The Sun.
London, England, 1861-08-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 20, 1861.

THE LATE PRINCE, ADAM
CZARTORYSKI.

Yesterday morning a solemn requiem mass was
celebrated by the Very Rev. Dr. Maguire, Canon
Theologian,at St. Patrick's Catholic Chapel, Sutton-
street, Soho-square, for the repose of the soul of
Prince Adam Czartorvski, who died, at the Chateau
Montfermeil, near Paris, on the 15th of last month.
A superb catafalque was erected in the middle of
the chapel, and ornamented with the arms of the
Prince, on which appeared the Polish motto,
" Come what may." The service was attended by
a large number of Polish exiles, and the chapel
was filled with other persons, friends of the Polish
cause, generally attired in black.
Later in the day a meeting of the Polish His-

torical Society (of which the lamented Prince was
a patron) was held at Sussex Chambers, Duke-street,
St. James's. In the absence from London of Colonel
Szyrma, the President, the chair was occupied by
the Vice-President, Major Szulczewski, who thus
addressed his countrymen :
But a few years ago we met in this very place to pay the
last tribute of gratitude to the memory of the most generous
friend Poland ever possessed, the lamentel Lord Dudley
Coutts Stuart; to-day we are assembled to deplore in com-
mon the loss of a fellow exile and a most illustrious coun-
tryman, Prince Adam Czartoryski, who departed this life
on the 15th of July last, at the Chateau de INlontfermeil,
near Paris, in the ninety-second year of his age.
Words are unequal to describe the feelings with
which I address you on this occasion. The affectionate
sorrow of a son blends in my heart with the grief of the
patriot; for it is not only a great statesman we have lost,
who was the mainstay of our cause, who lent it dignity in
the eyes of the world, who represented, as it were, its entire
history, but a patriarch around whom we used to gather to
listen to the words of wisdom that dropped from his lips—
a fatherly friend, whose heart was ever open to the griefs of
others, and whose sympathy was never barren.
However, the juncture at which our revered chief has
been called away from among us is so significant, that it
gives the blessed hope that the object for which he laboured
during his long life has been consummated, that the faithful
servant has been allowed to go to rest, because his work
can, and will, now be finished by others.
The career of Prince Adam Czartoryski represents the
history of Poland during the last 73 years. The first time
he entered upon public life, it was to take up arms in de-
fence of the constitution of May 3, 1791, by framing which
the Poles gave such striking evidence of their power of self-
reform, that their spoliators, who had planned their ulti-
mate destruction, strained every nerve to complete it ; feel-
ing that if this constitution were once firmly established in
the country, the Polish nation, rescued from those dissen-
sions which, growing out of its former most defective orga-
nisation, had placed it at the mercy of its enemies, would
soon become strong enough to defy all their efforts. And
now, when having attained an age far beyond that generally
allotted to man—when, after a career of honour and useful-
ness, chequered by much sorrow, much bitter disappoint-
ment, but unsullied by a single stain, he passes away from
us, it is at the very moment when Poland, after long years
of silence and apparent death, has once more arisen, and
proclaimed by the voice of the people at home, not only by
that of the emigration, that her vitality is not extinct, that
her nationality is not absorbed, that she still looks to a
future of liberty and independence, and at the mo-
ment when her name is once more heard and
her rights re-asserted in the councils of Europe.
In the interval between the two epochs to which I have
just alluded Prince Adam Czartoryski's name was not only
mixed up with every effort that was made to keep alive
the nationality of the Poles and for the restoration of our
country, but he was the chief promoter of whatever was
accomplished in that direction.
The family of Prince Adam was descended from a younger
branch of the lagelions, Dukes of Lithuania and afterwards
Kings of Poland. The name of the Czartoryskis is of fre-
quent occurrence in the history of Poland, in the 15th and
16th centuries more especially in connection with the efforts
that eventually resulted in the incorporation of Ruthenia
and Lithuania with Poland, and in the 18th century with
labours greater even than these, and which, carried out by
them with unrelenting perseverance from generation to
generation, have been denominated in Polish history " The
system of the Czartoryskis."
The ends which this system held in view were, as we all
know, externally to identity the interests of Poland with
the interests of Western Europe generally, and internally
to spread enlightenment by the encouragement of education
and the development of industry and commerce ; gradually
to affranchise the peasantry and to make them proprietors
of the soil they occupied ; to establish religious equality,
to reduce the undue power of the aristocracy, to encourage
the growth of a middle class, and while maintaining the
representative form of government and other free institu-
tions, which the nation had always possessed, to eradicate
from these the elements of licence, such as the liberurn veto
and the custom of electing kings, and to transform the
State from an elective into a constitutional monarchy.
The consummation of this system was the Constitution of
3d May, which Prince Adam Czartoryski was called to deli-
berate upon in the famous diet of 1788, on his first entrance
into public life, and in defence of which he subsequently
shed his blood. But, although our country was doomed,
and with it perished the Constitution of the 3d May, the
addrees to their fellow-countrymen recently issued by the
inhabitants of Warsaw, proves to demonstration that the
system of the Czartoryskis has not to this day been aban-
doned.

- - Having been forced by circumstances after the final par-
tition of his country to enter the service of Russia, we
know how Prince Adam Czartoryski availed himself of
the ascendancy he gained over the Emperor Alexander's
mind, to inspire that monarch with friendly feelings
and generous intentions towards the Poles, and how, while
awaiting an opportunity for realising those intentions, the
Prince, following out the traditionary policy of his family,
sowed the seeds of good citizenship among the inhabitants
of the Polish provinces which had fallen to the share of
Russia, by means of the national educational institutions
which, as Director of Public Instruction, he founded and
prom ted among them. And when England, Russia, and
Austria, determined to make a vigorous effort to stap
athlleiaunsouerpwahtiieohnsleodf tthoetFherewnachr
ocfonlqBuoser,opr,riennoteereezdar toyintorstki7h.e
in his capacity of Foreign Minister of Russia, conceived
the bold idea of connecting the glory of the Emperor Alex-
ra
enedt eorr,a
tt
ioo
nw ha
no md
fhaet
rwe e dwae affection
of and gomwt int u;loen
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Ah et
that decisive crisis the tortaous and vacillating policy of
Prussia for a long time refused to the Russian armies a
passage through her territories, and, seizing this opportu-
nity, Prince Czartoryski proposed to the Emperor Alexan-
der to deal a decisive blow against Prussia by im-
mediately proclaiming the restoration of Poland, as-
suming the title of King of that country, and rousing
an insurrection in the Polish provinces which, at the par-
tition, had fallen to the lot of Prussia. The project was
approved, and overtures were made to Prince Joseph
•
Poniatowski, then residing in Warsaw, which at that
time was held by Prussia. Poniatowski acceded, and pro-
mised co-operation, while the Russian army was marching
to the rescue of Vienna ; but the indecision of Alexander,
together with the intrigues of some members of his cabi-
net, frustrated the design.
The disasters of Austerlitz completed the destruction of
the hopes thus raised in the Poles; but the efforts of Prince
Czartoryski, nevertheless, bore fruits, for they undoabtedly
served to point out to Napoleon the advantages to be
derived, for his own policy, from this idea of the recon-
struction of an independent Polish state ; and, in conse-
quence, shortly afterward Europe heard the name of Poland
pronounced again, for the first time, since the last
partition. Prince Adam Czartoryski, however, retired
from the conflict in 1806, as soon as a provisional govern-
ment was established in Warsaw under the auspices of
Napoleon. Resigning his portfolio of Foreign Affairs in
spite of the Emperor Alexander's urgent entreaties,
but retaining his post as Director of Public
Instruction in the Polish provinces, comprising eight mil-
lions of Poles, he thenceforward devoted himself exclusively
to the promotion of education among these, the conflicting
feelings and duties which bound him to Alexander as well
as to his country having forced him to remain neutral even
during the great struggle of 1812, when his countrymen in
the armies of Napoleon were fighting for the restoration of
Poland. After the struggle was over, however, and Alex-
ander having defeated Napoleon, had become again the
arbiter of the fate of the Poles, Prince Czartoryski reaped
the reward of the painful neutrality he had imposed upon
himself ; for, re-entering then the councils of Alexander, he
resumed the plan of inducing that monarch to gather toge-
ther under his sceptre, and to restore to a certain degree of
political independence, the dissevered members of Poland.
Accompanying the Emperor to the Congress of Vienna,
though in a non-official character, he there also made him-
self the advocate of the rights of his country ; and
although the jealous distrust of Alexander entertained
by the other European Powers, prevented Prince Czar-
toryski's projects from being accomplished, he never-
theless succeeded in establishing, through the mediation
of Alexander, over whose mind he continued to exercise
great influence, a kind of moral unity among the Poles by
the national and representative institutions secured by the
Congress to the Polish provinces of the three partitioning
Powers ; by the perfect liberty of commerce and naviga-
tion established throughout all the disjointed parts of
ancient Poland; by the erection of the Duchy of Warsaw,
constituted by Napoleon into an independent kingdom,
under the sovereignty of Alexander ; and by the erection
of the city of Cracow (the ancient capital of Poland) and
its territories into anindependent republic. Unfortunately
for us, however, Alexander's character was as weak and
vacillating as it was open to generous impulses, and no
sooner had he signed the act of Congress that guaranteed
to the kingdom a separate national and representative
administration, than he began a series of retrograde steps
towards the former oppressive system of government, for
the introduction of which he found but too willing instru-
ments in his brother Constantine and his Minister Novo-
siltzoff, two men whose very names freeze the blood of every
Pole, and whoseaatrocitieshave earned for them the execra-
tion of every civilised nation.
Hackneyed as is the subject of the deliberations during
the Congress of Vienna, the memoirs which Prince Czar-
toryski leaves behind him aro, nevertheless, destined, if
ever given to the world, which we trust they may be, to
throw new light upon maw' of the transactions during that
famous meeting of Sovereigns.
Again Prince Czartoryski exerted himself as mediator
between the nation and the Government, and in a series of
letters, which, if ever given to the world, will still further
enhance the fame of the revered chief whom we have just
lost, he placed before the Emperor the abuses and excesses
of which the unhappy country had become the theatre.
But finding that these truths fell on listless ears, he severed
for ever the ties which bowl hin2 to Alexander i awl re-

signing his seat in the Executive Council, thenceforward
took part in public life only as a member of the Senate, in
which he defended the rights of his country with fearless
zeal, and continued his exertions is favour of national edu-
cation, in whichdirection he was so successful that the
ruffianly Novosiitzoff declared thst he had retarded for a
century the amalg onation of Poland with Russia. How -
ever, dispairing of effectinc, any amelioration in the unhappy
condition of things which the change in Alexander's feel-
ings and the ruthless disposition of his brother had intro-
duced, Prince Czartoryski soon withdrew entirely into pri-
vate life, and for a considerable period devoted himself ex-
clusively to those literary studies which had ever been his
solace and delight, and to which he owed the rich stores of
knowledge which excited the admiration of all those who
knew him intimately. _ _ _

The prosecutions commenced against a number of Poles
in 1825 in connection with the disturbances in Russia,
which immediately preceded the accession of Nicholas, once
more called Prince Czartoryski back into the arena of pub-
lic life. Hastening from Italy, where he was then staying,
to take his seat in the Senate, convoked to deliberate on the
fate of the political prisoners E443cused of high treason, he
proved himself during the yeatof the trial the soul of that
assembly, which distinguisheititself by the independence
and moderation of its deliberations, and the dignity with
which it vindicated the constitutional rights of the nation.
The report drawn up on this occasion by Prince Czarto-
ryski, and addressed to the Emperor as King of Poland,
would in itself have sufficed to secure to the Prince the
attachment and esteem of his fellow-citizens ; but the sen-
timents of confidence and affection with which he was looked
up to were further increased by the speech which, very soon
after, he delivered at the grave of the venerable Count
Bielinski, the President of the Senate, and in which he gave
such full expression, though in veiled and guarded terms,
to the hopes and feelings that pervaded the nation, that he
was at once pointed out as one of the probable leaders of
the insurrection, the approach of which was indicated by
many unmistakeable signs.
What that insurrection was, and what its results, we all
know but too well. Polish valour once more shone forth
in all its brilliancy, and once more succumbed to overwhelm-
ing numbers, but also, in some measure, to that want of
union which, on so mamr,Epsvious occasions, had proved
the bane of the nation. Mance Czartoryski, though dis-
approving the premature outbreak, at once submitted to
the will of the people and assumed his share in the heavy
responsibilities of the Government, thus lending to the
movement the immense moral support of his name and posi-
tion ; but though seeing the necessity for the moment of
the concentration of power in the hands of a dictator, he
was too disinterested and too unambitious to seize upon this
power for himself, and his noblest virtues in this one in-
stance thus militated against the cause to which his life had
been devoted.

After the fall of Warsaw, however, when driven into
exile, when condemned to a dishonourable death by
a special tribunal erected by the Emperor Nicholas,
and deprived of all his property, he no longer
hesitated to make himself the centre of exertions, which
could then only fix the martyr's crown more firmly on his
brow. The name of his family, which had for ages been
known to Europe in connection with the foreign policy of
Poland, as also the position which he had himself held
there, and the part which he had taken in many of the
most important transactions in European politics, lent to
his opinions, even in exile, a weight of which he availed
himself again and again to remind the Governments and
representative bodies of Europe of the rights of his country,
guaranteed by treaties; while to his countrymen he, in
speech and writing, ever recommended patience, modera-
tion, and perseverance, adding to these recommendations
lessons full of deep and practical wisdom. The two last
public acts of his life—the discourse pronounced by him on
the 3d of May last, and the answer g,ven by him to the
address of the Literary Association of the Friends of Po-
land in London—fully characterise the double activity of his
life during his protracted exile, and the recent noble atti-
tude assumed by our countrymen at home, bears witness
to the fruits which his activity has borne.
His private life was adorned by the most refined quali-
ties of mind and heart. An affectionate father, a loving
husband, accessible to all who approached him, ever ready
to listen to a tale of sorrow and to assuage every pain ;
exercising, as far as his means allowed, a truly Polish hos-
pitality in the Hotel Lambert, the departed Prince added
to his great political worth all those domestic virtues that
render life happy and agreeable.
Of all the sons of whom Poland is justly proud, none
have sacrificed more in her cause than he. Of no patriot
of whom history makes honourable mention can it be said
with greater truth than of Adam Czartoryski, that he lived
for his country alone ; and, with his mental gaze still fixed
upon her, he died. When his eye was already glazed in
death, and he could no longer distinguish the sorrowing
group that stood around him, his last words, addressed to
his nephew, General Zamoyski, who had hastened from
London to take the last sad farewell of his uncle, were—
" What hopes for Poland do you bring from England ?"
What solace to that grand and devoted spirit that was pass-
ing for ever from this life of travail, to hear that the great
British heart was again beginning to stir in sympathy with
the land of sorrow, for which his last prayer was breathed.
He is gone, and his mission was accomplished ; but we
have still duties to. perform, and in no way can we prove
ourselves more faithful to his memory than by following
the example of untiring zeal and never failing moderation,
which he always set us—by discarding all dissensions, and
by endeavouring in every way to build up that union in
which resides the strength of nations, whether to retain or
to reconquer their independence.

After a vote of thanks to the chairman, the meet-
ing separated.

TILE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Special Correspondent of the Times.)
WASHINGTON, AUG, 5.

" Let us only hold on till October and we are
safe." That, or something like it, was said to me
over and over again in the South by men who play
no inconsiderable part in the mystery drama of the
Confederates. And when I asked one of these
gentlemen, more than two months ago, what chance
there was of the North giving the South all that
time, I was answered almost in these words, " We
are bound to go to the assistance of Virginia. The
whole of the northern frontier abounds in good posi-
tions, which can be fed by the rail from the South.
The Abolitionists will come and give us battle. We
are certain to whip them if they attack us, and the
North will then learn it can't at once overrun us as
it fancied. The leaders will pause. There will be a
reaction up there. e will work all the harder and
all the better for our victory, drilling our men and
consolidating our resources. The northern cities
will become discontented. Foreign nations will ask
when the cotton ports are to be open. The North
will have no reply. We shall be better able to fight
in November than we shall be to fight in June.
Every week's delay will add to the complications
and weakness of the North, and the end of the year
will find them further from their aim than ever—
divisions in their councils, even disturbances in their
populations, while we, inspired by the approach of
success, will exhibit increased energy and unani-
mity." A part of the programme has been already
accomplished, but it does not follow that the remain-
der of the prophecy will be fulfilled with so much
nicety. So far the result of the action of the 21st
has been the prolongation of the war in America.
The effect it may have abroad will be known in a
few days more. It is now plain that the Con-
federates were not only really unable to pursue
their advantage, but that they were not at first
aware of its extent. They suffer from deficient
transport, and are better prepared for defence than
for attack. Their army was almost as much
" scared," to use an English word in an American
way, as the Federalists, if the reports are to be be-
lieved of confusion, wavering, and retreat in their
ranks—and of the passionate exertions of the offi-
cers, as well as of their losses. In fact, the Confede-
rates stand before the world stripped of a good deal
of the strength of which they boasted in actual
numbers ; and it is a poor cover to their weakness
to put forward the asserton that only a small por-
tion of their force was engaged, when it is notorious
that they had sent to all quarters for reinforcements,
and above all when it is considered that, by using
all the men at their disposal, they could have forced
the mass of the Federalist army to surrender pri-
soners of war, and have occupied the capital. Their
operations up to this time indicate hesitation and
want of vigour, but it is just possible they may be
preparing to strike some great blow. It is given
out that General Beauregard has gone for a short
time to Charleston. General Johnston has not
shown in any force in front of his old positions
about Harper's Ferry, nor has he threatened the
Federalists under Gen. Banks, who are covering
the passage of the river from the Maryland side.
Before Hampton and Fortress Monroe there is an
equal absence of offensive demonstrations. The Se-
cession cavalry and pickets occupy the Alexandria-
road, and the communications leading by Vienna
and Fairfax Court House, towards Manassas, at a
considerable distance from the outposts and lines of
the Federalists, and there is less of that wild,
guerilla sort of work between the two armies than
was formerly the case, but the attitude of the Con-
federates is not that of a confident or aggressive
force. One does not bear either of the vigorous ad-
vices to drive the enemy from the sacred soil of Vir-
ginia, which were so rife, nor of the het menaces to
take Washington, nor even of the earnest promises
to liberate Maryland and other afflicted portions of
the slaveholding sisterhood. There may be policy in
this, and notwithstanding the growing opposition
of one or two papers in the South to the men and
measures of the war, the influence of Mr. Jefferson

Davis is quite sufficient to induce the press to keep
its peace, or adopt any tone he may suggest in fur-
therance of the common cause. They can organise
a transport corps in time. There are plenty of
excellent mules in the South if the planters can in
their patriotism submit to ruin and send them from
the fields. Horses is abundance can no doubt be
procured from the south-west and smuggled out of
Kentucky. Twenty-five brass field-pieces, one rifled
gun throwing 301 b. shot and shell from a small bore,
and perhaps several other guns not enumerated,
captured at Manassas, will go some way to make up
for the want of field artillery, under which the Con-
federates were labouring, and the quantity of am-
munition of all sorts whieh fell into their hands must
strengthen them in their weakest point. The thou-
sands of muskets left on the field will be no indif-
ferent acquisition, and they have been already ap-
plied to arm men who were not well provided pre-
viously with small arms, while whole regiments are
made happy by the blankets, overcoats, canteens,
knacksacks, and accoutrements of all kinds dis-
tributed among them, to the great relief of the
Confederate Treasury. Meanwhile, the army
of the United States is undergoing a complete reor-
ganization in the face of the enemy. The old army
of volunteers and three months' men may be looked
upon as annihilated, or, at all events, dissolved. It
would be curious to ascertain how many of them
will re-enlist, even u n der different officers. The affair
at Manassas not only destroyed M'Dowell's army,
but it gave a heavy blow and great discouragement
to the very spirit of the American system, by which
men were placed in positions they lead no fitness
for, and large masses of armed men were assembled
whom it were delusion to consider as an army.
Mr. Davis saw the mischief long ago, and by special
act of Congress of the Confederate States at Mont-
gomery he seized the power of appointing officers.
It may seem strange that the soldiery should not
feel proper respect for the men they had selected to
command them, but the fact is that such a mode of
selection, particularly in the lower grades, was in-
jurious to all real discipline. If an officer insisted
on obeying the rules and regulations of the army,
he was regarded by his nominators as an ungrate-
ful fellow, who was using the power they had
given him to vex and harass them, and he, too
often, in spirit of retaliation and in ignorance of the
proper means of enforcing a respect to which, per-
sonally, perhaps, he had little claims, resorted to
gross language, abuse, and harsh treatment, and in-
curred the positive contempt and hatred of men
who took little care to conceal their feelings. It
is hard to teach Americans discipline. Their regu-
lar army has been for the most part composed of
Germans and Irish. The people are averse to
obedience on principle ; and even children, as I
have observed particularly in the North, are less
managable—" biddable," as mothers say, than in
the old fashioned country where the fifth com-
mandment is held in respect. Master Pickle and
Miss Pert are fond enough of saying "I won't"
all over the world, but the breed is unusually
large in America, and disobedience seems to pass
current for independence. And, as the child is
the father of the man, so Sovereign Smith on prin-
ciple rebels against obeying the order of Sove-
reign Brown ; kicks in his inner man, recalcitrates
morally and even physically, and only succeeds by
the pressure of a self-applied duresse. " Sergeant,
will you come and look at this man's pass," called
out a sentry at the Long-bridge the other day ;
" do you think I'm going to shout myself hoarse
for you ?" And when the sergeant did arrive the
sentry, who had been sitting down when I came up,
used bad language and threatened to report him !
Yesterday evening, as I was riding through George-
town, I saw an officer " fall in" his men to go on
some patrol or relief. They were drawn up by the
side of the street. " What have you got in that
bottle ?" said the officer to one of his men.
" Whisky." " Let's have a drain," quoth the affable
subaltern. " Don't take it all then," responded
the proprietor, producing from his haversack the
black bottle, which had been detected by the eagle
eye of his superior. The officer held it up to the
light, gauged the contents, smelt the mouth, and
then took a long pull, which was followed by a
sounding smack of the lips, and a " Fust rate" of
great intensity. The bottle was restored, and then
" Shoulder arms—by the right—wheel—quick
march," and away es ent bottle, officer, and men. It
would be very unfair to assert that such officers are
common, and such practices usual ; but that there
is on questions of discipline an extraordinary
deviation in principle, sentiment, and practice in
the American people from those of any other
military people requires no proof when we see Col.
Richardson, in an official document respecting the
conduct of his troops at Manassas, accusing his
senior officer, Colonel Miles, who was in command
of a brigade, of being drunk and incapable on the
field, and Colonel Miles in reply publishing a state-
ment, which appears in all the newspapers, in which
he says he was not drunk, and prays God to forgive
his accuser. They will be taught by experience, and
the sweet uses of adversity—bitter to them, will
force them to bend to discipline in order that they
may conquer ; and if they desire to carry on the
campaign, and escape the Caudine Forks, they
must stoop, as people free, intelligent, and brave as
they are have done, to the thrall of order and obedi-
ence. That much can be done by the judicious exer-
cise of authority in enforcing military rules and regu-
lations among them, as among the rest of mankind,
is conclusively shown by the great changes and im-
provements effected in the army of Washington, and
above all in the city itself, by young General
M'Clellan, who bids fair to be the next President,
if his success is at all commensurate with the enor-
mous praise and flattery which, much against his
will, are forced down his throat. Before his nomi-
nation the streets of the capital presented a spectacle
the like of which was probably never seen in any
civilized city. A routed, demoralised army, with just
sufficient equipment to enable them to be a terror to
civilians, and to inflict death and wounds in their
drunken quarrels, crowded the thoroughfares, for-
midable only to those whom they were intended to
protect. The hotels and bars were filled with
officers whose regiments were in a state of complete
disorganisation. The small tradespeople trembled
for their little stores. Suddenly out comes an order,
which I give entire, lest it might be said the words
I have used exaggerate the condition of affairs at
the period in question :

" GENERAL ORDERS (No. 2).

" Head-quarters, Division of the Potomac,
" 'Washington, July 30.

" The General commanding the Division has, with much
regret, observed that large numbers of officers and men
stationed in the vicinity of Washington are in the habit of
frequenting the streets and hotels of the city.
"This practice is eminently prejudicial to good order and
military discipline, and must at once be discontinued.

" The time and services of all persons connected with this
division should be devoted to their appropriate duties with
their respective commands. It is therefore directed that
hereafter no officer or soldier be allowed to absent himself
from his camp and visit Washington, except for the per-
formance of some public duty, or for the transaction of im-
portant private business, for which purposes written permits
will be given by the commanders of brigades. The permit
will state the object of the visit.

" Brigade commanders will be held responsible for the
strict execution of this order.

" Col. Andrew Porter, 15th United States' Infantry, is
detailed for temporary duty as Provost-Marshal in Wash •
ington, and will be obeyed and respected accordingly.
" Col, Porter will report in person at these headquarters
for instructions.—By command of Major-Gen. M'Clellan,
" S. WILLIAMS, Assistant Adjutant-General.

Col. Porter, an active officer of the regular army,
and a man of great determination and vigour, at
once organised his patrols, and, though the guard-
houses may be full the streets are empty. He set
to work with such speed that Washington, which
went to bed in very poor spirits one night, found
that the evil had vanished in 24 hours, and that
next night she could sleep in peace. That the steps
taken were vigorous, and that they were requisite,