The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-01 00:00:00

THE ITALIAN QUESTION.

It was impossible that a man of Mr. Cobden's
discernment should not detect that sinister feature
in the speeches of our public men which we have so
often had to expose—the mingling with declara-
tions favourable to England's neutrality expres-
tions calculated to throw doubt on the strength of
that principle, and to suggest the fear that a policy
in accordance with it will not be maintained. The
language of many of our statesmen has produced
the impression that we are at the mercy of events ;
that we are in a fatal circle ; that it is childish to
boast of an independence of circumstances that we
cannot assert ; and that it is only a matter of com-
mon prudence and foresight to take our measures
for a participation in war which, though it may be
delayed, is inevitable.
If we at all understand the public sentiment
under the compulsion of which the recent change
of Ministers has taken place, it was a determination
that this irresolution and helplessness should be
driven to its proper retreat, the Opposition benches
of the House of Lords, and that the affairs of the
Empire should be entrusted to men of knowledge,
firmness, and courage. The people of this country
have been quick to perceive and prompt to pro-
claim the character of their interests at this con-
juncture, and Lord Palmerston and Lord John
Russell are in power at this moment because every-
body knows that the policy of the nation is
theirs—not by adoption and acquiescence, but
originally and on principle theirs—and be-
cause the public recognises in them the
ability and will to make it good. Mr.
Cobden said at Liverpool, " My opinion is that
if we wish to be neutral, we have the power to be
neutral." We do not exact of our Ministers a
language quite so absolute as this; but the strength
of the Administration lies in the general confidence
that Mr. Cobden's words only express the opinions
of its chiefs.

Nothing has contributed more to Mr. Cobden's
success as a public man than his habit of going
straight to his point. In treating of our neutrality
and its dangers, therefore, he does not waste his
time in proving what nobody is likely to deny, that
we ought not to join in the war in Italy; but spoke
of the only contingency present to the minds of
intelligent observers. " Take," he said, " the case
of Germany. I observe a great movement of troops
there, and that a great clamour for war has taken
place amongst certain parts of the German popx-
lation—a war with France in defence of Austria—
and I should like the English people to give that
portion of the German population distinctly to
understand that if they commence an attack on
Louis Napoleon this country will not help them.
(Loud cheers.)" We think the Germans are getting
to understand something very like this, and the
knowledge is exceedingly helpful to the cause of
peace. The panic beyond the Rhine was stimulated
by the extravagant apprehensions which were for a
while prevalent here, and as we grew calm Ger-
many began to recover its self-possession. Cor-
respondents at Vienna have left off predicting
the march of Prussian battalions to share the
glories of Austria in the field. When that
highly scientific officer General Willisen
was sent from Berlin to Vienna it was confi-
dently announced that ho was to assist in concert-
ing the combined movements of the armies of the
two great German Powers, and a treaty of alliance
was spoken of. It was soon after stated 9n autho-
rity that no alliance existed, and we are in a posi-
tion to know that the General went to Vienna
as to the
tinraernesltyerttooeponrsuuslstiathoef
tAhuesdttiiraenctilkolninoisftteirie
military
affairs of the Confederation. Prussia was then as
now ready to assist Austria in the restoration of
peace, and to offer her mediation • but what the
Emperor wanted was not mediators, but allies.
But Germany, which is not menaced in territory,
honour, or interests, could in no case have the
sympathy of this free country
in a war to perpe-
tuate the enslavement of a highly civilised and
Christian people.

The call; common sense of Mr. Cobden has re-
moved the character of the present war out of the
play of false colours in which it has often been
placed, and set it in the white light of open day.
I think where you have a race superior, as I be-
lieve it to be, to the race which has been domineer-
ing over them, and
governing them against their
own consent—for 99-hundredths of the population
of Italy would, I believe, if they were polled, be
found to declare against the Austrian rule—l
believe, such being the case, if we are true to
our principles, our sympathies ought to be with
that people. If we were placed in the posi-
tion of the Italians we should not be very
scrupulous as to the source from whence
we got assistance ; and as the Americans
in the struggle against the old country accepted
the services of Louis XVl.—certainly as despotic
may be excused if they accept, perhaps too cor-
a ruler as Louis Napoleon—l think the Italian