The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-28 00:00:00

and verbal instructions of the Government, who acts
with greater powers, who goes over Lir a special purpose,
who does not supersede the local agent, but who, by
virtue of the right he carries, may accomplish the peace-
ful purpose for which he has gone out. That is the case
with Lord Elgin. It is in point with the mission of Lord
John Russell to Vienna, who did not supersede Lord
Westmoreland, our Minister there. It is in point with
the mission of Lord Clarendon to Paris, who• did not
supersede Lord Cowley, who was our ambassador at that
court. Well, gentlemen, I think I am justified in saying
it was an unfortunate determination on the part of those
who took up Mr. Cobien's motion to make that a ques-
tion between party and the Administration. I entirely
believe that Mr. Cobden gave his notice without previ-
ous communication with other persons. But when it was
announced—when the words of that motion were placed
upon the paper of the house—then every man mighthave
exercised his judgment as to the effect of the resolution
if carried, and I am surprised that some men, well versed
in Parliamentary lore, should, knowing the effect of
Parliamentary divisions, bate allowed themselves to be-
lieve that they were only acting the part of jurymen
met to decide upon a fact that had taken place at the
other end of the globe, and the result of the vote would
'have no political effect on domestic affairs at home.
Why, if the House of Commons had been sitting as a
jury upon Sir J. Bowring, who ever heard of a jury pro-
ceeding to try a man 18,000 miles off without his having
the slightest conception that he was put upon his trial,
and without an opportunity to instruct counsel to defend
him. I say such a tribunal would be more like the
secret tribunals of the middle ages, and would have
nothing in common with the practices of the British con-
stitution. (Hear, hear.) Nevertheless, I am bound to
believe that there were some men of Liberal principles
who honestly mistook the nature and effect of the vote
they were giving, and who, not meaning to withdraw
their general confidence from the Government, voted in
a majority, the Of ct and intention of which was to turn
the Government out of office. (Hear.) Well, I say
that was an ill-chosen motion. Perfectly fair it is, ia the
conflict of political parties, for any set of men, no matter
how much they may differ, yet if they can agree to a
course of future policy, to take advantage of any fair op-
portunity to disludge their rivals, and place themselves
in the seats of power. Ido not blame that, for it is in
accordance with our political constitution ; but I say
that they are bound to communicate with each other so
as to ascertain that there are no obstacles to forming a
Goveinment in the plies of that which theyamean to
turn out. But if they are agreed in that—if they can
form an efficient Administration—what is the fair and
proper course for them to pursue t • They should propose
a vete of no confidence in the Government of the day.
They should fairly put to the country the choice of one
party or another ; but it is not fair, or in accordance with
the British constitution, or spirit and feeling of the Bri-
tish nation, to take as a trial of strength a question in
which one party is to be arrayed against the honour
and dignity of the country, and the other is called upon
to maintain that honour and uphold that dignity.
(Hear, hear.) That was the nature of the question on
which the recent division took place. The resolution
was that the proceedings in Canton were unjustifiable,
and that as we (the Government) had approved them
our course was slso unjustifiable, and that we ought
no longer to wield the power, of the State. The voice of
the people rises against that decision, and against the
principle on which it was founded. (Cheers.) It went like
an electric spark from -one end of the land to the other.
It was no result of intrigue on the part of the Govern-
ment ; but when the merits of the question came to be
sifted and exunined, the nature of the people of Eng-
land, whatever their party politics might have been, in-
dignantly repudiated the resoluthin of the majority of
the House of Commons, and said that was not a suffi-
cient peg on which to hang a resolution which was to
change the hands in which power was to be placed. (Loud
cheers.) And now let us see what must have been the
necessary- consequence of that vote if the party who
joined in it bad acceded to power, and if their conduct
was to be consistent with their vote. Why, of course, if
the proceedings of Sir J. Bowring and Admiral Sir M.
Seymour were unjustifiable, the Government that came
in must have apologiied to Yeh for the unjustifiable con-
duct of our officers ; they must also have given him com-
pensation for the batteries anti forts which our sailors
had destroyed, and they must have paid fur the expense
which his resistance incurred. What, then, would have
been the degrading and humiliating position in which the
country would have been placed I We would have been
acquiescing in the violation of our treaty rights, and en-
treating forgiveness from a man who offered rewards for
the heads of our fellow-countrymen, who had obtained
the murder of many of them already, who bad encouraged
kidnapping for the purpose of assassination, who had
published an edict, stating that he had taken secret
measures to procure the extermination of our hated race,
who bad shown what those measures were by compelling
an unfortunate Chinese baker to poison the bread to be
eaten by the British community, and whose diabolical
attempt nothing but the merciful intervention of Provi-
dence frustrated. Marvellous, indeed, it was that nothing
but. illness supervened, andthst the whole of those doomed
Europeans were not swept off in a single day. I say, that
if a Government had come in and acted on that policy, it
would have been swept away by the indignation
of the people, and would have been consigned to perpe-
tual infamy for a course which no honourable or honest
man could have approved. But we are told that they
would not have pursued that course, but that they would
have continued the war. Then what becomes of the poli-
tical consistency of men who one day form a resolution to
condemn the policy and subvert the Government, and
who tell you the next, without hesitation, that if their
object had been accomplished, and it they had coma into
power, they would not have pursued their -own avowed
policy, but would follow that which they had already
pronounced unjustifiable, because they found it in opera.
ton. Well, then, I say that to-day and to-morrow will
be days on which a large portion of the people wiil pro.
nounce their verdict upon the question which we have
deemed it our duty to put to them. You have a ready
pronounced your verdict, and the accounts we receive
from all parts of the. country lead us, without hesitation,
to believe that a large majority of the elec.ors of Eng-
land will pronounce a verdict in accordance with that
which has done honour to yourselves. Well, but we are
asked by many what is to be our future policy, and what
are the grounds upon which the Government recommends
itself to the approbation and support of the country. I
have already told you, with regard to our foreign rela-
tions, and such as our policy has been in that respect, it
shall continue to be. It shall continue to be peace with
all nations as far as peace can be maintained without dis-
paragement to the. dignity and honour of the country,
and without any diminution of the rights of the country
on the aggregate or on the part of our fellow-countrymen
engaged in foreign lands. Now, with regard to our do-
magic policy. There are many here, as elsewhere, who
expect from the Government dietinc-, pledges on the ques-
tion of reform. Those who know what is the position of
men in office, but more especially what is the position of
the head of the Government, must see and feel that I
should be acting a very unbecousieg part if I were to per-
sonata the character of a young candidate appearing for
the first time on the hustingsand endeavouring by clap-trap
pledges to enlist stray votes, and going headlong to any•
thing which one or two persons might tell him would in-
crease the majority which he is endeavouring to mains
taro. It is the duty of the Government of this country
to look at the interests of the country at large, for a
Government worthy of its position must feel that no na-
tion can stand still--that England is not China, and that
the people of England cannot continue to be in precisely
the same situation in regard to their institutions from
year to year and from century to century. (Cheers.) We
are a progressive people, and therefore progr ssive im-
provements in all our institutions must be, and ought to
be, the guiding principle of any Government that wishes
t o maintain itself in the confidence and affection of tho
people. (Cheers.) I believe our institutions in the main
to be the best ot aby country on the face of the eartb.
I make no exception. I believe them to be the best. I
do not eay on that account they are not to be improved.
All human institutions must necessarily beimperfect, and
some of the branches of ours aresusceptit le of much ame-
lioration ; and the Government that shuts its eyes to facts
and circumstancet, and maintains things as they are be-
cause they are so is a Government on which the lessons
of experience arid the instructions of men are utterly
thrown away. (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, I /MI sure you
will see it would be unbecoming of me to enter into de-
tailed pledges, and to hold out promises with reference
to subjects on which some of you feel an interest; and
therefore, however I may disappoint the expectations of
some, it is my duty to do so, and that duty, like other
duties, .I feel it imperatively necessary to perform. Eso-
norny, no doubt, is a duty deeply interesting to the peo.
ple of this country. A Government that launches into
lavish expenditure without necessity would not deserve
nor receive the support of the Parliament or the country.
But there are great interests which meat be cared for.
(Hear.) We do not, like contieental countries, maintain
large naval and military establishments in time of peace,
but we ought to have the foundation on which arma-
ments may be created when times of danger arise. (Hear.)
Our army and navy, although small in time of peace,
should be so organised, more especially with regard to
the scientific branches and professional education, that
we should be able, if the country' were threatened with
danger, rapidly to raise an amount of force which would
place us in safety from attack. That is the limit beyond
which this Government will not endeavour to go.
We will endeavour to prepare such establishments as
will be sufficient for the necessary service of the country
ttamahucaedkydet
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to any amount of invasion by.an enemy with superior
military force. These are the principles upon which we
propose to conduct the Government of the country. We
believe those principles will meet the support of the
peoplo of Euglaiid and of the Parliament which the
peoplo of England may. return. (Cheers.) Whenever
that confidence is wiseidrawri—if the course which wu
pursue should cease to be in accordance with the feel-
ings and wishes of -the people of England, you will not
find any grounds fur that which in the apprehension of
Mr. Cobden you will find; viz, a dictatorship. He knows,
and you know, that the breath which made us to-day
can unmake us to-morrow, and that, standing upon the
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approbation and confidence of the people, of the United
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ability I could count ; and I must say, in justice to my
colleagues, that if success has attended our councils—
that if our exertions have been crowned with satisfactory
results, I claim to myself no exclusive merit for that.
The credit attaches equally to all the members of the
Government, for all contributed to the utmost of their
power in theirdifferent departments, with unanimity which
could not be exceeded, and which has not been always
equalled, to perform the service of the country—to bring
that war to a successful issue, and to bring that peace to
a satisfactory result. (Loud cheers.) It is well known
that by co-operation with our gallant and noble allies
—France, Sardinia; and Turkey—we did not succeed
in bringing to a speedy conclusion that war which
many, when it commenced, believed would last for many
years to come. (Hear.) We obtained for this country
a peace which in its results accomplished, beyond the
expectation of many, those objects for which the war
hand been undertaken. (Hear, hear.) And when that
peace came. to be carried into execution, we stood firmly
upon the rights which the treaty had given us, and we
did not permit any equivocation or stratagem to deprive
us of some of the most important stipulations which that
treaty contained. (Cheers. It has been laid to my
charge that the policy which I have pursued has been
" turbulent and aggressive." (Laughter.) Why, if the
policy which led to the war with Russia was "turbulent
and aggressive," I know not the meaning of the words ;
but the charge, if true, would be shared by all those who
have taken a part in public life, and by the whole of the
British nation. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, during the many
years in which it was my lot to conduct the foreign rela-
tions of the country, we escaped any war. (Hear, bear.)
We, no doubt, had many difficulties to encdunter during
that period. Many questions arose out of which war
might have arisen, but out of which no war did arise,
and we maintained the dignity and interest of the coun-
try and preserved peace. We did no small service dur-
ing that period to the progress of civilisation and civil
and religious liberty in Europe. (Hear.) We succeeded
in establishing the independence of Belgium with a free
constitution. We succeeded in assisting the people of Spain
and Portugal in establishing free Parliamentary Govern-
ment in these two countries, and then, forsooth, we are
to be told that we are the friends and champions of des-
potism, and that we are adverse to the spread of fres
and constitutional principles. Why, gentlemen, we
wish to be at peace with all the great Powers of Europe,
whether their form of Government be monarchical, de-
spotic, or constitutional. (Hear, hear.) These are
questions which concern the people of the respective
States ; that which concerns us—that which concerns
you is, whether they be free or enslaved, they should
be in friendly relations with this country—that our
commercial intereourse shall not be interrupted,
and that we shall be as free with regard to tariffs
as the prejudices of these different countries may permit.
(Hear.) Then came the China question. (Hear, hear.)
I I have stated elsewhere, and I think I do ample justice
to the Opposition when I say that they behaved during
the whole of the war with Russia in accordance with the
feeling and spirit of the country. It would be unjust if
I were not to make that admission. But in the begin-
ning of the last session "a change came o'er the spirit
of the dream," and from some cause or other hopes and
expectations appeared to be entertained, that upon some
question or another the Government might be put in a
minority, and power transferred to other hands. Well,
first it was supposed that we meant to persist in keeping
up the " war niilepence" of the income-tax duty. Dis-
appointment followed that expectation. (Hear.) That
question slipped out of their.hands, (Hear.) But there
were other points which they thought likely to afford an
opportunity for a political triumph. One after the other
failed. Then came the outbreak in China, and that cir-
cumstance, most unfortunately for those who took it up,
was adopted as a party question on which to try the
strength of respective parties. But what was that ques-
tion I Why, unexpectedly to the Government at home,
independently of any orders from them, and not in con-
sequence of any act of ours, a collision arose between our
officers, civil and naval, and that insolent barbarian Yeb,
, who unites in his person all the insolence, cruelty, and
perfidy ever collected in one single man. (Loud cheers.)
He began, after long-continued neglect, and the violation
of treaty engagements, by an outrageous attack upon
the British flag. It was the duty of our officers on the
spot to resent it, and demand an apology for the past
and a guarantee from similar outrages for the future.
(Hear.) They were unable
.to accomplish this, or to ob-
tain any concession from the Chinese Minister. We have
heard a great deal of technical argument about registers,
colonial orders, and imperial laws, but the question sub-
mitted to Parliament was broad and simple. Here was
a vessel with the British flag flying, with a British realm-
, ter, British subjects on board, and commanded
by a British subject—a man from Belfa-t violently as-
saulted by a Chinese force, her entire crew taken away,
with the exception of two men whom the Chinese autho-
rities, at the request of the commander, left on board to
take charge of her ; and the only pretence set up for
this outrage was—not that any one of those 12 men who
formed the crew had committed any offence, but that
one old man was the father of a son who in some part of
China, and not at Canton, was believed to be a pirate,
(Laughter.) Then there was a quibble raised, and it was
said that when they boarded the vessel leo British subject
was on board ; but the master of the lorcha was at
breakfast in another ship not 50 yards off, whither he
had gone to take leave of a friend whose vessel was
about to sail for Hong Kong. Moreover, before the
Chinese left the Arrow, the commander came on board,
and it was specially at his entreaty that two out .of the
12 men who formed the crew were left in the vessel. It
is therefore preposterous for the Chinese to say that they
did not know it was a British vessel. Why, the vessel
had been lying for 10 or 12 days in the Canton river, as
a British vessel ; and it was distinctly as a British vessel
she was boarded, and her crew taken out of her. This
was a violation of our treaty ; and what did our officials
do in consequence/ They began by reprisals; they took a
junk, and the Chinese Commissioner snapped his fingers
at them, and said, "You think you have got a Govern•
relent vessel, but it is only a merchant vessel, and I don't
care a sixpence about it." (Hear.) Our officials then pro.
ceeded to disarm the forts, but allowing an interval be
tween each successful operation, they stopped to afford
the Commissioner se opportunity of doing that which in
reason and justice he should have done before. (Hear.)
Notwithstanding all that has been said about cruelty, I
say that never were the rights of a nation enforced with
more forbearance and absence from uneeceesery violence
than they were by Sir Michael Seymour--a man well
known for his humanity and moderation, and one utterly
incapable of abusing the power with which he was en-
trusted. (Hear, hear.) Again we have been told that
officers abroad ought not to involve the country in war
without distinct orders from the Government, and that
the Government ought not to act without first appealing
to Parliament. But will any one tell me that officers at
the other extremity of the globe, when a violent outrage
is committed on the honour of their country, are to re-
main with their arms folded till they can send home for
orders and receive instructions / Why, months would
elapse between insult and resentment, and the purpose
for which redress had been demanded would be defeated
by the apathy and want of exertion which would have
ensued in the long interval. Let us suppose a case simi-
lar to that which caused the former Chinese war. Sup
pose the Chinese had taken 12 British merchants, and
threatened to starve them if they did not do that which
they were called upon to do, was our admiral or super-
intendent to leave those men in prison till they could
write home to England and ask whether they should take
necessary steps to relieve them 1 Woy, the men would
have ceased to exist, and the answer of the Chinese
governor would be—" I am very sorry, but three months
ago these men died from their sufferings in prison."
{Hear.) This is the doctrine of those who condemn
British officers in vindicating the honour of the country
and the rights of their fellow-subjects without writing
home for instructions. Then, again, as to the authority
of Government to undertake operations. Why, no
doubt, if Parliament is sitting, communication is made
to Parliament ; if it is not sitting, and the occasion is
adequate, Parliament should be called together to be
made acquainted with the circumstances which have
arisen: But, again, these hostilities cannot, properly
speaking, be described as " war with China." We are
z.ot yet at war with the Chinese. We do not know that
the act of this local authority will be adopted by the
Imperial Government. On the contrary, we are in-
formed that at the other ports—Shanghai, Wharnpoa,
Foo-choo-foo, and Arney—the Chinese authorities have
said that this local collision at Canton should not inter-
rupt the good relations existing between the two countries,
andthat there was nu reason why our commercial rela•
tions should be at all disturbed. We therefore do
not yet know that the Chinese Government has made
this at Cause of war. We hope they are too well inf;Jrnied
a'J to the true nature of the violence committed upon ue,
and of the danger to China of a conflict with E,
to make this affair of the Arrow a nglandnational quarrel. But
we are told that we have adopted the resolution of the
House of Commons, and that we have superseded Sir J.
Bewring and Lord Elgin. No such thin fectly
natural, and it is in accordance g. It is peel
with the general
practice in cases of important difficulties, that al.hough
you have an agent on the spot in which you place confi-
dence, and whose conduct you approve, and in order to
give greater weight to your negotiations, you send from
home some officer of high rank charged with the direct

and raised not in vain, to transfer that power to worthier
hands. (Cheers.) So the people need be under no appre-
hension that in giving us the power they are placing it
out of their own command ; for if we lose their confi-
dence, the same voice that raised us to power will be as
decisive against us as I trust it;will:now be for us. (Cheers.)
It will be for the people of the country to determine
whether there were among the ranks of the Opposition
elements out of which an :efficient Administration could
have been formed. It is, of course, more convenient for
the Government to have no united band in oppositio❑ to
it—it smooths the path through a session—but Ido not
say it is not in accordance with the constitution that
there should be oat of office, and opposed to office, a
body of men comprising the elements of another Admi-
nistration, capable of commanding the respect, and, if
they act propeily, the confidence of the country. (Hear.)
I doubt whether these elements at present exist. lam
led to doubt whether there is not more foundation than
may at first sight appear for the disclaimers we have
heard of coalitions and combinations. (Hear.) lam in-
clined to doubt whether there are not differences—
united, indeed, on a recent occasion—hut differences
which lie deeper than the surface, which will prevent
that combination in office which has been shown in op-
position. It will be for the future to show in what de-
gree that may be the case. In the meantime, I can
only return you my sincere and heartfelt thanks for the
honour you have conferred upon me this day. (Cheers.)
I trust I am not overstepping the truth when I say that
I accept this honour, not simply as a mark of the confi-
dence which you are pleased to repose in an old friend,
but also as a mark of the estimation in which you hold
the Government with respect to the great questions sub-
mitted to the people of England. (Cheers.) I again re-
turn you my sincere thanks, and I wish you all every
degree of happiness and prosperity. (The noble lord
concluded amid loud and enthusiastic cheers.)
A vote of thanks having been passed to the Mayor for
presiding, three hearty cheers were given for Lord Pal-
merston, and the proceedings terminated.

KING'S LYNN.

The nomination took place yesterday at the Guildhall;
the Mayor (Mr. R. Cook) presiding as returning officer.
The fine old hall was well filled, and the late members,
Lord Stanley and Mr. J. H. Gurney, were loudly cheered
on making their appearance on the platform.
Mr. R. BAUGH nominated Lord Stanley, and Mr. W.
MOTSE seconded the domination.
Mr. P. WILSON proposed Mr. J. H. Gurney, and Mr.
W. LETPINGO (Deputy-Mayor) seconded the nomination.
No other gentleman being proposed,
The MAYOR declared Lord Stanley and Mr. Gurney
duly elected.
Lord STANMIT, who was received with loud cheers,
said he had heard the present dissolution described by,
some speakers as a "penal" one, but he had not found it
so. He did not venture to speak for others, but so far as
he was concerned it was no penalty, but a pleasure to
him to meet his constituents. The first subject to which
he would refer was that which was freshest in the minds
of al{ present, and the immediate occasion of the disso-
lution—he meant that vote on the Chinese policy of the
Governmeht which resulted in Ministers being left in a
minority. On the subject of that vote the most extra-
ordinary and the most reckless assertions had been made
that ever were uttered even by politicians going to the
country without a cry. A charge had been made of fac-
tious combination against the Government, but the only
combination was that men of alt politics and all shades
of opinion agreed independently in following the dictates
of their own judgments, and expressing disapproval of
the poi :0y pursued at danton. Who were the conspira-
tors I Of Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Walpole, and Sir J. Pak-
ington he wool) say nothing, because it was one of the
duties of the leaders of an organised Parliamentary Oppo-
sition to avail themselves of any fair occasion to criticise
the policy of the Government. But when on that me-
morable Tuesday evening he walked into the lobby with
the majority, it seemed to him, after his eight years'
Parliamentary experience, that he had never witnessed
a division in which so great a moral and intellectual
preponderance was exhibited on one side. There was
Lord John Russell, the man of the first Reform Bill,
the historical representative of Liberalism, a man whose
name would be linked with the history of 39 event-
ful years, and who would be remembered when those
who now vilified him were forgotten. There was
Sir Francis Baring, a Liberal also, a man whom party
spirit bad never accused of a single deviation from the
strictest principles of political honour. There was Mr.
Gladstone, whose marvellous abilities had been rather
hindered, so far as success in party conflict was concerned
by a scrupulous sense of right and a passionate love of
justice. There was Mr. Cobden, a man from whom
many might differ in regard to some of his opinions, but
who hesitated not tocast to the winds a popularity earned
by his own exertions, and to stand forth alone, against
the will of an entire people, when his conscientious con-
victions (cal! them right or wrong, as they would) led
him to oppose the Russian war. There was with the ma-
jority also, if he might refer for a moment to the other
branch of the Legislature, Lord Lyndhurst, who spoke
only with that weight which a perfect mastery of law
conferred, not only with that power of argumentative
eloquence which for 50 years had commanded the atten-
tion of every audience which he had addressed, but who
spoke also with that freedom which belonged to one
whose age left him nothing to hope or to fear, and one
who, being detached trona the politics of the present day,
could criticise those politica with the impartiality of one
living in another century and another country. (Cheers.)
He should not enter into the details of the legal dispute
which took place with reference to the proceedings at
Canton, because the question of the alleged British ves-
sel had really little or nothing to do with the quarrel
which bad ensued. The war with China was an unjust
one, because we had picked a quarrel to enforce a claim
in itself of very small value, and which, if it were en-
forced at all, we might probably have secured by nego-
tiations in common with other countries. It was a cow-
ardly war, because it was a war in which the strength,
military knowledge, and skill of the two parties were 80
unequally matched that a battle was not that snan•like
trial of strength between equal fotcee which took place
when European nations met one another, but a mere but-
chery and a mere seambles. Th t war with China was
also an impolitic one, even admitting that that which
was unjust could be expedient in the long run, which he
did not believe, because partot the cost must necessarily'
be paid in the increased price to the consumer of
one of the few luxuries of the poor man. It was impoli-
tic, because, our otject being to secure more general and
free intercourse wish China, the Chinese people must
differ very much from the rest of the world if attacking
their Lefts and bombarding their towns was the way to
bring about that cornmauication. The war was an hive.
litic one, because theobjt et of anenlarged intercourse with
China must necessarily and certainly haVe been attained
in the peaceful progress of trade. In his belief the Chi-
nese war was commercially, politically, and diplomati-
cally a blunder and mistake. (An Elector—" It is no-
thing of the kind.") He. said nothing but what he be•
lieved to be the truth, and as he had not Token upon
the subject in Parliament, he would before leaving the
question do what he considered an act of justice. He
thought the public bad been rather hard upon Sir John
Bowring. He did not believe that Sir John Bowring
would have taken the course he pursued and introduced
the demand of right of entry into Canton, and been pre-
pared to enforce it, unless some intimation had been con-
veyed to him that the Gevernment would support him
in what he was doing ; and it was fair to the Govern-
ment to say that they had transferred to themselves the
responsibility of Sir John Bo wring's acts. With regard
to foreign policy he wished to see England always strong
and united for defence, but he bad no wish to see her
armed and ready for aggression. With regard to Parlia-
mentary Reform, be considered that some extension of
the suffrage and some equalisation of the representation
were necessary, but he had voted against Mr. Locke
King's recent motion because he thought that the ques-
tion of Parliamentary reform ought to be considered in
its entirety, and not in a fragmentary manner. With
regard t., the finances of the country he did not entertain
apprehension. There was a hopeful elasticity in British
commerce, and the demand was increasing from India and
the Australian col miss, which took halt of our exports.
As to the question what taxes should be abolished, the
noble lord observed that it wasimpossible to give pledges
long in advance, but he expressed himself opposed to the
paper duty and the tax on insurances, and in favour of a
revision of the tariff. With respect to the income tax,
he said he thought the country should have an opportu-
nity of expressing an opinion upon it in 1860, and if it
was then to cease, and some other tax must be found for
it, the substitute, he thought, might be an extended
1 house tax fairly laid, not on calculations of what houses
I let for, but on an estimate of their value. On the subject
of economy in the public expenditure, all were for eco-
nomy in the abstract, but few in fact. A large standing
army in time of peace would be a gigantic job—a godsend
to the Secretary Gf the Treasury, and a dead loss to the
nation. He did not wish to leave the country defenceless,
but he thought, on the whole, the standard maintained
before the late war would be a tolerably fair one in future,
and that militia forces might be established in some of the
colonies. Tile noble 1 ird then expressed himself in favour
of reform in the laws relating to the transfer of land ; a
system of criminal and judicial statistics, as in France;
t abolitioneeB s
i a
t ofyreform
Churchof
s or ne in'
rates.
the
es.
measure
the consolidation of the statute law, a change in the ec-
clesiastical courts, an improved system of testamentary
jurisdiction,
laws on marriage and di-
vorce, competitive rxeminations for the civil service, and
the
Hoena nationalialso
called
education 'attention
to the
n;
and, in conclusion, he declared that, reviewing his poli.
tical career, he could say that he had sought to do pi,-
Lice and feared to do wrong ; be had no other end, and
he had known no other fear. (His Lordship resumed
his seat amid loud cheering.)
Mr. J. H. GURNEY, who was also received with cheers,
next addressed the electors.
Thanks to the Mayor then closed the proceedings.

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 28, 1857.

But I think you will allow me to state, which I will do
very shortly, the true nature of this contest. It is not
upon the Canton question you have to decide. (Cheers.)
I'll tell you what you have to decide. You have to
decide between myself • and my honourable friend,
Mr. Hadfield, on one side, representing advance
in goTernment, and my honourable and learned
friend on my right—(cheers and hooting)—who is op-
posed to that. (Cheers.) That is the real distinction
between us. It is not whether Mr. Hadfield and I have
given one wrong vote—not a wrong vote in my opinion
—but it is, are you to be fairly and faithfully represented
in the coming Hobse of Parliament ? (" We'd soon
settle it if we could.") I have no doubt if the suffrage
were in the hands of the persons I now see before me,
the show of hands would determine what you would do.
But you know, gentlemen, that the suffrage is restricted
—it is in a few hands at present. ("But we are too
many for him, though.") But still I am confident that
even with these few hands we shalt be successful. And
I will tell you why. The few hands in which the suf-
frage is are Englishmen. (Cheers.) They will not dis-
card and forget hcnest and long service—they will not
put aside tried men for an untried man. I have nothing
to say against my learned friend—for friend I shall call
him, and in social life such I consider him ; but I and
he, each forming our opinions, have come to an honest
conclusion—he takes one side in politics, I take another.
(Cheers.) I meet him fairly. Hear him, give him
every liberty, and, when you have done so, decide be-
tween es. (Cheers.) He is a gentleman--I hope I am.
(Cheers.) Treat him fairly as you treat me, and—fairly
beat him. (Loud cheers and laughter) This I take to
be the proper way to maintain our contest. Into it no
personal rancour ought to enter. No allusion of a per-
sonal description ought to be indulged in. (Applause.)
Political opinions are fair game. A public man—and be
is now a public man—you have a right also to discuss all
principles. (Cheers.) You have a right also to discuss
the opinions of his friends ; and I say to my hon, and
learned friend that I believe him to be what he was in
1852. He was then a Conservative—l believe him to
be so now. (Cheers.) I see him surrounded by the
same friends—(Mr. Overend—" And by many of yours
also")—out then, mind you, Lord Derby was in power.
I have lived to see great changes, and in no people
greater changes than in the party to which my hon.
and learned friend belongs. ("It's wheel about and turn
about with 'em.") (Laughter.) I think that is very near
a❑ accurate statement. When I first entered political
life, I found them rabid against Catholic emancipation,
♦ehement against Parliamentary reform ; I found them
crying their lungs to pieces in favour of the corn laws
and against free trade. I have seen all these things car-
' ried in spite of them ; and now there are other things
that we desire, which they in their hearts object to, and
we will carry them in spite of them again. We think that
we have not yet attained to anything like perfection.
Ours is an onward course ; change has no terror for us.
We do not stick in the ancient ways because they are
ancient (Hear, hear, and cheers) We are not Con-
servative, but Liberal. And depend upon it, if you send
my learned friend to Parliament, that, though he may he
a Palmeretonian on one question, he will be a Coeserva-
tive on all else. (Cheers.) Now, I say that before him.
I know what I say is true ; and what I believe true I
will say before him as I would say it behind his back.
(Cheers.) We can afford to be honest opponents. I
know the character of my learned friend. I believe him
to be a thoroughly honest gentleman—(great cheering
from the Conservatives)—very much mistaken in his
political views. (Cheers and laughter.) And depend
upon it, that if he can persuade you to vote for and
send him to Parliament, you would be very much mis-
taken too. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I will not occupy
your time, for you are in an uncomfortable position.
—(" Go on ")—but I appeal to my past life. Have I
ever deceived the people of England ? (" No," and
cheers.) I have ever been a friend of freedom—(cheers)
—religious and civil. I have aided every great change
and improvement that has taken place since I have been
in public life, and every one of them that party (pointing
to the Conservatives) has opposed. (Cheers ) To that
party I am opposed now, and I believe I shall be to my
dying day. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I throw myself with
confidence again upon the people of Sheffield. I appeal
to my life past in the service of my country, and I ask
you to re-elect me. (Cheers.)
Mr. HAI/FOLD briefly addressed the electors.
Mr. °FELON]) next addressed the electors.
On the show of hands being taken there was an over-
whelming majority in favour of Messrs. Roebuck and
Hadfield, and a poll was demanded for Mr. Overend.

from the authority of the gentleman who was instrumen-
tal in establishing the ballot in that country. From the,
success wnicb bad there attended the experiment he
spoke very strongly in its favour. After dwelling
upon the energy, determination, and perseverance
which were required to accompl•sh any reform, Mr,
Cobden pledged his word that in the event of his being
returned for Huddersfield he would never remain quies-
cent or allow his principles to go to sleep. He concluded
by calling upon the electors to give him their aid and
assistance, and by stating that if they did their duty be
should have the honour of next addressing them as their
representative. (Loud_ cheers and uproar.)

. , The show of hands was then taken, and the returning
officer declared it to be in favour of Mr. Cobden.
, Great cheering followed the announcement.

Mr. CROSIAND demanded a poll for Mr. Ahroyd.
The poll takes place to-day.

(NEWPORT, ISLE OF WIGHT.)

The nomination fur this borough took place yesterday.
Mr. R. W. Kennard, the late member for the borough,
was proposed by Mr. F. PETHS, and seconded by Mr.
J. ELDRIDGE.

Captain Mangles, of the Southampton Dock and West
India Mail Packet Companies, was proposed by Mr.
Puma, and seconded by Mr. R. T. DRAPER.
Mr. Charles Buxton was proposed by Dr. WOTELL,
and seconded by Mr. C. CoWDEROY.
_ _

Mr. Alderman Rose, of London, was proposed by
Mr. C. W. ESTCOURT.

All the candidates having addressed the meeting,
The MAYOR called for a show of hands, which was
decided to be in favour/of Captain Mangles and Mr.
Buxton.

A poll was demanded on behalf of the other candidates,
and fixed for to-day.

From the London Gazette of Last Night.

WAR-OFFICE, MABCI 27.

The Queen has been graciously pleased to giie orders for
the appointment of the Right Hon. Thos. Wyse, C. 8.,
her Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary to the King of
Greece, to be an Ordinary Member of the Division of the
Second Class, or Knights Commanders of the Most Hon-
ourable Order of the Bath, and of John Hay Drummond
Hay, Esq., her Majesty's Charge d'Affaires to the Sultan
of Morocco, to be an Ordinary Member of the Civil Divi-
sion of the Third Class, or Companions of the said Most
Honourable Order.