The Sun.
London, England, 1857-02-27 00:00:00

e'en of till committee wluld determine him as to thq
Int Ire cDnr

ull fmr,ue.

FLiC.A.L AFFATR3 (IRELAND).
On the tri..)tion of Sr D. NOREtEYS, 1 was given
to introduce a bill for the Netter administration of the
fiwal affairs of e7ninti3i in Ireland.

WAR IN CHINA.
Mr. COBDEN presetited p litions from Darlington and
Brighton, protesting, against the course taken in the recent
hostiliiies with China.
M. GIBSON. presented a similar petition from

ArLindic ster.
:r. COBDEN. then rose to move, " That this house
has heard with concern .of the conflicts Which have oc-
curred between the British and Chinese authorities in the
Cautui river; and without expressing an opinion as to the
extent to which the Government of China may have af-
f )rded this country cause of complaint respecting the non-
fulfilment of the treaty of 1842, this house consi(iers that
the papers which have 13en laid upon the table fail to es-
tablish ervisfactory grounds for the violent measures re-
sorted to at Canton in the late affair of the Arrow, that
a stlect committee be appointed to inquire into the state of
our commercial relations with China." He said—gnow.
ing to how large an extent the national conscience has
beta moved by the question to which I now invite the at-
tention of the house, judging from the manifestations of
opinion in ordinary organs of information from which we
learn what is passing in the mind of the people of this
brat nation; knowing how h,rge an amount of sympathy
the objnt I have in view has excited, I can only regret
that the subject has nat fallen into abler hands. LA me

stipulate, therefore, that whatever may be the decision to
which the house may come, it may be taken on the merits
of the case, and that the question will not be allowed to
suffer on ncceunt of its a ivccate. I beg distinctly to sag
that I have no party object., nu personal or other motive to
serve—(hear, hear)—but to arrive at a just decision on
this important subject. Personally I have every motive to
avoid giving pain to any one, and still more to visit with
retribution the gentleman who now holds the office of Pleni-
potentiary at Hong Kong, and who, unless his conduct is
endorsed by that Government, I shall hold resp nsible f r
the proceedings which have taacen place. Sir J. Bowrinz Is
a friend of twenty years' standing, and I can have no yin.
dictive feeling agatnst him, and no desire for vengeance on
him or any other person. I wish the Government had not
come to a hasty decision on this subject, so that we might
have come to the consideration of the question only with a
desire to deal with it on a principle of justice. To begin
at the beginning. It appears that on Sth Oat. last a vessel
called a lorcha, which is a nano derived from the Portu-
, gueoe settlement of Diana-', at the mouth of the river oppo-
site G. enton and which means that it is a European vessel,
.and not built in China, was boarded by the Chinese officers,
and 12 men taken out of the vessel, on a charge that seine
of them had been engaged in acts of piracy. Twelve of the
men were removed, and two left in charge of the ship. Im-
mediately on. this coming to the knowledge of Mr. Parkes,
our Consul at Canton, ne made a reclamation to the Go-
vernor of Canton, on the ground that according to the last
treaty between this country and China any malfeasance
towards the Chinese authorities by British subjects should
be taken cognisance of before the British Consul, and not
before the Chinese authorities themselves. Ta this he re-
ceived an answer that the whole of the men and the vessel
were nut British, but Chinese. The matter was referred to
Sir J. Bowring at Hong Kong, which is about 12 hours'
steam passage from Canton. On the 10th three of the men
were ieturned, but nine, on the ground'of grave suspicion
against them, were retained. Thus the matter stood, when
Sir John Bowring gave an ietituation to the Chinese
authorities, that unless within 46 hours the whole of the
men were returned in a nianner specified, an apology made
for the act of the Chinese officers, and a pledge given that
110 such act should be done for the future, naval operations
would be commenced against the Chinese towne On the
22,1 of October the whole of the men were returned, and a
letter was tent with them, in which I'd), the governor
of the province, stated that the ship in question was not
a British ship, and the English bee no concern whit it,
but that he had returned tee men at the instance of the
Consul, and lie promis el that eu Witisti ship should ever
again be vie ted by a Chiues ~ officer. On the 23 i opera-
hoes were couluienceei areiust the Barrier Forts, an I
they were continued until the 2 ith ; tile Barrier, Bogue,
and Dutch Folly Forts, and 4ej auks, wire destroyed. The
:mimeos of Canton were pulled, or burnt, or battered down.
Now b •ar in wind that the suburbs of Cant. n cantata a po-
puletion entirely dependent upon our ioreign trade, and
they are almost our only friends. These operations con-
tinued until Nov. le, and in-fact the governor's house was
shelled. Shells were thrown at a range of 2,000 yards, to
reach the Tartar quarter of the town at the other side of
the city. These facts are set forth in the pathetic appeals
to the inhabitants, and the depositions of leading me i,
801110 of iliein of world-wide reputation, eugagtd in leader
That was the state of things up to the ate of the iast ad-
vices. I lay these things before the house as the bases of
our investigation, not with the view of appealing to your
humanity, or in order to excite your feelings, but to show
that we are at war with China—that a great destruction
tf property has taken place. What I want the house to
inquire into is this—How was this affair begun? Why was
it begun? And who were its authors? Not for the bene-
fit of the Chinese, but for the vindication of our own hon-
our. I ask you to consider this case precisely as though you
were dealing with a strong power, and not with a weak one.
I have seen with humiliation the tendency in this country
to pursue two courses of policy, the one for the strong an I
the other for the weak. (lie :r, hear.) If I know anything
of my countrymen and of the House of Commons, that is
not the natural quality of the English. That never was
our reputation. (Cheers.) We have had the character of
sometimes being a little arrogant and overbearing, and
with having a tendency to pick a quarrel, but, we never
had the character of being bullies to the weak and cowards
to the strong. Let us consider this case as if we were
dealing with America. We have a treaty with China which
puts us on an equality with that country as to our nati nal
relations. That treaty binds us to reciprocal conduct, and
its our dealings with that country we ought to observe
the same justice as we would with regard to the United
States, to France, or to Russia. Now, what are the
grounds for the devastation and warfare we are carrying on
in the Canton river ? • Our plenipotentiary in China says
that a violation of our treaty rights has taken place in re-
gard to the Arrow. In the first place I think that was a
question which might have been referred home before any
extreme measures hart been resorted to. In the next
place I want to know what is the question of international
taw ? I will take the opinion of the highest legal autho-
rity in the country, and after the authoritative declaration
made iu another place on Tuesday evening by Lord Lynd-
hurst I should consider myself-presumptuous if I attempted,
with my ignorance of the laws of nations, to lay down my
views on this occasion. Lord Lyndhurst has declared with
reference to the case of the ship Arrow that the Chinese
governor is right, and I heard him say that he could not do
better in ~ertnressing his opinion than by using the very
words of the Chinese governor that this vessel, the Ar-
row, is in no respect a British vessel. (Cheers). But we
have other grounds of testing the legality of this affair.
When Mr. Parkes communicated the fact of the visit to
1 this lorcha to Sir John Bowrine, Sir Jobe, in reply, said,
" it, appears, on examination, &at the Arrow had no right
to hoist the British flag; the licence to do so expired on
the 27th of Sept., trete wretch period she has not been en-
titled to protection. You will send back the register to be '
delivered to the Colonial-office." And on the following
lay, in another letter written to Mr. Parkes, Sir John
Bowriug says, " I will consider the re-granting the register
of the Arrow if aprileet r;)r ; but there eau be no eoubt
that after the expiry of the Ramos, protection could not
be legally glaute(l.- (Hu. r, tieet.) I might step here,
for this is the whole case. But what course did Sir John
Bewring recommend Air. Parkes to take ureter these
cirettinstahees ? I will ask you to coestder yeurselves
et-easing with another party. I will suppose that in-
stead el being at Hong Kong dealing with Canton we
wale at Wesbingtou deeliug with Casrle-toe. Not long
ego a law was easseti iu South Carole a which went
against all cherished predilections of ties ceurery, re-
quiring that when a cnitured citizen of this country, who
is as much an Eagliehinau as you are, arrived at Charles.
ton, he should be taken from his ship, and okepped into
gaol for safe custody until his ship was ready to sail. If
any measure could be taken iu any country more calculated
totwouud our susceptibilities as a nation, it that was law.
What did our consul do at Charleston? Did he send for the
British ships of war and bombard the governor's residence?
No; he informed the minister at Washingtoe, and that
minister went to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs and ob-
tained anexplauation —the explanation weaning nothing
more than this,—" We are in a difficulty, you must have
patience with As.' And we lied patience; we diet not resort
to force. If the case which wo a e now considering lied
happened at Washington what would have been the course
of our amoassador? - When he received a letter from the
consul at Charleston saying he had Wndaosnhinthge.
Amerleau authorities, and when the n
on which
-that, owing to the lapse of tinie„ the
ton referred to the documents in his
instrument
maiiitelisistedr ata
archives, and found
against the Amer:-
and that he had no standing g
preciselyrn the cue© here, fur the
the consul lied proceeded hart becomei
as
soid and of no effect,
can Got ernment—
what would have been
bef‘v ashington? He would
the licence n co
conductha d expired
of
f ourw 14mbi
minister
I'
have written to the consul,
saying— You have been too
I 1 th
t .., : the captain of the ship, y neg ec lag to renew
tsser at .
~
.licence, lire, been placed in au illegal position. You have
been too hasty in demanding redress
ressfrom the governor of
Lower Carolina—make an apology as soon as you can."
New, what was the °induct of S.r John Bowring at Hong
Kong ? After telling Mr. Parkes that the licence had ex.
pired, and that the Arrow had no right to hoist the Bri-
tish flag, what did Sir J. Bewring say? " But the Chinese
itniethleicTeninlcee.3"newWshpaenpelr
fihrasit rneoadk IL° alvti ele
I did not believe the fidelity of that copy, and sent for a
copy of the Gazatc in ceder that 1 might
read the flicial
document; and alwas wishing to savethe o
character of an
absent man, and believing that
it must have been penned
in a moment of hallucination I must .'ay ,
that it is themost
flagitious public document I ever read. (Cheers.) The
statement itself being published revealsthe state of mina,
which warrants you in sa . '-,. ccompels
on to say,
that the statement is false, because
I
an
there
falsehood, and a disposition to profit by it. I have fre-
quently complained that the public documents laid befiire
us are presented in a mutilated shape. I "I"Ysnvilcnwotwth he
suspicion any letters headed "extracts." Wl]
hYaVturent, in
right hon, gentleman at the head of
theatdleeast that revising these letters, omit that letter, or '
nit his own por-
tioncre-
dit of it ? For the credit of the country
et.:all events let it
I wish he had done so. (S'',
Estrus here to follow out the
be well understood that if we ihut.tt
upon no bttter founda-
policy adopted by Sir J.
13ftwor;ciur taking upon ourselves
tiou than that, the very f
his l'Aee.ds makes us share the guilt.
the responsibility of
with 'this transaction of the At row are
Now, sir, cuup
doubtjed whether the vessel, when she was
questions of lours flying, or had an Ennlish waster
boarded, had her no lours -
altogether • .1 I
think that Is a seco..,..ary matter,
on hoar's. 'hyna, jost read. But I atn by no means ea-
atter
,wh,at - —have in these respects better ground for our
tisfieo drat We
gentlemen who
diny,s, lion.
procee
a will observeju the fist letter written by Mr.
istedenc- , (in the l e • boarded there Bi
Parkes that wu et was 'roamed there was muter -
, tish esptain on hoard, and hat he remonstrated ag
the act of the Chinese, andthat the British flag was flying-
Noce, the captain, in his own declaration, says thathe was
not t n board the Arrow, but that he was breakfasting on
board another vessel. That however, is a matter of se-
condary importance. But there are two illegalities to
contend with in this matter—first, the constitutional law
laid down by Lord Lyndhurst, when he says--"Y_011 cans
not give right to the Chinese shipowner as against his own
Government." And Commissioner Yeh seems to have
arrived at the same conclusion. I do not see how we
could invest ourselves with the power at Hong Kong
of annexing the whole mercantile marine, and
..absolv-
in them from allegiance to their Government. Jut, be-
sides that illegality, there is another ; even admitting that

the firms V's register was in order and that the license was'
pea up, i tis beyond doubt that the Hong Kong government
has no ewer to violate the statute law of the country by
giving any such license. The Hong Kong legislature can-
not an' c contrary to our navigation act, and the register was
nothing but waste paper, if it was all in order. (Hear.)
I see the noble lord at the head of the Government taking
notE s. (A laugh.) I wish him to note what I am now going
to say, and to answer a remark made by one of his cel-
los, gnes in another place. Lord Clarendon the other night
used an argument which I think extremely fallacious. He
saki the Hong Kong register could not give the imperial
rights to the ship, but only the rights of a ship in China—
that they could only give protection to a British ship in
China. That is the place in which we say it cannot give
protection. But how could the Hong Kong ordinance,
irrespective of any authority from the Imperial Parliament,
have any force in China. And how could it contravene an
act of the Imperial Legislature ? (Hear.) I leave, sir, to ,
the lawyers in this house the legal part of the question. I
venture to say that no lawyer having a reputation to care
for (except sitting on the Treasury bench)—(a laugh)—will
assert, contrary to the declaration of Lord Lyndhurst, that
our conduct was lawful. (Hear.) Assumine, however, that
the Chinese were strictly justified, it is said that they had
an intention to insult us. What are the grounds for that
supposition ? Let the house recollect the peculiar character
of the trade carried on along the coast of China. It will to
seen that it is not extraordinary that the Chinese should
have boarded a vessel with British colours, even if it had
those colours, which the Chinese deny. Why in those very
papers Sir J. Bowring mentions a case in which two English
vessels were seized for having smuggled cargoes, and by the
treaty the Chinese bad a right to seize the cargoes but not
the ships, which were restored. That shows that there are
cases in which the Chinese have occasion to visit vessels with
the English flag flying, and that such an act does not neces-
sarily show any disposition to insult our flag. Rut I have
had a statement on this subject from an American gentle-
man— the United States marshal at Wharepoa, who his
recently arrived in this country. He told me of cases in
which English ships had been engaged in smuggling transac-
tions, and particularly mentioned ono case, which, at my
request, ho put into writing, and which I will read as an
illustration of what is going on near Canton :—" In the
summer of 1855 there were close to the English vice con-
sulate from 10 to 15 lorchas engaged in smuggling, 8 or 10
having the British colours hoisted during the day, and the
cargoes being discharged at night. The Chinese authorities
could not long be ignorant of so glaring a case ; and 12
mandarin boats, each containing 60 men, made their ap-
pearance early one morning and captured the whole fleet,
five or six of them having the English colours flying at the
time. The vessels were taken to Canton, when the parties
having a right to fly the English flag claimed their vessels
and had them restored, the others being retained by the
Chinese Government. This is by no means an isolated in-
stance of the illegal use of the British flag, as you can see
by referring to the Hong Kong papers, where you will find
plenty of cases in which the Chinese have questioned the
right of the authorities at Hong Kong to grant the use of
the English flag in such cases." (Hear, hear.) Now this
gentleman is himself against the Chinese, and is willing
that they should suffer any horrors—(a laugh)—but he said
to me " Yot have chosen the most unlucky ground for
quarrel which you could possibly have taken, and you have
not a leg to stand upon." (Hear, hear.) I heard with humi-
liation what this gentleman said, as to smuggling vessels
being allowed to use the British flag ; and when I hear of
the flag being insulted I say, it is these transactions which
dishonour our flag. (Hear, bear.) This Amerioan gentleman
roads me ashamed for my country when he said, " We do
net allow such doings under our stars and stripes." (Hear.)
Look at the position in which the Chinese authorities are
placed by this system of ours in granting licenses to use
our flag. A Chinese goes to Hong Kong, aid becomes a
tenant of crown lands, or a partner with some one who is
(and the Chinese are vary clever at their partnerships), and
great friends to " limited liability ;" he then gets an
English-looking ship, and engages some man calling him-
self an Englishman for the nominal captain. Any one
who wears a round hat and European coat will do. (A
laugh.) Ho is called the captain, but the real captain is a
Chinaman; the owner is a Chinese, the crew aro Chinese ;
the pretended captain is a " loose fish—(a laugh)—a run-
away apprentice, or a vagrant sailor ; he is allowed plenty
of rum, and has nothing to do but drink ; and under cover
of this pretence the vessel is allowed to carry an English
flag. Such a system it is most disgraceful to us to sanc-
tion. (Hear.) And one of the good effects I hope to secure
by a select committee is the devising of means to put an
end to this system. (Hear.) The advantages acquired by
means of the license are much greater facilities in smug-
gling, and protection in case of seizure, for if the vessel has
a licence the cargo may be seized, but not the ship. The
existence of such a system is the best reason to show that
it cannot be assumed that it was intended by the Chinese
to insult us, merely because they seized a vessel with the
British colours flying, because they have constantly occa-
sion so to do. But look at the correspondence, and recol-
lect who are the parties who were corresponding,. Mr. Con-
sul Parkes (a clerk the other day)—a young man who one
day may have discretion—(a laugh)—and Governor Yeh,
viceroy of a province containing e 0,090,000 of inhabitants.
Considering the character of the correspondence on the one
side and the other, it is impossible to see the slightest trace
of any intention on the part of the Chinese authorities to
insult us--and, on the contrary, there is on their side cour-
tesy and forbearance, and on oar side arrogance and pre-
sumption. (Heir.) But look at the circumstances of the
correspondence, and remember the dates, without obser-
ving which its force will be lost. Thus, on Nov. 12 Gover-
nor Yeh writes, after Canton hal been bombarded, and
his own house destroyed and ravaged --he writes a letter,
disclaiming all intention to insult, in these terms :—" The
12 men seized were all taken back by the assistant com-
missioner on the 22d October, but Consul Parkes then
declined to receive them, or the despatch sent with
them. He says that the Chinese authorities wore
not accessible.' The assistant commissioner who was
sent with the men is an officer commissioned by
the Chinese Emperor, and it is through him that the foreign
correspondence with me has always been conducted." But
Consul Parkes had made up his mind not t., assent to whet
was proposed. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") On a sub-
sequent occasion ha insisted on something more than the
return of the men. There being no inaccessibility on the
part of the Chinese anthorities,what made an immediate ad-
justment impossible? Yet on the 23d, 21th, tied 25th, the
different forts of the city were destroyed, an 1 from the
27th October to the 15th Nov., a cannonade was kept up,
by which numbers of dwelling-houses were consumed and
great loss of life occasioned. Now, considering the terms of
that letter, and the circumstances under which it was
written, it is a proof that tho writer had no desire to pro-
voke, but to conciliate those to whom it was addres=ed.
(Hear.) It is very striking how, through the whole corres-
pondence, Governor Yeh constantly harps on this—that the
lorcha was not a British vessel. ( Hear, hear.) There are

eight letters at least in which that is reiterated.
(Hear.) His language urn that point is so terse, clear, and
logical, thatit might have been used by Lord Lyndhurst—
" The whole question amounts to this, .that a lorcha built
by Chinese purchases a British flag—that does not make
her a British vessel. (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.") All
Westminster Hall could not put the case more clearly. And
what is so remarkable is thi', that throughout the corres-
pondence the British authorities neverrefer to or refute this
simple point. (Hear.) And though we may have heard the
Lord Chancellor talking of everything else but that, and
though we may hear the Attorney General ore long talk of
everything else —(a ►augh) —we shall not find any lawyer
with a character to lose, or who aspires to the seat of the
Chancellor —(a laugh) —who will venture to declare in
explicit language, that the principle laid down by
Governor Yeh is wrong. (Hear, hear.) He writes in
another letter thus :---" I have always understood that
a foreign flag is peculiar to a particular nation ; and
therefore cannot see how a foreign nation can sell its
flag to Chinese. (Hear, hear.) I am not aware
that foreign nations have such a law." (Hear, hear )
"Had the flag bona fide belonged to a Etitish merchant
vessel it would have been proper to follow another course ;

hut the Chinese having fraudulently assumed the flag, why
should Consul Parkes put himself forward as their advo-
cate" (Laughter, and loud cries of "Hear, hear.")
" Because he wanted a pretext to make war !" (Loud cries
of " Hear, hear" from all parts of the house.) Sir (said
the hon. member emphatically), I declare on my honour
that I believe it was so ! (Loud cries of " Hear, hear.")
I believe sincerely that there was a preconceived design to
pick a quarrel with the Chinese, and that there has been
more encouragement given to that design than the house
are at ail aware of. (Hear.) There was nothing in the
boarding of the Arrow tending to show that the Chinese
meditated an insult to the British flag. Every one of these
letters displayed a temper and forbearance and desire t.)
conciliate, such as ought to put the assailants of the Chinese
to the blush. But Lord Clarendon did not content himself
with this transaction. lie said that for a low, time the
Chinese authorities had been encroachine.' on the rights of
foreigners, and evincing a desire to encroach on treaty
rights. If such had been the case it wasthothluetoyntorf our
Government to have taken earlier steps. oa
howover, we Lad drifted on to a quarrel, in which we ha
no ground to stand on at all. (Hear.) if what Lord Cla-
reedon had stated was true, why, in the name of common
sense, sense, had not be or Lord Palmerston applied to
vernments of America and France long ago, saying, we
are parties to the treaty, and let us all join in a joint ex-
postulation to Pekin?" (flews) It was unstatesmanlike
not to have redressed those grievances at the proper time.
To promote this dirty quarrel was an act upon which all
he world ought to cry shame. Ha denied, however, that
' what Lord Clarendon had stated was true. It appeared
in the papers that since 1842 there were still most striking
proofs that the authorities of China had manifested a sin-
cere and consistent desire to carry out the treaty. Why,
he asked, was this correspondence produced only on the
very morning of the day that the Earl of Derby was about
to bring on his motion ? The correspondence was carrica-
tured by the nick-name of "Correspondence relating to In-
sults in China. (Laughter ) That correspondence was
laid on the table in (odor to mystify. It contained no less
than 255 and odd insults to the British Ile;—an amount of
reading not suited to hon. gentlemen less voracious upon
blue hooks than himself, and on which a plain country gen-
tleman mightwell cry out " Mercy on us !" The extracts
in this correspondence
a period of tint were garbled. They ranged during
pally to street rows.
1812 to 1816, and referred princi-
dentally shot down, A case in which a boy had been ncci-
;yawl the 'Mad' consul had awarded
flfiange.o(fl2o,o....d9a,rs, aaput down as an insult to the British
laugh.) But while all this stress was laid on this
recora ot complaints,
gc,of
legs, what bad beenn7:,:a:e disputes and misunderstand-
other parts of the world ?
Les hon, members n in
turn their attention to what had taken
place elsewhere. Why, this country had three times jeo-
par discd its relations with the 'United States on
questions
relating to a boundary line, to fisheries, and o
nlisime
fleet
113,1 been got in readiness at Spith'ea.l,
tothperroevbiedeenf(olerbathteos
yn)tottt
att
oliflimnseetvoof.s )(;:zi,t,tritirofici
,srcheesd
withi
descent of the Fro nch on our shores. We had
time called out the militia. Again, four orfive empires kla
been engaged in a moat bloody aid costly war with Itus,sife
Front lal2 to all Europe had been in a state of rev°
eni'ol
lution. During trouhlos in FranceE workmen
been banished to this country. If such things h a! pencil be-
tween nations pomessing the same habits if not the same
langoage, might we not have had a little more toleration
for the Chinese? Was i:3 it not an insult to their eOrniuoll •
"d""tandin% to bring down such a blue book as this fur
the Purpose of
making out a case for Lor 1 Clarendon ?
The extracts were not, fairly given, as would appear from
other extracts he bad in Lis ossession from the original
papers. For instance, Major-Clnerd D'Aguilar, in a letter
dated from Ifong-Kone, in Ftb 1817 a,d enclosed to
Lord Palmerston by Sir J. Davis., said that ho had been a
great (!cal amongst the Chinsse, an,l had been treated with
courtesy and civility—that everything depended on the
Eng' h, :ld that a kind manzier towards the Chinese WAS
the beat security ag,s.inst insult.
(Hear.) Ho (Mr. Cob-
d la) had sometimes been aecusod of being hostile to the
army and navy. lie bed friends in both services, and had
come to 'he cenclusion that the bastfsien•l of services
was
the veteran sol.:isr. (Hear.) In 1816 Sir J. Davis wri-
ting to tire governor, said that on a certain Monlay he bad
been walking fur six hours abeut every part of Hong-bong ;
that he had been treated with the greatest civility ; that
he had passed through thestNets with as much convenience
as if he had been in London, and be felt convinced that in
any dissereerneat the Cliiee,:e would no; be found-to be the •

aggressors. (Hear.) Our countrymen first adopted a i
bullying tone, and trusted too much to protection after- 1
wards. The best protection, Sir J. Davis said, for Eng-
lish merchants was to be found in their own circumspect
conduct, and by avoiding, rather than seeking, causes of
offence. (Hear.) Now that letter was not to be found in
the blue books. Sir J. Davis, in another letter to Lord
Palmerston, declared that the representatives of other
countries got better on with the Chinese, and clamoured
less for protection than our own. (Hear.) Lord Clarendon
was a great apologist for the English merchants. Now no-
body would doubt his (Mr. Cobden's) mercantile sympa- ,
thies. His life had been devoted to the enlargement of 1
the honourable and beneficent career of the mercantile
body. (Hear, hear,) Sir George Bonham, in alluding to
the English merchants in China in 1847, said that some of
the younger ones were in favour of breaking down the bar- ,
riers which kept us from the interior, but that the older
merchants were opposed to such violence. No doubt Eng-
lish merchants were in a species of duresse owing to the
confined area to which, for the purpose of recreation and
health-seeking, the Chinese laws limited them. He (Mr.
Cobden) might desire to emancipate them from that
duresse, but he felt assured that violence would only tend
indefinitely to retard the accomplishment of that which
was desired. (Hear, hear.) It was notorious that a great
many of our countrymen were engaged in a traffic of an
exceptional kind—s traffic hurtful to the souls as well as
the bodies of mankind. (Hear, hear.) That trade flourish-
ed under a certain degree of license and of lawlessness.
With these parties he had no sympathy whatever, and be
feared they merited the reflections of the gallant officer to
whose letters be bad referred. He did not think it was to
the benefit of English merchants that they should be en-
abled at all times to summon an overwhelming force to
their assistance, and compel the Chinese to accede to their
demands. Without desiring at all to revive a certain
byegone discussion, his belief was that there might be too
much protection to British industry. A laugh.) Whilst
our exports were declining they were more and more
passing through the hands of foreigners, instead of
Englishmen. (Hear, hear, bear.) If we went to the
Mediterranean, the Levant, and to the ancient seats of
commercial activity, it would be seen that the English
merchants, with all their probity, were a declining body.
The trade of Smyrna and of Constantinople was passing
from the hands of Englishmen to Swedes, Greeks, and
Germans, belonging to countries who had no power to pro-
tect them at all. (Hear.) It might be that it was the
haughty demeanour of Englishmen which compromised
them with the natives of other countries. It was all very
well for Lord Palmerston to inscribe on our passports the
words eil'th Romanus suns. That motto might prove a
guard to our footsteps ; but "Civis Rornanunt sum," was
not a very conciliatory motto to place on.the doors of our
counting-houses abroad. (Hear and a laugh.) The East
India and Chien. Association of Liverpool had put forward
a very modest request in connection with our trade at
Chins. These modest gentlemen considered the present
disruption of our trade with China as a proper opportunity
for insisting on a revision of the Customs duties ; and they
recommended an ad valorem duty of 5 per cent on imports
and exports. That was a tariff which he (Mr. Cobden)
should like to see applied to England (a laugh) and ho
would advise his friends in Liverpool thus to apply it as
soon as they could. (Hear, and laughter.) The associa-
tion maintained that the British Government ought to in-
sist upon the opening up of British trade in China, that
new ports should be opened, with consuls to be placed
at them, and that we should have access to all the ports
and rivers of China. (Laughter.) Suppose such a me-
morial had been addressed from Moscow to the Govern-
naent of Turkey. (Hear, hear.) Could anything have
been more " stunning" to the Liverpool Association
than such an ukase? (Hear, and a laugh.) Such lan-
guage, he held, deserved reprobation. (Hear.) Contrasted
with the tone of the extracts he had previously read, it
was the language of downright selfish violence. (Hear.)
It was unreasoning injustice thus to treat a great empire
of 300,000,000 of people. But what advaptages did these
gentlemen seek ? He only wished that France and Prussia
offered us as low a tariff as China, There was not a coun-
try where trade was carried on with greater facility—no
country where ships could sooner load or unload, and get
fresh cargoes. Mr. Cooke had told him, as that gentleman
had described in his evidence, that he seen a ship of 1500
tons burden come into Whampoa, which had discharged
her cargo and taken in a cargo of tea in five days. Could
such expedition be attained in Liverpool? (Hear.) The use
of force, in order to open more ports in China, had failed in
1812, in the autumn of which year Sir R. Peel had observed
that the fine harvest of that year and the news of the
Chinese treaty had saved this country from fearful suffer.
ing and disaster. Depend on it that hostilities with
China, and the proposal to admit our vessels to all the
rivers of China, would rather tend to diminish than in-
crease our trade in that country. (Hear.) With regard
to the claim of foreigners to be admitted to Canton, he was
of opinion, that when the treaty was signed it was contem-
plated that they should have as free admission there as to
Loo-Choo-Foo or Shanghae ; but there ha I been contro-
versies between our authorities and the authorities of
China on the subject. In the correspondence at the
end of these papers was a despatch from Lord Palmerston
in which he offered the very heat possible grounds why the
British merchants should not persevere to obtain admis-
sion to Canton. It appeared that the population of Canton
and of the province in which it was situated were a fierce
and ungoVernable race, who entertained hostile feelings to-
wards the English. \Vhether that character was owing to
their past communication rah the East India Company,
or to their southern climate, he could not say, but he be-
lieved that both our plenipotentiaries and Lord Palmerston
in 1817, 1848, and 1849, had urged this feeling of hostility
as a reason why the British merchants should not be admit-
ted to Canton. Let it be remembered hero, that it isnotthe
admission of merchants into Canton which my friend SirJ.
Bowring (who, as Lord Derby says, is monomoniac on this
subject) makes a sine qua non, but the admission of fo-
reigners. The hon. member criticised a letter of the hon.
member for Lancaster (Hr. Gregson) which appeared in the
correspondence, having reference to Chinese importsb2ing
paid for in opium. He could not understand what Sir
John Bowring was fighting for ? Was it to get into
Canton ? Why the governor bad undertaken to meet
him at the packing house of the great tea merchant
Howqua, and surely that might have sufficed for him. Ho
went further, anti thought that the English residents were
fighting for a chimera if they considered it of any use to
get into Canton. Why. Englishmen could never live in
such a place as Canton, no more than they lived in the
Turkish quarters of Constantinople. What was really
wanted by the English residents was free access to
the interior of the country around Canton ; but he appre-
hended what the Chinese authorities said of the people in
the neighbourhood was true, namsly—that they were fero-
cious and unruly, aid that Englishmen would not be
likely to receive fair treatment from them. Now here
was a short address from the inhabitants of Canton on the
subject of our recent proceedings. They said e--
" The late affair of the lorcha was a trifle; it was no
case for deep-seated animosity, as a great offence that
that could not be forgotten ; yet you have suddenly taken
up arms, and for several days you have been firing shell,
until you have burn d dwellings and destroyed people in
untold nunibare. (Hear, hear.) It cannot be told bow
many old people, infants, and females have left their
homes in affliction. (Hear.) If your countrymen have
not seen this they have surely heard, have they not, that
such is the case ? What offence has been committed by the
people of Canton that such a calamity should befall them ?
Again, it has come to our knowledge that you aro insisting
on official receptions within the city. This is doubtless
with a view to amicable relations, but, when your only
proceeding is to open a fire upon us which destroys the
people, supposing that you were to obtain admission into
the city, still the sons, brothers, and kindred of the people
whom you have burned out and killed will be ready to lay
down their lives to be avenged on your countrymen, nor
will the authorities be able to prevenethem." (Hear.)
He thought there was great good sense in that appeal.
Again, Commissioner Yeb, in a letter which might have
been penned by the late Duke of Wellington, it wan so
sententious, thus spoke of the inhabitants of Canton—
" They are very fierce and violent." And, again, in an-
other communication, in answer to an application for an
interview with our plenipotentiary, he writes, "I cannot
even go out of my house, I am so besieged by the poor
wretches upon whom you ale inflicting such misery." It
was roost desirable that Englishmen should address them-
selves to this consideration—were the nuthorities of China
in gocd faith when they declared that they could not, with
convenience to themselves, carry out that plausible treaty
which gave the merchant and traders of this country a right
of entry into Canton. The papers before the house were
full of proofs to the contrary. There was a clear misap-
prehension that bemire) the treaty had not been carried out
the rights of Englishmen ha 1 been violated. Now, he be-
lieved that even if the treaty could be enforced, it would not
be of the slightest use. It was outside the walls of the
town, in the district lying between the water's edge and
the town, that our merchants, servants, aid brokers re-
sided, and so if Englishmen had access to Canton it would
be outside the walls they would still continue to do their
business. There was, therefore, no real grievance in Canton
not being open to Englishmen. But supposing that every-
thing which he had said could b 3 contradicted, he would
ask, was it right that with a country with which England
had treaties a-id alliances—was it right that our represen-
tative should be allowed to carry on war without instruc-
t yhgisentieli Government ? (Cheers.) That, however,
muchßow r ibug ettheardth aaanedhe n
was a point on which he did not intend to touch, as thare
were ins
present who would deal with it
c,t o,u
only
, t.
eLyeonmtraairnyt maintained ettlh thate e
express
pSriersJa John
Bowring
sent out to him, but he had violated all sound
Kung to Caortonaiwn.
principles of internationall t
.11.11ne teel,htandosfetahteup expressloo menfrom Hong Kee-
were not to be moved without directg
in-
junction sent out to him from
Tire letters of Lord Malineee,ury, Lord
ordersi 1 d
Granville, twat hf ar
ot
m thean troopsd L ,England.3r ,
Grey wore perfectly intelligible,
peremp-
tory orders that 81r J. lt ;
—owr,e4oolasned all
giving
not enter upon ag-
gressive weesures without having recourset to England.
He must say, however, he perceived ar
tone of the correspondence between Stej. change
eng and
in
the
Lord Clarendon as compared with what it wasr with- the
Ministers that preceded the noble lord in office. Its emed
to him that the moment Lord Clarendon came into office
the check that had hitherto been upheld over our Pleni-
potentiary in China was withdrawn; in fact, from that
moment we were dilfting into a war with China, precisely
as wo did with RusTia. When they looked at the specific
directions of Lord Malmesbury and Lord Granville, and
compared them with the correspondence afterwards, he
could not help thinking that something must have passed
in the interval which induced our Plenipotentiary to be-
lieve that even if he did get the country into a mess with
China the news would not be unfavourably received at
home. (Hear, hear.) lie gathered that the general im-
pression abroad was, that after what had been done
by England, the merchants would in a body desert Canton
never to return to it. But surely cur object ought not to
be to tbstroy our own commerce. The fact was, the Go-
vernment had entered into a war which could not be de-
fended, and so all the world would think. And did they
I n'Pleee for a moment that France or America would take
the quarrel up on the miserable ground of the dispute
I
awbeut the Arrow. He believed, at all events, that America
no-
thing not. For France he could not speak, knowing but her Government. But might not this war if
i iete_Zumiei_numiet lead to other complications with foreign
iiwuitl A
,:ueriiag,hitwihtienioitbleaaidt ,rfeonr,aeraxabt,.=urpedle:ut.oascooluliyplications
mention that alreadyn.
protested twat they
distance from Chi that Engle ,d was? Indeed, he might
half the
the house of Russell, of Canton, had
responsible for thedwould e bold
inflictedt the English Eonn gli
themsh Government
vreeranxii,
ft
been ntyrdioe,nt:xntw,iitihout notice. Well, but what
mo„ especially the Friend of ernsar that the Indian press,
war havin
did they propese
which was always a
great advocate for annexation ,called''am
tett;
.uponcheers), ir Jaonlidn B
enterow -
(rjrnr annexations iu China
ring tol pel,:rlye,etrheofpcaorntgefnaesetlainvde
e.vonld
upon . . •
ire of
been done in India. Now, dial they think Am • as had
acquiesce in that arrangement? Here was anerelcmap
:;00.000,000 people, and how did they propose to govern it?
He thoit,;ht their wisest course, as a first step, would be to
ued
e is f
theirb i
p laierip ote
been:atrn'etaiday done. If they repudiated
the actsry, as having acted without
authority, they would then be free to unite with
Fraaee and America in a joint representation to be

permitted internal intercourse with China. He hoped
they should not bo told there, 39 had been said in another
place by Lord Clarendon, that the Chinese were a barbar-
ous people, and that, therefore, force must be exercised
over them. (Ironical cries of " Hear, hear.") Now, he
would tell them that it would be next to impossible to
govern the Chinese by force—(hear)—and they would be
disappointed if they tried to do so. But were the Chinese,
after all, so barbarous a people ? Here was an empire
which at one time was the sole representative of civilisa-
tion in the world—which, 2,700 years ago, had a system of
primary instruction in logic before the time of Aristotle,
and in morals before Socrates. As was well known, it was
the Chinese who supplied the Romans with silks and other
articles 2,000 years ago. They were the most populous
nation in the world, and the most industrious nation in the
East ; in fact, they might be termed the ants of industry
in the East. There must, therefore, be something worthy
of respect in such a people ; and if Englishmen spoke of
them as barbarians, and threatened them with force be-
cause they were not accessible to reason, it must be rather
because their ways were not our ways. (Hear, hear.)
Now, were not a people like this deserving of sympathy,
if not of justice, at the hands of the British nation? He
would commend the question to the House of Commons,
and he felt confident it would do justice to it. (Cheers.)
The resolutions having been put,
Mr. LABOUCHERE. said he was very far from regret-
ing that the subject had been submitted to their attention
by the hon. gentleman who had just resumed his seat. He
thought that there was not a member present, whatever
might be his opinions as to the transactions in dispute, who
would not agree in thinking that it would be unbecoming
they should take place without receiving the deliberate con-
sideration cf the House of Commons; for those transactions
most deeply concerned important commercial interests of
the country, but they affected sill more deeply the repu-
tation and credit of the British empire. He was persuad-
ed that when the question was fairly and impartially
considered the house would be of opinion that, however
much a warfare of this description between parties so un-
equal was to be regretted, that no blame on account of it
could attach to the local authorities entrusted with the
charge of British interests, and that no other course was
open to the Government at home, without a betrayal of the
charge committed to them, and lowering the British cha-
racter all over the world, than that which had been fol-
lowed. One thing must have struck all hon. gentlemen
who bad carefully examined the papers before the house—
viz., that these things were not done in a corner, but that
they were done in the face of a great European community
—in the face of a great community of English merchants.
Now that was the language in which the hon. gentleman
thought fit to stigmatise that great and respectable body ?
Mr. COBDEN.—I beg the right hon gentleman's par-
don. Will he specify what I really said ? (Rear, hear.)
Mr. L A BOUCHERE.—Ires ' • he would specify what the
hon. gentleman had said. The hon. gentleman said that he
believed the judgment of the entire mercantile community
at Canton was warped and vitiated, that they had been
moved entirely by their own selfish interests, and that
they were blind to all considerations of humanity and jus-
tice. (Loud cries of " hear, hear," on the ministeral
benches.) Now he (Mr. Labouchere) had a very different
opinion of English merchants in every quarter of the world,
no matter where they were found. He had never himself
been personally engaged in commerce, but the honour of
the British merchant was dear to him from many associa-
tions. His family and connections had all been engaged in
trade, and had formed a different estimate of the character
of the British mere:ant from that drawn by his hon. friend.
His hon. friend had drawn a very unfavourable contrast
between the conduct of our representatives and the con-
duct of the Chinese authorities at Canton. Now, did it
not strike the house as something very extraordinary
that, notwithstanding all that bad been said, the sym-
pathies of the French and American residents ha .t been
throughout with the English authorities ? The Ameri-
can consul, indeed, had evinced that sympathy to such
an extent that he joined our troops in their approaoh to
Canton. But be held in his hand the testimony of a person
still higher than the American consul—he meant the testi-
mony of the chief superintendent of American trade, resi-
dent at Macao, and he would call the attention of the house
to the document the more pointedly as it did not arrive in
this country in time to be presented to Parliament with
the papers previously delivered. Nothing could be more
clear, more outspoken, than the language of the letter,
which was dated Macao, the 27th of Dec., 1836, and from
the American Legation. It was as follows—
" Legation of the United States, Macao, Dec. 27, 1856.
"To the Merchants and other Citizens of the United States.
" His Excellency Peter Parker, Commissioner of the United
States of America to China, &c., referring to the notice of the
9th inst., hereby makes known the reply of the Imperial
commissioner to his excellency's dispatch of that date was re.
ceivcd last evening, and that, with the semblance of a desire
to maintain friendly relations between the two countries, the
same disposition to evade obligation, misrepresent facts, and
erroneously interpret treaty stidulations, which for years has
characterised the correspondence of Imperial commissioners
still obtains with his Excellency Ych. The resumption of
trade to any extent at the port of Canton, during the exist-
ence of the local authorities, is not encouraged by the tenour
of the communication now received, and means more ample
than those now at command will be required to meet the
emergency of the public interests of the United Slates in
China, and the satisfactory and proper adjustment of the re-
lation of the five ports is an event yet future.
By order. " S. WELLS WILLIAMS,

" Secretary of the United States American Legation.".
He imagined that document was of the more import-
ance because it was issued subsequently to the difficulties
between America and China having been solved. It was,
indeed, a document which might have been put forth by
Sir J. Bowring instead of Mr. Parker; but he hoped, as
it proceeded from an American instead of a British com-
missioner, it would be entitled to some respect and
attention. (Hear.) He believed the fact to be that the
relations between the Canton authorities and all the Eu-
ropean Governments hail become perfectly intolerable. He
could not regret, therefere, that a crisis had arrived which
had been long anticipated. It was one thing to hold amic-
able relations with a Government which knew how to re-
gulate any differences that might arise in a just spirit—it
was another to be placed in contact with a Government
that had no respect for obligations of treaties, and who
availed themselves of every opportunity to outrage the
rights of Europeans. (Hear, hear.) He must say that
the resolutions of the hon. gentleman were the most
obscure and ambiguous ever presented to Parliament.
They were framed to catch as many votes as possible, but
ho did not fairly ruse the question at issue. Why, the
hon. gentleman called upon them most illogically to come
to the conc'u-ion that the recent measures adopted
against the Chinese were violent and unjust, without taking
into consideration tho grounds of complaint which the
English Government had against the Chinese authorities.
The propositions of the hon. member for the west riding
evinced the most illogical mode of reasoning he had ever
heard in that house. He could not understand how the
hon. gentleman could ask the house to agree to such incon-
sistent and incongruous propositions. And to wind up all,
the hon. gentleman asked for the appointment of a select
committee to inquire into our commercial relations with
China. Why, that was a separate matter altogether. He
(Mr. Labouchere) did not know whether the hon. member
for Midhurst (Mr. Warren) was in his place. Now, that
hon. gentleman made the other night one of the shortest,
but certainly not one of the worst speeches that had ever
been uttered in that house, when he sail,'" Just fancy the
British constitution being referred to a select committee."
Now he (Slr. L.) said it would be scarcely less extraordinary
to imagine that the foreign relations of this country were
referred to a select committee. Why, that was a matter
for the house itself to determine. If they thought that the
Government were wrong in approving of the conduct of
their officials, why let them frankly and manfully say so.
The Government could then understand their verdict and
would bow to it ; but let them net assent to such unintel-
ligible propositions as had just been submitted to them.
Although he did not profess to be a lawyer, he neverthe-
less did not think that it required any special legal know-
ledge to consider and to understand this question. MuCh
had been s del as to the character of the lorcha. Now,
there were two classes of British registered vessels which
were quite distinct, and which ought not to be confounded
together, although each of them ha I a right to carry the
British flag. There was first that class of vessels which
were fully entitled to registry, and to obtain all the rights
of British vessels without the intervention of a special au-
thority. Thera was, however, another class of vessels
which, from the necessities of trade and of pecular circum-
stance?, were entitled to a colonial and partial registry,
which was only available w'd.hin special limits. Many
hon. members were, no doubt, aware of that which was
called the Mediterranean class—a class which existed for
upwards of 200 years. Ships of that class need not bo
British built nor British manned, nor even be British
owned, and yet be entitled to carry the British flag and to
enjoy British protection. Those were ships that were sail-
ing from Gibraltar, Malta, or other places in the Mediter-
ranean. He had before him a case of a Gibraltar vessel,
in which the con iition of British ownership was dispensed
with in 1825, and an or ter in council was issued conferring
the right upon her to carry the British flag and to claim
British protection. Yet she was not manned by English-
men, nor, indeed, by any British subject. It was consi,
tiered enough that the owner should have had, while on
skore, a fixed place of abode at Gibraltar for or during the
term of 15 years up to the time of graving or cf tho issuing
of such licence. Now that privilege was given by the pre-
rogative of the Crown—a prerogative which had boon ex-
ercised at all times by an order in council in the case of a
conquered or legal cession. It was under this letter form
that a licence was given to Hong Kong, now a ceded colony
of the British Crown. It was only now that any doubt
was started as to whether the ordinance in the present case
was legal. He believed it was clear that when this lorcha
lay in the Bay of Canton the Chinese know that they were
doing an illegal act by boarding her. They had English as
well as Chinese evidence to that effect. If even the Chinese
authorities thendrevailosletanttleyohf
atuhleincgasdee,
in-
stead
Arrowof a
her flag, they should have remonstrated against what they
of boarding re ignorant
the
might have considered was an abuse of the British flag.
He could not agree with the hon. member for the west
i
riding when he said that the British officials had behaved
a rude and intemperate manner, or that they had shown
any wish to pick a quarrel with the Cbinese authorities.
He (Mr. L.) was not acquainted with Consul Parkes, but
he was bound to say that every person who had had an
opportunity of judging of his character and conduct had
reported him to be a man of good sense, good temper, and
the last, person who would be at all likely to behave in a
rude or intemperate manner. A remonstrance had been
made to the Chinese authorities after the first outrage upon
the lorcha, and an interval of several days was allowed to
pass without any movement by the British authorities.
No satisfaction having been given during this time Sir J.
Bowring wrote a most temperate letter while making de-
mands for reparation. At length hostile measures were
resorted to by Admiral Seymour, who conducted them in
a manner worthy of his character. Much bad been said
about the cruelty of the bombardment of Canton. Now,
up to the present hour, the city of Canton had never been
bomba-cled ; but, undoubtedy, hostile measures were re-
luctantly resorted to, which were as much as possible con-
fined within the limits of principles of humanity. The
right of entry into the city of Canton, though for a time in
abeyance, hail never been abandoned bythe British Govern-
ment. He (Mr. L.) could not at all agree with those who
said it was an improper time for Sir J. Bowring to take a
step for the enforcement of that rtght. Sir John Bowring
was not the man to resort to any harsh proceedings
unless they had become absolutely necessary. He (Mr. L.)
now came to a most important point of the hon. gentle-
man's speech. Ho said that Sir John Bowring had
acted in violation of the express and positive directions
given him by Lora Grey when the noble lord was in office.
Sir John Bowrins2, was liable to no such imputation. The
instructions given could not be held to have anything like
a universal a
-pplication. Was it intended that under no
circurnstanaes should Sir John Bow,iin,g resort to hostile
measures,; that he should never do udore than defend him-
self?'Why, if on, unfortunate commissioner had any such
inst-auctione given to him, and if they became known to the
Cutiuese authorities in Bong Kong, no man would be left in
14. 1./.19r,e hopeless and deplorable condition than he would be.