The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-19 00:00:00

MEXICO.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SIR,—In the absence hitherto of any official
account of the final struggle between the Liberals
and the Church faction in Mexico, and the future
intentions of the dominant party, I trust that you
will consider the annexed document received from
his Excellency the Secretary of Foreign Affairs of
sufficient importance to entitle it to a place in your
journal, and by its publicity in The Still you will
materially assist all whose inter is 4spend on the
prosperity of that republic.-"am, Sir, yours
obediently,
JAMES L. HART, Mexican Consul.
London, Feb. is.

(Translated copy.)
Office of the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs,
Palacio Nacional, Jan. 15, 1861.

Dear Sir,—The revolution is finished. After the defeat
of Marquez and the taking of Guadalajara, the constitu-
tional army, under the command of his Excellency Don
Jesus Gonzales Ortega, marched upon the capital of the
republic, where the rebel band, making a supreme effort,
concentrated the greatest possible force, and even succeeded
in surprising the brigade, which, as part of the vanguard,
was in Toluca, under the command of his Excellency Don
Felipe Berrcozabol, who was wounded and made prisoner,
jointly with Degollado and Ferias.
Inspirited by this triumph, their chief, Miramon, deter-
mined to advance with a force of 7,000 men and 40 pieces of
artillery, and give battle to the army expected from the in-
terior. On the 21st both armies came in sight of each
other, and on the morning of the 22d that of the Reaction-
ary party was completely routed, leaving in the hands of
our victorious army all their troops, train, and even money.
Miramon and Marquez arrived alone at Mexico. The city
contained about 2,000 men in garrison, which made any
defence impossible. A Junta determined to surrender the
place to Signor Degollado, and the Spanish Ambassador,
tho French Minister, and General Ayestaran went out to
confer about its capitulation. In the meanwhile it was
thought that Miramon, with part of the garrison, would
wait at Puebla the result of the conference, but the strong
Constitutional force had obstructed all the outlets from
Mexico, and the result of the conference being that they
were unable to give the guarantees demanded by the Reac-
tionary chief, he and others of his most famous accomplices
evacuated the city, taking with them some thousand men,
who, being pursued and disbanded, left in the hands of their
pursuers their small train of artillery, consisting of two
light pieces.
On the 25th, in the midst of the most complete jubilee,
Senor Gonzalez Ortega entered the capital, and on the 27th
the small garrison of Puebla pronounced in our favour.
The revolution is completely terminated, and gloriously,
without prejudicial influences, and, what is more, without
disorder, without violence, and without the revenges com-
mon to all revolutions, and no crime has been committed
to impair so splendid a triumph.
The Supreme Government promptly called to the capital
is arranging at present to aot firmly, with strict justice, and
to advance in the way of reform. From this day forward
the law, and only the law, will be the grand principle by
which the public liberty and independence and the future
destinies of the Mexican nation will be upheld—that nation
which has known to cosigner, palm by palm, the rights re-
presented by the Constitution !
I have now informed you of all that has passed, and from
your patriotism it is expected that you will give the greatest
publicity, etuleavuuring to rectify the public mind abroad,
aid convince every one that at last Mexico has achieved a
real and durable peace.
I beg to assure you of my appreciating, &c.
In the absence of the Minister,
JUAN DE Dios Anus, Secretary.

To the Mexican Consul,
Don James L. Hart, &c., London.

MEXICO, JAN. 17
The reply of Mr. Murphy, the Mexican Minister in
London, to my communication of the 15th of October, was
written at a most unfortunate moment for that gentleman.
It bears date the 13th November, and only four days sub-
sequently the outrage upon the British Legation and the
robbery of the bondholders' money, noticed in my letter of
the 17th November, took place. This, in conjunction with
the outrages committed on Messrs. Pitman and Davis at
San Louis Fotosi, on Mr. Newell at Zacatecas, with the
imprisonment and all but murder of George Silley, and the
murder of Dr. Duval at Tambaya, are apt illustrations of
the truth of Mr. Murphy's assertion, that " the Mexican
Government will adhere to what is duo to British subjects
in Mexico, according to international law and existing
treaties, whether there be near it or not a representitive of
her Britannic Majesty's Government." If the mere asser-
tion of Mr. Murphy, that he never on any occasion, whether
official or private, held out the threat that he " would not
answer for the lives or property of Englishmen if the British
Legation were withdrawn," is to be accepted as a denial of
a charge founded upon reliable information and supported
by general reputation, all I ask of the British public is to
test the truth of one assertion by the actual falsehood of the
other. It is to be regretted that Mr. Murphy has not con •
descended to expose the " absurdity and monstrosity" of my
other statements. The cases of Mr. Landon, of the poor
mechanic at the theatre, and the unfortunate woman flogged
to death for attempting to effect the escape of her husband,
may, perhaps, induce him to throw off his reserve; until
then I leave him to enjoy the triumph he has achieved.
Since my last we have enjoyed the most profound tran-
quillity in the capital. Vicario, however, still holds out, with
a force of about 2,000 men in the neighbourhood of Ygnalia,
and Mejia has managed to scrape together 1,000 men, and
is now reported to be in the neighbourhood of San Luis.
With energy and activity these two chiefs might easily be
disposed of, and it is to be hoped the present Government
will not allow these forces to exist as a nucleus for another
revolution. President Juarez entered Mexico on the 11th,
and in the outset initiated measures which, if promptly
carried out, would have ensured the tranquillity
of the republic for some time to come. The leaders of the
Church faction were to be summarily tried and punished
wherever they were taken, and, as parties were in full pur-
suit of Miramon and Marques, and Diaz had been actually
captured, strong hopes were entertained that these three,
the most obnoxious of the party, would have been secured
and prevented from doing any further mischief. However,
it now appears that counter orders have been sent, and it is
even asserted that an exile of five years will be the punish-
ment inflicted upon these men.
The expulsion of Senor Pacheco, the Spanish Ambassa-
dor, the Pope's Nuncio, the Charge d'Affaires at Guatemala,
and the Minister of Ecuador, has been officially announced,
and the following is the notification sent to Senor Pacheco
—" His Excellency the Constitutional President ad interim
cannot regard you but as one of the enemies of his Govern-
ment for the services you have rendered the usurpers who
have occupied this city for the last three years. For this he
orders that you depart from this and the republic without
unnecessary delay. His Excellency the President respects
Spain, as he does all other friendly nations, but your sojourn
in the republic can no longer continue. The consideration
which moves his Excellency to this resolution is therefore
purely personal." There can be no doubt that the Liberal
Government are perfectly warranted, and only exercise a
sound discretion in getting rid of Senor Pacheco. He has
ever proved himself the unflinching partizan of the Church
faction, and was undoubtedly the means of keeping them
in power much longer than they could have stood by their
own unaided strength. In what light Spain will view this
expulsion remains to be seen. She will be wise to pocket
the affront. The decree nationalising the Church property
has now been published throughout the republic, but the
hasty manner in which it has been drawn up and the reck-
less manner in which it is likely to be administered does not
hold out great hopes to the foreign creditor.
A most melancholy occurrence has just taken place at
Tasco, by which Mr. Bodmer, her Majesty's Vice-Consul
at that place, has fallen a victim to the brutality of some
troops under the order of Vicario. While endeavouring to
save a prisoner whom these demons were torturing, he was
shot through the lungs, and expired a few hours afterwards.
He was much and deservedly respected, and loaves a widow
with four or five children to deplore his loss.
Mr. Mathew yesterday sent in his ultimatum with re-
spect to the seizure of the money restored to the English
proprietors in the conducts, by Garza, at Tampico; he de-
mands the payment of the amount within 0 days, an

From the Time.s' Corespondent.
NEV YORK, FEB. 5.
Disunion has now reached its second stage—re-
construction. A convention of delegates from the
seceding States met yesterlay at Milledgeville,
with a view to form a federa. slaveholding Union,
with the present federal Contitution as its basis,
altered or modified to suit tle case. I have as yet
no information as to the doin;s of this body beyond
the election of Mr. Cobb as the presiding officer.
I understand that the progranme is—The adoption
of the present Constitution 7 thout a reserved right
of secession ; the choice of aorovisional Executive ;
the creation of an army, over which Mr. Jefferson
Davis is to be placed as coamander-in-chief ; and
the adoption of the present revenue system of the
United States until a better can be framed. Envoys
are to be sent to Europe to secure the recognition of
the new nation, and provisions are to be made for
the admission into the confederacy of the other
slaveholding States. From to-day forward, there-
fore, the controversy assumes new proportions. In-
stead of the great Federal Government mated
against individual States, it is the remains of the
old federation, strong indeed in wealth, power, and
historic associations, but reeling under the shocks of
rebellion against the confederacy of the Gulf States,
elate with unexpected success, and hoping for the
immediate accession of the whole slaveholding States.
The States that have actually gone into the move-
ment show no signs of receding. South Carolina is
still in arms against Fort Sumter, her business pros-
trated, and her people soldiers. She is straining every
nerve to maintain herself by taxation. Her slaves
are to be taxed 1 dol. 60c. a head, and even the profits
of her savings banks are to pay to the Government
75c. on the 100 dole. Georgia is, with more prudence
than her neighbour, gradually shaping her policy
for independence. In order to avoid a collision, the
collector at Charleston was directed temporarily to
acknowledge the authority of the Federal Govern-
ment, and account to it. This is now to cease, and
the collector is hereafter to account to the State Go-
vernment. The Convention of this State has put
forth a declaratirn of the grievances which induced
the State to secee.e. The hostile policy of the North
on the subject of slavery, of protection, and of spe-
cial privileges is represented as the main moving
cause. The two evils of anti-slavery and protection
are skilfully combined. The hostility to slavery
is represented is subordinate to the hostility in
commercial polity. Then the evils, dangers, and
injustice of the Republican platform in regard to
slavery are dwat upon. Recollecting the political
antecedents of Georgia, I thought that the address
was adroitly canposed for two communities, In
the one, where hostility to protection and monopoly
is well establithed in the popular mind, the anti-
slavery grievances will appear subordinate to com-
plaints againEt the supporters of a protective tariff,
which, thougl just in principle, will hardly be
deemed to be s sufficient cause for revolution. But
at home, where a tariff for protection has been for-
gotten since it was laid upon the shelf in 1846,
partly by the vote of Georgia, the only charges that
seize upon the popular mind are those against the
North and fte Republicans as aggressors upon
slavery. " Fer 20 years past," they say,
" The Aboliticsists and their allies in the Northern States
have been engaged in constant efforts to subvert our institu-.
tions, and to excite insurrection and servile war among us.
They have sent emissaries among us for the accomplishment
of their purposes. Some of these efforts have received the
sanction of a najority of the leading men of the Republican
party in the notional councils—the same men who are now
proposed as our rulers. These efforts have in ono instanee
led to the actual invasion of one of the slavcholding States,
and those of the murderers and incendiaries who escaped
public justice ty flight found fraternal protection among our
Northern confAerates."
This singe sentence—which contains as many
mis-statements, direct and implied, as could well be
put in the same space—is intended for home con-
sumption, and has more effect than columns about
a tariff and protection. The latter is entirely on
foreign account. The same body, after consulta-
tion has adopted the following ordinance in re-
ference to the African slave trade :
"The people )f Georgia, in Convention assembled, do
hereby declare End ordain that all the laws passed by the
Congress of the late United States of America, and in force
in this State prier to the 19th day of January, 1861, in re•
ference to the African slave trade, except the fifth section
of the Act of 10th of May, 1800, be, and the same are here-
by declared to be, in full force in this State; and also so
much of the Act of the 15th of May, 1820, as declares the
offences therein specified to be piracy ;. and in lieu of the
penalty of death therein specified there shall be substituted
imprisonment in the penitentiary for a term of years not
less than five nor exceeding 20, in the discretion of the
court ; provided the same shall not be construed to extend
to the importation of negro slaves from any one of the slave-
holding States of the late United States of America, or from
either of the independent republics of South Carolina,
Alabama, Florida, or Mississippi ; provided further the
slaves so introduced from the slaveholding States of North
America shall not have been imported from beyond seas
into such State since the 20th day of December, 1860.
"Be it further ordained and declared that the Governor
of Georgia shall discharge all the duties required by said
laws of the President of the United States,and the Attorney
or Solicitor-General of the judicial district where the case
arises shall discharge all the duties required of the district
attorney, and the Sheriff of the county all the duties re-
quired by the Marshal.
"Be it further ordained that the State of Georgia shall
be substituted for the United States in every portion of said
laws where the substitution is required by the present con-
dition of the said State."
The laws thus continued in force provide that
"citizens of the United States" shall not engage in
the slave trade under pain of being convicted as
pirates, with penalty of death. In view of the
well-known sentiment prevailing in some parts of
Georgia on this subject it will not be hypercritical
in Englishmen to inquire whether the Convention
of Georgia means to prohibit the slave trade as
against citizens of Georgia after they cease to be
citizens of the " late United States of America."
In Alabama I judge that the leaders of secession
have some fear of a reaction of sentiment. A pro-
position was made to submit the action of the Con-
vention to the people. Mr. Yancey, who may be
called the leader of the movement in that State,
met the proposition thus :
"But, it is said, why not call another Convention to re.
tify the permanent Government to be adopted? I answer
because it is unnecessary. A permanent Government for a
Southern Confederacy was looked for by the friends of se-
cession—was spoken of and entered into all the discussions
in the latecanvass. It was a part of the plan of secession,
and when the people decided for secession they decided for
a Southern Confederacy. Therefore, on that point, we al-
ready know the views of the people, and no new expression
of opinion is needed. Neither is such expression needed as
to the character of the permanent Government. That cha-
racter the people have indicated and it is expressed in the
report—it must be a Government as nearly similar as pos-
sible to the Federal Constitution. We need no discussion
before the people, nor other expression of their views on that
point. Besides these views, in themselves conclusive to any
mind, no statesman would willingly throw such grave
issues before the people after once receiving their decision,
until the irritations and prejudices and passions of the
previous contest had cooled. It is eminently wise, be-
fore throwing off upon the people the responsibilities which
attach to us, to consider the condition of the public mind.
Gentlemen here have told us of an excited and unhealthy
state of pulic feeling in some sections of the State, and have
asked time for reflection in order to its correction. Who is
not aware thkt it was a great misfortune that the elec •
tion for delegates to this body came off so soon after the
heated Presidential contest ? Who is not aware that in one
section of the State the angry passions and prejudices, of
that contest entered yery largely and almost exclusively in

that section into the election for delegates ? And is it wise
—is it not eminently unwise—to throw this whole question
again before such a people, to blow off the ashes and revive
once again the glowing embers of that bitter strife? There
is another reason why I oppose the election of another Con-
vention. Such a proposition has a tendency to re-open the
question of secession by bringing up the issue of a recon-
struction of the Federal Government. It allows such an
issue to be made—it invites it, in fact. And under what
circumstances ? From the signs of the times it would
seem as if coercive measures were to be adopted. If so,
about the time of such an election the people will be
bearing the burdens of such a contest. Commercial and
agricultural interests will be suffering. Debts will be hard
to pay. Provisions will be scarce. Perhaps death at the
hands of the enemy will have come to the doors of many
families. Men's minds thus surrounded and affected by
strong personal and selfish considerations will not be in that
calm and well balanced condition which is favourable to a
correct and patriotic judgment of the question."
In Louisiana the State authorities have seized
the Mint and public treasure and all the other
public property. By this coup de main they get
about 350,000 dols. in cash, an article much needed
just now among both seceding and remaining Go-
vernments. Mr. Benjamin and Mr. Slidell took
leave of the Senate yesterday.
Thus much for the seceded States. The Northern
Slave States are more and more agitated as the day
for the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln approaches',
The Governor of Maryland stands firm to his deter-
mination that a Convention shall not be called there;
but the Legislature, which is of secession sym-
pathies, calls an illegal body to meet on the 12th
and assume the powers of a convention. This
move against the constituted State authorities is,
you will observe, a direct violation of the principle
of States' rights on which the revolution has thus
far been conducted, and if persisted in must lead to
civil conflict between the citizens of different parties
in Maryland itself. Tennessee is, I believe, to have
a convention. I apprehend that this State will
secede, unless a compromise is soon made. If,
however, it is wise enough to stay in the old
confederacy, Memphis, its principal port on the
Mississippi, must become, while the settlement of
this question is pending, what New Orleans has
been to the cotton trade, it being an excellent depot
for the receipt of cotton to be forwarded northerly
by the river and rail to the eastern ports. Ken-
tucky has resolved to have no convention of its
own, and to go into no Southern convention, but
to ask Congress to convene a national convention to
consider the whole question at issue—a determina-
tion worthy the practical common sense of that
State. Virginia is to have a convention, as I wrote
you some time since; The voters were yesterday
to elect delegates to this body, and also to decide
whether they would have their doings submitted
to them. The whole country looks anxiously4for
the results of these votings ; for if Virginia goes it
is felt that Maryland will have great temptation to
follow suite, in which case an immediate struggle
for the possession of Washington is certain.
This hasty sketch will, I trust, put you au
courant with the events of the week in the
Southern States. In the North people do little ;
in fact, up to this time they have been able to do
nothing but rest on their oars and let the boat
drift. Meetings have been held in favour of Union
in the various large towns, some favouring this
project of settlement and others that, and many
of the retired statesmen and politicians have re-
appeared and been sent to Washington as special
messengers of peace. But all this is felt to be of
little importance unless the Convention that is to
meet at Washington this week can contrive some
way to reconcile the Border States to go with the
North rather than with the South. This Conven-
tion is now in session. It consists of members from
the border States, on both sides of the line, and from
most of the other Northern States. The Democratic
politicians in this part of the country and the border
State Union men have great hopes from its action.
I must confess that I do not quite share their hopes,
although I believe that there is a disposition among
the border State leaders to take up with much less
than there was when I was in Washington a fort-
night since.
While the Union is splitting asunder, Congress,
in a spirit of insanity, is forcing through both
Houses of Congress a protective tariff, the very pro-
posal of which gives a vital force to parts of the
Georgia demonstration that would be otherwise
harmless. There is great reason to fear that it will
become a law, as the President, I am told, will not
probably wish to veto a measure of this kind just as
he is going out of office. The Federal Treasury is in
a lamentable condition. Congress has authorised a
loan of £25,000,000, but who is to take it ? In
ordinary times Wall- street will absorb almost any
loan that a needy Secretary of the Treasury may
put upon it. But in the present emergency it is no
longer a sponge. Both the late loans were taken
by moneyed institutions. These institutions have
taken all they want, and it will not be easy, with a
civil war threatening, to borrow elsewhere. It is
not impossible that the necessities of the Govern-
ment may force a settlement which otherwise would
be impossible: The estimates for the last six months
of the present fiscal year, ending June 30, are as
follows (made before the passing of the bill autho-
rising the new loan) :

Dol.
From Customs
From public lands
From miscellaneous sources 400,000

Total ..
Add these to the balance of the Treasury notes
authorised by Act of December, 1860

Make the amount of means for the half year 22,400,000
The estimated demands on the Treasury, under
existing laws during :the half-year as above
stated, including the redemption of 9,211,400
dols. of Treasury notes, is 44,077,524

The amount required in additiontO the 5,000,000
dols. of Treasury notes and the current re-
venue to pay outstanding currentand accruing
dues before the close of the present fiscal year
is, therefore
This amount may be reduced 7,60,524, if the balance of
the loan authorised by the Act of June 24 1860 (being
13,978,000) be made available to the Treasury.
Since the date of my last letter Kansas has been
admitted into the Union as a State, with a constitu-
tion prohibiting slavery. Many Republicans are
preparing to accept this as the real victory, and to
yield compromise on the territorial question. You
will perhaps remember that the admission of Kansas
was the first step in Mr. Seward's plan of settle-
ment. During the last week, Kansas having been
admitted, there has been a great change in the
views of the Republican members of Congress. Mr.
Seward, as representing the incoming Government,
favours compromise. He regards the slavery issue
as ended with the admission of Kansas. Slavery
in New Mexico is not worth fighting about, and
the duty of preserving the Union and con-
tinuing the Government is the chief duty
now devolving on the Republican party. The
border States must be kept back, and the
cotton States regained, if possible. The Chicago
platform must be surrendered, because the Govern-
ment must have office-holders in the South, and no
man can take office there who stands upon that
platform. The dead issue of slavery must be sur-
rendered for the live issue of Union. Can the
Republican party be induced to abandon the Chi-
cago platform? Up to this time I have supposed
not. Until now no count has been made strong
enough to insure success to such views. I under-
stand that now the friends of union have great
confidence in carrying by the necessary two-thirds
majority either the border State propositions or
Mr. Adam's plan. This will not be done without
great resistance from the Free-soil part of the Re-
publican party, who maintain that disunion is ine-
vitable, and that the only remaining question is
where shall the boundary be. They do not yet
publicly avow these ideas, but I have the bestha
reason to believe that they are entertained--
th
e
with the Republican leaders of this wing oft
party all idea of coercion is.abandred, or, as
with
of the party writes me, "is passing away with
other discarded lumber." Thus, whatever may be
determined, there is some reason to hope for peace,
unless the South precipitates war by. attacking the
forts over which the national flag still floats.