The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-18 00:00:00

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LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 18, 1881.

The divisions of the United States are far more
numerous and embarrassing than the simple one
of Slave States and Free States; nor does the addi-
tion of Border States exhaust them. The subdivi-
sions we refer to are indeed all found in the Slave
States. Since the insult to the national flag at Fort
Sumter, all the Northern States are united to a man;
Mr. DOUGLAS is as decided as President LINCOLN,
and proclaims that the best thing now is the most
energetic action possible; in the Legislature of
Illinois, he said that " so long as there was a hope
of peace he had prayed and implored for compro-
mise ; but now when the rebel leaders threatened
that their flag should float qn the Capitol at Wash-
ington and on the Hall of Independence—now that
they had begun a war of aggression on the best Go-
vernment on earth, now that all propositions of peace
had failed, there was but one course left to the
patriot, and that was to rally under the flag and
around the institutions of WASHINGTON, JEFFERSON,
HAMILTON, and their compeers. "The shortest way
to :peace now," said Mr. DOUGLAS, "is the most
stupendous and unanimous preparation for war.
The more prompt and energetic the movement, and
the more important the numbers, the shorter will be
the struggle." His remarks were greeted with
vehement applause by the Legislature and specta-
tors. When the opponent of Mr. LINCOLN thus
speaks, we may be sure that the union and enthu-
siasm of the North is not superficial and transi-
tory.

How different in the South. There we find
State separating itself from State, most being for
action, but some for neutrality. But not only that,
the counties in some of the States are dividing
against the counties of the same State. Western
Virginia has openly seceded from the Eastern por-
tion of the State ; the " Blue Mountains"
appear to
form a kind of natural division between the slave
and the free counties; and a convention from these
counties is actually summoned to meet at Wheeling,
The West seems to tend to freedom, the emigrants
from the side of the States nearer the sea naturally
preferring free soil ; thus we find Kentucky, which,
as a State, is neutral, anti-slavery in its Western
parts, and notwithstanding that the Legislature has
decided on neutrality, hundreds have crossed the
Ohio and offered their services to Mr. LINCOLN.
The Kentuckians generally are opposed to seces-
sion ; but if it comes to a war, it is ex-
pected that half will go with the PRESI-
DENT and : half with the rebels. Maryland
is notoriously in " a fix." The Senate of her Legis-
lature has passed an ordinance fer forming a com-
mittee of safety with supreme powers, and thd
majority of the Legislature favours secession—se
does the mob of Baltimore ; but the Unionist,
though unarmed, are said to outnumber the Seces- '
hionists largely, some accounts say even by seven out
of every ten ; being, however, ullatved, they in I

under a reign of terror, and look for deliverance to

the federal troops. They are not likely to want
Their support long. A body of them are 'iready
placed in a fort which commands the city of Balti-
more, and as there are large iron foundries there,
it will be essential that the PRESIDENT should pre-
vent the casting of guns for the South:

But there is every reason to believe in a strong
nucleus against secession in the seceded states them-
selves. In most of them there was a minority against
it, sometimes a considerable one; and we may be quite
certain that under the excitement and the intimi-
dation of the bold conspirators the real minority is
much larger than it appears to be. Several of them
were afraid to appeal to that terror of tyrants and
terrorists, a free ballot. From what we have
noticed, we strongly suspect that even now Presi-
dent DAvis would stand but a questionable chance
of retaining his position if he appealed to such a
test. It is quite certain that the greater part of
the steadier and better disposed citizens of
the South itself are averse to the schemes of
the politicians, with whom office, power, and the
social importance they would acquire, were the
ruling motives in setting up a Southern Congress.

And there are the fears of a still worse division—
of an insurrection. It is difficult to get trustworthy
accounts from the South, but travellers do arrive
from it who are, as they think, fugitives for their
lives. It is difficult to estimate the amount of reason
and truth there may be in the fears and statements
of the alarmed, but of the alarm and the flight
there can be no doubt. In some cities, indeed
the Southerns take precautions to prevent the
flight of the timid. "In the interior of South
Carolina," says the Evening Post, "fears of slave
insurrections are exciting much alarm. Men sleep
with guns at their bedsides; women refuse to be
left alone on the plantations. In one neighbour-
hood, 40 miles from Charleston, it is certain that
an attempt at insurrection was put down, ten days
ago, and seven negroes were hung." In 'many of
the up-River parishes in Louisiana the people are
slow in sending the quota of troops, and The New
Orleans Picayune says—" A gentleman who has
justareturned from a journey through Louisiana
informs us that this hesitation does not arise so
much from any preponderance of the Union senti-
ment as from the general fear entertained by the
planters and ether whites of a rising of the slaves.
Almost every plantation is doubly guarded, and
everywhere the slaves are watched with the utmost
vigilance. Planters refuse to let any of their white
employes enlist, but arm them and keep them as a
private guard. One planter, the owner of 300
negroes, expressing his fears to our informant, said,
" D—n the niggers, they know more about politics
than most of the white men. They know every-
thing that happens."

From Mississippi, again, the information brought
by a person who passed, to be sure, rather hastily
through the State, is that " the same fears prevail,
and to the same extent. Planters dare not leave
their homes, and no one thinks of staying away a
night from his family. The drafting of so many
thousands of white residents into the rebel army
fills those who remain with dread of the slaves."

Much of all this may be due to the fears of the
reporters, yet it cannot be denied that it is in
itself probable enough. In our own slave island
of Jamaica, the rumour got spread among the negroes
that " The King of ENGLAND had sent them out
free papers, but that the planters kept them back."
A bloody insurrection was the consequence. It is
not easy to see how the rumour of the North being
in arms for their freedom should not be a natural
rumour now among the slaves. Even if direct
intelligence could be entirely excluded, if no
fugitive be brought back from the North,
nor a black from the border states sold
" down South," yet the very conversation
of the planters and their families must be overheard
by the subject race, and will do none the less harm
for being misunderstood. The execration of the
North by the masters over every family table, and
at every place of public entertainment (where
slaves, each having two ears as well as their lords,
are waiters) must furnish subject matter for the
gossip of the negro cabin. It seems indeed incre-
dible that the slaves should not learn that the
North is warring on slavery with the South. In-
deed, the probable resource of the masters is to
alarm the slaves with the report that the Yankees
hate them as the cause of the trouble, and want to
murder them, trusting to their utter ignorance for
credit for their story.

Again intimations that France is about to absorb
within the boundaries of her empire the magnifi-
cent Island of Sardinia!
It is stated now—not as a rumour—simply as a
matter of fact, as un fait accompli. The Emperor
NAPOLEON 111. has demanded (on dit) that the King
of .; TALY, his Majesty VICTOR EMMANUEL, shall cede
to France that long-coveted Island of Sardinia.
For a consideration—of course, for a consideration !
And that ? Well, it is tempting enough in its
way. Upon the understanding that France shall
enable Italy in her turn to tear Tessin from Swit-
zerland ! That is the proposition—the formal sub-
mission of which to the Councils of the Italian
monarch at Turin has already, has very recently,
we are given to understand, taken place. The
temptation has, at length, we are confidently
informed, been held out to the Royal Italian
Government by the Imperial French Government.
Rumour goes on to add that the proposition has
been acceded to, and that this other little snug
compact may be looked upon as virtually accom-
plished. For ourselves, we can hardly believe
so very badly as this of Count CAVOUR—even
with yet vividly in our recollection the
circumstances of his nefarious proceedings in
connection with the ceding to France of Nice and
Savoy, with the live stock on them in the shape of
2,000,000 Nizzards and Savoyards.
It is not, however, we must confess at once, that we
recognise any security against the bartering of Sar-
dinia to the French Government by the Government
at Turin, it is not that we recognise any reliable
security against the completion of such an arrange-
ment either in the solemn promises of Count CAVOUR
or in his nice sense of honour as a patriotic states-
man. Promises he, as well as others, made in the
sight and hearing of all Europe that neither Savoy
nor yet Nice should pass from under the sceptre
of VICTOR EMMANUEL to that of the French
EMPEROR. Those promises were made, and they
were afterwards coolly broken, directly the break -
ing of them became matter of convenience. There-
fore—with the recollection of that in our mind—
we calculate not at all upon the fact of Count
CAVOUR having made new promises since then,
promises renewed again and yet again, that not
one other inch of Italian soil shall be yielded up
to NAPOLEON M. or to any other potentate whom-
soeVer--
for any consideration ! Besides, in
case
anything rendered it apparently matter of conve-
nience to cede Sardinia to the French Goverment,
we are conscious that the letter of that promise
might be kept—Sardinia being, as an island, no
part of what might strictly be called the " Italian
soil," that is, a portion of the Roman peninsula.
Therefore—all things considered—we put no value
whatever upon the mere circumstance of Count
Cavovi haTillg Promised Boud-so.. Neither, for.