The Sun.
London, England, 1859-02-04 00:00:00

form, might be proposed by some ambitious men, whose only
object was to obtain power. Those who sat in their lordships'
house, and who had to a certain extent been the objects of
attack, must not allow themselves to be carried away by
personal feelings, but they must legislate in a manner befit-
ting the senate of this great country. The country was told
that the landowners were represented in their lordships'
house ; and at the same time they were told that the house
was antiquated, and the sooner it was swept away the better.
It would seem, therefore, that the landowners would very
shortly not be represented at all. (Laughter.) He had no
doubt that would satisfy the purposes of certain individuals,
but he was sure that such a course would not meet with the
approbation of the great body of the people. (Hear, hear.)
He thanked their lordships for the patience with which they
had listened to his somewhat discursive speech, and for the
forbearance which they had exhibited towards him uponthe
first occasion of his addressing their lordships' house. The
noble lord concluded by moving a humble address to her
Majesty, in answer to her most gracious speech. (Hear.)
Lord RAVENSWORTH said he rose to second the ad-
dress, owing to the unavoidable absence of his noble
friend (Lord Delamere), and having been called upon to
li
do so at d short notice, he craved their lordships' indul-
gence. During a Parliamentary experience of 30 years he
did not remember a speech from the Throne to which less
objectiOn could be taken than to the gracious Speech of
her Majesty which they had just heard. The Speech dealt
with a great variety of subjects, many of which were of
the greatest importance and of the most exciting character.
They must all feel that this country was on the verge of
very great events, and he thong .t it was most important
that no language should be employed that would have a
tendency to create irritation or animosity in neighbouring
countries. They could not but see that, when great and
powerful nations stood bristling with arms, in a position
of mutual defence, although they might hope that the
risks of a general war might be averted by wise nego-
tiation, yet he hoped that, for a moment, party struggles
might be avoided, and that that confidence would be
placed in her Majesty's Government which would enable
it to deal with the great interests of the nation, and set
forth by example the value of the institutions of this
country. If anything like the force of parties should be
exhibited in their deliberations, an argument would be
afforded to the enemies of constitutional freedom in favour
of the opinions which elsewhere prevaliod—that the more
centralised authority of a despotic GovernrUent was better
for the government of mankind. Ho would therefore ex-
press a hope that credit would be given to the intentions
of the Government, as to the measures which th," were
prepared to bring into Parliament. He would not de
their lordships by going through the various topics au'-
verted to in the Speech from the Throne, but there were
two or three points to which he wished more particularly
to advert. Her Majesty said, "I am happy to think that
in the internal state of the country there is nothing to
excite disquietude and much to call for satisfaction and
, thankfulness." It was perfectly true that these causes
for gratification existed ; but he was compelled to
say that considerable anxiety existed among the shipping
interest, arising from its present state of depression. The
depression was traced by those connected with the
maritime interest of the country to the alterations which
had been made in the navigation laws, which ho believed
were altered without due consideration. The subject
would, he knew, be brought under the consideration of
Parliament during the present session, and he hoped that
due attention would be given to it. It was true that the
reference made to the opening of the trade with China
and Japan would be some comfort to the shipping inte-
rest, as it would open up an opportunity for the commerce
of this country; and here ho must be allowed to bestow his
meed of praise upon Lord 'Elgin for the able manner in
which he had conducted the negotiations between us and
China, in which he was ably assisted by representatives of
the French and other nations on the spot. He wished to
say one word on the present position of our Indian empire.
No one could object to one word in her Majesty's speech on
that subject. Her Majesty's proclamation had been received
with universal approbation, and he trusted that it would
still produce great and beneficial effects. He could not pass
over the heroism which had been displayed by the troops
in the momentous struggle which had been going on in
that empire. They had encountered and overcome incre-
dible difficulties, and had been in constant and unremitting
pursuit of the rebels, who disappeared in one place only to
appear againinanother. Theyhad penetrated dense jungles
and they had been exposed to the heat of the climate. When
they considered all these circumstances, it was impossible
to withhold a meed of praise from men who had been en-
gaged in such terrible warfare. "(Hear.) In spite of all
this, helwas informed that the general health of the army
in India was good. They had, therefore, every reason to
hope that before long her Majesty's expectations of the
general pacification of that country would be realised. With
regard to Mexico, there had appeared in that day's papers
dreadful accounts of the state of that country. Blood was
'spilt in a way that was really awful, and under such cir-
cumstances her Majesty's Government was justified in
sending out special instructions for the protection of the in-
terests of this country. With regard to the proposed reforms
in the law, he would simply express his thanks to her Ma-
jesty's Government. The security of titles to land was of
great importance. There was often great difficulties and
I expense connected with proving titles to land, and any
, measure that would simplify that process would be a boon
to the country. He wished now to say a few words on that
' paragraph in her Majesty's speech respecting a reform of the
representation of the people, which out of doors was the most
interesting and important subject. He had heard it regretted
that the duty of revising these laws should have fallen to
the Conservative party, but as that party had concurred in
the settlement of 1832 they had only fairly to carry out the
principles of that settlement by such amendments as a
change of circumstances rendered desirable. He (Lord
Ravensworth) believed that many points of the bill of 1832
required amendment. The fifty-pound clause and other
clauses excluded persons who ought to have the franchise.
He, however, entirely disapproved of the bill that had been
placed before the country by the hon. member for Birming-
ham (Mr. Bright), who was more renowned for his oratory
than for his powers as a statesman. He hoped the bill to be
introduced by the Government would as little resemble that
bill as could be. He resided in a county where great masses
of the people had been brought together, and he (Lord
Ravensworth) declared that, in spite of the inflammatory
harangues that had been addressed to them, there was no
general sympathy with the bill introduced to the country by
the hon. member for Birmingham. That one statement of
his alone was sufficient to stamp him and his designs,
when he laid down that their lordships were the pure re-
presentatives of the landed interest, and therefore that the
House of Commons should be more the representatives of
the people and the commercial interests of the country. That
attempt to sow division between the two houses of the
Legislature, and to set class against class, would necessarily
introduce perpetual confusion, and place them in danger of
a collision between the Houses of Lords and Commons. If
such a change as he advocated took place the result would
be, that the House of Commons would be perpetually intro-
ducing bills which would never be assented to by their lord-
ships. It was impossible too strongly to deprecate the
dangers attendant upon such a course, One portion of the
bill was in favour of secret voting, and with that there
would be no responsibility but that of a man's own
conscience, which he did not think sufficient of
itself alone as a security. He had no confidence in
that measure, and he hoped that the measure
of the Government would be a wise and salutary measure,
and very different from that which had been put before
the country. He thanked their lordships for the attention
with which they had heard him, and he begged leave to
second the Address.

Earl GRANVILLE said—The occasion of our meeting
here this night is one which leads to the consideration of
very important matters. The noble lord who seconded
the Address impressed upon us the importance of throw-
ing no obstacle in the way of that concord which should
prevail upon such an occasion. My lords, I entirely
concur in that sentiment. I, for one, rejoice that the
; moderation of tone in the Speech from the Throne is such
as to require no opposition from me or from this side of
the house. (Hear.) It gave me great pleasure to hear the
noble earl who moved the Address acquitting himself with
such ability. My lords, I have had some experience in
these matters. Some years ago I had the honour to move
the first Address presented by the House of Commons to
her Majesty after her accession to the Throne, and I felt
great reluctance in undertaking that duty, but the
Minister of the day had no doubt that I could do it
admirably, and referred me to the heads of the different
departments for the information necessary to be acquired
on such an occasion ; but somehow or other the Minister
for Foreign Affairs thought it would be better to adhere
to home politics, and when we went to the head of that
department, his opionion was, that They had better touch
upon foreign affairs. (A laugh.) The consequence was,
that I was obliged to confine my short address to the
prospect of the happiness and glory of her Majesty's
reign—a promise which has been up to this period most
amply fulfilled—(hear, hear)—and I trust will yet be more
amply realised in that portion of her reign which re-
mains. (Hear, hear.) And, my lords, there is every pro-
spect of so happy a result from the affection shown by all
classes of the people upon the marriage of her daughter.
The seconder of the Address, a man of great public experi-
ence and ability, was so affected by the want of informa-
tion, which no doubt he found it difficult to obtain,
that he entirely failed in making a speech satisfactory to
himself. My lords, I can understand why the Secretary for
the Colonies does not wish to introduce into the Speech
from the Throne any allusion to the affairs of the lonian
Islands. (A. lane].) I can conceive the Secretary for the
Colonies saying, " I- should not wish to discuss those af-
fairs." If the noble earl opposite, when he obtained as an
e a n‘ia g s
associate the assistance of that able gentleman Mr. Glad-
stone, thought
least, retaining thought there was some chance of, for a short time
him
doubtfula as o
whether subordinate,
the thatpolicy policy has sue
butceeded, was indicated
•
by the nomination of so important
a person, and whether
the language of
the despatch announcing his mission, is
likely to remove the • difficulties connected with that ques-
tion. When my noble friends called
.upon the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, I can conceive
we made it a subject of attack n him saying—" It is true
that they did not introduce the name the late Government
into the Queen's Speech ; but consid
eeiq the United States
communica-
tions recently made with Mr. Dallas, sollt., ofthe
recently found their way into the new: which have
better leave that subject alone." Rear,)plrs, they had
also that they would have full permission with co.onceive
regard to
any question connected with Europe provided they did not
touch upon any matter connected with the state of affairs
between Austria, Sardinia, and France. (A laugh.) With
regard to the noble lord opposite (Lord Hardwicke, the
Lord Privy Seal)—I think I can fancy that nothinf, parti_
cular has happened in his department since the end last
session. (Laughter.) And no doubt it was he who gave the
advice to confine the Queen's Speech to naval afiltirs. Since
1830 there had been a general alliance between this country
and France, but the effect of recent events had been to in-
troduce something of jealousy between the two nations.
The noble lord proceeded—in so inaudible a tone as to
make it impossible to catch more than scattered portions
of sentences—to allude to the conduct of the present Go-
vernment with respect to the Assassination Bill introduced
by the late Government. It is not my intention to enter
into the question as to who was right or who was wrong,
but the bill itself was supported by the present Prime Mi-
nister and most of his colleages in the Government, and
with regard to the despatch of the French Government not
being answered, which was a charge against the late Go-
vernment, there had been, even before the present Govern-
mentcame into office, a despatch disavowing in the most
distinct manner any such interference with the laws and in-
stitutions of this
That descountry as had been alleged against them.
patch was one of the first laid before the present
Government, and I think that these facts showed some
ei in- ,
consistency on th r part, which had placed them in some I