The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-25 00:00:00

LATEST NEWS.

The following telegrams have been received a
Mr. Reuter's office :

PARIS, MARCH 25.

The Prince Napoleon had personally insisted
upon the admission of Piedmont into the Congress,
and has represented to the Emperor that, in the
event of Piedmont not being, admitted, Count
Cavour intends to resign.
The Prince thought proper to announce pre-
viously to the Piedmontese Government that he
would demand its admission into the congress, but
in the event that admission could not be refused
to Tuscany, the Papal Government, and the
Duchy of Parma ; Naples and Modena being
naturally excluded. Naples on account of its
interruption of international relations, and Mo-
dena because it has never recognised the Imperial

Government.
Russia did not at the time it proposed the Con-
gress express itself for the exclusion of Piedmont,
but indeed there is no probability that
her admission will be agreed to either by
Austria or Prussia. Even in Piedmont the
people may wish to prevent the Government
from sending a representative, because the popular
feeling is that the cause of their country has been
betrayed.
There is even a fear of some popular demonstra-
tion in Turin.

The date of the conference respecting the elec-
tion of Prince Couza is not yet fixed.

VIENNA, FRIDAY, MARCH 25.

The Ostdentsche Post states that Austria has de-
clared herself willing to consent to the proposal of
a Congress, upon conditions, however, that Sar-
dinia will discontinue the extraordinary armaments
she is now making, and that the Congress assemble
on the principles of the protocols of the Aix-la-
Chapelle Conference. The town in which the Con-
gress is to meet is not yet decided upon.
N.B. The protocols of the Congress of Aix-la-
Chapelle in the year 1818 were as follows : France
demanded the withdrawal from her territory of the
army of occupation of 150,000 men and assented to
the Holy Alliance, which assent was announced by
circular note to the other European Powers, and
the Holy Alliance then declared itself peema-
nent. The protocols also contained a mutual de-
claration by the Powers agreeing to them that they
would no more make war upon one another.

TURIN, MARCH 24.
Count Cavour leaves this evening for Paris.
There is nothing new.
Everything is tranquil,

NAPLES, MARCH 22.

The Grand Duko Constantine of Russia has
arrived here with an escort of four vessels. The
news of the King of Prussia's arrival, as stated in
some foreign journals, was premature. He is
expected at this place on the 28th inst.

TRIESTE, THURSDAY.
The Austrian Lloyd steamer just arrived brings
advices from Constantinople to the 19th inst.

Twelve battalions of infantry, one regiment of
cavalry, and 80 guns, have been despatched to
Shumla. A second corps d'armee will be shortly
lent to Sophia. The commanders of the corps
d'armee in Roumclia and Anatolia have been sum-
moned to this place. A commission, composed of
the principal persons from Bosnia and the Herze-
govina, has arrived here, in order to discuss neces-
sary reforms.

TURIN, THURSDAY.

According to advices from Florence the Grand
Duke of Tuscany suppressed the law on the liberty
of the press in political matters.

FRANCE.

PARIS, THURSDAY.

It is asserted that Prince Napoleon will repre-
sent France at the proposed Congress, and also that
all the Italian Princes will be represented.
Nothing certain is yet known as to the accept-
ance of Austria, but the general belief is that she
will also give in her adhesion to the proposal of a
Congress.
A Paris correspondent of the Nord gives the fol-
lowing information on the subject of the proposed
Congress :—" If I am well informed, it was only on
Monday evening, and at a late hour, too, that the
proposal to convoke a Congress, made by Count
Xisseleff, was accepted by the French Government;
and the Government, after haviilg doubtless come
to an understanding with Lord Cowley, hastened
to announce the fact in the illoniteur of the next
morning. This explains why the Government
Could not also announce the official acceptance of
England, Prussia, and Austria. . . . We are
then on the eve of long and interesting diplomatic
negotiations. It is alleged that the preliminary
arrangements of the Congress will occupy four
Months, and that it will only be in July or August
that it will assemble. In the meantime, notwithstand.
ing the meeting of a Congress, public opinion is dis-
trustful." The writer concludes with a postscript, in
Which he boldly announces that the date fixed for
the first meeting of the Congress is the 10th July.
Another correspondent of the same journal, how-
ever, fixes an earlier period for the meeting, and
thus explains the motive of the inevitable delay :
" Before fixing the date of the meeting of the Con-
gress, the bases of the negotiations must be defini-
tively settled ; the cabinets interested in the matter,
and especially those of Italy ; which will not be
represented, must be consulted; and instructions
for Plenipotentiaries must be drawn up ; all of which
will occupy at least six weeks, and will carry us on
to the first fortnight of May. Then the Congress
will last at least two months, and so we shall arrive
in August."
" The French Government," says the Indepen-
dance of Brussels, " still continues to occupy itself,
but without evincing any considerable haste, with
the construction of gunboats of slight draught of
water, and mounted by one gun. It is said to be
in contemplation to confide the construction of these
vessels to private builders, and the principal mari-
time ports would share the orders. An immense
number of muskets on the new model is also being
manufactured."

BOURSE, March 24:—The market has been very
firm, and prices improving. Threes advanced from
68fr. 88c. to 69fr. 10c. Mobilier, 797 fr. 50c. to
805 fr. ; Austrian, 550 fr. to 555 fr. ; Orleans, 1,365&.
to 1,370 fr. ; Lyons, 847 fr. 50c. to 850 fr. ; Southern,
520 fr. to 522fr.50c. The following are the last
quotations :

4t per Cents. .... 65 60 I Credit Foncier
Do. end month .. 95 601 Belgian 41 —
3 per Cent 5....... 69 201Piedmonteso (5)
Do. end month.... 69 20 Roman .—
Bank Shares...... 2865 Austrian —
Credit Mobility . • 805 Spanish Threes
Do. Account ..... 805 Home Debt —

ROW GQCS TILE DEBATE?

(From the Times.)

Opinions vary as to the time when the aetate on
the Ministerial Reform Bill wilt be brought to a
close. Some well-informed persons believe that it
cannot last beyond this evening, others consider
that it cannot come to a conclusion before Tuesday
night, while others, strengthened by innumerable
precedents of Parliamentary long-windedness,
adopt the plausible, but by no means agreeable
theory, that if the house once prevails upon itself
to enter upon the second week it will feel itself
unable to part from a subject on which everybody
has something to say until that second week be
brought to a close. We must await the result
patiently, drawing such comfort as we may from
the consideration that, like all human things, the
discussion will have an end, and, as that consum-
mation may overtake us sooner than we expect, we
think we shall be discharging a useful duty if we
point out as clearly as we can to our readers the
exact form in which a rather intricate question will
be finally submitted to the decision of the house.
The original motion before the house is, " That
the Bill for the Representation of the People be
now read a second time." The essence of this
proposition is in the word " now," so that,
if it were to be met with a direct negative,
the only effect would be to prevent the bill
being read a second time on that day,
leaving it open to the proposer of the bill to renew
tile motion on any other day for which the house
might think fit to order the second reading to stand.
It is this inconclusive nature of the direct negative
which prevents its employment in Parliamentary
warfare, and has driven the opponents of bills to
have recourse to an apparently less direct but really
more efficient method of opposition, by moving the
postponement of the order for the second reading
of the bill to a period sufficiently distant to fall
upon some day after the prorogation of the house.
This is the meaning of the usual motion, "That
the bill be read a second time this day six months."
By way of amendment to the original motion,
" That the Bill for the Representation of the People
be now read a second time," Lord John Russell has
moved " That all the words after the word that'
be omitted," and that the words contained in his
resolution be inserted instead. Let us now see all
the different events that can result from this state
of things. The first question the Speaker will have
to put is, that the words proposed by Lord John
Russell to be left out " stand part of the question,"
those words being " the bill be now read a second
time." Let us suppose—and only by way of sup-
position—that this question is decided in favour of
the Government—that is, that the house decides
that the words proposed to be left out shall stand
part of the question. Such a resolution will get
rid of Lord John Russell's amendment, not directly,
but by refusing to make room for it in the question
—in other words, by giving the preference to the
words of the question, as they now stand, over the
suggested alteration. Another effect, we believe,
will be to shut out any further amendment, for the
house, having resolved that the words shall stand
part of the question, cannot proceed to entertain
amendments like that of Mr. Divett, that the
word " now" be struck out, for the purpose of
adding the words "this day six months," the very
foundation of which is an alteration of the words
which the house has just resolved shall stand.
With this exception, matters will then be exactly
in the same state as if no amendment at all had
been moved ; the house will have decided what the
question submitted to it shall be, but will have
delivered no decision on the question itself. The
Speaker will then put the original question, " That
the bill be now read a second time." If that be
resolved in the affirmative, the second reading is
carried ; if in the negative, the second reading is
refused for that day, but may be moved, as we
said before, on any future day for which it may
be appointed. It thus appears that Lord John
Russell's amendment, even if not successful, will
have the effect of preventing any other amendment
from being interposed between the House and the
decision of the main question, and that it is only
in the event of the second reading being negatived
that any further amendment can take place.
Let us now consider the other and more pro-
bable, alternative, and suppose that on the question
" That the words proposed to be left out stand
part of the question' the "Noes" have it—that is,
that the House decides that all the words after

" that" shall be omitted. The first effect of this

will be to negative the question, "That Bill
be now read a Second Time," leaving it still
open to the supporters of the bill, if they think
proper, to renew the motion on another day. The
next question is, that the words of Lord John
Russell's resolution be inserted ; but before this is
put to the vote it is competent to move amend-
ments upon the resolution, each of which .will be

put to the house in the same form as the resolution

itself, the question being in each case, shall " the
words proposed to be left out stand part of the
question ?" When these amendments to the amend-

Ment have been disposed of, the house decides upon
the insertion of the resolution. If the " Ayes"
have it the resolution is carried ; if the " Noes,"
the proceeding is wholly abortive, nothing being
left of the original question except the word " that.
and Government being at liberty to bring forward
their bill for the second reading on any future day.
We trust we have furnished our non-Parliamen-
tary readers with an intelligible explanation, by
reference to which they will be able to understand
and solve for themselves whatever complications
may arise in dealing with a plain question ren-
dered needlessly intricate by the form of the amend-
ment. It seems, indeed, fated that great party
conflicts shall be fought out on motions which are
scarcely according to the forms of the house. The
resolution of Mr. Milner Gibson last year trenched
on the very verge of irregularity, and Lord Pal-
merston overthrew the Government of Lord John
Russell in 1852 by an amendment to the title
of a bill, which, as the bill had not yet passed
through committee, where the title of a bill
is for the first time settled, ought not,
it is generally believed, to have been put
from the chair at all. The truth seems to be,
that in these great party contests their full signi-
ficance is seldom expressed in the words of the ques-
tion, but lies rather in the conventional meaning
which both sides may choose to give it. Thus, Lord
Stanley has already informed us that this Resolu-
tion will be treated by Government as equivalent to

the rejection of the bill, and, somewhat exaggera-
ting the license of arbitrary construction assumed
by Governments under such circumstances, has not
indistinctly intimated that it will have the effect
of a vote of censure, The difference is between

"biting your thumb in the abstract, and biting your
thumb at me," and Government claims to be the

•
judge of the intention. We presume that no one
will quarrel with them for applying to themselves
a censure, though none is to be found in the formal
words of the Resolution.

(From the Morning Advertiser.)
We repudiate and denounce, as an affront to the
intelligence and independence of the friends of the
Ballot Society in the House of Commons, the inti-
mation Which has been conveyed to us, that, owing
to the agencies brought to bear upon them by the
sham of an association called the Ballot Society, a
goodly number of Liberals will be deterred from
supporting Mr. Wyld's resolution, asserting the
unjust and unsatisfactory nature of any Reform
Bill which does not provide for the exercise of
the elective franchise by the Ballot. If there
be any such Liberals, we beg to warn them
in time of the great. most probably irretrievable
error, which they contemplate committing. Mr.
Wyld is adopting the right course. Since Lord
John Russell is deteimined to purchase office on
any terms, the Liberals are bound to make the best
terms they can for the country. If he will be
Premier, then let him pay the price of that position
of power and importance. Now is the time to
bring the pressure to bear on him. If the noble
lord finds that he must eat the leek of the Ballot, he
will do it, rather than be excluded from Downing-
street.

So great is the importance which we attach to
the Ballot, that, if Lord John will but commit him-
self to that mode of voting, we shall, notwith-
standing the very poor opinion we entertain of
him, give him our support. A pledge to carry the
question of the Ballot would, in our eyes, cover a
multitude of sins. The independent Liberals are at
this moment, if they only knew it, masters of the
situation. They can, if they will, bring Lord John
Russell to book. Let them but determine that
they will not only give him no support until
he commits himself to the Ballot, but that
they will oppose him as often as opportuni-
ties for. doing so conscientiously offer, and Lord
John, in the event of his accession to office, will
become, at least in profession if not in practice, one
of the most earnest supporters of the Ballot.
Now, therefore, is the time for the independent
Liberals to act in concert. Mr. Wyld furnishes
them with that opportunity : let them gladly and
gratefully embrace it. It may be long before there
is another such favourable conjunction of circum-
stances. The majority of those Liberals who fail
to support Mr. Wyld on this occasion will, if we
be not greatly mistaken, have cause to rue the day
that they deserted the cause of the Ballot. The
Liberal who does not turn the present opportuni-
ties to account, is altogether undeserving of popular
support. We shall scan'. , with scrutinising eye,
and so will the country, the division list of the
majority and minority on Mr. Wyld's motion. Our
advice to the hon. member for Bodmin is, to perse-
vere with his resolution to commit the house to the
vote by Ballot, even should he not be able to muster
a dozen supporters.

THE F S UN, LON.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY).
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
.t live o'clock.

NEW rEEIt!

Lord THURLOE took thb odths and ins seat on acceding
to the tittt,

I,744PORTMAN presented a petition praying for an
alteration of the beer laws.

INDIA.

The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH gave notice that to-
morrow he should move for certain papers connected with
India, from the year 1857 down to the present period, and
also that he should call attention to the state of the money
market.