The Sun.
London, England, 1859-02-17 00:00:00

Of course the various guesses as to what Govern-
ment would do occupied a little attention. All
confessed that the Reform secret was well kept.
Still there was the prevalent rumour that a per-
missive ballot would be proposed. If the ballot
were to be permissive to individuals, that, of course,
was not to be entertained for a " moment. The
intimidated class would not dare to use their right
to vote secretly. But if it was to be permissive
to constituencies, then on one condition the advocates
of the Ballot would cordially accept the offer—the
condition that constituencies would decide by the
ballot whether they would have the Ballot. The
reasonableness of such a condition is too obvious to
need argument. On the other hand, to propose
that three-fourths of a constituency should have
power to demand it, would be to give it where
three-fourths were already independent. It is only
the small number of Liberals really independent in
any constituency who could venture to ask it on
behalf of their less favoured brother electors.
The present GoVernment would certainly act
wisely by making the best of the present feeling in
their favour. There was a little good-humoured
pleasantry about Tory Reformers, and the joy they
would feel over Tories repenting ; but it was
equally denied that any one wished to make them
sit on the stool of repentance. If the Government
would but do what might be fairly asked of them.
in the actual state of public opinion, it might
continue a Government for many a long year. It
would not be supplanted for a PALMERSTON Go-
vernment—such was the general sentiment. Now
let our Government consider the courses it may
adopt in regard to the Ballot; it may—
Firstly—lgnore or repudiate it. This might
become the means of its being broken up. If,

however, it proffered enough besides to be worth
accepting, this would be accepted; but immediately
a far more vigorous agitation with increased advan-
tages would commence for the Ballot.
Secondly—lt might offer a permissive Ballot to
individuals. For this no one would thank them ;

agitation would not be stayed.
Thirdly—lt might offer a Ballot permissive to
constituencies, who should demand it by a Ballot,

which would be accepted—or constituencies o.

whom ,a portion should demand it, which would be

acceptable or not, according to the proportion

which was required to ask for it. This would leave

things unsettled.
Fourthly—lt might concede the Ballot pure ei
simple, and thus set the Reform agitation at rest
for probably a century to come. It is obvious that
the manliness to adopt now what must come at last

would give the present Government a very long
lease of power.

it is curious to remark the number and variety
of changes taking place in the House of Commons
immediately prior to its very probable dissolution.
A considerable portion of the information given to
the public by Captain DOD'S new edition of his
for 1859, is al ready
" Parliamentary Companion"
obsolete. Several vacancies have been filled up.
Several others have been created.
New elections
which have taken place--others will follow with all con-
venient speed.
Amongst the changes h
transpiredrecentlyariur
tcl
aieci
in
sthi s. way, a
fell i,c reh have
de-
serving vy i
ng ofbeing p

In anticipation, probably, of the disfranchising
effect of the new Reform Bill—one or two small
constituencies have been deserted from a preference
for others of larger importance, and therefore cal-
culated to be rather more likely to possess the cha-
racter of permanence. The Attorney-General for
Ireland (Mr. JAMES WHITESIDE), forsaking Ennis-
killen, has been returned M.P. for the University
of Dublin—the late representative of that learned
body (Mr. G. A. HAMILTON) having accepted the
Stewardship of her MAJESTY'S manor of North-
stead, consequently upon his nomination as perma-
nent Assistant-Secretary to the Treasury, in the

parties who could form the best judgment
respecting his proceedings. It would, therefore,
have been time enough to attack the nomination
when there had been any failure or shortcoming
on his part. By yielding, however, to the first
summons to surrender, he created a bad precedent,
which, we trust, will never again be acted on.
Had Mr. HIGGINS been a private individual,
unconnected with any Minister or member of the
aristocracy, not a single word would have been
uttered against his promotion. Unfortunately, in
respect to his office, and that only, he happens to be
son-in-law to the Lord Chancellor. It was Lord
CHELMSFORD that they desired to wound,
through the person of his relative, Mr. HIG-
GINS, as Mr. HIGGINS might have held
his mastership in lunacy -without a word of com-
plaint from any, save unsuccessful compe-
titors, but being closely connected with the head of
the legal department, the temptation was too strong
for factious opponents to resist. We can only ex-
press our hope that the gentleman who has been
thus unfairly and cruelly victimised may be
speedily reinstated in a situation equivalent in
every respect, if not to the Mastership in Lunacy,
at all events to the Registrarship in Bankruptcy,
which he so recently resigned in order to accept
the higher place.

The dinner at the Albion, last evening, was a
highly encouraging one, the cheer good, and the
speaking cheerful. The number and character of
the gathering was, in all respects, such. as to en-
courage the friends of independent voting. The
toasts were heartily responded to, especially the
toast of the evening. Her MAJESTY'S health, as a
Model constitutional Sovereign," was received as
all assemblies of Englishmen receive it ; it struck
us that on this occasion it would hardly have trans-
gressed propriety to couple her name with the
hope that she would soon—this session perhaps—
have the honour of giving her assent to a bill for
securing to every Englishman his own vote. It is
certainly one of the best wishes we can cherish for
our QUEEN that her reign may be remembered as
the one in which the poorest elector of England
was enabled to call his vote his own, as much as to
call his house his castle. That as JOHN gave a
Magna Charta to the Barons of England, WILLIAM
111. to her yeomanry and landlords, WILLIAM IV.
to the middle classes, so Queen VICTORIA should
grant her Magna or Maxima Charta to every elec-
tor, rich or poor) high or low, emancipating all
alike from subjection to any unfair or any un-
pleasant motive in the exercise of his franchise.
The tone of the meeting was, that there was to
be no argument for the Ballot. That was con-
sidered to have been exhausted, and also needless,
when all present were fully agreed that no reform
bill could be acceptable, much less final, without it.
Its present position was the topic of the speakers,
and the general impression was, that, let Govern-
ment do what it would, the day of its adoption was
not far distant. The Hon. H. BERKELEY thought
one of the most hopeful of signs was that the Times
was compelled at last to drop banter and take to
something like argument; but that the quality of
the argumentation was so much below the ability
shown on other topics, that, though he trembled
whenever he arose to address the House of Com-
m ons, he could not tremble, he could feel nothing
but utter eontempt, when he had to argue with the
individual who wrote from the ballot-box of the
Times.