate the incon-
venience of a system which imposed upon a Minister
a reserve from which he would be glad to escape.
If the argument, therefore, is valid at all, it is
valid for all such cases, and this opinion, we are
bound to say, we cannot readily entertain.
The practice of reporting such proceedings as
these originated, like all reporting, in suggestions
of practical utility, and it has been confirmed by
experience of the self-same character. When a
deputation of some 40 or 50 gentlemen waits upon
a Minister, it is for the purpose of obtaining an
expression of official opinion upon some point of
public interest. Representations are prepared be-
forehand, facts collected, and arguments, not always
of uniform tendency, duly provided. To these the
Minister makes his reply, and the interview is
usually prolonged by some amount of interpellation
and discussion. Pi" this constitutes a result which
it is not very easy for an unpractised head to carry
away, and the words of the Minister or his visitors
ran no small risk of misrepresentation in the vari-
'oua verstOds 1 the 7
seam of a professional 'reporter every such chance
of error is removed, and not only the public, but
perhaps the spokesmen themselves, receive through
the medium of the press a more accurate impression
of the transaction than they could otherwise have
acquired. It was remarkable enough that on this
very occasion the Duke of Newcastle himself was
fain to stop the reporters as they were quitting the
room, and requeat their aid in setting the public
right on a particular point which he wished to be
understood. Something' he observed, " had got
wind" about one of his despatches, and therefore
he desired that the real truth should be known.
This was a very reasonable precaution, but it might
have occurred to his Grace that some particulars of.
the pending interview were likely to get wind also,
and that the same kind of corrective might be de-
sirable for the information of the public.
We do not well see how there can be any middle
course in these c ses between privacy and publicity
—between communications expressly confidential
and discussions formally reported. We can per-
fectly understand a private interview with a Mi-
nister, but is an interview likely to possess that
character which is conducted on one side by perhaps
a hundred persons, not necessarily of one accord,
though animated all of them by considerable
strength of feeling ? When a meeting is arranged
between a Minister an I a deputation it is generally
after some public 'excitement, of which, in fact, the
deputation is the first practical expression. The
members of the deputation naturally owe some ac-
count of their proceedings to those who deputed
them, and the Minister knows beforehand that his
reply will be weighed, and that from his words will
be derived either satisfaction or disappointment. In
short, proceedings of this kind now enter into the
machinery of our constitution like those oratorical
displays which bring together Ministers and their
constituents during a Parliamentary recess. When
a tax becomes obnoxious, or an improvement desir-
able, " a deputation to the Minister" is one of the
earliest stages in the proceire of reform, and the
" report" of the transaction is looked for with as
much eagerness as any other Ministerial statement
or explanation. In the case before us the question
had been notoriously agitated both in the colony
and at home. The retiring Governor had been un-
commonly successful in appeasing the animosities of
the frontier tribes, lie had established something
like actual tranquillity, and so sensible was every-
body of the advantage secured that the very Hot-
tentots petitioned the Crown for his reinstatement.
The deputation on Thursday afternoon followed as
a matter of course, and, equally as a matter of
course, the public looked for the reply. At this
point, however, things took a novel turn, and we
are unable to communicate the expected intelli-

gence.
The Duke of Newcastle remarked that reports of
these proceedings were not infrequently attended
by commentsaand that the anticipation of this
kind of criticism imposed upon the M inister a species
of restraint. The force of this argument we do not
exactly comprehend. No doubt the statement of
a Minister on a point of public interest,. interview
made at a provincial banquet or an
.interview with
a deputation, or on any other OCCASIOII, would at-
tract the remarks of the press, but these. remarks
would gain in justice and utility. exactly in.propor-
tion to the accuracy with which the subject was
proposed.' If his grace meant to say that a Minister
could adopt a more unreserved manner when his
words were not taken down, the observation may
be correct, but the point could be hardly worth
contending for at the expense of a more impovtant
result. We can easily suppose that his grace may
entertain ideas on this or on other subjects which
he might not care to make absolutely public, but
these, we imagine, would not be expressed to a
"numerous and influential" deputation of strangers,
even
if there were no reporters in. the room. Wethink,
think, in shoit, that when a question has arrived
at the stage of deputation, the publicity of the
transaction is practically established. There is a
time for all things, and undoubtedly there is a time
for Ministerial reserve. But. when, after much pre-
vious discussion, a large body of gentlemen pre-
viously unknown to a Minister wait upon him by
appointment to convey the sentiments of a still
larger body of their countrymen, and to carry back
to their constituents the views of the Government,
we think it would bebetter at once to recognise the
publicity of the proceedings.—Tinzcs.

COAST DEFENCES.—The Crown Commissioners
for inspecting the coast defences have just visited Harwich,
in the vicinity of which there are several marten() towers.
After visiting Laniguard Fort, the circular redoubt, Sa°,
the commissioners returned to London. General Sir Harry
Jones, G.C.8., attended as chief commissioner. Col. Wulff,
Major Westhead, and other officials were in attendance.

roote to the Big Ship. The Weather;
up to li•ithin the hi:,t few days. has been extreree:y
fine ; in fact, there - have eccaelonally 'been days
on w ide'• the heat 4.4 the sun was too great
to W pleasant, ,-.. and: thus far sightseers
have had a fhr more favourable opportunity of
inspecting the vessel than they could have reason-
ably expected at this'time of the year. Since yes-
terday, however, . a change has come over the face
of the elements, and snow, laind, and hail have be-
come the order of the day.
The whole of yesteialay morning the barometer
fell considerably, and the freshening breeze bee Imo
suspiciously chilly, and towards the afternoon the
darkening sky seemed to fcabode an " ugly night."
About five o'clock some heavy squalls of- wind and
rain, accompanied by a succession of no less heavy
seas, conunenced sweeping directly into the harbour
from the Irish Channel. As many of our readers
are aware, the harbour of Holyhead is not the saftst
place for a ship to lie in, for it is full of rocks, and
with the wind blowing as it did yesterday from the
N.N.W., it becomes an exposed roadstead instead of
a harbour. It was confessedly an injudicious place
to bring the ship to at all, for even in the calmest
weather there is only just room for her to swing
clear of the dock, and the holding ground being of
the very worst possible description, with a heavy -
wind and sea from the N.N.W., not even Trotman's
anchors.would prevent her stern from getting on .
the rocks. Captain Harrison (who is fully alive
to the insecurity of the ship's resent position),
shortly after five o'clock ordered the visitors to
he dismissed, the decks to be cleared, and
the steam to be got up in the two serviceable •
boilers belonging to the paddle engine, and, in
fact everything to be got ready for shipping
the cable andone ,h
going
heavy'
htcosse,
sea sea. lint. y
hi „
-.Nleseret -
intotl is
could be d
.the harbour, caused the landing bulks along-
shle the vessel to show unmistakeable symptoms of
breaking away. It was therefore deemed more im-
portant to cast them adrift, and have them towed
to a place of security up the harbour. At about half-
past six, the steam being ready in the padale-
engines, the fore trysail was set far the purpose of
canting" the ship's head more towards the break-
water, which having been accomplished, the paddle-
engines were started, and she steamed slowly ahead, -
something more than her own length, and then let
go another anchor, with SO fathoms of cable. After
this the ship rode pretty secure, and there was every
reason to suppose would continue to do so through-
out the night, if the weather got no worse. But
nevertheless the steam was kept up in the paddle,
and the fires lighted in the screw engine boilers,
and in fact everything kept in readiness to slip the
cable and stand out to sea at a moment's notice.
This contingency at one time did not seem at all an
impossible one, for the weather looked so very sus-
picious that Capt. Harrison never left the bridge all
night. Towards 2 o'clock, as is usually the case, the
wind increased considerably, but it got more round
to the north, from which point the harbour is more
sheltered. But before the morning the warm but
bracing breeze which had prevailed for some days
was chbanged into a keen and cutting Axind, which
drove before it alternately clouds of hail and half
thawed snow, which it was almost impossible to face.
Throughout this meaning there have been some very
heavy falls of snow, which, though thawing as it
Collies down in the valleys, has covered the mountains
with a thick white crust, which has turned the fine
scenery of the Snowdoa district into a most barren
and wintry one. Notwithstanding the bitter cold,
no less than seven or eight special trains, and three
or four special boats, have brought their living
freights of Great Ship visitors to Holyhead from all
parts of the manufacturing districts, but their in-
spection of the ship is, as may be supposed, any-
thing but an agreeable pastime.
As the public • have already been informed, the
directors of the Great Ship Company have come to
the wise decision of not sending their magnificent
ship to encounter the perils of a winter voyage in
the North Atlantic in her present unfinished con-
dition. That this determination is a judicious one
in the interest of the shareholders, no one who has
visited the ship can for a moment doubt. Within
the last few days the ship, by the desire of the di-
rectors, has been most carefully surveyed by Mr.
Jordan, of. LiVerpool, Mr. Benley, of London, and
Mr. Patterson, of Bristol, the builder of the Great
Britain. This gentleman, after having carefully
visited every portion of the Great Eastern, pre-
sented a report to the directors to the effect that
the chip was in far too unfinished a state to proceed
.e.4.1.1f,'V ;i79 sZagC. 11C,1C,s:; ti W A 0.1.46 3. . _ _
In the lot weather there is ne provision for yen-
-tilatitin, and. there is no protect ion,whatever from
the severe cold, which the vessel is sure to en-
counter. -The decks are reported to be disgrace-
fully bad, both with respect to material and
workmanship, and, moreover, to be so leAky
as to let the water into the cabins and
saloons. That these defects exist is no fault of the
company, for they certainly took every precauti Ai
to obtain a good contract, and in as far as they
could, to see it properly carried out. However,
within the next few days the vessel will proceed
to Southampton, where, in all probability, she will
be thoroughly completed by the company, under
the direction of the engineers, Mr. Brereton and.
Mr. Jocomb, the representatives of and the succes-
sors to the late Mr. Brunel.
It is to be hoped that during the run round to
Southampton the directors will allow Captain
Rarrison to put his ship through several of the
trials which the non-compliance of the engineering
contractors put a stop to during the voyage round
Avhead.

EDLYBURGII AND GLASGOW BANK.

A summons has just been issued against Sir Wm.
Johnston and others, as trustees and executors of
the manager, John Thomson, now deceased, of the
Edinburgh and Glasgow Bank, Edinburgh, con-
taining.certain charges, the details of which extend
to 6n immense number of pages, but the drift of
which may be gleaned from the following remarks
of the North British Daily :
In the case of " Cullen against Sir William John-
ston and others." there is what appears to be a most
respectable banking company, the" Edinburgh and •
Glasgow," carrying on business, as it was supposed,
in the ordinary manner, under the usual conditions,
with necessary officers, proper regulations, and all
that could be looked upon as desirable for the pur-
pose of securing success in business and publicity in
its accounts, so far as it was thought desirable to
make them known for the information of the
shareholders; and yet almost from the first
the real state of the affairs of the bank was
studiously concealed. The regular books did not
contain the real accounts. Private books, concealed
from all but the initiated few, held the secrets which,
if revealed, would have brought the whole concern
to the ground in 1830. It was provided by the
rules of the company that when the reserve funi
and one-fourth of the capital stock was lost the com-
pany should dissolve without, the necessity of any
further procedure; and yet, for above eight years
after this, the company was kept up by false re-
ports, although it was- going from bid to worse,
until in 1355 it fell to pieces, after baying lost the
whole of its capital. It was stipulated for in the
laws that no shareholder should get credit to a
greater extent than half the amount of his stock
without security, and that all others doing business
should find real or personal security ; and yet, in
defiance of this, credit ,was given in the most reck-
less manner to people in the most doubtful circum-
stances, and some of the advances made to these
figured as good debts, even after the parties had
undergone sequestration, and the dividends on their
estates had been taken credit for. Bills were re-dis-
counted in London, loans ton large amount were con-
tracted, and shares bought in for thepurpose of keep-
ing up the market price, whilst troublesome share-
holders, who had threatened exposure, had their
shares bought at par, when their real cattle was
only equal to half the original price. During the
whole of this time flattering reports were issued for
the purpose of gulling the shareholders and the
public, and false abstracts of the accounts were
laid before the annual meeting. In fart, it, would
be impossible to imagine anything more thoroughly
disgraceful, or meanly dishonest, as during the
whole of this time the private ledgers and other ac-
count books showed the real state of the affair, so
that it is not possible for any one of the parties im-
plicated to p'ea,d ignorance of the real condition of
the bank, so far as we are enabled to judge from a
perusal of the summons, and an examination of the
allegations contained in it. It is evident that Mr.
Cullen believed the false reports issued, and became
a victim in consequence of his belief in them. He
bought, year after year, stock to a considerable
amount, and at the end, when, according to the
statement G f the directors, the concern ought to have
been in an excellent position, he found the whv sole
thing rotten, and every penny of his largeriinchNsve
ment gone. All this the document upon wl,
have been commenting makes known to us
. but
bit
does not inform us how many others were
led y
the same means into the same trap, and no docu-
ment gen intorm us how much of ruof such w
and fraudulent. deceit.