The Sun.
London, England, 1861-10-19 00:00:00

CONTRACT FOR ITALIAN HEMP.

Department of the Storekeeper General of the Navy,
Somerset Place, 15th Oct., 1861.
THE COMMISSIONERS for EXECUTING the
-11._ OFFICE of LORD HIGH ADMIRAL of the UNITED
KINGDOM of GREAT BRITAIN and IRELAND, DO
HEREBY GIVE NOTICE. That on TUESDAY, the 29th
Inst., at Two o'Clock, they will be ready to treat with such
Persons as may be willing to Contract for supplying

ITALIAN HEMP,
to be delivered at her Majesty's Dock Yards. according to a
distribution, which, with a Form of the Tender, may be seen
at the said Office.

No Tender will be received after Two o'clock on the day
of treaty, nor will any be noticed unless the party attends,
or an agent for him duly authorised in writing.
Every Tender must be addressed to the Secretary of the
Admiralty, and bear in the left-hand corner the words "Ten-
der for Italian Hemp ;" and must also be delivered at
Somerset-place.

V. R.—ARMY CONTRACTS.
Commissariat, South Camp, Aldershot,
October 10, 1861.
TENDERS will be received at this Office until
Noon on Monday, November 4, 1861, from persons who
may be willing to enter into Contracts to supply
FLOUR AND MEAT,
in such quantities as may be required, from December 1,1861,
to May 31, 1862, for the use of her Majesty's Land Forces at
ALDERSHOT CAMP, •
And within the Command.
Separate Tenders are required for Flour and for Meat.
Forms of Tender and Conditions of Contract may be ob-
tained on application at this Office, by letter or in person, be-
tween the hours of Ten and Four o'clock.
Tenders on the printed Forms must be properly filled up,
end signed, and delivered at this Office, under closed enve-
lope, marked on the outside "Tender for Comm' ssariat Sup-
plies," and no Tender will be noticed unless made on Forms
obtained from this Office.
(Signed) ALFRED SALWEY,
Deputy Commissary General.

V, R.—ARMY CONTRACTS.
Commissariat, South Camp, Aldershot,
October 10, 1861.
'TENDERS will be Received at this Office until
Noon on Monday, November 4 next, from Persons
who may be willing to enter into Contracts to Snpply
FLOUR FOR HOSPITAL BREAD,
in such quantities as may be required, from December 1, 1861,
to May 31, 1862, for the luso of her Majesty's Land Forces sta-
tioned at

ALDERSTIOT CAMP,
And within the Command.
Forms of Tender, and Conditions of Contract, may be ob•
tained on application at this Office, by letter or in person
between the hours of Ten and Four o'clock.

Tenders on the printed forms must be prorerly filled up
and signed, and delivered at this Office, under closed enve-
lope, marked on the outside "Tender for Flour for Hospital
Bread," and no Tender will be noticed unless made on Forms
obtained from this Office.
(Sfgncd) ALFRED SELWEY,
Deputy Commissary-General.

ROYAL FREE HOSPITAL, Gray's-inn-road
Patron—Her Majesty the QUEEN.

Pfesident—His Grace the Duke of Buccleuch, KG.
Treasurer—Edward Masterman, Esq.

This Hospital relieves distress in its most helpless shape,
that of disease aggravated by destitution. With more ade-
quate funds the Weekly Board could make immediately avail-
able 500 beds for the relief of the large mass of suffering in
tthis metropolis. Its present resources, supplied entirely by
the Voluntary Contributions of the Public, enable it to afford,
in addition to its in-patients, effective Medical Assistance to
an average exceeding 2,000 Out-patients weekly.
Contributions are received by the Treasurer, Edward Mu-
terrnan, Esq., Nicholas-lane; also by Messrs. Coutts and Co. ;
I)rummond and Co. ; llerries and Co. ; Ransom and Co. ;
Prescott, Grote, and Co. ; Smith, Payne, and Co. ; Glyn and
Co. ; Jones Loyd and Co. ; Barclay and Co. ; Denison and
Co. ; Williams, Deacon, and Co. • Overend, Gurney, and Co. ;
Nisbet and Co., Berners-street ; 'Masterman and Co. ; and at
the Hospital.

J. B. OWEN, ALA„
Chairman of the Weekly Board.

MRS. DOCTOR GOSS attends and corresponds
with ladies in all Female Comphints and functional
irregularities, and in pregnancy, midwifery, and the disap-
pointments of marriage. References to ladies of the highest
distinction. See Dr. Goss's Illustrated Medical Work, " Man
and Woman," price 2s. ed., post free 31 stamps.-55, Great
Queen-street, Lincoln's-inn, London. .

riIHE VIGOUR OF YOUTH RESTORED IN
FOUR WEEKS by Dr. RICORD'S ESSENCE OF
LIFE.

This wonderful agent will restore manhood to the most
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structions (which are very simple). failure is impossible.
This life-restoring remedy should be taken by all about to
marry, as its effects are permanent. It is acknowledged by
the medical press to be the greatest discovery ever made.
Success in every case is as certain as that water quenches
thirst.

Dr. Rieord's Essence of Life is sold in cases, with full in-
structions for use, at 1.15., or four quantities in one for 335.,
and may be sent to any part of the world, carefully packed,
on receipt of remittance stamps.
Sole Agents in London—Prout and Co., Patent Medicine
Warehouse, 229, Strand (near Temple-bar).
(Entered at Stationers' Hall.)

THE REGENERATING LOZENGE
MEDICAL SCIENCE has brought to light a
new and successful mode of administering remedies
for spermatic regeneration, contained in a simple lozenge,
known in tropical climates and throughout the world
as THE TRIESMAR. The • therapeutic properties of the re-
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producing and enriching the fecundating fluid, when dete-
riorated from its natural cinsistency. In cases where ex-
cesses have been blindly yielded to, from almost uncontroll-
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at once restore the ebbing, powers, and re-energise the whole
of the muscular and nervous system ; there is no stage,how-
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and unattendedpurchasing the egen crating lozeng,e, agreeable to the palate,
with any personal inconvenience. Those
vantage of
meAtibeove medicine will derive the additional ad-
(without fee), from
a a member of the Royal College of Sur-
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Licentiate of the Royal College of
Di edical Act, has "registered under the new
devoted his exclusive studies to the above
diseases, and is the discoverer of this great remedy. Post-
office orders to be made
.yaitble to William Medicus, and ad-
dressed to No. 19, Berners
(next door to the) oreign Li:reet. Oxford-street, London, W.
where the resident pilysi-
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cian attends daily to
4 o'clock. The medicine
and free from observation, as above! obtained, securely packed
four cases in one 335., effeeting a
saving of 11s., and in £5
cases, saving £1 12s.

rvEEMATORRITCE
DEBILITY, &a
A DR. CURTIS' MEDICAL WORK, --"-------Ar aNT
numerous plates,
MEDICAL ESSAY ON sp ----ROOD :
9,oeksellers, and
NERVOUS AND GENERAT
Just Published, the 150th thousand, with
in a scaled envelope, price 19., Sold by aiN
sent post paid, by the Author, forl2 Stamp
MANHOOD: the CAUSE and CuRE of PRE-
MATURE MATURE DECLINE IN MAN, with Plaileirecii;ca
for perfect Reiteration to Health and Vigour.
Claims, 15, A;lerniarle-strect, Piccadilly, Loudon! Dr* j• L.
CONTENTS:
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER on the Physiological
structure and Functions of the Reproductive Organs.
CHAPTER ll.—Causes of Speraxiatorrhcea, and Impotence;
Early Vicious Indulgences; Danvers of Neglect.
CHAPTER HI.—A Review of the various Disquacation!
of marria4T ; whether resulting
from Youthful Abuse, the
Follies of Maturity, the Effects of Climate, or Infection.
CHAPTERS IV. and V. on the modern Treatment of
Gonorrheca and Syphilis.
The Book concludes with numerous varied and interesting
rases, to which is added the Author's recipe of a preventive
Lotion.

REVIEWS OF THE WORK. f
"Curtis on Manhood.—Thistruly valuable work, an,q
should be in the hands of young and old.
23d March, 1856. Sunday Times,
"The author has conferred a great boon by publishing this
little work, in which is described the source of those diseases
which produce decline in youth or more frequently premature
old age."—" Daily Telegraph," March 27,1856.
" This work, which for twenty years has stood the test of
professional criticism and empirical hostility, treats in apin
and sympathising manner on. the various disqualifications
and impediments arising from nervous excitement and de •
bility ; and to invalids suffering from youthful errors and
excesses it will be found valuable and useful."—Record.

London ; Published by J. Allen, 20, Warwick Lane, Pater-
}lure
Q_ Mann, 39, Crnhill.
IConsultation--10 to 3 and 0 t 9 5; Sundays, 10 till 2

EXTRAORDINARY OPTICAL DISCOVERY.
Extract from the "Medical Circular," Nov. 16, 1859 :
"We have observed with much pleasure an important dis-
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Country residents suited with the greatest accuracy by
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Address, BERNARD DAVIS, 430, Euston-road, London,
Optician to the Opthalmic Institutions.
TE LESCOPZS—By the application of the improved lenses,
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MICROSCOPES with the improved lenses.—Student com-
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Opera and Field Glasses of the highest power, at 155., 215.,
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MAGIC LANTHOItNS A,ND DISSOLVING VIEWS.

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3, GREAT MARTHELBORO PANTHEON. ET, W., NEAR
DR. CULVERWELL, Member of the Royal
College of Surgeons, Licentiate of Midwifery, and Apo-
thecaries' Hall, London, can be consulted daily (only) as
above, on all cases of Nervous Debility, Languor, Incapacity,
LOBB of Memory, Sterility, and all Functional Derangements
of both Sexes,-emanating from early and excessive indol-
ence:el
Has Just published, price is. ;"by Fos% 13 stuns.
18 scaled,
No. 4,
An entire new and original Work, entitled
OURSELVE S.
Synopsis t The Physiology and Anatomy of our Generation
—The Origin of -Disease—Symptoms, Treatment, and Cure.
Also, an Exposition of. and Remedy for, all Urinary Derange.
mtnts and Marital Disqualifications,
The modern treatment of SMALEyphilis, Stricture, BlCllDOrrhftßia
G°n°rllicest), Spermatorrhma, Impotency, and all Diseases of
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r'r''emeir Removal of esottaenruclietys FEMALE.
The Physiology and Anatomy of Women—Functional Ir-
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firdhenTishaepopryoianntmd esni
nyts—pTtlo7aBCoafusGeesatnad.
Gesta-
tion—Use of the Speculum. Also,
HEALTH,
HAPPINESS, and LONGEVITY;
On Debility, Nervousness, Dyspepsia, and Indigestion;
2.
LOVE
Their Obligations B AND MARRIAGE :
nd
Happiness, and Disappointments; Love
pr other Ming secureatches.
d.; Sterility Removed, and Healthy Off-

No. 3.
THE CASE BOOK :
100 Cases of SPERMATORRIREA,
Their Causes, ymptoms, and Treatment, Confesaions 1111C1
Cure oy-c,a r uteniationa, Galvaniim &o. &o.

TO be had of Mann, 39, Comb 1117; and the Authors.
Advice to the Werkina Classes fee Hall-a-Guinea;
(SPECIAL NoTICE.)
Dr. Culverwell is the only legally qualified medical practi-
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Awe.)

The following letter from M. Kossuth, addressed
to Mr. M'Adam, of Glasgow, relative to the pre-
sent position of European politics, will be read
with great interest. It appears in the Glasgow
Herald, with a prefatory one by Mr. APAdam :
The anxious solicitude of Glasgow friends of the
patriot Kossuth has drawn from him (now on the
Continent) a deeply-interesting leter, dated the 7th
inst,, such portions of which, bearing on the general
question of European freedom, we think it no breach
of confidence to publish, but an act only of simple
justice to our people, who so entirely sympathise
with him on his indignant retirement from the
base espionage to which he has been subjected by
a portion of our Government, for the advantage of
that Austria which has ever been our enemy when
it dared, and never has been our friend unless when
subsidised.
Kossuth may yet smile with contempt for such
as the renegade Roebuck—may even forgive the
unconstitutional interference of our Government in
his issue of notes for his native country (of which
he is legally, and in the hearts of its people still
its only legitimate Governor), and for the seizure
of arms stored at Galatz for the restoration of his
country's freedom ; but a reckoning will yet be
exacted for this, and for past espionage on him
and other patriot exiles, by our people,
who detest alike the polio and Post-office
spy, and are disgusted with that bad part of the
German element—too prevalent in our councils—
which thus disgraces our national hospitality.
Kossuth asks nothing from us now but the sym-
pathies of our people for his country, and that we
should not allow the British Government to coun-
tenance Austrian might against Hungarian right—
and even going the length of acting the spy and
the policeman, both at home and abroad, for Aus-
tria, to the prejudice of Hungary—a course not less
derogatory to the honour of Great Britain, than
contrary to the feelings of the British people. We
give that portion only of his letter which relates to
the Hungarian question, and make no comments ;
but we appeal to his friends now to ask for him, or
for his friend Garibaldi, again preparing to strike'
for European freedom, when they think the right
hour has come.—l am, respectfully yours,

JOHN MADAM.
45, Hydo Park-street, Glasgow, Oct. 17, 1861.

EXTRACT OF M. KOSSUTH'S LETTER.
On the Hungarian Diet having been convoked,
and Italy having not yet been prepared for throw-
ing down the gauntlet to Austria on acceunt of
Venice, it became all important to provide that
Francis Joseph should not be crowned King of Hun-
gary, because coronation would have implied a new
compact—a new transaction with that infamous
dynasty. I for one am opposed to the very idea of
any such transaction (be its terms what they may),
not from any revolutionary spirit. To me revolu-
tion is not a profession. I look upon it as a means
only justifiable as the last awful, but (because the
last) inevitable resource for preserving a people
from national death or from slavery, or as the
inevitable means for establishing a people's

national life and liberty. I am opposed to the

very idea of any transaction with the House of
Austria, because I know that faithless Austria would
never prove true to the compact—she never would
resign her absolutist Germanising and centralising
designs. Bent as she is on lowering Hungary to
the level of her patrimonial dominions, she would
act, as she had acted for more than 300 years. Hun-
gary, instead of peacefully developing the immense
resources of the country, and of the genius of its
thus becoming an important element in
the progress and the extension of civilisation, would
see herself doomed either to national death, or to
wasting her strength in ever anew recurring
struggles for the maintenance of her laws, her con-
stitution, her institutions, and her national exist-
ence. The House of Austria, restored by a transac-

tion with Hungary to life (which now is fast de-
parting from her), would continue to oppose the
logical consummation of Italian unity and indepen-
dence; would embarrass her internal consolidation,
and endanger her very existence—she would make
a proper solution of the Eastern question impossible,
drive the south Sclavonic races into the arms of
Russia, defeat by her very existence, as a first-rate
Power, every endeavour towards the national unity
of Germany ; and thus, standing in the way of the
definitive settlement of each and of all those great
European questions which in the logical progress
of history imperiously claim their solution, Austria
would continue to form the great nuisance of Eu-
rope, rendering peace and settled tranquillity per-
fectly impossible in the European community ;
while the independence of Hungary, by removing
that great European nuisance, would for ever secure
as well as help to complete Italy—would reduce the
Eastern question to the proportion of a mere domes-
tic one, the ultimate issue of which would turn to
the profit of freedom, instead of turning to the pro-
fit of Russian Panslaveism, and would likewise
render the national unity of Germany possible by
removing the only obstacle—a powerful polyglot
ambitious Austria—which stands in its way. In
one word, the independence of Hungary would, by
itself, form the surest means for arriving at that
settled condition, and that lasting peace in Europe,
of which her secured national existence form an
indispensable desideratum.
This reasoning is founded partly on the sound
logic of the situation, partly on the evidence which
history presents of the wicked incorrigible charac-
ter of the House of Austria.
But I have a stronger reason still for being ad-
verse to any imaginable transaction with the Haps-
burg-Lorraines. It is this, that even supposing
,hat that perjured family could by any possibility

change its character and become as honest as it is
perverse, and everything that is good, moral, just,
and liberal (a thing as impossible as the washing a
negro white), still Hungary never could become a
free and constitutional country, in the full accept-
ance of the word, under Austrian rule.

I must premise that Hungary never, never, never
will consent to be fused in the Austrian Empire;
she never consent to abjure her claim to the
position of a nation ; and will never suicide herself
for the very questionable pl ensure of serving as an
element in the absurd experiment of creating a new
nation—the Austrian—which never yet had. exist-
ence, nor ever shall. Some people at Vienna point
to the example of Scotland and of Ireland, but the
case is entirely different : Scotland gave kings to
England, and Ireland was conquered—neither is
the case with us. Besides, it should not be over-
looked that ours is a country larger than Great
Britain and Ireland together, or as Prussia, which
is numbered amongst the great Powers of Europe,
and we are a people of 15,000,000; consequently in
territorial and populationistical regard, as well as
from our geographical position,the natural resources
of our country, our history, and the maturity and
genius of our people, are in every way entitled to be

Consequently, if Hungary were to remain under
_
a nation.
Austrian rule, it could only be on the basis of per-
sonal union (as England and Hanover had been),
and as a distinct realm, having its own constitution
and Government, and not subject to the Austrian
Empire. Well, what would be the result P I shall
answer the question by a simile.
Suppose the Queen of England were also Queen of
France, and as such would have an army of several
hundred thousand men, and a budget of a couple of
milliards, not subject to the control of the British
Parliament, would it be in the power of that Parlia-
ment to prevent the Queen, as Queen of France,
from pursuing a policy in her foreign relations on
the basis of interests and with objects for its aim
with
which England had absolutely nothing to do.
Certainly it would be not in the power of the
British Parliament to prevent this. Well, suppose

in consequence of that situation and of such policy,
the Queen (as Queen of France) would cause her-
self to be embroiled in wars, and thus involved, she
would apply to the British Parliament to assist her
in defending herself, in what position would Eng-
land find herself ? She would have only this alter-
native, either to assist her Queen in a war unc:er-
taken on grounds foreign to England—may be
contrary to her interests—or else abandon her
sovereign, which could only be done by renouncing
allegiance and resorting to a revolution.
Now Hungary, submitting to the rule of the
House of Austria, would find herself exactly in the
same predicament. Suppose the Emperor of Austria
attacked on account of Venice by Italy. The Em-
peror, being also King of Hungary, would apply to
the Hungarian Diet to defend him against foreign
attack. Could Hungary practically refuse it ? Yes,
but only on the condition of renouncing her alle-
giance, and taking up arms, against him, just as we
did in 1848.

Yes, but no nation on earth can at every moment
risk a revolution ; and without a revolution Hun-
gary could absolutely not escape the dire and shame-
ful necessity of being made a tool for the Emperor
of Austria oppressing any foreign nation which is
dear to our heart.
So much is, therefore, evident that Hungary
could never be truly constitutional—could never
pursue the course of an independent national policy
—when subject to the rule of a Sovereign who,
being likewise the ruler of a distinct empire, as
such would have both interests distinct and con-
trary to ours, and the means of giving them effect
without the control of our parliament.
When the Court of Austria—feigning to return
to the constitutional path—convoked the last (now
dissolved) Hungarian Diet, I had to consider what
course it was incumbent on me to take.
I came without any hesitation to the conclusion
that, as a faithful servant of my country, I must be
led by my nation, and not try to interfere with her
decision. _ _

Accordingly, I determined to let the Diet take
the course it may think best to decide upon, even
though it may once more try a conciliation, which,
on the ground above stated, I decidedly disapprove.
But, while ready to submit to the will of the
nation, represented in Parliament, I considered that
—though (to my great regret) they might once
trying
to come to terms
was not at all mwiotrhe
the
s i gHno tuhs
ee mos
fe vAe
us
sttor
cer-
tain that success will crown their exuberant mode-
ration ; because on the one hand, I knew that the
faithless House of Austria neither was, nor ever
will be, sincere in her constitutional affections
towards Hungary. On the other hand, I was confi-
dent that the Hungarian Diet will not allow her-
self to be taken in by false pretences, and even the
most moderate amongst its members will firmly in-
sist on at least the full and entire restitution of the
historical rights and the constitution of the coun-
try, and not yield a hair's breadth to them. This
knowledge and that anticipation led me to think
that, leaving the Diet to follow its own course, it
was incumbent on me to continue to prepare for the
emergency of the Diet failing to arrive at an ami-
cable settlement, in order that in the case the na-
tion should not find herself without means and
chances to resist force by force.
~I think, sir; I was doing the duty of a good citizen
and of an honest man, in not slackening, on account
of the convocation of the Diet, in my endeavours to
provide for the said emergency.
Here I may as well state the view ley which I
always was, and shall continue to be, guided, while
lam an exile. It is this, that—
Should at any time my nation rise in arms
against her oppressor, of her own accord, and. with-
-.tilt Any regard to foreign aid or outward circum-
stances, I for one will in that case not weigh the
chances and prospects, nor will I lose time in pon-
dering whether or not it was wise to unfurl the
banner of national liberty, but alone, or with my
sons, or as many of my friends as would follow me,

I shall hasten to share in the dangers of my nation
and shall throw myself, as the French say, "tote
faissee dans le melee"—come what may—vanquish
if we can—die if we must, for country and liberty.
But if, on the contrary, my nation should expect
me to give the signal, and to strike the first blow,
then on me would fall the responsibility of success,
as far as it is given to mortal man to be accountable
for it ; therefore, however weary I may feel of my
homeless life, I never shall allow myself to play
wantonly with the blood and with the confidence of
my nation, and shall only take upon myself the
initiative of the bloody arbitration of the sword in
case I can present my nation with such reasonable
chances of success that, so far as human prevision
can go, victory should depend on the own determi-
nation of the nation herself.
This may be a course not sufficiently revolu-
tionary, but it is that of an honest, unambitious
heart. I was true to this course under most trying
temptations, and shall remain true to it in future
likewise—and though discretion forbids me to enter
on details, this much I feel at liberty to say, that it
is not only the honest sense of duty, but also a
cheering prospect of success, that confirms me in
my determination.
Well, sir, I daresay the immense majority of my
nation is not less desirous than myself of seeing our
country freed from the House of Hapsburg-Lor-
raine; being not less convinced than I am, that
Hungary could never be free and happy under the
rule of that House.
This feeling of the nation was made manifest by
the public addresses with which the municipalities
of the country vied with each other in honouring
my late lamented friend, Count Ladislaus Teleki,
on his involuntary return to his native land; and
still more, by the universal grief and profound con-
sternation into which the nation had been thrown
by his untimely, mysterious death.
Why was he thus honoured ? why did the nation
with such unmistakeable public marks of general
confidence assign to him the post of leadership? and
whence the deep sorrow, whence the nameless grief
at his death ? It is because the nation took him for,
as he in reality was, the impersonation of these ten-
dencies, plans, and hopes with which my exile is
identified—because they knew that no man on earth
more than he had shared in, and was identified
with, my endeavours to free Hungary from the
Austrian yoke, and because they knew that his
true, chivalric, resolute, patriotic heart would never
for a moment swerve from the path which, during
the long years of his exile, he had pursued with so
much consistency, such patriotic self-abnegation,
such untiring zeal, and (as I trust a near future will
show) with such advantages to his country.
This reputation, so well deserved, had placed him
at once at the head of that large party of the Diet—
forming, to all appearances, a decided majority in
the House of Representatives—who did not think
it advisable to engage in any step that might throw
open the door to the danger of a possible transac-
tion with Austria.
Teleki died on the eve of the crisis. His lamented
death will, I fear, ever remain shrouded in mystery,
and it would be useless now to speculate on what
would have occurred had the hand of death not de-
prived his fatherland of his services.
The Diet decided ou not overpassing the limits of
what is called strict legality ! On this field it has
performed its duty nobly, manfully. It took its
stand on the law ; to might it opposed right ; to
arbitrariness it opposcd. legality ; but while bidding
silence to the indignation caused by present suffer-
ings, and to the ranklir g recollections of. the exPe•
rience of three centuries, with unexampled self-
abnegation, it presented the House of Austria with
a last chance of saving herself by rendering justice
to Hungary. The Diet was too sensible of its
patriotic duties to yield ono hair's-breadth of the
historical rights, laws, and the constitution of the
country.
Whom God has doomed to perdition, in just re-
tribution of his crimes, deprives of the gift of corn.

But why " Passive P" why not Active Resist-
ance 9" since never in the whole history of nations
was there a case, when the taking up arms, and
the repelling force by force, could appear better
justified and more legitimate.
It is, sir, because the Hungarian nation is too
wise not to bide its time, and feels too sure of its
own resolution, to compromise success by improvi-
dent precipitation.
No man in his senses can doubt of the fact, that
the imperative logic of the Italian question infal-
libly points to the necessity of a war, in no distant
time, on the part of Italy against Austria. For
that emergency, I consider Italy and Hungary as
constituting the two wings of one and the same
army, which, if combined in their operation, will
make victory pretty well sure ; whereas, should
Hungary, yielding to legitimate impatience,
engage in the struggle single-handed and alone,
while Italy is not yet prepared to join in it, it
would be as much as giving the chance to the enemy
to beat us in detail. Therefore regard both to
the safety of our own country and to that of our
brethren, the Italians, advises Hungary to bide the
proper time for a final decision of the pending crisis.
Hence you see Hungary restricting herself to the
trialsome task of passive resistance.
You see her submitting to the sufferings of this
painful task, with that calm spirit of resigned self-
sacrifice which faith in the ultimate triumph of a
just cause can alone inspire, but also with that in-
domitable energy which has won for my country
the goodopinion of the civilised world.
But passive resistance can neither last for ever
(it would be death by exinanition), nor is it an aim
in itself, it is only a means. What can be its aim ?
Of two things—one, either suffer and amidst suf-
ferings prepare, till a good opportunity offers itself
for taking up arms ; or else suffer till Austria, ex-
hausted financially, and overpowered by increasing
difficulties, shall find herself compelled to yield and
grant what she has now refused.
There is no third alternative possible.
I am, of course, for the first alternative, and shall
continue to act in that direction ; but the question
is, What will the nation do ? They may, to a great
extent, depend on the encouragement or discourage-
ment she may get from abroad.
If she see that Italy is successfully overcoming
the difficulties that are lying on her onward road;
if she sees that Austria has no prospect of any aid
from any foreign Power, be sure of it Hungary will
indignantly reject the treacherous hand that Aus-

trig will not fail to hold out to her at the eleventh
hour. If, on the contrary, she should see that Italy
is retrograding instead of advancing ; and if she sees
that Austria may hope to get assistance, for instance
from England, why in the long run she might de-
spair, and suicide herself by accepting a transaction
—a compromise.
Let every true friend of freedom in England and
Scotland assist me in averting this danger ; bear in
mind the decidedly hostile attitude of your pro-Aus-
trian Government towards Hungary, and the en-
couragealcait tho Government receives In Its latueu c-
able course from the unaccountably passive indif-
ference of the British people until now ; think of
the agitation Mr. Roebuck is engaged in, of the
shameful apostacy of Southampton, and of the
fuss made about it in the Austrian papers, as an in-
dication of an alliance between Britain and Austria
being in prospect.
Verily ! verily ! I say it is high Lime—nay, a
duty of national honour—for the British people to
speak out.
For the rest, I may as well remark that the course
Hungary is likely to decide upon will more parti-
cularly depend on Italy. I have no hesitation in
acknowledging that, for reasons I am not wanted to
enter upon now, we stand in need of Italy ; but, on
the other hand, I dare say the co-operation of Hun-
gary is equally necessary, nay indispensable to Italy.
The 15 millions of Hungary, not only taken away
from the forces of the enemy, but also added to the
forces of Italy, make a difference of 30 millions in
the chances of success, which is even more than the
whole of Italy were she united—which she not yet
is. The leading statesmen of Italy ought well to
consider that it is not a matter of sympathy or of
fraternal benevolence, but one of vital national in-
terest, for the Italian nation not to risk to lose the
co-operation of Hungary. In my opinion, there is
scarcely any greater fault in politics than not to
know to class the different exigencies of the situa-
tion according to their importance, and really I
think there is no success imaginable in any other
task incumbent on the Italian Government which
could be thought a compensation for the possible
loss of the co-operation of Hungary in the last in-
evitable struggle, on the result of which depends
not only that which is yet wanting to complete the
unity and independence of Italy, but also the safety
of all that has been already achieved. It is easy to
say, "Let Hungary keep things in suspense—let
her wait until Italy can get rid of other matters she
has on hand." The fact is, that Hungary cannot
wait long. The crisis there is insupportable, and it
is not given to human power to prolong a crisis in-
definitely. So or so, it must come to an end. Let
the leading statesmen of Italy take care that Hun-
gary should not find reason to lose her confidence in
the progress and vitality of the Italian cause. Let
them take care how they gave time to Austria to
paralyse Hungary, and by maiming, not her resolu-
tion, but her power of resistance, force her into sem*
artful net of compromise. The consequences would be
incalculable to the future of Italy. What would Ita-
lians say if the Hungarian nation were to shape her
course exclusively on the ground of isolated domes-
tic considerations, without any regard to the affairs
of Italy ? This, sir, is a grave consideration, and
the regards of high policy which Hungary is pay-
ing to the position of the Italian Peninsula ought
to be reciprocated by Italy. It should be borne in
mind that if Italy allows herself to be absorbed by
minor domestic matters, and pays no regard to the
critical position of Hungary, she risks to lose her
by too much delay ; and, by losing her, will en-
danger the future of Italy herself. There may have
been logic in the plan to take Naples first, Rome
next, and Venice last. However, be the causes
what they may, the fact is that this plan has so far
proved a failure, that the Italian question, instead
of advancing, has retrograded, and that Italy this
day is weaker for a war against Austria than she
was six months, or even a year ago. Then, why
not reverse the plan ? One ought never to change
aim; but ono ought to conform one's means to cir-
cumstances. Consistency is one thing—rigid ad-
herence to one's means is another, There is, in my
opinion, no merit of consistency in risking to en-
danger the aim, by too rigidly adhering to an un-
availing plan. Therefore, I again ask, Why. not
change the plan, and take Venice in hand To-
day the co-operation of Hungary is certain; who
could tell what 'will be the ease in six months ?
And if "Chan Roma deliberat Saguntum perit"-
-if Hungary is lost in the men ntimp, =ll the
forces that may be drawn from Naples prove a
compensation for the loss of the co-operation of
Hungary ? Naples and Rome will not give Venice
to Italy if Hungary is lost ; but two simultaneous
battles gained on the Po and the Danube would
at once solve the question of Venice, and that of
Naples and &me too. 1 say on the Danube de-

With very sincere and affectionate regards, yours
ever truly, L. KOSSUTH.
John M'Adam, Esq.

Such friends to the cause of Italy and Hungary
as may publish this letter will oblige by noticing
that William Ashurst, Esq., 6, Old Jewry, London,
and James Smith, Esq., 425, Argyll-street, Glas-
gow, are duly authorised to receive subscriptions in
aid of the anticipated movement in Italy and Hun-
gary ; and while I appeal to all friends of liberty to
unite and subscribe in their respective localities, I
can assure them that no debt or responsibility rests
on any of the liberal movements in which I have
been engaged during at. least the last 12 years ;
therefore no liability will be incurred for the past
by such as may take part with us in the approach-
ing struggle far continental freedom. J. 111‘A.