The Sun.
London, England, 1857-08-15 00:00:00

time ago what was the opinion of the Government with
regard to that scheme. I stated, as I deemed it my
duty to do—speaking as an unprofessional layman—that
I consider the scheme physically chimerical; that I
thought it would not be remunerative cominerci .11y, and
that I also regarded it as open to strong political objec-
tions. Those objections have, indeed, been constantly
urged at Constantinople within the Last 15 years. The
main objection upon which our opposition to that scheme
was founded was that it was, as we considered, the first
step towards the separation of Egypt from Turkey, and
that it would thus tend to weaken that Turkish monar-
shy for the maintenance of which Europe took up arms
three years ago. My right hon. friend thinks it was
'Very unbecoming of the English Government to oppose
a scheme which was approved by other countries simply
because it was considered injurious to British interests.
Now, I must really beg to dissent from that principle.
It seems to me that if the British Government are of
opinion that any scheme is injurious to British interests
it is their duty to oppose it, however much their opposi-
tion to such scheme may thwart the political or commer-
cial wishes of any other country. The first duty of a
Government is to look to the interests of the country ;
and if those interests are in conflict with any scheme
which is proposed they would be neglecting their duty if
they sacrificed the interests of England for the purpose
of accommodating themselves to the wishes or fancies of
any other Power. The strong ground and the only ground
upon which we have represented to the Government of
Turkey the inexpediency of concurring in the plan is
cot the injury of England, but of Turkey—the danger
with which it would be attended to the integrity of the
Turkish empire. Therefore, when the apostle of the
Suez canal is preaching all over Ekigland in order to in-
duce English capitalists to give him those means which
he is unable to obtain from the rest of the world, for the
purpose of constructing this canal, it does not seem to
me that I took an improper course in explaining to
British capitalists that in affording money for the con-
struction of such a work they would be aiding a scheme
which was fraught with injury to the interests of Eng-
land herself. (Hear, bear.)
SARDINIAN MEDALS.
_

Admiral WALCOTT called the attention of the house

to the circumstaece that the medals bestowed by the
King of Sardinia had been awarded to the officers and
soldiers of the British army engaged in the Crimean war,
on the recommendation of his Royal Highness the Com-
mander-in-Chief, and that none were awarded to the
officers and seamen of the British Naval Brigade, who
served and worked side by side in the trenches with the
army during the siege of Sebastopol. He made no coin.
plaint of any reward bestowed on.tfie army, for the navy,
on the contrary, gloried in the triumphs of the army ;
but he thought it bard that the men of the Naval Brigade,
who had shared in the same privations, and who were
distinguished for the devil-may-care manner and rough
and ready way in which they surmounted all difficulties,
should have been altogether excluded from a share in the
Sardinian medals. He could imagine when the floating
bridge at Portsmouth brought over from Gosport come
soldiers, who would be employed, perhap, in putting
down the atrocities which had occurred in India from
the mutiny of the troops, that one sailor might say to
another, "Look at those soldiers, they are good and
gallant men, and we grudge them nothing ; but see,
they have got the Sardinian medal, and why haven't we
got it too ? and that the other might reply, " Those who
sit up aloft ought to look down and take care of the
fortunes of poor Jack, but they do not." He therefore
trusted ho should receive such an answer to his statement
as would remove a sore from the mind of the men and
officers of the Naval Brigade.
Mr, OSBORNE was not able to give so satisfactory
an answer to the hon. and gallant officer as ho could
wish, but he could not refrain from paying his tribute of
respect to the hon. and gallant officer, who always
showed so great and kind a sympathy with the members
of his profession. TOO Beard of Admiralty had nothing
to do with the distribution ,f the medals in question.
The matter lay in the depll.tment of the Minister for
War, and he confessed that it was mutter of wonder to
him that no medals had been sent to the Admiralty.
This he thought must have arisen from come oversight,
for the officers and men of the Naval Brigade had de-
served well of their country. Some inquiry was now
being made into the matter.
NETLEY ABBEY.

Mr. A. STAFFORD called the attention of the house
to the evils and defects of the hospital at Netley Abbey,
stating that although certain modifications had been
made other changes were requisite, particularly with re•
spect to the wards. As at present constructed the wards
would accommodate only eight or nine persons, whereas
there. ought to be sufficient room for 18 or 20. With
such a building as Netley inspection would be difficult
and nursing impossible. He entreated the noble lord at
the head of the Government to consult Dr. Parker and
Dr. Sutherland as to the size of the wards with a view
to their alteration.

Mr. TITE agreed with the hen, gentleman that this
hospital, as at present planned, would not be creditable to
the country. He spoke not only with regard to the enor-
mous outlay, which would not be less ►than 250,0001.,
but also on the scare of humanity. 'With regard to the
size of the wards, those of the foreign hospitals held, he be-
lieved, 30 or 32 men. In the Netley Hospital there were
ten wards on the ground floor 15 feet by 13, receiving
no air or light from the exterior, but opening into the
corridor. These were to contain two men each. With re-
gard to the other wards they might, without any expense
worth talking of, be enlarged so as to hold 18 men in-
stead of nine, and this would be a great improvement.
The ventilation should be conducted on the natural, not
on the artificialsystem. The windowsought to he opened,
and sufficient space allowed. Each man should have his
2,000 cubic feet, as was the practice in France. He would
earnestly press on the attention of the Government the
arguments which had been urged by the hon. member
opposite (Nlr. Stafiord). He entreated them to stop this
work before it went any further. The mistake was re-
mediable now, but ere long it would be irremediable.
What they wanted was the assistance of an experienced
architect, accustomed to hospital arrangements. It was
most important, in a national point of view, when they
were about to expend a quarter of a million on the erec-
tion of an hospital, that they should avoid the commission
of serious blunders.

JUDICIAL PROCEDURE (INDIA).
Mr. AYRTON asked the President of the Board of
Ciintrol or the Chairman of the East India Company
whether it was the intention of the Home Government
not merely to remit to the authorities in India the power
of considering what should be the future system of admi-
nistering justice in that country, but also whether they
meant to allow the local Government of India to establish
new tribunals and to carry the new system into execu-
tion before Parliament had any opportunity of expressing
its opinion on the subject?
Mr. MANGLES said that a letter was now in prepa-
ration for the Government of India, directing them not to
pass this law without further reference to the Imperial
Parliament. Any law passed by the Indian Government
must remain for a certain time on the table of that house,
when it was in the power of any hon. member to object
to it. When such a measure had laid on the table and
had not been revoked by Parliament it then became the
law of India.

THE PRINCIPALITIES, ROME, AND NAPLES.
Lord J. RUSSELL—I do not think the example of
this discussion will tend very much to the regularity of
our debates ; but I wish to address a few words to the
house on a subject which has been lost sight of for nearly
an hour. The right hon. gentleman the member for the
University of Oxford having asked some questions re-
specting Wallachia and Moldavia, I cannot but observe
upon what appeared to me to be an omission on the part
of my noble friend in making his explanation. My
noble friend stated that the four powers went to the
Porte and asked that the elections should be annulled ;
and that the Sultan naturally said that a representation
of that kind ought to have come, not from two, but
from the whole of the six powers ; and that there was
therefore some demur in agreeing to the proposal. I
have understood, and I see it in the newspapers, that
there was a previous step on the part of the ambassador of
England and the intern uncio of Austria. The elections
having been delayed by a general agreement, I have been
led to believe—indeed it is stated in a letter, though I
don't know whether it is a genuine letter or not—but the
letter states that there was a representation to the effect
that the Sultan should not delay the elections any
longer and that he should send orders to have them
immediately carried into effect. The letter even says,
the ambassador of England and the internuncio of Aus-
tria stated that they were ready to be responsible for all
the consequences that might flow from their interfer-
er)* The Sultan, not thinking that the intervention
of the six powers was necessary, complied with the re-
quest of the English and Austrian representatives. The
elections took place ; and hence the irregularities, and
the interference of the four powers. The interference of
those four powers was thus not a spontaneous action on
their part, but it arose from the previous interference
of England and Austria. Now, if these latter did in-
terfere in that way, it was an ill-advised step, and a
step ill calculated to maintain that agreement between
all the powers and that good understanding which is
so necessary to the general tranquillity of Europe.
(Hear, hear) With regard to the other question,
namely, the union of the Principalities—the Divan being
assembled—if it should express a strong wish that the
Principalities should be united, I do not see that it
would be right or practicable for the Powers of Europe
to advise the Sultan to do otherwise than to concur in
that opinion. At the same time it would be a step to
which I shall look with no very great confidence ; be-
cause I am afraid if the Sultan is to have the kingdom
of Greece on
.the one side and the kingdom of Moldo-
Wallachia on the other side of his dominions, it
may tend to weaken his power—which power we
entered into the late war for the purpose of
maintaining. That, however, is entirely a ques-
tion for speculation, and one that must be left to the
decision of her Majesty's Government. Whether it was
wise to convene the Divans may be a matter for debate;
but having convened them, I think it would not be prac-
ticable to oppose any well-considered wish which may be
expressed by the representatives of the people. As to a
free government—surrounded by Russia, by Turkey, and
by Austria, which are all inimical to free government—
that will be a great difficulty; and as we have guaranteed
;such a free government, it may lead to complications.
(Rear.) There has been much desultory discussion to-
night ; but there is one subject with regard to which, see-
ing that the session is drawing so near to its close, I
cannot help expressing some regret and some disappoint-
ment. Last year the ministers of great Britain and France
expressed at Paris their earnest hope that the occupation
-of the Roman territory by France and Austria should
cease ; and Lord Clarendon pointed .out that if certain
improvernente and reforms took place in the Roman go-
vernment, the foreign occupation might no longer con-
etinue. The, French and Euglish Governments both
pointed out that the present was an abnormal state of
things, and one by which the tranquillity of Europe
might be endangered. Now, we have been told that the
Pope has been to Bologna : and we are informed that to
all the requeate that were made to him to effect a reform