The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-19 00:00:00

LoNDoN, THURSDAY EVENING, MARCH 19, Itifq.

REPORT FROM THE FRENCH ENVOY AT
ROME TO THE FitENCH MINISTER
FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

[This extraordinary document has been communi-
cated to tr. (Daily News) by an individual on whose
truthfulness and honour we have the most implicit
reliance. We are assured that it has been obtained
in such a way as to preclude the possibility of any
d( ception or mystification. Some numerical refer-
ences will be observed in the document. They indi-
cate passages to which answers were to have been
appended in the form of notes. These notes ware
to have been forwarded to us by a private hand, as
it would obviously have been unsafe to trust to the
French post-office for their conveyance. Unfortu-
nately they have not yet reached us; and the near
approach of the dissolution of Parliament appears
to render the immediate publication of the re-
port imperative. The notes shall be published as
soon as we receive them. Some comments of our
own on this astonishing document will be found in
our second " leader" of this day. We think it will
be universally admitted to be, in its way, unsur-
passed in the annals of diplomacy.]

(Copy.)

ROME, MAY 14, 1856.

Mousier le Comte,—At this moment the situation of the
Pontifical States pre-occupies more than ever the different
cabinets of Europe, and particularly the government of the
Emperor in the twofold point of view of the interests of
catholicism, and of the armed protection with which France
and Austria surround the holy chair. This question is con-
templated under so many different aspects, it is so perverted
by the spirit of party, it excites in one sense and another
such vehement passions, that a truthful and impartial re-
view of the facts appears not inopportune.

Though the accusations brought against the pontifical
government may bo greatly exaggerated, it is undoubtedly
vulnerable on one side; its territory is occupied by foreign
troops, and it is questionable whether it can dispense with
this support. Every independent state is expected to suffice
for itself, and to be able to maintain its internal security by
its own forces. Tho court of Rome is reproached with fall-
ing short of this reasonable expectation ; the cause of its
weakness is inquired into, and it is generally believed to be
the discontent awakened among its subjects by a defective
administration.

The real cause of the weakness of the Pontifical Govern-
ment is a much more complicated one, and is in fact con-
nected with quite a different class of ideas ; but it is a
much more convenient and rapid mode of arriving at a
conclusion to complain of the administration, then labo-
riously to interrogate the history and the tendencies of
the Italian race. The discomfort and discontent of the
populations arise more especially from the fact that the
part played in the world by Italy, is not that of their
visionary aspiration'. This sentiment of nationality has
been sensitively alive at all epochs, and the temporal
power of the Papacy has constantly been considered the
main obstacle to its gratification. Daring the two last
centuries the general prosperity of the pontifical system,
and the abundant resources which flowed to Rome
from all parts of the world, silenced complaint (1). But
the great changes which have taken place in Europe during
the last 50 years have dried up the sources of Rome's
affluence. The Church has been compelled to remain con-
tented with the revenue derived exclusively from its own
territory. Hence discomfort which, increasing from year
to year, leads the minds of men by an easy process to discuss
and attack the acts of their Government. The papacy, pro-
tected all this time by a great prestige, begins to sink in the
estimation of the people. The last traces of the ancient
ecclesiastical sovereignties have disappeared from the rest
of Europe. Our fathers, accustomed to the sight of these
sovereignties, saw nothing singular in them. In the eyes
of the new generation one Government of this kind, left
alone in the world, becomes an anomaly (2). Criticisms on
this score multiply. At the same time the constitutional
system, which easily seduces the peoples,has gradually esta-
blished itself in a majority of states (3). Men ask them-
selves whether it is conformable to the genius of the age,
whether it is respectable to obey a priest, and perpetuate a
superannuated system. Besides, how would it be possible to
establish a system of liberty and free discussion, in pre-
sence of a power which lays claim to infallibility in spiri-
tual matters, and rests exclusively on the principle of
authority ? How create a powerful Italy so long as the
peninsula is divided into two distinct parts by a state, neu-
tral from the necessity of its nature, and isolated from all
European :conflicts? How play a great part when the
centre of Italy is in the possession of a sovereign who does
not wear a sword? (4.) Other (muses, not less powerful,
have encouraged these hostile tendencies. Italy had al-
ways wielded the sceptre, not indeed of warier politics,
which are not exactly in its line, but at least of civilisa-
tion, science, and art. All felt that this sceptre was fall-
ing from her hands. The hundred views of the press daily
informed the Italians of the progress of their neighbours,
and proved to them that they had been outstripped iu
many points. If-- thanks to the :blindness of national
self-love--this sentiment has not yet become universal,
at least a great part of the population feels itself threat-
ened in the last entrenchments of its legitimate pride
now and terrible grievance for which to hold
the Governments responsible. In the meanwhile the
loudly avowed tolerance of several cabinets for the com-
plaints made by the populations was not, it must be con-
fessed, one of their least encouragements. At present it is
the most active of all, and the one to which the hopes of all
those turn who wish for something different from what
they possess. On a. soil thus prepared insurrections and
revolutions could not fail to germinate with facility. They
turned the country topsy-turvy, and left deep traces. The
momentary victory obtained over the Papacy completely
stripped it of all prestige. It was no longer the sacred ark
against which no effort could prevail. In vain it heaped
concessions upon concessions; the very principle of its ex-
istence was called in question. The idea of its ceasing to
exist became familiar (5). Hostile passions derived new
strength from the consciousness of a probable success
where till of late success would have seemed impossible ;
more than ever the national vanity attributed its wounds
to an administration marked out for attack by the pecu-
liarity of its character. The prejudices against what is
called a Government of priests (0) reached their culminat-
ing point.
It is necessary at this stage to offer a few remarks on the
poculiargenius of the Italians. The most prominent feature
of the national character is its intelligence, its penetration,
its quick comprehension of everything. This precious gift
which Providence has disseminated over Italy much more
profusely than elsewhere, and which still shines with all its
pristine lustre, is dearly purchased, except in a fow remark-
able exceptional eases, by the utter want of such qualities
as energy, strength of mind, and true civil courage (7). It
is seldom that the Italians are seen firmly united amongst
themselves. Always suspecting each other, they aro
continually separating. No one has any confidence
but in himself; they remain isolated. Hence they have
no commercial or manufacturing associations; no common
understanding ; no combination either in private or public
affairs (8). With such dispositions, they aro destitute of
the essential element of publio power; they are totally
devoid of organised strength. Armies—which are knit
together by the reciprocal confidence of the soldiers, and
obedience to the general—are impossible. The ranks are
complete on parade ; but in the hour of danger the chiefs
are accused of treason, and the soldiers have no reliance on
each other (9). This defective equilibrium of intellect and
character in the Italians is the key to their whole history,
and explains the state of political infirmity in which they
have remained, in comparison:with the other peoples of Ea-
rope. Left to themselves they have never been able to do
anything but debate in public places; give the victory ul-
timately to extreme parties ; wear themselves out in fruit-
less agitations; divide and subdivide themselves to infinity;
and yield up their country to the first occupant—French-
men, Spaniards, or Germans. Every nation pays the pe-
rialty of its own defects ; but bow is it possible to make it
comprehend that its inferiority is attributable to itself and
not to its Governments? (10.)
It is the fashion to take the Piedmontese for Italians,
and to quote them as an example of what may be expected
from the Italian populations.
This is a great error. Tho Piedmontese are an interme-
diary population, containing much more of the Swiss, and
French element than the Itallan. One fact is sufficient to
convince me of this. It is that they possess that true mili-
tary and monarchical spirit which is unknown to the rest
of Italy (11). The Italian mind with respect to policy and
administration is by nature directed towards middle terms,
accommodations. The interpretation is considered to be
above the law itself. Following religiously the traditions
which have been preserved of aucient Rome, jurisprudence
is a governing principle. This tendency is met with every-
where. It has occasionally a very happy influence on the
progress of great affairs, but in practice it leaves to govern-

;Dents a very great latitude, and takes away from the
authority of the law in the eyes of the governed, encourag_
ing them in a singular manner in all manoeuvres which may

spare them from the rigorous application of rules. An in-
flexible law would be odious to them, an administration
keeping close to the letter of the law, without compromise,
would appear in their eyes insufferably harsh (12). Let us
examine the possible wishes and tendencies of the popula-
tion at this moment. They formalise their complaints much
more than their plans. With respect to their plans, it may
be said that they aro almost as numerous as individuals.
In the lower depths of society, Carhonarism is kept up ; it
still continues to make recruits. The dagger here is still
held in honour. The end to be attained is the upsetting
of every social hiergvhy (13). The followers of Mazzini
form already a class in some degree above these. The
I universal republic, the unity of Italy, constitutional go.

vernment, war against Ausfri,, is their programme. They
say that they are a numerous lygly, and are ready to act,
but they never keep their word. Directed by the committee
of London and Genova, their watchword for the present is
quiet and inaction until the return of their chiefs by moans
of an amnesty, and the departure of the foreign troops
gives them an opportunity of operating with a chance of
success (14). This section extends to a certain portion of
the middle class. This class, and the higher classes in ge-
neral, are tormented with the desire of taking a part in
public affairs.

The example of Piedmont is turning their heads. A
constitution d r Anglaise is in their eyes marvellously
adapted both to the manners and wants of the country.
They desire for themselves and for their country a great
line of ai.tion. They look upon themselves as disinherited.
Convinced that the presence of the Pope is an invincible
obstacle to the realisation of their projects, they earnestly
pray for .the annihilation of the Pontifical power. The
greater portion of the members of this party have coalesced
with the followers of Mazzini, leaving it to the nation to
decide between the two parties after the victory is ob-
tained (15). Refusing to go as far as the English con-
stitution, there is a certain number of individuals who
profess attachment to the Pontifical Goveinment, and at
the same time overwhelm it with their attacks, pretend-
ing that they limit their desires to the obtaining of a
better administration. They are not able to define
exactly what they mean by this. In their eyes every
thing depends upon Government, even to the proper main-
tenance of their own houses, and the direction of their
own affairs. If enterprises everywhere reserved for the
efforts of private industry are not developed in the Roman
territory, the reason is that tha,G-overnment places obsta-
cles in the way. Attributing all the acts of the adminis-
tration to motives exclusively personal, and such as are
founded on the basest calculations of interest, they believe
that public affairs and the profit derived from conducting
them, are in the hands of a small number of monopolists,
who exhaust the resources of their country for their own
advantage. They dream of nothing but dishonesty and
collusion (16). Taxed as they are more lightly Clan the ma-
jority of European countries, they complain that they are
crushed under the weight of fiscal imposition. At thesame
time, they complain of the state for not undertakinggreat
works which it is their duty to undertake themselves. Ig-
norant of the first principles of political economy and ad-
ministration, they enunciate systems utterly opposed to
the lessons of experience, when they are compelled to for-
malise a project (18). Finally, they profess to have a great
fear of the Mazzinians, and at the same time are opening
the door to them (19).

Lastly, there is a, party which attributes everyevil to tho
abandonment of ancient errors. If we could return, they
say, to the ecclesiastical regime pure a simple, as it ex-
isted formerly, excitement would be appeased, and every
difficulty would disappear.

Between these parties there is anumerous crowd very in-
different to everything else but their own prosperity, fond
certainly of grumbling, but friends of order, and living on
good terms with the Pontifical Government. Any where
else such a party would furnish the Government with a
good point d'appui; but in a country in which the spirit
of enterprise, and the energy necessary for any resistance
whatever are absolutely unknown ; where the only uni-
versal rule is laisscr faire, with the reservation of theright
of complaining when the thing is done, instead of before-
hand, how can such friends be trusted, and how can the
destinies of the State be placed solely in such bands? Here
is the grand difficulty. No Government can dispense with
material assistance, and this condition cannot be fulfilled
in the Roman States. Whichever of the whole number of
parties has the luck to triumph, it is an indubitable fact
that it will see forming around it, as has already been
proved, the same assemblage of complaints which is di-
rected against the present dovernment. The same diffi-
culty which the present Government experiences in finding
points d'appui in a land which is not able to furnish them,
will be experienced by every party which gains power.
The party which limits its wishes to reforms, when inca-
pable of defending itself, on account of no one being wil-
ling to compromise himself in its defence, will give place
to the constitutional party; this will in turn yield to the
Mazzinians, which, thanks to the measures of violence on
their part, and carelessness on the part of others, will re-
main definitively masters of the situation. This will re-
present accurately the inevitable march of events when-
ever the present equilibrium is again disturbed (20).

Pius IX. showed himself full of ardour for reforms. He
himself put bis hand to the work. Every ono is acquainted
with the catastrophe which ensued. What happened then
would be reproduced exactly in our days (21).
Here then we have the soene of ik nation deeply divid-
ed, animated with burning,.mp„bitian, without any of
those qualities which make the greatness and the power of
other nations, stripped of energy, devoid of military spirit,
as well as of the spirit of association, knowing nothing of
the respect due to law or to social supetiorities ; and this
nation, being discontented with its lot, accuses its rulers,
who are in reality bone of its bone and flesh of its flesh
(22). How can we dare to hope that to meet the difficulties
of so complicated a situation, it is sufficient merely to
introduce a few reforms into the Pontifical administra-
tion ? Verily such a remedy appears little adapted to the
disease, and it is not easy to see what alleviation even it
might produce. If the populations had a real cause of corn.
plaint against the Pontifical administration, and if their
wrongs were founded upon this single cause, the receipt
would be excellent, but I have enumerated at length the
true causes of the sad condition of
the populations, and I
have not been able to see that anywhere these causes were
in direct connexion with the mere Diode of administration.
Fundamentally, the very principle of government is the
point in dispute, and not the mode of putting it in opera-
tion (23). . _

What grave reproaches can be made against the Pontifi-
cal Government? And what an idea is formed of the men
who compose it? Is it possible that they are devoid of that
intelligence which is so richly scattered over their nation ?
Can it be that they have so feeble a feeling of their duties
and interests as to place, of their own accord, an obstacle
in the way of the prosperity of their country? It would not
be just to condemn them blindly and without a rigid exa-
mination of their conduct. It is a general opinion that the
Pontifical administration is placed entirely in the hands of
the priests. It is asserted that the priest whose lot it is to
defend the interests of heaven unlerstands nothing of the
interests of earth ; that having no family of his own, ho is
utterly indifferent as to the prosperity of the country; that
dwelling apart from society, he cannot understand the true
wants of society; that the esprit cis corps is more powerful
with him than the feeling of nationality, and so on. People
are loth to believe that the priest employed in the civil ser-
vice by the court of ltomehas no eacerdetal character during
the great portion of his time, and that far from monopolising
the whole of the administration, he has but a small share in it
—ho is in a minority. I have often asked ardent opposers of
the Roman rule what was their valuation of the numbers of
priests employed in the administration. In answer to my
question the number was generally stated to be about
3,000. No credit was given to me when I showed, with
the proofs in my hand, that putting them all together the
number did not exceed a hundred, and that the half of
these pretended priests were not in orders. It is neverthe-
less upon data of such falsity that are founded gray
charges which are accepted by the public as undeniable.

At a time when the character of the Pontifical Govern-
ment gave rise to no ground of objection, the church under-
stood thoroughly that the part of the priest destined for the
altar, and that of the administrator of public affairs, might
possibly clash on some occasions. The church then opened
the door to the lay elemeut, by the institution of the Pre-
lature, and ieserving for it a certain number of places oven
in the Sacred College. The Prelature increases and re-
ceives continual augmentations from a class of men
who aro specially destined for administration. Certain
conditions of education and fortune are imposed upon
these men. But lately they have performed their duties
entirely at their own expense, and thus lightened the
weight of the budget.
So important a position as this yielded to the incumbent
a few years back only 600 scudi annually. Since then, in
order to render such offices accessible generally, the emolu-
ment has been increased in a moderato degree. The Ro-
man prelates are not at all bound to enter into holy orders.
For the most part they dispense with them. Can we then
call by the nano of priests those who have nothing of the
priest but the uniform ? Is Count Spada, brother-in-law
of Pere Beauvean, a more zealous or more skilful admi-
nistrator now than when in the costume of a priest he
officiated as Minister of War ? Do Monseigneur Matteuci
(Minister of Police), Monseigneur Hertel (Minister of the
Interior), Monseigneur Berardi (substitute of the Secre-
tary of State), and so many others who have liberty
to marry to-morrow, constitute a religious caste,
sacrificing its own interests to the interest of the coun
try, and would they become all of a sudden irreproachable
if they were dressed differently? (24) If we examine the
share given the prelates, both priests and non-priests, in
the Roman administration, we shall arrive at some results
which it is important to notice. Out of home—that is
throughout the whole extent of the Pontifical States, with
the exception of the capital—in the Legations, the Marshes,
Umbria, and all the provinces, to the number of eighteen,
how many ecclesiastics do you think are employed ? Their
number does not exceed fifteen—one for each province,
except three, where there is not one at all. They are de-
legates, or, as we should say, prefects. The councils, the
tribunals and offices of all sorts are filled R ith laymen.
The number of these latter amounts to 2,313 in the civil
service and 620 holding judicial employments, in the whole
2.033, so tat for ono ecclesiastic iu office we have 195 lay-
men. Is it possible for the most prejudiced intellect not
to recognise that sat ecclesiastical power which has reduced
to so low a karts the number of men of its order who
are the ders,mitarie4 of power throughout the whole QX

tent of its territory has already reached its lowest limits ?
Who will believe that this is an intolerable abuse, and that
the danger will cease when this small number of prelates
shall disappear from the scene ? But hero a curious fact
presents itself to our consideration. The provinces admi-
nistered by laymen, amongst others those of Ferrara and
C
am
Governmenteri ar e
for sendingpermission deputationto h
have
an
The people are not accustomed to lay delegates. They re-
dep
prelateuta
re-
fuse obedience and respect to these latter. They accuse
appointed..
the
them of confining their interest to their own families, and
there is nothing even to their wives which does not give
rise to questions of precedence and etiquette. In a word,
the Government which, to satisfy this pretended desire of
the populations to be presided over by laymen, reserved a
certain number of places for them, finds this disposition
opposed by the population themselves (25).
In the city of Rome, the centre of Government, the
number of prelates, whether priests or non-priests, en-
gaged in the- administration is necessarily more consider-
able than in the provinces. Nevertheless, the numerical
superiority in favour of the laymen is striking, and leads
to the same conclusions. These are the statistics, reckon-
ing by Ministerial departments. The office of the Secre-
tary of State for Foreign Affairs, not reckoning those em-
ployed abroad, is comprised of five ecclesiastics and 19 lay-
men. The principal of these ecclesiastics, such as the Car-
dinal Secretary of State and'his substitute, are not priests
any more than the greater number of the prefects who are
marked here as ecclesiastics. The Council of State reckons
three ecclesiastics and five laymen. The Ministry-of the
Interior comprises 22 ecclesiastics, including amongst
them the 15 presidents of provinces of whom I have
already spoken, and 1,411 laymen. The Ministry of
Finance reckons three ecclesiastics against 2,017 laymen.
The Ministry of Commerce and Public Works reckons two
ecclesiastics to 161 laymen. The Ministry of Police, two
ecclesiastics to 401 laymen. The Ministry of War has
not a single ecclesiastical functionary. The Ministry of
Justice, including the superior tribunals, which are of a
mixed nature, reckons 59 ecclesiastics to 937 laymen. This
number of 50 ecclesiastics is divided in the following man-
lier

In the Ministry, 1 ecclesiastic, 18 laymen.
In the Tribunal of the Segnatura (Cour de Cassation),
ecclesiastics, 8 laymen.
In the Tribunal of the Rota (the superior court of civil
jurisdiction), 12 ecclesiastics and 7 laymen.
In the Civil Tribunal, 3 ecclesiastics and 116 laymen.
In the Tribunal of the Consulta (the superior court of
criminal jurisdiction), 14 ecclesiastics and 37 laymen.
In the Criminal Tribunal, no ecclesiastics, 37 laymen.
In the Tribunal of the Bishop, 9 ecclesiastics, 17 laymen
In the Tribunal of the Apostolical Chamber, 9 ecclesias-
tics, 16 laymen.
In the Provincial Tribunals of First and Second Instance,
both criminal and civil, 620 laymen, no ecclesiastics.
In the Archives, Chamber of Notaries, &J., 16 laymen,
no ecclesiastics.

In different offices, 1 ecclesiastic, 6 laymen.
Fundamentally the tribunals aro the nurseries of the
Roman prelates. There it is that they servo their appren-
ticeship and prepare their career.
In order both to surround itself with administrators wear-
ing the ecclesiastical dress,and to introduce not only into the
administration, but also into the Sacred College, and even to
the very throne itself, those enlightened views gained in
practice, by experience in business, and at the seine time, as
I have alread3 said, to open the door to the lay element, the
Court of Rome has always sought to group around it a cer-
tain number of men chosen with cure, who have no desire
to be priests, and to whom a career is opened. Twelve or
15 prefects' places in the provinces would not suffice for
recruiting, apprenticeship, and recompense of services.
The superior {tribunals have been reserved to satisfy this
imperious necessity. The total number of ecclesiastic.; em-
ployed in the interior of the Pontifical States does not ex-
ceed the number of 98. Against this we find there are
5,059 laymen in office. This gives 52 laymen to 1 eccle-
siastic.* Leaving out of consideration the superior tri-
bunals of the capital, some of which, like that of the bishop,
have exclusively ecclesiastical attributes, we find that there
are only 36 ecclesiastics employed for the whole administra-
tion of the Pontifical States (26).
The employments reserved for this small number of in-
dividuals are not the merely secondary ones. The places
which they fill are the most important, otherwise their in-
fluence would be nil. It is right to say, also, that in spite
of prejudice the ecclesiastical habit still inspires a certain
degree of respect, which aids the action of government. The
people pay no deference to the lay functionary, and do not
forgive him his superiority in rank and office in the same
manner as they forgive an ecclesiastic.
I have seen formerly, and I see still, lay functionaries
exposed to personal attacks much more violent than those
to which ecclesiastics are liable. This is no doubt a con-
tradiction, but it is nevertheless an incontestable fact (27).
Is it possible to believe that the happiness and the repose
of the populations are powerfully affected by the presence of
such a small number of persons, who, I repeat, have for the
most part nothing of the ecclesiastic but the habit? Evi-
dently the question does not lie in that direction, because
it is not here that wo must seek either for the evil or the
remedy. On tho side of the opponents, however little they
may understand the true situation of thing., the secularisa-
tion indicated as a remedy is nothing more now than a trap
used to introduce opinion froin without, and to attaok the
Pontifical Government in its very principle. The opponents
do not at present dare to say we want no more with the
Pope; the expression of such a wish would occasion alarm.
They content themselves with saying wo want no more
with the priests. This mitigated formula has the double
advantage of appealing to the sympathies which exist
among those populations which know of no other priests
than such as preach and say mass, and at the same time to
strike a blow in the direction of their end, and to prepare
the ruin of the temporal power of the Papacy. It is the
duty of those who by conviction and interest are the de-
fenders of the order of things essentially connected with
the maintenance of Catholic unity, and the principle of
authority in the world, to be on their guard against ap-
pearances, and to estimate at their just valuation the ex-
aggeration of the numerous and ardent adversaries of the
greatest and most fruitful of the institutions which the
ages have loft us (28).
After having shown in what consists the pretended ex-
clusively ecclesiastical character of the Roman administra-
tion, it is essential to examine how it works ; and whether
in effect its action is so contrary to the interests of the
populations that they have a legitimate cause of complaint,
and of invoking the support of other nations to put a ter-
mination to the evils by which they are overwhelmed (29).
Formerly the ancient traditions of the court of Rome
were faithfully preserved. Every modification of esta-
blished customs, every amelioration was looked upon with
an evil eye, and was considered to be full of danger. The
administration was confided exclusively to the prelates.
The laity were by law forbidden to hold the highest offices
in the state. In actual practice the different powers of
the state were often confounded. The principle of Pontifi-
cal infallibility was applied to questions of administration.
Society saw the personal decision of the sovereign over-
turning the verdicts of the tribunal, even in civil matters.
The cardinal secretary of state, the premier, in the full force
of the word, concentrated in his own hands every power.
Under his supreme direction the different branches of the
administration were confided to persona who were clerks
rather than ministers. The ministers formed no council,
and never deliberated together on public affairs. The
management of the public finances was carried on in secret.
No information was given to the nation as to the expendi-
ture of its own money. Tho budget was a mystery, and it
was often discovered that it was net made out, and that
the accounts were not closed. Lastly, municipal freedom,
which above everything else is appreciated by the popula-
tions of Italy, was restricted within the narrowest
limits (30).
From the very day when the Pope Pius IX, mounted
the throne, he made, we aro entitled to assert, continuous
efforts to sweep away every legitimate cause of complaint
against the public administration of affairs. I will not
content myself with appealing to the commencement of his
reign. Betrayed by the very men whom he had, recalled
from banishment, deceived in the most flagrant manner by
the lay ministers who wore placed about him, in obedience
to a principle of complete secularisation, and who had no
hesitation in publishing to the world that their sovereign
had given his assent to measures which he had in fact dis-
tinctly and formally rejected; carried rapidly along by a
system of pure administrative reform to the establishment
of a constitutional regime, which being destitute of all
real strength, and without the slightest support from the
nation, gave way at once to the republic, threatened even
in the very Interior of his palace by an armed insurrection,
the Pope had no other resource loft if he wished to pre-
serve his liberty and independence than that of leaving
his dominions (31). We must do him the justice to
allow that, in spite of the unfortunate termination of
his attempts at reforms, he never abandoned his pro-
jects of amelioration, and has been unceasingly occu-
pied with endeavours to put them in •practice. I will
give a brief sketch of the principal governmental and
administrative acts which have emanated from the Papal
Government. On his return from Gaeta, Pope Pius IX.
proclaimed the principle of the right of admission of the
laity to all offices save and except ono only, that of
Secretary of State. This was the first time that the spec-
tacle was soon of the Pontifical Government choosing conn-
clitoris of the highest dignity from the ranks of the laity.
This principle has been consecrated by the presence of a cer-
tain number of laymen amongst the Ministers and the dele-
gates. Already bad civil and criminal law been the object of
complete revision. Different codes of procedure in civil and
in criminal cases as well as a code relating to commerce,
all founded on our own, enriched by leitsons derived from
experience, had been prornuleted. I have studied these
carefully. They are above criticism, Tho Code des Hy-
pothequos has been examined by French jurisconsults, and
has been cited by them as a model document (32). The
Roman law, modified in certain points by the canon law,
was held as a basis of civil legislation (33).
The different powersof the State wore carefully separated
and defined. Distinct Ministerial boards, differing in autho-
rity, were created, each operating within the special circle of
its duties. A Council of Ministers, under the presidency of
the Secretary of State, was appointed, and business was
always subjected to the test of discussion. At the same
time, the greatest respect for the independence of the judi-
ciary power was proclaimed and practised. A Council of
State, for the preparation of laws, composed of men the most
intimately versed in administrative matters, comprising
Prince Orsini, Prince Odoscalchi, the Advocate Stoltz, and
Professor 0 rioli, was appointed for the purpose of enlighten-
ing the Government, by previously investigating all projects
prepared in the Ministerial Boards. A Council of Finance,
composed of members nominated by the Sovereign, after a
freeelection of the municipal bodies, was specially appointed
for the supervision of the expenditure of the State revenues.
This Council is only deliberative, or consultative, in the dis-
cussion of primary budgets. -Unless this worts the case it
would be a chamber of deputies. In respect, ho wover, of past

Since the date of tho official summary, from which I ob-
tained all these details, the development in all the ministerial
departments has been such that the number of laymen, either
actively employed or at the disposal of the government, has
risen to about 8,560. The Consulta is occupied with the task
of reducing it to 6,000. The number of ecclesiastics remains
the same. The proportion in favour of the Wes is now as
BO to A,