The Sun.
London, England, 1861-12-11 00:00:00

his endeavours to mar his own great work, and
every measure which he had offered to the country
had been less acceptable than the preceding one,
and if his own career had been cut short last year
his biography would have been stained by its
closing chapter. But he lived to redeem his error.
The indifference of the public in 1860, and the in-
sincerity of Parliament, brought conviction even to
his reluctant mind. Feeling that conviction ho
manfully expressed it. But ho has had his reward.
As long as he was coercing the nation by ill-digested
measures of reform he was disliked and distrusted
as a public man. He was now distrusted no longer.
His popularity as a minister and a statesman is now
re-established. The whole nation heard with de-
light of his elevation to the peerage, as a well
merited recognition of distinguished and faithful
services. (Cheers.) He is now instead of a weak-
ness the mainstay and ornament of the cabinet to
to which he belongs ; and that cabinet did unfortu-
nately relaisie into devices of clap-trap when it sup-
ported Mr. Baines's bill, it paid a speedy penalty
in the signal and ignominious defeat at which the
nation rejoiced as an additional guarantee of the
fate of further ministerial enterprises in that
direction. And now, the nation, being satisfied
that it will no longer be harassed by Lord John
Russell's agitation for reform, has turned its atten-
tion to the contemplation of his really valuable
services in the administration of foreign affairs,
when events unforeseen, events of unusual difficul-
ty, demanding great sagacity, great courage, and
great judgment in the minister, and imposing on
him great responsibility, have opened to him a field
which Europe already sees is more suited to his
genius, and far more promising for his renown.
(Hear, hear.) This brings me the second question
—foreign policy—and it is fortunate both for the
minister and the nation that the principles on which
our foreign policy are to be conducted are now so
unanimously held in England that no minister
could either mistake or disregard them. The first
principle of our foreign policy is that of non-inter-
vention—that is to say that all other states are to
be left to the exclusive and absolute management of
their own internal affairs. But when these are
affairs not of internal but of international character,
affecting the relation of states to one another, and
each or all of them to England, then we hold it to
be the duty of England not only to be a vigilant
observer but an actor in whatever transactions may
affect the general condition "and peace of the world.
During the last three years there have been three
great contests going on in which the ministers of
England have had to act—in Italy, Austria, and
America. In Italy, when the war broke out, we
laid down the principle that the Italians should be
left to the management of their own affairs. In
conformity with that principle we were the first
power that recognised the independence of Italy,
and if that independence is not recognised by the
whole world, it is not the fault of England, but of
France, that keeps an army in Rome, which has the
effect of protecting the brigands of the Pope, of fo-
menting insurrection in Naples, of perpetuating
intrigues at Turin, and keeping up that uncer-
tainty which clouds the future of Italy. Then there
hasbeen war between the Emperor of Austria and
his Hungarian subjects. I attach the greatest im-
portance to Austria as one of the great powers of
Europe, but I have lately come to
-the conclusion
that it depends very much on the manner in which
Austria closes her contest in Hungary, whether
maintaining her among the great powers of Europe
is practicable or desirable. The whole press of Europe
is on the side of Hungary. No one can tell how
long the present state of uncertainty may last, but
I have no hesitation in expressing the opinion,
which the friends of Austria ought to regard, that
unless Austria does by some means or other conci-
liate her Hungarian subjects, the first shot fired in
Europe may bring about such a state of circum-
stances that any man a few years hence looking at
the map of Europe for the Empire of Austria may
haply look in vain. (Hear, hear.) I now come to
that other subject which is in every man's mind—
what is felt in every man's heart—and which both
in England and in Europe is occupying everybody's
attention. One question is in everybody's mouth—
is England at war with America ? It is impossible
to exaggerate the interest we feel or the importance
we attach to the answer to that question. Before
this year is closed that answer will be received.
This is a question of all others in which you are
interested in knowing what are the views of your
representatives—what is the line they are disposed
to pursue, an.l what is the course which, in their
opinion, the Government and the Parliament of the
country should follow in the painful and unex-
pected difficulty in which we are now placed. (Hear,
hear.) The question seems to me to be a very aim-
ple, although it is a very large one, and in order to
a right understanding of it you must look at the
origin, the objects, and the probable results of the
war between the Northern and the Southern States,
in order that we may understand their relations to
one another, and what are and ought to be Eng-
land's relations towards them. Having referred at
length to the origin and objects of the struggle now
raging in America, the hon. member expressed his
conviction that the truth with regard to the latter
was, as 'stated by Earl Russell—" that the North
LIMO fighting for empire fold the South fox