The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-09 00:00:00

tariff on the Union, and the South tolerates it in
return. In a word, the North, for its own advan-
tage enslaves trade; the South, for the same
reason, - enslaves blacks ; and each hitherto
has borne with the other, as they have
foolishly supposed for their own benefit. Now, they
each feel the wrong done by the other, but fight
because neither likes to have its wrong-doing inter-
fered with or even checked. His conclusion, there-
fore, is—" It is easy to see that, both in their views
of human freedom and freedom of trade, the differ-
ences of the North and South are radical, and not
to be reconciled. We have, therefore, looked in
vain here, among the more intelligent men of all
parties, for any disposition to let the South go.
They consider it geographically as well as morally
impossible, and prefer the alternative of a war of
extermination. If there be a disposition for peace,
it is not permitted to show itself ; and if such be
the case at the North it is equally true at the South,
who have added to their other reasons for perse-
vering in the contest, the desperation that it gives
to the Anglo-Saxon race to feel that their country
is invaded, with a view to their conquest and sup-
pression. It may safely be assumed, therefore, that
they will also fight to the very extremity of their

resources."

Of the financial and military ability of both par-
ties to carry on the war, he seems also to have no
doubt. Of the North, he says, " The enormous Go-
vernment expenditure is giving a great impetus to
trade, and yet there is sufficient economy being
practised in all classes of society, and caution in
giving credit, in entering into extended operations,
and in discounting mercantile paper, to leave large
amounts of capital unemployed, and ready to be
invested in Government loans." Andy again, hav-
ing examined the state of the loans and the de-
posits in the banks, he says,—" Thus the financial
wheels of the Government work smoothly enough,
and there is a fair prospect that they may continue
to do so for one, two, or three years to come, should
the war last so long. Higher rates of interest may
have to be given, and the factitious activity im-
parted to trade may drive the specie out of the
country to pay for the war material, clothing, and
luxuries which will again be called for, so that the
banks may have to suspend specie payments, but
it would not be a new or remarkable case for a long
war to be carried on upon an exclusively paper cur-

rency."
We have always, however, assumed that the
North was comparatively wealthy; still the South
has her advantages also; and though, again, the
extract is somewhat long, yet we prefer to give the
views of such an authority in his own words, Mr.
NEILL says—" Financially, the North has no doubt
the advantage, but in many other respects the
South has it—above all, in the fact that she is fight-
ing on the defensive, and in a country easy of de-
fence and most difficult to invade. Nearly all the
necessaries of life are produced within the limits of
the Confederate States. Tea and coffee are greatly
wanted, and the latter brings 50 cents per lb.,
against 12c. to 14c. in the West Indies ; but people
can exist without these luxuries. Many kinds of
manufactured goods are also in short supply, par-
ticularly, woollen clothing and shoes, but enough
of these goods may be smuggled in to suffice for
bare necessities; and a useful homespun cloth
is made extensively in the country from the
cotton which is everywhere so cheap and abun-
dant. Gold and silver have almost disappeared
from circulation, the Government paper currency
supplying their place, and a system of barter pre-
vailing extensively. Tie rank and file of the army
is not made up, as in the North, of the lower classes
mainly, but consists in a large proportion of the
better class of young men, who have entered upon it
with hearty zeal for the cause, and thoroughly de-
tei mined never to submit. It is probable that these
men, commanded as they generally are by good
officers, will devote themselves more willingly than
the Northern troops to a protracted military life,
and have a much higher zest for their work. They
will not readily submit to the Northern labourers
and mechanics sent against them. On the whole,
it is pretty evident that the power of resistance pos-
sessed by the South is vastly greater than they get
credit for; and it is difficult to form any opinion as
to which side will tire of the war the soonest. The
present sufferings of the South may be much the
greater, but the North is laying up for herself a
weight of debt and taxation which will spread the
penalty over lengthened years, and probably carry
it down to generations yet unborn."
Hence the conclusion is forced on Mr. NEILL
that the war must be a long one, neither party
being at all likely-to forgo its objects, and both
having in different ways advantages for fighting
for a long time. He does not think foreign
powers very likely to interfere ; but he does not
think it " just probable that, in the midst of the
excitement of war, the slaves may take their cause
into their own hands, and repeat the scenes of St.
Domingo." The moral, therefore, of his story is,
that we are thrown upon ourselves; and that "it
is to be hoped, wherever there is a climate and
soil suitable to the growth of cotton, and
conditions favourable to its production at a
moderate price, efforts will be made to
promote and extend its cultivation, and no
exertions will be spared, whether by individuals,
companies, or Government, to extend the area of
supply in India, and attract to England a con-
siderable proportion of the immense cotton growth
of that country. He commends accordingly the
efforts of the Manchester Cotton Supply Assecia-
tion, and regrets that they were not more warmly
seconded by the trade before the wolf was at the
door.

The motto will no longer do for Manchester cot-
ton spinners that what is any one's business is no
one's. The supply of cotton is the business of every
one in Lancashire, but if the men of capital to
originate and sustain companies to work suitably in
different parts, do not throw their money into such
investments, they will find their capital left on their
own hands, and their factories starved. At this time
Mr. NEILL tells us "It is the deliberate intention
of the American Governments, both North and
South, to seal up the new cotton crop, so that not a
bale of it (which they can prevent) shall leave the
plantations during the continuance of the war,"
and that so far from the shipping season commenc-
ing on September 1, as usual, ' there is absolutely
no prospect of its commencing then, or for months
to come.' The prospect of its commencement is
still, we are sorry to say, as distant as ever."
And the result is that while at this
tune last year the receipts of cotton at the Southern
ports, the bulk of which had already been shipped,
or was in process of shipment, to Europe, amounted
already to 534,000 bales, and the year before to
645,000 bales, this season
we have not yet infor-
mation of 1,000 bales having been received, but we
d ) hear of the small stooks left over in the principal
ports from last year's crop, having been sent into
the interior for safety, in the event of any of the
ports falling into the hands of the Federal Govern.
ment !

The world, however—the intertropical world at
least—is all before the men of Manchester. If they
suffer a cotton famine, they well deserve it. The
Government is really doing all that it becomes a
Government to do, especially for a community of
wealthy free traders. From every quarter they

hear the cry, " Come over and grow cotton." Even
Venezuela is appealing to them. Jamaica, through
Mr. BOURNE, spoke again to them yesterday, and
really offers a splendid prospect; and India they
know enough of, if they would but bestir them-
selves. If Manchester would but use half the effort
to get cotton grown that she did to get the Corn-
laws repealed, she would soon be as secure against
a cotton famine as against a famine of bread.

The Italian clergy seem to regard the Italian
State much as BALAAM did his ass. But the resem-
blance holds good to their inconvenience, for the
State which has long so faithfully served them
seems to have its eyes open to the dangers before
it, and being endued with the voice of a religions
teacher, rebukes the madness of the clergy—it
would save them from destruction, although they
beat it. The Chief Priests, as of old, seem to be
the chief offenders, the humbler clergy being either
better affected towards the kingdom of Italy, its
KING and Government, than their superiors, or
being only guilty of following the lead of their
chief shepherds. It is, therefore, to these grandees
of the humble kingdom of the Saviour that M.
MIGLIETTI chiefly addresses a circular whieh has
been lately made public.

This circular is a respectful but very firm and
manly piece of advice to the ecclesiastical digni-
taries of Italy, by the Minister of Grace, Justice,
and Public Worship. It instructs these teachers of
others, in the duties they themselves owe to the
State, and warns them of the consequences of dis-
obedience. It is a well-timed exposure before all
Italy and Europe of the selfishly ambitious obsti-
nacy of the Ecclesiastics, and prepares the way for
requiring them to bow or to—be off. M. MIGLIETTI
points out to them that the events which have re-
constituted the kingdom of Italy have been of such
a character, that the masses recognised in them the
hand of Providence, accepted the kingdom all the
more heartily, and regard with the greater indigna-
tion those who rear up obstacles in the way
of their natural wishes. Most lamentably the
clergy, even the highest, instead of sympathising
with the popular joy, or "at least resigning them-
selves to this change of affairs," openly oppose the
national Government and its laws, and endeavour
to inspire the belief that both are a contradiction
to the doctrines and tenets of the Catholic Church.
Then follow various counts of the indictment for
disloyalty—pastoral letters filled with treasonable
arguments—instructions intended to disturb the
consciences of the citizens on account of their
loyalty to the great movement—denial of sacred rites
to those who have fallen in the war of indepen-
dence—prohibition of holy rights at national solem-
nities,—harsh measures towards priests who
favour separation of civil and secular power—
sermons libelling the King and exciting the con-
gregations to contempt and disobedience of the
laws—refusing the Holy Gospels for the soldiers to
swear allegiance on them to the Government—and
even heading brigands by hoisting before them
"the standard of our redemption." These are
some specimens of the way in which the clergy
have irritated the people and separated themselves
from them.

This, M. MIGLIETTI tells them, is a state of
things which cannot last, and ought not to last.
It revolts the conscience of all that the feeling of
religion, and the feeling of nationality should be
represented as hostile to each other—men cannot
believe that they are called on to make their choice
between "the preservation of religious faith and
the independence and liberty of the country."
The Minister reminds the clergy of the XING
having fulfilled every duty on his part towards
' them, and having done it even liberally. In the
necessary regulation of the material interests of
ecclesiastical corporations, they have been dealt with
generously; but he demands of the clergy that
they adopt a national and loyal policy, and
intimates that he is determined to be obeyed. He
cannot, he says, remain an indifferent spectator of
their conduct. The Government is firmly resolved
not merely to remove from itself every responsibility
of the calamitous consequences which may ensue,
but even to seek all means of bringing it to a close.
He bids the clergy to reflect on the picture they
exhibit of anxiety about worldly affairs, to devote
themselves to the kingdom which is not of this
world, and warns them that the Government has
both the right and duty of insisting on obedience
to its fundamental principle, and of " securing
the Italian people against the license in which
the clergy have indulged in the exercise of their
sacred functions."
We trust the Government will be found more
than a match for the proud prelates. They are
strong no doubt in the ignorance of the multitude,
and strong in that most hateful invention of priest-
craft—the magic efficacy of sacraments to men's
salvation. In virtue of this Christian Fetischism,
for it is nothing better—the priests of Rome
especially, and the priests of other Churches
too, make themselves masters of the fears
of the ignorant and of the women of a
country generally. Gross superstition is the
strength of priestly influence,—their power
for mischief—but they may overdo this. When
superstition is openly worked in the interest of
worldly ambition, it may work a reformation little
thought of by the priests themselves. Once before,
Protestantism would have mastered Italy but for
the Inquisition and the sword—and the Italian
clergy had better take care lest they produce in the
Italian mind the conviction that nationality and
liberty are safe only through casting off the
priests and all faith in magic rites. As Protestant,
England could wish for nothing better than that
the priests should go on in their course—that they
should even refuse the " last sacraments" to every
dying liberal. They would then assuredly raise
in the public mind the fatal question whether those
ordinances were appointments of the founder of
Christianity, or simply priestly incantations.

Although the tide of emigration still sets
steadily from our shores, and principally towards
Canada, it sometimes occurs to us very forcibly
that the temptations held out to the adventurous
youth of England, by that colony in particular, are
hardly understood or appreciated at their true
value. Is it sufficiently well known, for example,
that—in Canada—settlers can at any time obtain
free grants of one hundred acres of land upon the
following very simple and reasonable conditions :
"1. That the settler be 18 years of age. 2. That
he takes possession of the land allotted to him
within one month. 3. That he put into a state of
cultivation 12 mares of land in the course of four
years. 4. That he build a log house, 20 by 18 feet,
and reside on the lot until the foregoing conditions
are fulfilled."

seeking his fortunes and
priSeuinrgeleytraipvleyl
inrg
bent
inducement to any enter-
ntrupon
very domestic a
unembarrassed
rilyb,ydweehigat arenate fadbmyilsiaorly, but not very
race as the English, " encumbrances." Why,e
withhealth and with a moderate yearning for th
reali-
sation of that honest ambition sung by ROBIN
BURNS as the "glorious privilege of being indepen-
dent," here are temptations enough, one might think,
to render even the most gregarious of his kind eager
to emulate the romantic career of ALEXANDER SEL-
r5' their own lives, the pie-
KIRK, and to illustrate, b