The Sun.
London, England, 1859-05-02 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, MAY 2, 1859

of this country. There has been a state of things
in the City of London for the last few days such as is
hardly to be remembered of any former period.
There has been a state of ruin—the failure of per.
sons to such a number as I am almost afraid to
mention—agitation in the public funds, and a great
depression of property. No v, I have no hesitation
in saying that to a most serious extent these cala-
mities have been caused irrespectively of the real
state of affairs on the Continent, which undoubtedly
is alarming enough. I have no hesitation in saying
that this panic has arisen in a great degree from the
want of due caution on the part of some portions
of the public press in publishing prematurely, and
in an exaggerated form, intelligence likely to create
the greatest alarm, and for which, unquestionably,
they could not have had authority sufficient to
justify publication. I think I may justly express
a hope that those who conduct the affairs of the
press with such great ability—an ability felt in
every corner of the country—will, remembering
the momentous character of the events that may,
under existing circumstances, be from time to time
passing on the Continent, and the likelihood of ex-
aggerated or false reports being spread in reference
to these events, feel the necessity of acting with
great caution, and will, bearing in mind the respon-
sibility of their position, be cautious not to make
public any communication of a startling nature
without being thoroughly informed of the accuracy
of what they state. (Hear, hear.) lam afraid we
can hardly flatter ourselves that war can be averted.
I believe there is no doubt that in the course of
yesterday—but not before, as you have been told—
the Austrian army did cross the Ticino. That is the
information which her Majesty's Government re-
ceived yesterday morning, and of the correctness of
which I believe there is no doubt—namely, that it
was certainly the intention of the Austrian generals
to invade the Sardinian territory by crossing the
Ticino yesterday, or last night. That is the in-
telligence by telegraphic despatch from Vienna.
French troops have been poured in, especially
by Genoa, so that the whole of that part
of Europe is bristling with arms. The Italian
States are in insurrection in consequence, and
everything at this moment does certainly por-
tend a sanguinary war, in which possibly all the
great Powers of Europe may be—indeed, I might
say must be—more or less concerned. It is impos-
sible to view such a state of things without a very
great anxiety. The only one Power which has a
reasonable hope that it may continue to be disen-
gaged and disentangled from this unhappy struggle
is this free land in which we have the happiness to
live. (Hear, hear.) At present there is no reason
why we should be at war with any Power in
Europe. (Hear, hear.) We are on friendly terms
with every great Power in Europe. We have
received friendly assurances of the most recent date
even from those two great Powers which are, by
public repute, supposed to be engaged in an alliance
injurious to this country—l mean France and
Russia. But, gentlemen, you will all be aware that
while at this moment we have no quarrel with any
Power in Europe, while it should be widely and
thoroughly understood by the country that the view
of the Government is to maintain a continuing,
honourable, and dignified neutrality—that that is
the policy of the Government; yet, as citizens of
this great country, we must all bear in mind that,
if unhappily this war should become protracted—if
unhappily, as is but too probable, the great Powers
which are distant from the scene of action should
be drawn into the struggle month after month, or,
as may happy year after year, it must in such a
state of things become more difficult for England
to maintain her neutrality. (Hear, hear.) You must
remember how our commercial interests—our im-
perial and colonial interests—are mixed up with
every part of Europe. Look to the Mediterranean
and the importance of our possessions there, and
bear in mind the importance of maintaining to
England her connection with India. Look to our
trade, ramifying through the Mediterranean and
the altic, to every quarter of the world. Our
interests are so mixed up with those of other parts
of Europe that while the policy of her Majesty's
Government is neutrality—while the intention of
her Majesty's Government is neutrality, the country
must consider that the day may come when it will
be difficult to persevere in the maintenance of that
neutrality. (Hear.) But, gentlemen, sincerely do I say
that I hope these difficulties may not arise. (Hear,
hear.) I assure you the constant efforts of the
Government—the unceasing efforts of the Govern-
ment, will be directed to the one great and para-
mount object; that even after war has commenced
and blood has been shed we shall labour to—if pos-
sible, and as soon as possible—restore the peace of
the world. (Great cheering.) Let it not be sup-
posed that the Government, any more than the
people of this country, are insensible to the sym-
pathy which in this free laud must be felt for any
nation labouring under the bad government and the
domestic oppression which the Italian States have
endured. Do not let it be supposed that we are
insensible to that sympathy which free men every-
where feel for the rising liberties and constiutional
institutions of the kingdom of Sardinia ; but these
are not reasons for embarking in a sanguinary war.
(Hear, hear.) Let us endeavour to improve the
institutions of Italy, if we can, by friendly inter.
vention, friendly remonstrance, and the interposition
of friendly feeling on the part of the great powers
of Europe ; but sure I am that we shall not pro-
mote those objects by lending ourselves to war—if
it go on, but God grant it may not—its result as
regards Italy is too likely to be that, instead of
restoring liberty or giving her the basis of a free-
dom such as the people of this country enjoy, the
struggle will eventually be maintained to decide
the question whether she shall change hands and
come under the grasp of one despotic tyrant instead
of that of another. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I have
now stated to you frankly the views of the Govern-
ment. (Hear, hear.) lam sure you will feel that
to carry out those views—to protect our interests
—to protect our honour—to make our neutrality
respected—to make our power felt—it is impera-
tively necessary that England shall be powerful—
(cheers)—it is imperatively necessary that England
shall be prepared for events. (Renewed cheers.)
Accordingly the GOvernment have decided to take
strong measures ; in fact, to take whatever mea-
sures may be necessary to increase our power, and,
above all, to increase it in that arm which is the
greatest strength and the right hand of England,
and by which at this moment more than by any
other means we can assert our influence and power
—I mean by strengthening the navy. (Loud and
continued cheering.) The Government have re-
solved to immediately take such steps as may be
necessary to provide for that deficiency which un-
happily exists in the manning of our fleets. We
have already reinforced our squadron in'the Medi-
terranean ; we have already reinforced our squad-
ron in the Channel; but we shall take further
steps, and we shall not hesitate to adopt any mea-
sures which we may think necessary to put the
fleets of Enghind in a position which shall ensure
our safety. (Great applause.) Gentlemen, whether
the measures which I have just glanced at, both
domestic and foreign, should be carried out by the
Government which is now existing, or by one
formed of those who are now endeavouring to sup-
plant and succeed us, must be determined by the
result of these elections which are now going on.
I believe I may say for my colleagues, and
I am certain I may say for myself, that what-
ever may be the verdict of the country
we shall bow to it respectfully and con-
tentedly. If it be the desire of the country
that the existing administration should continue at
the head of affars we shall continue to do that
which we have done for the last 14 months, to de-
vote our energies and continuous exertions to the
faithful discharge of those duties which our Sove-
reign has imposed upon us. (Hear, and cheers.)
If it be the pleasure of the country that the Go-
vernment should change hands, and that we should
not receive from the House of Commons that sup
port which shall enable us to carry on the public
business with advantage to the empire, weshall bow
to that decision. We shall only hope that our suc-
cessors may be animated by the spirit, at least, of
honesty, which has animated us—(hear, hear)—
and I believe that my colleagues and myself will be
able to look without shame on the period during
which we have conducted the affairs of England.
(Hear, hear.) But I have a strong confidence that
the feeling of the people will be that we have done
our duty—(hear, hear)—that if the peace of Europe
has been broken it was owing to no fault of ours ;
and that the great interests of this country have
been safe in our hands. (Enthusiastic cheering.)
For myself I can say that if I am to continue in
the arduous post which I have now the honour to
fill I will as long as health and strength are granted
to me, discharge the duties of my office in the best
manner I can for the public interests —(cheers)—
but I assure you the labour of that post is most
severe. I do not believe that any man, however
blessed with good health, could continue to fill my
office for any great number of years without having
his health impaired and injured by the labour
which it involves ; but while I hold the-post I shall 1
endeavour to do my duty, and redeem those pledges
which I gave, not only to you, but, through you,
to the public, when I came before you on my ac-
ceptance of office some 14 months ago. I then told
you that I should distribute the patronage of the
office as fairly and impartially as I could. Gentle-
men, I can now say that I have done that. (Hear,
hear.) The patronage of that office is necessarily
very large. I have had to strengthen the fleet, and
to appoint officers to command our ships ; and I
am free to say that I have, in every case, asked,
" Who is the best man P" (Hear, hear.) I can ,
further assert that in nine cases out of ten when I
appointed the person whom I believed to be the best
man I have not considered and have not known