The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-19 00:00:00

Atilifvb '),EZritiott

SUN OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

CITY OF LONDON ELECTION.

LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ADDRESS THIS DAY

TO THE ELECTORS.

This afternoon Lord John Russell attended at the
London Tavern, Bishopsgate-street, and addressed a
large and influential section of his supporters relative
to his past conduct and future policy. The noble lord
was enthusiastically received.

Thera were present on the platform .—Mr. Hankey,
Serjeant Parry, Mr. Wickham, Mr. F. Bennoch, De-
puty Harrison, Mr. Gedge, Mr. Whitehurst, Mr. Com-
missioner Prenderghast, Mr. Miller Christie, Mr.
Austin, Mr. Beardmore, Mr. J. B. Langley, Mr. S.
Warren, M.P., Mr. Moffat, M.P., Mr. Scurlock, Mr.
Pritchard, High Bailiff of Southwark, 4Mr. Edwin
James, Q. C., John M‘Leod, Esq., Captain H. M‘Leol,
Dr. Spark, Alderman Humphrey, Alderman Salomons,
&c.

Mr. MOFFATT, M.P., moved, and Mr. ROBARTS se-
conded, that Thomas Hankey take the chair.
The CHAIRMAN briefly stated the object of the meet-
ing, which was to receive and welcome one of the oldest
reformers in Parliament—a gentleman and a states-
man, mid whose name alone was a passport connected
with civil and religious liberty. (Loud cheers.) Besides
that be had peculiar claims on the citizens of London as
one oftheir representatives. (Cheers.) After some further
remarks, the hon. gentleman called upon the noble Lord
to address the meeting, whom they looked upon as the
champion and leader of progressive reform.
Lori JOHN 11.13SRRLL, on rising, was received with
enthusiastic applause. He said—Gentlemen, I come
before you, the electors of the City of London, to appeal
against a decree of anAssociation that pretends to represent
the electors of the city of London. (Hear, and cheers,
with I.mid cries of " adjourn to Guildhall".) lam coma
to tell you, then, that I am appealing here to the electors
of the city of London against that Registration Associa-
tion, which has excluded me, I think most unfairly,
from the nomination for the city of London. (Hear,
and cheers.) Gentlemen, that registration society met,
and, without any warning of any sort, they devised
a resolution that four persons connected by commercial
pursuits with the city of London should serve them in the
next Parliament. lam not going to discuss that reso-
lution, but I beg you to observe, as I think every one
must have observed, that without making a direct attack
on me, it was meant indirectly to exclude me from the
honour of the representation. (Hear, hear.) Well, gentle-
men, this Registration Association having again met on
Tuesday last, proceeded to the nomination of lour can-
didates together, thereby excluding, I might say, that
fair decision which the nomination of each candidate's
name might have caused, and they thereby again decided
that they would exclude me indirectly—(cries of
"Shame, shame ")—without allowing any discussion
whether I was unworthy further to represent you.
They heard, moreover, a gentleman who was one of the
four nominated, and who made his speech—a speech, I
am tcld, of three quarters of an hour—consisting chiefly
of a contrast between his votes and mine, and censures
on my conduct in the past Parliament. Well, now,
gentlemen, let me say that if—as I complain of being un-
fairly treated—if a gentleman was disposed to part with
his butler, his coachman, or his gamekeeper, or if a
merchant was disposed to part with an old servant—a
warehouseman, a clerk, or even a porter—ke would have
said to him, " John, it is true that you have served mo
well—(cheers and laughter)—but I think that your facul-
ties are somewhat decayed. "Y on are growing old, and
have made several mistakes ; and you know that I think
of Late ting a young man from Northampton, whom you
know I have sent for, into your place. (Laughter.)
I think a gentleman would have behaved in that way to
his servant, and thereby have given John an opportunity
of answering and of saying why he thought his faculties
were not so much decayed, and that, perhaps, he was
able to go on for some five or six years longer. (Cheers.)
Gentlemen, that opportunity was not given to
me, and the question was decided in my ab-
sence without any appeal or invitation to me, and I come
to yea now to ask you and the electors of the city of
Lone on to reverse that decision. (Cheers.) And now,
gentl omen, as to the grounds upon which I ask again
for y :ur confidence. Let me say, in the first place, that,
prou 1 as I am of that confidence, it had occurred to me
in later years that the great question upon
whiei I came forward for the representation
of tb city of London—(cries of " What about Vienna,
Johnny ll")—namely, the question of free trade, having
been settled, that I might no longer encounter the labour
or siceieve the honour of further representing you. But,
gentlemen, this does not appear to me au occasion
upon which I can honourably shrink from the duty
that is to be performed. (Loud cheers) Gentle-
men, most of you here probably saw an exhibi-
tion—a Chinese exhibition some years ago, in
which there were three large figures, with the
words " paq, present, and future" written on them in
certain Chinese characters. Now I will allude to the
past with the present, and, so far as one can anticipate,
with the future. With regard to the past, I think it
would be a proof of vanity in me if I were to attempt
to enumerate the acts which I believe have been useful
to the country which I have brought forward, and
which are now recorded in the statute-book of the realm.
—(Leud cheers.) But, gentlemen, if I were to go over
a few of them—the repeal of the Test and Corp: ration
Acts—(cheers)—the Reform of Parliament—(cheers)—
the reform of the municipal corporation—(cheers)—the
nettlement of the tithes question—(cbeers)—the Mar-
riage Act for England, by which Dissenters were re-
lieved from what they thought obnoxious—(cheers)
measures respecting Ireland, giving theqa a franchise
they sad not hitherto enjoyed---measures relating to the
ieduetion and equalieation of the sugar duties by which
the people of this country have had that article almost
of necessity at cheaper prices than hitherto; the repeal
of the navigation laws and some others, I think that
enumeration might be fairly set in the balance against
the scattered and desultory votes Mr. Raikes Currie
may have given. (Cheers.) But, 'gentlemen, passing
to that which is of the immediate present, I -beg to call
your attention to the course that 1 have pursued in the
present session of Parliament with regard to
three very important questions. The first question re-
lated to the budget, and it was objected by Mr. Disraeli
and Mr. Gladstone that that budget did not give suffi-
cient relief to the people. Very able speeches were
made by them in support of that proposition, but it
seemed to me that the Government had acted fairly—
that they were endeavouring carefully to remove those
burthens which had been caused by the war—that estab-
lishiaents could not bo reduced suddenly, though they
ought to be reduced largely, and I gave my vote and I
spoke as strongly as I could in favour of the proposition
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. (Cheers.) That,
at least, showed that I was not disposed to view with
disfavour, or encounter with opposition the Government
of L' rd Palmerston. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen,
there came another question and that
question related to the extension of the' right of voting
to householders of 101. in counties, the same as that
enjoyed by householders in towns. (Laud cheers.) Now,
geutl semen, such a motion I had, ou one occasion, if not
more, opposed, wishing myself to bring forward a more
large and comprehensive measure for the enlargement of
the c 'nstituent body, and for the eettlement of some re-
maining questions respecting the reform of Parliament
—(cheers)—but those measures that I hail brought for-
ward not appearing to me likely to recut with
favour at that time, and to which I will ad-
dress a few words by and by, I supported Mr.
Lecke King's motion—(cheers)—as a great practical
advantage, and a measure that might be exceedingly
useful, both in satisfying the minds of those househol-
ders who were excluded, and giving a greater weight to
the county representation in Parliament. (Cheers.)
Now, that motion was strongly opposed by the Prime
Minister. Lord Palmerston declared very explicity that
he wee not for a comprehensive reform, and he did
rot approve of bit by bit reforms like that. (Cheers,
IFhters and hisses.) Well, gentlemen, we divided,
I%_
ean the case was exactly this, that if we had
einMported by Government there were twen'y-
one persons holding office, and 10 more the immediate I
adherents of Government,
ernment, reeking together 31 ; there
were 16 others absent,jned all,
these 41 hadwhositl think, bolding office, and if
the the 179 minority we should have
been 220,
op(coition tom he motion would
only have counted 160.
have l.ad a majority of byvh.r-'.) e should thereby
anicdh would probably have
increased on future divisissotswo
lialiTBeasure would have
been carried through the
-.ow, it was not carried,
amsiotfellParliament.
(Cberr:h ) N
ac-
count the opposition of Government
Paiot• Mr. lei,raelia:„d..yi...T:ho:rit
di
vies° ts was Lord
Sir J pakieglm, Mr. Gladstone, amid -
ee Mr. S.
voti, together. Wear, bear.) Now, geetleieen, tin
say that this was a sliseraeeful
I say "it was an iefarricue combination—that it was
svet: a fortuitou,,e.rienurve of atoms,' (Hear and Cheers.)
Far from it ; and I say that although I differed
;rove these gentlemen, I think that Lord Pee
mertton and his colleagues, and Mr. Gladstone,
and Mr. Sidney Herbert, and others having formed an
opinion that Mr. Locke King's motion would be inju-
rioni if carried, they were right in coneulting their
own opinions, and of followine the dictates of
their own judgin,lit,
though it rhrou4lit them into
the ?ebbe, with men who
widely differed on other sub-
jects. (Cheers ) Well, gentlemen, this a!* last,, may
Turn.-li seine key to the next question I am about
to tauch on, namely, the question relative to China.
Now, I beg to say, hi the first place, that I believe the
charge which has been made of a disgraceful combination
—of an unscrupulous coalition—is utterly false. ([dear.)
I, for my own part, can say that before the debate be-
gan, being consulted by one gentleinau upon the subject,
I seal, I am about the worst person to be asked to ad-
vise you, because I have not gono through the papers,
and have not made up my own mind. There was one
geetlenan to whom I sat next, and to whom I spoke
from time t) time, namely, Sir Francis Baring, a man
of as spotleis honour, as strict integrity, as sound pa-
riot:sue as any man that sits in the House of Commons.,
nd we cams separately to the opinion, rea,rling all the
apees,ethat Sir John Bowring was not justified in the

' measures of violence he had taken, and it therefore was
not consistent with the character, reputation, and honour
of the British nation to approve of those proceedings.
Now, gentlemen, I can answer for myself, and I think I
can answer for some 48 gentlemen who, like Sir Francis
Baring and myself, sitting on the right hand of the
speaker, gave a similar vote. I believe that none of us
had any concert or combination with any other party.
Of course, with respect to Lord Derby, Sir J. Graham,
and Mr. Gladstone, I know nothing of their views, but
they have denied on their part any coalition or combina-
tion upon that question of China, and I think as men of
honour they deserve to be believed. But, gentlemen,
persons may meet in a different manner. Several per-
sons may combino in order to break into a house, but
also several persons may combine in a jury room to find
them guilty of burglary for so doing. (Hear, hear.)
The one combination- is a bad and wicked one, but the
other is right and praiseworthy, and belongs to the ad.
ministration of justice. (Hear.) Now, gentlemen, it is
that latter combination which took place in the case of
which I am talking. I thought, on reading all the papers,
that we could come to no other opinion. A. great many
persons, no doubt, thought that the Government did
right ; but a great many other persons thought that
although the Government had not been exactly right, it
was very unadvisable to give a vote that must displace
them from office. With regard to that question, I beg
to read to you an opinion which was given by,.a
gentleman, of great consistency and highly respected
in the House of Commons, where, as a Reformer
he has sat for a great number of years. I allude to Mr.
Ellice, the member for Coventry. Mr. Ellice was almost
the only person who, holding a high position in the House
of Commons, and not being in office, gave a vote against
the motion that was made by Mr. Cobden. In addressing
his constituents, Mr. Ellice used these words :—" I did
not approve, and sincerely lament, the extreme measures
to which our civil and military authorities in China have
carried their proceedings on their own responsibility, and
without direct instructions from home." That is in effect
Mr. Cobden's resolution, and the only question therefore
was—and I admit it is a difficult question for members
in the House of Commons to solve—the only question
was, shall we or shall we not, disapproving of what has
been done, record that disapprobation by our vote, at
the expense either of a dissolution of Parliament or a
change of Government. (Hear, hear.) Now, gentle-
men, there are many questions in my long political
life in which I have voted either to keep the Go-
vernment in office or to support my party where my
opinion did not exactly coincide with what was pro-
posed, but I thought here was a question of such grave
importance, and touching so deeply the interests
of this country and mankind, that I had no other
course than to give my vote according to my opi.
nions, and it seemed to me that the commencement
of hostilities—burning down portions of populous cities
—putting an end to the peaceful and amiable relations of
trade, and exchanging them for the operations of war—that
was a question ot such paramount importance that I
could not do otherwise than make my vote agree with
my opinions. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, while tat was
my course, far be it from me to blame others who thought
that the Government might have caused serious evils in
Crime if they had not approved of the proceedings of
Sir John Bowring. I quite agree that it was a very
difficult question for them to resolve, and I applaud
the conscientious motives upon which they acted.
(Cheers ) But that which I protest against is, that
many men on both sides having voted on party grounds
—perhaps more in support of Government than against
it—what I do complain of is the denunciation of the
House of Commons, which I believe was composed, as
alldivisions are, of men acting no doubt on party grounds,
but of men who, having thoroughly investigated the
question, could not conscientiously come to any other
decision. (Hear, hear.) And, gentlemen, to refer to
what I said to you a short time ago, if this is to be
denounced as an infamous and disgraceful coalition,
would not the same name apply to those who voted
against Mr. Locke King's motion, differing as they
did in party, and differing in their general political
views. Now, gentlemen, let us come to the question
which the third portion f the statute to which I have
referred represents—the question of the future. Upon
that subject you will perhaps recollect that the
figure to which I had a closed book, intimating as
much as that it was difficult to us here to read the
pages of futurity. Let me say further that I am
sure you would have a very bad opinion of me, if
having acted according to my sense of duty
to the country upon the questions and measures
which carne before us, I were now to tell you that I
would change that conduct, and for the sake of obtain-
ing rotes at the City election, I would renounce any
opinions I have hitherto professed. (Hear.) Gentlemen,
it appears to me that there are three questions put be-
fore the country. The first qeestion is, whether Lord
Palmerston's Government should be supported, or whe-
ther it should be replaced by any other Government.
(Loud cries of No, no, and cheers.) Before that ques-
tion I give you my opinion that I think Lord Palmer-
ston's Government ought to be supported, and that hav-
ing to choose between Lord Palmerston, as the bead of
the Liberal party, and Lord Derby, as the head of the
Conservative party, I should think it my duty to support
the Government of Lord Palmerston. (Cheers.) But,
gentlemen,-there is a second question which is raised, I
think, by the addresses which have been made to the
country by persons of all sorts ot opinions, and that is
whether Lord Palmerston should be supported irrespec.
five of any opinions he may profess, or any measures he
may think it proper to introduce. (Hear, hear.) To that
question I should give as decided a No. But, gentle.
men, there is a third question and I think it is the most
important of all—namely,. putting aside both the first and
second questions as relating to persons and Ministers—
whether the great Liberal party, the great Reform party
of the city of London, and of the towns and counties
throughout the country, should hold fast by their reform
principle., or whether they should abandon them.
Now, gentlemen, I think you will anticipate the answer
that 1 am about to give for my own i art as to that
question. I hold that there would be nothing so dan
gerous to that great party as to drop any of the prin
ciples upon which it has risen. If you have what is
called a Liberal party which is not the advocate of
any Liberal measures, which makes no progress,
which is not faithful te the cause of civil and religious
liberty, you may be sure the downfall of that Li-
beral party is at hand. (Loud cheers.) It is only
by remaining true to your banners—it is only by
continuing in the same course you Lave for so many
years victoriously pursued, it is only by continu
in„ in that course that you can maintain the con
fidence of the country and contribute to its future
welfare and happiness. (Cheers.) Now upon these
subjects there is one question upon which a present col-
lsague of mine has been the embodiment and the repre-
sentative of ,religious liberty—l mean of course the
Lawn Rothschild, (Loud cheers.) I hope Baron
Rothechild, although it is perhaps impertinent
of me to speak of any other candidate but myself. I
hope that Baron Rothschild, as being the representa-
tive of that principle of civil and religious liberty which
you took up and so firmly maintained, will continuo to
be its symbol and emblem,—that you will remain true
to those great privileges, so that religious liberty may
be established in this country. lam told, gentlemen,
that that question has been a long while in dis-
cussion, and that there hal not been any great
progress with respect to it, but if you will look back
to the various questions whic'b have been carried on
in this country, you will recollect that the
Municipal Corporations Bill, the repeal of the Test
and Corporations Act, and Parliamentary reform were
long -under discussion, that they had to struggle
through the force of public opinion, and that it was
not until public opinion became, not only united here
' but everywhere, that Parliament gave its sanction to
the principles of the Government. (Hear, hear.)
Gentlemen, there is another question upon which I
trust that the next Parliament will show a very firm
desire—and that is, the question of the retrenchment of
the expenditure, (Rear, hear, and cheers.) I believe
that the estimates of the present year exceed by more
than five millions those of 1853. I have told you I
did not wish to hurry the Government with their re-
ductions; but I think they might in the course of the
present year prepare for such reductions as will enable
them to make the income balance the expenditure, and if
possible relieve further the amount of tax stion which
et present presses so heavily on the country. (Cheers.)
It is only by such retrenchments that progress can be
made in that relief for industry which by the repeal of
the duties on glass the repeal of the duties on soap, and
irony other articles, have so much contributed to
the welfare of the people. I cannot see why, if due
we may not by the next year fall
economy be practised,
to the ls. duty on tea promised some years ago, and to
the reduction of the duty on sugar, which was likewise
enacted in former Years. (Hear, hear, and cheers.)
I come next to the great question of reform—(cheery)—
and here I must observe that Lord Derby, as the head
of the great Conservative party, has traced certain ,
limits to which he will permit legislation, and the
Government to carry their measures. I, for my part,
refuse to be bound by those limitations. (Loud cheers.)'
I cannot think that political reform ought to be excluded
from our consideration, and P 3 I voted for Mr. Locke
King's motion in the present Parliament, so I shall
he disposed, if re-elected, to support it in the new Par-
liament. (Cheers.) I look to other extensions of the
right of voting fer members of Parliament, believing it
to be safe and beneficial, and the extension of the
right of voting will eff-ctually conduce to
the welfare of this country; and it is only by that means
that the aduliaistretive Worn), so much va'ued of late
years, can be beneficially accempliehed. (Cheers.)
About two EU:alien) since an address to " the
Crown was carlicil respecting administrative reform,
but unless wo have) another extension of the suffrage, I
doubt if any adequate measure for that purpose will be
adopted. (Rear.) Gentlemen, I will not detain you much
leo,nugreQre I
;but there is one question with respect. to which the
Ligauvetsto
pursuedito
I church bas
ebeernates. (
much (!,I)jHecetaerd, to.I
mean thehear,"
centers,
at.neo by
and Cheers.) .1
felt as a am perfectly aware that church rates are
conduct on thia tulsr the great bedy of dis.
linen, but, gentlemen, my
by ena,,y
c'hau theyt are likewise objected to
church
rates,j has been based on this, that in
you ought, at the same
eholishing
tine,
church rates can be abolished,
to the Chuyeh Establishiwe' to do it with a just regard
ment. of this country. (Hear.)
You have in Scotland a
lby law for the repairs
of the Church. You hayPer°inleil°rnelane also a provision
for the repair of the Church, and
nochmearnts follows
whiaches ; and
think that you ought
also to have one iu England • but it by
that it need be in the form of
if any measure can be devised, by
can be abolished and a due provision made fur the tphurey
poses of the Established Church, I shall be willit, r
most willing, to aid the introduction and carrying of
such a measure. (Cheer;.) But, gentlemen, as I have
already told you, if I sue elected as your rept esentative in
Parliament, I must go there, as I have hitherto
done, free to act according to my general principles.
(Rear, hear.) I cannot be fettered, and have to'