The Sun.
London, England, 1857-11-23 00:00:00

LONDON, MONDAY, NO V. 23, 1857.

Lord PALMERSTON'S Whig and Tory friends
seem to rely very much on his adroitness, his luck,
or his humour, to get him through the next ses-
sion. They think it dignified enough for the first
Stateginan, by position, in the country to possess
the merits of ic good TATTERSALL man. They are,
if we may be allowed the expression, openly in-
triguing to release him from his Reform Bond.
Whatever be the right theory about bank notes,
Premier's promises to pay ought
they insist that a
to be inconvertible; that they should pass for ever,
receivable as political currency ; that they shouldnot be redeemable even by a paragraph in the
QUEEN'S Speech, or a bill read a first time, much
less by- a bill forced through two houses, iu face
of all the secret or avowed anti-Reformers, who
together are such a huge majority in Parliament,
and such a small minority out of it. The journals,
well understood to write more or Ens under a
Ministerial afflatus, are preparing us to find that
hut- MAJESTY has "remembered to forget.' to in-
troduce Representative Reform in her Gracious
Speech on the 3d, that it will be proposed t) Lau
the little session, if possible, to the Bank Indem-
nity and the great one to India, and that Reform
can well wait for another year. Of course it can.

Reform, individual or public, can always wait,
though corruption or jobbery cannot. And very
likely the jocose Premier of three score a,lti thirteen
will turn round upon his critics and say to them
"If I have procrastinated Reform again, tell me
which of you has not ten times over put off some
reform he bad promised to make ? Gentlemen,
we are all procrastinators, we should be far too
good for this world if we were not. So which of
you can first cast a stone at me

We do hope, however, that his Lordship will
not get off so easily, and that Mr. ROEBUCK will not
be allowed to sell us all this time. Of Lord
PALMERSTON'S aversion to Reform WE never had

any doubt, and have frequently enough pointed
out the folly of letting him put off the considera-
tion even of any proposed reform, little or great,

n our representative system, with the cry of

" next year." We have strongly enough urged that

next year to Lord PALMERSTON, like to-morrow
to 113 all, would never come ; and, by this time,

we suppose most persons begin to think as we do.

- -
Great numbers of honest reformers could not be-

lieve it possible that so solemn a promise as that
given by the Premier could even ever be evaded ;
we, on the contrary, could only believe that Lord
PALMERSTON held no political engagements bind-
ing ; and next, that he regarded them simply as the
readiest means of evading present duty, fully as-

sured, by a long experience, that the chapter of
accidents would enable him again to evade the
unpleasant duty when the time for performance
actually came. But is the Premier to be allowed
thus to cajole us all with our eyes open. Is he to
he a political Bosco, and we the staring audience,
sure of a trick, and yet only exclaiming, " How
clever." If there be any pluck in the indepen-
dent members, they will organise themselves, will
determine to fight, and will compel the liberal
Sepoys, numerous enough, who would gladly
mutiny, to go into battle with them.

We hope the now courtly and Germanised

Premier will be met by some good stiff debates
in his Indemnity session, on topics he would
gladly exclude from it. First, the Indemnity It-
self ought not to be granted immediately. It is
surely time to put an end to Bank monopoly, now
that every other commercial monopoly has bean
abolished ; few, indeed, pretend that the Act of
1844 needs no modification ; now the least that
can be asked is, that the Bank of England shall
have no advantage whatever over any other bank,
and that other banks shall have just the same pri-

vileges as the Bank of England. What these pri-
vileges should be, my be matter of honest dis-
cussion ; but the selection of one banking
corporation for special privileges and Government
patronage is surely a flagrant violation of all our
Free-trade principles.

General HA.VELOCK'S promotion will also, we
hope, be earnestly debated. No one doubts that
had ke been a member of the aristocracy he would
have been gazetted as Baron HAVELOCK of Luck-
now at once. Sir JOHN LAWRENCE would pro-
bably also have received a title from Lahore, and
General WILSON from Delhi. The nation looks
with contempt on the honours already bestowed upon
its real aristocracy, while the worthless CARDI-
SANS and LITCANS are shielded against honest in-
quiry, and gilded with substantial rewards. We
shall want to know why the great men of the
people are treated so differently from the trash of
the aristocracy. It might well be asked why Sir
JOHN LAWRENCE was not at once placed at the
head of the Indian Government, and the late Post-
master-General recalled to take again the post and
pay which belongs of right to another man of the
people, ROWLAND HILL ? There is probably not
an individual in England or in India, at present
known to the public, whom every voice would
pronounce so fit for the office of Governer-General
as Sir JOHN LAWRENCE ; but he is not a peer, or
the brother, or nephew, or son-in-law, or cousin
of a peer. He is worth twenty lords in India ;
but he is not a lord. He has saved India by his
administration, as truly as WILSON, NICHOLSON,
and HAVELOCK saved it by their fighting ; but
25,0001. per annum must go, not to merit, but
some English aristocrat whose fortunes need

mending.
The Austrian Telegraph job, too, must be
thoroughly overhauled. As the report now
stands it seems to be the most miserable of jobs.
Austria is to have exclusive right of conveying
messages between one of our own possessions and
Alexandria, and to have it in perpetuity ! From
C srfu, where she could not put up a post without
our permission, to Alexandria, where we have tsn
times more interest and business than she has, Aus-
tria is to have the sole charge of our govern tnen
messages ! Can nothing be d )ne to nullify this
shameless bargain with a power, the pet of the
COBURGS, RITSSELLS, and PALMERSTONS it may bt,,
but the detestation of Englishmen I Are the de-
tails of the job complete ? Is there not time to
demand for English purposes one exclusive wire,
worked by English officials, and the messages con-
veyed on which shall never be known to the power
which seduced an English Statesman to viola to the
honour of our Post Office, and made an Austrian
Post Office spy of Sir JAMES GRAHAM. We hope
the Indemnity Session will grant no indemnity
for this worse than stupid business, and will do
what it can to neutralise the mischief already done.
As to the Reform business, however, no quarter
should be given. Jokes and excuses ought to be
met by a plain straightforward presentation of the
solemn promise, and if the promise cannot be en-
forced, by an avowal of determination to fight the
battle throughout both sessions on individual
points, such as the ballot, Loena KING'S motion,
property qualification, and certain extensions of
the suffrage. No one doubts that the Premier has
the entire good will of the majority of the House
with him. The Tories he has to a man, we paean
on the Reform question; then the great part of the
liberals are always Parliamentary Reformers front
necessity of position rather than from choice ;
they gladly go with the Tories when they can do it
decently, and at the same time aid a Conser-
vative Whig Premier. We believe, therefore,
the Premier will be popular with the House
for enabling it to throw the responsi-
bility of evading Reform on his shoulders.
It is the business of the really liberal members to
see that this he not done. They are bound t lay
their plans so that hon. members shall not escape
the responsibility of a vote on Reform, to compel
pseudo-Liberals to unmask themselves, and not to
let them get rid at the same time of Reform, and
of the discredit of shuffling with it too.

However, we know not what even an indem-
nity Bill may bring forth. Lord J. RUSSELL and
theßight Hon. B. DISRAELI are both on the 1:)0k-our.
They each want an opportunity, either ti damage
Lord PALMERSTON or to exalt themselves and their
Party. The House, also, did not show itself par-
fectly servile last session ; the China business,
which gave occasion to the existence of the House,
hangs rather inconveniently on hand ; and it is
impossible to say whether the utmost subserviency
to c3ilrt Germanism will avail against all d
~lances in a House which, to do it jestice,
rilia(iy and (feLLuati w. ti,;
though its leaders are but too ready to yield in
everything,
from a treaty to a telegraph. Would-
be Ministers must keep comfortable with Courts

we wish we could exonerate the leaders on either
side of the House from this charge.

Since writing the above we find, as will be seen
below, that some concession to public opinion has
been made in regard to the Indian Generals, and
that the Austiian telegraph job is abandoned—
in neither case much to the credit of our Premier.

An allitional instalment has been doled out by
Government to the foremost among the band of
heroes who, during the fearful struggle with the
tiger-hearted rebels of Bengal, have been earning
fresh glory for the prowess of British arms, and

for themselves the lasting gratitude and affection
cf their countrymen. The nation would univer-
sally rejoice were the highest honour bestowed

without grudging upon the illustrious HAVELOCK,
who is, after all, the man whose energy and valour

have really proved, in the dread crisis, the salva-
tion of India. But the high mightinesses of
Downing-street are not to be betrayed into such a

manifestation of generosity. To pay twenty shil-
lings in the pound would be extravagance of
liquidation too enormous for Ministerial formalism
and reserve ; so, bit by bit, and step by step, the
fractional tokens of acknowledgment are tardily
dealt out. We now learn that the honour
of Baronetcy is forthwith to be bestowed
upon the captor of the revolted Impe-
rial city, and upon the great soldier who achieved
the relief of the beleagured fortress of Lucknow,
after a series of marvellous victories with his
heroic handful against enormous odds of well-
disciplined and hard-fighting troops. Sir A.RCH-
DALLE WILSON, of Delhi, and Sir HENRY
HATELOOK, of Lucknow, are to be enrolled in the
illustrious list, and share the honours of the
bloody hand with civic dignitaries and such
courtly personages as Royalty delighteth to single
hut for the receipt of peculiar favour. In all

sober seriousness, we ask Lord PALMERSTON, can
he deceive himself into the supposition that this
hybrid dignity, " neither fish nor flesh, nor good
red herring" conferred upon HATELOCK, will be
accepted by the people of England as au adequate
and crowning recompense for his inexpressibly
great and brilliant services? The Premier is
too shrewd and sensible an individual to enter-
tain any such silly notion.
Once for Ell, we ask, why is not Sir HENRY
HAVELOCK made a Peer 7 That the Minister will
find himself compelled, in the long run, to award
that fitting meed of heroism, he knows perfectly
well, for, beside the recent feats of HATELOCK,
the overthrows of Glauznee and Bhurtpere, which
were each rewarded with a coronet, pole their in-
effectual fires. Here was an opportunity for gra-
tifying the heart of the nation without in the very
least overstepping the limits of propriety in the
distribution of nobility. But from some un-
worthy motive, fettered, 'we presume, by some
incarnation of the Fiend of Red tape,
Lord PALMERCTON hesitates to confer the merited
and called for reward, and so robs the action—which
will yet have to be perforated-..0f the grace which
would now accompany it, were he to manifest a
prompt and unstinted recognition of the merit of
the recipient. He may depend upon it, this half
measure will not be taken in satisfaction of the
debt which the people of Great Britain are proud
to acknowledge to their glorious champion in the
East. None can gainsay the fitness of the gift.
Why, then, shrink from conferring it cheerfully
and graciously A. more popular, politic,
and unexceptionable exercise of the bounty of the
CLOWN could never be displayed than in the
elevation of HA.TELOOK of Lucknow to the
dignity which rewarded the kindred valour of
CUTE of Plassey.

It is to be hoped that the very improvident
arrangement which it was asserted had been
entered into between the Governments of (4-leg
Britain and Austria will not be brought to a con-
clusion.
It would, indeed, be deplorable to bind
ourselves to the exclusive use of a single line of
telegraph in any part of the chain that may
afford speedy intelligence from India. The
failure of a single link would destroy the entire
cable. The Austrian alliance is not by any means
so certain that we could repose implicit confidence
on its continuance. We have been emphatically
told by the Oest. Zeitung that, "if England
wishes to have Austria for an ally, she must lesrn
to behave well I" We, must, in fact, in every-
thing be the humble servant of the red
EMPEROR—must receive the Imperial behests
without murmur or remonstrance, and execute
them " with bated breath and deep humility."
We are to be bound ever in heavy recognisances,
the penalty being the suppression of our
telegrams.
Now this will not suit JOHN &mi. Our ten-
dencies are not greatly in favour of Germanism.
We shall be glad to have a second line of com-
munication with India, and that through the
Austrian dominions will unquestionably be
useful. But we should far rather relin-
quish it than create a monopoly. We
have earnestly advocated the doubly line by
the Euphrates and the Red Sea, considering
that every possibility of interruption should be
avoided. It is just as essential that there should
be " a second string to the bow," on the Euro-
pean side, that we should not be dependent either
on France or Austria. Political difficulties may
arise. It would not be quite suitable that either
of these nations should have a carefully preserved
" rod in pickle," to be applied whenever there
might be a favourable, or seemingly favourable,
opportunity. The telegraph from Ragusa to
Alexandria will, unquestionably, be a very remu-
nerative concern. We have no doubt that the
entire capital required could be provided in this
country. Or that whatever assistance was want-
ing would be supplied. A guarantee ensuring a
fair per centage might be given, but that is not
the object of the Austrian Government. They
want to be the only source through which infor-
mation, which may be of vital importance to Eng-
lish interests, can be conveyed, and no efficient
guarantee could be given that it would not be
tampered with by the Austrian officials, who
would have the entire control and management of
the concern, and the first intelligence of all that
might be transmitted thereby.

It is said that " Austria does not need tele-
graphic communication with India." It would,
however, greatly desire it with the East. The
quick knowledge of the changes and chances that
might occur would be of immense value to Aus-
tria itself. We should far rather that she had
nothing at all to do with the matter than that we
should be rendered dependent on her good offices
and good dispositi,m in every trial and
emergency. _ _

The telegraphic communications with India are
of too great consequence to permit them to be
dependent on a single line. There must be two,
at least. It will not do to depend either on
France or Germany exclusively. We want both
lines. We can pay for both, and both we will
haw'. We earnestly hope that there win be no
11:te:rriptiou cf friendship ;',lO-1. either country, but
still we should not subject ourselves to the possi-
bility of such an event, or the serious incon-
"nnience to which we might be thereby subjected.