The Sun.
London, England, 1861-08-03 00:00:00

HUNGARY.

A letter from Pesth, dated July 30, says :—ln
order properly to appreciate the Hungarian ques-
tion, it is highly desirable previously to know what
the Hungarians would be willing to accept in.satis-
faction of their claims, and how far their demands
are compatible with the interests of Europe in
general. As regards the first point, it would have
been easier to define it before recent events—
and especially the last most injudicious and unfor-
tunate rescript—roused angry passions and dis-
couraged that moderate party which it would have
been wise of the Vienna Government to lean upon
and conciliate. Had the diploma of the 20th October
been taken as the basis of an arrangement instead of
as the arrangement itself, and had it not been
already in part vitiated by what is known as the
February patent, it is by no means improbable
that before now the differences bet ween Austria and
Hungary would have disappeared, and the Empire
would already be benefitting by the financial and
other advantages that assuredly would be the result
of such a desirable adjustment. I have lately heard
the opinion expressed that the Vienna Cabinet,
looking upon the pending difficulty as a sort of
bargain to be driven, thought it wise and expedient
to offer ridiculously low terms in reply to the high
ones demanded, with the idea that this would
produce an abatement by the opposite party.
Such tactics as these may, perhaps, be advanta-
geously resorted to in horsedealing, but it is a ques-
tion whether they can profitably be applied to a
case like the present, and, at any rate, the mark
has been overshot. The rescript, far from being
viewed as affording a hopeful opening for amicable
negotiation, has given offence by both its tone and
its substance; it is looked upon as a moral buffet
inflicted on the Hungarian nation through its Diet.
The repudiation by the Emperor of a constitution
sworn to by his predecessor, the statement, dis-
proved by historical facts, that there had never been
a real union between Hungary and Transylvania,
these and many other ill-judged and incorrect
passages have caused serious exasperation, and
greatly discouraged that large and influential
party, which, while bent upon obtaining justice
for Hungary, is scarcely less desirous of maintain.
ing the union with Austria ; and this brings us to
the question of Hungarian demands and European
interests—how far are they compatible? The
British public, absorbed by its domestic affairs, is
apt to make rather broad views of foreign ques-
tions, especially when their scene is remote, and
it would not be surprising if an idea prevailed in
England that a complete separation from Austria
is the real object, secret or avowed, of a large
portion of the Hungarian nation. Such a belief,
if it exists, I think I am justified in declaring
quite unfounded. I have sought in vain
among men of all parties for evidence confirming it.
In Hungary, as everywhere, many shades of politi-
cal opinion are to be found, but (and I speak more
particularly of the Chamber of Deputies, which I
believe fully and fairly to represent the feelings of
the nation, and which certainly so far possesses the
people's confidence that they would readily sub
scribe to its acts) in Hungary, with the exception
of here and there an individual who may entertain
extreme views, there cannot be said to be more than
two parties;and that no impassable gulf exists be-
tween them has been proved by the manner in
which they have been drawn together by the rescript.
It would seem as if the differences between them
were far less in principles than in mode of action
I and in the degree of confidence as to how much it
may be possible to obtain from Austria at the pre-
sent crisis by the legal means afforded. The action
of the one party has been more conciliatory. of the
other more abrupt. The former system, as we
know, has recently prevailed in the Chamber, but
it finds little encouragement in the way in which
Vienna has responded to its endeavours to open a
path by which Austria and Hungary might ulti-
mately attain an adjustment of their dissensions.
But in neither of the two parties does there exist
a perceptible section desirous of completer sepa-
ration from Austria ; and all the information I
obtain induces a belief that such a project does
not, among the people, fiud a proportionably
greater number of supporters than in the Diet.
There may be anger at vexatious proceed-
ings, towards military tax collectors, in-
dignation at refusal of rights, but I am constantly
assured, not only by the moderate party, but by
members of the Left, that if the proposal of entire
separation from Austria were to be put to vote by
universal suffrage an extremely small per centage of
the subjects of the King of Hungary would pro-
nounce in its favour. Such, at least, was the opinion
before the unfortunate rescript appeared. The pre-
sent moment, when the nation still smarts from the
reception of that severe blow, would be ill chosen
for the appeal. The truth is, that there is a strong
feeling of loyalty to the Sovereign deep rooted in
the Hungarian heart—so strong a one that it has
survived much injustice and much wanton provoca-
tion, and still exists after the wholesale executions
and cruel punishments that followed the war of
1848-9, and after the countless vexatious and
systematic official worrying that marked the 11
subsequent years. Men there are, whom it would be
easy to name, were it prudent so to do, whose
personal sufferings and ill usage have filled with
unappeasable hatred of the Austrian Government ;
well-born and accomplished gentlemen who were
compelled to servo long years in the ranks of Ph© 3

Austrian regiments, marks for every humiliation,

and who were even forced to act as officers' ser-

vants in order the more to degrade and drive them

to despair. Others might be pointed out who, for

no other crime than that of defending in arms their
country's rights, were sentenced to long terms of
imprisonment in places where it would have been
cruelty to lodge the vilest malefactor. I could
tame one who, when he emerged, a very few
years since, by Imperial clemency, film the damp
cell in which he left his health—coming out, still
a young man, toothless and almost crippled—made
application for the restoration of his estates. It
was at last granted ; but, on going to take posses
sion, he did not recognise his domain. It had been
swept bare, and the earth alone remained. Great
droves of cattle, vast stores of wine—the wealth
of his fields and the produce of his vineyards—all
had disappeared. One may well imagine such
sufferers as these irreconcileable to Austria, and
disposed to take the Debreczin declaration of inde-
pendence for their programme. But although
such victims of an unrelenting despotism are
but too numerous, they form bat a speck in the
great body of the nation, and probably not many
of them would allow their personal resentments
to prevent their acquiescence in an arrangement ac
ceptable to their countrymen in general. In short,
if my observations and information be correct, the
number of Hungarians who, for personal or other
motives, desire a total separation from Austria, is
insignificant as compared with the bulk of the na-
tion. Of course it is quite in Austria's power to
augment that number by perseverance in such ill-
judged measures as the recent rescript to an in-
definite extent, and until the cry throughout the
whole land shall be for an independent Hungary,
or even, if necessary, for the as yet vague scheme
of a Danubian confederation, in preference to the
ancient union, which, it must admitted, has lately
received some very rude shocks.

Complicated and difficult though the Hungarian
question undoubtedly be, I cannot but think that
it would take no long time to arrange it, if Austria
would but act with common judgment and good
faith. I base this belief on the great moderation I
observe on the part of all political men here, no
matter of what party. There are most favourable
elements to work upon excellent foundations
whereon to build up a strong and durable structure.
Here we have a desire of conciliation and a wil-
lingness to yield all that can possibly be given up
without vitiating constitutional rights and sinking
to the condition of an Austrian province. We
find a decided feeling of loyalty to the house of
Hapsburg ; an absence of any antipathy of race
towards the Germans or other nationalities com-
prised in the Austrian Empire; a conviction,
which I constantly hear. admitted, that total sepa-
ration from Austria would be disadvantageous to
Hungary. Surely all these favourable feelings and
circumstances ought greatly to lighten the task of
those Vienna statemen who profess to seek con-
ditions satisfactory to the Hungarians, and whose
laborious and intelligent researches have as yet
resulted in nothing better than the rescript of
the 21st July. The Emperor Francis Joseph, it
is reported to have been said by one who
very lately conversed with him, looked pale
and careworn, and spoke most anxiously of the
affairs of Hungary. This is perfectly conceiv
able ; people look anxious with much less cause fol.
care than the Sovereign has who is too feeble to
direct his own policy, and who is cursed with foolish
counsellors. With the unready and the obstinate,
the most favourable moments glide by unseized,
and that which yesterday would have been easy,
to-day is difficult, and to-morrow will be impossible.
Hopes were not highstrung in Pesth during the
days that intervened between the presentation of
the Deak address and the receipt of the rescript;
little was expected of oar Vienna Cabinets, and
people were prepared for an unsatisfactory
reply, although not for one so entirely displeas-
ing as that which was sent down. The disap-
pointment was discounted, and if (such being the
state of feeling) there had come some small con-
cession, some evidence of a friendly spirit of
straightforward dealing, and of a real wish to conci-
liate, the effect would have been wonderful. A
very few steps in advance, taken in a frank and
cordial manner, would have won many hearts and
smoothed many difficulties. The principal guaran-
tees demanded by the Hungarians before entering
upon the favourable sonsideration of conoeoGions
desired at Vienna, are their own Parliament and
responsible Ministry. Until they got at least that,
rest assured that they will yield nothing and prove
wholly unmanageable. There is a tenacious and
calm resolution about this people which is not to be
overcome by persecution and against which the
bayonets of Austrian legions and the thunders of
Austrian Chanceries will be alike in vain employed.
If the Emperor will do them justice, they say,
they will go far to meet him, and he need
look no further back than to the wars against
the French Republic and -first empire for proof
of Hungary's devotion to his house. If he
refuses them justice, they are men who know how
to bide their own time, and fight their own battles.
They are prudent and patient, as well as brave and
liberty-loving, and in these qualities, and in the
conviction of right, they confide for ultimate suc-
cess. They would much rather attain their ends
through Austria's wisdom and goodwill than by her
folly and in spite of her power; they still trust
that her increasing necessities and perils will com-
pel her to come to terms; but, if these hopes be
frustrated, we may be pretty sure that when next
the cannon sounds in Europe it will not be
long in finding echoes on the Danube. Has
Austria no friends to warn her that the path she
treads is leading her to irretrievable ruin, or is she
really, as Lord John Russell lately informed us, of
those to whom no counsel, however wise and
friendly, can without offence be proffered ? There
surely never was a Government that stood in
greater need of good advice—were there only a
chance of her following it. On the verge of bank-
ruptcy, keeping her discordant parts together only
by means of an army out :)f all proportion with her
resources, hated in her Italian provinces, sternly
opposed in her Danubian Kingdom, with many
enemies abroad and little sympathy elsewhere, she
stands, a painful example of the effects of bigotry
and mismanagement, with her prestige at its lowest
ebb and her prospects utterly gloomy. Austria's
vitality, however, is proverbial, and she yet has
time to save herself, but it is very short and fast
dwindling, and, unfortunately, past experience
scarcely justifies a hope that %he will profit by it
ere the sand runs out.