The Sun.
London, England, 1857-05-21 00:00:00

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PUBLICATIONS.

Now ready, in I large vol., with Map and Plate, 165.,
DR. ARMSTRONG'S PERSONAL
NARRATIVE of tt e DISCOVERY of the NORTH-WEST
PASSAGE by 11.M.S INVESTIGATOR. •
"""

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As a full and authentic recerd, Dr. Armstrong's work will be
one of the most valuable of the Arc,ie. narratives." —Lit. Gaz.
Hurst and Blackett, Publishers, 13, Great Marlborough-street.

NEW EDITION OF " THE TAP,ISH."

This day is published, in 1 vol. royal 12ne0., price 18s. cloth, bds.,
THE PARISH : its Powers and Obligations at
Law as retards the Welfare of every Neighbourhood, and in
Relation to the State ; its Officers and Committees, and the Respon-
sibility of every Parishioner. With Illustrations of the Practical
Working of this Institution in all Secular affairs, and of some modern
attemp's at Ecclesipstical encroachment. TOULMIN
of Lincoln's-inn, Esq., Earnster at Law. The Second Edition, with
important Additions. . . .

[ 4D. STAMPED 5!) .]

less prevail, and although one thing cannot be de-
nied—namely, that there never was a time when
one of these parties was predominant that its pre-
dominance was not injurious to the church, it must
still be candidly admitted by all dispassionate men
that the competition, if I may use the expression,
between the two parties which have now prevailed
in the church for more than two centuries has on
the whole been beneficial to this country. While,
on the one hand, what we familiarly, call "low
church" has checked the advance of priestly domi-
nation, on the other hand, what we call " high
church " has saved us from the consequences of
latitud inatian practices. lam mself in favour of
that via media which the most eminent prelates of
the country have ever since the Reformation main-
tained and upheld. (Cheers.) I desire to see a full
and complete ecclesiastical establishment on the
ba,is of a true Protestant faith ; but, at the same
time, I wish to see our ecclesiastical policy main-
tained in its spirit and truth. The question, how-
ever, which is now rapidly advancing, and which
the people of thiS
.country will be called upon to
decide—l believe even in this Parliament—is not
whether you shall have what is culled "high
church "or "low church," but whether you shall
have a national church established in this realm,
forming an important part of its political constitii-
tion. This question you will very speedily be called
upon to decide when the subject of church-rates is
brought before you,---a question the discussion of
which it has for many years been 'convenient' to
evade, but which, you may depend upon it, before
12 months have passed, will in the consequence of
its settlement be one of the utmost importance to
this country. I have brought to this subject,
believp, as calm- a - consicleratisen anyemen can
Well command, but I -cannot conceal from myself
that the movement against church-rates is a politi-
cal movement I have arrived at that couctusion
' from facts which are before us. They are these:—
By the law of England, as it at.present stands, no
churclarete can be levied without the consent of
a majority of the rate-payers, and I should
suppose that it is a distinguishing characte-
ristic of Engashroen to defer always to the sense
of a majoiity. It is therefore clear that a church-
rate cannot be levied in any district unless there
is a predominant opinion in is favour. Now,
how do we find that the law practically acts ?
We ,have before is returns from the 12,000
parishes into which England is divided. In how
many parishes, do you suppose, according to the
last returns, church-rates have been refused ?
Why, only in GOO out of the whole 12,000. When,
then, we find under a law so liberal in its concep
tion that the opinion of the majority absolutely de-
cides the question of assensment, that only 5 per
cent. of the 12,000 parishes—and those, of course
situated in large towns—have availed themselves
of the privilege of withholding a church-rate, it is
impossible for me to accept as a grave conclusion,
that this institutton—if I may so call it=aa it now
exists, is oppoied to the feelings and convictions of
the people. It is, however, impossible to deny
that in this question, ' left as it is, and perhaps
wisely, to the decision of the majority, is involved
the whole question of a church establishment.
Even if the majority had a conscientious objection
to the payment of church-rates, and you were called
upon to terminate them, you would have to decide
the great question whether you would maintain an
establishment or not. • Circumstances, however,
have not come to such a point as to place us under
the painful necessity of weighing the advantages of
an established church against the general convic-
tions and sentiments of the community. It is clear,
however, that every objection urged against church-
rates might be equally urged against tithes, and
might even be carried to a greater length. If the
conscientious objection of individuals is to be al-
lowed to prevail against the maintenance of a na-
tional institution, I am at a loss to understand how
any national institution of this country is to be
upheld. It has happened that by negligence in
the public mind, and its fading to see what impor-
tant questions were involved in that of church-
rates, the subject has assumed an importance which
cannot be exaggerated, and it is one that must be
brought to a public and Parliamentary solUtioli. It
is not possible that during the present Parliament
the opinion of the house and of the Government
hould not be taken on that subject, and therefore
it becomes you upon this question, no less than
upon that of Parliamentary Reform, to make up
your minds as to what you will change and what
_yeal will maintain. You cannot allow this matter
to go any longer as it is. If yo. wish to 0114
the institutions of your-country you must take your
side upon this subject, for, although he was attacked
for it by his supporters, lord Johu Russell never
spoke more soundly than when he said that all our
,institutions were at stake in the settlement of this
question. One word upon the institutions of our
country. lam in favour of progress, in favour of
the political, social, and in'ellectual progress of
this country. I think that any man who is the
Minister of England ought to pursue the policy
which, in his opinion, will make the people of Eng-
land the freest, happiest, and most enlightened
people in the world ; but I am also, and have
always been; of opinion that this result can only
be obtained by maintaining and deferring to our
ancient institutions. There are many well-meaning
men who are enamoured of the American institu-
tions and of those of our great colonies. They say re-
sults of great value are obtained without the
influence of the institutions of this country of which
we are so proud, and to which 1 hope we may' still
remain devoted. There is, however, this difference
between our country and those to which I have re-
ferred. In the old countries of Europe, and espe-
cially in what we are proud to call "Old England,"
you cannot make any great change without de-
stroying, whereas in Australia or America nothing
is destroyed, but everything is created. What
would be the consequence of destroying our ancient
institutions ?, There have been old countries of
Europe which have tried that experiment, and
what is the result of their experience ? Destroy a
monarchy and you will have a royalist party in the
country. Change a dynasty, and you will have a
Legitimist party. Subvert a church, and you will
have an ecclesiastical party. Put an end to an here-
ditary nobility, and yoti will have a large body of
proprietors discontented with the state of affairs.
What are the consequences of this? Civil war and
constant revolutions. England cannot afford to
have a civil war ; England cannot afford constant
revolutions. If an old country like this, with a sys;
tern of credit like ours, lost a period of her history
in internal struggle or revolution, would she not,
when she again became tranquil, find that other
countries—such as that on the other side of the At-
lantic—had outstripped her in the race ? As long
as we are faithful to ourselves—as long as we im-
prove but do not destroy, it is impossible to pre-
dict to what height of pride and power England may
attain. I will not refer to the 30 years' war of the
Roses, the like of which may never again occur in
England—l will take the war of the great rebellion.
If we underwent political revolutions such as some
of our neighbours have experienced during the last
50 years, the position of England at their termina-
tion would not be that which She at present occu-
pies. She might become tranquil, the people might
find themselves free and in the possession of much
physical enjoyment, but she
,would no longer, as at
present, be a first-rate State. Shewould not be the
ieading Power of Europe. She would become what
Sweden and the other Scandinavian States are at
the present day, and the result of improvement
effected by destruction would be to lower the influ-
ence of our country instead of to accomplish, ate
might be done by deference to, and through the
agency of, our present institutions, the mainte-
nance and elevation of our present position. I have
thought that the eminent person who asked me
what I should say to my constituents should iat
with
.
your indulgence receive an answer, and I hope t .
what I have said may be productive of some ad van_
tage, and may lead my constituents and others of
the people of Eogland to ponder well on the aspect of
affairs during the interval which shall elapse before
the changes with which we are threatened are pro-
posed. I want to induce what in old days was called
"the landed interest"—I do not mean merely or
mainly the 'squires, but the occupiers and cultiva-
tors of the soil—dis Passionately to review their
position. We live in a period when those who wish
to be respected must respect themselves. You will
not have your rights conceded, you will not have
your fair and legitimate privileges maintained, if
you yourselves, not knowing your own case, are
silent and prepared to submit to any unjust arrange-
ment that may be proposed. Men suffer injustice,
not only from the ignorance of those who injure
them, but also from neglect of their own interests.
I am quite sure that if the case of the land had been
fairly put before the Parliament of 1832, it is so
strong and so full of elenients which command the
interest of Englishmen the---.,-very different arrange-
ment would have been made. Understand that 1
am not for a moment attempting to revive a quarrel,
now long forgotten, between ourselves and the
great centres of manufacturing and commercial in-
dustry. Ido not grudge Manchester, Liverpool, or
Bradford, or the great towns of Lancashire and
Yorkshire, their representatives. lam glad to see
them in the House of Commons. lam quitewilling
to admit that if they can establi4h a claim, it ought