The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-30 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, SEPTEIVIBE 11 30, .859.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

NEWMARKET FIRST OCTOBER MEETING.
THITRf3Dir.

Third Year of the Tenth Triennial Produce Stakes of 10
goys each, for 4-yr-olds; colts, Bst 71b; fillies, Bst 41b.
The second to receive a sum equal to 10 per cent. on the
whole stake, and the third a sum equal to 5 per cent.

D.I. (2 miles 119 yards.)
Lord Clifden's Star of the East, Bst 71b (A. Day) 1
Lord Ailasbury's Compromise, Bst 71b . (Flatman) 2
Duke of Bedford's Leontes, Bst 71b (J. Mann) 3
The following also ran :—Ancient Briton, Charles the
Second, and. Maid of Masham filly.
Betting-2 to 1 agst Compromise, 4to 1 agst Star of the
East, 5 to 1 each agst Leontes and Ancient Briton. Star of
the East came away by himself, and, after having led up-
wards of 100 yards over the fiat, he won easily by a length;
bad third.

Handicap Sweepstakes of 10 soya each, 5 ft, if declared,
Last half of Ab. M. 3 furlongs 217 yards.

Mr. Robinson's Actaeon, 3 yrs, 9st (A. Day) 1
Mr. Lowther's Brine, 2 yrs, sst 51b (J. Daley) 2
Mr. R. H. Nevill's Sneer colt, 4 yrs, 6st 101 b (Challoner) 3

The following also ran :—Croquemitaine, Timon, Merry
May, Optimist, Maria, colt by Surplice, out of Beeswax,
colt by Cotherstone out of Glenluce, Quick March, pan by
Hermit, out of Lady Georgina, and Julie.
Betting-4 to 1 agst the Lady Georgina colt, 7to 1 each
agst Merry May, Brine, and Quick March, 10 to 1 agst
the Sneer colt, 12 to 1 agst Timon.
Hibberd weighed for Mr. Harlan's Cincinnati, 3 yrs, 6st
121 b, but the horse did not get to the post in time to start.
Some delay was occasioned, and one false stars was made,
in which the Glenluce colt overpowered his rider, and ran
towards Mr. BOttom's farm. He then turned towards the
New Stand, passed over the course, and made towards the
town. On reaching the top stand he came into collision
with tome posts whichhave been recently erected in most
dangerous positions, and fell, injuring himself severely.
The race admits of little description, for Actaeon took up
the running after going about 50 yards, and ran home an
easy winner by a length; half a length between the se-
cond and third ; Merry May was fourth, a length off;.
Croquemitaine and Quick March were next. Soon after the
flag was dropped Timon ran out of the course, to the left,
and rejoined the beaten horses just before reaching the chair.
Match, 300, 200 ft. First half of Ab. M. (3 fur. 215 yds.)
Mr. Robinson's Apollo, Sst 71b (A. Day) 1
Duke of Bedford's Golden Pippin, flst 41b....(Flatman) 2

Betting-6 to 4on Golden Pippin. Soon after the flag
was dropped the favourite ran out, and Apollo went on
with the lead, and won by three-quarters of a length.
When Flatman dismounted on reaching the stand, Golden
Pippin lashed out and kicked him in the side. We regret
to say that Flatman was much injured.

Handicap Plate of 50 sous. A.F. (1 mile 2 fur. 73 yds.)
Mr. Saville's Montebello, 6 yrs, Bst 81b (Ashmall) 1
Mr. Angel's The Greek, 3 yrs, 7st 4lb (Perry) 2
Mr. Nord's Polonius, 3 yrs, sst 121 b (Grimahaw) 3

The following also ran :—Roman Candle, Solomon,
Knuckle Duster, Minster, Ochiltree, and Catherine.

Betting-7 to 4 agst Polonius, 6to 1 each agst Ochiltree
and Montebello, 7to 1 agst Knuckle Duster. On descend-
ing the Bushes Hill the race was left to Polonius, Cathe-
rine, The Greek, and Montebello. Within a few strides of
the chair Catherine got shut out, and the top weight
came up en the left, and won by a neck, the second beating
the third by a head. Catherine and Solomon were only a
head behind Polonius, close together. Nothing near the
horses mentioned.

First Year of the Twelfth Triennial Produce Stakes, of 10
sous each, for two-yr• olds; colts, Bst 71b ; fillies, Bst 41b.
The second to receive a sum equal to 10 per cent. on the
whole §take, and the third a sum equal to 5 per cent.
T.Y.C. 5 fur. 140 yds. 61 subs.
Baron Rothschild's King of Diamonds, by King Tom,
Bst 71b (Wells) 1
Lord Glasgow's Tom Bowline, Bst 71b (Aldcroft) 2
Mr. Granger's colt by Weatherbit, Aunt Phyllis,
Bst 71b (Fordham) 3

Virago colt, Canezou colt, and Dulcibella also ran.
Betting-7 to 4 agst King of Diamonds, 3to 1 agst Tom
Bowline, 6 to 1 agsl Virago colt, 6 to 1 agst Canezou colt,
10 to 1 agst Aunt Phyllis colt. They ran in a lino to the
cords, where Tom Bowline took a slight lead, and was im
mediately afterwards challenged by the King of Diamonds,
who got up within a few strides of the chair, and won a
very fine race by a head ; three lengths off the Aunt
Phyllis colt was third, and close up with her were the
Virago colt and the Canezou colt; Dulcibella was beaten a
long way.

The Queen's Plate of 100 guineas; for 3-yr-olds, 9st 21b;
four, lOst 71b ; five, llst ; six and aged, llst 41b. From
the starting post of B.C. to the end of the flat. About
three-quarters of a mile.
Mr. Devon's Independence, by Harkaway, 3 yrs, 9st 21b
(J. Goater) 1
Mr. It. Ten Broeck's Starke, 4 yrs, lOst 71b.. (Fordham) 2
Mr. S. Williams's York, 4 yrs, lOst 71b (Preece) 3
Mr. Ford's Polonius, 3 yrs, 9st 21b (Ashmall) 4
Betting-6 to 4on Starke, 2to 1 agst Independence, sto
1 agst York. They trotted from the post, York showing
the way. After going about 300 yards, Starke forced the
pace, and then York went a-head. At the Bushes-hill
both York and Polonius were beaten, and Independence
and Starke ran home together, Independence having all the
best of it, and winning by half a length. Starke pulled up
very leg weary. This race was for the first time run over
this course. Formerly it was run on the other side of the
Ditch.

The Rutland Stakes of 30 sovs each, 20 ft, for 2-yr-olds ;
col is Bst 71b, fillies Bst 31b. Certain winners extra. From
the turn of the Lands in. 6,fur. 182 yards. 11 subs.
Mr. Merry's Brother to Rainbow, Bst 71b (Plumb) 1
Baron Rothschild's Jason, Bst 71b
Mr. Saville's Reesia, Bst 31b (Fordham) 3

THE FREEDOM OF ABERDEEN TO
LORD JOHN RUSSELL.

The freedom of the City of Aberdeen was on
Wednesday afternoon presented to Lord John Rus-
sell in the new Music-hall. The assembly at the
ceremony numbered considerably upwards of two
thousand, including a large number of ladies.
The LORD PROVOST (Webster) having in a brief
speech presented the burgess-ticket to the youngest
citizen, the distinguighed guest of the evening,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL came forward, bearing the
badge of citizenship on his head, amid great
cheering. Having acknowledged the honour con-
ferred upon him, hie lordship dwelt at
considerable length on the question of reform.
He said that the true principle which should
guide us in an amendment of the law of the repre-
sentation of the people should be the choosing of
the fittest individuals in the community for the
privilege of the suffrage—that this principle could
be applied without endangering the stability of our
time-honoured institutions. Some men indulged in
the idea of a reorganisation of our political system,
but he could not pretend to have either the capacity
or the strength to undertake such a task. His
lordship then spoke as follows :—Having said thus
much upon these general principles, I must pass to
that subject to which the Lord Provost has truly
said my attention must at this moment be chiefly
directed. It is my duty—a duty exceedingly hon-
onrable, but at the same time exceedingly onerous
—to take charge and give advice to her Majesty
upon the foreign affairs of this country. Well
now, gentlemen, I am not going to state, either
upon this or upon a domestic subject, anything of
a party nature ; because, with regard to the gene-
ral principles upon which oar foreign affairs should
be conducted, I listened last year to a speech of
Lord Derby, then Prime Minister, in the Mansion-
House, London, and there was nothing in that
speech from which I found it necessary to differ.
I believe that our affairs must always be conducted
with due regard to the rights and independence of
foreign nations ; that the rule of doing as we would
be done by is not only a maxim of Christian morality,
but the rule of international conduct. (Cheers.)
But, when we apply such rules, we find constitu-
tionally that having relations in every quarter of
the globe, there cannot fail to come from time to
time discussions and disputes, and oven, it may be,
collisions with other nations. Now, gentlemen,
upon such occasions I think it is very necessary for
us to be temperate, to be patient, but at the same
time not to do anything which should diminish the
feeling of self-respect which a nation, as well as an
individual, ought to maintain. (Cheers.) In short,
if we forbear, our forbearance should always be the
forbearance of strength, and not the shrinking of
weakness. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, there is a
question on which I will venture to touch before
I conclude, because, though not one in which
we have taken an immediate part, it is one in
which I think evey Briton must take a deep in-
terest—l allude to that which has taken place, and
is taking place, in Italy. (Cheers.) You will per-
mit me to refer to events of some time back, but
which are a clue to that which are happening at
the present moment. For centuries the Italian
people—a people rich both in commerce and agri-
culture—have been subject to foreign Powers—
sometimes to the 61hrmans, sometimes the French.
About 60 years ago a general, full of youth, full of
genius, full of capacity of every kind, both for war
and for civil affairs, entered Italy, and declared that
he came to give liberty to that people. The Italian
people were delighted—the whole of Lombardy was
in a state of joy and ecstacy ; and although his
warlike operations were successful, yet for a time
it came to be that the French Government was the
Government of Italy, and in ISI4 the people of
Lombardy were averse to that foreign dominion,
and earnestly desired a change. They applied to
an English general, Lord William Bcntinck, as
honest a lover of liberty as ever existed ; they
applied to him, and they applied afterwards to the
English Minister, to learn what was to be their
fate. The English Minister told them that their
fate was very well settled—that the Emperor of
Austria had been kind enough to declare that he
would take charge of Lombardy ; and therefore he,
the Euglish Minister, had only to refer them to the
Austrian Minister. (Hear, hear, and a laugh.)
Well, they have had this new overnment up to
1859—t0 the present time—and every year they
became more and more averse to it. Well, I am
not saying whether they were justified in their dis-
like of the French Government or of the late Aus-
trian Government—l am only telling you what was
the fact known to you all—no more. Well, it had
occurred some ten or twelve years ago to some men
of very ardent hopes and great literary talents, that
these foreign nations had not succeeded in attain-
ing the affections or confidence of the Italians—
that the Italians might as well govern Italy
themselves. It was a new notion, but not
a very unnatural one. In 1848-49 they
made the attempt. Unfortunately they succeeded
so ill that they gave people a great distrust of
their power of self-government; but the Emperor
of the French, having conquered Lombardy in the
present year, made a wise and magnanimous decla-
ration that he did not go to conquer Lombardy for
himself, but that the Italians should be the free
citizens of a great country. The Italians, not only
in Lombardy, but in Tuscany, Modena, and Parma,
have acted upon this declaration, and they have
made temporary and provisional Governments for
themselves, declaring that they wish hereafter to
be the free citizens of a great country. (Applause.)
Well, I ask, has there been any mischief produced ?
Because I think, with regard to this matter of states
and nations regulating their own Government, it is
not very different from that of a man—say in this
city of Aberdeen—regulating his own house. (Ap-
plause and a laugh.) But, at the same time, it is
possible that a man may manage his house in such,
a way as to be a great nuisance to his neighbours.
(Laughter.) For instance, he may start a pyro- 1
technic manufactory in his house, making experi-
ments to 'try his skill, and, it may be, sending up
sky-rockets into the air every evening in order to
see the effect. This would not seem to be agreeable,
because other householders might conceive that their
houses might be set on fire. Instead of wishing to
encourage the gentleman to do whatever he pleases
in his own house, the Lord Provost might be called
onto interfere with that gentleman because he was
likely to set fire to the houses of his neighbours.
(Laughter.) But has anything of that sort occurred
in Italy ? Can any man say there is such a disturb-
ance of order at Milan, Modena, or Florence, that
the neighbours, the Austrians, or other neighbours,
are called upon to interfere. (Cheers.) Upon the
contrary, the conduct of this people, just emanci-
pated, who have been subject to foreign rule for
many years, who might have been expected to
burst into some excess—possibly some outrage
against the persons who are most odious to them—l
they have conducted their, matters with perfect
order—with such order as if they had been the
citizens of a country which had long been free.
(Cheers.) Well then gentlemen, I say, though
we can claim no credit for having enabled those
people to assert their freedom—although we
have been bystanders, and I think for very good
and sufficient reasons, have taken no part in the
hostilities of this s. ring ; yet, I think we are bound
to say, we do say, and we have said that, against
any interference of foreign force, to prevent these
people having their own government, and conduct-
ing their affairs as they like, we do most loudly and
solemnly protest—(loud cheers)—and, therefore,
gentlemen, be the terms of the treaty now nego-
tiated what they may—if, hereafter, consequent
upon that treaty, there shall be that of which you
have heard, no doubt, and which has been fre-
quently talked of, if there shall be a Congress of the
Powers of Europe—if it shall be the wish of those
Powers which have taken part in those hostilities
that in the final settlement of Italy and the ac-
knowledgment of the different States belonging to
it, the other Powers of Europe should take part in
these consultations, we might assist only upon one
condition, namely, that with respect tousing foreign
force in order to compel fulfilment of the conditions
of peace, whatever they may be, so as not to inter-
fere with the right of the people of this country to
manage their own concerns—that if such should be
the object, or may be the result of such language,
England may stand apart and take no concern.
(Loud applause.) But, gentlemen, I feel convinced,
and such is the language, not of one of those Powers,
but of both those Powers, that whatever their opi-
nions may be as to what has taken place—and the
Austrian Government cannot be expected to approve
of the resolution in Modena and Tuscany—yet I
believe neither Power has any intention to interfere
by force with the decision of those peoples. I think
it a matter of great importance that it should be so,
because that system—which is rather disguised than
expressed by the phrase, the balance of power—that
system means that the different States shall be inde-
pendent; that they shall manage their own concerns;
and that no one State should have the preponder-
ance in Europe, or dictate what should be the
constitution, or what should be the internal
Government of the rest. And happy as we are
in this country in independence long acquired,
it is not only our interest, but I think it must be

sir wish, to see that every State in Europe, whe-
they prefer a system which we think not compati-
b!e with liberty, or whether they prefer a just and
temperate system of representative monarchy, or
whether they prefer any other form of government,
provided they do not interfere with their tp:.igh-
bours--I think that the independence of the several
States of Europe is an object which Great Britain
ought to feel a sympathy and interest in. And,
now, I fear that I have throubled yon too long.
--(applause)—but if go yo•i must impute it to the
kindness you have shown to me. Be assured that
so far as I am concerned, while I have the honour
to hold the Seals of the Foreign-office, it shall be
for no mean purpose, for no selfish interest, that I
shall endeavour to use the name and influence, and
authority of Great Britain. This country "holds
high a beacon which may save the rest of the
world. It is not for us to arrogare and dictate with
respect to what they shall do, but it is our duty
when we do speak to speak in the language of a
free people, as the loyal and obedient subjects of a
monarch who reigns in the affections of her people.
The noble lord resumed his seat amidst loud ap-
plause.
The PROVOST then called for three cheers for the
youngest citizen, and the proceedings terminated.