The Sun.
London, England, 1857-12-04 00:00:00

IHE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EV EN;IN D'E C EIIII3E

4,11 1857.

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY.)
Their lordships resumed at five o'clock.
NEW PEER.
Lord MACAULAY took the oaths aad his seat on being
created a baron of the United Kingdom. The noble lord
was introduced by Lord Campbell and Lord Belper.
There was rather a full attendance of Peers on the
Opposition benches. Amongst those present we noticed
the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Ezlinton, the Earl of
Hardwick, the Earl Malmeebury, and Lord Redesdale.
On the Treasury benches were Earl Granville, Earl
Clarendon, the Marquis of Lansdown e, and other sup.
porters of the Government.
THE ADDRESS.

The LORD CHANCELLOR having read her Majesty's
Speech, as follows :
t c My LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
4, Circumstances have recently arisen, connected
with the commercial interests of the country, which
have induced me to call Parliament together before
the usual time.

" The failure of certain Joint-Stock Banks, and
of some mercantile firms produced such an extent
of distrust as led me to authorize my Ministers to
recommend to the Directors of the Bank of Eng-
land the adoption of a course of proceeding which
appeared necessary for allaying the prevalent alarm.
As that course has involved a departure
from the existing Law, a Bill for indemni-
fying those who advised and those who adopted it
will be submitted for your consideration.
" I have observed, with great regret, that the
disturbed state of commercial transactionsin general
has occasioned a diminution of employment in the
manufacturing districts, which I fear cannot fail
to be attended with much local distrers ; I trust,
however, that this evil may not be of long duration ;
and the abundant harvest with which it has gra-
ciously pleased Divine Providence to bless this
land, will, I hope, in some degree mitigate the suf-
erings which this state of things must unavoidably
produce.
" While I deeply deplore the severe suffering to
which many of my subjects in India have been ex-
posed, and while I grieve for the extensive bereave-
ments and sorrow which it has caused, I have
derived the greatest satisfaction from the distin-
guished successes which have attended the
heroic exertions of the comparatively small forces
which have been opposed to greatly superior
numbers, without the ail of the powerful reinforce-
ments despatched from this country to their assist-
ance. The arrival of those reinforcements will, I
trust, speedily complete the suppression of this
widely-spread revolt.
" The gallantry of the troops employed against the
mutineers, their courage in action, their endurance
under privation, fatigue, and the effects of climate ;
the high spirit and self-devotion of the officers ; the
ability, skill, and persevering energy of the com-
manders, have excited my warmest admiration ;
and I have observed with equal gratification that
many civilians placed in extreme clnfficulty and
danger have displayed the highest qualities, includ-
ing, in some instances, those that would do honour
to veteran soldiers.

" It is satisfactory to know that the general mans
of the population of India have taken no part in the
rebellion, while the most considerable of the native
Princes have acted in the most friendly manner,
and have rendered important services.
" I have given directions that papers relating to
these matters shall be laid before you.
"The affairs of my East Indian dominions will
require your serious consideration, and I recom-
mend them to your earnest attention.
" The nations of Europe are in the enjoyment of
the blessings of peace, which nothing seems likely
to disturb.

"The stipulations of the Treatywhich I concluded
wi►h the Shah of Persia have been faithfully carried
into execution ; and the Persian forces have eva-
cuated the territory of Herat.
" GENTLEMEN OF TEE HOUSE OF COMMONS,
"I have given directions that the Estimates
for the next. year shall be prepared for the pur-
pose of being laid before you. They will be framed
with a careful regard to the exigencies of the public
service.

" Mr LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
" Your attention will be called to the laws which
regulate the representation of the people in Parlia-
ment, with a view to consider what amendments
may be safely and beneficially made therein.
"Measures will be submitted for your considera-
tion for simplifying and amending the laws
relating to real property, and also for consolidating
and amending several important branches of the
crirnin.al

" I confidently commit to your wiedom the
great interests of my empire; and I fervently pray
that the blessing of Almighty God may attend
your counsels, and may guide your deliberations
to those ends whlch are dearest to my heart —the
hypiness and prosperity of my loyal and faithful
peuple.

Lord PORTMAN, who wore the uniform of a deputy-
lieutenant, then rose for the purpose of moving an
address to her Majesty, in answer to her most gracious
speech on the opening of Parliament. The noble ord
said he must apologise to their lordships for occupyieg
the present position, which was generally filled by a
younger member of Parliament. He held that position
by no voluntary act of his own, but by the express
wish of her Majesty's Government—(hear)—who
thought the address should be moved byan older member
of their lordship' house, and in acquitting himself of
the duty, he begged their indulgence, while he for a
short time occupied the attention of the house. The first
thing which called for remark was the state of our do-
mestic policy, which was such as to iaducs her Ma-
jesty's Ministers to issue a letter, which led to the sus-
pension of the Bank Oharier. He thought, under the
circumstances, it was both a judicious and wise
policy, and that her Majesty's Ministers were j astified
in taking that step ; and it was most fervently to be
hoped that their lordships would in this instance follow
the course that was taken in 1847, when a similar
circumstance occurred. The commercial crisis in
America had, no doubt, produced an effect in this coon-
try which rendered it necessary to issue the letter to
which he had alluded, as it became absolutely neces-
sary to adopt the most energetic and deci-
sive measures to bring the panic to a
termination, and by that means afford relief to the mer-
cantile community. It was satisfactory to think that
the worst of this distress had been surmounted, and that
it would not be necessary in this instance to resort to
a paper currency from which the most disastrous resul's
might arise, but that the currency of the country would
be established on a solid and sennd basis. Ile did
not intend to enter into the circumstances that
had lee to the ste.pension and closing of so many mer-
cantile firms, as that ciseniwtance of itself would lead
to inquiry ; an I without passiug any opinion, ho thought
it would be found that the panic had been the
result of over-epecul ition. The noble lord recommended
to their attention the consideration of bills for the sim-
plifying the transfir of real property, and like-
wise for the eoneolidatien of the criminal laws,
which, by a parreireph in the Royal Speech, her Ma-
jesty informed them were to be laid before the house.
He believed that there was not one of their lordships
present who was net convinced of the necessity of
again taking up the subject of Reform—(hear, hear)--
and be felt sure that the subject was of such great im-
portance that he might be sereused at that moment farther
alluding to it than by saying it was one worthy the most
attentive consideration. The noble I)rd next alluded to
India, and said that the subject was one the importance
ef which nearly overwhelmed him. Mary Tasstions con-
nected with India must come before them, and he
felt confident that their lordship would adept the wisest
step, at whatever sacrifice, to restore tranquillity and
peace to that country and the good of the empire. There
is only another topic to be alluded to before sitting down
and that is a part of her Majesty's Speech which may be
described as almost the only happy portion. of it. It is
hat in which her Majesty assures us that nothing seems
ikely to disturb the blessings of peace which the nations
of Europe are now enjoying. (Hear, hear.) y lords,
ihaivseconsoling to think that, after all the contests we
duties of
through in endeavouring to discharge the
f our position, our allies are still on the most
amicable and friendly terms with ue He trusted that that peace will endure ; that the Came feeling which bas
hitherto
actuated the Emperor of the French towards
this country may long
n and be further hoped
that the treaties which we have entered ;
tillelf'utertrhederintto with Russia
arid with Persia may tend s
consolidate the peace of Europe. n
bo cement and
T
by moving that an humble A.dhdresosblee plorenisenctoend.
eluded
to her Mejssty,
in terms which, as naval, corresponded
exactly with those of the Speech.
Lend CARE W seconded the motion for the address,
He remarked that perhaps in the annals of parliamentary
history there was never a more important epoch than the
last few months had created. First of all, there was the
monetary condition of the country ; secondly, there was
the condition of our Indian empire ; thirdly, there were
our foreign relations ; and foortLly, there was the repre-
sentation of the people at home. The state of India
would seem'to give rise to the opinion that a permanent
settlement would be soon likely to take place there. But
there were cowl matters connected wi; h that great ques-
tion which he thought would be of great importance, and
with which he thought the Government would be
likely satisfactorily to deal. He was glad to say that the
panic in the money market, which has pressed shhellvilY
in England, had not been felt in Ireland, the country
with which he was immediately connected. There had
been none of that commie:cast activity in I-eletl which i
had led to etude disastrous remelts as had been experienced

in England. The noble lord briefly alluded to the other
topics in the royal speech.
The Earl of DERBY said he had had the honour of
a seat in that house for 16 years, and during that time
he had witnessed many periods of great political excite-
ment, and some of great national alarm ; but it had
never occurred to him, at any period, to enter on any
session under such circumstances of varied interest as

those which surrounded the meeting of Parliament on
that occasion. On former occasions their attention had
been called to one subject of overwhelming interest ;
there was commercial distress in 1825 and 1847 ; agri-
cultural distress at various other perieds ; in 1829, the
Roman Catholic Relief Bill ; in 1830 and 1843, the
state of affairs on the Continent, owing to the revolu-
tionary spirit which there prevailed : in 1846, the great
change which took place in our commercial legislation
by the repeal of the corn laws ; and in the previous year,
the overwhelming calamities of Ireland. On all these
occasions some single cause fixed and monopolised the
attention of Parliament. But now we had a complica-
tion of misfortunes, a variety of anxieties, such as he
had never witnessed. We had deep and overwhelming
commercial distress and disturbance at home ; we had
our Indian empire shaking to the very foundation
abroad. Under those circumstances Parliament was
called together, and he was not surprised that the
greatest portion of the royal speech was devoted to
those two overwhelming topics. The only happy part
of the speech, as it had been felicitously termed by
Lord Portman, was that short and simple, that singu-
larly curt and abrupt paragraph which informed them
that " the nations of Europe are in the enjoyment of
the blessings of peace, which nothing seems likely to
disturb." Looking at the state of this country, it was
most fortunate that Ministers were able to introduce
that paragraph at the present moment, and the state-
ment might have been expected to call forth some expres-
sion of satisfaction on the part of the Crown. Though he
had the greatest confidence in the resolotion,the resources,
the firmness, and the spirit of this country, he hesitated
not to say that nothing would have tried that spirit and
those resources so deeply and almost so fatally, as if,
to the calamities of domestic and commercial distress
at home, a- d a war of fearful magnitude
in India, which compelled us to strain to the utmost our
military resources, there had been added the still further
calamity of a war in Europe, in which we must of ne-

aessity Lave taken part. Under inch circumstances the
Government might at least have expressed satisfaction at
the pre►alence of peace in Europe. The paragraph almost
bore the tone of disappointment and mortification. It
almost breathed the spirit of the noble ♦iscount at the
head of the Government to whom it might be a calamity
that there was no war in Europe to take tart in.
(Laughter.) " The nations of Europe are at peace which
nothing seems likely to disturb." (Renewed laughter.)
If the noble lord at the head of the Government could
not disturb it, he did not know what could. (Laughter.)
But if the Government was desirous of maintaining tole
great blessing, and of keeping on good terms with the
nations of Europe, it would be wise for them to refrain,
on public occasions from taunting expressions on the
supposed military habits of other countries, and a tone
of menace, declaring that we were equal to any power
that might think to take advantage of our present diffi-
culties and rise up in arms against us. That was a tone
unworthy of a Prime Minister—a bravado uncalled for
by the circumstances, which could have no effect upon
any nation in the world, except to give personal Armee,
and to raise the susp.cion that such unnecessary bravado
and bluster could only be assumed for the purpose of
covering inherent weakness. This was the only paragraph
in the speech in which foreign affairs were in the slightest
degree touched. It was hard upon his noble friend L )rd
Elgin to be plao7, inn position which would be moat lu-
dicrous it it wee not most painful. This was the third
Queen's Speech in the course of the present year, and
within that period there had been discussions on the
subject of China which bad led to the (:i-,solutien of
Parliament and the formation of the present Govern
anent. (Hear, bear) They had been told that the
honour of the British flag was imperilled, and that a
single moment's hesitation, even only to write home
for orders, before signal and summary vengeance was
inflicted, would have been a discredit and a die.
grace to this country. (Hear.) What had happened
In the speech there was no word of China—re word of
Sir John Bowring and his authority— (hear) —no word
of the signal vengeance that was to be called down upon
those unhappy barbarians, who, from that time to this,
had been laughing at the threats of England. No re-
paration had been taken for the insults on the British
flag ; and all we had done was to establish at the montli
of the Canten river, a serious and formidable blockade
in the way of our own commerce. (Bear) He did not
blame the Government for transferring the troops de-
stined for Canton to Calcutta, Lord Elgin had taken
upon himself to depart from his instructions ; and at a
great sacrifice of his own comfort, and taking upon him-
self a great amount of reap ensibility, he had sanctioned
the diversion of the forces from the object which they
were specially ordered to carry out. He deserved every
credit for the firmness with which he had taken that
reapensibilty upon himself. The Government had no
part of that responsitelity, nor of the credit belonging to
the relief which it afforded ; for on the 10th of July, in
answer to a question in the other house, the President
44 the Board of Control said that no iaetruntiona had

been sent out to Lord Canning to atop the toroa at
Ceslen and divert it to India ; that a letter had been
written to Lord Elgin, but he did not know whether it
had been received, still lose whether it had been acted
on. He should like to have beard something of PCTIO
great events now iu progress in Europe, and he hoped
in satisfactory progress. He should like to know that
the stipulations of the treaty of Paris, so long delayed,
were on the point cf being carried into execution, and
that the rations of Europa on whom the fate of Moldavia
and Wallachia depended, were now agreed cn their
policy, and that we were likely to see some satisfactory
settlement of that question. That there had been no
actual settlement was quite clear, or the Government
would have beta glad to introduce that cheering
statement into the otherwise gloomy speech. He pro-
ceeded to notice those topics—and they were most
important—which occnpied the principal portion of the
speech. Her Majesty said—" I have observed with great
regret, that the disnerbed state of commercial transac
tions in general has occasioned a diminution of employ-
ment in the manufacturing districts, which I fear cannot
fail to be attended with much local distress. I trust,
however, that this evil may not be of long duration ; and
the abundant harvest with which it has graciously
pleased Divine Providence to bless this land, will, I
hope, in some degree mitigate the sefferinge which this
state of things must unavoidably produce." The noble
Itrd who had seconded the address, with the readiness
of youth to draw censoiation from sources which did not
suggest themselves to those more advanced in life, had
said that it was gratifying that the affairs of India were
not so bad as to render it necessary to call Parliament
together on that account ; and they were told that Par-
liament was called together simply to give a bill of in-
demnity to the Government for the violation in 1857 of
the law of 1844, which it was found necessary under
somewhat similar circumetances to violate in 1817. And
they knew that that was the only cause, because a very
short time previous to the• notice summoning them to
meet that day, an order in Council had been issued pro-
roguing Parliament teth* 18th of December, without
any intimation that it would then proceed to business.
He believed the wish and intention of Government was
that no business of any sort or hied should be transact- d
in the present sitting except giving that bill of indem-
nity. He did not say that the Government, under the
circumstances of the case, were not justified in taking
the step they did, and consequently had a fair claim to
the act of indemnity. But before pronouncing any
decided opinion whether they were or were not ju tined,
he should like to hear from the Government themselves
the grounds upon which they proceeded, the advice open
which they acted, and the persons whom they consulted
previous to taking that step. He should like to hear that
it was taken, not only on the sole responsibility of the
Government, but with the concurrence and full consent of
the governor and directors of the Bank of England. He
should like to know, in fact, whether any application
from the Bank was made for a suspension of the existing
act ; also whether any such applications ware made from
any of the leading bankers and mercantile firms in
London. Before granting the act of indemnity, they
ought to have a full explanation from the Government
on ;that point, also whether the violation of the act
at that particular time had satisfactorily met the diffi-
culties under which the country laboured. He believed
with the committee which their low:Mips appointed in
1848, that thioush certainly the act of 1844 had no share
in eau-ing the calamities to which we had been now, as
in 1847, eubjected, yet that that act had a very strong
and important influence in aggravating those difficulties
when they did occur. (Hear, hear.) Whatever might
he the merits or demerits of the act in other respects
there was no doubt of this, that when the public saw by'
the publication of the Bank returns that the Bank was
approaching that limit at which it would be necessary to
contract its issues in consequence of the drain of bullion,
all the other bankers and commercial firma deemed
it
necessary to take precautions for their own interest,
and in order to secure themselves against the danger'
which they foresaw, they began t,) hoard a portion of
the notes and bullion obtained from the Bank. (blear,
hear.) The result of that of course was, that a large
portion of the circulating medium of the country,
whether in gold or in notes, although in circulation
ceased to be in active circulation. Though there was
the rams amount of issues, there was not the same
amount in active circulation, and not the same activity
given to commerce. Thus the panic, which led to hoard
ing, still further increased the difficulty and the restric-
tion upon the circulatien ; and that restriction still
further increased the pressure upon the Bank, and still
further increased the necessity on the part of the Bank
for still more stringent measures. And thus panic and
restriction acted and reacted upon each other, until the
Bank was brought, with abundance of money of every
description, to the very verge of insolvency. That
he believed to be a correct statement of the operation
of the Act of 1844 (Hear, hear.) Such being the case,
an act which did away with that restriction upon the
Bank had the natural tendency, by removing further off
the chances of difficulty, to diminish the panic, to dimi-
i
nish o the temptation t.) hoard, to brine stories of money
e circulation, arid thereby, asn in 1847, without
iltusreo,rdr,ihnearir
ythecature'tea of
the
' to
w proceeding,
oeo
mbgl.e Bank resume
eery that the restrictions 'ofHe believed, there-
g arose, that it was nem-
:hoe actd of 1844—supposing
rtranoakry circumstances—
should not
to be all right under
not be enforced upon the
that that was the motive which led tleaGn ore presumed ,
ernt.menttt is .
1357, as in 1847, to take the important ate
ails this prevision of the law. Thin hadpbQeen'e done
with lea complete success in 1857 than in 1817 ; because
iu 1847 the exchanges were favourable, and bullion was
tepidly flewiug into the Bank. Therefore, though the

diatectors exceeded for the moment the proportion which
their issues ought to bear to the bullion they were com-
pelled to keep, they were perfectly aware that circum-
stances were in progress which would restore the
equilibrium. Consequently, in 1847 the suspension of
the act was not called into operation. As the late Mr.
Gurney said before the committee, " What we wanted
was not the money, but to know that we could have it if
we did want it." The result was that the panic and the
hoarding ceased altogether. But when this step was
taken recently the foreign exchanges ware unfavourable,
and gold was going out of the country. Consequently
It did not produce the same immediate relief as in 1847,
at least not to the same extent ; and the Bank was com-
pelled actually to violate the law, which did not occur 1
in 1847. But if it were the opinion eat the Government
that in times of commercial difficulty and distress this
act of 1844 had the effect, not of creating these dangers
and difficulties, which he did not impute, but of aggra-
vating them when they did occur, he asked the Govern-
ment—and he presumed they would give a clear and
categorical answer when they asked for their bill of in-
demnity—did they mean to adhere to the letter of the
act of 13441 (Hear, hear.) He could perfectly
understand their asking for leave to amend an act
when it was necessary to amend it ; bat he did
not understand their asking, for the second time
in ten years, for an act of indemnity for the violation
of a law which, when the strain came, was found
unequal to bear it, and when, for fear of the machine
braking to pieces altogether, they were obliged to take
it to pieces. (Hear, hear.) If the act were perfectly
right, but if at a certain time, and under certain circum•
stances, it were necessary to dispense with the pressure
as being too stringent, prevision ought to be made for
those circumstances in the act itself. (Hear, hear.) There
ought to be a dispensing or relaxing power vested some-
where, and that power ought to be vested by the act of
Parliament itself. (Hear, hear.) Such was the recom•
mendation of the committee of 1848—a most able, pains-
taking, and valuable committee ; and it was a great pity
that its recommendations had not been carried out. He
asked the Government to make a frank and plain declar-
ation of what they intended to do. He hoped that they
should not have any further reference to Parliamentary
committees ; they had all the materials before them.
(Hear, hear.) Last year most extraordinary steps had
been taken by the Government. In that house their
lordships had not thought it necessary to appoint
another committee of inquiry, notwithstanding the
approaching renewal of the Bank's charter. In the
House of Commons the Chancellor of the Exchequer had
thought it advisable to appoint such a committee; but
he declared, on the part of Government, seriaJim, one
after another, against every possible alteration of the law.
It was suggested and declared that the Government
was prepared to stand by the ley precisely as it stood.
Under those circumstances, they had a right to ask of
the Government that they should take their own
course, without any more inquiry or reference to com-
mittees, and tell the house frankly and plainly—did
they, altar all that had passed, adhere to their determina-
tion of last year, to maintain inviolate and unaltered
1 the act of 1844 ? (Hear, hear.) If that information
were given, he should be the last, for purposes of
vexation, to throw any difficulty in the way of a bill
of indemnity being passed. (Hear, hear.) The speech
alluded to the distress in the manufac'uring districts ;
and he regretted to say, being connected with those
districts himself, that that paragraph very feebly
expressed the enormous difficulties in which they were
placed. He hoped that the good sense of the operatives
would restrain them from any senseless or unueceessey
outbreak ; but he assured the government that not only
the operatives but the manufacturers were at this mo-
ment in circumstances of the deepest and most painful
anxiety. He bad had that day a return from Mare
cheater, showing that out of 233 works, comprising
cotton, silk, and other mills, employing 45,391 opera-
tives (many of whom had wives and children, so that the
whole number might be double or three times 45,000),
73 mills only were working full time ; the remaining 160
wet-) working short time, three or four days a week, or
were wholly and absolutely closed. The number of
operatives in full work was 1(3,361; those partially or
wholly out of work were 23 530. He could produce
similar statements from Bradford, Prest ra, Bury,
Macclesfield, and other manufacturing towns. This
was a state of things to which justice was not done by
the paragraph of the speech. If, under these circum-
stances, the operatives bad the good sense and judgment
to abstain from that which could do them ne good and
would produce nothing but evil —if they maintained a
peaceable, respectful, orchrly demeanour under &ream-
etances of such pressure— all honour to the goad cense
and loya!ty of the operativew (Hear, hear). He wished
that the government had gone a little further, and
stated what they deemed to be the real cause of the
disturbed state of commercial transactions. For years
past they had heard nothing but laudations on the
enormous impulse that had been given to trade by recent
legislation. They had been told that if they only ceased
to cif) the wings of commerce, and let her fly free as the
winds of heaven, there was no limit to her elevation and
expansion. They bad been told in the newspapers of
April or May last that to speak of our commerce was
only to repeat—" Prosperity, prosperity, prosperity."
'He bad heard it stated over and over again that the
' magnitude of our exports was the surest of a"1 possible
tests of our commercial prosperity ; and he lied
heard it said, "Take care of your exports, and the
imports will take care of themselves." In ten
months of 1855 he found that our exports amounted
to 78,087,4131.—mi enormous, an almost incredible
amount of commercial transactions. Bat in 1857,
during the Caine ten months, the exports, that unvarying'
test of national prosperity, by which it was said the com-
forts and happiness of the community miilat be meeenrsd,
bad increased from 78 millions to 105 millions, being an
increass of 28 millions in the course of two years on cer-
tain articles of export. Was there a corresponding in-
crease in the happiness and comforts of the people ? On
the other hand, with this enormous and conetanly in
creasing amount of exports there was a constantly in
creasing and overwhelming state of general commercial
distress. But, large as the exports had been, they bad
net kept pace with the imports. Whole the exports had
been 308 millions, the imports had been 463 mllione,
leav:ng a balance of 160 miilions of imports over e sports.
It might he said, as it had been said over and over again,
n it you import all that more than you export, it is Brea ly
to your advantage, for, in point of fact, you put the dif-
ference into your pocket." But was it sot Hoe had
those imports been paid for? (Hear, hear.) The coun-
try had had to export 84,000,000!. in bullion in conse-
quence of the disparity between its imports and its
exports ; and it was at that moment in a state of in•
debtedness, because, although it had glutted every mar-
ket it could find with its exports, its imports remained
out of all proportion with those exports. (Hear, hoar.)
if that was not the cause of our present commercial
distress, he (the noble earl) should like to hear from her
Majesty's government what they consider it to be.
(Cheers.) And now he approaches -I another and even
more serious topic in the speech from the throne. Her
Majesty was made to "deplore the severe sufferings t 3
eihich many of her subjects in India bad bean exposed,
and while she grieved for the ex,ensive bereavements and
sorrows which it had caused, else had derived the greatest
satisfaction from the distinguished successes which had
attended the heroic exertions of the comperativey small
forces which hai been opposed to greatly superior num-
bers ;" and so forth. Far be it from him to say one
word to imply that be thou4htlittle of the private sorrows
which had fallen !Tem so many of oar countrymen aid
countrywomen. No doubt those bereavements had been
most painful, and some of them were accompanied by
circutnstancee af which they could not bear to think ;
but when their lordships read of private sorrows, and
an expression of syrr pathy for them which came grace-
fully from the lips of their sovereign, might th..ey rot
have likewise exaected the advisers of the crown would
have added come reference to the public calamity which
bad happened to the nation 1 It was not like an earth-
quake or a pestilence, or any great disaster of that
kind. It was not only that mon had fallen in battle, or
been stricken down by plague ; but our dominion was
shattered. Fcr the [11o:tow:Is an empire was lost, and
had to be reconquered ; and yet this public calamity
did not find so much as a place in tho speech her Ma-
jesty bad delivered from the throne. (Cheers ) He
(Lord Derby) should be lorr.tlto thick the words he
had quoted had conic from her Majesty herself, for he
should be sorry to think that h r Majesty used such
ungracious language ; but not so the paragraph which
followed :—" The gallantry of the troops employed
against the mutineer", their courage in actioe, their
endurance under privation, fatisue, and the effects of
climate ; the high spirit and self-devotion of the officers ;
the ability, skid, and persevering energy of the com-
manders, have c x.:ited my warmest admiration; and I
have observed with equal gratification that many
civilians placed in extreme difficulty and danger have
di-payed the highest qualities, including, in some in-
stances, nose that would do honour to veteran soldiers."
Every ono of their lot dships would agree with every
word of that sentence ; and he was bound to think that
each word, as it fell from the lips came from the heart
of her Majesty. (Loud cheers.) No words could do
justice to the gallantry, the perseverance, the intre-
pidity, theiflercuean labours of that small but heroic
band, in whose hands bad been left the salvation of ma'
Indian empire. (Cheers.) They had not only to contend
against surprise, and every discouragement ; but they
had had too much reason to fear that they were aban-
doned. They had had to encounter disparity of numbers,
which made the simple narrative of their exploits seem
fabulous; they had had to contend against the difficulties
of the climate ; but they had etruga,led and toiled,
and they had gained such a vantage ground for their
country that he hoped would lead to the ultimate solve-
Lion of the empire. (Loud cheers.) He (the noble earl)
almost feared to single out names from that bright
throng, NA he should do injustice to some who, if placed
in similar circumstances, would have deserved an equal
praise ; but he would venture to mention Wheeler,
Nicholson, Neill, Lawrence, Banks, the young Wil•
loughby, the devoted Salkeld, and Horne. All were
gone. They bad died the death of soldiers, and the laurel
which should have adorned their brow must now wave
lise cypress over their grave. (Cheers.) Among those
who still survived, and whom, even at the risk of doing
injustice to others, the would name—those gallant men
mentioned by his noble friend—and whose exertions and
successes seemed alike incredible—were those two won•
(let ful men, Havelock and Greathed. Gen. Greathed was
a young officer in a very subordinate station ; and from
the instances they had seen of young talent, when offi-
cers were brought forward and put in a positien in which
they could display it, he (the noble lord) drew the best
auguries for the fuSure. Gen. Havelock and his gallant
companions still lived—at least, he trusted they did—
and he hoped they would survive to reap the rewind of
their services. He trusted, too, that the heroic garri-
son whose succour they had attempted and partially
effected were already e' joying rest and the reward of
their long and gallant labours, with their gallant com-
mander ICA. Inglis), upon whom had been thrown a
degree of labour and anxiety that had rarely been ex-
ceeded. (Cheers.) He (Lord Derby) earnestly hoped that

no mischance had befallen the gallant officer he had
named ; but, he must say, they would look at the next
accounts they would receive with trembling ; for the
last left Havelock and Oatram in great peril. For some
time, their communications had been altogether cut off,
and they were separated from each other. He did most
earnestly hope that the rebels sent to their succour might
not arrive too late. (Cheers.) Hitherto, India had been
saved by the gallantry ofourmilitary officers. With their
stout hearts, their strong right hands, and their own
good swords, they had overcome every difficulty,
and he wished that they might all receive that portion
of applause to which they were so justly entitled. (Loud
cheers.) The noble lord the mover of the address had
deprecated any censure of Lord Canning. That was
hardly newie,sary, for ho (Lord Derby), at least, had no
wish to blame the noble lord. On the contrary, he wished
to speak of Lord Canning with every forbearance, not
only on account of the personal respect he entertained
towards him, but because he (Lord Canning) had been
placed in circumstances of such unparalleled difficulty,
that if he had not been in all respects equal to the situta
tion, there was not one man in ten thousand that would
have been so. Besides, it appeared that, long before
Lord Canning set foot in India, negotiations had been
going on, and that the Bengal army had been secretly
tampered with. His noble friend (Lord Portman), a-!-
verting to some local disturbances, said that a sort of
superstition had prevailed amongst the people that
"their time had come," and he went on to say that there
might have been a similar superstition among the Se•
poys. He (Lord Derby) believed that that was perfectly
true. He believed 'hat there had been various prophecies
and old sayings current, to the effect that the British
dotniuion would shortly come to an end, and that the
natives would regain their sway. But the very fact that
such a belief was known to be entertained, ought surely
to have furnished the strongest possible reason whyevery
precaution should he taken, and why no suspicious cir-
cumstance should be overlooked. The evidence contained
in the papers which had been laid before their lordships
proved, however, that such had not been the else.
Lord PORTMAN had not said that the belief in ques-
tion r. ally prevailed amongst the Sepoys, for he knew
nothing about the fact. He had only suggested that as
there had been such a popular feeling en the occasion
he bad referred to, there might have been a similar no-
tion amor get the native troops.
Lord DERBY had seen it stated in the papers within
the last three or four years that there was a belief cur.
rent to the eftsct that the British power would last 100
years ; and of course the 100 years, dating it from the
battle of Plassy would expire at about the present time.
(Hear, hear.) Now, just let their lordships look calmly
at the facts of the case and see whether the authorities
in India had been sufficientiy alive to the magnitude of
the danger. On the 23d of Jelly, 1857, Gen. Hearsey
reported that ;there was great uneasiness at Dumdues
about the greased cartridges. Oa the following day the
telegraph office at Barrackpore was burned down. On
the Bth of February Gen. Hearsey again reported to the
Government that the Sepoys were being tampered with
by the emissaries of the Kings of Oude and Delhi. On
the 9th he paraded the men and explained to them the
circumstances connected with these greased cartridges.
Oa the 11th he wrote to the Government —" We have
been resting upon a mine which might explode at any
time." Soon after this he wrote and told the Govern-
ment that there was a formidable conspiracy in the 19th
Naive Infaistry. On the 24,h and 25th the 19th Regi-
ment were visiting the 34:11, and they broke out into
open mutiny ; so much so that Colonel Mitchell was
compelled to temporise with the man. Somehow this
outbreak seemed to have alarmed the Government at
Calcutta, and they sent to Rangoon for the 84th, a
European regiment. From the beginning of February
to the 20th of March not a single step was taken on the
part of the Government to disabuse the minds of the
native soldiers on the subject of the greased cartridges,
if, indeed, their minds hal really been abused. The
Got erement had ascertained the character of the disaf-
fection which preva led amongst the troops ; but during
the whole of this time they never once thought—nor did
they thick at a later period—of the gross folly of which
they were guilty in leaving the great and important city
of Delhi, with all the munitions of war it contained,
without a single European soldier in it. (Hear, hear.)
Oa the 19. h of February the 34th broke cut in open
mutiny. An officer in freut of his rack was cut
down ha' one of his own Sepoys, who was belt
maddened with drink. This man walked up and
down for some tints, and no one attempted to arrest
him till news was brought to General Hearsey. General
Heaney, with the instinct of a soldier and a gen-
tleman, immediately mounted his horse, role up to the
regiment, and ordered the guard to seise the mutiaeer.
They refused ; and what did Gen. Hearsey do then !
D.d he temporise ! No. He rushed on the man and
seised him. The Sepoy attempted to fire at hien, but
the musket went off in the struggle and wounded the
man himself • and then Gen. Hearsay, with his own
hand, dragged him from the ranks and placed him in
arrest. (Hear.) Gen. Hearsey immediately reported
the affair to the Government. He had promoted on the
spot one of the subalterns who had stood by him, and
he rtglested that two others refight be mentioned in a
general order. But what tort of treatment did General
Hearsey receive fer this service He re c fisted thanks
certealuly—that could scarcely be refused—brat he re.,
ceived likewise a reprimand for having taken upon him-
self to promote an officer with consulting the autho-
rities at Calcutta ; and his request with respect to the
other two subalterne,wae refused. - (Cheer-.) On Feb.
19th this regiment broke out in open mutiny ; and on
March 30—six weeks afterwards—the Government de-
termined to inflict upon them a signal puni-liment. And
what did their lordships think that was ! They paid
thorn their wages and disbanded them. The men had
ha I amongst them emissaries of the King of Oude, who
had promised them, if they wouH leave the British ser-
vice, an increase of pay ; and yet t) pay them their
wages in full and disband them was the summary pun-
ishment which was expected to put an end to mutiny I
(Cheers.) Such a step was an act of mildness ; and when
the crier came down to Sir H. Lawrence, at Lucknow,
he refused to read it. All this time the 34th had been
allew:d to do duty, notwithstanding that it bad pas-
sively reloweel, and indeed actively assisted, in the murder
of one of its officers. Ths government in its insanity
al owed this regiment to remain till the end of April ; and
so great was their infatuation, that they actuelly ordered
the 84-.1 back to Rangoon, although it was the only
Europeon regiment they had. Fortunately it was at
this jets:aurahet the nant'ny broke oat at Luckoow, and
Sir H. Lawrence, like Gen, Hearsey, was equal to the
occasion. He anticipated the mutineers ; he surrounded
thorn by an irupoieg force ; and although a portion of
the troops by whom the mutiny was repressed consisted
of men in whom there was a mutinous spirit, he over-
awed them, and the result was they were disbanded. He
( Lord Derby)
would
thenotd
aas
vki whethersr
s of
f Lordin the
Canningwholece course
of these proceedings
shown either foresight or vigour, or any of those quali-
fications which it seas so desirable they ehoeld have
noseessed. Nor did he think that the Government at
horns had exhibited these wealities in any greaterdegree.
They had refused Irma the first to bel!eve in the serious
character of this revolt. His nettle friend (the Earl of
Ellenborouals) whose knowledge of India entitled his
opinion- to greeter weight than those of almost any other
man, and wrics seemed by instinct to have at o appre-
henceasei impress upon the Govt Lament the nsees-hyof
1 to be the Cassandra of the affair. He was
atnhdestelesl;:atne:a.c''il;nn'a' .I"ippdhy, neverho
eel sh' tprruoeLnimptpiotirjtdeof
twhae udto: no ',.fra
et
disregar led ; end the result had been the sac: ifice of
meny valeabie Britirth lives. Oa the 19th of May Lord
Ellenborough urged upon the Government the necessity
of sending out reinforcements; and he was told by Lord
Panmure that the state of affairs in India was not of a
character to excite alarm. On the 9th of June his noble
friend again called the attention of Government to the
at Ito of India. On the 11th of June the President of
the Board of Control, Mr. V. Smith, said—' I hope the
public will be under no alarm, for the promptitude and
vigour
tra evincedtion rrhynd Le obr.yl
GC5::11,1.
the 19th Regiment on tho instannliint,cfaa'r:deaYnt:hleitenhxecdeiels'niellennrtgdairt".lidgc
stirring speech he made on the occasion (which, as a
sample of military eloquence, I would recommend every
one to read), have completely put an end to all disaffec-
tion." On the 23..1 of June Mr. Smith said--" that the
only troops which' had been disbanded was the 19th
N.I. There was no intention to disband any other, un•
lees there should unfortunately arise (which he trusted
and believed would not be the case), a similar instance
of disaffection." On the 29th of June hie (Lard
Derby's) noble friend, in a most impressive speech,
pressed upon the G ivcrommt the necessity of sending
out with the utmost speed larger reinforcements, and
suggested that as it would be necessary to strip the
country of its regular forces, it would be desirable im-
mediately to call out the mili ia. Their lordship: would
probably remember with what cool indifference this
suggestion was met. The noble lord the President of
the Council (Earl Granville) said that the noble earl's
views of the danger were exaggerated, adding, " We do
not believe that the contingency, because we happen at
the same time to be at war with a part of China, and be-
cause this insurrection, however much to be deplored,
has broken out iu one part of our dominions, is to be
regarded with so much alarm as to compare it, for one
instant, with a struggle that might end in entire calamity
and disaster; and we should be loitering outeelves in
the eyes of the world if we did ao regard it." The militia
was, therelure, not called out. On the 25th an order
in council had been hailed susponding the calling out of
the militia for the year ; and en the lfith July Lord
vPieschonuenrsttsoanid, ‘e‘
was adred whether, under the circumstances,
he intended to revoke that order in council ! The noble
eams
takener e p
nothinga
place
does
riot
in it is
in the leleaptneenot
sOshar'yn;o,wi3 b
ht :It
in the slightest degree alter the views of her Majesty's
Government." In a very short time, however, the sug-
gestions of the opponents of the Government, as had
often happened, were adopted, but be (Lord Derby)
could not help thinking that it would have been well if
those ingestions had been followed a little earlier. It
reinforcements had been sent out as urged by his noble
friend, and if they had been despatched by the shortest
route, he (Earl Derby) ventured to say we should not
have had to encounter 1-10th part of our disasters and
difficulties ; many
lives unnecessarily sacrificed would
have been saved; and our gallant countrymen would not
have had to exclaim in the bitterness of their hearts while
summeuing up all their spirit and energy to continue
.gnsrance,
the struggle, " we are abandoned by the Government."
On 29th June Mr. V. Smith made a speech, which for
utter and hopeless ;
and
ohfesh:cpu
re t
had never heard equalled, but could not believe ever
could be equalled. (Laughter.) He still treated the affair
be (Lord Derby) not only
short time 14,000 men would be on their way to In ,
as a matter of small importance. He said that a.
t(lihelahuogubs.:
taking., The troops would be sent out eolely " a nif exag-
geratea-
y."
the crisis by the magnitude of the steps they were
"Luckily," said the right
lion. gentleman, " this outbreak bad taken ohms at
would not be led to
Dsilia which the right Lon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli)
chose to call a great city, and the ancient capital of the

I Mogul princes." Well, he (Lord Derby) hoped hie right
hon. friend had not
,committed any great blunder in
describing Delhi in those terms. But Mr. Smith went
on to say that it was lucky that the mutineers had gone
to Delhi, " because Gen. Anson wag rapidly approach-
ing"—to be sure it was at a season of the year which
`embeds very rapid marching—and Delhi was a city, or
rather a place, " which, from its peculiar position, might
be easily surrounded"—(laughter)— surrounded by the
large force which Gen. Anson was bringing with him,
and which would perhaps amount to 2,000 men when
they all arrived. (Laughter.) It was notorious („aid the
right hon. gentleman) that Delhi, from its situation,
might be easily surrounded, and then, " if we should
not be able to take it by force, we should have no diffi-
culty in reducing it by famine." Was there ever such
an instance of utter ignorance ? (Cheers and laughter.)
But the right hon. gentlemen proceeded : "Unfortu-
nately the mail left on the 27th, and he (Mr. Smith)
could not, therefore, apprise the house that Delhi had
been razed to the ground, but he hoped that by the next
mail they would learn that ample retribution had been
exacted from the mutineers." (Laughter.) Such was the
language of the Beard of Control, such were the know-
ledge and forethought displayed by the minister who
was peculiarly charged with the affairs of India.
(Elmar, hoar.) When the news of the revolt arrived,
the utmost sympathy was expressed on the part of
almost every European state. Early in the month of I
July the Sultan granted his firman, upon the applications
of Lord Stratford, for the passage of our troops by way
of the Red Sea. The Pasha voluntarily wrote to the Pe-
ninsular and Oriental Co., stating that if any British
troops were sent across his territory, not oely would he
give them every facility, whether they came in uniform
or out of uniform, but that they should have his own
hordes and carriages, and every facility should be afforded
them. It was not known so generally as it ought to be,
because it was the highest compliment that could be paid
to this country, and because it showed how wide-spread
was the sympathy which was felt for us by the most
powerful monarch in Europe—it was not generally
known, but the Emperor of the Fresish of his own acc rd
volunteered, if it would be any convenience to us for our
troops to go across France, he would not only allow
them to do so, but would place every facility in the way.
(Cheers.) Would it be believed ? The firman of the Sul-
tan, the offer of the Paella, and the promise of the Em-
peror were alike declined, and not a single soldier from
that time till Oct. 1 were sent by way of Suez. It was
said there would have been some difficulty ia point of
transport when the troops arrived at the Red Sea; but it
had been stated more than once, and never contradicted,
that Lord Elphinstone (whose services it would be injue-
tics not to acknowledge) offered to send a rapid steamer
to expedite the news, only Lord Canning told him there
was no hurry ; and he also offered to send steamers up
the Red Sea to bring on the troops. More than this, the
Peninsular and Oriente! Company offered in the month
of July to make such arrangements that the troops
might have been taken across the isthmus in 24 hours ;
and they likewise offered the use of their mail steamers,
which would carry 500 men each trip. Now, if that offer
had been accepted, the troops would have arrived at
B.imbay in 6 or 7 weeks after they left England ; and
consequently if they had left at the end of June, or the
beginning of July, they would have reached their desti-
nation early in August. But the Government declined all
the propositions, and they refused to avail theeasalves of
them. Sultan, Pacha, Emperor, 'and company, all were
alike declined; the Government resolved to trust to their
own resources. What happened? In the month of August
an application was made to the Court of Directors (who
from the first had wished to send out the troops across the
desert), to make the same arrangement with the Nein-
sular and Oriental Company, which had been offered and
refused. What he was about to state appeared so strange
that he harrily expected it to be believed, but he asked
bar Majesty's Government to contradict it if they could,
and if they did not contradict it he promised that he
would produce irrefragable evidence of the truth of it.
Some considerable time after these arrangements the
President of the Board of Control somewhat surprised
the Peninsular and Oriental Company by a letter which
he wrote to them to ask if a scheme might not be or-
ganised for sending troops to India by the company's
steamers. Now, this had been done for a considerable
thou both under the authority of bar Majesty's Govern-
ment and that of the Beet India C2mpany, and yet the
President of the Board of Control wrote to ask if it was
possible to organise a scheme for doing it. He asked
how, after what he had stated, the country could trust
to the vigour, the energy, the wisdom of those by whom
the government of India was administered. If the advice
of his noble friend Lord Ellenboroegh had been followed,
if the offer of the Pacha of Egypt bad been accepted, and
troops had been sent out in the month of July, or even in
the month of August, by the overland route, they would
have arrived, if sent out in the beginning of July, in the
middle of August ; but the first reinforcement—with the
exception of those belonging to the Chinese expedition and
a small force which came from the Mauritius—which ar-
rived at Calcutta for the Indian service, went out by the
Golden Fleece, which made an extraordinary quick pas-
sage of 63 days, and reached Calcutta at the latter end of
October. Now, look at the circumstances in whioh the
garrison of Lucknow was placed at this time—look at
the praitian of the relieving force, which was now inter-
cepted and besieged, and then tell him what would have
been the effect if the troops, which did not arrive till
the latter end of October, bad arrived in the middle
of August of in September. Why it they had Havelock's
movements would have been perfectly secure ; and if the
garrison of Lucknow with all the helpless women and
children in it fell before the barbarous enemy they had
to encouet.r, upon her Majesty's Government who'll" l
dtlaeed 'o send troops by the quickest route would be
the gull:. He hoped that her Majesty's Government
would not think that, because he bad felt it his duty as
a peer of Parliament to criticise their conduct, he and
those who acted with him were disposed to give them
one whit less cordial assistance in carrying out their
views. This was a case in which they felt that the Go-
vernment of the country, the men who were happy
enough to enjoy the confidence of the country and of the
sovereign, and who were responsible for the administra-
tion of public affeire, ought to be supported by every
man who had the interest of Isis country at heart as
warmly as if they had entire confitence in them. At
present they had to reconquer an empire, in the first
instance to re-establish their power, and then, when they
had done that, would be the time to take into considera-
tion what was a most important object, namely, the future
organisation of the Government. There was one rainful
subject to which he must allude before he sat down.
They had all heard the details of those fearful crimes
and those bib memo butcheries and barbarities at which
even at this distance the blood of every man who hea d
them boiled with indignation, and therefore he could
well believe that if they at this great distance had this
strong feeling, the men who had witnessed these scenes
of butchery, among the victims of wnich were perhaps
some to whom they were dearly attached, that the men
whose feelings had been shocked and horrified by the
scenes they had witneved—that those who came, while
the murdering and butchery were yet fresh, to that horrid
slaughter-house in Ceeenpore, who had seen the maag'esi
corpus of English women and children and the muti-
lated remains of Englishmen—he could easily understand
that those who had witnessed such scenes as this should
be transported to a degree of frensy which should partake
somewhat of the demoniacal character even of those by
whom these duds were perpetrated ; that, coming fresh
from the scene of the slaughter of their dishonoured
daughters and wives and mothers, they shoull
Gecasienally be inspired by a sort of tiger-like thirst for
blood ; that they should lose a'l control over their feel•
ings, and that for the moment they shouli become
almost as savage as those who committed these harbari-
ties. And vengeance, righteous retribution, sheuld 'be
taken for the vindication of outraged humanity, for the
security of Government, and for the restoration and
preponderance of our own power. Those who had
traitorously joined the ranks of our opponents, every
soldier who had taken arms against us, deserved the
penalty of death. But for those miscreants who had
perpetrated on the bodies of women and children atroci-
ties over which htpean nature compelled a veil of decency
to be drawn—fur those who had been guilty of unima-
ginable atrocities against human nature, for them
death was too mild a punishment. What punishment
was to be inficted when the men who were to be blown
from the cannon's mouth told them exultingly that they
died rejeicing that they had, with their own hand slaugh-
tered some three or four women 1 Such men were looked
upon as martyrs by their fellows. They should have the
heavier doom inflicted on theta of protracted life, with
the brand of Cain upon them—protracted life embittered
with painful c irportal punishment. They should lead a
life of hopeless and constant slavery, condemned to the
I most degrading punishment. Be they Brahmins of the
highest class, they should be the slaves of the lowest
Pariahe, and in hopeless slavery they should drag out
an existence from which they should think that death was
a relief, a terror to those who might be tempted to share
ia their guilt. Ho hoped that in what he had said he had
shown no desire of vengeance for vengeance sake. He
desired stern and unrelenting justice for:the sake of justice
and for the purpose of exciting terror among evil dcore.
But what he feared veal that the feeling against those
who had committed those horrors should be ex-
tended to all the native population. If the soldiers
at the capture of Delhi, in their thirst for vengeance
had sacrificed some innocent lives, that was a cir-
cumstance which was to be deeply deplored, though
they were hardly to be blamed for it. But he ha
seen letters which led him to think that every man
_witha
a white face in India thought that every man i h
black face was his natural enemy, and was to bev stint,
down without the slightest hesitation. Tnat was spirit
which could not ho allowed, which must be resdra.iniees,off
not by the principles of Christianity, by
the
inni
paw ay
souod policy. If such a state of things continued,
with all hope of ever recovering the empire of India.
Whatever might be their form of government, whatever
might be their law, these two things must be strenuously
borne in mind—they must convince the native, mime
more than he had over been convinced before, that they
were perfect masters of him and hie country. There
must be no half measures ; the native must feel that
England was his master, but that note ithistanding all
that has happened, that mastery was r xercised, not for
the lust of dominion, but far his own benefit, lie must
be, if theylpleased, a servant, but they must be his bene-
factors. And though they mutt bold Lelia by the
dominion of the sword and force, yet they must not
expect to govern it by the sword alone, unconnected
with the moral influence. One word more, and he would
quit this important subject, into which he bad been led
at greater length than be intended. The Royal Speech,
in mysterious terms, stated that the affairs of the East
India dominions would require their most serious consi-
deration, and they were recommended to their most
earnest attention. Now this paragraph meant anything or
nothing. No doubtsome of her Majesty's ministers would
do him the honour to follow him in this debate, and he
hoped that be should receive from them a distinct explan-
ation of this passage, and whether her Majesty's Govern-
ment intends d to bring forward any measures with regard
to the government of Ind a, lie meant with regard to the ~

constitution and the form of government, and the relative
powers now possessed by the East India Company and
the imperial Government, or whether it was their inten-
tion simply to call the attention of Parliament to the
subject by way of committee of inquiry. Now ho
earnestly hoped, if they intended to legislate upon it at
all, that they intended to legislate upon their own respon-
sibility. ("Hear, hear.) In 1852 he moved for the appoint-
ment of a committee of inquiry into the then state of the
government of India. That committee continued its
labours during the short session of 1852, and in 1853 its
deliberations were cut short by the act of the Govern-
ment which succeeded him, and which he certainly
thought very unfortunate, and they then ptoc:eded to
legislate on India, not withstanding the remonstrances
and the motion of a right hon. friend of his in the other
house. However, the act was passed, and after having
the act, her Majesty's then Government thought it net
cessary to continue the inquiry, though it seemed to him
it would have been more natural to have inquired first.
They continued the inquiry, and the result was a vast
amount of information. That information, as in the case
of the Bank Charter, was to the fullest extent. He did
not mean to say that there were not some points on
which they might have more information, but they had
sufficient information as to whether the present govern-
ment should be continued or whether any alteration
should be made in it, and he trusted, if it was intended
that this subject should form part of their deliberations,
that the legislation proposed should be on the respon-
sibility of Government. That the affairs of India, if it
were intended to legislate on the whole organisation of
that empire, would occupy their attention for the whole
cession he might venture to assert ; nay more, that they
would occupy the attention of the whole country for the
life of the youngest man among them. (Hear, hear.)
There was only one other subject to which his noble
tidied had adverte 1, and on which he thought it neces-
sary to add a word. His noble friend said it was the
duty of her Majesty's Government by all means in their
power to promote Christianity in India. No man
could be more desirous than he was that the blessings
of Christianity should be diffused as wide as possible,
and e pecially that its doctrines should exercise a whole-
some iefluence on minds so debased as those of the
population of India. Bat the more he wished that
Christianity should be spread in India, the more he
deprecated the intervention of Government in that
respect. (Hear, hear.) It they intended to place an
insuperable bar between the governing body and the
population—they had seen in the case of the greased
cartridges with what inflammable materials they were
dealing—and depend upon it if they meant to make the
settlement of their Indian empire impossible, they would
endeavour to convert the native to Christianity by the
influence of Government. He did not mean to say that
they should put the slightest impediment in tin w y of
missionary enterprise in India. He doubted whether
missionary enterprise 'retold be successful. He shoul
say, however, by all means give missionary enterprise
felt liberty ; but whatever they did, Government should
stand aloof from the two religions, and exercise no in.
fluence in conversion. We might not be able, and should
not for years be able, to trust Mahommedan or linden
as we had done, but we were bound not to do slavish
homage to their religion--not to conceal for a moment
that we were Christians—nay, by our conduct to show
that our religion was superior to theirs ; but we were
board to abstain in the most careful manner from any
the slightest violation of their religious prejudices or
their superstitious observances, however degrading we
might think them. If missionary enterprise in India
was to prosper at all, it must be by the enthts in iiffer•
enco of Government. There was only one other subject
to which he would advert, and that he would touch upon
as lightly as possible. lie meant the long-pending sub-
ject of Parliamentary Reform, which was included in the
speech from the throne, and had been treated with ex-
ceeding naederation by his noble friend, who " had
roared like a sucking dove." (Laughter.) Thia measure,
so far as appeared from the statement of his noble friend,
was merely to remedy some trifling defect, to make some
trifling alteration in the Reform Bill. If, said his noble
friend, it was intended to do anything more than this, he
knew nothing about it. (Laughter.) All he could say
was, be it a great or be it a small measure, if her Ma-
jesty's Government thought this was a suitable time for
introducing a measure of reform, be and thous who
acted with him were ready to give it the most de-
liberate, the most impartial, and the most dispas-
sionate considera ion. If it removed blemishes,
so much the better. Far from them to con-
tend that there were no blemishes. If to make im-
provements, so much the better ; provided they con-
sidered them improvements. But what he would wish
to impress upoa Government was, that as they had taken
a considerable time to think about it, perhaps it would
be advisable to give Parliament—he wnul ti not say as
much time, but some reasonable time to take into con-
sideration. The bill of course had been drawn long since.
(A. laugh.) The bill was drawn tvo or three years age,
and bat for the circumstances would have been brought
before the last Parliament. The bill, as he understood
from the apparent consent of bit noble friend, was in
readiness. Did he so understand him ? (Laughter.) At
all events, it was in a state of progress, as the lawyers
said, mo,• or less ; and being the work of a united Cabi-
net, he hoped that Government would lose no tone in
laying it before the house. There would be this advan-
tage in having this short session before Christina's, viz.,
that Government would have an opportunity of laying
i loafer.) Parliament while Parliament was sitting, that and
the other measures which they had prepared, and these
who were likely to support a large measure of reform,
and those who would support one considerably smaller,
would thus have an opportunity of considering the mea-
, sure proposed. lle had felt it his duty at considerable
length to offer some csenments on the speech delivered
from the throne, and to ask for some explanations. He
was happy to say, he did not find fault with the language
of the speech, and he did not intend to propose any
amendnasnt to the address. As he understood that it
was the wish of the GoTernnent not to deal with any
other question before the ordinary time for the meeting
of Parliament but ,that on which they were specially
summoned, he begged to assure his noble friend that, as
far as he was concerned and those who acted with hire,
they should be ready to give every facility for the des-
patch of business, so as to enable Parliament to adjoern
at the earliest possible period.
earl GRANVILLE—I am happily relieved from thene-
cessity of following the noble earl at any great length, and
will therefore confine myself to a few of his observations.
The noble earl commenced his speech by saying that we had
never met on an occasion when the circumstances of the
country were of such deep gloom as the present. But, my
lords, there have been within our own recollection tines of
groat alarm, of great suffering, of great danger, and every
one must fuel it a consolation that the country surmounted
those trials, that she became more rich and powerful than
before, and was not in fact injured by the struggle which
had taken place. And though I quite agree with the noble
Earl as to the gravity of the circumstances by which we
are surrounded, yet I must remind you that in'each one of
those circumstances there already appears a gleam of sun-
shine,
and that there is not the least reason for supposing
that this country will not again be able to overcome her
temporary difficulties. (Hear, hoar.) The noble Earl on
former occasions always afforded me singular interest and
pleasure by the manner in which ho criticised the a,ldresses
proposed by the Government to her Majesty, and the
singular dexterity and the great power of analysis which
he used to bring to bear on those productioue ; but on the
present occasion he has entirely confined his criticism to
faults of omission and not of commission by the Govern-
ment:. The nobles Earl began by lamenting the want of
information in the Royal Speech as to the state of our
foreign relations, end expressing some distrust lest the
Government might be keeping something back which
might cause apprehension. Ncw, my lords, the fact is,
the Government have no other reason to regard our rbla-
Lions with foreign Powers than with the most intense
satisfaction and pleasure, for at no period have our rela-
tions either with the European Powers, or with the United
States of America, been on a more perfectly satisfactorily
footing. (Hear, hear, and cheers). The only cause to
which ho alluded as likely to bring about dissatisfaction
or disunion was with regard to the Principalities ; but I
have the pleasure of informing him that Congress will
meet on those principles which have been already laid
down. On a late occasion a decision was not come to be-
cause there was insufficient information, and it was
desirable to gather the opinions of the Principalities, and
also the opinion of that Power which sinks most importantly
engaged in their interests; but France and England
are perfectly united—they assent to the principles
concurred in by the whole of the European Powers—
that it is essential to secure to those Principalities,
without danger to the whole of Europe, the greatest
possible amount of happiness. (Hear, hoar.) I cannot
help thinking that tjhokate.theTihi.o)blree,e,sa,rnl's
tchoomtpnlaAnhtinagbouhtasCbheionna
is 60110,11
so clearly explained by. the noble earl rile
hd indeed,
toh raetaisto
wouldwas
(hear.) If that
done in China is so notorious,
halendea,
be childish in me to give explanations.
lyand judiciously called for
wcohredially and discreetly afforded
by Lord Elgin,
fboyrcLe hadn 13;:dennnot
o
been turned away from its pur-
posethan adequate for ac ceoxmi gpel ischYi'n igt a lwl °t
ah it
Lh oarvd Elgin
been
more
for a more pressing
had instructions to obtain. There might then have been
how far the whole of the Chinese empire would
an opinion
kayo engaged in the quarrel, but it is now pretty clear
thaty
Cdiumissioner Yeh will be loft to fight his own
battles ; and never was there a time when our intercourse
was more satisfactory -with the rest of the Chinese empire;
and I believe, as soon as eve are able to send some troops,
even a smaller number than we orginally intended, we will
come to a satisfactory issue upon the Chinese question.
The noble earl then very naturally dwelt upon the point
with respect to which Parliament has been assembled—l
mean the measures fcr indemnifying the directors of the
Bank of England. The noble earl asked me a question
which I ant net perfectly sure he is entitled to ask, or is
entitled to expect me to answer. (hear, hear.) The noble
earl asked me whom her Majesty's Government had con-
sulted on this question,
and by whom they bad been ad-
vised. Now, that is a question which I maintain lam
am not bound to answer ; because her Majesty's Govern-
ment are responsible for the measure, and upon them alone
the responsibility of it must weigh. But Ido think it
right to state what were the the facts of the cave. They
were these : Whilst her Majesty's Government did act
upon their own responsibility, they did not act with-
out a full km) e ledge of the facts upon which that re-
sponsibility was taken. And it was a knowledge of
those facts which convinced them that if they did not
interfere, most serious consequences to the count- et. and to
the commercial world at large must have ensued.
Upon this it was that they proposed to take their
stand. The noble earl said : You should have gone fur-
ther,and have stated your reasons for not agreeing with
me in thinking that this act should be entirely changed--
that although in ordinary times it succeeded well enough,
yet in times of panic it only increased difficulties. But I
of the Bank Charter Act. At
do not thick that this is the right moment, for entering on
a discussion as to the merits
this much, that it is not
,
the intention of her slaje.. ty's Government to propose any
the same time I am ready to state
p cpt advised, they do not think
res
but there was a committee of
any Commons, not to b 3 appointed, but already,
the House of
inn:tended that they should bo re-
appointed , and
change'
v such eihn tchhiasnageet.dAelaab e ;
appoiutel
next
subwitted, and would bo carefully considered. Her Ma-
jesty's Government did not, of course, pledge themeelvto