The Sun.
London, England, 1857-07-17 00:00:00

time to reperuse these papers, and he should especially
have given time to the new meinbtrs—(laughter)—to
acqaire intermati in. I now, sir, come to those who
co tend that the only question before is i as to ~he sour- e
the government has pursued, and that is the main point
of the resolwia although the hon. tnd learned gentle-
man has mix° I op a great variety of topics. He says
he does not anticipate much success, as government
halygelne the acquired,gneuieirdaul iyashethinks, and why he cannot
imagine,
confidence
of the country. (Hear,
and laughter.) I cad tell him how we have gaited that
confidence. His resolutions and his votes of censure
will ten i as much to increase the confidence of the people
as that celebrated resolution of his, which led to the great
outburst of national feeling. The bon. and learned
gentleman in the course of his speech, said he looked
upon the overthrow of our power in India and the des-
trucdon of our Indian empire as a possible if not pro-
bable event. He was interrupted by a cry of " No"
from gentlemen on the other side of the house ; he said,
"Those are British noes." I wish, sir, that the speech
and resolution of the hon. gentleman were British. I
say thatit is beeaasethe country feels that the spirit which
auiinates the hon. and learned gentleman is not an Eng.
lish spirit, and that his feelings are not the feelings of Eng-
lishmen, and that his votes of censure have recoiled upon
himself and on those who were found ready to support
him. (Hear, hear.) Some hon. gentlemen have made
little of the cause of the war ; but' sir, are we the only
Government who have attached iinpertance to the inde-
pendence of Herat I Every successive Government for
a length of time has held the same opioien. Toe Go-
vernments of Lord Derby, Lord Aberdeen, and Lord
Melbourne have all felt that Herat in the possession of
Persia would he a great danger to our Indian pooies-
eione. The right hon. gentleman the member for Oxford
deprecated any allusi .n to Russia as ins igating Persian
aggression in the direction of our Indian possessions ;
but does not tne right hon. gentleman recollect that
igwoheHra, andn,eontaf wasormeronlyoccaslen,pre
a Persian army was besiea-
rented from taking it by the
gallantry of Eldred and Pottinger, it was a Russian
general sent on purpose to conduct the operations who
directed the siege, a d at the same time another Russian
officer was sent to Cabal and Candahar to organise a
combination ? I should always wish to be on the beet
terms with Russia. Tile war is over, and I trust the
animosities arising from it are efficed from the minds of
English and Russians—(hear, hear) —but it is one thing
to renew friendly relations with a foreign power, it is
another to forget the precautions necessary to guard im-
portant interests of the country. If, sir, Persia was not
between Russia on the one side and British' India on
the other, it would be a, matter of perfect indif-
ference to us whether or 'not she occupied Herat ;
but knowing as we do that Herat. is the great
fortress which leads to Cabul and Candahar, and
knowing that Persia is a week power, under
the instigation of Russia, and knowing that the posses-
sion of Herat by Persia would facilitate its occupation
by Russia whenever the political relations between her
and England might hal Russia to contemplate the inva-
sion of India, and knowing that its invasion by a Rue-
, wan force would tend to shake the confidence in our
power, and the fidelity of our allies, any government
which would shut its eyes to the danger of permitting
Persia to occupy Herat would be wanting in its duty.
But it is said, admitting this, we might have obtained
the evacuation of Herat by negociation ; there is clear
proof to the contrary. The Khan bad boasted that he
had got Herat, and could keep it in his hands. Negotia-
tion had failed, and we were compelled to have recourse
to ores to procure its restoration. It is said the negotia-
tions atCotnstantinople would have been successful if we
had been content with the terms Ferukh Khan proposed.
In
place, he never offered any terms, showing
he had full power to bind his master; and in the next
place, he made it a condition that we should suspend the
expedition which was thee fitting out. My noble friend
said we made war because Sadr Azim could not be turned
out. He has made a mistake. It was to obtain very dif-
ferent terms that we declared war. The ciee-tion of peace
or war depended on the acceptance or refusal of certain
conditions, and orders were sent to the troops before
Ferukh Khan had displayed his power, and when be
learned that the troops had been sent he declined to ne-
gotiate any longer, saying that by despatching an expe-
dition we had aliered the state of affairs, and it was for
his sovereign to decide what should be done. It was a
misapprehension to say peace or war depended on the ac-
ceptance or refusal of certain conditions by Ferukh Khan,
because orders bad been sent to the troops to embark be-
fore the negotiation with him commenced. It is said we
made worse terms at Paris than we could have got at
Constantinople. It is quite true we relaxed certain Condi-
tions which we found to be particularly painful to the
Shah. At one time we are accused of having exacted teo
hard terms, and at another we are rebuked for makint con-
ceasions to Boothe the feelings of a weak power. (Hear.)
I say that those who contend we ought to be friendly
with Persia ought to approve of our conduct in having
waived certain terms not essential to security, and which
eoessn war
oa
ft caltbd meaorauvapt
over
we were perfectly justified in demanding in the outset,
but which' we found to be grating to the feelings of the
power with which we were anxious to be on good terms.
(Hear, hear) The hon. and learned gentleman has found
out that the Persian war is the cause of the calamities
that has occurred in India.. Why, sir, the very contrary
is the truth. In the first place, no man in his senses can
imagine that the withdrawal of 5,000 men from Bombay
could affect the presidency of Bengal and the north-west
provieces. The power of England in Asia depended on
opinion, and what would have been the effect on opinion
it they had eeen England, after having made a great effort
id 1838' to prevent Perna from acquiring Herat, and
it, having
nov partotautgett aurae ehaaadi em
egaozierrenamsawnot sr againstswords
w ith
Russia, she had rfirunk from the position slits bad so long
maintained, and acquiesced in the retention of Herat in
spite of all her remonstrances ? Such conduct would
have had the most fatal 'effect on the reputation of Eng-
land in the East, for which the retention of 5,000 men
powerful
:wed
reeefadrudshi
ivaiaatvn, neataganggadg expedition
gained
eweusdes.
in Bombay would have been no comfensation. On the
to British influence in the East. (Hear.) They will see
other hand, the
tth,enablediresultegneav
al
evacuation the
success
havettohat Persia,we ne
fu' rectrebeda
saitivamndphßoufssaiarnmsinastitdigdaitpi,l,onrcy
which must be of great
value to our reputation through the whole of Asia. So
far from admitting the justice of the assertion that the
Persian expedition was connected in the remotest degree
with the unfortunate events which have happened in
India, I c ntend it had rather a tendency to prevent them.
The hon. and learned gentleman's own arguments upset
his position in this respect, for he afterwards attempted
to represent these events as the result of a long
prepared combination ; and if so, they could not be the
result of the sadden despatch of 5,000 men from Bom-
hay. These men have now returned t ) the shores of
India, and with greater power and greeter influence, on
account of the glory they have acquired, and the honour
and character they have gained. Then, sir, I say there
is no ground for the resolution of the hon. and learned
gentleman on the point of the constitutional principle.
But, even if I did not dispute his constitutional doctrine
I contend that, under the circumstances, it is rather a
piece of pedantry than the effect of any substantial re-
gardecp aao cul h cause
that
achtteihespesh,i)rvili geeedhygtotsovae ort
ndh
me
en expedition
.privilegesl t of
was
at
tghhai
esi house.
pstol
ic policy
Persia,
o Lord
there is no groundhafsorhhaids retshoeluutinoannimonouasccaopupiartoovfaltiolef
f
as much as of Lord Clarendon ; and there
fNolraelmb
foerstluierY house to agree to a resolution which would
directly or indirectly censure the plc), of the Govern-
ment in maintaining Herat free flow Persia would, I
contend, be a fat a mistake, and one productive of the
most fatal cense quences to our interests in India. Sir,
en those grounds I trust the house will pass into com-
mittee of supply ; for, even if the hen. and learned gen-
tleman should consider it necessary to divide the house,
I trust the rnajerity will tell him that the motion is not
such as he had a right to expect that the feelings of the
house would agree to- (Cheers )
Mr. DISRAELL—I hope the house will permit mefor
a very few moments to trespass on its time while I ex-
plain the course which on this occasion I think it my
duty to adopt. I will at once dismiss all that vexed
question of Persian politics, with respect to which I
rather still believe that I have more accurate impres-
sions than appear to prevail on the Treasury bench. Ac-
cording to the Chancellor of the Exchequer Persia is the
vassal of Russia ; and according to the President of the
Board of Control it is with great difficulty that he can
prevent Persia from falling into the bands of England,
her natural ally. With dogmas so discordant, and
opinions so contrary, maintained by two of the most
eminent members of the Cabinet on the vital question
as to what led to the war and caused the expenditure,
her Majesty's Ministers must excuse me if I do not place'
implicit confidence in their views of Persian politics.
(Hear, and a laugh.) But the opinion of the house on
Persian politics is not, I believe, the question which to-
tnoigehntteenrgaingteos ourthe aotttheenr question, which, borrowing thetioo, nor do I think it necessary
epithet used to-night, I may call that awful question of
the present state of India, though it has been adverted
opinion of the Government on
atto
hd
evbaFyni
gte
LordOirh oamn co eltfhlo tihsr of s
the Treasury.
ctuhseEi
oxn hequ
that
w.ee r
atwa we have
dwelt e
ehaasvte
have
on
raevceei
this
condition of our Indian empire.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer has informed us that
u mature t
ha
en and
presentsolem°
thete causeat
India at the present moment is suffering only from a
m imentsry add unexpcct tci impulse arising from supersti-
ti us ctusee. This insurrection, which extends from the
Purdah to Calcutta, is, According to the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, the creation of merely a sudden impulse.
I can hardly believe that such a grave consequence has
arisen from to accithntal acause. I should hardly be-
lieve that that is the cauoci
especially in respect to our
Indian army, which by its education and interests, and
by every motive which can influence the loyalty of men,
ought to be most devoted to our Government, that
should be suddenly found in a state of insurrection on
account of the cause alleged by the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. I must be permitted to say that I believe
state of
the cause of the present India is much graver
and deeper than appears to be conceived by her Ma-
jesty's Ministers. (Hear, sear.) I believe the present
state of India has been occasioned by long years of in s-
g vernment ; and if it he the opinion of her Majesty's
Ministers that the conditim of India is attributable to
such temporary and unexpected causes as were alleged by
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I should have much
lees confidence than I would willingly ent rtain with
regard to the remedial measures they have proposed,
and the further measures which I trust they are pre-
pared to submit to Parliament. But, dismissing the
grave question of Persian politics which must soon en-
gage our consideration, let as consider the real question
we have to decide to-night—namely, the, course which'
independently of passion or of party, we ought to pur-
sue. The hon. and learned member for Sheffield has