The Sun.
London, England, 1857-05-08 00:00:00

IiRWMI4.2•I2IIIK le' aa 7. .777
FR DAY MAY 8, 1857,
L 0 INT D ON,

.T.111P7-RT AL PAR LIAMENT.

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ROUSE OF LORDS.--(YESTERDAY.)
The LORD CiIiNCELT4Of took his seat on the woolsack
at 5 o'clock.
There was a very full attendance of peers this after-
noon. The Earl of Clarendon, the Marquis of Lans-
downe, Earl Granville, Lord Stanley of Alderley, and
Lord Panmure were on the Ministerial bench ; and
amongst thou on the Opposition were the Earl of
Malmesbory, the Earl of ilardvricke, the Earl of Eglin-
ton, the Earl of Ellenborough, the Marquis of London-
derry, Earl Grey, L:,rd Lyndhurst, &c.
LAW OF LIBEL.

Lord CAMPBELL gave notice that to-morrow be
would move the appointment of a select committee to
inquirellow far the privileges now enjoyed in respect to
the reports of the Courts of Law may be extended to
the reports of the proceedings of both Houses of Parlia-
ment, and other public meetings, and also a committee
to inquire into the expediency of swearing witnesses be-
fore the said committee, and not at the bar of the houEe.
THE ADDRESS.

The LORD CHANCELLOR then rose and
read her Majesty's Speech as follows :

" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,'

"We are commanded to inform you that her
Majesty has availed herself of the earliest opportu-
nity of having recourse to your advice and assist-
ance after the dissolution of the last Parliament ;
and her Majesty trusts that there will he found
sufficient time during the present session to enable
you satisfactorily to deal with various important
matters, some of which had occupied the attention
of Parliament in the beginning ofethis
"-WenfrObinmanded by her Majesty to inform
you that the general aspect of affairs in Europe
affords a well-grounded confidence in the con-
tinuance of peace.
• "All the main stipulations of the treaty of Paris
have been carried into execution, and it' is to be
hoped that what remains to be done in regard to
those matters will be speedily accomplished. •
" The negotiations upon the subject of the dif-
ferences which had arisen between the King of
Prussia and the Swiss Confederation, in regard to
the affairs of Neuchatel, are drawing to a close, and
will, her Majesty trusts, be terminated by an ar-
rangement honourable and satisfactory to all par-
ties.
"The negotiations in which her Majesty has
been engaged with the Government of the United
States, and with the Government of Honduras,
in regard to the affairs of Central America,• have
not yet been brought to a close,
" We are commanded by her Majesty to inform
you that a treaty of peace between her Majesty
and the Shah of Persia was signed at Paris on the
4th of March, by her Majesty's Ambassador
at Paris and by the Ambassador. of the
Shah ; and her Majes'y will give direct!ons 'that
this treaty shall be laid before you as • soon as the
ratifications thereof shall have been duly exchanged.
" Her Majesty commands us to express to you
her regret that, at the date of • the latest advices
from China, thediffe'rences which had arisen between
the High Commissioner at Canton and her Majesty's
civil and naval officers in China, still remained un-
adjusted. But her Maje Sty has sent to China a
Plenipotentiary fully instructed ,to, deal with all
matters of difference, and that Plenipotentiary will
be supported by an adequate naval and military
force, in the event of such assistance becoming
necessary.
" are commanded to inform you that her
Majesty, in conjunction withseveral other European
Powers, has concluded a Treaty with the King of
Denmark for the redemption of the Sound Dues.
This Treaty, together with a Separate Convention
between her Majesty and the King of Denmark, .
completing the arrangement, will be laid More
You, and her Majesty will cause the measures ne-
cessary for fulfilling the -engagements thereby con-
tracted' to be submitted for your consideration:"
" GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.
"Bier Majesty has directed the Estimates for
the present year to be laid before you.
"They have been prepared with a careful atten-
tion to economy, and with a due regard to the effi-
ciency of the department of the public service to
which they severally relate.
" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
" Her Majesty commands us to recommend to
your earnest consideration, measures which will be
proposed to you for the consolidation and improve-
ment of the law.
" Bills will be submitted to you for. improving
the laws relating to the Testamentary and Matri-
monial Jurisdiction now exercised by the Ecclesias-
tical Courts, and also for checking fraudulent
breaches of trust.

" Her Majesty commands us to express to you
her heartfelt gratification at witnessing the conti-
nued well-being and contentment of her people,
and the progressive development of productive
industry throughout her dominions.
"Her Majesty confidently commits to your wis-
dom and care the great interests of her empire, and
fervently prays that the blessing of Almighty God
may be vouchsafed to your deliberations, and may
lead you to conclusions conducive to the objects
of ber Majesty's constant solicitude, the welfare
and happiness of her loyal and faithful people."
The Marquis of TOWNSEND (who wore a naval
uniform), rose to move an humble address to her Ma-
jesty, in answer to her Majesty's most gracious Speech
on the opening of Parliament. He said, in rising to
move the address, he felt that their lordship would
kindly assist him with their indulgence. In the ob•
servations he should address to the house, he would
endeavour to confine himself strictly to the question be-
fore the house. The present Parliament was called into
existence by a state of things that were well known to
most of their lordships, and therefore he need not detain
their lordships at any length on that point. It
had been said that the noble lord at the head of
the •Government had no fixed principles to go to
the country, but only a name ; but with that name
he went to the country, and the result of that appeal
had been greatly in his favour. The noble lord had
boldly undertaken the command of the helm of the
State at a time of great difficulty and danger, and had
carried the formidable war in which they had been re-
cently engaged to an honourable issue. The country
had decided that the noble lord at the head
of the Government was the proper person to
retain the reins of power, and not those who had aspired
to power, whose policy was to reduce the power of the
country, and. to submit quietly to the humiliation of the
British flag. (Hear, bear.) It was to be regretted that
the Chinese question had not been satisfactorily settled,
but he trusted the steps now taken would bring it to a
speedy termination. The noble lord then referred to the
part in the Royal speech with respect to the oaths taken
by members of Parliament. He trusted that he should
soon see the Jews admitted to both Houses of Parlia•
ment. (Hear, hear.) After some further observation'
the noble lord c included by reading the address, which,
as usual, was an echo of the Royal Speech.
The Earl of PORTSMOUTH said, in seconding
the address, he should detain their lordships but
a few moments, and while doing so he entreated their
kind indulgence. It was a source of great satisfaction
that the stipulations of the Treaty of Paris had
been so fully carried out. The state of affairs
in Persia, had proved that British valour was still
triumphant, and it must be a source of gratification to
Englishmen to learn that when it was necessary to act
their conduct had been marked with their usual gal-
lantry. (Hear, hear.) The late treaty effected with the
King of Denmark was also a source of gratification, as
by it the Sound Dues had been abolished. The noble lord
then beicfly alluded to the other parts in the speech, con-
cluded by seconding the address.
The Earl of MAL MESBURY—If from private feel-
ings cod reacone I regret the absence of my noble friend
(Lord Derby), who usually sits on the bench near me,
those feelings of regret are increased in consequence Of
the task which I am obliged, as it were, to undertake,
of attempting—in vain, I know—to fill his place for a
few minutes. Your lordships will bear in mind that my
noble friend, while leading most ably this side of thy
house, always desired that on occasions like the present
the Address to the Throne should be carried in no chur-
lish or reluctant spirit, but should be passed with unani-
mity by your lordships. I am glad to say that I see no
apprehension 'of a contrary course being taken to-night.
(Hoar, hear.) I see nothing in the Speech delivered by
the Royal Commissioners-which can provoke discussion
or induce any one to OppOse the Address in answer to it
recommended by the noble marquis and the noble earl
opposite. Nevertheless, for a moment I had some fear
that this might not be the case, when I listened
to certain observations which fell from the noble
marquis; and, if I were to take his speech as an appen-
dage to the Royal Speech, I certainly could not resume
my seat without commenting, however reluctantly, on
some of the topics which the noble marquis has been
pleased to introduce to,the notice of your lordships, and
which are not to be found in the copies of the Royal
Speech in yOur lordships' hands. The noble marcinis

! having omitted to notice three or font' important subjects
(to be found the middle of the Royal Speech, intro-
duced two other subjects net less important—Pail'amen-
tary reform and Church-rages. Note, I do think that if
any one desired to raise ,a, discussion, the best thine, he
could do would be to select either one or both 'of those
subjects, which her Majesty, in my opinion, wisely
omitted from the Speech, but which the noble mar-
quis introduced. However the speech of the noble
marquis was subsequent to the Speech of her Ma-
jesty, and it is the Speech of her Majesty alone which
is to be looked upon as authentic in this house, and
in respect to which the address is to be voted. I
think, then, that the Government do not take too
sanguine a view, when, they . express a hope that
" there-will be found sufficient time during the present
session to deal with 'various important matters," for
though the time be short I must say that the list of mea-
sures proposed to be brought forward i 3. also so small
that we may fairly hope to get through it in the present
session. We sitting on this bide of the house cannot but
share in the pleasure expressed by the mover and se-
conder of the Address in reft;rence to that paragraph of
the Royal Speech which announces that the peace of
Europe is likely. to continue undisturbed ; and. I wish
it could have been added that peace in Asia is also
Assure". lam of opinion that the peace of Europe is
secure so long. as that important alliance now upon so
happy a footing between ourselves and France con-
tinues ; and I believe that for its continuance nothing
is r =spired but a judicious consideration of the different
positions of France and England, both geographically
and constitutionally. I say :this - because I have
sometimes remarked a natural impatience on the
part of the English people 'in cOnsegnence of their
neighbours not having a constitution as free as
their own, forgetting what ought not to be forgotten, that
the constitutions of both ceunteins cetera %fated _hy,444.-
. {pular voices and-. threrefol'e,'th*ough differing- in detail,
they proceed from the same foundation. The next point
to which the Royal Speech adverts is that which remains
to,be accomplished in respect to the stipulations of the
Treaty of Paris, the arrangements relative to the Princi-
palities of Wallachia and Moldavia having been left in
an incomplete State. UpOn this point I shall only re-
mark that I hope my noble friend opposite Ohe Earl of
Clarendon) will not forget the original object of the war
with Russia, which has now happily ceased. That ob-
ject I understood to be to secure the future independence
and integrity of the Turkish Empire against any attack
from its powerful neighbour. (Hear.) Now, however it
might be desired to take up the cause of nationalities, I
trust that the oi iginal ebject of the war wilt be kept iu view,
and the Turkish frontier rendered secure in the most effec-
tive Mennee, whether by a union of the Principalities or .by
keeping them separate. In reference to the settlement
of the-affair of Neuchatel your lordships cannot but ex-
press great pleasure, for there is always felt in this coun-
try the greatest poesible sympathy with Switzerland, on
account of resemblance in religious and coustitutional
matters. With respect to .the peace fortunately con-
eluded with Persia, I trust that the,Government will
inform the house at what date they expedt that the news
of that peace Would reach Sir J. Outram and his army,
so that we may have some hope of soon hearing of an
end being put to the unnecesary shedding Of blood. Ido
not know that I should have said anything upon a sub-
ject which is perhaps the most important in the whole
Speech, and which has certainly occupied the attention
of this country of late more than any other—l mean the
dispute with China—had it not been for a reference to the
past debates upon that subject which was made by the
noble marquis who moved-toe Address,and which Ithink
had been better omitted. It appears almost childish to
tell your lordships that we on this side of the house and
some noble lords on the other side who took a different
view of the que,lien to that which was entertained by
her Majesty's Ministers did so from a deep sense of duty
and from no -other feeling. ' would be almost childish,
I say, to repeat that assertion to your lordships, because
I am persuaded that no one ever records a vote in this
house without consciontiotitly believing that in giving
that vote he is perforating an act of duty. But the noble
marquis alluded to what had passed, and he made use of
an expression which I cannot anew to remain unnoticed.
I should not have referred to it perhaps, however, had it
not been the echo of what ,was stated be ha rnore impor-
tant personage than the noble marquis—l mean the noble
viscount at the head other Majesty's Government. The
noble marquis, adopting the tone of the noble viscount,
said that there were men who were prepared for the sake
of office to accept, as I understood him, the degradation
of the English flag. A heavier charge, my lards, could
not by possibility be lain upon any metnber of Parliament,
or upon any gentleman in this country. (Hear, hear.)
I would gladly have avoided alluding to, even it I could
not forget, the almost similar terms which were made
use of by the noble viscount at the head of the Govern-
ment. Referring to those persons who might possibly
succeed him in office, h said of them and of those who
had voted against his views on the Gahm question that
they were men who had " thus eedeavoured to make
the humiliation and degradation of their country the
stepping-stone to power." My lords, I do not believe
that there is any precedent fur language such as that
ever proceeding from so high a source. (Hear, hear.) I
do not think that even in the heat of any debate I ever
heard such language ; but your lordships must recollect
Mat the language to which I refer was not spoken in the
heat of debate, but that it was calmly written,
printed, and addressed to his constituents by the noble
viscount at Tiverton. Of the noble viscount's attack,
therefore, I say no more than that it was unworthy his
great reputation, talent, and position, and that it was as
absurd as it was unworthy. It was absurd, because in a
degraded country no power is attached to office ; on the
contrary, the man who rules such a country is the most
degraded being in it. Forgive nee, my lord, if I have
spoken with warmth on this subject, for I confess that I
feel strongly upon it. Bat to revert to the queslion of
China. We never denied upon this side of the house
that the Chinese had given to this country considerable
cause of offence ; but what we stated was that the pun-
ishment inflicted was out of proportion to the offence—
that populations destroyed and towns attacked wee e
rather too strong measures of retaliation for the affront
;which had been offered by the Chinese. We added that
we thought that, the plenipotentiary and admiral at
Canton should have waited for further orders from home
before they proceeded to extremities. Those were the
points on which we grounded our opposition ; and I
must add now that if her Majesty's Government had at
the time been pleased to state, as they now do in the
Royal Speech, that they were about to send an eminent
Person to settle the differences in, China, my firm
belief is that no division would have taken place on
that question, and that her Majesty's Government would
not have been opp sed. Beyond toe few words which I
have now addressed to your lordships I have only fur-
ther to express a hope that when the estimates for the
present year come to be presented we shall find that the
promise that they will be drawn up with a careful eaten-.
tion to economy is not a mere idle and formal phrase.
With a war now progressing in China., and with an ex-
pensive war just concluded, we surely cannot afford to
throw away a single shilling; and I shall upon a future
occasion take au opportunity of bringing before your
lordships what appears to me to be considerable extrava-
gance and waste of public money now taking place within
this very metropolis. I hope that the Government will
omit nothing in order to carry out the war in China with
vigour and effect to a speedy and successful termivation,
for I can assure them that they will not find upon the
_side of the house any undue reluctance to assist them
with all that can he required to make England's
power acknowledged and respected. That they may be
armed with the means, however, to maintain the honour
of the country, the strictest economy in other matters will
be not only desirable, but necessary. (Hear.) Having said
thus much I can only prekune, in the unfortunate absence
of my noble friend, to advise my noble friends behind me
to assent to the terms of the address which. has been pro-
posed, and I, for one, shall do so most cheerfully ,(Hear,)
Earl GRANVILLE—In answer to the question
which was addressed to her Majesty's Government by
the re ble earl who has just sat down I have to state that
a telegraphic message has been received this very after-
noon, from which it appears that on the sth of April
the general commanding the British forces in Persia re-
ceihed information Of the treaty with Persia having been
signed at Paris ; so that we can have no doubt that sub-
sequently to that date all unnecessary bloodshed had
ceased. (Hear, hear.) The observations of the noble
earl with respect to the propriety of _our joining with
as much unanimity as possible in our respectful
Addres4 to the Throne, were so just and faultless
in their tone that I should have bad nothing to add if I
had not thought that he a little misunderstood the inten-
tion of the noble marquis behind me when he stated that
he ha i endeavoured to raise. questions which might dis-
turb that unanimity which was so desirable. (Hear.)
As to the expressions of the noble viscount at the head
of the Government, which were said to have been re-
peated by the noble marquis, I cannot admit that they
bear the interpretation which the noble earl has • put
upon them. No doubt, in the contest of parties questions
are occasionady, raised with the view of displacing those
in pOwer, and it may be that such questions are most
prOperly raised—(hear) —but, if the nool viscount went
beyond the ordinary bounds, let ms remind the noble
earl—although at the same time I strongly depre-
cate the introduction of these personal matters—that
at the close of the late session the noble earl not
now present (tho Earl of Derby) did in this house
giie a very strong and personal description of that
noble. viscount which, in my Opinion, in the opinion
of my noble friends behind me, and in the opinion
of the country, were Lot borne out by facts. (Hear.)
1 have thought it right to Menton this, although it is
very undesirable upon these occasions to enter upon ques-
tion' of a personal nature, or to advert to topics which
May give rise to any debate of an acrimonious character
—and I sincerely hope that any bitterness which may
have been excited during the elections has by this time
subsided, so that we may new apply ourselves with
earnestness to the consideration of those measures which
may tend to the advantage of the communitrat large.
(Rear, hear.) I have nothing more
,to add, my lords,
after the very courteous manner in which the noble earl
has asked you to agree to the Address. lof course con-
cur iu that request, and I hope that weinay join unani-
inoutly in presenting to her Majesty the Address which
has been moved and seconded by my noble friends be-

hind me.
The Marquis of CLANRICARDE—It is not my in-
tention to disturb the unanimity which Appears to pre.

veil anione your lordships witle'respect to the Address.;
but there is one point upon which I wish to offsr a few
remarks, and to which I must solicit the attention of
the noble lord the Secretary for War—l mean that part
of the Royal Speech which refers to the expedition which
has been sent out to China to :support her Majesty's Pie-
nipotentiaiy. If unfortunately the services of the:, ex:
pedition should be called into exercise by the necessities
of the case, the success of its operations must, of course,
greatly depend on the abilities of the person who has
the charge Of it, and T. submit that it is the duty of the
Governineet, of the Parliament. and of the country, on
ail occasions to sustain those whom they have placed in
high and difficult positions against any attacks which
may be made upon them. Under these circumstanoee,
my lords, I am about to advere very shortly to the at-
tacks made against General A sliburnham—attecks of a
nature which I do not think oaght to be entirely disre-
garded either by Parliansent or the country. If these
attacks consisted merely of articles in newepapers I
should be the first to recognise that, looking to the free
press of this country, it would. be unwise for the Go-
vernment' to interfere, jend inipossible for Parlieinent
to control it ; but attacks have been made by officers in
her Majesty's service, who must be, or, at least, who
might be, known to the military authorities and to the
Government; and theseattacks have been direated egainst
the professional character of the General to whom has
been confided the conduct of the expedition to China. I
must say I think we ought to have some explanation on
this head, and, as to-night the Government is not em-
barrassed by any controversy on the subject of the ad
dress, Ihope. I shall not be considered as going out of the
proper track in alluding to the subject at this the very first
oppertunity; _General Ashburnham was, as your lord-
ships will recollect, appointed to the distinguished post
which he now .occupies early in March. He did not
ethis ceanteerfar some weeks after receleing that ap-
pointment, which was, of course, commented upon in the
papers with that freedom which is becoming in this
country. But after he was gone, and when he was no
longer in Europe, it appears that ad officer did not
tisink it unworthy of his position to make an attack
upon the professional character of the general in a
manner of which I think the Government ought to take
some public notice. In the letter to which I allude (no
doubt all your lordships have read it, and I will not
there trouble you by quoting any portion of it), General
Ashburnham was distinctly charged with cowardice and
incapacity. The letter has certainly drawn forth answers
to it, but in my opinion, officers ought net to be allewed
to make these attacks upon generals in high c immand,
which cannot possibly be for the good of the public ser-
vice. lam not sufficiently acquainted with the regule-
tions'of the army to know far they may be made avail-
able in this case, but the person who signs himself " M.
L "describes himself as serving upon the staff of a par-
ticular brigadier on a particular occasion; and e,s having
carried a message on this occasion to Greu. Ashburnham,
and I imagine therefore that his identity Mast tie known,
In fact, 1 am told that his name is known, though
I preferred not to know it. In this letter, I repeat,
General Ashburnham was charged with a want of due
courage and with incapacity. It was stated that Lord
Gough might be appealed to in proof of this charge
that his lordship was highly exasperated on the °seamen
referred to, bun nevertheless, favourably represented
General Astiburnhani's conduct in his despatches home ;
and then it was added with a sort of sneerthat the gene-
ra! was rewarded for his distinguished service. I hope
my noble friend the Secretary for War' can tell us that
he has taken steps to convey his opinion that such con-
duct as this on the part of officers in her Majesty's ser-
vice is not to be approved of. (Hear.) If, atter there
have been plenty of opportunities for making comments
to a man's face, and for criticising an appointment when
it is possible to revoke it, a general's professional charac-
ter and capacity ale to be assailed when he has turned
his back by officers inferior in rank, the service of the
country will be zegarded as dangerous, and will no
longer continuo an object of desire to men of gallantry
and honour. (Hear, hear.)

Lord PANMURE—After what has just fallen from I
my noble friend it seems necessary for me to say a few
words on the subject to which he has addressel himself.
lam very glad, my lords, that my noble friend has
drawa your attention to the attack which has been made ;
upon Gen. Ashburnham. Gen. Ashburnham was ap-
pointed to the command which he has assumed on the
14th of March. Parliament was sitting for a week after
that appointment was made, and, if therefore it had been
wished to raise any objections in either House of Parlia-
ment to the appointment, a legitimate opportunity
existed of doing so for a full week. Gen. Ashburnham
remained in this country for some time afterwards, and
yet, during the whole of his stay here, not one objecticn
was raised in any public print with respect to his fitness
—either in his general professional character as a soldier
or in his capacity as commander of this ex )edition.
Scarcely, however, had this gallant officer's back been
turned, when, misled I have no doubt by false informa-
tion (for of the real facts the newspaper to which I refer
nsnet have been ignorant), an article appeared reflecting
not simply upon General Ashburnham's capacity to
execute the duties which be had undertaken, but
but reflecting also upon that which is most dear of all to
a British officer—his personal courage. The first fruits
of such an attack were that it opened the columns of the
public press to all the indignant slanders which toremany
officers are ready to launch against an eminent member
of their own profession. I cannot ascertain the names '
of those individuals. But I am quite content to say this
—that any officer in her Majesty's service, whether he
be in the Line or in the Company's ranks, who anony-
mously traduces a brother officer, is unfit to carry the
commission of the Queen and unfit to associate with his
companions in the profession. (Cheers.) Now what are
the facts of this case? Gem Ashburnham is accused of not
having attacked a certain position at a period which, in
the opinion of this anonymous "M. L.," was the proper
period to have made that attack. At thattime Gem Ash-
burnham was acting under the orders of the Commander-
in Chief of the army in which he was serving. He bad
received eo counter orders which justified bib in acting
otherwise than he did ; and, because he resisted the
advice of a general commanding the Artillery, conveyed
te him by "M.L.," he seems co have excited the wrath
and indignation of this individual, the weight of which I
Mink Gen. Ashburnham may easily bear. What might
have been the consequence had Gen. Ashburnham dis-
obeyed the orders of the Commander-in-Chief and
obeyed those of a subordinate officer ? It might have
disarranged the whole plans of the Commander. All
military combinations and movements depend upon obe-
dience to orders and strict punctuality iu point of time,
and this "M. L." seems to have been ignorant of the
first duties of a soldier when he complains of Gem Ash-
burnham because ha did not depart from the orders he
had received from his Conamander-in-Chief. What was
the Duke of Wellington's opinion in these matters ?
He had once posted a very gallant officer commanding
a troop 'of artillery in a particular place upon a particu-
lar occasion, ordering him to remain at that poet
until he received counter instructions. That officer
saw the whole army defile before him and pass him on
the way to attack the enemy. Galled by seeing his
troop left behind, he limbered up and followed the rest
of the army. What was the result IThe reverse, the pos-
sibility of which the Duke of Wellington bad foreseen,
and in order to guard against which be had posted this
troop of artillery in this particular spot, actually took
place, the artillery was dot in the position assigeed to it
at the critical moment, and great misfortunes conse-
quently befell a portion of the army. The result was
that, without listining to any excuse from him, without
considering his acknowledged gallantry, the Duke of
Wellington superseded this unfortunate officer and sent
him house. It was only after the greatest entreaty that,
in the campaign of 1815, recollecting what this officer
, had done in the Peninsula, the Duke of Weilasgton was
at last persuaded to forgive him and appoint him to a
command, and at the battle of Waterloo he fell glori-
ously fighting at the head of his batteries. Such was
the Duke of Wellington's view of the obedience which
should be paid by a soldier to the commands in the first
instance' issued to him, and we alt know perfectly
well that there was no officer he prised so higl ly
in all"his army, or to whom he so readily intrusted the
command of a combined movement, as the late Lerd
from the fact that there was no man who kept his time
more punctually in all such combinations, or upon whom
in such matters he could so entirely rely. In this in-
stance I think General Ashburoharn is fairly justified
against all the imputation's which these anonymous slate,
derers have brought against him. As a reward for his
gallantry in India I may remind your lordships that he
was appointed aide-de-camp to hfs Sovereign, and that
he also received the Order of the Bath, whicliproves that
his conduct in the field must have been satisfactory, or
otherwise he would not have been reso nmeaded for
these honours. But he did more than exhibit mere gal-
lantry when acting against the enemy. ± In quarters, as_

weal aa in the field, he showed hitn;elf well capable of

serving his Sovereign. He converted one of the towns
to which he was sent, from being one cf the dirtiest
and Silliest, into one of the best-regulated quar-
ters. He did more—he cared for the health
and won the affections of the troops he bad commanded
more than almost any other officer in India. Convinced,
therefore, of his professional experience, and of his capa-
city to superintend troops in hot climates, her Majesty's
Government selebted him for the command to which they
have appointed him, in which command I hno,,v be will
distinguish himself if an opportunity eller. I think that
when general officers are appointed to distant and ice•
portant commands, the greatest care should be taken
against their being held up to public scorn or premature
public approbation. Either way is wrong—shear)—for
they are incited to do something whit!' may either main-
tain the credit which has been prematurely given to
them, or which may disprove the accusations wlyeth have
been unjustly heaped upon them. (hear, bear.) It is
wrong to put an 'officer in such a position. You should
not lead his men to expect more from him than his former
professional reputation justifies, and than is expected
from every British officer. You need .not run him
down nor hold him up to the contempt of his*men, for
by doing so you weaken his authority. (hear, hear.)
I trust, my lords, that Gen. Ashburnha-n will treat these
reports which have been made upon him with, I bad al-
most said, the contempt which they det e ye. I rust that
he will show himself 'to be too bigh•miaded a l3iitish Ed.