The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-09 00:00:00

TUSCANY AND PIEDMONT.

(Front the Times.)
It is not often that one sees, or even reads, of a
people entirely masters of themselves, orderly, and
on the look-out for a Constitutional Sovereign. In
settled times the idea of legitimacy gathers strength
and takes a place among religious instincts and
moral laws. Yet within the memory of living men
the Swedes have looked about and presented their
Crown to a foreign soldier, the Greeks and the
Belgians have selected their Kings from numerous
competitors, Portugal has crossed the ocean in
search of a dynasty, France has several times exer-
cised the highest rights of a free people, and the
Danubian Principalities have been compelled to
choose for themselves. A Royal election, then,
is not so strange or so irregular an act as it might
seem after a few years of peace. There really is
no reason why the Tuscans should not proceed on
these examples, elect and proclaim their King, and
if he be only willing to accept it, tender their
homage and swear fealty. If the Tuscans were of
the Teutonic race, if they only dwelt north of the
Alps instead of south, they would do this as a matter
of course. Yet this is exactly what is not done.
Anywhere north of the Alps it would be thought
absolutely impossible to take back at the bidding of
a foreigner, a Sovereign who had been twice con-
demned to abdicate. We need not inquire into the
circumstances which led our nation to commit the
apparent inconsistency of crowning the son within
sight of his father's scaffold. At all events we con-
sulted ourselves, and nobody else, in that matter,
and for a hundred years afterwards we quarrelled
with France on the very ground of her attempt to
interfere with the sovereignty of the British people.
We need claim no merit for this. It had, indeed,
been infamy if so great a State as ours had taken a
ruler on foreign dictation. But Belgium and Greece,
and even Sweden, are not such mighty Powers.
Yet no one would venture to thrust on them a
King not of their choosing. Why, then, cannot
the country of Dante and Tasso do what is done
as a matter of course by any nation not
Italian ? Can it rest with others than the
Tuscans themselves ? The Roman poet tells us
and they who have once submitted to be bound,
and have feared death more than dishonour, will
never fight again. Is that the condition of the
Tuscans, even when, unexpectedly, they find their

hands free ?
But they have emancipated themselves. They
have actually elected a King, and made him the
solemn tender of their Crown. They have defied
the utmost vengeance of Austria by first ousting her
offset and minion, then rendering material assist-
ance to drive herself out of Italy, then laying them •
selves at the feet of the man she most hates. What
more could they do ? Their part is done ;it is the
next actor that has faltered. Victor Emmanuel
urged them to revolt by his emissaries, and com-
pelled them by his example. But, instead of accept-
ing the Tuscan Crown, he defers to the Emperors
in Council, only promising all his influence in favour
of Tuscany liberty. So also speaks the Emperor of
the French. What means all this ? It is simply that
Florence is disposed of at Zurich • and, as the
Roman triumvirs made fight for their friends, or
sacrificed them when necessary, so Napoleon M.
may be_trusted to do all that he can for Tuscany,
and no more. No doubt, he is desirous of peace—
not, perhaps, peace at any price, but peace at the
price of Tuscany would not be very dear. He will
do his best for her. He has also, most probably,
made the same promise to the young Prince whom
he lately received in his Palace. What is best for
one of these cannot be best for the other ; and, un-
fortunately, it happens that what is best for either
of them is not best for himself. It cannot be dis-
guised that there are now three pretenders to the
throne of Tuscany—the Austrian, the Sardinian,
and the French. Were there only two parties in
the question, if it were not soon settled, at least
the truth would soon be out. As it is, there are
many incidents which are unaccountable, except
on the assumption that the Tuscans themselves
have not much to do with the matter. Why could
not Victor Emmanuel do what was so natural, and
so agreeable to himself and the Tuscans P We
are driven to the solution that he is considered to
have received his fair share of the spoils, and that
the two Emperors are agreed at least upon this,
that. Victor Emmanuel shall not be the lion in the
fable. Yet Tuscany contents herself with propos-
ing annexation to Sardinia, and then waits for the
answer from Zurich. She is exerting herself to keep
order admirably, and adopts actiye measures against
agitators and extreme politicians. She has a fund
of self-government which finds its chief vent in pro-
viding for government by strangers. Never did a
people show so much self-command to be at the com-
mand of they know not whom. They are busy re-
pairing and gilding the crown which they are about
to confer on the great unknown, and fostering the
property which they must shortly resign to what-
ever heir the law may impose. What a comfort to
ex pectants to know• that the estate is in good hands ;
that there is no pilfering, no waste, no evil custom
growing up, no speculative claim admitted ! A re-
ceiver has been appointed, the rents are collected, a
good account can be given, and philanthropy itself
will not be allowed to divert the growing inheri-
tance. It is natural that Tuscany should wish to
be worth acceptance ; but, strange to say, the richer
the gift the greater the difficulty in finding one
worthy of it. There lies the golden apple, yet of
the three rival goddesses not one will touch it.
The favourite refuses, and the others are equally
coy. There is no shepherd of Mount Ida to decide,
and the candidates have to settle it between them
—by what rule it is difficult to say. All that is cer-
tain at present is that the answer of Victor Emma-
nuel and the acquiescence of the Tuscan people
establish the new basis of Italy. France and Aus-
tria are to be the Cresar and Pompey of modern
Rome. They are to give her dynasties, constitu-
tions, laws, and, of course, too, a religion, as long
as they agree. Should they fall out, what then ?
Time only can show.
But while Tuscany, with an organised force of
10,000, a reserve computed at 12,000, and various
bodies of volunteers, is expecting an answer from
Zurich or perhaps a new .bargain at another
Villafranca' the nobles and respectables of Cen-
tral Italy have hitherto been slowly waiting a
solution of their affairs at the hand of a stranger or
a populace. They, show but little of that fiery
genius which was once flip soul of the world. After
several months' opportunity, if not deliberation,
Bologna has solemnly declared against the tem-
poral government of the Pope, and her own annexa-
tion to Piedmont. She will thus find herself in the
same position as Tuscany, and will probably be bid
to wait, with her, an edict from Ahrensburg, the
place now mentioned for the next meeting of the
two Emperors. No doubt, the cause of Italy will
now be in very strong hands, and it has become safe
to protest against everything less powerful than
the master of ten armies. But do not the Italians
see that Europe expects them to dispose of them-
selves ? If Italy cannot again be mistress of the
world, she may at least be her own mistress, and
express herself so strongly that strangers shall not
dare to carve out her territory. At present she is
only basking in a gleam of political sunshine, and
indulging in dreams while she should be consolidat-
ing her independence. We admit that the mere'
sensation of freedom is enjoyable, but, if it is to be
enjoyed long, something. must be done for it. All
we have seen hitherto is the torpor and the void
usual in those who, having long felt a hard master,
are suddenly relieved from the accustomed' pres-
sure. They volunteered, invested themselves in
uniforms, were drilled and reviewed, till there came
the news from Villafranca, and then they all dis-
persed as happy as schoolboys with an extra week's
holiday. Could they but read the signs of the
times, they would see that it is not convenient to
great potentates that small States should do as
they please and choose their own lords. So high
a privilege may be claimed by arms, but it will not
be conceded to weakness and inaction. If a strong
man arms himself, he may keep the house; in this
case there are stronger men, and though the latter
give them the most flattering assurances, it must be
should
considered u thatid no itnot
i
sthe
complicatei their interest
to do so. It is,
wever, the interest of France, as of Austria, that
affairs by pretending a
will of her own
her cause to .She is a client who has committed
the
counsel, and must listen in
silence. The
mental condition of Italy is described
to be "an almositbttil is all ous calmness, though we
are told hopefully, I Italians that justice
n the surface, and
rests on the confidence of the
Hence everybody is eager
the seat, not of war, but of
judgment.
The bundle of sticks
fwoirllinbteedlloigneen t
intelligence
tfhreomm ."
that was to be
bound into a strong eonfederation may now be
woven, pliant as osiers, into any form which Im-
perial policy both Emperors
may desire. Already
find they may
do better than abide by the very