The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-29 00:00:00

TRY THE BALLOT.

The Ballot has often been before the citizens of
Norwich as a subject of discussion, it will surely
now become a subject for action. When we find
some of the leading citizens unpleasantly
impli-
cated, or charged with being implicated,- in trans-
actions of a criminal character ; when witnesses, of
whom one would not have thought such things,
decline to answer in acourt of justice, because their
answer would tend to 'criminate themselves ;'—the
question, What shall be done ? must be uppermost
in the mind of every man who cares for the character
of the city or of the circle to which he belongs.
We pre-judge none of the accused ; we will not
even judge the witnesses whose evasive answers
must have for their object the concealment of others
guilt or their own. We only say that the possi•
bility of the charges, the prima facie evidence of
their truth, and the ominous silence of the wit-
nesses, are enough to make any Norwich man blush
for his city. Some seem to think that the bribable
class of electors cannot be made worse, that their
political virtue has been so long gone, that they
must be viewed as unfortunates, whose disgrace is
their own only. But, besides the indubitable fact
that there would be no politically unfortunate class,
if there were no political debauchees, this is not the
class whose vices, real or alleged,. have staggered
the community. Not only our local press, but the
daily press of England, is now ringing with scan-
dalous charges against many of our chief men.
And, we repeat, it is an infamy which should make
our whole city blush, that these charges should
have even presumptive evidence in their favour.
We hold it to be mere affectation, or worse, hypo-
crisy rather, for either party in Norwich to pretend
that its ranks are pure. A commission in Norwich
would certainly leave it no better reputation than
is now enjoyed by Wakefield and Gloucester. There
are men, of course, on both sides, who will have
nothing to do, personally, with corruption ; but who
will have the hardihood to deny that there are too
many on both sides who are determined only to win,
be the means what they may ? It is of no use to
bandy accusations. We believe, indeed, that a
commission would show, as at Wakefield, that the
side of the unseated members was not the worst—
was not, indeed, the origin of the bribery at the
last election. But we do not care to defend counter-
bribery any more than bribery. Beth are criminal
enough. The excuse of provocation is at least in-
sufficient. Virtue, not counter-crime, is the only

allowable antagonist of crime.
In Norwich, as in Gloucester, it is but too plain
that corruption at, municipal elections is the train-
ing school for corruption at elections for members
of Parliament. A school of the worst possible kind,
since it is open annually, the other but infrequently.
It is a school opened, too, with so little reason, if
reason there 'could be for anything so bad; since
municipal matters have but a very indirect conec-
tion with politics. Whatgver need there may be to
fight, by all methods, the political battle of the
State, there is none whatever to fight it for the
city. The administration of our local affairs can
demand but competency for local business. Yet
the blindness for party zeal has stained the muni-
cipal elections with all the vices which have so long
disgraced our parliamentary elections.
In this mortifying state of things we call upon
all citizens of character to take a stand which will
do something towards retrieving the position of the
city in the eyes of the country, and, what is more
important, shall afford a reasonable prospect of
stemming the tide of corruption itself. We cannot
now, indeed there is no need to do so, repoat the
well-known arguments for the ballot ; enough that
none of the stringent measures yet enacted have
proved sufficient unaccompanied by the ballot, and
there is no reason to imagine that anv can be pro-
posed which will ever be so. All respectable
voluntary bodies of persons, not excepting our Dis-
senting Christian Churches, continually resort to
the ballot when they wish that every vote should
be conscientious or unbiassed. It is a thoroughly
acknowledged practice amongst Englishmen ; it is

in use everywhere, in short,—but where it is now
most wanted. Probably there are few persons in
what is called respectable life who have not at some
time or other voted by ballot. It is high time,
therefore, to drop all the pretended arguments
against it, which we give those who use them credit
for not believing, and to demand the application of
this long-tried and well-known remedy for the
abuses which have disgraced oar city. We do not
abject to other enactments. Let bribery be made,
as Lord Brougham seems to suggest, felony, and we
should rejoice. But even that would be no reason
why we should not demand the Ballot as a security
to a great extent, against temptation itself, and as
the most moral, orderly, and easy way of collecting
the suffragesmf the citizens.
What we should recommend, therefore, is that
Norwich should take up the Ballot by itself, make
it the. subject of a distinct petition, and force it
determinedly on Parliament in connection with the
new Reform Bill. It is not needful that we should
demand it for the Whole kingdom, though we are
confident that for another kind of bribery, that of
fear, the counties need it even more than the bo-
roughs. Let us, however, in the present emergency
attend to our own reformation chiefly. Let us 'ask
in a way not to be trifled with, the Ballot for Nor-
wich. We may obtain it for a case of confessed cor-
,ruptiott like oars, when we should certainly not ob-
tain it for the whole community. Our Town Coun-
cil,„ our electors, our non-electors, should be urged
to send their several petitions that all elections for
:the future in Norwich, whether Parliamentary or
municipal: should be by Ballot. We can hardly
conceive that such a petition would be refused. We
know our rulers are sorely afraid that one or two
fair trials of the Ballot would, by the excellence of
its working, rouse the whole kingdom to demand it.
That will be the real and the single reason
why Lords and Commons would like to refuse
our petition. But it will be difficult to find a de-
cent pretext for doing so. It cannot he alleged
that the Ballot, if ever so tried, would hurt the
whole kingdom by being tried in Norwich. Nor
can it be said that Norwich itself can possibly be
rendered by it more corrupt. It would be, truly,
the experiment in viii corpore. Indeed, the friends
of the ballot would have ground of complaint that
it should. be tried under such disadvantage. Can
the ballot or anything else, they would say, be an
adequate disinfectant for Norwich ? We hope so.
It would not come alone. The whole city would
surely be desirous to show that in asking the ballot
it intended to enter a political penitentiary, no more
to return to its former courses.
We must, however, conclude. We can only say
that this appeal to respectable men of all parties
has been wrung from us by facts respecting all
parties which have caused us deep grief. We are
confident a wiser step could not be taken than that
we recommend. Others may and will be needful,
but the simple and manly demand of the ballot is
the first step we ought to take in the path of elec-
toral reformation.—Norfolk News.

RECENT WILLS AND BEQUESTS.

----e---

The will and codicil of the Right Hon. Countess
Dowager of Listowel, the relict of the first' Earl of
Listowel, were proved in the London Court of Pro-
bate on the 2d November by Mrs. Bushe, her sister,
one of the executors, her brother, Wm. Latham,
Esq., having renounced the grant. The personalty
was sworn under £12,000. The countess has be-
queathed all her disposable right to the property
charged upon the Meldrum estate, Tipperary, in
possession of her said brother, to her said sister for
her life, and at her decease to her niece and god-
daughter, Mrs. Georgiana Maude, wife of the Hon.
Francis Maude, and bequeaths to her said niece all
her shares in the Irish Provincial Bank. Leaves
the residue to her sister absolutely. The property
left to her niece is for her own use, free from mari-
tal control. The will was made in 1854, and the
codicil in 1857.

• The late. Lady Chetwode, wife of Sir John
Newdigate Lndford Chetwode, Bart.. died without-
making a will, leaving property which she pos-
sessed in her own right, with power of disposition.
The same was administered to in the London Court
. of Probate by Sir John, her husband, as the only
person entitled thereto by law. -
The will and codicil of Major• General Sir Wil-
liam Eyre, K.C.8., late of Bilton Hall, near Rugby,
were proved in London, on the 19th of November,
by his relict, Lady Eyre, the sole executrix, to
• whom he has left the whole of his property for her
own use absolutely. The will was made in 1854,
and the codicil on the 22d of June,lBs9, by which'
he appoints guardians to his son. The personalty
is sworn and f.. 70,000.
The will of Sir Thomas Tassell Grant K.C.8.,
F.R.S., of 20, Chester-terraee; It-g•>nt's-Par late
Cornptrollor of her Majesty's Vietu- Transport
Se vices, Admiralty, was proved on the sth of No-
vember, by Lady Grant,, his relict, and her sons,
Thanlas Grorge Grant and William Burley Grant,
EsQ.7. bequeaths his drawings, pictures, and
: painting 1,‘,1 (many of them his own performances
and thos e of his late father)lbeine• coast scenery,
harbours, and shipping specificalry amongst his
. family. F ;equeaths the gold and silver vase, pre-
sented to, Vim by her Majesty Queen Victoria, to
his wife, Li id at her decease to his eldest son then
living. lie queaths to his wife, for her own abso-
lute use, 'ail the household furniture and effects,
books and p! ate excepted, which at her decease, are,
'to be divided equally amongst his three sons, who_
will also in 111 re manner take an equal share in the
residue at her lecease, the- wife being appointed re-
siduary legatee for life. The daughter takes no
spar„ in the prop erty,. being • provided for on mar-
riag( London News.