The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-27 00:00:00

evening of Friday the 24th instant, until the
victory was completely assured, indeed, to
the Allied Armies, under the Emperor NAPO-
LEON and King VICTOR -EMANNITEL, until
every one of the Austrian positions had been
yielded up to their heroic conquerors, the van-
quished retreating across the fatal waters of the
Mincio, leaving cannon, flags, and prisoners in the
hands of the victors, and upon the " foughten
field" a dreadful chaotic mass of from 30,000 to
40,000 Austrian soldiers killed or wounded. Such
was the terrible and signal victory won by the
French and the Sardinians at the great battle—
how it will be designated by history we are yet in
doubt—of Cavriano or Solferino.

Mr. GLADSTONE has lost no time in paying
homage to public opinion. He has disavowed the
rumours imputed to him of a retrograde movement
in arresting the progress so happily begun and
patriotically carried out, in placing our navy in a
position to guard and protect the independence of
England. So far we are very willing to believe him.
But there were some just grounds for apprehension,
seeing that orders were given to reduce the working
time of our shipwrights. Why was this done ? To
save the Exchequer a few thousands, which would
ultimately prove no saving at all. Then why was
it attempted in the face of an imminent war ? Per-

haps to try the temper of Englishmen, and feel if
the National pulse beat in unison with his own. '
And what reports the new Doctor of our finances ?
Why, that instead of our blood running in dull,
slow German veins, it boils to indignation at the
very thought of our truckling to any fancied saving
in the maintenance of our only true national Bul-
wark—the Navy. What would England be with-
out her Navy? Why, nothing. She would not
even be a third-rate power, or any power at all•
The whole continent would pour in its myriads, and
those who owe us most—our Cousin Germans—
would be the very first to vent their hate. Yes
the Germans are the proudest, most beggarly, mean'
and tyrannical oppressors in Europe. Neither for-
tune nor misfortune tempers the stoic lethargic
blood of German despotism into a Christian feeling
of humanity. It is all boastful, domineering arro-
gance. The German has no sympathy for his kin-
dred, and no love for anything but his own precious
" Fatherland "—which is for the most part as bar-
ren as his heart is cold.
The Germans hate our Navy because they have
little or none of their own. And yet they assume
a mastery, through their family alliances with this
country, that is quite sickening to English patriot-
What have we ever gained by our unhappy
connection with Austria but loss, loss—loss of
money, loss of character and self-esteem; for how-
ever liberal England has been in her generous
folly, the Germans cry—more ! more ! and yet they
yield no return.
Well, as we have had such sad experience of past
deceptions, let us now be wise and trust to our-
selves. Let us have a fleet, or fleets, worthy of the
country, and strong enough to maintain our supre-
macy on the ocean against " all corners." We can-
not be blind to what is preparing around us.
France has a powerful fleet, and Russia is busy,
very busy, in equipping her navy, both in the Bal-
tic and Nicolaieff. At the latter place she is pre-
paring men-of-war under the guise of merchant-
men, or transports. Now we know that under
whatever denomination you call a ship, if well
built, she can be turned to any purpose.
" A. rose, by any other name, will smell as sweet."

ism.

And Russia has not yet forgotten the cunning of
her hand, nor relaxed in her wily diplomacy. Not
she. The Archduke CONSTANTINE has not gone up
the Mediterranean for nothing; nor paid a visit to
the SULTAN but to spy the nakedness of the land.
And his visit will one day bring forth some bitter
fruits. Then let England be prepared, and her
motto be—Ready ! aye, Ready !
Now the only way to keep up our preparations
is to have efficient men at the helm. We want no
land lubbers to mismanage our Navy. As we must,
and do pay, let us have efficient men for our money.
Why should our Board of Admiralty be made sub-
servient to every political shipwreck of party ? If
a Ministry falls, the Horse Guards stands as before.
Not that we are-over enamoured of its construc-
tion ; but there it is for better for worse ; but with
the Admiralty it is all for the worse, with little
hope for the better. What can a civilian know of
ships or their internal administration ? Very little,
or nothing. What then is the First Lord good
for ? To make a speech, and deal out patronage to
all the hungry spawn of nobility. In short to sell
commissions for political support. To corrupt
members by the promise of something to their own
advantage, or that of their friends. But is such
conduct in public life what men would practice or
tolerate in private ? Gentlemen would scorn to
submit to such baseness. Then at whose expense
are men in office so very liberal ? Surely not at
their own—no—nor yet at the questionable bounty
of Party. No ; the. much-abused Nation is made
the scape-goat for all the sins of office. Nor is undue
influence confined to Whig or Tory—nor, we fear,
would it be better if at the mercy of even a mock
heroic Radical corrector of abuses. No,—men are
but men after all, and the crows of place will vin-

dicate their grain !
Sir CHARLES NAPIER ought to
,know something
of the Navy ;, and yet he often takes a one-sided
view of things. We remember well discussing with
him, in this room, some years ago, about the neces-
sity of apply the screw, instead of the paddle to all
our men-of-war. With a truly quarter-deck infal-
libility of assurance—he exclaimed " Nonsense !
There's nothing like the paddle !" "But what if a
shot hit the shaft ?" "Nonsense ! It's a hundred
to one against it." "Well, but suppose it struck
the hundredth time ? 'Where then would be your
paddle ? Besides, a ship with the screw is efficient
with a full broadside, which the paddle is not."
Bravo ! " exclaimed three other Post Captains
then present, for the old Commodore was then
only a. Captain. Now, , what we infer from
•
this is that, bad as is the appointment of
civilians to the head of the Admiralty Board,
we are not over-satisfied that such dogmatic
Reformers as the old Commodore are the best quali-
fied for the due administration of naval affairs.
The question then arises--What is best to be done?
That there are many places for which civilians are
better fitted to act than mere sailors we willingly
admit—and for such offices let civilians be ap-
pointed. But what we object to is the absurd
change of men who, when they have just learnt
their duty, are turned out for other men who have
theirs to learn. Why not have a permanent Board,
composed of efficient men, selected, if it must be,
from both parties, with a due proportion of men
who represent the country and not the factions—
men who sink all party spirit in their true love of
fair play—men who will not swerve to the right or
the left, from favour or affection, to serve the undue
interests of others.
Aye ; but we shall be asked where's the respon-
sibility ? We answer, in the character of the men.
Let them become responsible to Parliament, and
give an account of their conduct. Let a naval re-
port be annually made ; and let the duty in our
dockyards •be carried out in a business-like man-
nor. Let the Surveyor of the Navy be accountable