The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-19 00:00:00

Nothing could well be more ingeniosis. Note
every word of it :—" The Emperor of the FRENCTI,
although assuring to us the benefits of non-
intervention, has deemed it fitting to recal his
envoy. This act has excited our keen regret,
without however affecting our gratitude." That
is certainly what we may call tiding aver a
difficulty ! And, as a reminder of the nature of the
gratitude, says the KING immediately afterwards :
At Magenta and at Solferino France and Italy
were rivetted by ties of amity which will be indis-
soluble !" One passage has reference to ourselves :
and it is this—" England, the ancient home of
liberty, has recognised our right to dispose of our-
selves. We shall preserve an imperishable remem-
brance of the support which her good offices have
afforded us." And now it is—immediately after
quoting this eulogistic reference to England—now
it is that we must perforce particularise, with
wonder, and almost with scorn, and certainly with
indignation, the omission, the single, astounding
omission, which to our mind is the "damning
blot" upon this Speech from the Throne of VICTOR
EMMANUEL. It is the omission of any mention
whatever, in the King of ITALY'S speech, of any
mention whatever of the man who first hailed
VICTOR EMMANUEL by that title—the Hero of
Marsala—the Victor of Calatafimi—the Conqueror of
the Kingdom of the Two SiciIies—GARIBALDI !
One passing mention of that great name, one
might have thought that VICTOR EMMANUEL
must needs have made, if merely under the incen-
tive of that feeling of gratitude of which his
MAJESTY can be so very out-spoken in regard to
the French EMPEROR. True it is that NAPOLEON
111. conquered Lombardy and handed it over to the
King of SARDINIA—NAPOLEON 111. doing this
with a superll army of from 100,000 to 200,000 of
the finest soldiers in the world. But if this was
done in the north of Italy by one Chief of men—
what was done in the south of Italy by another
Chief of men ? Is it not quite as much a matter of
history that GARIBALDI conquered the kingdom of
the Two Siciiies and handed it over to the
King of SARDINIA ? And is it not true,
also, that GARIBALDI did this, not with an
army of 200,000 men, but with a little band
numbering in all not quite 2,000! That, with such
a handful of followers he took Sicily, and that
he afterwards captured Naples alone—single-
handed, as Corioli was taken by CORIOLANUS.
" Alone he did it ! Alone he fluttered their
Volscians," in that southern extremity of the Roman
peninsula! And now, not a word of all this is
heard in the Speech of the King of ITALY yester-
day. " Put not your faith in Princes." It is im-
possible to note this omission of GARIBALDI'S
name in the KING'S speech at Turin without scorn
either for such wilful forgetfulness, or—supposing
the heroic name to be suppressed out of a paltry
consideration for the feelings of an Imperial ally—
without a twofold scorn for such a melancholy
instance of the suppressio yeti! Why, but for
GARIBALDI, whose name is not whispered in the
speech of yesterday, that speech would never have
been delivered. It is a very ignoble return for
deeds of daring and of magnanimity in their way
altogether unparalleled !

What will the Government do to night—is a
question which has been extensively asked, and
which will in a few hours receive its answer. If
Lord Jour( RUSSELL be really a Reformer, and if
his supposed satire in his speech on the Address
did not represent his real sentiments, he can hardly
feel annoyed at the course taken by Mr. LOCKE
KING and Mr. BAINES. The proposals of both
gentlemen formed parts of his own bill, of whose
wisdom he professed to the last to retain his con-
viction, and it will look rather ill-natured if when
independent members offer their services to attempt
what he failed in last year, his lordship should
become the opponent of what he thought good
when proposed by himself. He can, of course,
easily fish up several excuses for endeavouring to
gat rid of these main points of his last year's bill,
if he pleases, and he will have a host of but too
willing supporters; but, if he give the cold shoulder
to the two gentlemen who take up what he has
dropped he must be prepared for some rather caustic
criticism, and, worse than that, some lasting sus-
picion of insincerity or selfish political ambition.
Leaving the Government, however, to take what
course it pleases, and rather hoping that it will at
least, for decency's sake, consent to the two bills
being read a first time, that they may be placed fairly
before the House and the country, we turn for a
moment to the present aspect of the Reform move-
ment. We are by no means sure that it may not
yet gather life and vigour by being thrown upon
its natural supporters. Wisely and prudently for
Conservative purposes the leaders of both parties have
been using it also for party objects. Their chief
design was to make out of it political capital,
but was there not also a consciousness that while
our Governments thus octroyed reform for us, it
would like the similar gifts of continental despots
be a very ht►rmless thing to the dominancy of the
class which conferred it. If, however, the boroughs,
and even the counties and their members, began to
take up Reform, those who are personally inte-
rested in the subject will not allow Lord JOHN
RUSSELL or Mr. DISRAELI to say, " thus far shalt
thou go, but no further." While Governments
seemed ready, like gods political, to bestow the
boon of right from their own sense of
equity, the grateful people stood gaping
with thankful wonder, ready to pick up what was
thrown them. If, however, all hope ceases from

those who might have been worshipped as bene-
factors, the multitude may well bethink themselves
of their power to demand what they had been told
for ten years was to be freely given.
But what a change will that spirit of demand
bring with it. The right of representation, under
a constitutional government,is a truth which flashes
of itself, almost, upon any man, as soon as he is
awakened by any means from political stupor ;
how apparent was this in the time of the Chartist
excitements. Indeed had not some deep plotters
turned aside the feeling to foolish and impracticable
land schemes, and to baiting the Free-traders for
preferring repeal of the Corn Laws to the Charter,
it is by no means certain that the fears
of the upper classes would not have conceded the
franchise then to working men. We do not much
fear any such distress now as shall render agitation
for the franchise formidable by the dread of
famine. But we notice incipient movements which
may prove of a very contagious character. In
Newcastle and its neighbourhood there has been
for some time an admirable working men's organiza-
tion. Another has commenced with signs of health
and vigour at Leeds, and at Norwich we learn the
working men are determined to claim what they
believe to be their natural right. Who can tell
where this discussion and agitation will end ? It
may suit the purposes of a certain class to dwell
on the apathy of the people whom the defunct
Reform Bills proposed to enfranchise, but if this
be felt as a reproach the cry may be uttered onde too
often, and the cheated million may awaken and tell
the scoffers, " We quietly confided in your honour,
we will trust henceforth only our own power.
You shall not long tell us we are apathetic."
The game is a curious one to-night. Mr. LOCKE