The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-29 00:00:00

THE BLOCKADE IN AMERICA.

Lord J. RUSSELL, who laid on the table certain corres-
pondence relating to the blockade of ports in America, said
—lt may be convenient to the house, and especially to the

commercial interests of this country, to state the substance
of the correspondonce which has lately passed with regard
to the blockade of ports in America. On the 19th of April
the President of the United States issued a notification that
it was intended to institute a blockade of the ports of the
seven States which had seceded, and on the 27th of April
another notification was issued that it was intended to
blockade the ports of North Carolina and Virginia; but
when Lord Lyons applied for an official notification of the
establishment—the commencement of the blockade, he was
told by the Secretary of State that it was not usual to make
such notification, but that it would be made by thedifferent

naval commanders in the different ports when such block-
ade was instituted. The results, thereforo. of the coAz-oe
blockade has been already notified in
the Ist-a—A- :., to be notified in that
e
the blockade of the ports of Virginia
Pnat aandutdNuemenolacr,
net
hanuse'er'd
namely,rho* alhi tone,by
the flag officer Prendergast, by let-
ter, who has declared that he is in a situation to make an
efficient blockade of those ports. There has been no noti-
fication of a similar kind with regard to other ports. The
rules, as far as Lord Lyons has been able to ascertain them,
and of which he has given an account to Admiral Milne,
commanding the British squadron in those waters, are,
first, that the notification is in each case to be made by the
naval officer commanding the squadron which institutes
the blockade, and in the next place, that fifteen days are to
be allowed from the commencement of the blockade for
vessels to come out ; and it appears that whether they are
loaded or not, provided they come out in the fifteen
days, their passage is to be allowed. On the
other hand, it is not permitted by the United States
erly nogfi nogthear away
ytions the
in the ports
Go-
vernment that any vessel shall be sent to the
e
portsb
propertyloek;
Britishad
edforsutih, ;are rpeorsepreopf bonging
blockaded. An application was made of that kind, but the
Secretary of State replied, that if such permission were
granted- it would be used by American citizens who wished
to bring away property from the ports. If the blockade is
carried into effect according to the regular law of nations,
we of course are bound by it, and we have only to see that
the blockade is efficient.

Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said he thought the noble lord
ought to inform the house what means ho had taken 0 give
protection in the slave
Statesßritish
of property
America. and
Veryßritish
great s subjects bojcuet::ges were committed on
British subjects in those States; and ho wished to know
whether the noble lord had received any information on the
subject. Ho (Mr. Drincombe) had received letters from a
gentleman he could depend en, who had requested him to
ask Government what they intended to do. There was no
complaint of the Government of the free States of America,
but in the slave States neither life nor property was safe;
and British subjects there at this moment were compelled to
take up arms and fight against the free States, and were
prevented from passing to the free States. A proclamation
hadbeen issued by our Government stating that the Foreign
Enlistment Act was put in force. That being the case, all
British subjects engaged in this war were to be treated as
pirates. Now the mercantile marine of America was chiefly
manned by Englishmen and Irishmen, and these men were
not allowed to depart, and they were obliged to fight against
the free states. if they Were taken, were they to be treated
as pirates? We talked of our neutrality, but was it no-
thing that in the confederate states the captain of a mer-
chant vessel had been tarred and feathered ? (Laughter.)
It was all very well to laugh, but this was a serious matter.
What was to be done ? These men could net get away.
What means had been taken by the noble lord to prevent
them being treated as pirates ? At this moment there was
an advertisement in the slave state newspapers offering a
reward of 20 dollars for every person prersed and brought
on board one of their vessels. Did they suppose that the
Canadians would submit to have their fellow-subjects
dragged into the slave states, and there imprisoned or made
to fight against the free states ? The question he wished to
ask was what steps the noble lord had taken in order that
the Irishmen and Englishmen who were now detained in
the slaves states, and who wished to come away, might have
the opportunity of doing so.

Mr. B. OSBORNE said he was not aware whether he was
strictly in order, but he must protest against the tone and
the sentiments contained in the spf_eeh of the hon. gentle-
man, who altogether prejudged this question, and when he
talked of having reliable information from certain friends of
his, he (Mr. Osborne) was also in possession of reliable in-
formation which gave the direct lie to the statements of the
hon. gentleman. He was in a position to deny that any
of these outrages had been committed in the Confederated
States, but ho could point, if this were the proper time, to
outrages committed by the militia of New York in one of
the Southern States which they had occupied, in which
Gen. Butler had actually issued an order of the day, on the
pretext that one of his men was poisoned by strychnine,
threatening to put a slave into every man's house
to poison their masters. But do not let the house be led
away by these sad events, which were calculated to excite
a very painful feeling. He hoped that they would not be
led at this time into a debate, and that the noble lord (Lord
J. Russell) would maintain that judicious silence which ho
had always maintained on this subject. If they were to
have a deliberate debate, let it be regularly brought on, and
not brought on in this irregular manner.
Mr. BRIGHT said nothing could be more injudicious
or more unfortunate than that they should have in that
house, from private letters, accounts of particular out-
rages, said to have been committed in America. They
knew that there would be outrages enough before war
there or anywhere else was brought to a close. But
in the
,North, as well as in th South, there would
be the greatest possible indisposition to bring about
a quarrel with this country. Whatever quarrel there
was between the two sections, there could be none
between either and this country. The policy which the
noble lord had announced, and in which he cordially con-
curred, was one of strict neutrality on the part of our Go-
vernment. He thought it would be well for the house to
adopt the same line of neutrality as much as possible. It
was an unhappy thing that this dissension and this war had ,
but let their bope twat mpg timq nation, which

was more educated perhaps than any nation in the world,
there might be found persons who could surmount the vast
difficulty in which the country was placed without those
calamities which always accompanied civil war. With that
feeling he asked the house to avoid as much as possible dis-
cussion on matters which ho believed they could not in-
fluence for good, but by which they might create a state of
feeling either in the North or in the South, which might
add to the difficulty of our Government in that wise line:of
neutrality which they bad laid down. (Hear.)
Mr. GREGORY said he hoped the house would not be

led away by stories from letters from the Southern States.
He had no doubt that the gentleman from whom the hon.
member received this letter knew just as much as the hon.
gentleman himself. They knew very well that neither
letters nor newspapers had been received from the South.
They should read the official docuceents, the address of
President Davis, in order to form a judgment. He should
certainly on the 7th of June bring forward his motion,
and he trusted that the whole matter would be then consi-
dered.

Mr. BOUVERIE said this was a veryimportant matter
for the commercial interests of this country. He believed
the rule was that a neutral did not incur the forfeiture of
his goods by attempting to violate a blockade, unless he had
received dae notice of the blockade. The rule was that noti-
fication to the state of which the person was a subject was
notification to all the subjects of that state, but if notifica-
tion bad not been given in that way, then it must be actual
notice to the subject himself. Therefore, the house would
see how important it was whether notification had been
given of a blockade, or merely an intimation that on arrival
at the port there would be a notice given of the blockade.

He wished to ask whether the mercantile interests of this
country were to understand that a public notification of the
blockade had been given to her Majesty's Government, or
merely whether the blockade would be notified to neutral
ships on their arrival at the port in question ?
Lord J. RUSSELL (who was heard very indistinctly)
was understood to say thathe had already stated the course
which the Government had pursued. With regard te the
blockade his right hon. friend would see from the papers,
when they were distributed amongst the members, the exact
state of the case. When Mr. Seward was asked whether he
would give us a notification of the blockade he refused to do
so, saying he found no precedent for such a proceeding. Ho
(the noble lord) referred him to a precedent, but Mr. Seward
said he would not give a general notification—he would
leave it to the naval commanding officer of each station to
declare that the blockade hfid been instituted; and when the
fact had thus been generally communicated, it was to be
considered that the blockade had been regularly established.
Of course he (the noble lord) was not going to enter into
questions that might have to be argued and decided in a
prize court with regard to the regularity of the blockade.
He had no doubt that the United States Government,
which had always been very cautious on the subject of
blockades, had consulted the precedents and taken the
best legal advice before they adopted the course they had.
pursued. With regard to the question of his hon. friend
(Mr. Duncombe), he must say that though there was a great
deal of vague statement in his speech, he had not brought
forward any particular facts upon which the Foreign-office
could proceed to take my steps. His hon. friend had re-
ferred to the case of the master of a merchant vessel who
had been tarred and feathered ; but that case had occurred
many weeks before the outbreak of civil war, and when the
country was at peace. There might have been some inten-
tion of secession, bat it had not at that moment taken place.
There are rumours of a very disparaging character with
regard to the person in question ; he was attacked and ill-
treated by the mob ; but the authorities had endeavoured to
arrest the rioters, and our consul stated that they (the au-
thorities) had done everything that could possibly have
been done. The affair had really, therefore, nothing what-
ever to do with tho secession or civil war. (Hear.) With
regard to these cases generally, the steps her Majesty's
Government had taken were these :—They desired, in the
first place, that Admiral Mills should be present with a
sufficient squadron, and orders had been given by the Ad-
miralty that other ships should be sent out to strengthen
the gallant officer's squadrOn. Lord Lyons had taken care
to inform himself with regard to the laws of the United
States and of the seceded states with respect to persons
serving in the militia. Those laws varied in the different
states of Europe, and they even varied in some of the states
of America. Lord Lyons had, however, taken the opinion
of counsel, and if any question arose he would no doubt en-
tertain the matter with due discretion, having reference
both to the law of nations and to the law of the particular
state with respect to which the question might have arisen.
In the next place, without entering upon the treatment of
neutrals, which he should be ready to discuss on the 7th of
June, he (the noble lord) might stato that her Majesty's
Government had been in communication with the Govern-
ment of France on that subject, and also with the Govern-
ment of the United States. He entirely agreed with the
hon. member for Birmingham that with respect to the un
happy quarrel, which he believed had given pain generally
throughout this country, no words should be used that
would tend to bring this country into the conflict, or that
might create exasperation or bitterness on the one side or on
the other. (Hear.) That a great and free nation, like the
Unite r Gtattee, el... Quid be exposed U.) the ovals of-civil war,
was an event that every lover of liberty ought to deplore ;
and he hoped that the contest, if it could not be averted,
might at all events be very short, and might not interfere
with the ultimate prosperity of the country. (Cheers.)
The papers were then ordered to lie on the table.
THE DERBY DAY.

Viscount PALMERSTON moved that the house at its
rising adjourn till Thursday next. (Cheers.) The, motion
would be for the general convenience of the house —(a
laugh)—and it would be unnecessary for him to enter into
any details, for the reasons in favour of the proposition
would be patent to every hon. gentleman. (Laughter.)
Mr. BENTINCK did not rise for the purpo3e of offering
any opposition to so popular a proposal ; but he felt it right
to call attention to the position in which private members
had been placed by the recent alterations in the mode of
conducting the business of the house. To those alterations
ho had ventured to object, on the ground that they would
deprive private members of a portion of the time which had
hitherto been allotted to them ; and the noble lord met his
remarks by assuring the house that the contrary would be
the fact, because the new rules would give the Government
an interest in keeping a house on Friday. But what had
been the fact ? On Tuesday, the 14th inst., the house was
counted out at a quarter to 7 ; on Friday, the 17th, it was
counted out at half-past 8 ; and on Friday last there were
not sufficient members present at 4 o'clock to make a house
at all. It was hardly possible to conceive a morn complete re-
futation of the prospect which the noble lord had held out to
them, or a more complete justification of the view which he
(Mr. Bentinck) had expressed. But that was not all. Pri-

rate members were often appealed to by distinguished mem-

bers of the Government on the ground of public convenience
not to offer any obstruction to their measures. The other
day they had thus had a most pathetic appeal made to them
by the Chancellor of the Eichequer ; but what had hap-
pened last night ? Notwithi-tanding the great urgency of
the financial measures of the Government on which the
right hon. gentleman had more than once insisted, the Go-
vernment themselves interposed just as the house was on
the point of dividing and propoped an adjournment. (Hear,
hear.) He did not blame gentlemen on the two front
benches for an arrangement which those who enjoyed or
were hoping to enjoy office would naturally wish to carry
into effect, but ho did blame independent members of the
House for allowing themselves to be deprived of their pri-
vileges. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. DISRAELI said that the House had certainly
agreed to the alteration on the clear understanding that
the Government would always feel it their duty to secure
a house for private members on Friday nights. (Cheers.)
The occurrence last Friday must have arisen from circum-
stances which could not have b3en foreseen, and which
were not under the control of the Government, for there
were only the members of the administration present at
four o'clock. He really doubted whether the House ought
not to have met on Saturday; because, if he recollected
the words of the standing order rightly, they were to the
effect that the House at its rising on Friday should stand
adjourned till the following Monday. If construed strictly
that could not apply to a case when the House had never
met on Friday at all. (Hear, hear.) It appeared to him,
therefore, that the Speaker ought, if possible, to have
taken the chair on Saturday. (A laugh.) He (the right
hon. gentleman) trusted that the noble lord would give
them an assurance that a Houso should always be made on
Friday. _ _

Lord PALMERSTON could assure the right hon.
gentleman that he very much regretted that a house was
not made on Friday last, for the Government had
themselves business which they should have been
glad to have brought forward on that day. It was,
in truth, entirely owing to accidental circumstances that
there was no house. Tho Government would feel it their
duty to make a house on Fridays, but as to keeping it he
did not understand that that was their function. If private
members brought forward questions of interest no doubt
other private members would come down to receive them ;
but if they did not the Government had no power to com-
pel them to do so.
it J. PAKINGTON reminded the noble lord of the old
parliamentary tradition that there were certain members of
the Government whose duty it was both to make and to
keep a house. (Hear, hear.)

The motion was then agreed to.
NATIONAL EDUCATION.

Sir S. NORTHCOTE, in bringing forward his motion
regarding national education, said there were so much as
£BOO,OOO a year given to the promotion of national education,
but there were classes of children in workhouses, and in re-
formatories, and indukrial schools, to which Government
gave aid to the extent of about £BO,OOO a year. The case
he had to submit was this—that there were classes of chil-
dren who did not come under the heads he had alluded to,
and for their education no Government aid was given, and
it was with reference to that class that he wished to obtain
the appointment of a select committee to consider what steps
should be taken in such an important matter. He had been
met by the statement that a Royal Commission had been
issued to inquire and report, and that therefore there was
no necessity for the appointment of such a committee as ho
now moved for. Re understood that the Government had
the recommendat'ons of the commissioners under considera-
tion, and that next session the Government would give
effect to recommendations AP they aPPrt7Yed Deforc

anything decisive was done he was desirous that the whole
matter should be fully investigated by a committee of in-
quiry. That inquiry should be especially directed to the
wants of the most ragged class of children, and the means
of providing education for them. It was most important
to ascertain whether they could be admitted into " pay
schools." It was evident that they had not the means of pro-
curing admission into those schools. It was, however, im-
portant, that for the interests of the State those children
should be educated. It was out of this class of children the
criminal classes were recruited, and it was the duty of the
State, in cases where the parents were unable or unwilling
to pay for the education of the children, that the State
should step in and perform the duty. The eleemosynary
principle was universally admitted. The difficulty was, as
to how far the State should interfere in a compulsory
manner. He thought the State should insist on providing
means for teaching the children reading, writing, and arith-
metic, and should provide the means of moral training.
The pay schools did not provide these means of education.
The report of the commissioners said that a large propor-
tion of the children did not even learn to read well, and the
moral and religious education imparted was of the most
imperfect character. The pay schools were not the proper
schools for the ragged outcast Arabs—those that now went
to the ragged schools. He wanted a committee to dealwith
the whole subject. If that committee were granted, he
would call schoolmasters and other witnesses to give testi-
mony as to the best means of providing for those poor
children. He thought much more might be male of ragged
schools than was made of them at present. They were told
that they did a great deal of Mischief, that they drained the
day schools, and that they were disorganised and mismanaged.
The commissioners had taken evidence with respect to these
schools. They had employed three assistant .commissioners
in making inquiry into these schools. He did not wish to
question the conclusiOn at which the commissioners had
arrived, but he was bound to say that he thought their own
evidence showed that the ragged schools presented a case
for inquiry, in order to ascertain whether more might not
be made of them. (Hear.) The cases of Bristol and Ply-
mouth were prominently brought forward, and the commis-
sioners established a broad distinction between ragged
schools in these towns. The Bristol school was generally
well conducted, and was doing a considerable amount of
good; that at Plymouth had been badly conducted, and it
was doing a great deal of mischief. Well, these two facts
seemed to suggest an inquiry into the difference between
the systems as practised in those towns. They had no right
to ignore ragged schools, but if they thought these schools
were not useful, then they ought to be got rid of altoge-
ther. He therefore hoped the house would give this sub-
ject their greatest possible consideration, and this could only
be done by means of a committee of that house. The hon.
baronet concluded by moving for a select committee to in-
quire how the funds voted by Parliament for the promotion
of national education may be most efficiently and most
economically applied, in the case of neglected and destitute
children.

Mr. LOWE would, in the first place, state that the Go-
vernment had no objection to the motion, but he must take
the liberty of objecting t 9 its terms. That motion was to in-
quire "how the funds voted by Parliament for the promo-
tion of national education might be most effectually and
economically applied in the case of the neglected and desti-
tute." His objection to it was based upon two grounds.
Firstly, it contained an implied assertion that the public
grants ought to have been applied differently, which would
be an imputation of censure against the Commissioners.
He would not raise the question whether that censure was
just, but it ought not to be assumed before the inquiry.
The resolution, in its present form, implied that the mat-
ter should be placed under the direction of the Committee
of the Privy Council of Education. This he thought was
wrong, as they were utterly unfitted for such a duty. The
department with which ho was connected was doing all it
could to raise the standat dof education, discipline, good
order, and cleanliness, making them grants dependent on
these conditions. But for such schools as were contem-
plated in this inquiry, the grants he presumed would not
be dependent on those conditions, but on the necessity of
the case. Now it would never do for the same board to say
to one set of schools, " if you maintain a high standard of
education, discipline, good conduct, and cleanliness, we will
give you so much," and to another, "if you will disregard
these conditions we will give you more," He did not want
the house to assume that he was right in this view, let it
be matter of inquiry; but ha hoped the hon. baronet would
agree that they should not assume the contrary. If the
hon. baronet would alter the wording of his motion, so as
still to include the ragged schools, but not confine the re-
solutions to them, and not to prejudge the question as to
the grant being distributed by the Privy Council, then he
(Mr. Lowe) would not oppose the inquiry. He would,
therefore, suggest that the latter portion of the resolution
should be made to read thus—" how the education of desti-
tute and neglected children may be effectually and econo-
mically assisted by any public grant."

Sir S. NORTHCOTE assented to the alteration.
Mr. HANBURY thought that great advantage would
result from the inquiry, for even at the late Social Science
Congress at Birmingham, he was surprised to find how
little information was generally possessed on this subject.
Tt not generally known that a system of schools of this
description had long existed. He thought the inquiry would
tend to decrease rather than to increase the expense, for
money was now given to many schools which ought not to
be so assisted.

Sir J. PAKINGTON had heard the somewhat unex

petted reply of the right hon. gentleman to the motion of
his hon. friend with very great pleasure. He did hear that
it was the intention of the Government to resist the motion,
but he did not believe they could contemplate opposition to
so fair and moderate a proposal, and he felt certain that if
they had done so, they would not have been supported by
the feeling of that house. He believed these schools had
been very useful indeed, and in the committee that the Go-
vernment was prepared to concede, there would be an op-
portunity of showing whether they ought to be assisted and
further encouraged by participation in the Parliamentary
grant for education. At the same time he should not have
risen to say a very few words if it had not been for the re •
ference which had been made to the very valuable report of
the Royal Commission. If the advocates of the ragged
schools:urged upon the Government the duty of giving them
greater support, he should be sorry that he at least meant
any disparagement thereby to that able and valuable report.
He entirely adopted every word of the right hon. gentle •
man opposite with respect to the report, which did the
Royal Commissioners the greatest credit for having given
the country the most valuable and compendious statement
ever presented in this country on the subject of national
education. (Hear, hear.) But he felt extremely gratified
with the decision to which the Government had come with
reference to the motion of his hon. friend.
Mr. H. DANBY SEYMOUR hoped that it would be
understood between the Government and the hon. baronet
who moved for the committee, that it would finish its labours
this year, and present their report to the house in time to
enable them to understand whether,, for the first time, we
were to enter into a system of gratuitous grants for an im-
perfect system of education.

Mr. ADDERLEY said he rose to enter his single but
very decided protest against the motion of his hon. friend
and the course of the Government with reference to tha mo-
tion. They were about to overlay the subject by a fresh in-
quiry, when they had just placed in their hands the valu-
able report of the Royal Commission, which he believed
very few members had read, and certainly none had read
the five volumes of evidence on which the report was based.
That inquiry and report cost the country at least £40,000,
and here they were about to institute another, necessarily
attended by expense, without having even read the results
of the last. Against such a course he felt bound to protest
in the strongest manner.

Sir G. Lill/ IS said after what had fallen from the right
hon. gentleman opposite he would make a few observations.
He entirely agreed in the commendations which had been
bestowed on the report of the commissioners. The right
hon. baronet, however, does not agree with the report and
the evidence upon which it is founded, and he therefore
wished to have a further inquiry, and ho (Sir G. Lewis)
would not object to the 'nation for a committee; but by
giving his assent to the motion he would not be precluded
from proceeding with the bill he had brought in on the
subject.

Mr. DILLIVYN said he understood £BOO,OOO a-year was
voted, not to improve the standard of education, but to pro-
vide education for the poor. He supported the motion of
of the right hon. baronet.
Mr. CAVE also supported the motion.
Mr. HENLEY said he quite agreed in the opinion that
the report was drawn up with great ability, although it was
in some respects contradictory. In one portion of it, those
who aided in establishing ragged schools were highly
complimented, while in another portion of it the commis-
sioners gave them an awkward slap, and wished the ragged
schools to be regularly snuffed out. He hoped this com-
mittee would throw great light on the whole matter, and
make sip gestions such as would dispose of the whole matter
in a satisfactory manner.
Lord J. RUSSELL said the question before the house
was not as to the merits of the report of the commission, but
whether a committee should be appointed. They had a re-
port of a committee on the subject, and before a fresh com-
mittee was appointed that report should be carefully consi-
dered. From the statement of the hon, baronet it appeared
that there was a large number of children whose education
had been wholly neglected. It had been urged on the one
side that many children sent to ragged schools had parents
who were able to pay for their education at superior schools.
The statement on the other side was that many children
would receive no education at all if it were not for those
ragged schools. He was inclined to this belief, and thought
such schools should receive encouragement. But then the
question arose as to the manner in which they should get
support. He did not think it expedient to place under the
same supervision persons receiving a superior and inferior
education side by side. If ragged schools were to be encou-
raged, it should be in somo other way. He thought the
Committee of Council on Education had donemuch to raise
the standard and improve the quality of education; and he
hoped nothing would be dono to lower the standard or de-
teriorate the quality. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. LOVE said he believed all necessary provision had
been mado for religious education.
The motion as amended was then agreed to.

PAPER.

.911i1S P10y94 fox select cinaulitto t 4 bicAirg

into the effect of the law relating to the free importation
of foreign paper, whilst rags (the raw material for paper)
are entirely prohibited, or subjected to a heavy export
duty, in all those foreign countries which compete here
with our home producers ; and also to inquire what steps'
can be taken or provision made whereby a system of free
trade in the raw material can be rendered co-existent with
that in the manufactured article, or otherwise to put the
English papermaker on an equal footing with his foreign
competitor.—Agreed to.
MUNICIPAL CORPORATION ACT AMENDMENT.

Sir G. C. LEWIS moved for leave to bring in a bill to-
amend the Municipal Corporation Act.
Leave was given to bring in the bill, which was subse-
quently read a first time.
EXPIRING LAWS.

Mr. PEEL moved for a select committee to inquire what
temporary laws of a public and general nature are now in
force, and what laws of the like nature have expired since
the last report on the subject; and also what laws of the
like nature are about to expire at particular periods, or in
consequence of any contingent public events :—Mr. Peel,
Mr. Massey, Sir S. Nerthcote, Mr. Attorney-General, Mr,
Solicitor-General, Mr. Adderley, Mr. CoWper, Sir W.
Jolliffe, Mr. Baring, Mr. Williams, Mr. Brand, Lord John
Manners, and Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen :—Power to send
for persons, papers, and records. Three to be the quorum.
—Agreed to.
POOR RELIEF (IRELAND) BILL.

Mr. CARDWELL moved that Colonel Fordo be die•
charged from further attendance on the select committee
on Poor Relief (Ireland) :—That Colonel Dunne be added
to the committee.
Agreed to.
REFORMATORY SCHOOLS (SCOTLAND) BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
BOUNDARIES OF BURGHS EXTENSION (SCOT•
LAND) BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
PUBLIC OFFICES EXTENSION BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
CONSOLIDATION FUND (110,000,000) BILL.

. ,
This bill was read a second time.
The house adjourned at nine o'clock.

THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON.

SIR J. ROMILLY A CANDIDATE.

When the University of London was named as a
new constituency, in the Reform Bill of last session,
a requisition to Sir John Romilly was most influen-
tially signed by upwards of 230 graduates, request-
ing him to allow himself to be put in nomination as
a candidate. The friends of the university are in.
great hopes now that one of the four vacant seats
will be allotted to them; and at a meeting of the for-
mer requisitionists, held last Friday night, at the
Freemasons' Tavern, the following resolution was
passed :—" That the former committee be requested.
to resume their functions, and that the gentlemen
now present and those who answered the circular
be requested to act as an executive committee to
watch over the procindings of the House of
Commons in regard to the probability of the Uni-
versity of London being created a constituency to
return members to Parliament, and to take such
steps as may seem to them advisable to bring Sir
John Romilly forward. as a candidate at the earliest
period, and that all giantlemen who sign the requi-
sition to Sir J. Romill,y be invited to act upon such
executive committee, with power to add to their
numbers."