The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-17 00:00:00

L AFFAIRS.

ASPECT OF CONTINENTA

The annual exhibition and dinner of the Norfolk
Agricultural Society was held on Wednesday- at
Swaffham. '1 he dinner in the evening was nume-
rously and influentially attended. The Marquis of
Lothian presided, and was supported right and left
by the Earl of Leicester, Lord Lieutenant of the
county, the Earl of Albemarle, Lord Stafford, Lord
Sondes, Lord Suffield, Lord Hastings, Mr. G. p.
Bentinck, M.P,, Lieutenant• Colonel Coke, M.P.,
Mr. Brampton Gurdon, M.P,, &c.
The semi-political after-dinner talk turned prin-
cipally on the aspect of continental affairs, and the
attitude which England ought to assume with re-
ference to them.
The CHAIRMAN, in giving the Army and Navy,
said the toast had a particular significance at the
present moment, because for the last four years
there bad prevailed in Europe a growing sense of
insecurity—sometimes slackening, sometimes in-
tensifying, but still steadily increasing—and last
year he could only compare the state of Europe to
the kind of stupor which might be observed among
birds before a thunder storm. The thunder storm
had at last broken out. He should not enter into
the rights and wrongs of the great game which was
now being played out in Southern Europe, not be-
cause the subject was not of paramount importance,
but because the present was not a suitable occasion
to refer to all the details. The part of England
he considered was neutrality, but men of wisdom
who saw far into the future told us that the great
storm in the distant horizon might break upon
our heads with accumulated fury, and that
we might have such a war as we had never had
since the days of the Spanish Armada. How this
might be he would not say, but he was quite sure
that it was our duty to keep our army and navy in
the most efficient state. (Cheers.) We must be
prepared for any eventuality which might happen ;
and, for his own part, he should never forget the
feelings with which he read a speech of Lord El-
lenborough's in the House of Lords, to the effect
that we had an army which could meet any army in
Europe, and he might add the habitable globe, with
the absolute certainty of success. (Cheers.)
The Earl of ALBEMARLE said it fell to his lot, as
the senior military officer present, to respond to
the toast. He had left town only a few hours, and
there everpbody was inquiring about the compo-
sition of the new Ministry. Upon the present occa-
sion the office of Secretary for War seemed to de-
volve upon himself—(a laugh)—and he was bound
to say that he differed from the noble Marquis as to
the alarm which he appeared to feel for the future
of this country. If ever there was a time when, in
his (the Earl of Albemarle's) opinion, there was
security for that neutrality upon which every class
of politicians had agreed, it was the present. He
could not, for the life of him, see any conceivable
cause which could bring us into collision with any
of the continental Powers ; he could not, in fact,
see " what business it was of ours."

The CHAIRMAN proposed " the health of the Earl
of Leicester, Lord-Lieutenant," to whom he humor-
ously referred as " the great breeder of sheep."
The noble lord added that he thought the Lord-
Lieutenant deserved great credit for his exertions
to promote the formation of rifle corps, and observed
that he had no doubt that the members would look
anything but "sheepish." (Laughter.)
The Earl of LEICESTER, in returning thanks,
said that he understood that some gentlemen, in
the most liberal spirit, had proposed equipping
their labourers for the purpose of enrolling them as
volunteers ; but he thought the men whose services
the country required were the landlords and
tenant-farmers of England, and gentlemen of the
same position in society in the great manufacturing
and agricultural towns. He did not wish it for a
moment to be understood that he did not consider
a man in the lower class of society not equally well
adapted to defend and protect the country.
Poverty was no crime, and if a man was upright
and honest he should not object to stand by his
side ; but he did not consider that these men
could be taken away from their usual avoca-
tions without considerably taxing the resources
of the country. Neither did he consider it neces-
sary that they should be so taken away, as with the
great middle class, which had hitherto proved the
support of England, must rest the defence and pro-
tection of the country. He trusted the new Go-
vernment would adopt the measures of the late
Government. (Loud cheers, there being appa-
rently a strong Conservative element in the meet-
ing.) He referred to what the Government had
done with respect to the volunteer system. He
would say that the country was greatly indebted
to the late Government for the measures they had
adopted to improve and develope the defences
of the country. (Hear.) His military tenclen-
aa w cie um very great, neither was be an alarmist;
but he had yet to learn that the whole of Europe
could be convulsed, and that this country could
remain neutral. He could not agree with his
noble relative (Lord Albemarle), that there was no
danger. We had yet to learn that the Emperor
Napoleon had invaded Italy for the purpose of
asserting that country's independence—(cheers)—
and we had yet to see, whatever the Emperor Na-
poleon's intention might be, whether his army
would allow him to retire from Italy without
striking a further blow. Whatever desire this
country might have to remain neuter, England
could never allow the Mediterranean to be made a

French lake. In conclusion, the noble lord pro-
posed the " Health of the President." (Loud
cheers.)
The CHAIRMAM replied, and proceeded to give
" The County Members." (Cheers.) One of the
preceding speakers had referred to his (the
Marquis of Lothian's) sitting upon the cross-
benches in the House of Lords, but he was not
altogether and entirely a cross-bencher. This he
would say : no Government should have his good
wishes which did not—setting aside questions of
Parliamentary Reform, which he considered of
minor importance—(hear, hear)—occupy itself first
with the maintenance of the defences of the coun-
try, and, secondly, with the obtaining for England
that position in Europe which she ought to have,
and without which she conld not preserve her
honour and:security. (Loud cheers.)
Mr. BENTINCK, M.P., responded. Politics, he ob-
served, were supposed to bo the trade of a member
of Parliament, but, under the circumstances,
what, in the name of fortune, could he
talk about ? Politics, per se, were excluded from
the meeting, and almost all the other exciting
questions had been ably forestalled, but still he
would endeavour to say something. It appeared
to him that a feeling of gratitude must be para-
mount in the breast of every Englishman, for,
while war seemed to be a periodical infliction from
which no country in Europe was exempt above a
certain number of years, we in England had gone
on for centuries without having once to endure the
infliction of a foreign army on our shores. It was,
he considered, the paramount duty of any Govern-
ment, however it might be composed, to steer such a
course that nothing short of aggression upon the
honour and interests of England should induce them
to deviate from the path of strict neutrality ; but, at
the same time, Government would neglect its duty
if it failed to devote itself to the maintenance of
the defences—and more especially the naval de-
fences—of the country. (Cheers.) The formation of
rifle corps might be fairly looked on as a subject of
honest congratulation among Englishmen. He did
not anticipate any immediate risk, but he was glad
that the moment it was felt necessary for this coun-
try to show a bold front every one was prepared to
sacrifice other interests to the defence of the coun-
try. He could not reflect upon what was passing
in the South of Europe without feeling how fortu-
nate we were. -While the South of Europe was
visited by one of the most tremendous
which had ever occurred in the struggles
history of the world,
ourselves( to
we at home were quietly pursuing
avocations, and devotingour usual
cultiva-
tion of the arts of peace. the
heers
Mr. GURDON, Atp
Lieutenant-Colonel. C
, also briefly I...esponhded ; as did
OKE,
considered it a source of satisfaction that the Govern-
ment, however
com osed, would be ready in every
sense of the word to maintain an armed neutrality.
p
'We were not thought by other countries to be a
military nation, but he felt we could hardly be
regarded in any other light when he saw the way
in which volunteer corps had sprung up. It was
his duty in the House of Commons to feel no sym-
pathy with any, of the contending nations
abroad, but he might be allowed to express his
ore satisfaction, however
feelings a little in his own county. It would,
he believed,
ght be with Italy, to hear that the
great our
a Precious good thrashing. (Cheers.)
sympathies French bad
The best thing this country could do would be to
let the contending powers fight it out, like the Kil-
kenny cats, who kept at it till they had nothing
left but their tails.
The speakers who followed plunged into agricul-
tural topics and the merits of shearling ewes and
polled cattle. Before the proceedings closed, how-

ever,
Lord HASTINGs, in proposing a toast, said the
noble earl on his right (Lord Albemarle) had a
better opinion of Louis Napoleon than he had. For
his part, he put no faith in him at all, and he
believed that, having once crossed the Alps,
Napoleon 111. would, if he had received assistance
from other countries, ha'e placed himself in the
same position as Napoleon I. Napoleon 111. was
now on the other side of the Alps (A voice,
p Keep him there!"), but there was a report that he
was coming back again. There was an undercur-
rent in France, and flat-bottomed boats were being
built which could run up and land soldiers at mit
port.
The proceedings soon afterwards terminated.

AUSTRIAN OBSTINACY.

(From the Times.)
No feature of national character is more remark.
able than the inveterate obstinacy of Austria. It
is unnecessary to call to mind the wars against the
French Republic and Empire, except to show how
completely the nature of the Monarchy remains
the same, and how, while every other State in. the
world has admitted the notions of popular right,
the claims of nationality and race, and the neces-
sity of yielding to the strong and permanent in-
stincts of the governed, the Court of Vienna still
takes its ground on the strict letter of treaties, and
meets an adversary with the unanswerable, and
yet unavailing, logic of the international lawyers.
We propose to give a few extracts from the con-
versations and despatches of Austrian statesmen,
which will enable the public to form some notion of
the Power the British Cabinet has had to deal with.
When the tone of Count Bnol and his Imperial
Master are considered, and when it is remembered
that they had under their orders a vast army in
possession of the strongest fortresses of Italy, it
will be allowed that it was a difficult task for the
Cabinet of Lord Derby to persuade them to sur-
render what they deemed their rights, and to
counsel the abandonment of a system which they
never doubted their ability to enforce.
The confidence and the quiet hauteur of the
Austrian Government through these negotiations
are a study for politicians. If these great
diplomatic qualities had only been supported by
military success, the history of these transactions
would be most gratifying to Austrian self-esteem.
It is impossible to imagine anything more firm and
yet moderate, more chivalrous and yet sober, more
argumentative and yet courteous, than the answers
of Count Buol to every inquiry of Lord A. Loftus.
The British Minister has given a summary of seve-
ral of these conversations with an evident accuracy
and a perception of the speaker's character which
are creditable to his abilities, and the despatches in
which they are contained are perhaps the most
entertaining documents in the Italian blue-book.
We know enough of Frenchmen ,and French poli-
ticians; we know beforehand that commonplaces
about the "mission of France" and "marching at
the head of civilisation" will make up the staple of
an ordinary Parisian Minister's harangues. But
the Viennese mind has not been so thoroughly
studied, and the following paragraphs, which relate
to an early conversation between Count Buol and
Lord A. Loftus, enable us to observe some of its
workings. It must be premised that Lord Malmes-
bury had written to the British Minister to the
effect that little sympathy for Austria prevailed in
England ; that the Cabinet could not shut its eyes
to the misgovernment of Central Italy—the Papal
States especially—and that, though war would in
their opinion add to the existing evils, yet the best
thing for Austria would be to take counsel with

France for a common action in the Peninsula.
Count Buol " expressed himself as fully sensible of
the kind and friendly motives which had moved
her Majesty's Government to offer their advice and
counsel at the present critical moment, and he
appreciated the cordial and sincere interest which
they evinced for Austria. But he could not conceal
from me his fears that the opinions set forth in
your Lordship's despatch might produce more harm
than good, if these same views and opinions had
been likewise expressed at Paris and Turin. In
fact,' said his Excellency, I regret that you have
read that despatch to me ; I regret, also, that it has
been written. If you wish to preach peace and to
prevent war, address yourselves with firmness to
France and Piedmont. We are not meditating
war ; we shall not be the aggressors. Tell the
Emperor Louis Napoleon that Great Britain will
not look passively on if His Majesty should com-
mence hostilities. Say to him that, should he take
such a course, it would be at his own risk and peril.
On the other hand, warn King Victor Emmanuel
that England will not sanction any act of wilfu
aggression undertaken in full peace by Piedmont
against Austria. If Great Britain is prepared to
hold this language no war will arise."
We have given this speech at length, because we
believe it is the key to much of what has since
happened. There can hardly be a doubt that, in
spite of the declarations of neutrality made by
the Government at an early period of the discus-
sions,--declarations loudly and peremptorily de-
manded by the people,—yet the feeling, not only at
Vienna, but at Dresden, Munich, and Berlin, was
that a war on the Continent would not last many
weeks without England taking a part in it against
France. The notion was, that England would see
with such extreme jealousy the legion of France
passing their own frontier, that, putting aside all
considerations of abstract right, and abandoning
the doctrine of neutrality as cowardly and base, we
should use the whole strength of our armies, ou
fleets, and our Exchequer, for the preservation o
Central Europe. All history, however, shows how
difficult it is to draw a nation into a quarrel which
cannot be proved to concern itself immediately.
There was, indeed, the notable example of our war
against Revolutionary France to the contrary; but
generally, though a people will go to war for a

speck of land in a tropical sea, b-ecause they con-
sider it their own, they will hardly move to defend
the dearest interests of another community, espe-
cially if_ it has obtained a character for selfishness

and ciouble•dealing. The Austrian politicians may
well excuse England for not going to war to help
their armies in Italy when they perceive how
slowly even their nearest allies, the German States,
respond to their earnest and reiterated calls.
But not only would not Count Buol listen to ad-
.

vice respecting reforms in the Austrian provinces,
but he would not promise to refrain from in-
terference with the independent States of Cen-
tral Italy. "If your Excellency," continued Lord
, Augustus Loftus, " gives me the assurance that in
no case will Austria move a soldier across her frcii-
tier in Italy without previous concert with France,
then I shall consider that a war may, be aTerted."
"No," said Count Buol, "I cannot give you that
assurance, for it would be a surrender of our sove-
reign power. We shall not interfere in any State
unless our aid is asked for, and in that case it will
be granted ; and the knowledge that it will be
"granted is the best preservative of order." The
Count then added " that the agitation and excite-
ment had greatly subsided in Lombardy since the
Austrian reinforcements had arrived, and that he
did not entertain the same fear as that with which
her Majesty's Government were impressed of a dis-
turbance arising in Italy." We may ask what was
it
noo.b e de
as
tohni es
Pw
ii ti 1 irh
aa
tPower 0 suol
dconfiditenth
ea
en u
nd
to npyr ielea I-
I tobCount Buol of the strength of the French armies,
their excellent organisation, the resources of France
for carrying on a war, and the certainty that a
liberating force would be received with enthusiasm
by the Italian people ? The Austrian Court per-
sisted in its equality with France ; the French
did not deny this equalifor a British Governmentt
y
,
t
and it only remained
overnm
o ttoreatbothparties
with respect, and endeavour
peace
by reminding each of its duties keep
the
to Europe.
But the notion that it was England's true policy
to defend Austria if attacked by France could not
be eradicated from the minds of the Austrian
Cabinet. At the end of January Count Buol still
harps on the same string. He wonders how it is
that France should undertake to defend Sardinia,
and that England should refuse the same kind
leaonudn t rc ye i :ii- -d "
remainH e c could l
neutral
e uwntoirttahluo nui
tf
But still, while
ci
office for his orwnng
derstand how
were unjustly
Prussia, Germany, and
claimingpF rroa Nn,
oceeatai
ont
tihd 0
tSaeas rsadi
tsi
ttnaai
enakc e 0 f
England, the Austrians do not bate a jot of their
high pretensions. They maintain their right to a
protectorate over Central Italy, not only in their
communications with England, but by the mouth
of M. Hubner at Paris. Count Walewski had
warned the Austrian Government "against the
complications which might arise from unforeseen
incidents, meaning the interference of Austria in
the internal affairs of the other Italian States'
Count Buol answers in his old style, that "Pied-
mont is far more likely to give rise to unforeseen
incidents than Austria, and it is to Piedmont, there-
fore, that the advice of the French Government
should be directed. He calls to mind the treaties,
offensive and defensiue, which Austria has with the
Duchies of Parma and Modena, which, he says,
might oblige Austria to go to the assistance
of either of those States ; but he intimates the
belief that the Governments are strong enough
in themselves not to require external aid." We
shall add but one more extract, and it is taken
from a despatch of Lord A. Loftus, dated February
the the 24th, and at a time when the full danger of the
war
la
vr e hadsh a l l beennot
enter made
intom a
anyn i manifest
nseteogiatefoteiraeetNn'eeewreyiot
nhm
France
ranee
totroo s from the Roman
compact was with the Pope. We
foraffairs.sotraStates.
ehs
e.
withdrawalO Wea rhaN- have no
of needo u r
ut any previous
like
manner. those States witho
can leave them in like
tmr
jeini
nt
Cwoiot hr t Fr a
duringnce ,
thean
afiwrset two months of the manner." When this Was the spirit of the Aus
dis-
pute, we may well appreciate our own Government's
difficultiesali t little
t
ino dealing with the question, and it is
not the
credit of Lord Cowley that by
his representations he
Francis Joseph's consent to some important conces-
sions. The French Emperor
thhaavte theobstinacymadeh
is succeeded in obtaining
jected. When, however, it be-
came of Austria would be proof against
all the reasoning
oftheEnsgeleimshs
E tonhvaovye, thoughtand
to
ropositions in full confidence that
they would be ?re
came evident that Austria was disposed to accept
the friendly mediation of this country, and to abate
the arrogance of her tone, recourse was had to the
Russian juggle of a Congress, and the peace of
Europe was finally sacrificed.