The Sun.
London, England, 1857-05-12 00:00:00

LITERATURE.

A Concise _History of tne English Constitution.
By E Howley, Esq., of the Middle Temple.
Longman.
In a brief and sensibly written preface to this
volume, the author romarlo, that though theworks
on the English Constitution are numerous and ex-
client, all methods of treating the subject do
sot appear to be exhausted. Tile present work
fully deserves its title of a concise history, as it
is brief and clear in its sketches of the alterations
in the law, and the political changes which have
affected the constitution. One. of the author's ob-
jects has been to omit unnecessary facts. In illus-
trating the advantages of judicious selection, he
happily observes that though every shell on the
sea-shore is perfect in itself and a marvel to the
easeful of server, yet that persons in an ordinary
station of life may do bsttsrthan devote themselves
to the study of conchology. In like manner
though every little incident may have been fills
portant in its influence ou the administration
at certain periods, and though every pebble which
helped to raise the noble edifice of our constitu-
tion may e
not be wiViout int,rest, the general
reader will have neither he leisure nor the
Inclination to study a voluminous work. Those
who wish to obtain a clear idea of our constitu-
tional history, the causes of its most important
changes, and its gradual progress from ,he Norman
invasion, cannot find a more valuable assistant
than Mr. Howley's brief treatise. The author,
hiving apparently little of the literary vanity which
induces some writers tQ give their own opinions a
prominent place in works of history, has confined
himself to stating facts and to quoting the words
of statesmen and great legal and philosophical
authorities. In the preface he remarks :—" The
author is also convinced that it is better to state
the opinions and arguments of a Bacon or a Lord
Mansfield, than indulge too much in original views,
which would be without the support of an esta-
blished political reputation, and which, if not par-
tionlarly striking, would be deemed worthless, in
this age of light literature, lectures, and encycic-
pmdias. With a more mature judgment and.
greater experience, the task of lengthy
• disquisi-
tions might be attempted. There is no desire to
burden the communication of concise and elemen-
t tary knowledge with speculations rather than facts.
In a series of essays certain institutions and laws
of England are brought prominently forward, with
a brief commentary for the display of their impor-
tance, symmetry, and simplicity. Nothing is ad-
mitted into those essays that has not a distinct
reference to the English Constitution as defined at
the outset." The work contains fourteen essays,
some of them very brief, others of a considerable
length. The subjects treated of are as follows : The
Constitution—Sovereignty—The Feudal System—
The English Law of Landed Property—Magna
Charta—The Reign of Charles I.—Petition of Rights
—Hampden's appeal against Ship-money—The Bill
of Rights—The Act of Settlement—The Law of
Treason—Parliamentary Supplies—The Liberty of
the Press—Political relations between England
and her dependencies. It will be seen that this
book embraces all the most important points in
our civil history. In the last of the series an in-
teresting review is taken of our connection with
our colonial dependencies. The origin and pro-
gress of the American revolution offers many im-
portant considerations to the attention of the poli-
tician, and the government of India is also a sub-
ject that demands wise and careful statesmanship.
The following passage is from the concluding re-
marks, and affords a fair sample of the author's
style.

"Since the bill of A.D. 1853, the Cabinet Ministers
have acknowledged a complete responsibility for Indian
mi-government, and the president of the Board of Con-
trol makes an annual statement on the finances and
general prospects of India. He points out how the
Indian revenue amounts, each year, to about
20,000,000&, of which 2,000,0001. is defrayed in Eng-
land. He observes, that the Indian army consists of
300,000 men, of whom one-sixth are Europeans. But
what has England done for the Indian Empire t He
can allude to the prohibition of superstitious practices
that shocked humanity. He may announce the eaten-
sion of education, and the scheme for establishing In-
dian universities. He may trace the railways and the
electric telegraph, stretching further than the Ganges or
the Indus. But when the outcry against taxation assails
his ear, he can but lenient that enormous land rents
should prevent the cultivation of the soil, that a tax
on salt should be injurious to a people existing on a
vegetable diet, and that customs should be insignificant
in the absence of an extensive trade. The innovations
contained in each Indian Bill have grown from some
previous changes, that at the time scarcely attracted
notice. No sweeping theory has ever been adopted,
and every alteration bears the impress of the practical
and cautious mind of English statesmen. Their tern-
porising policy has governed India better than the native
princes, and perhaps better than would have been pos-
sible with any theoretical constitution devised in the
closet of a philosopher. This opinion is not shared in
by Mill, the great historian of India, who animadverts
with some severity upon the manner in which England
has held sway over her oriental possessions. The prin-
cipal difficulty is to find a body of Indian rulers whose
motives for good or evil may be balanced by responsi-
bility to a judicial tribunal, the probability of public dis-
approbation, and the chance of removal. Moat Euro-
pean governments control the courts of justice, and
despise the reclamations of the people, but can be
purified if they give sufficient play to the elective or
representative system, which attunes the actions of sove-
reignty in harmony with the wishes of the community.
The barbaroas princes of India could realise none of
those conditions. The advantage of English over native
rule arises from an English tribunal being able to oha,--
tise the highest officials, from a superior race exercising
the check of Parliamentary discussion, and from an in-
terested home government being ready to dismiss any
public servant who is guilty of misconduct. The home
'administration of Indian affairs is a substitute for the
impossibility of a local representative system. During
the present century, a few Indian towns have begun
to elect municipal officers, and a hopeful imagination
calling to mind how Edward I. infused into the House
of Commons the elective principle of boroughs, might
picture some future Viceroy of India summoning a re-
presentative assembly from amongst the burgesses of
Delhi and Calcutta. But the habits of the Asiatics, and
the small proportion of European residents, forbids the
experiment of self-government, and therefore an English
statesman must be satisfied to strengthen and develope
the existing guarantees against Indian misrule. The
supervision of Indian affairs ought to be placed in the
hands of those Englishmen who are most interested in
she welfare of India. According as the interest of the
Court of Directors has lessened, the home government
has been transferred to ministers whose desire to escape
removal and responsibility has become at least equal to
the pecuniary interest of the directors in the payment
of diVidrnds. The removal of the directors depends on
the proprietors of Indian stock, whilst the removal of
ministers rests with Parliament. The constitaency that

can best fulfil the trust reposed in it should be preferred.
Pecuniary motives made the proprietary constituency
sanction heartless extortion. Let the parliamentary
constituency prove that it is guided by honest emulation
and sincere philanthropy. Without English rule, how-
ever imperfect, India might not be open to English com-
merce. The other dependencies that are not retained
on account of strategical importance, or to serve as
penal settlements, defray their own expenses, enjoy the
greater portion of the local patronage, and govern them-
selves subject to the imperial restrictions that Parlia-
ment has placed on their legislatures. Misrule flees
I from them because they have, in the representative sys-
tem, Argus, with a hundred eyes, and in local govern-
ment, Briareus, with a hundred hands. As a skilful
general would spread out his army to outflank an enemy,
or ~would abandon a position that be could not hold with
safety, there is no reason why England should not with-
draw from an untenable outpost ; but let no one, under
pretence of concentrating her forces, weaken her power
to carry civilisation and liberal institutions to the
furthest- ends of the earth."
As a cal-dully compiled and concisely written his-
tory of the Coustitution, this work supplies a
deficiency in the student's library, and from its
bexretvenitsyivealnyti. simple relation of facts it will be
yaluabie as a work of reference. As
ll,no doubt, obtain. the encouragement
such
itmeirtitls.i.

T supplement
OvTD CAMBRIDGE COMMISIONERB.—In a
Gazette, published yesterday, there ap-
pear ordinances of ' the University Commissioners with
reference to the foil owing colleges ; Merton Codege, Ox-
ford ; Unfversity ( lollege, Oxford ; Trinity College,
Catleuridge ; and P. imbroke College Cambridge. The
ordinances relate chie, IS to the election of Masters and
Fellows, and the regul %dons of certain scholarships.
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERS. UY—ST JOHN'S COLLEGE.—Firs
Class at the Voluntary Classical Examination—J. A.
Boodle, H. E. Booth, Bo tier, Crabtree, J. Green, Hep-
peestall, A. Uolmes, S. A. . E. Lafone, Longuiire, J. H
Lupton, Noble, Potts, C. t lianwell, W. Wavell.
SUICIDE FROM MORPHIA.
—Last evening Mr. W. J.
Payne held an inquest at the ‘ Spotted Dog, Strand, re-
pecting the death of Mr. Geo.
'Be Fife, aged 50, who it
was stated was a medical gentl. In3an of some eminence at
Birmingham; and was brother to Sir John Fife. The
deceased was a member of Quee la's College, and Profes-
sor of Materia Medica. it was p roved in evidence that
gon Friday Friday evening the deceased w. Tilt to the shop of Mr.
Borfield, chemist, Norfolk-street, t Itra?d, and asked for
some morphia, which he said he too k in small doses to
procure sleep. Mr. Burfielcre assi. ‘ta.nt
ceaeed some morphia in a phial, butt
viel he should the
rot
morphiahave done so if he had not known him to be a medics
at the same time. n`le deceased went to the Strand
man. A tonic needloine was also sold
to the deceased
Theatre on Friday nigf, t, and when he ret tuned home to
his lodgings in Surreyestreet, he appeared to be in an
excited etato from drink • Next morning los was found
dead in bed. A surgeon, who was called i're, said the
deceased undoubtedly died from the effects o f morphia
and that, presuming the bottle which had conetained i
had been full, there wait enough to kill four persons.
According to one witness, the deceased bad saitd that
family matters preyed up on his m.;nd. The jury returned
v. verdict " That the deceased died from an crier dose o f
morphia, he being at the t;lnee in a ate to of intoxication,
but that he had no intenti on of w. ilfully destroying his
1 life.