The Sun.
London, England, 1861-12-03 00:00:00

SEIZURE OF THE CO'N'FEDERATES.

OPINIONS OF TILE FRENCH PRESS.
The Debats is gradually becoming less favourable
in its opinion of the American incident, as it now
declares that the San Jacinto hes neted illegally.
Not that England has not, it declares, been guilty
of infinitely graver offences, and without any con-
sideration for the feelings or interests of the parties
whom she wronged :
When England," says that journal, " subsidised
the Continental coalition against France, and when
Europe sold her in return the liberty of the seas,
the English Government committed against the
law of nations, to which it now appeals, many acts
of violence compared with which the stopping and
searching of the Trent by the San Jacinto, or even
the seizure of Messrs. Mason and Slidell, might pass
as mere peccadilloes. The Government of President
Lincoln will of course exhume a host of these pre-
cedents in attempting to justify itself, and the Eng-
lish, well aware of their weak point, will not fail,
as may be seen by the extracts we have given from
their journals, to make the amende honorable, and
to disavow the exaggerations which their courts of
law endeavoured in bygone days to get accredited
as principles of maritime law. It is right and
praiseworthy, no doubt, to repent of one's evil deeds,
but will that prevent people from reproaching the
penitent with his past conduct ? On the other hand,
it seems that the United States have little right to
make this return to justice, or—to speak more ac-
curately—to injustice. France apart, there is no
Government that has protested with so much perse-
verance and energy against the proceedings of the
English navy and of the jurists of Great Britain
touching the principles of an equitable and liberal
maritime law for all nations. In 1812, even, the
United States undertook, in defence of these prin-
ciples, a war which did them much honour, but
which forbids them now to revive on their own ac-
count the evil practices which they then combated.
The search of the Trent, even were it legal, which
we think it cannot be, and were it not an act
absolutely to be condemned, would still appear
inexplicable on the part of a power so excessively
jealous of the respect due to its flag. Who, since
the peace, has shown more susceptibility on that
point? Who has been on every occasion more
litigious, more exacting, and more disagreeable with
other Powers, when that question came under dis-
cussion ? Who preferred leaving facilities for the
slave trade raffia than admit the right of searching
their ships, even in the restricted limits of the Gulf
of Guinea? Who refused the liberal principles of
the Congress of Paris, while assuming the air of
asking for still more ? Ana what did the United
States ask ? Why, that henceforth every merchant-
man should be, even in time of war, declered
inviolable and exempt from all the consequences of
a state of war ?"
The Debats then declares that, if consulted, it
would advise the Government of Mr. Lincoln to
accord at once the reparation demanded ; but, at the
same time, it admits that it sees little probability of
such a resolution being come to—first, because all
the circumstances which are known lead to the
belief that the search on board the Trent has been
the result of a maturely deliberated plan ; and next,
because the first act consequent on a reparation
from the American Government would be to
replace the Southern Commissioners on board an
English vessel of war, which mode of proceeding it
is doubtful that the American people would per-
mit. The Debats expresses the opinion that
President Lincoln has not sufficient moral power
to impose the will of his Government, supposing
it to lean towards an arrangement, on the mass of
the people, and that, therefore, in every case, the
chances of his granting the very first condition of
a reparation are but slight. Our contemporary
then proceeds as follows !
" But if the American Government has often
given proofs of haughtiness, it has also very
often given proofs of good souse, which should
not be wanting in the present case. It would be
the height of folly to add the scourge of foreign
war to that of civil war. Embarrassed finances,
paralysed industry, ruined trade, a military
marine at so low an ebb that, in order to enforce
the blockade of the Southern coasts, it has been
found necessary to arm merchant vessels, are not
conditions to render a war with England desirable,
even if it should be endeavoured to excite such a
desire by the consideration that English capitalists
are the principal creditors of the United States, and
by the hope of conquering Canada, which is offered
as a bait to rouse the cupidity of the multitude. In
any case, such a result could never bo attained, but
at the cost of infinite eacrifiees and sufferings, and
above all at the expense of the moral law, which
we have been always told is so powerful with the
American democracy."
The article of the Debats terminates with an ex-
hortation to the English Government to show
moderation, and, in case the Cabinet of Washington
should evince a willingness to give satisfaction, not
to prove unreasonable in its demands.
Several others of the Paris journals have long
articles on the same subject, but the only one that
seems to call for particular notice is the following
from the Patric., which discusses the point—what
ought to be the conduct of the French Cabinet at
the critical conjuncture that has so unexpectedly
surged up :
" What will now be the attitude of France? In
our opinion it will be difficult for her to remain in-
different in presence of a violation of international
law which interests all maritime nations. We are
inclined to believe that the Government of the
Northern States will refuse to recognise the justice
of the claims of England; and in that case we may
anticipate that war will be declared, and that the
recognition of the Southern States will be the first
act of hostility by England. We have not hitherto
concealed our opinion on the American conflict, but
we had no right, whilst stating the reasons for
that opinion, to anticipate what would be
the resolutions of the Emperor's Government.
At present, however, we think we may ven-
ture to say that we do not understand how
the pretensions of the Cabinet of Washington
can be defended. The different States of the Confe-
ration, as is known, enjoy an existence of their own;
that is to say, are free and independent—have their
separate and distinct legislatures, finances, and ad-
ministrations—possess, in a word, autonomy; and
because some of them in the exercise of their liberty
think fit to form themselves into a separate confe-
deration, the North is to assume that it had the

right to bind them eternally to it. They could not
separate from it, says the North ; but in that case
what becomes of their liberty ? A centre to the Con-
federation was required, and Washington was
chosen, not as the capital of a republic, calling itself
the United States of America, but as a neutral ter-
ritory, sold as a centre in which the delegates of
the different governments of the country could exer-
cise their common action as regards their common
affairs. The political and commercial interests of
North and South having become different, a division
has naturally taken place, and the Government
which on that account has changed the brothers of
yesterday into the enemies of to-day has been ill-
inspired. It was not on the field of battle that an
attempt should have been made to solve and unite
such divergent matters. The blood shcd,the excesses
of all kinds, and still mote the interests and will of
the South, have sanctioned separation ; and no
human power can now reconstitute what has been
destroyed. It is time to stop a fratricidal war,
which threatens to ruin the vital elements of the
two countries, and thereby compromise the welfare
of other nations. French commerce already suffers
severely from this state of things; and if it is diffi-
cult for England to support the interruption of
commercial relations with America, the situation of
France is no better, and the injury she sustains is
not less considerable. We are profoundly convinced
that the war between the Northern and Southern
States, if the two countries were left to themselves,
would be interminable; and on the other hand, we
cannot under any pretext remain disinterested spec-
tators of a conflict between North America and
England. Evidently France is not called on to
avenge the insults received by England ; but as the
recognition of the South by that Power would lead

to a definitive division of the United States, it can
not be an isolated act, and would impose on France
an equally decisive attitude in that question. The
result would be that the two great maritime Powers
of Europe might be led into a common action, and
have the same political object. That being so, Pre-
sident Lincoln, in ordering an act of brutality, has
perhaps given a proof of foresight, by preparing a
separation which at the present moment ho can
neither propose nor accept,"

COUNTRY MARKEIS.

v-•
COLCHESTER—Nov. 30.

A fair supply of grain, which was taken off at about
the same prices as last week.
Wheat, white ..54s 68s Beans,Mazagan..36s 403
red 46s 64s middle & small.4os 44s
Barley
Oats • 24s 30s gray 383 423