The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-23 00:00:00

If that be not all—if the expedition finds when it
gets there, as it very probably may, that there is
nothing deserving the name of a Government in
Mexico, that there is no set of men with whom it is
impossible to treat, no set of men who e[ n under-
take to give a pledge with regard to the conduct
of public affairs, with the slightest security that
what they undertake will be fulfilled, we shall find
there is devolved upon us the task of creating a
Government for that country. That is at all times
a task of great difficulty at so great a distance, and
it is not likely to be easier when it has not to be
done by one nation acting on its own account, but
by three allied nations acting together. There is
just one other consideration on that subject, and
that is how we intend to obtain payment of these
debts. The most obvious way is that which is sug-
gested, by seizing and levying the customs' duties.
If we do that, we must raise the customs' duties ;
and it is worth while to ascertain whether the
greater part of those duties may not be paid by our
own people, and whether, in fact, we are not going
to a great expense of military occupation and tax-
ing our own trade for the benefit of creditors, a great
many of whom are foreigners. Now, Ido not say
that those considerations justify an absolute con-
demnation of this undertaking. All I say is that
these points require to be inquired into, and that
we ought not to approve it unless an answer be
made to the question which I have raised. (Hear.)
So much, gentlemen, for foreign affairs. As to the
future of domestic legislation, we have all of us
heard a great deal in the last few months of what
is called a Conservative reaction. Now, the thing
is real enough, but the phrase is not strictly accu-
rate. Reaction in this country there is_ licit; and I
believe there never will be. It is our nature to
make changes slowly, but when we have
made them all parties agree to abide by
them. There is no measure which has passed in
the last 30 years which, so far as I know and
believe, any considerable party in this country would
now propose to repeal ; therefore, I say, in the
strict sense of the word, reaction there is none. But
of Conservative feeling and contentment as to that
which we have, and of objection to any changes
that may be proposed, there is undoubtedly more
than at any time within my recollection. I do not
believe that this has anything to do with the acci-
dents of political combinations or the working of
Parliamentary parties. I believe it would be pre-
cisely the same if every politician and Minister now
living were swept off from the face of the earth, and
if a House of Commons were returned composed
entirely of new men. I think the causes of this
state of feeling are not difficult to find. We have
only to look around us. The establishment of the
French empire following on the popular revolution
of 1848—the spectacle of France enjoying, indeed,
much glory and much prosperity, but deprived of
freedom—the not altogether satisfactory working
of what I may call ultra•popular institutions in
some of our colonies—the fact that we are at this
moment the only first-rate Power in Europe,
and, indeed, in the world, which is not going
through a crisis, added to the unfortunate disunion,
especially in the great manufacturing towns, be-
tween the middle and working classes, consequent
on movements of trades unions—the fact that there
is with bath parties a disinclination on the part of
employers to an extended suffrage—these circum-
stances, taken together, are quite sufficient to ex-
plain why there should be at the present time a
preponderance of moderate opinions. It is the
business of politicians simply to recognise this state
of things ; it is of no use to cavil at it, and no use to
ignore it. We have to consider what is best that
can be made out of it, and the conclusion which I
draw is, that organic changes are out of season,
and the very fact that they are out of season
proves that the present time—as times of quiet
generally are—is especially favourable for the
carrying out of administrative reforms. I do not
believe that you will have a Reform Bill introduced
by the Government for two or three years at least.
A trial was made in 1860, and Parliament received
the measure then brought forward with dis-
guised hostility, and the people with gene-
ral indifference. It is no use now to dis-
cuss that Bill. The question of Reform cannot die,
and it cannot be permanently at rest, but I do not
think it will be heard of again in any serious man-
ner for two or three sessions. Motions will be
probably made on the subject by private members,
bat the only object of these motions will be to test
the strength of parties, and it is not likely that
that they can lead to any practical result. I said

fairly beforehand that, as I believe that subject can
only be dealt with as a whole and by the Govern-
ment of the day, I shall not support any motions
so made by private members. There are grave
administrative questions with which Parliament
may be and ought to be prepared to deal ; there is
the consolidation of the statute law, which at last
has been taken up in earnest, and which may
occupy us for many Sessions. There is a mea-
sure which will affect the reform of the patent

law in such a manner as at the same time to
protect inventors in the rewards of their disco-
veries, and manufacturers and others against the
multiplication of useless monopolies. This is a
most delicate and difficult question, but it is
also one of great importance. There is a
measure, which was introduced by Sir Hugh Cairns
in 1859, for facilitating the transfer of land, and I
am very confident that the present Cabinet, guided
by one of the ablest Chancellors who ever sat upon
the woolsack, will introduce the bill again, with or
without modifications. as the case may be. There
is the reconstruction of the Board of Admiralty—a
question which must be dealt with with caution,
that Parliament in any change which is made may
not lose that full control over the navy which in
days not very long gone by has not always been

conceded in the case of the army. Then there is a

plan proposed by two of the present Ministers with
whom I had the honour of sitting as a commissioner
some five years ago,—the late Lord Herbert and the
Duke of Somerset,—for the modification—l am
afraid we cannot hope for the total abolition—of
what I must call the detestable system of promo-

tion by purchase in the army. We shall have
discussions again upon that educational code
which has lately attracted so much attention. Of
that code I shall only say that it seems to me
to be founded upon a sound and right principle, al-
though there are some details which I confess I do
not clearly understand; but there are other details
which, if I do understand them clearly, will I think
require some reconsideration before they can be
practically worked. Then there is the never-ending
church rate controversy to deal with, and the annual
financial discussions upon the budget. I pass over
the other topics to which I have alluded, but upon

these last two I will say a few words. There has
been a great rallying among the clergy and their

frisnds, and a cry has been raised that the Church
is in danger. First, one ought to ask, in danger of
what ? (Hear.) If it is meant that the Established
Church is in danger of losing that moral influence
which she possesses over men's opinions and hearts,
I do not myself see any change in that direction ;
but whether it be the case or no, it is not a matter
with which acts of Parliament and political agita-
tion can have any influence ; but if it is nanani
that the Establishment is in danger of losing
its privileges and its State endowments,
then I must, say that, looking as far forward as
practical men are justified in looking—viz., to the
lifetime of the present generation—l do not see any
reasonable cause for that apprehensio4,;, In all
countries ecclesiastical institutions have shown a
remarkable vitality. In France, where certainly a
strong religious faith is not
cal predominant
considerable share of emoluments charac-
teristic of the people, the
ahnadveio retainedw power,
no
not-
withstanding two two revolutions, sone of. which dis-
organized society to the very foundation, and it •
;evolutions
worth notice that in the latter of those is,
in 1848, the clergy were never seriously threatened.
In this country the clergy of the Establishment
have a great combination of circumstances in their
favour. Independently of that support which they
receive from purely religious motives, there is a great
deal of indirect support which they obtain upon so-
cial and political grounds. There is hardly oneimpor-
tant landed familyin this con ntrywhich'has not a right
r easnt
a theythe have
appointin
ttohis
w ayt
do or
en
mainte-
nance of the establishment, diffused among a large
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