The Sun.
London, England, 1857-07-28 00:00:00

of India lent a sanction to that suspicion of the Hindoos ?
H ave the Government tsken a course which has led the
mass of thee-people to believe that Were was ground for
such-a suspicion ? This is a most important inquiry, and
lit is one to which the house ought to address itself. I
must s ,y, after examining the subject, I am sure with im-
artiality, that it appears to me the Legislative Council of
India have, under the new system, been constaitly med-
dling with the Hindoo religion. I don't say that the
establishment of a great system of national education—
which, if it had been kept free from any taint of this de-
scription, wonid have been of the utmost advantage to
India—has been converted into an obvious and open in-
strument of proselytism. I don't say that in establishing
a national system of education for the Hindoos you have
gone ostentatiously into their schools with our sacred
scriptures, but I am very much misinforri,ed if the sacred
scriptures have not suddenly appeared in those schools, and
you cannot persuade the Hindoos that they have appeared
there without the concurrence or tbo secret sanction of
the Government. I think also that the establishment of
what is called in the minute " a system of female
education in India " was a very unwise step on the
part of tie authorities. After all their efforts they
seem to have collected some, fifty Indian ladies in
an establishment, and I cannot but regard it as a
most dangerous measure considering .the peculiar
ideas entertained by Hindoos with regard to women—
that these 59 Gentoo ladies should have been placed in an
institution where they wsre under the guidance and in-
struction of men. I think that was a circumstance calculated
to alarm and disturb the Hindoo mind. There were, how-
ever, other acts on the pa, t of the Government, Ivhich
regard as much more reprehensible, and which, as I shall
show, have produced very evilconsequences. There are two
acts which have passed the Legislative Council of India
within the last few years, and which hive amazingly dis-
turbed the whole religious mind of Hindostan. The first
was the law which enacted that no maushould lose his pro-
perty on account of a change of religion. That has occa-
sioned great alarm in India. The house must understand
that a great deal of property is held in India by men as
trustees for sacred purposes hereditarily, and if a man does
not lose his property who has changed his religion he can
hold that property as a Christian which, as a Hindoo, he
ought to employ for the maintenance and propagation of
he Hindoo faith. That is a change in the law which has
created great alarm and suspicion. But there is also ano-
ther law which has more alarmed the feelings of the Hin-
doos, and that is the law which permitted a Hindoo widow
to marry a second husband. (Hear, hear.)' What could have
induced the Governor-General oandia to pass such a law
it is at this moment impossible to conceive. If there had
been any great feeling on the subject among the Ilicdoo
community one could have understood the reason ; but, as
I am informed, no man or woman among them ever ex-
presaed any desire in favour of that last enormity which
gave umbrage to their faith. These two laws have, more
than any other cause, disquieted the religious feelings of
the Hindoos. Even vety lately I heard that the Governor
General had forbidden the procession of an ancient society
in the neighbourhood of Calcutta from being solemnised.
That was not a wise step. And then I am also told that
the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal has forbidden the cele-
bration of a ceremony sacred both toMahornedans and Hin-
doos. This, as it appears to me, is a policy on the part
of the Legislative Council of India highly dangerous,
tampering as it does with the religion of the population,
But what has been the consequence of the conduct to which
have alluded? There has been established in Calcutta a
society imitating our societies for propagating the Gospel
in this country. The moment it was believed the mis-
sionaries were patronised by the Government—the moment
it was widely circulated that the missionaries were the
emissaries of the British Government, it was deemed
necessary to take steps to counteract the effect of their
conduct, and some yeas ago, but still within the period
within which I am generally confining nay remarks, a
society called the Sobala was set on foot to maintain the
ancient faith of the country, and to protect it from the as-
saults of the Government; and that society was organised
on a scale of great and increasing extent. It has had its
agents throughout Bengal and the North-Western Pro-
vinc..s generally, and has since extended them to more dis-
tant parts. But here was an organisation—some of its
agents I am told have even reached this country—which
in the moment of trouble and political disaster would not
be idle, acting, as they believed, in the most sacred cause
of their country. I have endeavoured to show to the house
under the th ee heads to which I first adverted—namely,
the forcible destruction of native authority in India, the
disturbance of the settlement of property in India, and
the tampering with the religion of India —that there have
been great causes at work during the last ten years which
have naturally and necessarily occasioned great discontent
and disquietude among the powerful classes in that coun-
try ; and, taking into consideration at this moment the
state of affairs in India. and the state of the public mind
in India shortly after the annexation of Berar, I think we
shall see that the whole of the native princes were alarmed
by our policy, and though those who were most aggrieved
were the Indian rajahs, still there can be no doubt that the
Mahomedan princes and population could not have looked
at this policy without considerable distrust. I have shown
that even so far as the tenure of land is concerned, irre-
spective of the principle of adoption, the Mohoinedan prin-
ces and population were equally erected ; I have shown
that a powerful society to defend the religion of the coun-
try was in active operation, and think the house will see
that it is no exaggeration to assume that about 1854 and
1855 the temper of India was one of peril, and one which
ought to have occasioned great disquietude to the Govern-
ment of that country. (Hear.) It was under these circum-
stances—it was with the great body of princes alarmed and
the most powerful classes of the' proprietors smarting un-
der grievances - it was even in the midst of usurpation and
confiscation, added to religious terror first touching the
great MASS of the working population, that an event occurred
in pile to the consequences of which I am now going to
solicit your attention for a few moments. And that was
the annexation of Oude—(hear)—the effectof which, as I
shall show, was of a very peculiar and, if I may use the
expression, generalising character. Now, I am not going,
to-night at all into the circumstances of the Oude case. It
is a subject which of course requires ant will receive due.
attention when it shall come specially under the considera-
tion of the house ; but it would now demand too much
time for me to enter into or even allude to the merits of it.
I must, however, remind the house that in the case of
Oude the principle of adoption was not observed, for the
ruler of Oude was a Ilahomedan prince, and still is. The'
annexation of Oude did not take place in consequence of
the alleged iufraction of the treaty by the sovereign of
Onde. That, I believe, has never for a moment been pre-
tended; and not only the lates but the preceding and
other sovereigns, have been our faithful as well as affec-
tionate allies. At the time of our greatest disaster in In-
dia, when our army was destroyed in Affghanistan. • and
when alarm with respect to the disaffection of the native
princes in some quarters was felt, so great was our confi-
dence in the sovereign of Oude that we denuded not only
his kingdom, but also the contiguous province, of all the
forces we had there, awl he not only sent us all his war
elephants, but even 400,0001. sterling. (Hear.) If I allude
at all to Oude, it is that my argument may not be misunder-
stood or misrepresented. We shall be told, n'") doubt, that
the condition of his country was not satisfactory, ortha,t his
character was not irreproachable. I shall not enter into
these questions. But, whatever may have been thought of
his cos luct, no right can be founded onthat for dethroning
hitn—(hear, hoar)—for by the treaty we had with him the
very matter of misconduct had been anticipated and pro-
vided for. And thew was another reason why the Govern-
ment of India ought to look with much indulgence on the
personal conduct of the late Sovereign of Oude, because the
Government of India changed the line of succession in
Oude, and placed the father of the late King on the throne
instead of the prince who by custom and by law ought to
have succeeded. Of that prince Iha l some knowledge by
the information I had received years ago from men .nost
competent to speak of him. He lives in a distant eastern
city upon a pension allotted to him by the Indian Govern-
ment, and he was recommended to me long before the
question of Oude ever interested the public attention as,
without exception, a man of the most immaculate character
that ever existed in the E a man most enlightened and
amiable, and more competent, perhaps, to be a benevolent
and judicious prince than any that ever existed. That, I
think, ought to be recollected when the disposition of that
throne comes fairly to be considered. I now only wish to
call the attention of the house to the consequences of this
startling event—the annexation of Oude. For the first

time the Mahomedan princes felt that they had an identity
of interest with the llindoo Mahrattas. From that moment
they set aside the sullen pride of former conquerors who
would not condescend to sympathise with the victims of
Sattara. They saw that from a system founded upon a
violation of Hindoo law they were not to b 3 exempted.
The moment that the throne of Oude was declared vacant,
and English troops were poured into the territory, the Ma-
homedan princes understood what would be their future
fate. You will see how the plot thickens. You have the
. _

whole of the Indian princes—men of different race and dif-
ferent religion—men between whom there were traditionary
fends and long and enduring prCjudices, with all the elements
to produce segregation—become united—Hindoos, Mah-
rattas, and Mahomedans,—secretly feeling a common
interest and a common cause. (Hear, hear.) The princes
and the proprietors are against you in their hosrts. (Hear)
You have an active set spread all over India, alarming
the ryot, the peasant, respecting his religious faith.
Never mind what were your intentions ; the question is,
what were their thoughts— what wore their infere aces ?
But the annexation.
of Ourie brought more than that.

Although you had alienated from you thehearts of princes
and proprietors —although yon bad poisoned the former
affection and veneration of the peasantry—there was a class
in India which, if yon had allowed it to rennin faithful,
might have enabled even the new system to have tri-
umphed. It turned out that the great proportion of the
Bengal army were subjects of the King of Oude. I have
been told on such high authority that I venture to make
the statement in this house - although I heard it first with,.
I hope, some allowable scepticism- that there were not
less than 70,,100 snen frourpude in that army. In many
instances they were propPletors, and in many more they
were the sons of proprietors. They entered the service of
the British 'Government. They looked forward, when
their period of service terminated, to retiro to their native
village with their pension, and with the high privileges
which, if not legal, were no less effectual. If an Oude
subject, a soldier of the Company, were injured, and if he
complained of the decision of the authorities, he had a
right to (appeal to the British Resident. Here was a
favoured class in Oude. Here was an imperium in imperio.
lam not vaunting it. lam not praising it. I arnistating
facts. It is the existence of the situation which acted on
the opinions of the man, and the opinions of the man have
produced the events. What is his position? The Oude
Sepoy finds that he has no village to return to where he is
to live the favoured subject of his native sovereign. If he
is injured ho must appeal to the Company and be treated as
all other subjects of the Company on the broad plains of
Bengal. He goes back to his estate or to the heal of his
family, his brother or father who holds it. This estate
may be small, but it is as dear to him as the tenura of a
Kentish yeoman. They have cultivated that estate and
they have paid to their native sovereign the taxes claimed
from them in kind. We know very well how taxes iu kind
are paid in Eastern countries. Sometimes they pay more
and sometimes less, but when there is a bad season, though'
living under a despot, practically they defy despotisin,ancl
do not pay taxes at all. But the Onde Sepoy retort s now
to his village and finds it belongs to the company, and' that
the rigid revenue system of India is appliedao his small
property. lam saying nothing
abstractedly against the
revenue system of the India Company. Abstractedly a
fixed payment demanded under all circumstances is such
as to make a fixed payment more advantageous than frost-
ing a great deal to the prince or proprietor. The Oude
Sepoy finds himself subjected to a hard and novel system
of taxation and revenue. He finds he has lest political
privileges and the territorial position which he occupied,
And for the first time the great body of the Bengal army
is disaffected. How doe? that act? With the princes,
proprietors, and pro religious classes, all for a long time
distrusted and disaffected, the 'opportunity occurs, and
the only class which can keep them in order is angr, and
discontented. Hon: gentlemen opposite will tell you, that
I have no evidence that there was any combination among
these classes. It is a sudden impulse, says the Chancellor
of the Exchequer. He may as well have told you that the
income-tax was a sudden impulse. (Laughter.) The an.