The Sun.
London, England, 1857-07-28 00:00:00

their apprehension that it would prove a burden upcn
property in some cases amounting almost to confisca-
. Sion, the sum really obtained from it had not yet ex-
seeded a fourth of the expected amount. (Hear, hear.)
Be might add that tbere had only been three cases in
which any dispute as to the meaning of the act had been
tarried into the courts of law, and all the decisions had
bean for the Government. (Hear, hear.)
After a few observations from the Earl of DERBY and
the LORD CHANCELLOR,
The petition was ordered to lie upon the table.
REGISTRATION OF
LAND) BILL LONG LEASE 3 (SCOT.
.
This bill was
THreaE DUBLINd a third timeMAIL. and passed.
In answer to Viscount DUNGANNON,
Earl GRANVILLE said that an arrangement had
been come to for the conveyance of the mail between
London and Dublin. He could not state what would be
the time occupied by the sea passage—the Government
• bad nothing to do with that—the contract being for the
whole distance ' • but he b-lieved that it would be about
three hours and 45 minutes.
REFORMATORY SCHOOLS BILL.
This bill was read a second .ime.
INCLOSURE ACTS AMENDMENT BILL,.
This bill was read a third time.
COMMON INCLOSURE BILL.
This bill was read a second time.
INDUSTRIAL SCHOOLS BILL.
• The Earl of SHAFTESBURY moved tbe second read-
ing of this bill. It was, he said, originally brought into
the other house of parliament by Sir S. Northcote, and
after the dissolution was taken up by Mr. Adder!ey.
The bill was entirely voluntary. Schools were to be
founded by private liberality, and they would then be
entitled to reeeive grants from the Privy Council. Powers
were given to arrest children found begging who were
on the high road to crime, and to place them in these
schools, and to make the parents responsible fur their
support.
Lord BROUGHAM expressed himself in favour of
the principle of the b 11.
The Earl of DERBY said he should probably not be
present when the bill was in committee, and he there-
fore now called attention to an extraordinary provision
in the interpretation clause, that a person who had had
an order of .affiLation made upon him should, for the
purposes of this bill, be deemed the father of the child.
(A. laugh.)
This bill was then read a second time.
The Militia Ballots Suspension Bill was read a second

that the question whether it is a military mutiny is one
of primary importance. (Hear, bear.) Is it a military
mutiny, or is it a national revolt ? Is the conduct of.
the troops the consequence of a sudden impulse, or is it
the result of an organised conspiracy? The house must
feel that upon the right appreciation of that issue the
greatest of all questions, namely, the measures which the
Government ought to adopt, or Parliament ought t
sanction, entirely depends. (Hear.) The measures which
may be adequate for a military mutiny will not be ade-
quate to cope with a national revolt. Tae measures
which may be perfectly competent to deal with conduct
which is only the consequence of sudden impulse will be
totally insufficient to deal with conduct which is the
consequence of combination, long matured, deeply laid,
and extensively ramified. (Hear.) I apprehend that
the right understanding by this house of the cause of
the present state of affairs in India is a primary piece
of knowledge without which we cannot undertake to sup-
port any masures that are brought forward for the pur-
pose of putting an end to the disorders which there exist.
I will, therefore, to-might presume to address you upon
two points—l will ask you first to inquire what are the
cause • of the prevent state of affairs in India ; and when
you have arrived at a general conclusion on that point
I will ask you to inquire what are the proper measures
under the circumstances which should be adopted.
These are the two points to which, with your kind in-
dulgence, I will call your attention to-night, it being
my opinion that they are inseparably connected, and
that unless we arrive at ajust conclusion with respect to
the cause it is totally impossible for us to adopt any
sufficient remedy. (Heas.) It:is not my intention to-night
to trouble the house with any lengthened description
of the condition of the Bengal army. I apprehend
that whatever may be the variety of opinions on other
subjects no great difference can exist with regard
to this—that the condition of the Bengal army,
both as regards discipline and disposition, has been for
some time, and was at the time of the revolt, highly.l
unsatisfactory. The house has upon that subject very
ample materials on which it may f ear its opinira.
The house is now familiar with the fiery criticism of the
lamented Napier. (Hear, hear.) I have no doubt every
expression which he used is uppermost in the minds of
those whom I address. The country has been recently
favoured with the calmer reminiscences of another dis-
tinguished Indian general—Lord Melviile. There exists
in a pamphlet, no doubt familiar to many members, the
concurrence of a distinguished and perhaps one of the
rising of Indian officers—Colonel Jacob—who does not
agree with Napier on any other subject. It appears to
me that I should trespass unnecessarily on the time of
the house if I entered ipto any minute details or brought
numerous proofs of the conclusion to which I suppose a
vast majority of the house has arrived. Since the time
when General Napier wrote those confidential and
rapid descriptions of the state of the Bengal army, since
Lord Melville had per anal experience of it, since
Colonel Jacob published that pamphlet, it has been
acknowledged that the condition of the Bengal army
bas not improved but deteriorated, and that the griev-
ances, or the alleged grievances, of the Sepoys, instead
of having, diminished, have perhaps increased. (Hear.)
I think the houso;will feel it unnecessary for me to enter
into the question whether that army was over or under
officerel. I think that the house will agree with me
that it is unnecessary to prove that, if under-officered,
those officers who remained were inexperienced, ignorant
of the language of the country, and too frequently con-
temptuous of its usages. I think the house will agree
with me that it is unnecessary to enter into the question
of the pay, the pension, the furlough of the Sepoy,
his foreign service or general service. And there is
one reason which above all others induces me not to
enter into. any details upon this branch of the ques-
tion, because I am persuaded (and I shall offer facts and
arguments in support of my opinion) that the conduct of
the Bengali army in revoltirg against our authority was
the conduct of men who were not so much the avengers
•of professional grievances as the exponents of general
discontent. (Hear, hear.) I shall show, or endeavour
to show, to the Hoare to-night that our Government in
India of late years has alienated or alarmed almost every
influential class in the country. (Hear, hear.) I shall
show, or endeavour to show, to the House tonight, that
the mutual suspicions and prejudices between rival
religions and different races, which were the cause of se-
gregation between powerful classes in that country, have
of late years, in consequence of our policy, gradually dis-
appeared, and for them has been substituted an identity
THE lONIAN ISLANDS. of sentiments, and those sentiments, I am sorry to say,
Sir DE LACY EVANS asit •i if there was any truth hostile to our authority. (Hear, hear.) Ish ell have to
fa the statements in the pub is j urnala, that the loni- show to the House how these feelings have led to °am-
ens had declared their readiness of shedding their blood, municetion between chases who never communicated
to cast off British control ; and, if true, what measures before. I shall have to show to the House how comi
bad been taken to prevent it? teunication under such circumstances led to conspiracy.
Mr. LABOUCHERE 'said that he had received no I shall have to show to the House how the most power-
official information from the lonian Islands, but he had ful native class in India, the army, which has been die-
seen several private letters from that pare On two or ciplined by our energy and exertions, was at last drawn
three occasions lately the lonian Assembly had passed into the vortex • and I shall show to the House that
early in the session resolutions striking at the connec- for a considerable period of time the state of India was
tion with this country, and it is usual on such occasions one of menacing combustion, and all that was wanted
for the Governor to prorogue the assembly firth with on was the occasion and the pretext. (Hear, bear.) I shall
sucb occasions. The Assembly had not passsed such a show the House how that occasion was aff rded, and
resolution this session, and in consequence the Assembly hew that pretext was invented. But before I touch
bad not been prorogued. The disturbances alluded to upon that point, although it is not my intention to-night
bad arisen from the presentation of a petition to • this to refer to many documents, there is one passage
house by Sir J. Pakingtan from M. Montgomery, rela- in a most important Indian State paper to which I
tive to the propriety of there being a representative for ought to advert. The house is familiar with a minute
the lonian Isles in this house. He was unable to state that was laid on our table in 1856 ;it is, in feet, a
what had been done in consequence. history of the government of India by the late Governor-
INDIAN NEWS. General. It consists of 45 pages and 180 paragraphs.
In answer to a question from Se- J. PARINCITON, It touches upon every theme, one would suppose, that •
. Lord PALMERSTON said that the Government bad eight years of energetic government supplied, or th.t.
not Received any telegraphic oommunication in anticipa- a ml,l occur 'to either house at Parliament. Here we
of the news from India. The Government were ignorant are t's.ld of the kingdoms that under the government of
Of what it was likely to be. Lord Dalboesie were added to the British crown. No
THE BUSINESS OF THE DAY. subject is too high or too insignificant to escape notice.
Lord PALMERSTON moved the postponement of We are informed not only of annexations of territory,
the order of the day till after the disposal of Mr. but of the establishment of railroads and electric tele-
Disraeli's motion on India.—Agreed to. graphs. Nothing is omitted, except the subject upon
THE STATE OF INDIA. which we require information. When the intelligence
of the military revolt arrived I was anxious to refer to
Mr. DISRAELI—Sir, I hardly know whether there
this most important Indian State paper, and to have the
is anything more interesting—l am sere there are few opinion of the late Governor-General on the state of the
things more instructive—than to recall the commence- Bengal army and the Indian army generally when he
ment of great events. It is remarkable how insignificant retired feem his long vice-royalty. He has given us 45
',Ages and 180 paragraphs, but to my surprise, when I
incidents at the first blush have appeared which have
. examine them, the Indian army never appears. (Hear,
*overt() bei pregnant with momentous consequences, hear.) There is no subject which can possibly'
'find thit in a street riot at Boston and Paris began, in interest us, or no incident of importance which
fanteithee twen great revolutions of modern times. Who did occur, that is not here commemorated ; but
w.ould ha ve.tupposed, when we first heard of the rude the state of the Indian army I could not die.
I found
k-S
sisitotrf a Russian sailor front a port in the Black Sea to
cover. At last, to my great surprise, 1
a reference to the condition
European of the
Contith:tope, that we were on the eve of one of the in paragraph 51
soldier. He was not the soldier upon whose
gretelit of modern wars, and on the solution of one of condition I wanted information ; but still that pare-
thethenoetetiffictilt of political problems And so, a few graph was at the moment of some comparative interest.
egeeneeagoewbenaparagraph appeared in our journals that The subject is treated at length. The improvements
there-was a mutiny in a native regiment in India, I dare in barrack construction, the improvements in the ven•
lation of barracks, the differences in their altitude ia the
say few people read the paragraph. I dare say, indeed, bill country, and in the plain, are touched upon with a
•
eitlittpersoris turned for amusement to the more exciting solicitude which cannot be too much praised. Under
dieeuesions in this house on questions of domestic into- the same head—there being more than 20 paragraphs
Feet or. of comparative insignificance ; and if the tranquil devoted to such important topics—l find an incidental.
notice of the native soldier in India. Here it is :
course-of the-House of Commons this year did not afford
position of the native soldier-in India has long
theltn- even.tbis resource, they were, I dare say, more b e e"nTshuedi) hardly any circumstance of his condi-
intereeted in the stimulating adventures of the police tion in need of improvement."
ophets. But, sir, I have always thought if mankind (k laugh.) I thought it right in speaking of the
could bring themselves to ponder in time on the corn- condition of the Bengal army, and adverting to
mencement of those events that greatly affect their for• the opinion of men like Napier, Melville, and
tunes and destiny, it is possible that we might bring to Jacob, that we shoul I have bef
of the highest authority, and ore us the statement
therefore I have read
the transaction of affairs more prudence and more energy to the house that sentence from the minute of Lord
than are generally exercised at the commencement Daleousie. (Hear, hear.) I now proceed to lay be-
of such incidents, and that probably we might fore the house the reasons and facts that have induced
me to arrive at the coeclusion which I hare already
prevent many public disasters and calamities. It
was with that feeling, sir, when the first stated. Of late years a very greet change has taken
place in the government of India. In old days, and for
stews arrived •of the occupation of Delhi by the a considerable time—indeed, until, I would say, the last
rebels, that I thought I was only performing my duty 10 years—the principle of our government of India, if I
in addressing corns inquiries to her Majesty's Govern- may venture to describe it in a sentence, was to respect
went as to their opinions with regard to the cause of nationality. We often talk now of our cenqusst of
those remarkable events and the exact position of affairs. India, and sometimes we are told that it is necessary to
Lem bound to say that at the time the answer which I re-conquer that country. The conquest of a country in-
received impressed sae with thefeeling that her Majesty's habited by 150,000.000 men, in many instances of war-
'Ministers did net view the events which ha I occurred in like habits, c mld at no time have been an easy achieve-
tbat spirit which I thought their latent importance de- meat. Its difficulty must certainly be increased to us
Carved. The house will recoil ot the information that now after what bas occurred, and therefore I think it is
was afforded by the Government on that occasion. The of some importance that upon this grave and common
right ho gentleman (Mr. V. Smith) told the house that ilea of conquering India we should have as correct
the Governor Generaleiflndia wrote in very good spirits, opinions as circumstances justify. I deny that in a vul-
that her Majesty's Government hoped and trusted—nay, gar sense we have ever conquered India. We have taken
that they even believed—that by the flex❑ex< mail we should a part in the military operations which have very fre-
bear that the city of Delhi had been razed to the ground, quently been conducted upon a great scale in India.
and, in, order to afford that test of truth and of danger The annals of our warfare in India are glorious. Our
which. is so thoroughly appreciated by the inhabitants of arms have been victorious in many single fields and raauy
gni Britt* isles, we were told to look to the state of the. brilliant campaigns. We have often triumphed over
pnblic securities. (A laugh.) We were told that the stocks powerful Sovereigns, and bailed most skilful and dau-
nt, Calcutta bad not fallen, bat, on the contrary, had gerous confederacies. But we have conquered India only
rather riven, and the inference to be drawn from this in the same sense in which William of Orange conquered
circumstance was that the danger was neither profound England. We have been called in by populations suffer-
noir ee;ensive. Well, Sir, the tone taken by the Gevern• ins under tyranny, and we have entered those kingdoms
merit in the other house of Parliament was not more se- and principalities to protect their religion and their pro-
rious. The noble lord there informed the country that the perty. It will be found in that wonderful progress of
Government were utterly taken by surprise both here and human events which the formation of our Indian empire
• hillndia—that nehours before these events occurred they presents that our occupation of any country was pre-
were not even suspected. (Hear-) Even in that patrician ceded by a solemn proclamation and concluded by a sa-
aseembly more generally considered to be connected with cred treaty, in which we undertook to respect and main-
the land the funded test was also introduced. A question tain inviolate the rights and privileges, the laws and cue-
ha asked, as if in combination with the Ministry, whe• tome, the property and religion of the people. Such was
f se
tie funds had fallen at Calcutta, and the answer the principle upon which ourledianenapire was founded,
that they had not fallen was received with marks of ap- and it is a proud as well as a politic passage in the his-
p4bliattoloon-criTi !der.) I admit that one ought not to review tory of Englishmen that that principle has been untillat;
severs y the first expressions of a Go- ye trs religiously observed. (Hear.) All our great Indian
vernaient aftaee;_vsauch events ; but when the Government statesmen-1 am net talking merely of politician•
had bad the d ntage of being informed, not by tele- who have gone out to undertake the government of pre-
graph, but by
siderable time to C
despatches—when they had had a cen.. sidencies, but of men like Malcolm, Metcalf, Elphinstone,
(anxious,
one der these events—when several and Munro —have al ways upheld the principle of main-
Councilsnniificatpien
tehr ne
home o
have no doubt), had been taming the engagements we made in those proclamations
ten days after the first and treaties. Our empire in India was, indeed, founded
principal
uemembers of the ciide was put into action by us not with any Machiavel-
the occasion of luau devices, but by merely taking advantage of the ne-
on, Eastern debate having
India (the. Persian war) the house wasirfaevtouvreedrence to tural and, if I may tile the expression, spontaneous cir-
w with the cumetances of the country in which we were acting a
matured opinion. of the Cabinet upon these great part. There were in India so many independent States,
—thu Chancellor of the Exchequer informed heel:Oats :on many print=s of different races, so many religions,
that the revolt of the Bar-gal army was a sudden ;lee'.e.
pulse, occasioned by superstitious feel-ions. (' Elear, f„rdmeevden so
many
la ,susses, that if you rigorously per
engagements it was totally impossible to
bear," from the Treasury bench-) We were favours-] raise a combination which could overwhelm ou Wiry
with the mature opinion of the Government upon the did the IViahOmine d y •
ans and the Manrattes fail in India ?
cause of these important events, and were led to believe The two principal causes of the downfall of there d am'
from the tone of tee Government anti the ,x ,„B,ions of tiLs were--first that theyacjcioersecuted the people wYnion;
persdne of authority, who, if not members of the Govern- they had conquered onaccount of thsir religion ; and,
tuela,. exercise, great influence in this house, and are secondly, that whea treasuries became empty they
1LUPP0410440.60 general supporters of the Government, 1 confiscated the land.of the chief proprietors, England,
and a solemn engagement not to tamper with
that the «Induce of the troops in India was looked upon
ont_ie contrary, alwa.„ •
gdion, It was by a
3 came in with a guarantee ot
as a mere military mutiny. (ffear, hear.) I acqirettend
tt4iirr
-tbat-it is. of the
Inditai policy founded elteadbrupon that
have
foundtshed.
greatest importance to obtain cl.far an i
principlei that our power
idear,se we can of .the causes which have led to this re -
our great Indian authorities, indeed,
Ali
volt. When the Government appeared to we to be in a ;
condition I ventured to intimate that it was their para.
istencs of independent native States to be asouifilc: not of
•
e
roodet duty to investigate the causes of dissatisfaction. ernharrassment, but of security to Rigland.-
Soffit objection was taken, that this being a mere
1 ,oked upon them, to use the expression of one Yof athvee
tail mutiny all .1, e had to du was to put it down, and asset eminent of our ludian statesmen, as the " safety
when it was put down then the Government would con- valves "of oar ronpire. The turbulent spirits of the
eider the condition of the Indian army, I humbly think country were enrolled in their armies. Their mode of life

time.
The Public Health Act (Aldershot) Bill was read a
second time.
The report of amendmente on the Portland Harbour
Bill was brought up and agreed to.
THE AUSTRALIAN MAIL SERVICE.
The Earl of HARDWICKE postponed a notics he
bad on the paper relative to this subject until Monday
ant.

Their lordships then adOurned at 25 minutes past
ieren.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—(YESTBRDAY.)
The SPEAKER took the cbair at four o'clock.
NEW MEABER.

Lord A CHURCHILL took the oaths and his seat for
Woodstock, in the room of the Marquis of Blandford.

PRIVATE BUSINESS.

The Lords' Amendments to the Midland Great West-
ern Railway of Ireland (Streamstown and Clara Junc-
tion) Bill were considered and agreed to,
The Eastern Bengal WOlway Company's Bill, and
the Scinde Railway Company Bill were read a second
time.

offered a career which our more regulated and or linary
habits would not have furnished to the fiery 3 euth of In-
dia. A strict observance of our treaties, the rigid main-
tenance of the laws and customs of the people, and, above
all, a faithful respect for our guarantees of their land and
a scrupulous adhesion to our engagements not to tamper
with their religion—these were the sources of our
strength, and upon these our great Indian statesmen
always insisted. But of late years a new principle ap-
pears to have been adopted in the government of India.
If the old principle—the principle upon which our empire
was created and established, and which prevailed until
very recent times—was a respect for nationality, the new
system seems to be the reverse, and may be described as
one which would destroy nationality. Everything in
India has been changed. Law .and manners, customs
and usages, political .organizetiens, . the tenure of pro-
perty, the religion of the people—everything in India
has either been changed or attempted to be changed, or
there is a suspicion among the population that a desire
for change exists on the part of our Government. Now,
taking the last 10 years, I would range under three heath
the various causes which have led, in,my opinion, to the
great discontent among all classes of that country with
our rule. I would describe them thus—first, our forcible
destruction of native princes; next, our disturbance of
the settlement of property ; and thirdly, our tampering
with the religion of the people. (Hear.) I believe that
directly or indirectly all the principelt causes of popular
discontent or popular disturbance will range under those
three heads, and to those three heads I now wish to ad-
dress myself. I will endeavour to do so without over
powering the subject with details and without referring
to documents, except for authority, and I will also en-
deavour to compress my observations as much ae possi-
ble without sacrificing clearness ; bet even then I shall
have to trust to the generous forbearance of the house
for the time I shall occupy. (Hear.) The house will
olboct I am venturing to treat of a theme of colossal
Portions, that the issue at stake is of corresponding
gnitude, and that upon the just appreciation by Par-
liament of the present state of India depends the great-
ness of this country. (Hear, hear) Now, sir, I will
first address myself t o the forcible destruction of native
authority in the East by our Government, and on this
subject ate involved seme of the most important
principles of Indian policy. The house must recol-
lect that even at the present time there are at least 200
native Indian princes ; they still govern a population of
at least 60,000,000 of inhabitants. With all these
princes the English Government has treaties. These
,treaties differ in many particulars of detail; in some
there are conditions for contingent., in other for tribute,
lb others, again, for the residence at the native court of
a representative of the English Government, Out there is
one feature of similarity throughout all those treaties—
that is, an engagement on the part of the English Go-
vernment with each Indian prince tbat so long as the
latter shall observe the auditions of the treaty the
English Government will secure to him and to his heirs
the throne upon which he sits. Now, sir, about the
year 1848 I fix as the date of the inauguration of the
new system of Indian policy, which I shall show to be
opposed to all the principles by which our empire was
gained and established. Great wars had then termi-
nated victoriously and triumphantly for this country.
The struggles with new Powers that had sprung up—
Nide ancient Powers that had threatened us—were
closed. There was no fear of foreign assailants, and
under those circumstances less regard far internal safe-
, guards. But the condition of. India in a financial point
of view was by no means satisfactory. The house is so
familiar with this part of the subject that I shall not
dwell too closely upon details. The house is aware of
the nature of Indian finance and that it admits of no ex-
pansien. The great bulk of the revenue is raised from
the land,- and, although we receive a considerable
amount from opium and salt; yet the revenue from those
sources can only increase from increased consumption
by an increased population. But affairs had then come
to such a point that it was necessary that the revenue of
the East Indian Government -should he increased.
About this time. appeared one of the most important
State papers that ever was published relating to India ;
it was a minute of Council which referred to the
decease of an Indian prince, and in which was laid
down the principle alnecist without disguise that
he . future Indian policy would be to in-
crease our revenue by increasing our dominions ;
• hat, in fact, the only mode' by which an increased re-
venue could be obtained-was by enlarging our territo-
ries. About this time a very important incident occur-
red,
although it did not at the time attract as much
attention as its consequences justified—the death of a
native Indian prince without natural heirs. The terri- ,
torier of this prince were not of first-rate importance,
although they were not without value ; hid revenues
were by no means considerable, yet they were not to be
despised ; he was a prince to whom the respect and in-
teresi; of a large portion of the Indian races were directed.
He was one of the great Mahratta family. After the
fall of the Mahratta empire it had become a point of
high policy with our Government that from the ruins of
that empire independent Mahratta States should be
formed, and that the heads of that family should all be
placed upon the musnud as a means oftgrattfying the
feelings of the defeated Mahratta people, and of claim •
ing their sympathies for the new order of things. Such
was the position of the Rajah of Sattara—a name which
pro'•ably is unknown to many, but which at one time
occasioned some some interest in this house, and respect-
ing whom many papers were laid upon this table. The
aeath of the Rajah of Sattara was fixed upon as the
incident by which our new Indian policy was to be in-
- auzurated. The Rajah. of Sattara, as I have tCready
reminded the house, died without natural heirs, but the
house must also remember that a Hindoo dynasty like
that of Sattara can never become extinguished. The
law of adoption prevails in India, and has prevailed
from the most ancient times. The law of adoption is,
in fact, the very corner stone of Hindoo society, and
men who have no natural heirs adopt one as a matter
of course, and as one of the great duties of life. Indeed,
according to the Hindoo 'religion, the deceased Hindoo
in another world can look for no happiness unless certain
duties are fulff led, certain ceremonies performed, in
this by his heir, and therefore it is absolutely neces
sary that he should appoint an heir in order to insure
the fulfilment of those duties and the performance of
those rites. Hence, adoption in India is not only a
simple right, but a religious duty • the whole frame-
work of Indian society is established upon that princi-
ple. The R'tjah of Sattara, dying without natural heirs,
had before his death selected an heir, who was nomi-
nated with all the solemn ceremonies peculiar to the oc-
casion, whose adoption was notified to the British resi-
dent and published to the people by salvoes of artillery,
and was received by them with perfect approbation.
Teo Governor-General of India, however, in pursuance
of the vigorous and novel policy which he had deter-
mined to establish in India, took the decided step of
abolishing the law of adoption. He did not recognise
the individual who had' been proclaimed to all India as
the son and and successor of the deceased prince ; but,
claiming the equivocal right of suzerainty as lord para-
mount, he ordered his troops to enter the Raj, and the
Rajah of Sattara was absorbed into the dominions of the
East India Company. This step was not taken without
insiderable difficulty. The Governor-General of that
day was a young - man, an energetic man, but one not
experienced in Indian life, for at that period he had only
been a few months in the East. The most experienced
Indian statesmen protested against his conduct, and
warned him of its consequences. They knew it was not
merely a question affecting a small territory, but that it
was a policy which would involve most important inva-
sions of law, custom, and right. The Governor of Bom-
bay, contiguous to which presidency was Sattara, was
at that time Sir G. Clerk, now the secretary of the Indian
- Board. 1 believe ail will agree, however differing in
opinion upon points of Indian policy, that Sir G. Clerk
has shown himself in many instances to be a most con-
summate and experienced statesman. He protested
against that policy, and warned the Indian Government
against its consequences. I have been told, on authority
so high that I cannot doubt it, that at the last extremity
he proposed that the annexation should ba postponed t 11
it could be subjected to the arbitration of the highest
authority in Indian matters in this country, Mr. Mount-
stuart El .hinstone ; but his proposal was rejected.
, (hear) I,am bound to say that the directors of Voe East
India Company on that occasion -evinced considerable
character, skill in prescience, and in many instances, no
small ability. Unfortunately there was a majori,y in fa-
vour of the new policy ; but there remain on record the
dissents of six members of the Court; men without excep-
tion of great Indian experience, and, as their dissents
show, men of great ability, of thoughtful minds, and of
practical wisdom. I have not those dissents by me, but
I call to mind the names of such men as Mr. St. George
Tucker, Mr. Melville, and Capt. Sheppard, whose names
are appended to them. The protest of Capt. Sheppard,
which may be found in the Sattara paperer, contains lan-
guege which I recommend to the attention of the house,
for it contains words of wisdom that would have become
any statesman of any country in the world. The ques-
tion of Sattara passed. Whatever may have- been the
passing rumours they were altogether disregarded, 'and
from that moment, without ceasing, the system of annex-
ation took place, or was attempted, -in every instance in
which a native prince died without 'natural heirs. The
principle of adoption,. which I have before gaieties the
very-corner stone of Indian society, was systematically
set aside by Government, and the opposite principle be-
came the basis of a new policy. An hon. and learns I
gentleman who takes an interest in Indian affairs moved
some time ago for a return of the annexations that have
taken place between 1848 and 1856. I do not know whe-
ther teat paper is in the hands of members, but if it is a
brief glance will show that while some of the annexations
have taken place by c ,nquest, in the great majority of
instances they have been the consequence of a want of
heirs, In every one of -these instances our Government
were taking a step which shook the confidence not of
merely native princes, but, as I shall be able to show, the
confidence also of a powerful party among the population
of India. (Hear, hear.) All the Rajahs who during that
time died without natural heirs had dominions of greater
er less extent, and no incensiderable revenues, and all
of these were absorbed into the' British empire. The
-minute to which I have referrede—the memorable docu-
ment that was planed on the tattle of the House of C
moos by the late Chairman of the East India' Company
-after enutneraing some vast annex ttions to which I
si,all not now allude, contains a paragraph which is
called " minor political events," and with the perrnis-
,ion of the house I shall read from that paragraph aims

sage that will convey an impression of what has been
;ping on in India much miore vivid than could be given
by mere spoken words. It says :
" Early in 18!S, the Rajah of Ungool, a petty chieftain
in the Jungle Mohals, resisted the authority of the Govern-
;Bent. His Raj was taken from him, and he has since died
in exile."

Poese are Raj,' that -were not obtained by violating the
law of adoption, but they are instances which show that
.ho system of annex ation was pursued by every means
tiud on' overy pret€

"The Rajahof Sikkim, a hill chieftain on the borders of
I.l6Pmitl, in order
.to enforce certain claims which ha alleged