The Sun.
London, England, 1861-07-03 00:00:00

THE SUN; LONDON, 'WEDNESDAY 7" EVENING, JULY 3, 1861.

and districts in England and Wales, and to the amount of
and mode of compensation, ifany, to be provided for the loss
of fees or other rights and privileges occasioned to them by,
the closing of churchyards and burial grounds under the
said acts.
Mr. WES TREAD seconded the motion, showing that
the clergy had suffered materially by the change which had
taken place.
Mr. HADFIELD objected to the words speaking of com-
pensation. He moved as an amendment that the resolution
be confined to the districts within the " Bills of Mortality,"
and that the words relating to compensation be left out.
Mr. NEWDEGATE contended that it was never in-
tended that the alterations which were made some years ago
in reference to intramural burial grounds on sanitary con-
siderations should deprive the clergy of the emoluments
which were necessary to their maintenance.
Sir M. PETO supported the motion, believing that there
was £40,000 a-year in the hands of the Ecclesiastical Com.-
mission which was applicable as compensation to the clergy
in question.
Sir G. LEWIS said that the Act of Parliament which
closed the burial grounds gave powers to parishes to provide
parochial burial grounds, and gave the incumbents the same
rights in reference to them as they had over the church-
yards. There was, however, no doubt that many clergymen
had suffered by the change ; but he was not prepared to ad-
mit that burial fees were a part of the endowment of the
church, or for the maintenance of the clergy. They were a
remuneration for a special service, and if those services
were not performed no claim for compensation arose, and it
was unnecessary to issue a commission, the fact of the issu-
ing of which would affirm the principle of compensation, to
which no fund was applicable, or could be properly created.
Mr. WHITESIDE argued that the Legislature having
done a practical injustice, was bound to repair it.
Mr. ROEBUCK said that the profits of turnpike roads
had been much diminished by railroads which were sanc-
tioned by Parliament, and no compensation had been given
to the lessees of the tolls, and that was a parallel case to
this, in which no compensation had been given.
After some further discussion Mr. HADFIELD withdrew
his amendment, and on a division the motion was nega.
tived by 59 to 48.

pa; t of that unfortunate State before the first partition. Car-
tel treaties, commercial prohibitions, frontiers hermetically
sealed against the ingress of merchandise and the egress of
men, and all the macinery by which jealous States protect
what they call their interests, formed no part of the system
of government which was promised to the several portions
of Poland. But in defiance of stipulations Russia has now
advanced the strict cordon of her prohibitive system to the
furthest western limits of the Emperor's dominions."

English goods were once admitted into Poland with a
duty of 5 per cent. ; now they were practically prohibited,

and were so at the period mentioned. What was the loss
to the commerce of England by the prohibitory laws of
Russia in Poland? It was calculated at £1,000,000 per

annum. But that calculation did not take into account what
would have been the effect of the free trade policy England
adopted 15 years ago. Poland was one of the great corn-
growing countries of Europe; and the free trade policy of
1815-46-17, had much increased that loss of £1,000,000. But
that was not all. Russia prohibited the export of corn from

power to hope to establish permanently an independent
- -

- .
Government of Poland. The honourable gentleman has

alluded to the period of the Congress of Vienna. I must
say I think that everything that could be done by British
diplomacy was done by Lord Castlereagh at that time. It

is evident that Lord Castlereagh wished, when Europe was
to be reconstructed, that Poland should rise from her ashes,
and should again possess an independent Government. We
may observe, in the correspondence of the time, that when
the Emperor Alexander I. expressed a wish that there
should be a kingdom of Poland, and that he should be the
possessor of it, Lord Castlereagh always said he desired the
independence of Poland, but that he could not conceive
that that independence was consistent with Poland being
placed under the dominion of the Emperor of Russia.

Whatever Lord Castlereagh, with the assistance of France

and Austria might have done, was completely thwarted and
set aside by the event of the landing of Napoleon from Elba.
From that time all the Powers of the Continent began again

that work which they thought they hal carried to a com-
pletion the year before. Their whole Attention and their
most mighty efforts were devoted to checking the ambition
of Napoleon, and to confining within due limits the power
of France. At that time, therefore, the independence of
Poland was not thought of, and I must say that although
there was a wish, as was shown by the articles of the
Treaty of Vienna, that the Polish people should have cer-
tain liberties, and certain privileges, that wish has been
very imperfectly accomplished by the terms of the treaty
which was agreed to. It was agreed that Poland should
be united to Russia by a constitution—that she should have
national institutions and national representation, but it was
said in a subsequent part of the article that those national
institutions and that national representation should be given
by Russia, by Austria, and by Prussia in the manner which
those Governments should think most suitable. That, of
course, left a very wide scope for interpretation, but beyond
that there was a feeling which acted from that time, and
which is acting at the present time, namely, that while the
Emperor Alexander I. wished to retain hiti power
over Poland, at the same time he wished to grant to
Poland large privileges and to make it, at all events, a
flourishing province under the name of the Kingdom of
Poland, but the general feeling at St. Petersburg, the seat
of power, was that Poland ought not to be indulged with
privileges more large and more liberal than were granted to
Russia. The consequence of these opposite feelings was
that to which the hon. gentleman has alluded. The hon.
gentleman has said that the Treaty of Vienna was violated.
Ido not wish to enter upon that question. We are certain
of this, that dissensions between the Government of Russia
and the people of Poland broke out into insurrection and
'civil war, and a conflict was for some time carried on. At
the termination of that contest the Emperor of Russia set
about, not to utterly incorporate Poland with Russia so as
to abolish the name of Poland, but he did deprive the
Poles of the privileges which they had hitherto enjoyed. He
deprived them of a national representation—of anything
like representative institutions, and of a national army,
which had hitherto been their greatest pride. Russian in-
stitutions were imposed upon them, and many grievous
wrongs were suffered bythem. (Hear.) During the administra-
tion of Earl Grey my noble friend who was then Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs, addressed several despatches
to the Russian Government. The hon. gentleman asks for
those despatches. They were written 30 years ago, and
I don't think there can be any public injury arise from
giving those despatches. (Hear, hear.) The house will
then see that my noble friend contended that the Treaty
of Vienna was still to be carried out in its true spirit; that
by its spirit Poland ought to have a separate constitution,
and the house will see how it has arrived that the Govern-
ment of Russia has put forward a species of right of con-
quest, and assumed the right of abolishing all the privi-
leges of Poland under the treaty. The hon. gentleman,
alluding to a subsequent period, has said that England had
declined the task of reconstructing Poland, and that, there-
fore, she was guilty of contributing to the evils which
Poland has suffered. I do not think that charge is justified
by anything that has occurred. The hon. gentleman will
see that to the partition of Poland Great Britain was a
stranger, and my belief is that if, at the time of the Crimean
war, it had been proposed to restore Poland with all her
former provinces, both Austria and Prussia would, in all
probability, have joined Russia to prevent the accomplish..
ment of such a plan. (Hear, hear.) Now, as to this ques-
tion, I must say I hope the house will consider what is be-
coming the dignity of this nation, and what is the duty of
the British Minister who is to represent it. There are
Powers with whom you may hold most friendly communi-
cation, even with respect to their own internal arrange-
meats, but with regard to Russia, as I have said on former
occasions, I cannot believe that any representation we could
make upon the subject of the Russian Government in Po-
land would be met in any other way than by a declaration
that the Government was conducted in the best manner,
and that the advice of England respecting it was quite out
of place. If that be the case, would it become us to make use-
less representations ? Is there anyone who will say that we
ought to interfere further—that we ought either by our-
selves or by endeavouring to form alliances with other
Powers to break with Russia—to make war, in fact, with
Russia with the view of establishing the independence of
Poland ? I will not go into general principles, nor will I
enter upon a consideration of the evils that would be caused
by a principle of constant interference, but I will only say
that I think, with regard to Russia, that it would lead to a
disastrous war, and, in the present situation of Poland, I do
not believe that her independence can be achieved by such
means. And therefore, whatever may be our sympathies for
Poland, I believe her interest points to tranquillity, and to
petitions and requests for a more liberal form of Government,
and for institutions similar to those granted at Vienna, and
not to any hardened insurrection against the poaver of Russia.
I believe, moreover, the confidence of Poland would be en-
tirely misplaced if she expected that any of the Powers of
Europe would join her in such an attempt. Still, looking
to a distant period, one cannot bu.. think that for a people
endowed with so much courage, and which has so long kept
alive the holy flame of national existence, a time is reserved
when she may recover her ancient glory, and take her place
among the nations of Europe. A matter to which my hon.
friend the member for Pontefract has alluded gives us en-
couragement with regard to this subject. Within a very few
years we have seen great changes in several of the nations
of Europe in the direction of representative constitutions, of
greater freedom of person, greater freedom of the press, and
greater encouragement of those powers which bad Govern-
ments take away, and which good Governments are delighted
to see their subjects enjoy. (Hear, hear.) Russia has made a
step in that direction. The Emperor of Russia, with great
boldness as well as with great liberality, has declared that
within a period of two years the institution of serfdom shall
be completely abolished. One cannot but think that modifica-
tions will be consequent on this great organic change ; and
that if, as seems to be the case, constitutional and represen-
tative governments are to prevail in France, in Italy, and in
Germany, in Russia also the germs of representative go-
vernment will at length take root, and finally grow up into
a healthy plant. One cannot but think that in Russia also
these advantages of free communication of thought, and of
guarantees for personal liberty will be acquired by the im-
proved and enlightened condition of her nobles, and by the
popular spirit which will grow up when nobles and serfs will
no longer be placed in antagonism. Whenever a change of
that kind takes place in Russia the feeling will no longer
prevail which is now entertained by nearly every Russian—
a feeling of jealousy towards Poland, and a desire that she
should not have privileges and liberties which are totally
denied to the emt ire to which he belongs. But while I
look forward hopefully to the future history of Poland, I am
convinced that any hasty, premature intervention on the
part of this country would be neither justifiable nor wise.
I cannot say that I wish to maintain any relations with
Russia but those of a friendly nature, and from the extended
relations of ccmmerce between the two countries, I believe
it is for the interest of both that they should remain on
amicable terms. It is not, as I conceive, either for our own
interests, or for the interests of Poland that we should be
continually making representations to Russia with regard
to her mode of government. I offer no opinion with re-
gard to the institutions which have lately been given to
Poland, but they arc institutions which seem to me to de-
rive all their authority, and to depend for the spirit in which
they aro to be administered upon the will of the Emperor—
(hear, hear)—as they are all to depend for their existence
upon his pleasure. Still, it is impossible that district and
provincial councils and municipal bodies can continue to
act and be elected without effecting improvements in the
condition of the people, and indeed the most patriotic Poles
have of late years tuvred their attention to national objects
under the guise—I will not say under the disguise, because
I believe their efforts in that direction are genuine—but an-
der the guise of agricultural improvement. The amend .
ments which must thus be accomplished in the condition of
the people by the promotion of knowledge and of education
will all tend to the progress of the nation, and, therefore,
while I do not think any active co-operation on our part
would be wise, I believe Poland, so far from being destined
to political extinction, will by a gradual and peaceful course
of enlightenment, at length resume her place among the
nations of Europe. (Hear, hear.)
Sir 11. VERNEY said the speech to which the house
had just listened was the most hopeful sign for Poland
which he remembered in the course of a long Parliamen-
tary experience. That the spirit of that nation was ad-
mirable had been shown by the late events at Warsaw,
when, instead of flying to arms, the population tranquilly
exposed themselves to be shot down, desiring no more glo-
rious fate than to suffer for the independence of their
country, and, by their martyrdom, to attract the sympathy
of the nations of Europe. While nothing could be more
dangerous than to allow themselves to be deceived by any
expression of opinion in that house into the belief that
Englsnd would rush into war for their sake, the Poles
should never forget that in any peaceful efforts for the
establishment of their liberties England and France would
gladly co-operate.
Mr. WHITE could not join the hon. member for Buck-
ingham in his exuberant eulogy of the noble lord's speech,
which he must say abounded in the feeblest platitudes
that could be uttered on a great question. From that
speech one moral was to be gathered—viz., that if a great
Power were guilty of any enormity or atrocity its conduct
would not provoke a protest from this country. Despatchesi
were freely written respecting the late King of Naples,
butre
pecting Greece, Turkey, Brazil, Spain, and Portugal,
when a great Power was concerned a remarkable reticencewas observed, which induced people out of doors to think