The Sun.
London, England, 1859-01-17 00:00:00

REFORM MEETING AT EXETER.

(From the Weetern.Times.)
In pursuance of a requisition numerously signed,
the Right Worshipful the Mayor convened a met-
ing of the citizens at the Guildhall, at oneo'clock
on Saturday afternoon. The hour was not the
most convenient to the citizens or the working
classes, and this circumstance partly accounts for
the smallness of the attendance, the hall being
about half full. The Mayor (Captain T. Tanner)
took the chair, and amongst those present were the
town clerk (Mr. J. Gidley), Mr. R. S. Gard, M.P.,
Mr. Latimer, Mr. M. Kennaway, Mr. jerwood
Mr. Brock, Mr. Tanner, Mr. Garton, Mr. R.. Bas.
tard, ' Mr. Vickary, Mr.. Trehane,' Mr. Norringten
Mr. Letchworth, Mr. It. W. Fox, Mr. Sayell,. Mr.
Burrington, Mr. Roberts, Mr. Geachsias, Mr. It
W. Hooper, Mr. .Heathcote, Mr. London,' Mr.
Damerel, Mr. Westlak.e, Mr. M. Fryer, Mr. R.
Wreford, Mr. Limpenny, Mr. Davy, Mr. Brake,
Mr. Davy (Weir), Rev. S. Williamson, Mr. F.
&c., &c.
The notice convening the meeting having been'
read, the Town Clerk read the followinfr letter
which had been received from Mr. Divett,
Bystock, Jan. 9, 1859.
My dear sir,—l have received your lett3r of ypAerday,
and regret that it will not be possible for me to, take advan-
tage of the information it contains, by being present at the
meeting on Saturday, as I must leave this on Tuesday, and
my engasements elsewhere will prevent my return to
Devonshire before next week. It is not that I have any,
anxiety 'to express my own views 'on reform, but hav:nc,
recently found no opportunity of hearing those of many of
my 'most intelligent and much respected constituents, I
should, be glad to seize this opportunity for doing se. lam
indisposed to give unnecessary opposition to, or even to look
with suspicion on the acts of a Government holding officef
as the present one does, solely in consequence of the short=
doming, imbecility, and disregard of public opinion, evinced
by several leading inen amongst their predecessors; but it
must be adniitted by every candid mind that the ant3ce-
dents of most of these gentlemen are such as to leave the
fact of their honest conversion into reformers a nrcblem still
reouiring proof. It must be the duty therefore of those who
have laboured all their lives to procure a "full, fair, and
free" representation of the people, with the ,good govern-
ment which will be its results, to take care that the forth-
coming reform bill shall not become law as a mere sham,
but such'a measurs as shall tend to secpre the advance of
this great country:in prosperity and social happiness, with-
out the necessity, for years to come, of further organii
Changes. I remain, my dear sir truly yoUrs,
Mr. W. Henry Geachsias. • EDWARD DIVETT.
Mr. P. BASTARE! rose to propose the first resolu-
tion. He was sorry that he had been selected to
discharge that- duty, because he felt the subject
upon which: they were met was an important one,
and he was inc-mpetent to do justice to it. The
re'salution was, however, in consonance with his
own impressions, and he sincerely hoped that it
was one that no gentleman present could dissent
from. It was as follows :—.
That the Reform Bill of 1832, though a decided mea-
sure of progress in c3mparison with the state of the repre-
sentation which it corrected, does no more afford means of
securing, an 'aggregate representation of the people. This
meeting therefore desires to express its satisfaction at hear-
in," that all the leading political parties concur in the noes
city for a new B.eforni Act.

He thought that when they knew it as a fact that
all parties in the state concurred in 'the necessity
for a new Reform Dill—when they knew there was
one prepared or being prepared under the auspices
of Mr. Bright they would at once see that no man
could dissent from so reasonable a propOsition as he
had submitted to them. Now they would perniit
him to call their attention to the great anomaly
Which existed with regard to electoral districts.
He had before him a return founded upon the census
of 1851, which showed that 12 borough towns re-
turned altogether 24 members to Parliament. He
compared these small boroughs with 12 large towns ;
and he found'that in. the first case there were 3,693
registered voters, in the second 200,238..' The popu-
lation in the first case amounted to 67,428; and in
the second to 3,268,316. (Shame.)
,The inhabited
houses in the. first case numbered 12,978, in the
second 412,525. The income tax assessment in the
first case was £285,715 ; and in the second
£25,528,663. Was it possible that such things as
these could be justified ? The intelligence, the pro-
perty, and the number of the population, were alto-
gether so.outrageously inconsistent that some
alterations ought to be made in these matters at least.
Besides, in these large towns there was' the privi-
lege of sending independent men to -Thyliament ;
but he asked if the small boroughs possessed that.
privilege ? In these boroughs the landed aristo-
era,cy had certain control over the members, which
prevented them from expressing their own senti-
ments, or giving honest and conscientious votes.
(Hear, hear.) There ought then to be that protec-
tion afforded to those who possessed the franchise,
that they might be able to give their votes honestly
and fearlessly. That same state of things existed in
the counties, where the members were the tools of
the resident and lauded gentry, and the renters
were liable to be coerced if they attempted to give
an honest vote. (Hear.) Surely, if men were en-
titled to vote at all they should be entitled to vote
without the fear of consequences, and give their
own opinions instead of the opinions of the land-
owners whose estates they farmed. He himself
had been anxious to see whether the legislature
would find means of procuring the honest, inde-
pendent, and true opinions of the voters without
resort to the ballot ; but he saw no possible escape
from one alternative or the other—that things must
be allowed to continue as they were, or they must
resort to the ballot. (Hear, hear.) No doubt it
was in some degree un-English. They would never
secure an honest administration unless they ex-
pressed their true and independent sentiments. He
had heard it said—
For forms of government let fools contest
That which is best administered is " best."
But unless the people were placed in such a position
as to send intelligent men to represent them justice
could. not be done to all parties. He was not one
of those who thought it a great mischief to have
the House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) He was, for
justice to all ; but he did not think that the re-
venues of England should be spent in offices which
were virtually held by one class of society. (Hear,
hear.) Most of the members of the House of Lords
were born and educated for diplomatic duties, al-
though in many instances the nation was not greatly
benefitted by them. (Laughter.) The speaker con-
cluded by proposing the resolution he had just read.
Mr. JERWOOD, in seconding the motion, explained
the parliamentary system, which he said consisted of
several parts,viz, qualifications to vote, constituencies
which returned members to Parliament, the mode
of voting, the length of Parliament, and some other
points. With regard to the qualification to Tote,
there were thousands of our countrymen who were
not invested with fhe elective franchise, but who
deserved to possess it. Was it right that they
shOuld remain excluded ? He trusted, that what-
ever Parliamentary measure might be carried, it
would extend the suffrage, so as to include a great
body of Englishmen who were now unfairly ex-
cluded. (Hear, hear.) They deserved it and ought
to have it. The speaker next pointed out the
anomaly which existed in the qualification to -vote
in boroughs and counties ; and advocated the ex-
tension of the suffrage to those who paid rates and
taxes. It was said—and he quite agreed with the
doctrine—that "taxation without representation
was tyranny of the worst character." It would be
an un-English measure if it did not do 'away with
that kind of tyranny. (Hear, hear.) He hoped
that those who paid the public taxes, with money-
bona fide their own, and not money paid for elee-
mosynary purposes, would have the right to vote
for those who imposed those taxes on them. (Hear,
hear.) If, then, the franchise was extended, pro-
vision ought to be made for allowing voters to
exercise the right to vote according to their con-
science. He was of the same opinion as Mr. Bas-
tard with regard to the ballot, believing, as he did,
that the ballot was the only simple and effective
method of curing the evils which they complained
of. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Bastard said he did not,
like the ballotper se, except as a cure for those evils.
(Hear, hear.) He agreed with him, but he knew
of no other remedy. What was the use of fining a
man £l,OOO if there were funds raised for liquidat-
ing that fine ? But even if the efficacy of the ballot
was denied there could be no harm hi giving it a
trial. It had been said that the ballot was
un-English, but he asked which was the most
un-English, to allow a man to vote as he
liked, and to exercise his own judgment, or
to face him to give a vote that he did not
approve of ? (Hear, hear.) Therefore in any mea-
sure which might be brought forward, whether by
Mr. Bright, Lord Derby, Lord John Russell, or
anybody else, ho hoped it would contain something
real and useful to the country. (Cheers.) Mr. Jer-
wood then adverted to the abolition of the property
qualification of members last session; and the next
point to be obtained was that the public should
have the power of sending such members as they
pleased to represent them. (Hear, hear.) With
regard to the discrepancies pointed out by Mr. Bas-
tard in the representation of large towns and
boroughs, the speaker felt that such cases were very
numerous. Was it fair that those discrepancies
should remain ? Was it fair that a small borough,
containing some 200 or 300 electors, should, in the
parliamentary scales, weigh exactly as much as the
North or South of Devon,.which contained 10,p00

electors ? (Hear, hear.) Well, .then, would the
measure to be brought forward cure that evil ? If
it did not, the measure could not be a satisfactory
.0n.?,. Then, with regard to small boroughs, he
thought they wore a great evil. Let them- look
into the public offices. They had heard much lately
of financial reform—of putting the right man in the
right place—but as long as the country', was bur—
thened with small boroughs could their do these
things ? (Hear, hear.) Their financial reform was
moonshine so long as they had rotten 'boroughs,
which were able to send to parliamentmembees who
sought to give their friends and relatives lucrative
posts. (Hear,.h ear.) On referring to Dodd he found
there were 59 places under the influence of lords,
ladies, and gentlemen, who returned their own sons
to parliament, or any other persons whom- they
pleased. (Hear, hear.) 'Was that the way; to fill the
House of Commons ? (Hear, hear.) Did they want
mere lackeys to be sent to the house? He thitught not.
He did not approve of large towns havi , g super-
fluous members, but he said wherever men ere found
who possessed the requisite qualifications whether
in, large towns •or small-ones—they shou have- the
elective franchise, and should be allowed exercise
that right Without coercion. (Hear.) If they did
not possess that power they had a right to- com-
plain, and he trusted they would continue to agi-
tate until they succeeded in getting it. ' (Hear.)
If,.then, those 'points to which he," had referred
could be obtained, the question of duration of Par-
liament would be a matter for secondary considera-
tion. He thought that when men were elected, as
_representatives, some time must'elapse, before they
were able to make them Selves acquainted with the
duties of the office. At the same time he thought
,a three or a five years' Parliament-would be better
than a seven years' 0ne.... After some further re-
marks -Mr. derwoocl ~emitluded by thanking , the
meeting for the patience with which they had lis-
tened to him.
Mr. LATIMER moved the second resolution, as
follows :
That in the opinion of this meeting any Reform Act to
be satisfactory should extend the suffrage so as to include
within the franchise a. largia proportion of the working
classes, who, by their industry, intelligence, and patriotism,
have shown themselves fully entitled to belr their share in
the government of the empire.
The resolution was so plain, simple, and self-evi-
dent in its claim for justitce to the working classes,
that he should be spared the necessity of dwelling
at any length upon it. But they knew, from the
corrupt nature of the small boroughs, that reform
was necessary, and they knew from experience,
with respect to the, great boroughs, that no reform
could be made in them without giVing a large share
in the representation to the working classes. He
referred to the state of things prior to the Reform
Act in 1832, and it was so bad that they then re-
garded that act as a great boon and blessing. The
working classes acquiesced in that measure, though
it did 'not give them power, and their conduct on
that occasion evinced their intelligence and self-
denial: Their conduct then and since, in cheerfully
bearing their share, and more than•their share, of
the burdens of the country, both in respect to taxa-
tion and the public duties ta
.peace and war, entitled
them to the largest expression of the sympathy of
the meeting, and he hoped any measure of reform
1 that might be carried would, by the reduction of
the franchise; render justice to the working, classes.
In remarking on the statement in the resolution that
the working clanes were distinguished by industry,
intelligence, and patriotism, he said that they knew
England was at the head of civilization, because she
was the foremost nation in arts, sciences, and ma-
nufactures, and in these departments they owed
their eminence to the skill and intelligence of the
working classes, who in the large and populous
towns ei the north were remarkable also for their
independence and poiiticalintelligence and sagacity.
It would be an insult to those classes to dwell fur-
ther on that point ; but he took another illustration
from the bearing of our soldiers in the Crimean.war;
the unrivalled avery they displayed, and the in-
telligence and feeling which ran through the letteri
that came from the private soldiers and non-com-
missioned officers attested the heroism and intelli-
gence of the class they sprang from. (Hear.) Ap-
proaching the general question of reform, he said
—as to the ballot, he heard yesterday, that an hon.
gentleman, a member for one of the divisions of
the county, called on a friend of theirs, and said—
" What's up now ? " " Well," replied the friend,
" we expect a Reform Bill; we want to have the
small boroughs abolished and a re-distribution of
seats." " That you will get," said the hon. mem-
ber. ,‘ But you won't get the ballot, Lord Derby
won't give that." (.Hear; hear, and laughter, and
a voice—" We don't want it.") But they knew
that after the Reform Bill was passed, by means of
the Chandos clause and the small boroughs that were
left, a great many of the benefits which they ex-
pected from the bill were swindled from them by
the operation of coercion on the one side and -
ruption on the other. (Cheers.) He remembers :1
a case in the South of Devon in which an hon.
baronet, at one election, supported Lord J. Russell
and Mr. Bulteel ; but at the next he supported the
other side, and turned out the only one of his
tenants who refused to go over to 1. ne other side
with him ; he told that tenant to go into Newton
market and tell the farmers that he had been
turned out of his farm for voting against his land-
lord ! This took place under the Reform Act, and
showed the necessityfor further reform. If they could
get the two evils of the limited franchise and the
present distribution of seats corrected, it would be
better than at present, even if they could not get
the ballot, for even with what they had at present
England was the first nation in liberty and civilisa-
tion throughout the world. (Cheers.)
Mr. NORRINGTON, in seconding the resolution,
said that it was left of a somewhat general charac-
ter, because there was a difference of opinion as to
the particular way in which the object of the reso-
lution should be carried Out. No doubt any reform'
bill that might be introduced would be based on the
old rating qualification, which seemed the general
plan throughout the country, and which would be
no invasion of an established custom. This quali-
fication was as Food perhaps as any that might be
fixed on, but it had some glaring defects. By
simply confining themselves to a rating qualifica-
tion, they would be shutting out a large body of
intelligent and industrious men—he alluded to
lodgers, commercial travellers, shop assistants, and
clerks in banks and mercantile establishments. The
fact that a man was one of these, was sufficient to
justify the conclusion that he was sufficiently in-
telligent to have the franchise. (Hear, hear.) The
qualification of a man should not be outside him,
but within him—(cheers)--not what house he lived
in, but what were his character and intelligence,
therefore he hoped that the reform bill, on whatever
basis it was founded, would contain a proviso for
the admission of such classes of persons to the right
of voting. Mr. Norrington read a passage from
Mr. Ilolyoake's letter to the Daily News on the
question of providing an educational qualification.
Mr. Holyoake advocated the extension of the
suffrage to all who had attained a certain degree
of knowledge on certain subjects, and had read
,useful books. If that plan were introduced he
(Mr. Norrington) thought it would be found to
work well in practice, for it would put the vote
within .a man's own power and benefit him men-
tally, Medical men and lawyers were not allowed
to practise until they had passed certain ordeals,
and if the plan were to be extended to the masses
it would be found that the most intelligent and up-
right of our population would be provided with the
franchise. He did not believe that anybody would
deny that the' working classes were industrious.'
The trade of England was perhaps the most exten-
sive in the world. We had the most extensive em-
pire, and there was no part of the world where
there was not a proof of our country's greatness.
The speaker also adverted to the works of art and
manufacture in our country, to show that the
working classes were both intelligent and indus-
trious, and quoted an extract from Professor Mmi-
rice, a clergyman, who had taken a deep interest in
the working classes, and who, in his remarks, gave
the working man such a high character for in-
tegrity, intelligence, and respectability as would
justify him (Mr. Norrington) in saying that the
working body were well qualified for the possession
of their rights. (Hear.) It had been said that the
working classes were ignorant ; but the term igno-
rant was a very uncertain one. A linguist had no
right to call a poor shoemaker ignorant if he did
not know languages ; for' if the linguist were asked
to make a shoe he would be unable to do it as the
shoemaker would be unable to speak languages.
(Hear.) But if the working classes were ignorant,
let those who were better instructed do all they
could to remove that ignorance and to enlighten
them. (Hear.) One mode of doing it was by
extending to them the suffrage, upon the plan to
which he had adverted, for they would then endea-
vour to remove their ignorance, so as to qualify
themselves for the franchise. If a man who had
lived up to forty years of age, upon seven or eight
shillings a week, came into possession of £B,OOO
or X 10,009, it was wonderful how this money
would quicken him, and make him alive to the
proper use of it. (Laughter.) He would be
soon afterwards heard talking about 3 per
cents., consols, 4,nd%other i such matters with the

ability of a stockbrOker. (Renewed laughter.) And
when these men were put in possession of their
political rights, then ignorance would be shortly
removed. (Hear.) But some said that these men
were vicious, yet they called upon them to join the
army and fight their country's battles. They said,
in fact—" you are quite fit to fight for us, but not
to vote for
.yourselves." • (Hear.) If those men
were so vicious Would it be safe to trust them-with
arms as they were trusted ; he _hoped such an in-
sinuation would not be entertained for a moment.
He had been amongst the working men a good deal,
and he had watched the manner in which they con-
ducted their affairs. Whether they belonged to the
Foresters, Odd Fellows, or any other societies; their
proceedings at the meetings of these societies were
carried on in an excellent manner. There might be
some unworthy men amongst them; but he asked
whether all classes of people were not liable to the
same misfortune ? (Hear, hear.) lad there not
been a Robson,' a Redpath, a Sir John Paul, and a
Colonel Waugh ? (Hear.) He considered that the
working man had-as much discretion and ability to
the
circle right
life v.
o t Tin gh
earl tlhvoasseaN: hare
tmieolevesdemine
aexheirgphiseers
little time ago in the Saturday Review, Which inti-
mated that, :because the_ mass of the people; as a
ride, knew nothing of the laws of the country, they
should have' no right to vote for members of Par-
liament. Now they were not called -upon to make
laws, but to exercise their judgment in electing
those who were to assist -in making the laws of the
country, If they carried out the argument of the "
Review, no sick man would send fora medical prti,e..
titioner, becausehe did not himself know :playsir.
ology. (Laug.hter.) But they might rely upon it
that the working classes, if invested with the suf-
frage, would select the best Men to represent them
Were it possible that they could collect all _ the
rogues of London into one mass—amongst whom
there was a common fund ; if they were about to
select a treasurer, would they take a thief like
themselves ? (Laughter.) No; they would find
out an honest man, and elect him their treasurer.
But it was a very pleasing fact that atthe present
time those who were advocating Reform had no
opponents to contend with. (Hear.) The news-
papers were all on the side of RefOrm; -and bills
were expected to be produced in Parliaineut by
Lord Derby, Lord J. Russell, and Mr. Bright. He
had, however, a right to expect a good. Reform Bill
froth the Tories. (Hear.) They were something
like the. men he had been speaking of, they were
better than they said they were. The Tories (or
the Conservatives as they called themselves now)
had really shown themselves the true friends of the
people—(hear)—and what possible objection could
emanate from them to extend the franchise to the
working elasses especially when they knew that
the scheme of Mr. Walpole was that every militia-
man should have a vote. (Laughter.) Now, that
was a scheme from one of the Tories of the old.
school ; but he did note think that those who were
.asking for reform were disposed to advocate a
scheme of that sort. (Laughter.) But the Tories
hael done two or three other things. They abolished,
fer instance, the property qualification. (Hear,
hear.) It had been said that there never would be
a railway reform till a director had been smashed,
and there would be no church reform until a bishop
-had been burnt: ' (Laughter.) Well, it was very
probable that the property qualification would not
have been abolished had not Mr. Glover been im-
prisoned for exercising the power of a representa-
tive, he having no property qualification. (Hear,
hear.) Then it had been said that working men
might get into Parliament. He did not wish to
comment upon that point, and instead of doing so
he would read a very humorous illustration, written
by a gentleman to whom be had alluded. [ln the
extract which he read, Mr. Holyoake -pointed out
the ludicrous difficulties which would' attend the
presence of a working man in Parliainent.] While
,Mr. Norrington was reading the extract, a " Free-
man" in the hall caused a disturbance. Mr. Norring-
ion exclaiMed—" If that gentleman is a Tory bring
him here, for I have not seen a live Tory for a' long
time." (Laughter.) The speaker then argued that it
was wrong to charge the working classes with politi-
cal ignorance ; it was their duty to give them political
knowledge, and not to taunt them with wanting
it. The country had been called apathetic on this
subject of reform. But is was not-apathy, but con-
fidence, which prevailed ; the people felt sure of
the bill being introduced, and therefore they made
so little fuss about-it. Let Lord Derby say that he
would have no Reform Bill and they would see the
" apathy" turned into determination to have one.
(Cheers.). Let reform be resisted and the people
would rise, many as the waves but one as the sea,
and cry again " the bill, the whole bill, and nothing
but the bill," . and they would continue the agita-
tion till the measure of reform was conceded. (Loud-
cheers.)
Mr. W. BROCK moved the following resolution :
"Resolved that the meeting hopes that any Reform Bill
in the forthcoming Parliament will provide for the vote by
Ballot, redistribution of seats, and shorter parliaments."
He confessed -that he felt strongly on the subject of
the ballot, and his decided feeling was that he
would rather wait five years fora Reform Bill than
have it now without the ballot. (Cheers.) A few
years ago he was as strongly against the ballot as
any of them ; but his own later experience told
him that a Reform Bill, or an extension of the
suffrage without the ballot, would do more injury
than good. (Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more
humiliating than for a man to be nominally pos-
sessed of a vote, and. for another man to override
him, and direct his vote. Most present knew what
he meant. (Hear, hear.) If any one asked him if
he expected that the ballot would make the dis-
honest man honest--he would reply that he cer-
tainly did not ; but it would protect the honest
man in the discharge of his duty to his conscience.
If men sold their votes at all, he had no hope of
reforming them by the ballot, for they were a dis-
grace to their class. He knew that coercion was
not confined to the lords of thousands of acres,
and that it was used by employers in some
instances on their workmen, and by one neigh-
bour towards another, and he wished to see
all alike . protected. (Loud cheers.) He wished
the previous speakers had said what they meant
by the extension of the franchise. They ought dis-
tinctly to ask for what they wanted. They ought
at least to ask for a £5 franchise and the ballot.
(Hear.) He hoped that when Mr. Gard went to
Parliament he would say that if there was one feel-
ing prevailing over another at this meeting it was
the determination to have the ballot. (Loud cheers.)
He fell into conversation yesterday with a respect-
able tradesman of the City—a Conservative—on the
subject of the meeting. That' Conservative said he
eared only for one reform, that was the ballot, for,
added he, while holding the position he did, he
dared not give his vote as he liked; one came to
him, then another came to him, and if anything de-
graded him in this world it was his vote. (Hear.)
The fact was that tradesmen and professional men,
as well as mechanics of this city, when they exer-
cised their right of voting conscientiously, did so at
a considerable sacrifice. He did so, and he was pre-
pared to do so as long as the Government refused
to grant him protection. Why give a man a privi-
lege yet burden the privilege with a disadvantage ?
With regard to the redistribution of seats, that he
thought was inevitable. Honiton could not expect
to have as many representatives as Liverpool.
(Hear.) As to shorter parliaments he did not much
care for them ; but he would like to see parliaments
rendered independent of the will of a defeated Mini-
ster and their duration fixed. With these views he
proposed the resolution, which
Mr. VICARY seconded. lle was extremely anxious
that they should get the ballot. He knew that the
ballot was necessary for protection to voters in
workshops as well for others in other positions of
life. He congratulated the meeting on the fact that
all parties were running this race of reform, and
thought they might yet get more than they ex-
pected. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. TREHANE moved the adoption of the peti-
tion, and that it be signed by the Mayor on behalf
of the meeting
" The humble petition, &c., Sheweth,—Your petitioners
hear with much satisfaction that it is the intention of her
Majesty's Government, as well as of some private members
of your honourable house, to introduce into the present
session of Parliament a Reform Bill, the object of which
will be to improve the representation of the country, and to
extend the franchise by enlarging the number of electors
and by a redistiibution of seats.
"Your petitioners hope that any Reform Bill that may
pass your hon. House will so extend the franchise as to in-
clude a large proportion of the working clasees, whose in-
dustry, intelligence, and love of order, particularly entitle
them to your respectful consideration, and to prove their
fitness to take their share of influence in the choice of their
representatives.

.`" Your petitioners humbly hope. that provision may be
made that votes may be freely and fairly given, so that the
real opinion of the majority of electors may be obtained,
and suggest that the best mode of accomplishing this im-
portant object will be by the vote by ballot.
" Your. petitioners also hope that the ,duration of Parlia-
ment may be shortened, so that the intercourse that should
exist between the electors and their representatives maybe
more frequently renewed 4nd, mutual confidence may be
thereby increased. • '

• "'And your petitioners, as in duty bound, &c."
. He maintained that there was no apathy for reform
in the country, but there was satisfaction with the
promise made by Lord Derby that he woidd bring

in tv Reform Bill. • The-intellectual and moral-pro-
gress of the nation during the last 35 years—the
introduction of cheap literature—the growth of
railways, and other great movements--warranted
the conclusion that the general intellige,nce was
ripe for a large extension of electoral rights.
Mr. R. W. Fox seconded. the motion, expressing
a willingness to receive an instalment of reform, if
they could not get all they wanted.
Mr. ItEx interposed a word of explanation with
respect to the firm of the resolutions.. They were
left in their present shape expressly because some
parties were bidding high for public favour, and it
was thought right to wait for the various plans of
reforni that might be brought forward. Hence
no form of suffrage was recommended. (Hear,
hear.) The gentleman opposite (Mr. Jerwood)
had said. that " Taxation without representation
was tyranny." If that was so what course
_would ,they propose for the minority who would
be left, whether a household or rating qualification
were adop.ted ? They would not be so unjust as to
tax those individuals: (Laughter) The question was
now, before the country and he thought it had bet-
ter be settled at once. He directed his remarks to
Manhood suffrage. They need not fear the working
classes, who • he thought had prOved themselves 1
worthy of the trust of the franchise.
Mr. MARK KENNAWAT was loudly, called-- for,
and was cheered on coming forward.. He said he
had fought actiVely for the former reform bill,..and
he did not then expect tolive to hear of another.
He congratulated his fellow citizens on their assern-
-bling on the present occasion; and his name ap-
peared on the requisition. His reason for signing it
was that he did not wish,te_see his name omitted'
froth- so large a list of reformers, but he thought
that •it would perhaps have been wise to
wait and see what • Lord Derby would bring for-
ward., He thought that when they knew what was
proposed by those Who had voluntarily come for-
ward with Reform Bills they would better under-
stand what "their real object was, and he did not
think that that meeting would do justice to itself,
or half fulfil its object if it did 'not come to' that
point by and bye. (Hear, hear.) While he concurred
in much that had been said that day he did not
Agree with all of it. He did not think that the
shortening of Parliaments would be of any practical.
good. With regard to the ballot he had long been
in great doubt about its efficacy, but hemust say on
the calm review of all that had come under his ob
nervation,, he -had come to the conclusion that the
good preponderated over the evil in • the ballot.
(Applause.) It was impossible for a person, mixed
up as he had
,been all through his life with elec-
tons, not to know that the practice of election com-
mittees was, when they met together,"to-pult.their
books out, of their pockets and 'consider who could
press upon his neighbour for a vote. He challenged
any person who had been mixed up in elections to
deny that, Unless some other course could be sug-
gested—and none had yet been suggested—by
which a man -could exercise his right, and have
a grateful sense follow him of having done it inde-
pendently, then the ballot must come. (Cheers.)
With regard to extending the franchise, he really
wished to see whit Lord Derby would do; and-did-
not wish -to anticipate objections to him. There
must be a large extension no doubt. He disapproved
of the comparisons thatwere sometimes madebetween
classes, with the design to'show that ope class did
mere for the country than another. Of course in
every class there were exceptions, but they must
not take exceptions to judge of the class. In conclu
sion, he thought it would be wise if the city would
by, and bye have the various reforin bills that might
be proposed placed before them, to take out the pith
and gist Of them, to infornithe citizens, and ask for
their opinion. (Applause.)
Mr. BASTARD then, on the part of the meeting,
said that it was anticipated their hon. member, Mr.
Divett, and Mr. Dard would be present. They had
heard a letter read from one of those gentlemen
the other they were happy 'to sec was present. If
the hon.. gentleman would give some information as
to his impressions on reform, it Would be an essen-
tial kindness to the meeting. (Applause.)
Mr. GARD, M.P., said that upon receiving, an in-
vitation from Mr. Geachsias he thought it his duty
as their representative to attend the meeting. With
regard to the coming reform they knew as much as
he did, for he was as ignorant of what was forth-
coming from Lord Derby, Lord J. RuSssell, er.Mr.
Bright, as any of them. But he wished to say that
he was much in favour of reform. (Cheers.) He did
not go to the extent that they did, but he concur-
red in many matters, in the re-distribution of seats,
and perhaps the extension of the franchise. But it
would be unfair to ask him to give an opinion at
present. He would ask them to let him see the bills
come before Parliament, and let them judge of him
tho vote be should give. It was impossible for
him to give any-further opinion than he had. All
would agree that they would have reform, come
from whom it might. He did not care from whom,
provided it was a good bill. He did not concur in
the remarks made by Mr. Brock with respect • to
coercion being used in this city. He canvassed
the city personally, and he could say that those
who promised him did so freely and openly, with-
out any bribe or reward of any kind whatever.
(Cheers.) He concluded by hoping that he might
do his duty by them in Parliament.
All the resolutions were carried unanimously.
Mr. LATIMER moved and. Mr. BASTARD seconded
a vote of thanks to ilia Mayor. The vote was
carried by acclamation, and the meeting separated.