The Sun.
London, England, 1861-10-03 00:00:00

c OCTOBER 3, 1861

Commence at 8. Promenade, Is.
Conductor, Mr. ALFRED MELLON.
To-morrow (Friday), the last CLASSICAL NIGHT.
On Saturday next, the Last VOLUNTEER NIGHT, when
Beethoven's Battle Piece will be repeated.

On Monday next, Haydn's oratorio, THE CREATION
(the entire work).
Ou Wednesday next, for the Benefit of Miss Julia Woolf.

THEA TRE•RO YAL, HAYMARKET.
Lessee, Mr. J. B. Buoutone.
THIS EVENING, the performances will commence with
FAINT HEART NEVER WON FAIR LADY.
After which, a new Comedy, entitled THE SOFT SEX.
Mi. C. Mathews, Mr. Bnckstone. Sir. Compton, Mr. E.Villiers,
Mrs. Charles Mathews, Mrs. Wilkins, Arc.
With PAUL PRY MARRIED AND SETTLED. Paul
Pry (in a new position), Mr. C. Mathews.
ro conclude with A KISS IN THE DARK.
Commence a 7.

1)0 YA L PRINCES S'S THEATRE.—
..Lb Lessee and Manager, Mr. A. Harris,
THIS EVENIN3, THE RENDEZVOUS.
Alter whi,h, a new and original comedy, in five acts, writ-
ten by John Brouqham, entitled PLAYING WITH FIRE ;
characters by Mr. John Broun.ham (his sth appearance), Mr.
Ryder, Mr. H. Widdicombe, Mr. G. Jordan (of the principal
theatres of the United States, his sth o, appearance in En
land), Miss C. Lelciercq, and Mrs. Weston.
With THE GARIBALDI EXCURiIONISTS.

ROY AL LYCEUM THEATRE,
Manager---Mr. Edmund Falconer.
T [lin EVENING, A MIDSUMMER'S EVE.
Alter which, at Eight o'clock, the new and success-
fui comedy of WOMAN; or, Love against the World.
Characters by Messrs. Walter Lacy, Addison, Herman Vezin,
and Miss Lydia Thomson.
J. Robins, Mrs. Charles Young, Mrs. Weston, Miss Murray,
To conclude with AN UNPROTECTED FEMALE, in
which Miss Lydia Thompson will danee a New Volunteer
Quick Step.
Prices as usual. Doors open at half-past 6, to commence at
7. Box-office open daily from 11 till 5.

ELY THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHI.—
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
Open for the Winter Season.
rl'i!lS EVENING, .AIUSIC HATE' CHARMS. Messrs.
D. Fisher, Romer, Warde, Misses K. Kelly and Laidlaw.
After which (241st time), T iI.E COLLEEN BAWN. Mr.
D. Boucicault, D. Fisher, Billinaton, S. Emery, Stephenson,
41 J. Smith, Romer, Howard, Ward ; Mrs. Boueicault, Miss
Wr.olgar, Mrs. Billington, and Mrs. H. Lewis.
Toconclude with LOVE AND HUNGER. Messrs. Fisher,
Emery, C. J. Smith, Mrs. H. Marston, and Miss K. Kelly.
Doors open at half-past 6—Commence at 7.

ri IANTERBURY HALL CONCERTS,
AND FINE ARTS GALLERY.
3lr. SAM COWELL every evening at Nine and a quarter
to Eleven.

Also, Grand Selections from
TROVATORE, TRAVIATA, NORMA, MARTHA, &c.,
By Miss Russell, Miss Ernst, Mr. Herbert, Signor Tivoli,
Mr. Morley, and a powerful Chorus.
The Comic department comprises Messrs. Harvey and
French, " The Nerves "—Mr. Marshall—Mr. Wood and his
talented Son—and Miss Harriet Coveney
Musical Director, Mr. Jonghmans.
Admission—Hall, Rd. ; Stalls and Balcony, ls.

T HE 0 X F ORD,
6, OXFORD-STREET.

West, which it desires for the future possession of

its migratory freemen. It does not ;ant to have
any of the yet unsettled territories blasted with
compulsory labour. But does the North desire
the abolition of Slavery where it now exists ?
We doubt it. It alleges the Constitution as a rea-
son for not wishing to overthrow the domestic
institutions of " Sovereign States." Is +hat a pre-
text, or a real reason ? In the great majority of
cases, we believe, it is the former. Mr. LINCOLN
himself, the most technical of the techni-
cal, has not hesitated to interfere with
the sovereign rights of Maryland, and, badeed,
of New York, too, so long as they were Tights
which would not liberate a slave. Let the violation
of the Habeas Corpus Act suit his purpose, and it
is turn to shreds—let a bold general, for military
reasons, declare a traitor's negroes free, and forth.
with the President of the United States; cries
"Hold !" From the beginning Mr. LINCOL,N has
ostentatiously avowed his purpose to presery e sla-
very untouched in the South; and all the insults
of slaveholders to the National Flag ; all the, blood
they have shed; all the money they have com;nelled
him to waste, have not diverted him from standing
by Southern slavery. It shakes his presidential
chair, yet he caresses it—it murders his smbjects
and insults him openly, yet he literally fulfils the
precept—and, struck on the one cheek, he turns the
other also. No indignity, no injury, shall px ovoke
him to rail on slavery, or to return evil fox. evil.
He blesses those who curse him, and prays for those
who despitefully use him and persecute him.

But we have yet to learn that such meekness is
a Ruler's virtue. The highest authority teaches far
otherwise; and Mr. LINCOLN knows that the re is a
wide difference indeed between meanness and
meekness. Not, assuredly, to any Christian con-

siderations is his mercy to slaveholders due. There
are those who have a real claim on his mercy—but
unhappily it is just there the evil begins. He abhors
the free negro as a citizen of the United States. In
this day's telegrams we have a proof of it. What
means the ominous paragraph " Several negr oes in
full uniform, having entered Washington with a
New York Regiment, Mr. Secretary CAMERON had

prohibited coloured people from wearing the Federal
uniform"! ! !

What will Englishmen think of this ? Natives
of America—as much as the white; citizens, if we

remember rightly, in New York by law, this precious

President, in a war brought on by the wrongs of
negroes, will not allow a negro to join in defending
such liberty as he enjoys in the North. Surely,
if this be really, as is assented, a war against
slavery, of all men those of African descent
should join in the struggle. No, Mr. LIN-
COLN, and far too many, do not want coloured
men in the North. They want the Slave States as
a negro sink, to retain in bonds lest they should
migrate northwards, the objects of their aversion.
That we believe to be the true explanation of the
otherwise absurd civil and military policy of sup-
porting Southern slavery. Detestation of the
negro answers all the otherwise perplexing
ienigmas of Presidential negro policy. There are
4,000,000 blacks which cannot well be killed off.

If emancipated, they might prove inconvenient
citizens and elcctcrs; if they went North or West
they would be a nuisance—so, let us take all pos-

A LFR-LI:D MELLON'S
to CONCERTS.
TREATRE ROYAL, COVENT-GARDEN. close, after showing how the Democrats who were
LAST WEEK BUT ONE. generally favourable to slavery were much wore
The Programme this evening will consist of popular Vocal c
4avouralal
and Instrumental Music, comprising Overtures, Quadrilles, e to tha Union, and, therefore, joined the
Waltzes, Polkas, Marches, Galoops,songs, Solos, Jrc.
Vocalists—Mdlle. PAREPA, Miss POOLE, and MISS S. Republicans after the attack on Fort Sumpter, he
COLE. proceeds—" Thus it was that the North and South

came to be arrayed one against the other; but there
was this difference, that whereas the South were
fighting avowedly for the right to perpetuate and
extend. slavery, the avowed object of the North was
simply the preservation of the Union. There-
fore it was true that the South ap-
peared in he contest to be more pro-
slavery than did the North to be antx•slavery. But
in reality tie North were fighting against
slavery as mn3h as the South for it ; for if the South
succeeded they would establish a slave power such
as he had des2ribed ; if they failed, slavery would
receive a blow from which it could not recover. So
that inasmuch as the attempt to limit slavery had
been the reason why the slavcholders had begun
the war—inssmuch as the continuance of slavery
depended upan the result of this war—he acknow-
ledged he -wished success to the North so long as
the war lasted."

There is &course much truth in this ; but it is not
truth, after all, honourable to the North, and least of
all to the 'RESIDENT. Mr. FOSTER does not quite
correctly &scribe the state of the case in the words
we have italicised. Had he left out the word "ap-
peared," Es remark would have been much nearer
the truth ; for the North we are sorry to say is not
anti-Slavery in the sense of caring for its
abolition at all. We mean of course, that the
vast majority in the North is not. The
North is much more anti-Negro than it is
anti-Slaver7. It is notorious that among
a Christian people, where we ought to expect a
kindly interest in the welfare of a docile race
cruelly wronged by their forefathers, we find just
the reverse. A more grateful, manageable, teach-
abla people than the Negroes does not exist, and
there is abundant room for them in the Free States;
yet they are despised, excluded, persecuted we
might justly say, in the most hard-hearted manner
and. treated in all respects as Pariahs by the
Christian Brahmins of the North, No Northerner
will deny the general truth of this description ;
indeed, it has been almost doubted whether under
decent masters, the slave has not a pleasanter lct
in the South, than the Free Negro of the North,
whom white Freemen shun as a leper, even in the
house of God, and whom they eject from a railway
carriage even if a glove will couceal the only phy-
sical indications of African descent !

Our strong impression is that, but for this
inhuman hardheartedness of the North, the war
would long ere now have been as openly for the
abolition of slavery as it is for the restoration of
the union. Every consideration, political and
military, demands it. Why then is it not so ?
Those who demand English sympathy for the
North, like Mrs. STOWE and Mr. FOSTER, insist on
it, that the war is in reality against slavery; then,
in the name of Truth, why not proclaim it to be
what it really is ? We are pleased to see that Mrs.
STOWE, in her second letter, does demand that
the banner of Emancipation be at once un-
furled. General FREMONT, and General BUTLER,
too, in his way, have shown their sense of
the value of abolition in a military point of view.
And, politically, does Mr. LINCOLN himself expect
that, if he could force the South back again, the
Free and the Slave States could ever unite in
harmonious co-operation. The old festering sore
would, no one doubts, break out soon as mischie-
vously as ever. There is no possibility of a lasting
Union, unless it be a Union of the Free. What
then prevents the declaration of Abolition by the
Federal Government—we reply, at the bottom, it
is the cruel negro-hatred of Northern men.
The North is averse to Slavery as an institution.
It sees that it is a social and a commercial blight
on the States which cherish it. It is determined,
therefore, to exclude it from those lands in the far

sible care that in putting down the slaveholder we
do not elevate his slave!

or rather did produce% before the present crisis in the trade,
about four millions c .f tons per annum, of which 1,500,009
tons were exported, leaving 2,500,000 tons for the needs of
the country. The N vhole real consumption of France does
not, therefore, quite. equal the weight exported by Great
Britain, and it amounts to only three-fifths of the home
wants of the latter . As the present proportion of popula-
tion between the t, wo countries is roughly as 6to 5, it fol-
lows that the cons% Imption per head in England is very
nearly double that of France.

During more than half-a-year past a series of
remarkable papers, statistical and analytical, in
reference to the Trade and Population of France,
has appeared from month to month in the pages
of one of our popular magazines. The readers
of Bentley's Miscellany will at once recognise that
allusion is here made to the series penned by a
contributor signing himself (a name hitherto un-
known to US) FREDERICK MARSHALL—one evi-
dently well versed in the subject upon which he
has been so industriously discoursing. Altogether,
no doubt, these chapters upon French Trade and
the French population are little more pretentious
in themselves than—what they merely assume to
be—a very mattes-of-fact compilation. But when
viewed simply in that character as a com-
pilation the series is still remarkable. It
is so thoroughly well digested through-
out—so luminous withal and so agreeably
perspicuous in its general arrangement. So far as
we have been able to test its accuracy, moreover, it
is a compilation so reliable in the correctness 'of its
details, that if but carefully revised upon its collec•
tive republication when completed, it may at once
take its place, we believe, as an authority upon our
bookshelves—one that may be referred to with con-
fidence, and cited with aplomb as an authority.
A happier opportunity could hardly have been
selected for the issue of statistics of this precise
kind, in reference especially to the Trade
of France, seeing that we are now entering in
real earnest upon more intimate mercantile rela-
tions than have been ever dreamt of hitherto, with
our neighbours across the channel. The commercial
Treaty between France and England opens up an
entirely novel future to both countries at this pre-
sent juncture—a future so novel both for France
and for England that it would be difficult even for
either Mr. COBDEN here, or for M. CHEVALIER
there, thoroughly and completely,to realise it. That
it will necessarily and inevitably be for the advan-
tage of both countries eventually, what man
amongst us is there who would have the hardihood
to deny ?. At the same time, the most enlightened
champions of the great principles of Free Trade, whe-
ther looking into this " Future" from the northern
or from the southern shores of the British
Channel, whether it be Mr. COBDEN or Mr. BRIGHT
here in England, or whether it be yonder in France
M. MICHEL CHEVALIER, or M. BOUCHER DE
PERTHES of Abbeville— the most enlightened Free-
trader, whether of France or of England, will
admit at the same time, must perforce admit at
the same time, that there is a transition period that
has to be passed through upon all these occasions,
fraught as a matter of course with very great
anxiety. The change from the old, blundering,
purblind system of protective imposts to the free
and open daylight scheme of unrestricted commerce,
is precisely one of those extraordinary transforma-
tions that brings with it in the first instance good
and evil together—and this good and evil more-
over in pretty equal proportions. In the long run,
it is not simply that the good superinduced pre-
ponderates over the evil—it is simply and literally
that it is all good. The result of the change proves
at last to be wholly beneficial. Those who insist
upon this as the one invariable result of the adop-
tion of Free-trade principles, cannot any longer be

Reasons are giv .en towards the close of the paper,
however—reaswis unhappily only too good and
too valid—why, aecording to the writer's view—
if, hereafter, by a further reduction of duties, the
introduction of foreign iron [into France] should
become possiblo on a large scale . . . . it
will rather be this) Belgians than the English who
will get the cor imand of the market." Still—it is
the cause of Frne Trade, we presume, that we are
striving to advance, even by the left-handed agency
of a Reciprocit: y Treaty.

LATEsT NEWS

FLORENCE, OCT. 3.

The Nazzona of to-day publishes a letter from
Rome, announcing► that brigand expeditions were
in preparation at Qivita Vecchia, Fiumicino, and
Porto d'Anzo.

The same letter states that it was reported that
similar expeditions would likewise set out from
Malta and Marseilles.

BELGRADE, OCT. 3.

Colonel Borowitzka, the Austrian Consul, having
shown disrespect to the Prince of Servia, at a ball,
the whole body of Servian officers have drawn lots,
in order to decide which of their number should
challenge the Consul to a duel.

ROME, OCT. 1:

The official Giornale di _Roma of to-day announces
the following nominations to the post of Papal

Nuncio :

Monsignors Chigi, to Paris ; Monsignore Gonolla,
to, Munich ; and Monsignore Ledochowski, to

Brussels.

Monsignore Granall is appointed Provisional
Secretary to the Council, and Monsignoro Falloux,
:R..sgent of the Apostolic Chancery.

TURIN, OCT. 2.

The Opinions of to-day gives a denial to the re-
parts circulated by some Belgian papers relative to
an. ultimatum for the settlement of the Roman
question, which they asserted had been sent by
Ra ron Ricasoli to the Pope. The Opinions also
denies that conferences had taken place between M.
de Nigra and M. Thonvenel on this subject.

AMERICA.

SOUTHAMPTON, OCT. 3.

'The Hamburg and American Company's steam-
sbap Hamrnouia, from New York on the 21st ult.,
arrived off the Needles at 9,20 a.m.

accused—as they were once upon a time accused—

of labouring under a pleasant hallucination.
Events have clearly demonstrated the fact, We
see it around us in all directions. It is conspicuous
upon all hands, and among all classes of our in-
dustrious community. Among our shipowners,
among our merchants and traders generally, and
—wonder of wonders !—among our agriculturists.
Why, the time was (and it was not so very
long ago either) when the notion of even

one good morsel of Free Trade, that affecting the

"Daily Bread" for which the Christian offers up
his perpetual petition to Heaven in the Lord's
Prayer—when the mere prospect of the abolition of
the Daty upon Corn gave rise immediately to all

Forts of dreadful prognostics, we might rather say
in fact to all kinds of lugubrious prophecies of the
utter bankruptcy of the agriculturists of England.
The rules of the Bench were to be haunted for years
and years to come with scarecrow representatives of
the once burly but thenceforth attenuated and ex-
piring genus of the British farmer. Instead of
which—it is the prophet and not the subject of the
prophecy who has disappeared. The British
farmer is here amongst us. hale and hearty as ever
—if possible more hale and more hearty than ever.
And it is only the old-world Protectionist who has
disappeared—taking rank henceforth with the
Dodo, that wonderful extinct creature, pronounced
facetiously by Blackwood, this month, " Dao-doo,"
and thus carolled in ridicule :

" Do-do ! although we can't see him,
His picture is hung in the British Museum
For the creature itself, we may judge whit a loss it is,
When its claws and its bill are such great curiosities.
A do• do ; a regular do !
Ornithologists all have been puzzled by you."

A lamentation precisely similar might undeniably
be sung over the memory of the poor extinct
genus of your genuine British Protection. Only,
of course, we must look for it elsewhere than in
the rages of Maya. However, there they are
dying out again on the opposite side of the Chan-
nel, those wonderful Protectionists—this time
indigenous to France. And—as they always do--
they are dying hard. They have received thclr
exequatur or " Notice to Quit" from the Commercial
Treaty. And it is just at this transition period in
the History of the Trade of France and of the com-
mercial relations between France and England,
that a flood of light is opportunely poured upon
the annals of the former by the luminous researches
of the writer in Bentley's Miscellany, whose name
we have already particularized.

The last instalment of the series, the paper ap-
pearing in the current number of the Magazine for
October, has especial interest for us here in Eng-
land. It relates to " Iron," to the development of
the Iron Trade in France—a trade that has been
in existence for 300 or 400 years altogether ; and
that has nevertheless only really " developed" itself
there during the last thirty-eight or forty years.
Throughout this seventh chapter the statistics given
by the writer in reference to the rise and expansion
of the Iron Trade in France will be found

eminently well-deserving of consideration. Perhaps
the most interesting specimen of these statistics

that we could here excerpt by way of an exemplar
is the following : where the writer in Bentley
remarks—

The production of pigiron in France being
now (1859)
And its importation (calculated on the
rate of 1861)

It follows that the whole a:nual con-
sumption reaches

The production of wrought iron is 520,099 tons
And its importation is at the rate of

The annual consumption is therefore 055,033 „
The two items together form a total of 1,552,238 tons ;
the quantity exported, though not indicated in the customs
returns, ought to be exactly equal to that imported under
acquits a caution, which, as results from the figures given
above, is, for this year, at the rate of 51,906 tons of pig, and
33,480 tons of wrought iron, giving a total of 85,386 tons.
.Deducting this figure from the whole quantity employed, it
follows that the annular interior consumption of France is
now at the rate of 1,466,652 tons. Now England produces,

FRANCE.
PARIS, WEDNESDAY.
'The Patrie of this evening says :
The state of things in Mexico is becoming
wlorse.

" The fall of Juarez is expected to take place
shortly.
" Comonfort has re-entered Mexico on the
northern frontier.

" The negotiations for an arrangement between
Er gland, France, and Spain, in reference to Mexico,
have not been interrupted."
The same journal publishes news from Montene-
gra stating that the Prince was using his influence
to restrain the impetuosity of the population and
prevent them from assuming the offensive, in order
that Europe might see that the Turks and not the
Montenegrins were the aggressors.
BOURSE, Oct. 2.—At the opening offers were
very numerous, and quotations generally are lower.
Threes, for the Account, are now at 68f 35e.
The following are the last quotations :-
41 per por Cents 96 15 Credit Fonder ....1200
Do. end month I Belgian 41. —
3 p3r Cents
Do. end month 6B 251 Roman
Bank Shares 2900 Austrian
Credit Mobilier.... 726 251 Spanish Threes —
Do. Account 7lB 75 Home Debt

RAILWAYS.
Cash. Account.
Orleans l4OO .. 1387 50
Northern 973 75 .. 971 25
New ditto 905 ..
Lyons and Mediterranean 1022 50 .. 1018 75
Geneva.. 340 .. 340
Southern 640 .. 635
Western
Eastern
Sardinian 350 ..
Austrian
Low b'd * 527 50 .. 525

The occasion was too important and exciting not
to bring crowds of people, electors and, aon•electors,
into the streets; but Count Zamoyski, Canon
Wyszynski, and Mr. Steicki, by exhorting them in
moderate and dignified language to be peaceful and
orderly, and assuring them that the councils would
do their duty, prevented any disturbance from
taking place. One of the great objects of the
'patriots is to obtain the same privileges for Lithu-
ania and the Ruthenian (not .Russian) provinces as
those given to the kingdom of Poland. As those
provinces formed, together with Galicia and Posen,
the Poland of 1772 as it existed before the parti-
tion, and their inhabitants are, in feeling and pa-
triotic spirit, as much Poles as those of the so-called
" Kingdom," there can be no doubt as to the cor-
rectness of the view hero taken, if justice and right
had any influence on the proceedings of the
Government., But it is known that these form
but very insignificant elements in the mo-
tives which guide its actions. Great surprise
is feigned at St. Petersburg at the many evidences
given by the Lithuanians of their sympathy with
the Polish movement and their desire to be re-
united to the kingdom ; the Government has found
it convenient to look upon these Poles as Russians,
and has actually gone so far as to ascribe the na-
tional movement in Lithuania to treachery on the
part of its minions. There is even a talk of re-
moving M. Nazimon, who has rendered him-
self hateful to all by his infamous conduct in
that province, although it appears he is not severe
and arbitrary enough to please his superiors. In
the other provinces, too, such as Podolia and the
Ukraine, the strongest patriotic feeling is shown ;
and so well is this known to the Government that
they have sent agents into those provinces to spread
a rumour of the formation of a Polish Legion on the
frontier of Moldavia, and thus draw some of the
most patriotic of the inhabitants into their toils.
They have only been too successful—some of the
finest of the Polish youth caught at the bait, and
on arriving at the frontier were seized by the police
and sent into the interior of Russia for deportation
to Siberia or the Caucasus. The Ruthenian pro-
vinces, whose inhabitants speak the Ruthenian lan-
guage, which must not be confounded with the
Russian, also show Polish ten dencA, although their
religion (the Greek Catholic) has opened a wide door
for Russian intrigue among them. It will be seen,
therefore, that the desire of the patriots of
the kingdom to be united to these pro-
vinces is not so unreasonable as some enemies of
Poland endeavour to make out. Some few enthu-
siasts were so .cot in the cause of the union, that
they proposed to stop the elections until it was
accomplished; but this hasty and ill-considered
advice was over-ruled by a great majority, and the
number of the electors that voted show that the
great body of the people were in favour of the more
sensible and practical course. The names of the in-
dividuals elected—e. g., Count Zamoyski, Canon
Wyszynski, Hirzpanski, General Lewinski, &c.—
show that the electors fully appreciated the impor-
tance of what they were doing, and saw the neces-
sity for choosing men who would give full effect to
their wishes and demands. It is evident that they
look upon the new so-called municipal councils as
a sort of national representation, whose duty it is
to become the organ of the people in all their de-
mands or complaints addressed to the Government ;
and the known character of many of their repre-
sentatives as men of unflinching integrity and
patriotism justifies the prevision that this new re-
presentation will be neither an inactive nor an
uninfluential one. The circumstance that in most
instances the election was almost unanimous, there
not being the slightest sign of opposition, proves
that the Poles were all actuated by the same mo-
tives and expectations in this matter. The only
sign of dissension Wb,S that above alluded to—a
small section of patriots wishing to stop the elec-
tions all together ; but when it was once settled
that the elections were to go on, there was no
question as to who was to be elected.
Among the first questions to be addressed
by the new councils to the Government are
the following :-1. Whether the state of siege is
still to continue ? 2. Whether the country is to
be given a national autonomy which shall embrace
all the Polish Provinces ? These questions Govern-
ment will, no doubt, find it hard to answer, backed
as they will be by the official expression of the
unanimous feeling of the whole country.
The arbitrary condaet of the military in this
country is most remarkable. The civil Government,
from General Lambert himself down to the chief
magistrate of a village, seems to be completely
paralysed when it comes in contact with the sol-
diers ; the disgraceful outrages committed by the
military dictators in the provinces are repeated
daily with sickening iteration, and it is in vain
that the Government is appealed to for redress.
This insolent arbitrariness of the troops is some-
times carried to the verge of absurdity. Thus, at
Ostrolenka, the elections, which were going on in
the most perfect order, were suddenly interrupted
by the Commandant, who dispersed the electors
and sent the ballot-boxes to Warsaw, on the pre-
text that the election was a " forbidden assemblage."
An important change has taken place in the
condition of the press there, which has hitherto
been subjected to a most rigorous censorship. The
Gazeta Rzadowa (Government Gazette), which
was formerly published in Russian and Polish, is
now to be called Dziennik Powszechny (Universal
Journal) and published in Polish only, with the
exception of the ukases of the Czar, which will
appear in both languages, as heretofore. It is also
to contain educational articles, in addition to the
usual official Governmental articles. This change
is the work of Marquis Wielopolski, and has been
held by some papers to prognosticate a relaxation
in the censorship. Their previsions have been ful-
filled by the event ; both the Gazeta Warszawska
and Gazeta Polska have made remarks on the pre-
sent state of affairs in some of their more recent
numbers, which would never have been permitted
under the former system.
The Council of State begins its sittings on the
Ist proximo. Among the first measures to be
brought under consideration are bills having refe-
rence to the management of public education, the
emancipation of the serfs, and the civil rights of
the Jews.

NB. 10.RSTER, _ESQ. f
M• P. ON THE

AMERICAN WAR.

On Tuesday night a lecture was delivered in the
theatre of the Bradford Mechanics' Institute, by
W. E. Forster, Esq., M.P., " On the Civil War in
America ;" James Law, Esq., president of the insti-
tute, was in the chair, and there was a numerous
attendance.
Mr. FORSTER, M.P., havitig been introduced by
the President, began his lecture by alluding to the
peculiar interest which attached to the civil war in
America. This terrible war, so far as it affected the
feelings of the people of this country, was like no
war which had happened for a long period. It was
almost like a war in England itself. It was a war
between people of a common origin with ourselves,
and there was hardly a street in Bradford, or a vil-
lage in Yorkshire, the inhabitants of which had
not relations in America, while some of them had
material interests most grievously affected by the
war. He referred to the injurious effects which the
war had upon the mercantile and manufacturing
interests of this country, especially Lancashire, by
being deprived of its supply of cotton ; and the
worsted district of Yorkshire, by being deprived of
a market for its manufactured goods. But even if
the case were otherwise it was a war of intense
interest, because he conceived that it was a war to
solve the problem whether a nation of civilised men
in this age of the world could, in peace and safety,
keep millions of their fellow-beings in slavery, and
treat them as though they were beasts. They
often, in reading, found this war described as not
only a terrible and calamitous war, but as being a
causeless war. Now, a terrible and calamitous
war it undoubtedly was. Civil war was terrible
under any circumstances, but it was still mote ter-
rible when carried on amongst a race of men of
such strong passions as the Anglo-Saxon race.
It was a grievous punishment to the people of
America for one-half of them having gone on with-
out trying to diminish slavery but to increase it,
and the other half for having connived at this ;
and it was also a punishment to England for having
left the legacy of slavery to them. They ought
not, therefore, to wonder at or complain if we were
suffering from that state of things. But although
a calamitous, it was not a causeless war. He should
show that evening that it was the natural crisis of
that evil which had been born with the American
Commonwealth, and grown with it, and which was
now testing the very life of the Commonwealth.
It appeared almost puerile to state any other cause
except slavery as the cause of this war, when they
had been wondering year after year that this state
of things could go on without a convulsion. It
seemed strange that the war should be attributed
to anything else ; yet an able writer had taken a
contrary view, on the ground that the South would
never, as a question of slavery, break up that
Union which virtually made the whole of the States
the prison of the slave, and every officer a gaoler,
and draw the line within its own territory over
which the slave might escape to freedom much more
easily than he could at present into Canada. It was
argued, therefore, by such writers that there must
be something behind, and it was suggested that
that something was protection. But let them look
at the facts, and in doing so they must judge men
by their actions, not by their motives—events de-
pended upon what men did, not upon what they
intended to do. (Hear, hear.) How did the
Republican party come to exist ? What were
called the pure Abolitionists in America were a
very small party, though not politically an unim-
portant party. The two leading parties were
similar to the Whig and Tory parties of this coun-
try—the one seeking to weaken the central power
and to strengthen the State power, and the other
to support the central power and to, maintain the
Union. Both parties, however, agreed to taboo the
question of slavery ; they were afraid to undertake
it, and preferred letting it alone until it should
sweep over them like a deluge. For a long
time it was impossible to moot the question of
abolition, either in public meetings, or in Congress,
and, indeed, it required all the prestige of John
Quincy Adams to establish even the right of peti-
tioning Congress upon the subject. When that
could be no longer refused, it was attempted to
prevent discussion by outrage and violence, of which
they had an instance in the case of Mr. Sumner.
They could not, however, keep the question quiet,
for public opinion would express itself, and then
sprung up a democratic party of a new school, who
maintained not only that the Southern States should
deal with slavery, but also that they should rule
over the Union for the purposes of slavery, thus
making the Union a great pro-slavery Common-
wealth, for the support and extension of this system.
It was under these circumstances that the Repub-
lican party arose. They found that this rule of the
slave power for slavery purposes was affecting every
question. The foreign policy of the States was
framed to answer this object, and thus they sought
to obtain Cuba—the judicial bench was made sub-
servient to it, and thus the highest judicial court
was led to pronounce the abominable decision
which took from every coloured man the right of
citizenship. (Hear, hear.) To maintain this rule
there was an alliance between the slaveholders of
the South and the lowest classes of the population
in the great cities, and in this way it was that the
votes of the mob in New York were secured for the
Democratic party of the South. It had been said
in England that this was a proof of the failure of
free institutions in New York, but such was not the
fact ; it was merely a proof that they were con-
trolled by slavery. (Applause.) The Republican
party said, "We cannot put up with this any
longer, we ha vo no objection to the Slave States
keeping their slaves until they like to free them,
but we will not be bound up with them, and be
made the means of extending their power." They
nearly elected Fremont at the presidential election
before the last, and they succeeded in electing
Lincoln. Having elected their man, they must
have a policy—what they called a platform. That
platform was not the abolition 'of slavery, bnt
simply its limitation. They did not propose to in-
terfere with the South in its management of slavery,
but seeing how this system desolated the lands
where it existed, they declared that they would
not have it carried as a matter of right into the
new territories or colonies of the Union. (Cheers

MRS. H. B. STOTVB ON SALVERT AGAIN

The party, therefore, passed a resolution to the
effect that Congress had no power to establish
slavery in any territory until its inhabitants had
formed themselves into a State, and declared for
themselves whether or not they would have slavery.
(Hear.) This was not the kind of anti-slavery
movement which they understood in this country,
and a great mistake had arisen here in supposing
that there was only one kind of slavery abolition.

Mrs. H. B. Stowe, in a letter more energetic than her
first, dwells on the subject of slave emancipation in'the fol-
lowing words, which we have great pleasure in transcrib-
ing :—" While slavery was hemmed in by constitutional
limits and protected by laws, so that we could not overthrow
it without fighting against law and destroying government,
our course was one of strict moral influence alone. But
these Slave States have forsworn the Government and re-
pudiated the laws which protected them in their ill-gotten
gains. Why, then, not use the opportunity to bre ik every
yoke ? Why, not do it openly, bravely, and martially—not
like lawyers and politicians, but like soldiers ? Proclaim
lib( rty through all the land to all the inhabitants thereof !
Let the President of the United States proclaim that all
men shall hereafter be declared free and equal, and that
the services of all shall be accepted without regard to
colour."

And again—" We may rest assured, if we delay till we
alienate the blacks, that the enemy will find means to turn
them against us as effectually as they have done hitherto.
Who dug the trenches and raised the masked batteries be-
fore which so many Northern men lie dead ? The negroes.
Why were the Southern forces fresh and ours weary ? They
had the negroes to do the bard work. We, then, have no
choice but to conquer with the negroes—to conquer by a
glorious act of generosity and justice that shall make our
cause go by acclamation through the world, or to fall
under the very hoof of the men whose wrongs we would
right, and whom God will justly make our punishers."

The United Mexican Alining Company have
given notice of the repayment of a second sum of 40 per
cent, of their borrowed capital.
THE CITY POLICE.—A meeting of the committee
lately appointed by the constables of the City police was
held yesterday, when it was announced that although the
commissioner had not consented to receive the deputations
appointed at a general meeting to present the petition re-
lating to Sunday duty, an order was about to be raised
that would give satisfaction to the men. By this order the
day men will be allowed every fourth Sunday to them-
selves, and the night men ono day in each month, by which
each in their turns will obtain a Sunday off duty. Special
regulations will be made respecting the constables on duty
at the Post 'office and other public buildings. The petition
of the mon for an increase of pay will be, taken into
consideration at the next xneJing of the City Police Com-
mittee.

The Republican party did not feel that sympathy
with the negro which they ought to do, but they
did feel that slavery was doing a great deal of harm,
and, as patriotic men, they wished to prevent its
extension ;—with them, the question was one not so
much of philanthropy as of patriotism. This policy
of the Republican party was received by the South
as involving abolition as much as though it had
declared it at once. Not only was this so, but
whilst this new party was rising in the North there
was a great change in the South. The old school
of slaveholders believed that slavery was an evil,
and looked forward to its extinction. This might
be proved by extracts from the speeches of Jeffer-
son and other great men, and the word slave was
never mentioned in the Constitution. Finding
themselves, however, pressed by the growing pub-
lic opinion, not only of America but of Europe, the
slaveholders did that which men had always done
under the same circumstances. When they found
the system attacked, they declared that not only
was it not an evil but that it was a great good, and
this they did until they actually believed what they
said. They had most fanatical defences of slavery.
De Bow's Review for May, the organ of the South,

went so far as to state that " the social condition of

England would be infinitely better if the labouring
classes were domestic slaves." (Ironical laughter.)
Having determined that slavery should last it was

necessary that slavery must rule, or there was no

security for the retention of the slaves. Public
opinion, however, was against them, and the
press, therefore, must be gagged, legislators
must be gagged, and there must be no expres-
oion of opinion in public meeting. They

could not, however, go on ruling without extend-
ing, because the North, through its prosperity and
wealth, was extending its territories and peopling
them with free emigrants from Europe. No emi-
grants ever thought of going to the South, and they
were not wanted; but to counterbalance the North
they must have fresh States, and, as they could not
get free emigrants, they must have black emigrants
to people them. To maintain their position they
must have a predominance ; to have that predomi-
nance, they must have fresh States they must peo-
ple them, which they could only do by re-opening
the slave trade. They were right in saying that if
they admitted the republican platform, limiting
slavery, they might as well give it up at once.
They treated this avowal of principles as downright
abolition. They, therefore, now sought to vindicate
slavery, and Mr. Stephens, the vice-president of the
Southern Confederacy, had declared that its foun-
dations were laid—that its corner-stone rested on
—the great truth that slavery—subordination to
the superior race—was the negro's natural condi-
tion ; that the confederacy was founded on these
principles, and that this stone which was rejected
by the first builders, had, in their new edifice, be-
' come the chief stone of the corner. (Laughter.) Yet
in the face of such a speech, a respectable periodical
like the Saturday Review could state that slavery
had nothing to do with this contest. Such was not
the opinion in the South, nor was it the opinion in
the North. All parties at the last Presidential elec-
tion looked at it as a question of slavery. The
Union party, who started Mr. Bell as President
and Mr. Everett as Vice-President, put them for-
ward purely upon the principle of preserving the
Union, and declared that the only question which
agitated the American people, and lay at the foun-
dation of all their party divisions, was slavery. All
the attempts made after the election to prevent a
rupture, recognised this fact, and it was a mere
afterthought to put forward protection as the issue
upon which they had split. South Carolina, said to
be the most opposed to protection, gave its vote for
protection before the separation, and there was not
one word about free trade in its ordinance of seces-
sion. The people in America did not believe that
this wasa question of free trade and protection, and
it was only done to blind England. (Hear.) In
consequence of the position taken by the North the
slaveholders found that they could no longer
rule the majority, and they determined, there-
fore, to establish a confederacy of their own, in order
that they might perpetuate and extend slavery by-
taking possession of new territories, and renewing
the slave trade. Mr. Brown, the colleague of
Jefferson Davis, had openly declared that he wanted.
Cuba, Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or two other
Mexican States, for the planting and spreading of
slavery ; and Mr. Stevens had also avowed that
slavery must be extended and perpetuated; upon
which a Southern editor added—" A cordon of free
states must never surround the God-given institu-
tion of slavery." It was the fashion now not to
avow this slave polici, and Mr. Tancey, one of the
Southern Commissioners to England, had stated
that they did not wish to revive the slave trade, but
that same gentleman, a year or two ago, in one of
his speeches, asked—" What became of an equality
when the law was passed that said, ' You of the
South shall not import negroes from Africa, though
you of the North may import jackasses from
Malta ?" (Laughter.) They must not rely too
much upon the credulity of Englishmen. But how
were the South to succeed in establishing a slave-
holding commonwealth, reaching far South and.
west ? They would never have thought of succeed-
ing if it were not that slaveholding made men brag-
garts—it so accustomed them to tyrannise over
others and to shut themselves out from the opinion
beyond them, that they imagined they could carry
everything before them. They relied for success
upon the love of money in the North, upon their
democratic allies in the North, and upon England
and Europe as the great consumers of their pro-
duce. Mr. Wigfall bad said, "Cotton is king, and
waves her sceptre not only over thirty-three States,
but over the Island of Great Britain ;" and the Go-
vernor of Georgia, in his message to his Legisla-
ture, had gone so far as to say that the new slave
power could by means of its control over the ex-t
port of cotton, compel the British Government to a
treater by which Canada should no longer be a har-
bour of fugitive slaves. (Laughter.) For a short
time it seemed as if the South was to succeed ; the
North was staggered and surprised; they could not
believe that so terrible a convulsion was coming
upon them, and if they recognised the.
South, England could not do otherwise. Terrible,
therefore, as was the war, he rejoiced at the time,
and he rejoiced still that there was such an upris-
ing of the people in the North on the attack on Fort
Sumter. If the South had ever indulged the dream

of establishing a great slave State on the dissolu-
tion of the Union, that dream was then gone. (Cheers.)
No doubt they were surprised at the sudden change
which followed the attack upon Fort Sumter. He
was not so himself. There was a great deal of what
the Americans called "bunkum," and the North

imagined that the talk was merely the old cry of
" Wolf !" and it was not until the first shot was fired

that they became really conscious that the States of
' the South were in revolt. (Cheers.) He had him.
self long wondered how the men of the North had.
submitted to the insult and outrage committed upon
their representatives, but there was a deep love of
the Union, a patriotic feeling, throughout the Free
States. They loved their country, they took a
pride in it, as a great and glorious commonwealth,
they felt its immense advantage in affording protec-
tion to the various States in their commercial enter•
prise with each other, and in the fact that they were
not obliged t 6 maintain large standing armies,
which would be the case as soon as they became
separate States. They were determined to main-
tain the Union at almost all cost, and they were
prepared to make great sacrifices for that object.
The South, however, in their pride, declared that
they would not longer submit to the ruling of the
majority, and it was then that all parties in the
North—Democratic as well as Republican—became
united on the great issue before them. There was
a great difference in manner and feeling in the
South and the North. De Tocqueville said
" The American of the South is haughty, prompt,
irascible, violent, ardent in desire, impatient of
obstacles, but easy to discourage if he does not
triumph at the first blow. On the contrary, the
man of the North is patient, thoughtful, tolerant,
slow to act, and persevering in his designs." So
that they (the audience) saw the result they
found in this war was that the South were fight-
ing for the perpetuation and extension of slavery ;
they could not get it in the Union, so they deter-.
mined to get it out of the Union. On the other
hand, the North were fighting for the restoration of
the Union, and for the power to treat the question
of slavery as originally intended by the Constitu-
tion. Therefore, the South appeared to be in the
fight very much more pro-slavery than the North
anti-slavery ; but he should show the audience, he
thought, that the North were really fighting as
much against slavery as the South were fighting for
it. For, if the South succeeded, they would establish
a powerful commonwealth, such as he had described.
If they failed, slavery would receive a blow from
which it could not recover. So that inasmuch as
the attempt to limit slavery had been the reason
why the slaveowners had revolted, inasmuch as the
existence of slavery had been the reason why the
political differences had been created into a war,
inasmuch as the existence of slavery, he believed,
depended upon the result of the war, he acknow.
ledged he wished success to the North as long as
the war lasted, and he wished no success to the
South, because he loved freedom and hated slavery.
(Applause.) But why did the war last ? Why did
not the men of the North let the South go ? Why
did not they make peace and have a free Union
without being in partnership with slavery any
longer ? Before they blamed the men of the North
for not doing that they must put themselves in their
position. If be were there he should doubt whether
he did not owe a duty to four millions of black

•itizens down in the South. He should doubt
whether he ought to let the Union be dissolved

without a struggle to free those men. But putting
that aside, the great reason why the Northern men
did not say, " We will have a free Union, and make
peace on these terms," was that they doubted the
possibility of a free Union, and doubted still more