The Sun.
London, England, 1859-02-03 00:00:00

WALES.

ANGLESEY.—Iienry Owen Williams, of Trearddnr, Esq.
BuEcoNstititE.--John Maund, of Tymawr, Esq.
CARNARVONSHIRE.—John Lloyd Jones, of Broom Hall,
Esq.
CANICULTHENSIIIRE.—Richard Jennings, of Gelleydeg,
Esq.
CARDIGANSHIRE.--Wm. Price Lewes, of Llysnewydd,
near New Castle Emlyn, Esq.
DENBIGHSHIRE.—Thomas Lloyd Fitzhugh, of Plas
Power, Wrexham.
FLINTSHIRE.—PhiIip William Godsal, of Iscoyd Park,
Esq.
GLAMORGANSIIIRE.—CharIos Croft Williams, of Roath
Court, Esq.
MONTOOMERYSTIIRE.--Edward Morris, of Berth Lloyd,
Esq.

MERIONETHSHIRE.-Hugh John Reveley, of Brynygwn,
Esq.
PEMBROKESHIRE.-Wm. Owen, of Poyston, Esq.
RADNORSHIRE.—James Watt Gibson Watt, of Doldow-
lod, Esq.

LINLITHGOWSTIIRE ELECTION.—Tho Sheriff of
Linlithgowshire has fixed Saturday next as the day of ,
election of a representative for that countyin room of Mr.
George Dundas, who has received a colonial appointment..
The Lord Advocate of Scotland (Mr. Charles Baillie) will,
it is expected, be returned without opposition.
MANCHESTER, BUXTON, MATLOCK, AND MID-
LANDboorId id nyaer ys t
ehr
da lafy- )ar'etatrhl ye
n jeetin
g of the JUNCTION
sir Joseph Paxton, M.P., in the
chair, me other directors present were—Mr. Toetal
Midland hotel, Derby—
aboßvetictirricApla-n"—y Twh,ase
(deputy chairman), Mr. Hutchinson, Mr. Gisborne, Mr.
Durham, and Mr. Condell. Mr. Wragge (secretary) read
the report, which stated that the dividend would be at the
rate of Is. 4d. per share. The chairman moved the adop-
tion of the report and accounts, and urged the desirability
of an extension of the line, though at present there was no
better prospect of it than there was at the last meeting. Ho
was happy to say the state of the line and works was good,
the traffic satisfactory, and had been improving for some
time past. Mr. Tootall, deputy-chairman, seconded the
motion, which was carried unanimously. A dividend of
ls. 4d. per share, payable on the 12th inst., was then de-
clared. Mr. Tootall and Mr. Condell were re-elected
directors, and Mr. Richardson was re-elected auditor. The
proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks to Sir Joseph
Paxton for presiding.
[ADVERTISEMENT.]—ThorIey's Food for Cattle is now
beginning to seriously attract the attention of the farmer,
breeder, and feeder of stock. Two years of unremitting
care and attention have enabled its inventor to take high
ground as a benefactor to these interests ; and notwithstand-
ing the many drawbacks, the malevolent shafts hurled
against it and its probable utility, the food, from its admitted
value, will become a necessity to the agricultural interest.
Experience has proved, first, that it affects a considerable
saving in the consumption of provender; secondly, that it
produces health and vigour in all animals subjected to its
influence : and lastly, increases in a remarkable degree an
early development of fat. Mr. Thorley, originating this
singularly efficacious food, aimed at a compound calculated
to supersede, to a certain extent, the tedious and expensive
mode then prevailing of fattening stall-fed beasts. In this
he happily succeeded ; and success prompted a very natural
desire to improve upon the invention, so asto make it ap-
plicable to every description of domestic
• animal. The Eng-
lish farmer was slow to encourage its use, and manifested an
unwillingness to rely upon its efficacy, fancying be possessed
in the produce of his farm, ample materials whereby to feed
and fatten his cattle at a cheaper rate thanby the employment
or addition of artificial food. Tho tests to which this foo4 haas
been subjected have proved its perfect admissibility ascahcashe
al:
addition to the natural produce of the farm ;
if
1 nisuubmitted
all cases a subtraction of one-third may bo sa e y
°duce will be
to in the usual food of animals ; and thatothe PI:
thirds of the time
realised, and rendered marketable in w
tit, iherefore, becomes
usually consumed in developing
efaet;
fr ted by a fair application.
apparent that a certain savingd".
It is believed that the present
of Thorley's Compounded) o
whist has induced its very gene-
ralunprecedented low price of
other of the usual articles of
use, in preference to n
'olhYquestioned whetherwheat •
is a
food ; it is, however,
mu for the working
proper food horse, certainly
nourishing and
pigs. Mr. Thorley's be ides
it Food, Fades
it is not for cows
physical
of greatly invigorat• the health
possessing tho lir hysi3cal power of all- 'mg
and increasing
t el
Pnt and wh animals, is a tonic
gentle stirau a„ , _ .
digestive
en mixed with their other
and
food, materially assists their di powers—a matter of
groat consequence, since it is an undoubted fact that the
nourishment contained in their ordinary food is lost, conse-
quent upon the impaired or defective action of the digestive
organs ; it will also be found to be particularly beneficial
in restoring to good working condition horses which have
been over-worked, or become weak from disease, or are
naturally of a feeble constitution. In cows its effects aro
undoubted, indeed almost marvellous, nearly doubling the
yield of milk and butter, whilst it at the same time enriches
the quality of both. In pigs its fattening qualities are still
more remarkable, displaying in a few weeks its manifest
superiority over every other kind of compound or manu-
factured food adopted in the feeding of swine. Such has
been its marked success, that at all our great cattle shows,
Royalty, noblemen, and others who have fed their cattle
on Thorley's Food, have invariably carried off the principal
prizes, whilst cards of commendation have been awarded.
The patronage of Royalty, of our principal nobility, the
clergy, and o our leading agriculturists, must prove a
great. incitement to this gentleman to pursue his onward
course ; and ho may confidently rely, in producing sic)
highly-favoured a compound, on a continuation of ouci
high and distinguished patronage,

THE SUN.

THURSDAY. FEBRUARY 3, 1859.

We hope many of our Legislators who re-assemble
to-day will not only glance at, but study the tables
which we published on Monday, and republish
to-day. That they will have contributed their•
share towards the formation of opinion in the minds
of their constituents we cannot affect to doubt.
They exhibit,not our arguments, but the arguments
of undeniable facts. Indeed we must confess that
when we commenced the calculations of which we
have thus given the results, we did not anticipate
that they would furnish so complete a condemnation
of the apportionment of seats under the Reform
Bill, and of that with which the Times has also
favoured us.

The latter was indeed full of patent blunders .
many of these were corrected on the 28th ult., but
glaring errors still remained, such, for instance, as
including the boroughs in the counties to increase
the claim of the counties to members, and then not
reckoning the members for boroughs as returned by

that county ! It is unaccountable that our con-
temporary should permit so grave and one-sided
a blunder to be perpetrated in its columns. More
natural, though not more justifiable, was it to give
an undue proportion of -members to Berkshire,
the county in which lies Mr. WALTERS' estate of
Bearwood, and to magnify the population of Not-
tingham almost threefold (from 57,000 to 130,000),
apparently that the borough represented by Mr.
WALTERS might be honoured not only by that
gentleman's services, but that it might also have
three representatives. Northampton, too, a town
of 26,000 inhabitants, is wholly " ignored " by the
Times ; it is literally " nowhere " in its schedules,
Has our contemporary forgotten a Mr. SMITH,
who delights to distinguish himself from SMITHS
in general by the prefixes, Right Honourable: and
ROBERT and VERNON ? We are sure Mr. SMITH
has not forgotten himself or Northampton either.
Or was it the unpardonable sin of the borough to
have returned the Radical Quaker, CHAS. GILPIN,
as Mr. SMITH'S colleague ?
But to return to our own tables. Let the reader
observe the principle of classification—. Density of
population. We have not taken, however, large
towns merely, but the whole county, generally
populous throughout, in which these towns or
cities are found. We have taken the county as a
county ; not pitted boroughs against counties, but
compared the two classes of counties with each
other. We have compared, not the popula-
tion of boroughs with that of counties, but
the population of the acres of one district
with that of the acres of another. It surely will
not be contended that laud itself, irrespective of
what is on it, is entitled to votes or members of
Parliament. The population, therefore, subsisting
on the acres of one county, are its first and great
distinction from other counties. Where it takes
two acres and upwards to maintain one person, the
land would seem to be nearer a state of nature, and
to claim less regard from society than where the
same quantity of land supported double or ten times
that number. As there has been so much outcry
against giving the boroughs a larger proportion of
members than their aggregate population could
claim, we have avoided this ground of dispute
altogether, and we ask the representatives of the
counties only to apportion the members amongst
the counties in fair proportion to the population
supported by each.
But there is also the well-known test of property.
Members ought, it is said, to be proportioned also to
the propertyto be represented in thedifferent counties•
We do not object. We give the amount of property
also, and let it tell its own tale. We know of but
one other test—that of intelligence. We really
hardly thought it worth while to go to the Editor
of the Leeds Mercury for school statistics—no one
ever professed to doubt that the most populous
districts are the least educated.

What, then, are the broad results of this inquiry?
Why, that if we divide the counties by the line of
a population less and greater than two acres to an
individual, twelve fall on one side of that line and
forty on the other—that the population of the
twelve has increased from being a quarter of a
million less than that of the forty, to two millions
and more above them ; showing plainly that they
are the progressive and thriving counties. They
pay in income-tax £64,864,195, the forty counties
only £49,834,136. The same proportional results
accrue with the assessed taxes. The twelve populous
counties pay £1,013,921; the forty thinly-peopled
counties but £912,629.
These results are corroborated by the annual
value of houses in each of the classes of counties.
This was, in 1815, in the 12 counties, X 10,459,789, in
the 40 but £4,435,341. But let the reader note the
increased value of houses in the two classes by
1851—the increase of value in the twelve counties
was eight millions more than the total value of the
houses in the forty at that date. The figures in
1851 stood thus : annual value of .houses in the
twelve counties, £28,669,814; in the forty counties,
£11,376,948.

A general corroboration of .the state of things
indicated by these facts was furnished by the
Economist last Saturday. Our contemporary com-
pared the value of landed property and other pro
perty in 1815 with their value in 1857—and with
what a result ! In 1815, the total amount was
£137,621,000, of which rents from land were
£39,405,000. In 1857 the total assessment was
£291,567,008, that of the land being £46,108,000.
Thus income from other sources than land has
increased in the time referred to from £98,116,000
to £153,946,000 ; or while, land has added not more
than seven or eight millions to its inc ome trade,
other sources have furnished nearly fifty-six
millions more. Even this comparison shows but
imperfectly the splendid advance of trade and com-
merce since this department of profits stood at
thirty-seven millions in 1815, while, in 1857, it had
risen to £84,500,000. Do not these facts, from
quite another quarter, prove in which direction
property, and with it intelligence and power, are
rapidly flowing ?

Our readers will find in these tables the propor-
tion of members due to each class of counties ac-
cording to their population, their assessed taxes,
their income-tax, and also what the Reform Bill,
Mr. BRIGHT, and the Times respectively assign to
them. It will be seen that, on the ground of pro-
perty, the 12 busy counties could claim even more
members than on that of population! It will be
clear also, from the last table, that Mr. BRIGHT'S
claims for them are as moderate as they well could
be. What his opponents will say we can hardly
conceive. It is plain that, taking their own ground
—as we do—namely, the claims of the counties,
taking intelligence—property—population—taking
what test you will, all combined or each apart, will
give more members to these counties than Mr.
BRIGHT has given them.

The Honourable Members for Birmingham have
each of them undertaken to forward to the utmost
extent of their power the general interests of the
community in this newly-inaugurated union of the
Imperial Legislature. Mr. BRIGHT can hardly
fail in any
contingency materially to influence, by
the introduction
of his scheme of Reform to the
notice of the House
of Commons, the eventual cha-
cacter of the re-arrangement of the general represen-
tation. Whether the Honourable Gentleman's
proposition be received with favour or disfavour
within the walls of Parliament, it hardly admits of
any doubt whatever that the mere ventilation of
his own peculiar project will affect to a considerable
extent the ultimate decision arrived at by our
legislators in regard to a re-adjustment of the
electoral franchise and of the electoral districts_
in reference to the arch-problem of the Ballot—hi
relation even, it may be, to the future duration of
Parliaments. The thoroughgoing champion of the
more advanced among the Reformers out-of-doors

is, at any rate, quite certain of commanding a
complete and searching discussion upon the views
he advocates. He is equally certain of being met
by extraordinary opposition. This would, indeed,
have been inevitable under any circumstances. It
is glaringly inevitable now, when a false im-
pression has got abroad that the purpose latent in
his
se
foi7holeidable schedules is really one subversive of
fabric of the Constitution. Sup-

posing the suggestions of Mr. BRIGHT to
be carried out to the very uttermost, the result
could only be to widen the basis of the constitution
—to sink deeper and firmer yet in its rocky soil its
profound and solid foundations. The generality out
of doors recognise this in the adoption of the Ballot
—in a considerable extension of the franchise—in a
comprehensive revision of the whole distribution of •
the areas of representation generally throughout
the United Kingdom. A disingenuously deliberate
distortion of the entire scheme of Reform pro-
pounded by Mr. BRIGHT to the country at large,
through the medium of his speeches successively
delivered at Birmingham, at Manchester, at Edin-
burgh, and at Rochdale, has, however, in spite of
the stubborn facts presented to the public view in
his printed and published schedule, prepared for
the Honourable Gentleman, within the walls of the
House of Commons, a perverse, and resolute, and
(both in.numbers and intensity) formidable opposi-
tion. There is little chance of Mr. BRIGHT finding
a willing audience in the Commons, beyond a very
narrow circle of sympathisers, including among
them the more staunch and thoroughly indepen-
dent advocates of reform in the Legislature, men
like Mr. GIBSON and Mr. ROEBUCK, Mr. Fox and
General THOMPSON. As the most brilliant orator
in the House of Commons—incontestably,
now- that Mr. GLADSTONE is detained far
away from it in the lonian Islands,
in his temporary capacity as Lord High Commis-
sioner—Mr. BRIGHT is secure at least of having
an attentive audience, though he is as certain of
having an audience of anything rather than sym-
pathisers.
While one member for Birmingham awaits the
commencement of the Parliamentary' session of
1859 with a tolerable certainty before him of having
his advice eagerly listened to, but not by any
means followed—his colleague, we do sincerely
trust, will find both an attentive and a willing
audience awaiting him in the Lower House of
Parliament. Mr. SCHOLEFIELD proposes, we all
know, this session to introduce a measure for the
suppression, if possible, certainly for the punish-
ment, of wholesale and retail adulteration. It is a
scheme of reform not quite so showy as that affect-
ing the whole system of our Parliamentary repre-
sentation, but it is one, nevertheless, of—literally
—still more of vital importance. It is an improve-
ment only too notoriously requisite. It is a change
demanded in both a moral and sanitary point of
view—it is required at once for the amelioration of
the physical and commercial condition of the whole
community. The searching investigations made
into the monstrous evil referred to originally by
the Lancet commission, and subsequently by the
committee of inquiry appointed by the House of
Commons, and presided over from first to last by
the hon. gentleman the member for Birmingham
—have demonstrated, as clearly as anything could
possibly be demonstrated, the absolute necessity
of at once organising without any further delay
a system of punishment for the criminal traders
guilty of extending the widespread bane of whole-
sale and retail adulteration. Immediately upon
the eve of the commencement of this session, Dr.
ARTHUR HILL HASSALL-a name ever to be hon-
ourably associated with this humane movement for
the suppression of adulteration—submits a cluster
of very pertinent and important suggestions to the
public, through the columns of the most distin-
guished and powerful of our contemporaries. Dr.
HASSALL, by a reference to the Gazette des Tribu-
naux, shows that here again, in the punishment of
traders found guilty of adulteration—" they
manage these things better in France." He cites
a variety of individual cases proving the fact that,
upon the other side of the channel, there are three
distinct kinds of punishment regularly awarded to
those found guilty of adulteration. Imprisonment
—fine—and, best of all, the publication, by means
of placards, of the name, and address, and trade,
and offence of each delinquent convicted of this
peculiarly despicable and criminal act of adultera-
tion. "It is the penalty," writes Dr. HASSALL,
in reference to the last-mentioned punishment,
It is this penalty chiefly which I wish to
see inflicted in this country for adulteration." So
say we. It is of penalties the very one which
would be most dreaded by the adulterator. It is
the one which would most effectually lead to the
suppression of adulteration. Sincerely do we hope
to witness this session the final triumph of a move-
ment now happily committed to the humane and
energetic ellampionship of Mr. SCHOLEFIELD.