The Sun.
London, England, 1859-05-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, MAY 4, 1859.

(Laughter and cieers.) But, gentlemen, the
speeches have alrody occupied one hour and 20
minutes of your pinions time, during the whole of
which period you lave had the pleasure of stand-
ing upon your pinions legs—(a laugh)—and I
think I shall best onsult your convenience by con-
fining what I haveto say within as brief a space as
possible. I argue from the hearty reception with
which you have greeted me that some of you at
least are gratified st my occupying a position in
which I have been placed by your strong determi-
nation alone—(cheers)—and I must say that if you
are only half as mach pleased as I am, yon will be
exceedingly well pleased, and that to some of us, at
all events, this wit be an:extremely pleasant party.
(Laughter.) It is expected, on occasions like the
present, that every gentleman circumstanced like
my hon. colleagues and myself should make
confession of his political faith, and show what
are his political tendencies. I, as is well known,
am a Progressive Reformer. (Great laughter
and cheers.) I mean to say Conservative.
(Renewed laughter.) A Voice—" You've put
your foot in it." (Laughter.) I am so far a Re-
former that lat once reform the phrase. (Laugh-
ter.) Taking counsel from the past, I look steadily
forward to the future. As m nature there is
nothing that can stand still without decay, so in
politics there is nothing finite. That which was
sufficient 50 years ago is insufficient now. (Cheers.)
That which is satisfactory now will not be satisfac-
tory 50 years hence. lam therefore for progress
and advance—advance, so long as it is in the right
direction ; progress, so long as it is for the benefit
of the community at large. Our ancestors were
content with waggons; we travel by the rail. I
am for speed. lam for " pace" in all things, even
in politics, so long as that pace is regulated by due
caution, for I have no wish to rush over the em-
bankment, or to burst the boiler. (Laughter and
cheers.) Igo with the times—(laughter)—not the
Times newspaper—(renewed laughter)—for our
politics don't entirely agree. But now that we have
as a representative of this agricultural county the
principal proprietor of that decidedly succcessful
commercial enterprise, I have hopes that the
mighty Thunderar will be less partisan than it is,
being a great national authority. (Cheers.) I, there-
fore, am going with the hour, in seeking out that
which is for the best advantage of the British
public, and legislating according, without partiality,
favour, or affection, and this I call being a Pro-
gressive Conservative. (Cheers.) I shall be ex-
pected, no doubt, to say a word about the Reform
Bill. I was not in the house—worse luck to me—
(laughter)—and therefore I have no opportunity of
appealing to my votes. I have nothing to explain
away, and therefore is my estate all the better.
Had I been in the house, and had I gone into a
division upon the question of the second reading of
the Reform Bill, I most certainly should not have
found myself in the same lobby with my honour-
able colleagues. (Cheers and laughter.) I hold
the opinion of that bill which I found enter-
tained by thinking men of all classes of palitics
with whom I have had the honour of conversing
during my long personal canvass. I think there
was much good in it, and I think there was
much that might have been made good had it gone
into committee. I don't find that there is much
anxiety throughout the country for a Reform Bill.
The trading politicians of the day have found it
rather a difficult matter to raise a reform cry even
upon• the hustings. The old war whoop of " the
bill, the whole bill, and nothing but the bill," seems
to be dead and buried. That cry will come home
only to those gentlemen who have had to stand
contests upon this occasion, to whom, in due course,
will be presented by their several agents " The bill,
the whole bill." (A Voice, interrupting—" And you
will have a long one.") (Laughter and cheers.) I
have not the slightest doubt of it—(renewed laugh-
ter)—and I hope you will assist me to pay it ; but
to those who are unsuccessful candidates there will
be presented " nothing but the bill." (Laughter.)
I consider the movement of Lord J. Russell to have
been a desperate attempt to snatch the reins at
every hazard. (Cries of "No, no.") I consider that
it was a banding together of antagonistic elements.
(Renewed cries of "No, no.") Well, gentlemen,
upon these points there is a great diversity of opi-
nion—(laughter)—and, as this is not a discussion
class, perhaps I may be allowed to go through the
few words I have to address to you. (Cheers.) It
was a banding together of antagonistic interests for
the stopp ige of public business, and for the over-
throw of a Government which was equal to any in
efficiency, and inferior to none in an earnest desire
to carry on the business of the nation. (Cheers.) I
say that the tampering and timid policy of Lord
Aberdeen drifted us into a Crimean war; the reck-
less and happy-go-lucky no policy of Lord Palmer-
ston plunged us into a Chinese war ; and what was
the moment selected by Lord J. Russell for his
reckless manoeuvre ? It was the moment when the
great question of peace or war throughout Europe
trembled in the balance. Are the interests of this
great kingdom and the paramount interests of
humanity to be imperilled, for what ? To place in
power a noble lord who for a time deserted his own
party in the moment of danger—(cheers)—which de-
sertion was denounced by the uncompromising Roe-
buck in these memorable condemnatory words, "The
noble lord is like the timid fisherman who foresaw
the coming storm, and who ran his boat ashore and
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half-dozen men. Pitt and Fox passed away, and
England was England still. Castlereagh and Peel
passed away, and England was England still. Pal-
merston and Russell will pass away, for in them
" nature's copy's not eterne," and England will be
England still. (A Voice.—" What about Lord
Derby ?") The British people will, under Divine
Providence, be maintained in their majesty and do-
minion, though Prime Minister after Prime
Minister, like—

" Imperial Caesar, dead, and turned to clay,
" May stop a hole to keep the wind away."

I can only say that when a Reform Bill is brought
forward, by whatever set of men, I will give its
provisions any best attention. (Cheers.) I will en-
deavour honestly to hold the scales of justice evenly
between interest and interest, class and class, man
and man. Until such a bill be presented, it is im-
possible for me to say what I will do, but I can say
what I will no - do. I will not vote for manhood
suffrage, as that gives the franchise alike to the man
of respectability and substance and to the undetected
housebreaker, whose stock-in-trade consists of a
crowbar, a skeleton key, and a bunch of lucifer
matches. (Laughter.) I will not vote for that
cowardly contrivance, the ballot. It has obtained in
America, and see how it works in the land of
Jonathan. (A laugh.) There corruption and bri-
bery extend through every class, from the indepen-
dent Jonathan whose coat is as ragged as his
reputation, up to the President on his throne—the
throne of that self-satisfied republic. I will not vote
for the ballot. Give me the bold-faced Englishman
who, with his hat on one side, swaggers up to the
polling-booth, and when the clerk asks " For whom
do you vote ?" answers manfully, in the face of his
neighbours of the county, " I plump for Vernon."
(Laughter and cheers.) I would warn those of
my fellow-countrymen who, in the political
slang of the day, are called the " operative classes"
against those trading politicians who call themselves
their " supporters." They are rather the supporters
of the employing classes than of the operative
classes. Who is the principal among them ? Bright.
(A laugh and cheers.) Why was his return at Bir-
mingham contested the other day ? Because he was
opposed to legislative interference with factory.
labour. Now, for what was the Factory Bill intro-
duced ? To protect the artisan from the rapacity of
his " supporters." For what was the Ten Hours
Bill introduced ? To protect the wives and children
of the artisans from being worked to death by their
" supporters." Why was the bill for fencing ma-
chinery introduced ? To protect the life and limbs
of the artisan from being destroyed or injured by
the unfenced machinery of his " supporters." " Raise
our wages," say the artisans. " No," say their sup-
porters, " but we will lower the franchise." " Give
our children bread," say the artisans. " No," say
their supporters, " but we will give you the ballot."
"We are working short time ; we are dying by
inches," say the artisans. "No matter," reply their
" supporters," " care nothing for your lives ; we
will give you political existence." (Laughter and
cheers.) When will these men learn to know, and
knowing to scorn, the political mountebanks who
" Palter with them in a double sense,
Who keep the word of promise to the ear,
And break it to the h.po

(Cheers.) After some remarks on the political state
of the country, and urging attention to the regis-
tration on the part of the Conservative body, the
hon. and gallant captain concluded by thanking the
electors who had supported him, and expressing his
determination to use every endeavour to discharge
his duties to their satisfaction.

Mr. J. WILLIAMS briefly expressed his admiration
of the political consistency which had characterised
the career of Mr. Robt. Palmer, the late member.
Mr. BOUVEItIE then moved 4 vote of thanks to
the High Sheriff.

Mr. 'WALTER, in seconding the motion, expressed
his hearty concurrence in the tribute of respect
which had been paid to the services and high cha-
racter of Mr. Painter.

The vote having been carried by acclamation, was
acknowledged by the High Sheriff. _

Three cheers were demanded for Mr. Palmer,
and the call met with a most enthusiastic response,