The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-01 00:00:00

instead of occupation value, is by no means the simple tasket -of distrust. It wits said that cointrulrehti Changei were pre.
is by some persons supposed be be. (Hear, hear.) The great vented in this country chiefly by this £5O tenancy clause,
objection to such a measure, which led me entirely to re- The men who acted under that clause—and take them alto-
linquish all idea of adopting it, is that its tendency must bo gether Ido not believe that a more valuable class to whom
directly to disfranchise many of the constituencies. I will 'to intrust the franchise couldbe found—(hear, hear)—were
now proceed to consider the franchise of boroughs based described in this house as men void of all patriotism and
upon a value qualification. The £lO qualification has-been public ?spirit, exercising the suffrage without the slightest
very severely assailed, and I think the objections to it'may effort of intelligence, merely at the beck of their landlords.
be ranged under two heads. First, it is said that there is NOthing can be more exaggerated or groundless than the
no principle in a franchise founded on a £lO qualification ; sentiments which have been expressed in this house on the
and secondly, it is said that a-constituency based upon such effect of the Chandos clause and on the influence which it
a qualification is extremely monotonous. ("Hear," and a -hai on popular elections. (Hoar.) In the first place, voters
laugh.) It is said that there is such an identity of interest under the Chandos clause at no time ever. exceeded -one-
in 1.1 constituency so founded, when we ought to seek for fifth of the Constituent bodies of counties. Thereforei had
variety of character, that that alone is an objection ; and it they all voted the sarneway they never could have exercised
has really become almost a phrase of contumely to speak of that influence upon public events which has been ascribed
a constituency as " only ten-pounders." (A laugh.) I to them. (Hear, hear.) But the proprietary of the soil
will in the first place touch upon the objection that a £lO does not rest with the Tories and Conservatives. There
borough qualification is one founded upon no principle. are Whig landlords and very considerable Whig landlords.
Now, I demur to that objection. It appears to me that that (Hear.) The proprietary of the soil is distributed among
qualification is founded on a principle. It is said, "Why lleoprietors of all opinions, and the consequence is, that if
should a man who lives in a £lO house be more fitted for you look at the elections you will find that those who voted
the suffrage than a man who lives in a£9 house ?" That under this Chandos clause were much divided—often
appears to me to be no argument. It a mere sophism and equally divided. (Hear, hear.) It is not true, therefore,
cavil. If it be an argument it is an argument against all that those who vote under this qualification have exercised
tests, and not in favour of a£9 qualification. But the £lO any very great influence upon the legislation of this coup•
qualification was intended as a test; and the question is— try, or that they are a class who have acted always without
is it a test that is effective ? (Hear, hear) It is a test very intent or meaning. (Hear, hear.) There is no doubt that
easily accessible; it is a test which, if adopted, is universal dissatisfaction, followed by mistrust and misrepresentation,
in its application ; and it is a test which affords a fair pre- did raise in the country an idea that the cotmty,representa-
sumption that the holder possesses those qualities which tion was an exclusive representation, that it was animated
entitle him to perform the acts of citizenship. It is therefore only by ono object, that it had a selfish interest always be-
founded upon a principle ; and the objection urged against it fore it, and that it had not that sympathy with the column-
appears to me to be a sophism. The other objection to the £lO nity which we desire in that chosen body to whom the pri-
qualification is, that it gives a monotonous character to a vilege of election—the highest privilege in the State—is in-
constituency ; that from extending the suffrage only to men trusted. An effort was made by means of the 40s. freehold,
who live in £lO houses you have merely one sentiment and which was retained in counties, to counteract the exagge-
one class of ideas represented. That appears to me to be rated influence of the £5O tenancy voters. A manufacture
altogether a fallacy, and it rests upon the fallacious assump- of votes—from the facts before me lam entitled so to call tion that every man who votes under a £lO qualification it—was carried on in the boroughs, by which it was sup-
necessarily lives in a £lO house. But that is not the case. posed that the injurious influence of the tenants living
On the contrary, under that £lO qualification all orders of upon the land, dwelling in the counties, might be counter.
men exercise the suffrage—the most affluent and the most acted. For the last 15 years—for the last ten years at a
humble. A man who lives in a house worth £4OO a year yet very great rate—this has been going on, until it has
votes under the £lO qualification—(hear, hear)—and instead really arrived at this point, that the number of county
of rendering a constituency monotonous, it secures within its voters who do not dwell in the counties now exceeds the
range a great variety of interests, of feelings, and of opinions. number of those who vote under the £5O clause. It was
(Hear, hear.) But, Sir, lam ready to admit that there are proclaimed with great triumph that when a gentleman
many persons quite capable of exercising the suffrage who stood for a county his neighbours who dwelt in the
do not live in £lO houses—(hear, hear)—and whom I should county might vote for him, but some large town in
wish to se e_possessing the suffrage. (Cheers.) But should the district would pour out its legions by railway, and
we obtain that result by—l won't call it the vulgar expe- on the nomination of some club in the town would. elect
dient, because the epithet might be misinterpreted, though the representative for the county. The dwellers in the
I should not use itl in an offensive sense—but by the coarse county found themselves not represented in many in-
and common expedient which is recommended of what is stances by those who lived among them. A sort of civil war
called " lowering the franchise in towns." Now, I beg the was raised in this manner, and if hon. gentlemeiasok into
house to consider for a moment what must be the effect of the statistics on this point they will see that wbat may
lowering the franchise in towns. Suppose that, instead of a call an unnatural state of things was brought about,—be-
£lo borough qualification, you had a£s borough qualifica- cause there is no doubt that what we seek is that a man
tion. Well, the moment that you hada £5 borough qualifies- should vote for the place where he resides, or for the
tion, you would realise all those inconvenient results which locality in which he is really and substantially interested.
are erroneously ascribed to the £lO qualification. You (Hear, hear) That is a state of affairs which is much to
would then have a monotonous constituency. You would be deprecated. It is of the greatest importance that those
then have a constituency whose predominant opinions who vote, whether in a borough or county constituency,
would be identical. You would then have a constituency should sympathise with the community in which they ex-
who would return to Parliament members holding the same ercise that imporfant right. (Hear, hear.) A man who
ideas, the same opinions, the same sentiments and all that votes for a place where he resides or in which he has an
variety which represents the English character would be interest, votes with a greater sense of responsibility than
entirely lost. (Hear, hear.) You would then have in your what I may call a mere stranger. (Hear.) Where, then,
borough constituency a predominant class, and certainly when we are considering the condition and the elements of
the spirit and genius of our constitution are adverse to the the constituency of the country, when we are endeavour-
predominance of any clase in this house. (Cheers.) It ing to reconstruct it on a broad basis, which admits within
certainly would be most injudicious, not to say intolerable, its pale all those who are trustworthy, shall we look for
when we are guarding ourselves against the predominance means by which we may terminate these heartburnings
of a manufacturing and commercial oligarchy, that we and restore the constituencies of England to what I will
should reform Parliament by securing the predominance of a venture to call their natural elements ? No doubt, it is a
household democracy. (Cheers.) lam convinced that that labour of great difficulty. Can it be done by reconstruction
is not the mode in which you must improve and vary the —can it be done by rearrangement ? It may be possible to
elements of the present borough constituency. We think, pass a law which would remove these strangers from the
sir, that there are modes by which that object can be ode- sphere of their political power. Perhaps it may not be
Timely and efficiently attained, and if the house will per- possible to pass such a law, but whether it be or not, who
mit me I will now proceed to describe them. (Cheers.) We would be rash enough to propose it ? How should we ter-
propose to introduce into these borough constituencies new minate these misunderstandings, how restore that good
franchises. In the first place we shall introduce, as the foun- feeling—that which Lord Clarendon called the "good
dation of the suffrage, a class of property which hitherto nature of the English people "—if we took a course which
has not formed an element out of which voters have been would give occasion to a perpetual agitation for the re-
created—l mean personal property. We shall propose to moval of the restrictions which we had succeeded in ester-
allow persons who have funded property—property in Bank blishing ? Her Majesty's Government have given to this
Stock or in East India Stock and bonds, to the amount of subject the most anxious consideration. I may say that if
£lO per annum, to exercise the suffrage. I know the ob- labour, if thought could assist us to arrive at a proper
jection which may be urged by some persons against the solution, neither labour nor thought has been *pared
introduction of this qualification. They will point out the (Hear, hear.) Is there any principle on which we can
difficulties there will he in securing the due exercise of the restore the county constituency to its natural state, and
suffrage if that element is introduced. The house will par- bring about that general and constant sympathy between
don me on this occasion, when I have to travel over a vast the two portions of the constituent body which ought to
field, and when I must confine myself to the chief features exist? Her Majesty's Government are of opinion that some
of the measure lam recommending to their notice, if I eb- such solution does exist. We think there is a principle the
stain from entering into that question. (Hear, hear.) justness of which will be at once acknowledged, the logical
Enough for me now to say, that the bill which I have here, consequences of which will be at once remedial, and which,
and which, with the permission of the house, I shall intro- if applied with due discretion, will effect all those objects
duce, provides, in our opinion, a satisfactory and secure which we anxiously desire with respect to the oounty con•
machinery by which this and l other similar franchises stituency. We find that principle m recognising the iden-
to which I am about to advert may be exercised. Now, tity of suffrage between county and town. (Cheers.) I will
sir, there is another franchise which we shall also recom- proceed to show the house what, in our opinion, would be
mend the house to adopt, and that is one which depends the practical consequences of recognising that identity. If
upon the possession of a certain sum in the savings banks. the suffrages of the town are transferred to the county, and
(Hear, hear.) A man who has had £6O for a year in a the suffrages of the county transferred to the town, all
savings bank will, under this bill, if it becomes law, be those voters who, dwelling in a town, exercise their suf-
an elector for the borough in which he resides. (Cheers.) frage in the county in virtue of a county suffrage, will re-
Again, a man who has a pension for public service, but who cord their votes in the town, and the 40s. freeholder resi-
has ceased to be employed in that service, whether it be her dent in a town—subject to provisions in the bill which
Majesty's naval, military, or civil service, to the amount of would prevent this constitutional instrument being turned
£2O a year, will under this bill, if it become law, be entitled to an improper use—will have a right to vote for the
to a vote wherever he may reside. (Hear, hear.) Then, borough in which he resides. (Hear, hear.) This, as
again, sir, the occupant of a portion of a house, the aggro- well as the franchise founded on savings banks, will ope n
gate rent of which amounts to £2O a year—m-I*h would b 3 another avenue to the mechanic whose virtue, prudence,
Bs. a week—will also be entitled to a vote. (Hear.) The intelligence, and frugality entitle him to enter into the
pri-
house has heard much of late years of what is called an vileged pale of the constituent body of the country.
educational franchise. lam bound to say that no plan for (Cheers) If this principle be adopted a man will vote for
the creation of an educational franchise, in the very precise the place where he resides, and with which he is substan-
sense of that word, which in their opinion would work antis- tially connected. (Hear; hear.) Therefore the first mea-
factorily, has been brought under the consideration of the sure would embody this logical consequence—that it would
Government. It has, indeed, been proposed that the basis transfer the freeholders of the town from the county to the
of such a franchise should be sought for among the mem- town. But if this principle be adopted there are other
bers of the various learned societies. But, as it has been measures which in our opinion it would be the duty of
very accurately observed, it does not follow that the mem- Parliament in this respect to adopt. Since the year 1832
bers of learned societies should be learned. (" Hear, hear," there has been an immense increase in the population of
and laughter.) In these days we frequently see names fol- this country irrespective of the ratio of increase wit h
lowed by an amount of alphabetical combinations which is which we are acquainted. The creation of railways in
almost appalling; yet though we associate the highest learn- particular districts has stimulated that increase, and this
ing, the greatest antiquarian and-scientific acquirements, has come to pass in England, that in a great many of the
with those persons, it sometimes turns out that they only boroughs there is a population residing who for all
possess a respectable character and pay ten guineas a year. social and municipal purposes are part and parcel of the
(Renewed laughter.) An educational franchise, according community, but who for Parliamentary purposes are
to that high empyrean of imagination which some have at- pariahs. (Cheers.) A man votes for a municipality, h
tempted to reach, has baffled all our practical efforts. But pays his parochial rates and taxes, he is called upon to con
it will be our duty to recommend to the house that the psi- tribute to all purposes of charity and philanthropy in th e
vilege of a vote, irrespective of the more formal qualification borough, but, because he lives in a part of the boroug h
arising from property, should be conferred upon those classes which exceeds the boundary that was formed in 1832, he i
whose education has involved some considerable invest- not, though he lives in a £lO house, permitted to vote for
ment, many of them, no doubt, exercising the franchise members of Parliament. Now, all this extramural popula-
under the previous qualifications which I have described. tion in fact and in spirit consists of persons who ought to
We have thought it advisable that the suffrage should be be electors in the boroughs in which they reside, and we
conferred upon graduates of all universities—(hear, hear) therefore propose that boundary commissioners should visit
—upon the ministers of religion—whether ministers and all the boroughs of England and re-arrange them accord-
deacons of the church or ministers of denominations— ing to the altered circumstances of the time. (Cheers.) I
under regulations which the house will find in the bill ; know that these boundary commissioners may cause som e
upon the members of the legal profession in all its alarm in this country. (Hear, hear.) I know there ar e
branches, whether barristers, members of the inns of traditions of party arrangements effected by that machiner y
court, solicitors, or proctors ; and upon all members of the which, whether true or not, left an unpopular recollection
medical body who are registered under the late Medical in the House of Commons. (Hear, hear.) I believe that
Act. (Hear, hear.) To these we have added such school- in the present state of public feeling on this subject, so mo-
masters as possess a certificate from the Council. (Hear, derate as it is, and in the present balanced state of parties,
hear)) Sir, there are some other franchises which it is our no partial or improper conduct of that character, if it ever
intention to give the borough constituencies ; but before I ' did take place, could be repeated. (Hear, hear.) But it is
touch upon them it will be convenient that I should call quite unnecessary for me to dwell upon this point, becenso
the attention of the house to the subject of the county fran- her Majesty's Ministers are so circumstanced that they can
chile. (Hear.) Previous to the Reform Act of 1832, the in that respect make a proposition to the house which 11
general franchise of England may be described popularly— at once divest it of all suspicion. Since the reform of IwB
to
32
though technically perhaps such a description is not quite machinery has arisen in this country perfectly competent
correct—as a franchise which in the counties arose from effect that which we believe to be so necessary—l mean the
property and in the boroughs from occupation. When the Inclosure Commissioners. There is a body
delegateo fn'eto them
ntotall ?
in-
measure passed in 1832 was first introduced that distinction dependent of all party ; and we propose to
was recognised by the statesmen who had the preparation the fulfilment of this office. (Hear, hear.) They willappoint
and conduct of the bill. I have no doubt they deeply consi- deputy commissioners, who will visit the boroughs. The
dored that question at the time; nor can it be denied that deputy commissioners will make their reports to the Secre-
if the constituencies had remained as they proposed them, terry of State, and the Secretary of State will embody them
the principle thus set up would have been a distinct and a in a bill, and that bill will be subjoefind to criticism in this
clear one. Whether, however, the distinction could have house. (Laughter andcohe
been long maintained, I may with great humility per- moment suspect that three:;s). After that no one can for a
be iall3b, a
caripyr•ty The house has a
op.portunity of making
milted to doubt. Looking at the immense expansion of arrangements favourablee to n
the country, at its vast increase in wealth and population, right to ask me whether her Majesty's Government have
and not only in wealth and population, but in those distinc- formed any estimate of what may be the consequence
we propose in the numbers of the
tive interests which seek representation in this house—re- of the change which
membering the 10,500,000 inhabitants of counties to whom county constituencies. That is, no dont* aa point upon.
I have already alluded—l venture humbly to doubt whether which one mustspeakwith
eistesome degree eco! f
hesitation ;. but
that distinction could have been long kept up. That its there are somewhich are urmshod
b materials in x
maintenance was convenient to the statesmen of 1832, who by the papers efore the house, and there are others which
had immense difficulties to contend with, I can easily con- are at our command. This morning there was put into my
ceive ; but whatever was their intention they were disap- hand a pamphlet—probably *proof—pUblisheil to-day. It
pointed in the plan which they had prepared, and circum-
is by a gentleman who ranks, I believe, as the most eminent
stances occurred in this house which changed the cha
_ statistical authority in the country, who is well known to
ratter of the franchise and destroyed the distinction gentlemen in this house,
mend who has often been examined
between property and occupation which the Ministry
le.bnsetftiomhreeatcosousunrthtcayotmvthmoteiers
-grossesb— r. Newmarch. Mr. Newmarch
increase that would:he occasioned
of Lord Grey had sought to establish. Now, the
duke in
vidual responsible for that change was the noble y'a £lO county franchise winds), be
who was my predecessor in the scat which I now un- 103,000. I have no time to ascertain what are the data on
worthily fill, and as his conduct in this respect which Mr. Newmarch makes his calculation, but I should
has often been challenged, and as there are many who be disingenuous if I did not acknowledge to the house that
now deplore the course which he then took,raampasrethoef
morn considerable.
formed by her Majesty's Ministers is much
add
house will for a moment permit me, who considerable. (Cheers.) I should suppose the 1-
the motives which influenced him, to stateam the reasons_. tion to the county constituency would be not less than
which induced Lord Chandos to move successfully in this 200,000, one-half of which would be furnished by what sta-
house the celebrated clause that bears his name.
ticians cell the north-western and the north-eastern groups
When the
Reform Bill was introduced in 1831 it was generally avowed. of counties—that is to say, Cheshire, Lancashire, and the
was to give a legitimate West Riding on the one hand, and Kent, Sussex, and part
that the object of that measure ure
the middle classes of England. of Surrey on the other. With reference to those gentlemen
position in the Legislature _
That was the object avowed by the Ministry, and its pro- who have on various occasions expressed their opinion that
priety was generally acknowledged. by the country. Novi. the £2O occupation franchise is one which they should pre-
when the principle that the. middle classes should be repre fer to see `adopted, I wouldobservethat thenumber between
sented in this house was laid down, Lord Chandos, who was a £2O and a £lO franchise would, I think, be described by
then the member for the county of Buckingham, being a the figure 100,000. But, with reference to the change of
man who lived much among his neighbours, and who was the county constituency from £5O to £2O, I would observe
familiar with the character and the interests of rural society, that, having given to this subject versesconsiderable pains,
the great
naturally felt what he consideredabsurdity that so far as I can form an opinion, there 1
would make me trust
t important portion of the middle classes—the most ditional £lO house in a county which _
ad-
the moat
who lived in a £2O
even at this day, because they are therespectability of one w nothing in an
important greatest the loyalty and
employers of labour, —I mean the farmers of England— house, in preference to one wko lived in a £lO house.
should not possess the suffrage—(hear)—and it was with (Cheers.) I am also bound to be candid, and say
that view that Lord Chandos moved the clause. The sym- that the estimate of 200,000 voters has been made irre -
Pathy of the house was so great in its favour (a sympathy spective of what the effects of the labours of the
not confined to party ; Mr. Hume was a supporter of the Boundary Commissioners may be. I have heard many
Chandos clause) that the noble lord who then led this arguments against the proposition, but only to one of them
to that not for its
house,_ Lord Althorp, felt it his duty to yield to it. But would I attach much weight, n
that happened then 'which sometimes does happen when strength, but for the phrase whicheantidsity used
which te
thiscl t clothe
oi it.
0. s
great measures are brought forward by a Ministry and allude to the objection that the identity
county' and town consti-
i-
gehleschtorapelopdliestrifrcotms.
an important amendment is introduced successfully by an tion would introduce between h
eager Opposition. Those who have had the preparation tuencies may lead to
twhat.on aorfe
of great and important measures—and I see present in: my Now if the only proa c
of £lO in an occupation
upon whom that task has devolved—know the great cLiffl- electoral districts is
and the town, then I am afraid
tchaleledEn
culty, the long anxiety, the constant hesitation which franchise between the
cannot be resisted. But, believing as
are involved in such a task, and know how hard it its to that electoral districtsnothinn.
, more unpopular in this country
adapt one part to another, and to obtain that general bar- Ido that thaere
districts—(cheers)—anda that they are alien
mony which will meet public wants, and which will give than electeourstoms, tcountye difference
manners, and associations of the people,
you a chance of carrying your measure successfully to all the
fear whatever that that scheme will be adopted
through. (Hear.) But when a leader of Opposition ear- I have no .
hmen have lost all p ride in their country an
ries an amendment which he believes to be necessary, he until Englishmen
the localitieswhich fondness- for n they have lived.
thinks only of the proposal which he is making to the horse, all
Why, Sir, electoral districts can never be esta-
and if the 'Ministry are obliged to adopt it it very often does (Cheers.)lished until you recognise the voice of a numerical majority
not fit in with their previous design ;it does not display
bushed until you recognise the Voice of a numerical majority
the harmony and unison which would perhaps have been as the right principle of representation this house.
the
in
the harmony and unison which would perhaps have been
aCh rs ) They can be formedand
egar d ( ce •upon no bther principle,
the case had they themselves devised it with a due r
a the measures which it is my duty to • d intro me on the part
for the other detail.i of the measure. (Hear.)
hav-e2' to° of the Government to the house
to-night have no other
doubt that had the Government thought fit in 1831
but to
county objectassert those riht principles upon which
introduce the principle of occupation in the .
th
homogeneous vll the representation in this house
has always been based.
chise they might have rendered it so
worked thper- I have now, very imperfectly, andpoints,
feet
their general scheme that it would have
have been Suite placed before the house a general view of what we pro-
accustomedfect facility, that we should long ere this
those distinct ions pose to do with the constituent body of the country.
and
to its operation, and then
•ht never I save (Hear, hear.) ear, Our object is to reconstruct that body, with
and difficulties which have since arisen might
doubt
been heard of. (Hear, hear.) But there is no that no mere view of increasing its numerical amount, but
this £5O occupation solely with improving it, by the addition of
the object of
to
whom
the
privilege
of
from the moment, or shortly after,
dissatisfactionand
clause was put into operation, feelings of various classes and individuals
p Stateeg:nd
'ncls of the commui city. the franchise may be trusted, with safety to the
suspicion were excited in the ma
Occupiers in the county of less
than £so—say of £ilo or benefit to the community. (Cheers.) If the measure we
£2o—who, if the principle had not been admitted, would recommend be adopted, you will have a great home-
probablyinjured,great variety of character,
never have thought themselves natui ?ally geneous constituency,
_aeith. a
iefee
consistent with the
looked with great soreness on the man who. hade voted in a for variety in the franchise is
.p perfectly
eat homogene pus
borough because he had an occupation of £lO. filet feeling identity of the suffrage ; you will have agr
there will no
was unfortunatelyfollowed by those inelus- body, between the different sections of which.
of dissatisfaction
trial controversies, respecting the origin or end of which it longer exist feelings of dissatisfaction and distrust. The
is unnecessary to say anything, but which were prolonged, elector will elect a man of the community in which he lives,
high sense of duty
and which undoubtedly occasioned great bitterness among and he will exercise the right under the
all closes. What feeling of dissatisfaction became a fecling that iaiinencee Englishat
OA In whaling it, iIW always