The Sun.
London, England, 1857-04-27 00:00:00

PARLIAMENTARY .pEFOR 31.

(From the Times)
Parliamentary Reform is now a Parliamentary
question. This is no truism, for till quite lately it
was a popular question, and one that had hardly
shown itself within the walls of Parliament. It is
now more Parliamentary than popular. Every-
where you are asked with much plausibility, and at
least a w►de concurrence, " Who wants Reform ?
Do you want another vote ? Do you ? Have you
evert registered? When did you vote last ? Did
you ever vote? Do you know who are your repre-
sentatives 1" These particular que,tions will be
understood, of course, to apply to the metropolis ;
but the metropolis, it must be considered, bas by
far the strongest case, in the abstract, for Parlia-
mentary Reform in the whole empire. Its popula-
tion is the wealthi-e, the best educated, the most
orderly, and the worst represented—that is,
with the least proportion of members. Scotland,
and even Ireland, are close boroughs compared
with the metropolis. So, if the demand for Par-
liamentary reform is at zero in the metropolis,
that settles the question as to its general popu-
larity. But all over the country it is a ram thing
to find a cry for Parliamentary Reform. Doesthis
country want more members? Is that flourishing
borough indignant at its unrepresented state ?
Where is the crowd of small yeomen, or even town
householders, asking for county votes? We are
speakiug only of the fact. The fact is, that while
there never was a stronger case in theory for Re-
form, people generally seem to feel it only as a
matter of theory. But, granting all this—and it
natters not to our purpose whether it is granted or
not—how does it affect the question which a Go-
vernment has to ask itself When a Cabinet meets
at a critical season, and asks whether or when it.
shall enter on the field of Parliamentary Reform,
can it venture to rely on the fact that there is no
present palpable " pressure from without" on the
subject ! No, it cannot ; for the obvious reason
that this is now a Parliamentary, not a popular
question. At any reasonable time—next year, for
example—for it hardly seems reas-mable to destroy
a Parliament before it has even broken its shell and
seen the light of day—anybody may rise up and
propose this or that partial measure, or a full-
grown reform bill, with the fairest chance of carry-
ing the House with him, and putting the Minister
into a most unpleasant situation. Bht, bad as that
would be, a worse contingency is possible, and, in

our opinion, even probsble. It is, that on the re-
jection of such a bill by a well-disciplined Ministe-
rial majority, the country might be raised in its
favour, and the Parliamentary converted into a
popular question. In such an out-door agitation
there might be faction, there might be hypocrisy,
there might be pure mischief, but that matters
little ; an agitation begun under these circum-
stances would take its course, and carry the day,
to the great damage of all politicians foolhardy
enough to set their faces against it. S,o it is enough
for the present purpose that this is a Parliamentary,
capable of being turned, at a very short notice,
into a popular, question.
To anttcipatc such an agitation—and it ought to
be anticpated—we must consider on what points it
would run. For that inquiry an abvious clue is to
be found in the theoretical defects of the existing
system. Th, se defects may now seem ridiculous.
They may seem but shadowy grievances; statistical
ghosts, giants on paper ; but they are the channels
and. the hollows in which the inundation will run
and diffuse itself when the bank has burst. Every
spectral anomaly, each disparity of figttres and ec-
centricity of proportion, that now shows only an
arithmetical or superficial or linear existence, will
then assume a substantial and tremendous vitality.
The people of England now repose upon Parlia•
went, and aro quiet ; Le:iause, though they know
.the representative syst..m to be vtry defective,
they think Parliament will set it right in due time,
and thaibefore very long. But this flat!eiing con-
fidence ought not to be abused. With the memo-
ries of the last Reform Bill before us, we stroogiy
deprecate the logic cf waiting titl the pressure is too
strong tube 1 existed. At present, we may say, the
game is in the bands of the more educated, the
more enlightened, and the more political classes.
Government, and those of whom Governments are
made, have still the initiative. The day may not
be distant when the ground will be occupied with
seme huge, misshapen, irrational creature of mis-
• rule, too strong to he displaced, and but a sorry
subject for correction. We may have to deal with
the popular Reform. Bill, an affair of points and
first principles, made expressly ti awake the agita-
tions of which it affects to be the fruit. There are
stAtestnen in the House of Commons who might
think it worth their while, and not below
their character, to adopt such a battle-horse.
But if, as we fully believe, • a Reform Bill, of
one kind or another, will be passed before long,
• then we submit it is very desirable that the
first conception and the rough draught of the bill
should come from those who have to mould the
plastic material to the intended shape,aud cut the
block to the model. If Lord Palmerston has to
give us a Reform Bill, we trust he will have Ills
own materials to work upon.

Now, there are materials, 'or general principles,
of Parliamentary Reform of confessed importance,
but more likely, judging from experience, to pro-
ceed from Ministers and legislators than from out-
door agitators. The latter feel themselves under
no special obligation to guard the franchise from
disorder and abuse. It is not their affair, though
they might not object to see it done by others. It
is not the office, or always the interest, of a publi-
can to stop intoxication, though he does not wish
his customers to go too far, and is glad to see the
po'ice, •doing -their duty. But certainly it is the
business of a Minister still possessing the initiative
in Pitrliamentary Reform to provide that the fran-
chise shall. go together as much as possible with
the best qualifications for its proper exercise—edu-
cation, character, and responsible employment. It
certainly is more important to give it to those who
are proved to be intelligent, and whose place in
society shows them to be trustworthy, than to those
-who a're certainly indigent, certainly ignorant, and
probably corrupt. If a large proportion of the
latter must be admitted to square our system and
remove invidious exceptions, it is a'l the more
advisable to secure the cerrec'ing influences of
education and position. We fully admit there are
great practical difficulties to be encountered in giving
a political status to the free denizens of the intellec-
tual world. In respect of rates, and even taxes, they
may. be "'airy nothing '" without "a l )cal hab:ta-
tion or a name." But the whole question of. Pa-
rliamentary Reform is one of difficulties, and we do
not see why they are to be weakly admitted ,igaicst
the highest and best elements of our soc:al system,
and boldly encountered only for the sake of toe
lowest.. iWhatever the objections which reason or
wit may suggest, no principle cis b 3 allej;ed
to the members of ,ill the

agai.nst giving vot
le? rn '

dons, to all univenity era, tutees and
r ificate-i from auth ori-ed Co!leges and
to t e commissiored officers, of the Army,
Navy, and Militia, to railway servants of a certain
rani, to schoolmasters, and many more of similar
qualifications. On the other hand, while we are
opening the doors, and to a ceitaie extent relaxing
these restrictions which are proved by printed
lists and rate-books, it might serve to countoract
the dangers of this coorse if we insisted more ou
the personal qualifications ieseparable from the
eleAor. Why not require each min to write his
own name and vote at the p dlire:-booth ? That
would exclude the wholly uueducated.; and, even
if the younger hands could get up a sign manual
and a name for the occasion, as every rogue once
learnt his neck verse, still that would itself be a
first step in learning, and might lead to higher
achievements in the field of literature. We have
now been passing, the whole population through
schools for hdf a century. We have had infant
Belnola in 'every town in Eng'and for more than
thirty years ; and, if there has -not been a strictly
nation 1 system of education, it has not bees
through the fault of Governments, or for want of
carefully studied proposals. The very objection
which has prevailed against the nationel plan has
been the sufficiency of private enterprise. So it
is high time to reap the fruits of a literary age,
and to require from every man what it must be
his own fault if he cannot do—ono hue of writing.
We have no bias whatever en this point, and if
any chance ef an unfair opera ion does present
',itself, it is rather in favour of the thin-fingered
and supple artisan than the huge fist and horny
palm of the field labourer. The provision, how-
ever, is one to be considered on its own merits.
The results of the late electi ,n suggest another
proposal, often
made, and with MuA to h •
0 Silil
for it. When we see some of the mo t important
constituencies in the empire bringing in two 'eendi-
dates with 6,000 votes, and throwing out two
.others eith 5,000, or perhaps 5,W3, it is itnpossi-
ble not to be sensible of a potiticeloss to the Legis-
lature in the non-return of two goo 1 men, and a
positive injury in the virtoai non-representation of
COCO eketots for a while Pali anent. In the ease
efthe "unicorn" ceemties, the retrtin of the three
in'inewra by a languid corisL'6ll'nei •
just strong
enough and deeidtd enou;-h t bi Chvided iute
in jority and a minority, is a still retie, flagrant in-
jeBtice, and one without even long prescription in
fevorr. Such returt:3 would be ire /red by
. eeje'y e‘ieeliout ef

holcifn-a of.
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