The Sun.
London, England, 1861-04-13 00:00:00

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THEATRE-ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
Lessee, Mr. J. B. Backstone.
THIS EVENING, the performances will oommense with
A DUKE IN DIFFICULTIES. Mrs. Stirling, Miss F.
Haydon, Mrs. Wilkins, Miss Fanny Stirling, Mr. Bnckstone,
Mr. Compton, Mr. Howe, .fes.
After which, will be revived, with entirely new scenery
and effects, and all the original music by the late Sir Henry
Bishop, the melodrama of THE MILLER AND HIS BIEN.
Commence at 7.

THEATRE-ROYAL LYCEUM.
Sole Lessee and Directress, Madame CELESTE.
Decided Success of the Two New Dramas.
THIS EVENING, LOVERS' QUARRELS.
After which, a new original comic drama, written by Saml.
Lover, Esq., entitled MAC CARTHY MORE ; or, Possession
Nine Points of the Law. John Drew, J. Johnston, Forrester,
J. Rouse, Medlin ; Misses Rawlings, Hudspeth, &a
To conclude with a new drama, NEW YEAR'S EVE ; or,
The Belle of the Season. Messrs. H. Neville, Villiers, Jas.
Johnstone, J. Rouse ; Mrs. Winstanley, Miss Matilda Heron,
Miss Willard, &la

O YAL PRINCESS'S
Lessee and Manager, Mr. A. Harris.
THIS EVENING, THRICE MARRIED. Messrs. Shore,
Meadows, Garden, and Miss C. Leclercq.
Followed by HAMLET. Hamlet, Mr. Fechter. Sup-
ported by Messrs. Ryder, Hermann Vezin, Graham, Shore,
Meadows, &O. ; Misses Heath, R. Leelercq, and Elaworthy.

NEW THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPTIL-
- Sole Proprietor and Manager, 15. r. B. Webster.
THIS EVENING, AN UGLY CUSTOMER. Messrs. J.
L. Toole, C. Selby, and Warde Miss K. Kelly, and Miss E.
Thorne.
To be followed by the new drama, MAGLIORE, THE
PRESTIDIGITA'I OR. Messrs. B. Webster, J. L. Toole,
D. Fisher, &o.; Miss K. Kelly, Miss H. Simms, Om.
After which, OUR GAL. Miss Julia Daly, Mr. Romer,
Mr. Eburne, and Mr. Warde.
Doors open at halt put 6—Commence at 7.

CANTERBURY-tminster-HALLroad. CONCERTS!!
Wes
Proprietor ........C. Norton.
A Grand Selection from Verdi's new Opera,
IL CORSARO,

mils opera has never been produced in this or any other
country, except at these Concerts), having met with that de-
cided success which charactise 4 the most popular works of
this great Master, will be performed EVERY EVENING ;
toffether with a Selection from LA FIGLIA DEL REGGI-
mIINTO, by Donizetti,
Principal Artistes—Miss Russell, Madame Maria, Miss
Tyrrell, Mr. H. Herbert, St-nor Tivoli, H. Drummond, and
C. W. Bernard. Director, Mr. F. Jonghmans.
The Comic Department comprises Messrs. E. Marshall, A.
B. Hollingsworth, J. Blanchard, F. Bell, W. H. Welland, and
the Brothers Conrad.
John Martin's ahree celebrated Pictures will remain on
view a short time longer in the Fine Arts Gallery of the
Establishment.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tale 'DAY.—Morning, 3h. 39m.—Afternoon, 3h. 54m.
To-moßßow.-Morning, 4h. 10m.—Afternoon, 4h. 26m.

THE WEATHER.—SUN Onnez, Aritno.3, 1861
THEIXONCISTEIt, IN TIM SHAM
61—highest since noon. yesterday.
41—lowest this morning and during the night.
49—this day at noon.

Beam&Erzu-30.30.
Wnro—North-Easterly—light ; with dull cold weather,

Count CAVOUR, on Tuesday, in the Chambers at
Turin, made two important speeches; one of them
has reached us at full length, which our readers
saw in The Sun of last evening—the other has
only reached us in the form of a telegram, but it is
to England of more direct importance than the
irst. It was probably but a brief reply to an
" interpellation," and was " a formal denial to the
rumours of an intended cession of the island of
Sardinia to France." It is painful to remember
that a similar denial preceded the cession of Savoy
and Nice ; our Government and this country must
therefore take it for what it is worth. The word
" formal" is currently used in two senses very
different indeed in regard to a matter like this,
and but too happy should we be to accept the
most favourable one. After all that has occurred,
we must think that some member of weight on
these questions, should ask our Foreign Secretary
whether he has informed Count CAVOUR that Eng-
land could not tolerate the alienation of an Italian
island of such maritime importance, to a great
Mediterranean Power like France. It will be too
late when the evacuation of Rome has been pur-
chased by such an ignominious surrender, and one
which England must regard as destructive of the
established balance of naval power in the Mediter-
ranean. If we are not mistaken, English diplo-
matic action ought to be prompt, urgent, and un•
bending—we might say imperative.
The longer speech which preceded related to
Rome, whence arises the danger we fear. Had
France the right there of fair conquest in war,
and of long prescription, like that of England at
Gibraltar, an exchange of territory might be fair.
We might use Gibraltar, if we pleased, in nego-
tiating with Spain for the cession of Cuba. But
the French had no cause of war with Rome, and
went there by an act of the most atrocious and
cruel inconsistency, to put down liberty in an
independent sister republic which bad not done
the slightest wrong to France. The occupation
of Rome by France is both in its inception and
continuance a greater crime against the law of
nations and the principles of nationality than the
occupation of Venetia by Austria. Austria has at'
least solemn treaties to allege. France has nothing
but violence.'

It is true, the pretence is the independence of
the Pope—which means the enslavement of his
subjects. For the French Government has again
and again confessed the Papal Government to be
intolerable, and has counselled Reform, only to
have her counsels laughed at, because the crafty
ecclesiastics well knew that the real reason for the
French occupation of Rome was originally the sup-
pression of freedom and the gratification of national
vanity. It tickled French ambition to be mistress
of the capital of the ancient world, and of the
ecclesiastical capital of the Popedom. Ambition
alone keeps the French army in Rome ; but
the new kingdom of Italy must not be re-
quired to sacrifice her territory to compensate
France for renouncing persistence in a crime.
And, if the main drift of Count CATOUR'S speech
on the subject be, really, the exponent of his policy,
he will not do it. His arguments are as lucid,
and as conclusive as those of his former speech,
from another point of view, on the subject :—" The
other Chamber has admitted," he observed, " and
the honourable senator has concurred with it, that
under present circumstances we cannot employ
other than moral means. To arrive as conquerors
in a city which is the seat of the Catholic religion
'would be a wrong on our part, and would damage
the cause of Italy." It was in this character, how-
ever, that the French entered Rome ; conquerors,
at. least, of the people; but conquerors for their
PrinwPriest
,beneath whose foot they forthwith
placed the necks of the deeply wronged Romans.
What Count CAVORR means, is, of course, that
for the Italians to enter as conquerors of that
straiage centaur-like being, the temporal POPE,
woul. .1, as things are, do more mischief than good.
But, „lie proceeds to show at length, that while
some facts of the past may explain, and,
,little, the n, and, perhaps
excuse ,trembling attitude of
f Rome,
,o there
the Court ,of
nothing in
political considerations to justify it.
religious a.qd
iroporance, h© says, that Rome
" it is of great'
,the headquarters of
should cease to bethe enemies
of Italy and libert) i, the centre of all conspiracies,
and the starting po int of all the emissaries who
come to spread disoril:3r and violence throughout
our provinces," and he, ,holds that Naples will not be,
thoroul ;hly quieted till the Roman question is
settled. England, he observes, was sixty years in

getting rid of factions and conspiracies after 1688.
He does not anticipate that so long a time will be
needed to quiet Italy, because the Italian movement
is so deeply stamped with the impress of na-
tionality. He hopes that simple and legal measures
will be sufficient, but he repeats—" The best means
of arranging everything is to settle the question of
Rome, the headquarters of opposition and dis-
turbance."

But according to his own view, which is that
of converting the Catholic world to the acceptance
of Church independence, as a compensation for the
surrender of temporalities, he must have a long
task before him. We wonder when Messrs.
BOWYER, CULLEN, and Co. will agree with the
first sentence of the following extract from the
Count's speech :—" The principles proclaimed by
us, the separation of the church and the state—the
liberty of the church—have been favourably received
by all parties who are inspired by liberal senti-
ments, even by those who are at the same time in-
fluenced by Conservative ideas. that is a great
step actually made. But that is not enough ; it is
not merely liberal opinion, but the enlightened part
of the Catholic world that must be brought
round to our views. If some distrust, some
reluctance is exhibited on that side, we ought
not to be alarmed at it. Liberty cannot be
accepted without hesitation, without fear by
the Catholic world; for, in truth, it is the
first time that a great Catholic nation has
addressed itself to the church, with the offer of full
and entire liberty in exchange for its temporal
power. Never before has the Church found itself
in this situation."

He then kindly goes on to excuse the fears of the
ecclesiastics, to show that even in Protestant coun-
tries religious liberty is not complete, and to
palliate what in his heart he well knows to be but
selfish priestly ambition ; still he adheres to his
point, that separation from and independence of the
State is the true position for the Church, that Italy
is a most Catholic nation, and will cherish that
independence, and that it will strengthen the
position of the Catholic party. "We shall soon,"
he said in conclusion, "win over the best part
of the religions world to recognise the loyalty
that inspires us. It will be recognised that
what we propose is the only means of ensuring
the legitimate influence of the . church in
Italy and in the rest of the world. In a short time,
I hope, voices will rise from the midst of catholic
society and will tell the Pope : ' Accept the terms
which liberated Italy offers you, for they restore
freedom to the church and add to the lustre of the
Holy See; accept these terms, and the Italian na-
tion, while completing the work of its liberation,
will remain the most faithful of all to the genuine
spirit of religion.' "

We have only to add, let the Italians but please
themselves, and they will please England. The
POPE may be as great a spiritual potentate as men's
belief in the magic powers of a fellow-man can make
him ; that is no business of ours. We deeire to see
Italy possessed of her lawful capital, and our only
business is to see to it that she does not purchase it
by making the Mediterranean a French lake.

Another of those " Little Wars" which were the
particular abhorrence of the Duke of WELLINGTON,
England has now upon her hands. That wretchedly
fluctuating and prolonged conflict, namely, between
a small body of the forces of the British Empire and
swarms of the naked aboriginal New Zealanders.
During aconsiderable period past the mails from the
opposite side of the globe have brought home to us
tidings of the most uncertain variation from the
seat of war among our antipodes. Now (strange to
tell) the English soldiers have been for a while
worsted by the Maoris, although the serried ranks
of the former have been confronted only by a bar-
barons horde of savages armed for the
most part with rude stakes and tortuous
boomerangs. Now the success (!) has been with
the Europeans, and the tribes of New Zealand
arrayed against us have been driven back with
some slaughter and much confusion. In either
case the result we can hardly induce ourselves to
regard as otherwise than discreditable. When
repelled, though but for a moment, our repulsion
has been nothing less than ignominious. When
conquerors, our conquest has been of a kind that it
would be hardly less than shame to exult
over. Disciplined troops, however inferior in
respect of numbers, when opposed to a race of
ignorant savages, can scarcely take credit to them-
selves for beating back with rifle and bayonet a mob
of Maoris hurling stones and brandishing boome-
rangs. The contest we all recognise upon the
instant as so entirely unequal, that we feel the
ne-
cessity that it ought in reason to have been evaded,
by any means almost, through the agency of mere
diplomacy. Those who might, upon the first blush,
find themselves disposed to laugh to scorn the
notion of anything like a diplomatic test being ap-
plied in this way to the aboriginal New Zealanders
can know but little of the history of the rise and
development of our power in those antarctic regions,
in the southern islands of the Pacific and the
Atlantic, in New Zealand, in Van Diemen's Land,
in Australasia. Fighting, actual bloodshed between
the English and the aborigines in those regions,
from the period of their first discovery until now,
has been, not the rule, but the exception. Some
of the few more sanguinary outbreaks on the part
of the savage population found there by the Euro-
peans, have certainly been signalised by dreadful
and world-famous deaths, such, for example, as
that revealed, to the horror of all Englishmen
afterwards, in the lamentable assassination of Cap-
tain Coox at Otaheite—but these incidents, again,
we repeat, have been unquestionably not the rule,
but the exception. Our authority in Australasia,
for example, has been based upon the awe inspired
there among the natives by our (to them) astound-
ing civilisation. The early annals of our vast and
various antarctic colonies, are for the most part un-
tarnished by any evidence of ruthlessness on our
part whatsoever. The leaves of the opening pages
of that history of England's power at the anti-
podes, while blurred occasionally it may be here

and there with tokens of undue severity, cannot

possibly be described with truth, as most conquests

are alone to be described at the outset, namely, as

bloodstained. We can look back without a sense

of national remorse to the record of the build•

:ng up of our dominions yonder in the chief part o:

la wide and scattered portion of the habitable

globe, known as Oceania. It is our reeollection

of this fact in the narrative of the foundation of that

portion at least of our enormous colonial empire,

which constrains us to come to the conclusion,

almost as one might say instinctively, that our
recent and still continued war in New Zealand,

our late and even now unended struggle with the
Maoris was at the first indisputably avoidable.

The official documents brought forth in the form

of a notable Blue book, relating exclusively to

:his little war in New Zealand, confirms this in-
uitive impression upon a mature consideration of
the circumstances in which that same miserable

little war originated. It is not possible to glance
retrospectively through the incidents which brought
the British forces and their savage antagonists
into collision, without perceiving quite plainly that
from first to last, there were no adequate efforts

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THE SUN.
LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 13, 186