The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-23 00:00:00

is another part of the world to which the last re-
mark of mine equally applies. Of course, I mean
the United States. I own Ido not wonder at the
annoyance which Americans sometimes feel and ex-
press at the summary way in which we here under-
take to settle their affairs for them. I have had
some lessons as to the caution which should be ex-
ercised in forming a judgment on the affairs of
other countries. I travelled in America in the sum-
mer of 1848, at the time of those foolish and futile
disturbances which were taking place in Ireland,
and I was a good deal astonished and not a little
amused, to find that there were many persons in
the United States, really well informed upon most
matters, who attached very serious importance to
those disturbances, who thought they were the be-
ginning of a great movement for Irish independence,
and were even inclined to doubt whether our Go-
vernment was not doing a foolish thing in not re-
cognizing the independence of Ireland at once.
(Laughter.) I know what I thought of those
comments; and I dare say there are many intelli-
gent persons in North America who think much the
same of some of the criticisms which reach them
from our side of the Atlantic. At any rate, I do not
think it is reasonable to blame the Federal Govern-
ment for not having done that which as trustees for
the people they hardly could do, and which to
Government since the world began ever yet has done
—for not giving up one-half of their territory with-
out striking a blow in its defence. (Hear, hear.)
They have met with armed insurrection; they have
opposed it by armed resistance. How long it is
wise to persist in that resistance is a question of
policy, and a very difficult one ; but it seems to me
absurd to blame a Government for doing that which
every Government in the world has done, and ever
will do. Now, the result of that struggle is beyond
human calculation ; but I am disposed to think, on
the whole, that the opinion which generally pre-
vails in this country is the true one—that sooner or
later a Southern Confederacy will be established.
I do not come to that conclusion so much because I
doubt the power of the North to subjugate the
Southern States. Even as to that point there way
be some doubt. A country of immense distances,
and of imperfect communications, is very unfavour-
able for aggressive war and very favourable for
defensive. But putting that out of the question
and allowing for the undoubted superiority of the
North in resources of every kind, the real difficulty
of the case seems to be this :—Supposing the Federal
Government to succeed in its object—to reconquer
the Southern States, what will they do with them
when they have got them? (Hear, hear.) If their
rights are not to be restored after the conquest, then
a powerful military Government must be established,
and those principles of independence and self-govern-
ment which are the very basis of American institu-
tions must, for a time at least, be in abeyance. If,
on the other hand, after the conquest the political
rights of the South are restored, undoubtedly those
rights will be used for the purpose of embarrass-
ing the working of the political machine, and so
of compelling a fresh separation by peaceable means.
I have seen a comparison as to this war, which
seems to me not an unapt one. Some one has said
that it is very like the case of a husband instituting
legal proceedings to bring back his wife to live with
him. (Laughter.) He may succeed, he may obtain
his object; but the question is, when he has ob-
tained it, whether he has done much to contribute
to his own domestic happiness. (Renewed laugh-
ter.) Then, again, as far as we can see at present,
the only party in America which is really earnest
in this war is the abolition party—those who are
for effecting the emancipation of the negroes by the
interposition of the Federal authority. With them
it is a war of principle. But their opinions do not
appear to be those of a majority of persons even
now at the North, and so far from their being the
views entertained by the Cabinet of Washington,
the very last acts of that Cabinet show that by
them the abolitionist party is repudiated and dis-
avowed. (Hear.) For the rest these differences
between the Northern and Southern States are not
new. Burke foresaw them; Washington feared
them ; and from that time to the present there have
never been wanting men who have predicted that
the difference of habits and ideas, of which slavery
is rather a symptom than a cause—differences due In
part to early traditions, and in part also to early
traditions, and in part also to difference of climate
—would sooner or later lead to the disruption
which has actually occurred. It seems to me very
idle to talk, as some people do in this country, as if
the secession in the South were to bring about an
utter break-down of American power. Grant that
the South obtain all that they require, the North
will still retain, I think, some eighteen millions of
the moat intelligent and 'energetic population in
the world ; they will retain a territory as large as
all Europe, excluding Russia; they will possess
a political unity which they have not had for the
last thirty years; and, unless this war is protracted
through a series of years, 'whatever burdens it may
for a time impose, they will continue to be more
lightly taxed than any powerful nation upon earth.
Now, we have heard speculations very ingenious
and able as to the probability of further disrup-
tions taking place, and of the establishment of
several independent communities. I do not say
that these speculations are unfounded ; on the con-
trary, I think there is a very great deal of truth in
them—but I think for all practical purposes they
are at present premature. I repeat, we are bound
to use great caution in judging the affairs of any
foreign country; and there is no country with re
gard to whose affairs that caution is more necessary
than in the case of the United States. There are
two causes which inevitably lead to bias our judg-
ment in regard to them. There are many classes
in this country who by their habits, by their edu-
cation, by their social and political position, and
one may even say by their personal interests which
spring out of that political and social position, are
naturally predisposed to judge in an unfavourable
manner whatever affects the great Trepublican
Power of the world. Then, again, there is another
feeling quite as natural and more justifiable. There
are many persons who have watched with uneasi-
ness, and even with anxiety the growth of a Power
whose increase in wealth and population has been
more rapid than that of any European State. who
at the present time, or before the beginning of this
late war, were almost in point of population the
equals of the United Kingdom, and who certainly
have shown some disposition to use their power in
an arrogant and in a hostile spirit. Whatever judg-
ment we do form upon these American matters, I
think we are bound to use special care that in form-
ing it we do not allow ourselves to be biassed either
either by class feelings or by national jealousy. As
to the duty of the Government, that is obvious,and
Ido not suppose that there will be any departure
from it, whatever Administration be in power.
(Hear.) The duty of our Government is to observe
a strict neutrality in word and need—not to show
irritation of casual annoyances, such as in the course
of such a struggle as this we must inevitably ex-
pect ; to defend any rights of ours that may be at-
tacked, temperately and
firmly, giving time for any
'angry passion to evaporate
; and, above all, to take
no advantage, k
and to seem to take no advantage,
of the tompo7ary weakness of the American power
to effect any object which that Power might regard
as an encroachment upon its rights. (Hear, hear.)
T 1 ere is only one other point of foreign policy which
I will touch upon, and that relates to this expedition
which is now preparing for Mexico in order to
enforce against that State the claims of British and
of other creditors. I do not think we are in a
position to form a final decision upon the policy of
that measure until we hear the explanations of it
which may be given by the Minister in Parlia-
ment. As to its justice, I admit at once that there
is nothing to say against that, because the conduct
of the Government of Mexico is such as fully to
justify our armed interference. So again, on the
score of humanity, I admit it is unobjectionable.
because, whatever may be the effect of our inter-
vention, it is quite certain that we cannot possibly
•make the political condition of Mexico worse than
we find it. The real question is whether there is
any British object involved adequate to the mag-
nitude of such an expedition. If the only object
be what we are told it is—to collect these bad
dehts—l apprehend that may happen which some-
ties
—ee Occurs in
prlvate life, that the expenses of
litigation will swallow tip the profit. (Laughter.)