The Sun.
London, England, 1861-12-21 00:00:00

among an audience of Britishers, to an effect so
unmistakeable in its arrogance, almost, we had
said, insolence that two opinions could hardly be
entertained as to the views with which the Ame-
ricans of the North regard the present situation of
affairs between themselves and ourselves. Was
there not one American gentleman the other day at
a provincial assemblage consisting almost entirely
of true-born, patriot Englishmen, who yet, in de-
fiance of the natural feelings of his hearers, had
the exquisitely good taste to aver that were he him-
self in authority at Washington, he would hang SLI-
DELL and MASON, and then—if England must needs
have them delivered up—send their dead bodies
across the Atlantic as a substantial compliance with
the demands of the English Government. Remem-
bering that this was said—not to an American
audience, but, as we have remarked to an audience
composed almost entirely of Englishmen, and that
the place in which these extraordinary remarks
were uttered was not, as the phrase is, within a
hundred miles of New York, or of Washington, but
within the limits of one of the loyal counties of
England—we may draw our own conclusions ! The
animus of the Federal citizens may from this and
from various other kindred incidents be conjectured
with pretty tolerable accuracy.
As to ourselves, as to the feelings with which the
situation is regarded by the English people and the
English Government—those could hardly have been
in any way more clearly indicated than they were
only the other day through that noble cartoon in
Punch—our own serio-comic Pasquin or Charivari.
Without one particle of passion or irritation, calmly,
resolutely—England is now Waiting for a Reply.
While she is thus waiting in Dumb Expectancy,
little halcyon rumours of better tidings flit every
now and then across her field of vision. How
wholly illusory these are, however, let the following
intimations from Lord PALMERSON'S organ serve
to demonstrate. The Morning Post of to-day thus
remarking :
" In the present state of the public mind the craving for
news from America is naturally so great that every word
that comes with any authority from the other side of the
Atlantic is invested with an undue importance. Thus it
happens that because Mr. ADAMS has received a despatch
from Mr. SEWARD which is of a friendly character to this
country, and discusses in fair and pleasant terms the mat-
ters with which it deals, exaggeration is swift to lay hold of
the circumstance, and puff it up to the largest dimensions.
People whispered yesterday, and then said openly, that the
American Government had written to disavow the act of
Captain NVILIEEs, that Mr. LINCOLN was ready to apologise,
and that the whole difficulty was settled. We are sorry to
have to dissipate these too easily-raised illusions. They aro
quite ungrounded, for, if we are not misinformed, the de-
spatch in question does not in any way whatever refer to
tho outrage on our mail steamer. It deals only with some
of the current business between the two Governments.

" It is quite vain to attempt to speculate with any cer-
tainty upon the momentous issue pending at Washington.
All that we can fairly say we know is, that if the banking
and commercial classes have sufficient interest with the
Government, peace is tolerably secure; but if the mob is
in this instance to have its sway, the worst may be ap-
prehended.
" Of one thing the country may be perfectly confident.
The instructions of Lord LYONS are such as become an
English Government. With all that is due to our dignity,
they combine such a judiciousness and temperance of pro-
cedure that the American most tender of his pride will be
unable to complain of our course as menacing or haughty.
Confident in the justice of our claim, and resolved to vindi-
cate it, it becomes us to insist without rudeness and to act
without passion."

Relying then upon the justice of our course, and
calm in our resolution to uphold it coute gui coute,
England awaits now eagerly but tranquilly the
answer that may be vouchsafed to her from Wash-
ington. She does so—Hoping for Peace, but pre-
pared for War.

If we may assume, and we know no reason why
we should not, the truth of the telegram from Berne,
it is certainly a curious process for informing the
English public of what so deeply concerns it.
Nothing, probably, could afford a stronger proba-
bility, we might say.certainty, that America will
yield in the case of the Trent than that France
should strongly declare for the English view of the
question. That the two greatest Powers of the
world, and those maritime Powers, should be of one
mind respecting what should be deemed an outrage
to a neutral flag, would make it such simple folly for
America to resist, that she could even, without
dishonour give way to simple considerations of
force, and her inability to withstand it. Nor can it
be said that France is an intermeddler ; the case con-
cerns all nations which have a flag and its honour
to sustain, and probably the feeling amongst the
French marine is very similar to that which per-
vades our own. It is such that an English sailor
would be ashamed to meet a French sailor if his
flag would not be protected, as the Frenchman
might safely boast his own would be.

The circular, of which we receive the contents
from Berne, must surely have reached also the
Count DE FLAIIAULT, and we should have been
much obliged to him if he had given us its contents
sooner. It is not easy to conceive anything much
more important on this side the water, next to our
own action, than that the French Government
should declare "that the arrest of Messrs. MASON
and SLIDELL was contrary to the principles which
are regarded as essential to the security of neutral
flags." The:opinion alone would be of high signifi-
cance at Washington ; but when it is added, " The
circular states that the French Government have
deemed it necessary to submit this opinion to the
Cabinet at Washington, in order to determine it
to make concessions which the former consider in-
dispensable," we can hardly doubt that the effect
on the Washington Government will be decided.
We, indeed, should not ask of France, and France
would not offer, to share with us offensive mea-
sures if requisite to obtain satisfaction ; but the
moral effect of the old friend of the
revolted colonies in their war of indepen-
dence now telling them that he cannot tolerate
such abuse of independence, would paralyse their
courage. It would have the same effect as the
sympathies of England had in the Italian struggle.
It would be the stimulus, to the advocates of right,
of a great, highly civilised, and not prejudiced
nation encouraging their efforts ; while the dis-
couragement to the defenders of the outrage would
be proportionately strong. It can hardly be doubted,
we think, now, notwithstanding the former denials
of the ltfoniteur, that the hasty return of General
SCOTT was due to his having been, and very pro-
perly,
made acquainted with the views of the Euro-
pean Governments. IV e fear, however, he can hardly
arrive in Washington before the seven days allowed
for the reply to Lord LYONS' communication will
have elapsed. It seems probable that at best he
may be able to send a telegraphic message to Wash-
ington as soon as he lands.
We see that our contemporary the Daily News
is still in favour of permitting the Americans to
refer the case to arbitration. It would do so
on the around that international law is founded so
diversely on both precedent and the dictates of
common sense, that the case must share the per-
plexities and uncertainties of the grounds of such
law. Yet it cannot be denied that the necessity of
a regular adjudication by a prize court, is the
grand distinction between piracy and legitimate
seizure. The American law insisted as strongly on
this point as any country. Indeed, the language