The Sun.
London, England, 1861-01-28 00:00:00

MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 26. MI,

socio ty is safety or security, for which, if need be,
they will, and they must sacrifice every other.
For eign wars come from either violations of treaties
or domestic violence. The Union has, thus far,
proved itself an almost perfect shield against such
wars. The United States, continually enlarging
their diplomatic acquaintance, have now treaties
with France, the Netherlands, Great Britain, Swe-
den, Prussia, Spain, Russia, &c. If the Union
should be divided into only two confederacies, each
of them would need to make as many treaties as we
have now; and, of course, would be liable to give
as many causes of war as we now do. I will not
descend so low as to ask whether new confederacies
would be able or willing to bear the grievous
expense of maintaining, the diplomatic relations
which cannot be dispensed with except by with-
drawing from foreign commerce. Our Federal
Government is better able to avoid giving just
causes of war than several confederacies, because
it can conform the action of all the States to
compacts. The United States, being a great and
formidable power, can always secure favourable and
satisfactory treaties. Indeed, every treaty we have
was voluntarily made. Small confederacies or
states must take such treaties as they can get, and
give whatever treaties are exacted. A humiliating
or even an unsatisfactory treaty is a chronic cause
of foreign war. The chapter of wars resulting
from unjustifiable causes would, in case of a divi-
sion, amplify itself in proportion to the number of
new confederacies and their irritability. This
Government not only gives fewer causes of war,
whether just or unjust, than smaller confederacies
would, but it always has a greater ability to accom-
modate them by the exercise of more coolness and
courage, the use of more various and more liberal
means, and the display, if need be, of greater force.
Mr. President, no one will dispute our forefathers'
maxim, that the common safety of all is the safety
of each of the States. In addition to the many
treaties which each must make with foreign Powers,
and the causes of war which they would give by
violating them, each of the confederacies must also
maintain treaties with all the others, and so be
liable to give them frequent offence. If, indeed, it
were necessary that the Union should be broken up,
it would be in the last degree important that the
new confederacies to be formed should be nearly as
possible equal in strength and power, that mutual
fear and mutual respect might inspire them with
caution against mutual offence. But such equality
could not long be maintained; one confederacy
would rise in the scale of political importance, and
the others would view it thenceforward with envy
and apprehension. Jealousies would bring on fre-
quent and retaliatory wars. If, however, we grant to
the new confederacies an exemption from compli-
cations among each other and with foreign States,
still there is too much reason to believe that not
one of them could long maintain a Republican
form of government. Universal suffrage and
the absence of a standing army are essential to the
republican system. The world has yet to see a
single self-sustaining state of that kind, or even any
confederation of such states, except our own. The
disunion movement arises partly cut of a dispute
over the common domain of the United States.
Hitherto the Union has confided this controversy
within the bounds of political debate by referring it,
with all other national ones, to the arbitrament of
the ballot-box. Does any one suppose that dis-
union would transfer the whole domain to either
party, or that any other umpire than war would,
after dissolution, be invoked ? This movement
arises, in another view, out of the relation of
African slaves to the domestic population of the
country. Freedom is to them, as to all mankind,
the chief object of desire. Hitherto under the
operation of the Union, they have practically
remained ignorant of the controversy, especially of
its bearing on themselves. Can we hope that
flagrant civil war shall rage among ourselves in
their very presence, and yet that they will remain
stupid and idle spectators ? The opinions of man-
kind change, and with them the policies of nations.
One hundred years ago all the commercial European
States were engaged in transferring negro slaves
from Africa to this hemisphere. To-day all those
states are firmly set in hostility to the extension
and even to the practice of slavery. If dissolution
prevail what guarantee shall there be against the
full development here of the fearful and uncompro-
mising hostility toslavery R hich elsewhere pervades
the world, and of which the recent invasion of
Virginia was an illustration P I have designedly
d welt so long on the probable effects of disunion
upon the safety of the American people as to leave
me little time to consider the other evils which
must follow in its train. But, practically,
the loss of safety involves every other form of
public calamity. When once the guardian
angel has taken flight, everything is lost. Dis-
solution would not only arrest, but extinguish the
greatness of our country. Even if separate confe-
deracies could exist and endure, they could seve-
rally preserve no share of the common prestige of
the Union. No petty confederacy that shall follow
the United States can prolong, or even renew, the
majestic drama of national progress. Perhaps it is
to be arrested because its sublimity is incapable of
continuance. Let it be so, if we have indeed become
degenerate. After Washington and the inflexible
Adams, Henry and the peerless Hamilton, Jefferson
and the majestic Clay, Webster and the acute Cal-
houn, Jackson, the modest Taylor, and Scott, who
rises in greatness under the burden of years, and
Franklin, and Fulton, and Whitney, and Morse,
have all performed their parts, let the curtain fall!
While listening to these debates I have sometimes
forgotten myself in marking their contrasted effects
upon the page who customarily stands on the dais
before me, and the venerable secretary who sits be-
hind him. The youth exhibits intense but pleased
emotion in the excitement, while at every irreverent
word that is uttered against the Union the eyes of
the aged man are suffused with tears. Let him
weep
tlyt a. t h
Youer rejoice,
have
afeoern yoursandb
ehasen been
part
a
lot of rareo more.fel
of
al n
he
greatness of your country, the towering
national
greatness of all the world. Weep only you
lt i
c
and weep with all the bitterness of anguish, who
are just stepping on the threshold of life, for that
greatness perishes prematurely and exists not for
you, nor for me, nor for any that shall come after
us. The public prosperity! how could it survive the
storm ? Its elements are industry in the culture of
every fruit; mining of all the metals; commerce at
home and on every sea ; material improvement that
knows no obstacle and has no end; invention that
ranges throughout the domain of nature ; increase
of knowledge as broad as the human mind can ex-
plore; perfection of art as high as human
genius can reach, and social refinement working
for the renovation of the world. How could our
successors prosecute these noble objects in the midst
of brutalising civil conflict? What guarantees will
capital invested for such purposes have that will
outweigh the premium offered by political and
military ambition? What leisure will the citizen
find for study, or invention, or art, under the reign
of conscription—nay, what interest in them will
society feel when fear and hate shall have taken
possession of the national mild ? Let the miner in
California take heed, for its golden wealth will be-
come the prize of the nation that can command the
most iron. Let the borderer take care, for the
Indian will again lurk around his dwelling. Let
the pioneer come back into our denser settlements,
for the railroad, the post road, and the telegraph
advance not one furlong further into the wilderness.
With standing armies consuming the substance of
sotnera pmeeorps 1 ewoi
tnh tdhre land,
wn fr oand
ho
eu ro
eneaavny and
, w h ouro
will postal
pro-
tect
party confederacies ? The American
or respect, or who will even knowmbaiyi-nofa-mwearouisr
a noble spectacle. I have seen it enter an ancient
port in the Mediterranean. All the world wondered
at it, and talked of it. Salvos of artillery from forts
and shipping in the harbour saluted its flag. Princes
and princesses and merchants paid it homage, and
all people blessed it as a harbinger of hope for their
own ultimate freedom. I imagine now the same
noble vessel again entering the same haven. The
flag of 33 stars and 13 stripes has been hauled
down, and in its place a signal is run up winch
flaunts the device of a lone star or a palmetto tree.
Men ask, "Who is the stranger that thus steals into
our water ?" The
answer contemptuously given

is, " She comes from one of the obscure republics
of North America. Let her pass on." Lastly,
public liberty, our own peculiar liberty; must lan-
guish for a time, and then cease to live. And such
a liberty free movement everywhere through
our own land and throughout the world ; free
speech, free press, free suffrage : the freedom of
every subject to vote on every law, and for or
against every agent who expounds, administers, or
executes it. Unstable and jealous confederacies,
constantly apprehending assaults without and trea-
son irithin, formidable only to each other and con-
temptible to all beside. how long will it be before,
on the plea of public safety, they will surrender all
this inestimable and unequalled liberty, and accept
the hateful and intolerable espionage of military
despotism ? And now, Mr. President, what is the
cause for this sudden and eternal sacrifice
of so much safety, greatness, happiness, and
freedom. Have foreign nations combined, and are
they coming in rage upon -us ? No. So far from
being enemies, there is not a nation on the earth
that is not an interested, admiring friend. Has the
Federal Government become tyrannical or oppres-
sive, or even rigorous or unsound ? Has the Con-
stitution lost its spirit, and all at once collapsed
into a lifeless letter ? No ; the Federal Govern-
ment smiles more benignantly, and works to-day
more beneficently, than ever. The Constitution
is even the chosen model for the organisation of
the newly rising confederacies. The occasion is the
election of a President of the United States, who
is unacceptable to a portion of the people. I state
the case accurately. There was no movement of dis-
union before the ballots which expressed that choice
were cast. Disunion began as soon as the result
was announced. The justification it assigned
was that Abraham Lincoln had been elected,
while the success of either one of the three other
candidates would have been acquiesced in. Was the
election illegal ? No ; it is unimpeachable. Is the
candidate personally offer.sive ? No; he is a man of
unblemished virtue and amiable manners. Is an elec-
tion of President an unfrequent or extraordinary
transaction ? No ;we never had a chief magistrate
otherwise designated than by such election, and that
form of choice is renewed every four years. Does
any one even propose to change the mode of ap-
pointing the chief magistrate ? No. What, then,
is the ground of discontent ? It is that the dis-
unionist s did not accept as conclusive the arguments
which were urged in behalf of the successful condi-
date in the canvass. This is all. Were their own
arguments against him more satisfactory to his
supporters ? Of course they were not, they could
not be. Does the Constitution, in letter or spirit,
require or imply that the arguments of one party
shall be satisfactory to the other ? No ; that is im-
possible ? What is the constitutional remedy for
this inevitable dissatisfaction ? Renewed debate
and ultimate rehearing in a subsequent election.
Have the American people, then, become all of a
sudden unnatural, as well as unpatriotic, and will
they disinherit their children of the precious estate
held only in trust for them, and deprive the world
of the best hopes it has enjoyed since the human
race began its slow and painful, yet needful and
wisely-appointed progress? More than 30 years
there has existed a considerable—though not here-
tofore formidable—mass of citizens in certain States
situate near or around the delta of the Mississipi,
who believe that the Union is less conducive to the
welfare and greatness of those States than a smaller
confederacy, embracing only slave States, would
be. This class has availed itself of the discontents
resulting from the election to put into operation
the machinery of dissolution long ago prepared,
and waiting only for occasion. In other States
there is a soreness because of the want of sympathy
in the free States with the efforts of slaveholders
for the recapture of fugitiver from service. In all
the slave States there is a restiveness:resulting from
the resistance which has been so determinedly
made within the last few years, in the free States,
to the extension of slavery in the common terri-
tories of the United States. The Republican
party, which cast its votes for the successful
presidential candidate on the ground of that
policy, has been allowed, practically, no repre-
sentation, no utterance by speech or through the
press, in the slave States, while its policy, prin-
ciples, and sentiments, and even its temper, have
been so misrepresented as to excite apprehen-
sions that it denies important constitutional
obligations, and aims even at interference with
slavery and its overthrow by State autho-
rities or intervention of the Federal Govern-
ment. Considerable masses even in the free States,
interested in the success of these misrepresentations
as a means of partisan strategy, have lent their
sympathy to the party claiming to be aggrieved.
On a complex issue between the Republican party
and the disunionists, although it involves the direst
national calamities, the result might be doubtful;
for the Republican party is weak in a large part of
the Union. But on a direct issue, with all who
cherish the Union on one side, and all who desire
its dissolution by force on the other, the verdict
would be prompt and almost unanimous. I consi-
der the idea of the withdrawal of the Gulf States
and their permanent reorganization with or with-,
out others in a distinct Confederacy as a means of
advantage to themselves, so certainly unwise and
so obviously impossible of execution, when the
purpose is understood, that I dismiss it with the
discussion I have already incidentally bestowed
upon it. The case is different, however, in regard
to other subjects which I have brought in this con-
nexion before the Senate. Beyond a doubt, union
is vitally important to the Republican citizens of
the United States ; but it is just as important to
the whole people. So far as the abstract question
whether, by the Constitution of the United States,
the bondsman, who is made such by the laws of a
State, is still a man or only property, I answer
that, within that State, its laws on that subject
are supreme ; that when he has escaped from
that State into another, the Constitution regards
him as a bondsman who may not, by any law or
regulation of that State, be discharged from its
service, but shall be delivered up, on claim, to the
party to whom his service is due. While prudence
and justice would combine in persuading you
to modify the acts of Congress on that subject,
so as not to oblige private persons to assist in their
execution, and to protect freemen from being,
by the abuse of the laws, carried into
slavery, I agree that all laws of the States,
whether Free States or slave States, which relate
to this class of persons, or any others recently
homing from or resident in other States, and
which laws contravene the Constitution of the
United States, or any law of Congress passed in con-
conformity thereto, ought to repealed. Experience
in public affairs has confirmed my opinion that
domestic slavery, existing in any State, is wisely
left by the Constitution of the United States ex-
clusively to the care, management, and disposition
of that State, and if it were in my power I would
not alter the Constitution in that respect. If mis-
apprehension of my position needs so strong a
remedy, I am willing to vote for an amendment of
the Constitution, declaring that it shall not, by any
future amendment, be so altered as to confer on
Congress a power to abolish or interfere with
slavery in any State. While I think that Congress
has exclusive and sovereign authority to legislate
on all subjects whatever in the common territories
of the United States, and while I certainly shall
never, directly or indirectly, give my vote to
establish or sanction slavery in such ter-
ritories, or any where else in the world
yet the question what constitutional laws
shall at any time be passed in regard to the
Territories is, like every other question, to be
determined on practical grounds. When the angry
excitement of the hour ball have subsided, and
calmness once more shall have resumed its accus-
tomed sway over the public mind, then, and not
until then—one, two, or three years hence—l should
cheerfully advise a convention of the people to be
assembled in pursuance of the Constitution, to con-
sider and decide whether any, and what, amend-
ments of the organic national law ought to be made.
A Republican now—as I have heretofore been a
member of other parties existing in my day—l
nevertheless hold and cherish, as I have always
done, the principle that this Government exists in
its present form only by the consent of the governed.

I hold myself ready now, as always heretofore, to
vote for any properly-guarded laws which shall be
deemed necessary to prevent mutual invasions of
States by citizens anther S tate,2, and punish those
who shall aid and abet them. Notwithstanding the
arguments of the gallant senator from Oregon (Gen.
Lane), I remain of the opinion that physical bonds,
such as highways, railroads, rivers, and canals, are
vastly more powerful for holding civil com-
munities together than any mere covenants, though
written on parchment or engraved upon iron. I
remain, therefore, constant to my purpose to secure
if possible, the construction of two Pacific rail-
ways, one of which shall connect the ports
around the mouths of the Mississipi, and the other
the towns on the Missouri and the Lakes, with the
harbours on our western coast. If, in the expres-
sion of these views, I have not proposed what is
desired or expected by many others, they will do
me the justice to believe that I am as far from
having suggested what in many respects would
have been in harmony with cherished convictions
of my own. I learnt early from Jefferson that in
political affairs we cannot always do what seems to
us absolutely best. We must be content to lead
when we can, and to follow when we cannot lead ;
and if we cannot at any time do for our country all
the good that we would wish we must be satisfied
with doing her all the good that we can. Having
submitted my own opinions on this great crisis, it
remains only to say that I shall cheerfully lend to
the Government my best support in whatever pru-
dent yet energetic efforts it shall make to preserve
the public peace, and to maintain and preserve the
Union; advising only that it practise as far as pos-
sible the utmost moderation, forbearance, and con-
ciliation. My faith in the Constitution and in the
Union abides, because my faith in the wisdom and
virtue of the American people remains unshaken.
Coolness, calmness, and resolution are elements of
their character. They have been temporarily dis-
placed, but are reappearing. Soon enough, I trust,
for safety, it will be seen that sedition and violence
are only local and temporary, and that loyalty and
affection to the Union are the natural sentiments of
the whole country. Whatever dangers there shall
be, there will be the determination to meet them ;
whatever sacrifices, private or public, shall be need-
ful for the Union, they will be made. I feel sure
that the hour has not yet come for this great nation
to fall. The Union has not yet accomplished what
good for mankind was manifestly designed by Him
who appoints the seasons and prescribes the duties
of states and empires. No, sir ; if it were cast
down by faction to-day, it would rise again and
reappear in all its majestic proportions to-morrow.
It is the only Government that can stand here.
Woe woe ! to the man that madly lifts his hand
against it. It shall continue and endure ; and men,
in after times, shall declare that this generation,
which saved the Union from such sudden and un-
looked-for dangers, surpassed in magnanimity even
that one which laid its foundations in the eternal
principles of liberty, justice, and humanity.

THE STATE OF EUROPE.

(From La Presse.)

According to the •strict letter of the news and
correspondence which we have published during the
last week or so, we are evidently on the eve of a
new crisis in the policy of Europe, William I.
said to his generals, "A storm is brewing !" and
the Augsburg Gazette declares that war can neither
frighten nor surprise sovereigns who, in their
Warsaw meeting, laid the bases of an alliance
the chief object of which is to secure to Austria
the possession of Venetia. Public opinion is much
moved by these threats ; it remembers the noise
that was made in Germany at the beginning of the
Italian war, and it has not forgotten the ridiculous
and abortive issue of these boisterous fanfaronades.
In any case, the remembrance of the Warsaw meet-
ing can cause it no great anxiety.
On the 23d of last October the descendants of the
three sovereigns who, ninety years ago, commenced
the work of spoliation, which has been finally
accomplished under our eyes, met in the town
which still stands as a monumeni of the indepen-
dence of Poland, and of the attack made on its
nationality. This second triumvirate, in which
Europe saw a menace against its liberties, had,
however, nothing of the audacity and insolence of
the first. For thirty years order has reigned at
Warsaw. Russia, Prussia, and Austria full of
terror, irritated at the present, and afraid of the
future—assembled then, not to plot the ruin of
a people and to share its territory, but to devise
means for saving an edifice whose foundations
are giving way on all sides. The interview,
brought about with difficulty, terminated ab-
ruptly, and the three princes separated, giving
to Europe the solemn and instructive spectacle of
their anxiety and their impotence. This interview,
which the Augsburg Gazette is so awkward as to
recall, disclosed to the members of the triumvirate
the secret of their weakness. It taught them that
there existed no harmony in their views, and that
they had neither the sincere wish nor the power to
combine their resources for a common course of
action. They returned to their States, discontented
with one another, and quite convinced, beyond a
doubt, that the principle of non-intervention is
henceforth fatally imposed upon them by their weak-
ness, their disagreement, and the daily growing as-
cendancy of the modern ideas of Europe. Europe is
now divided into two camps, in one of which may be
witnessed the desire for war and impotence to make
it ; in the other all the means of recommencing
it brilliantly, but the desire to avoid it, and let
the regeneration of Italy be accomplished peace-
fully. On one side the old worn out dynasties, and
the easy fall of thrones which had no other support
than the bayonet ; on the other, democracy victo-
riously shaking off the rule of oppression, which
for about half a century has been the:misfortune of
peoples and the scandal of humanity. On one side,
in short, the Europe of 1815, on the other, the
Europe of the new public law, i.e., the Europe of
the liberty and independence of nations.

It is in the midst of these death-struggles of
absolutism, in presence of old monarchies in a
state of decomposition that certain German jour-
nals threaten democracy with a coalition. Where
is that coalition to come from ? Where is it to
be got up ? Where are its generals, its armies, its
funds ? That the blind councillors of the Papacy
should reckon on the head of the Greek church and
the King of a Protestant and constitutional state to
bring the Italians to obedience; that Francis IL
should reckon on a Holy Alliance to replace him
on his throne ; that the Emperor of Austria should
endeavour to form a league that should permit
him to restore the old regime, maintain the con-
cordat, subdue Hungary, and lay that phantom
of a parliament which already shows such a
strange spirit of independence we can very well
understand ; and it is possible that their hopes
may be fed by confidential " notes" and diplomatic
proposals. But there is a long way from a cour-
teous and diplomatic good understanding to an alli-
ance offensive and defensive.

The times are gone when Russia, Prussia, and
Austria could think themselves strong enough to
give the law to Europe. They have no longer that
unity of aim or that community of interests which
they had when Poland offered herself up to them
as an easy prey for seizure and partition. The
sovereigns of these three powers may lay .out pro-
grammes, but they will never be guilty of the
folly of wishing to impose them on Europe. They
may form plans in concert in view of certain events,
but on the express condition of undertaking nothing
against the peace of the world on the independence
of nations. The day they transgress that limit the
order which they claim to re-establish in Italy or
elsewhere would not exist very much longer in
their own states, even at Warsaw.
But these, let us hasten to admit, are chimerical
apprehensions. In the first place France and Eng-
land are lastingly and sincerely allied, and as long
as their alliance, a condition sine qua non of the
pence of the world, is not broken, every European
difficulty, of whatever kind it may be, will be solved
or cut through in the interest of civilisation.
In the next place, among Russia, Prussia, and
Austria there exists no principle of sincere alliance,
no real element of coalition.

Austria, although in a rapid decline, is still a
state of the first rank ; but she is so in virtue of her
past rather than her present power, and in that
fact lies precisely her greatest danger. Although
she has lost the prestige of her wisdom and her
strength, she cannot bring herself to renounce
either the preponderance she exercised so recently
as 1818 in the councils of Europe, or the supremacy
which she has arrogated to herself in Italy
and Germany. Severely shattered in 1848, she
could hope to recover her strength only by keeping
herself quiet and avoiding every internal h oeeping
s
was at that very time, on the contrary, thatc k s; he
et
substituted for the old traditions of the Cabinet of
Vienna, a system of intemperance and audacity
which were ill suited to her situation.
she provokes Prussia and disrnin!NS ln 1850
tal. Germany ;
in 1854 she provokes Russia)tind has not the cour-
age to push the mattertoan issue ; in 1856 she
of
reaps in the Congress Paris the fruits of this
vacillating and provoki
herself for her ng policy. To avenge
check she attacks Piedmont, and

provokes France, and comes out of the two months
struggle beaten, humbled, exhausted, and with
national, added to financial derangement. She has
just played her last card in giving a constitution to
her dissatisfied provinces. But this constitution,
torn from her by fear, has excited demand every-
where and satisfied discontent nowhere. Austria
is ruining herself to keep enormous masses of
troops in Venetia, and yet the Emperor Francis
Joseph, not being sure of the provinces that he
leaves behind him, and not being able to rely any
longer on Russia, as in 1849, does not dare to
take a step beyond his fortresses.
Prussia does not love Austria, whose natural
rival she is; but in order to keep in Europe the
attitude and authority of a great power, she is
compelled to adopt a firmer, more direct and bolder
policy ; let her remember the triumphs of Ros-
bach a little less, And the humiliations of Jena a
little more. Above all let her be convinced at
length that paltry finessing, tergiversation, and
ambiguity are unsuited to the present times.
She wished to persuade England and Russia
that she agreed with each of them, and she must
have subsequently found out that in so doing she
was wanting in cleverness as well as in frankness.
For the rest, as the principle proclaimed in Italy
and maintained by France and England might re-
ceive in Germany an application favourable to the
interests and the ambition of the House of Branden-
burg, it is not probable that the new King of
Prussia, in spite of the inexplicable stupidity of his
speech, dreams of going arm in arm with England
and France on the dangerous path followed by
Austria.

Russia is a power full of life and growth, which
uses her fortune moderately, and studies the causes
of her misfortunes in order to prevent their recur-
rence. She undertakes railways and encourages
maritime companies ; she colonises the vast region
of the Amoor, and gains ground by treaties rather
than by arms in China, which she is opening to her
commerce. She has studied, and now she is put-
ting in execution, the project of Peter the Great, to
join by a canal the Black find the Caspian Seas;
she has subdued and seeks to attach to her the
people of the Caucasus, thus securing to herself a
passage into Georgia, Persia, and Asia Minor; she
is extending every day her relations with Turkis-
tan, in order to push on further and further on the
road to the Indies, into which sbe is sending her
outposts, her merchandise, and her scientWe ob-
servers. A government taken up with such-works
and such plans does not dream of forming coali-
tions.

As to the Emperor Alexander, he has too much
to do in his own States to throw himself stupidly
into the storms of Italian politics. He has before
him a whole population of serfs, which he has en-
couraged to demand their rights, though he has
not yet found the means of granting them without
danger. If be were as powerful as the greatest of
his ancestors, he could not look without trembling
on the troubles which threaten him, and which,
should they actually break out, might overthrow
his Government. The war obstinately provoked
by his father has ruined his southern provinces
and shaken his credit, and it is with great diffi-
culty that he keeps up a considerably reduced
army. He may recall his ambassador from
Turin, and encourage Francis 11. in his
resistance, but the times when Suwarrow crossed
the Alps to stop the triumphs of the French
armies are past never to return. The Emperor
Alexander may not approve of all that is taking
place in Italy, but he will not make war to oppose
the formation of an Italian kingdom. Besides, to
prevent Austria from encroaching on the Lower
Danube, to drive her out of Italy and to raise up
in the Peninsula a state able to defend its inde-
pendence, are traditional ideas in the Cabinet of St.
Petersburg.

A coalition in the present condition-of Europe is
then, if not absolutely impossible, at least essen-
tially improbable. A new war this spring, is that
equally so ? That is another matter and one which
depends above all on the Italians. It is important
accordingly to have an exact conception of their dis-
positions and their real interests.

COUNTRY MA.RXETS.

NOTTINGHAM-JAN. 26.

The supply of wheat was somewhat improved, and the
trade ruled dull at the prices of last week, inferior only le
to 2s lower. Extreme rates were given for beans, Flour,
44s to 52s rer 20 stone.

LEICESTER—JAN. 26.
Tho supply of wheat to-day was very good, with a fair
attendance ; damp sorts is to 2s lower. White, 72s to 78e
—red, 65s to 70s per 36 stone; a very moderate sale for
barley, grinding, 32s to 345; alting, 37. to 43s per qr.;
oats, 24s to 388 per 24 stone. Beans—old, 56s to 584
now, 38. to 40s per 38 stone.
Fine flour, 508 Seconds, 478 Thirds, 45s per 20 stone.

NORWICH-JAL 26.

At this market to-day wheat was in good supply, and last
week's rates wero realised for dry sorts; but damp parcels
receded is per qr. Barley firm.
White wheat 65s to 67s I Red wheat 56s to 62e
Malting bar1ey....458 to 478 I Chevalier barley 41s to 44s
Distilling do.. ....31s to 34s J Oats.. 26s to 30s
Flour, 42s to —s Od per sack from the miller.