The Sun.
London, England, 1861-06-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JUNE 4, 1861.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
THIS DAT.-11Iorning, 10h. 56m.—Afternoon, 1111. 28m,
TO-MORROw.-Morning, 11h. 54m.—Afternoon, h. m

THE WEATHER.—Sus OFFICE, JUNE 4, 1561.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
GO—highest since noon yesterday.
52—lowest this morning and during the night.
62—this day at noon.

BAROMETER-3U.10.
WlND—North-Eagerly—light ; with dull weather,
Slight rain in the morning.

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THE SUN.

LONDON, TUESDAY, JUNE 4, 1881.

The correspondence and the newspapers by the
last mails are even warmer than the telegrams in
regard to England and foreign powers—they are
the flame to the sparks. We must be very careful,
or we shall have the Great North down upon us in
a little time ; it will first give the rebels their
thrashing, and then round and "lick the Britishers."
It is proverbial that apostates are the bitterest
persecutors of their old creed, and the hottest in
their new one. No one more angry than Lord
DERBY with beloved Austria, when she jilted him
by going to war without his leave, and adversely
to his political interests ; and Mr. SEWARD appears
to be no exception to the rule. With an absurd
self-complacency in his own wisdom, which pro-
voked a smite, he refused to believe in prolonged
rebellion and a hostile Southern movement, he
wasted abundance of valuable time, smiling in
inaction—but, now that his dreams have been
thoroughly disturbed, his wrath with rebels, and
with any one else who only looks at them, knows
no bounds. There is nothing he will not do, not
only to bring the rebels to subjection, but to punish
afterwards those who may " comfort and abet
them."

Mr. SEWARD finds himself, indeed, compelled to
follow the people ; and makes up for his unsea-
sonable past backwardness by being more mad
than the mob itself. We should, however, be ex-
ceedingly sorry if Lord JOIIN RUSSELL could de-
scend to regard in the least all this braggadocio
of boyish statesmanship and to modify the straight-
forward and excellent policy which he has already
chosen. It is that of the strictest neutrality.
For, however thoughtless and angry politicians
may be at New York and at Washington, to
acknowledge belligerent rights for the South is not
to acknowledge the Southern Government. M.
TIIOUYENEL went further, for he annoyed the
Washington representative not a little by remind-
ing him that the modern practice of Europe had
been to acknowledge de facto governments, and it
would be certainly difficult to show that the
Southern Confederation did not deserve that name.
We are sorry to observe that the Washington Ad-
ministration itself is not backward to compli-
cate our relations with a view to its own
advantage. It accepts the Canadian Regiment
which has offered its services, touchy and insolent
as it was respecting our enlisting American citizens
in a late war fully as righteous as their own, and
certainly more disinterested. We shall, however,
continue to look on Southern crews of privateers
not as men to be hung at the yardarm by the
commanders of American ships of war ; nor do we
believe that such a threat can ever be carried into
execution. Most certainly, if it were, the sympa-
thies of all Europe would be at once with the
Slaveholdieg States. Another form of Washington
bluster is that Mexico has been warned that the
MUNP.OE policy must be strictly carried out ; that
no European Power may help her against her
relvels ; and that Spain is to come to grief if she
persist in her wicked attempt on St. Domingo.
We believe that attempt to be wicked enough; but
whether the Northern States be pleased or not, we
hold it to be perfectly optional with all European
Governments to take what part they think wisest
in the affairs of America. Any European State is
quite as much at liberty to admit the de facto
Government of the Southern Confederacy, to ally
itself with it, and to aid its efforts for independenei,,
as France was to give aid to America for the same
purpose when the Thirteen Colonies revolted.

Preparations appear to be making to attack
Virginia from three points, from the east moving
along the Lay of Chesapeake to Fort Monroe at its
entrance, where a considerable force will be con-
centrated, as it will become the base of further
operations. Ty this means, the Norfolk navy
yard will again be in possession of the Federal
Government. One small fort at the entrance of
the harbour has already been destroyed by the
ships of the. Federalists, and a whole fleet of prizes
lies in Ha mpton Roads under the guns of the
ships there. From Fort Pickens the intelligence
is, that a:a attack is not unlikely. The fort is
thought, however, to be impregnable, and it has

now 1,500 defenders; but that force is wholly in-
competent to attempt anything like the capture of
the navy yard opposite. Fort Pickens mounts 215
guns, and is situated on the long narrow island
of Santa Boss, which commands the entrance of
the Bay of Pensacola, the Gulf port of Florida.
Altogether, we must say that the North seems
as yet far from organised for immediate ac-
tion. It has got a respectable force to the front ;
but its reserves are far from ready, and it appears
almost as much disposed for defence as for attack.
The South, now, thinks of nothing but defence.

Not until Monday, the 10th of June, will the
Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill, after all, reappear
in the House of Lords, for consideration there in
Committee. It was so announced from the wool-
sack on Thursday evening by the Lord Chancellor.
Not without expressions of very comprehensible re-
gret falling from the lips of that Noble and Learned
Lord at the extraordinary variety.and character of
the changes introduced into the measure by the Se-
lect Committee—the Committee appointed by the
Upper House to examine more carefully and mi-
nutely into this comprehensive outline of an en-
actment for the re-arranging and more perfect con-
solidation of the Laws relating to Bankruptcy
and Insolvency. Lord CAMPBELL, in expressing
these regrets of his, while avowing his determination
" to remain silent for the present," in order that he
might not thereby give occasion for any premature
discussion in reference to the amendments suggested
by the Select Committee—neverthless could not
refrain from protesting, almost in the same breath,
that he deemed some of the changes so radical in
their character that they were rather to be re-
garded as alterations than amendments ! "Amend-
ments," in fact, the :Lord Chancellor appeared to
look upon as a ludicrous misnomer in reference to
changes, he, for one, could not estimate in any
light as amendments. He considered some of
them of such peculiar importance, that he pre-
mised, while addressing their lordships on Thursday,
that those at least would require their most
serious consideration. With a view to facilitate
which after-scrutiny of the measure as now re-
arranged, the Bill as amended (?) is in the interim
to be reprinted, so that the Lords will be enabled
the more readily to perceive in what particulars it
differs in its present shape from the original draft
as sent up to them from the Commons. According to
all that can yet be learnt in respect to the modifi-
cations and in point of fact the absolute trans-
formation adventured upon by the Select Committee
there appears to be little likelihood that the First
Law Officer of the Crown would be able to
recognise his own offspring, so changed is it since
it passed from his paternal and protective care to
the Upper House of Parliament. In reality the
changes introduced are understood to be so many
and so great—[the chief of them may be found
enumerated, by the way, in another of our impres-
sion of this evening, in a very suggestive passage
culled from the Times City Correspondence]—
and the session itself is already so far advanced,
that we begin to fear that the Bankruptcy Bill
may not be passed after all in any shape that the
Attorney-General would consider satisfactory.

We have just seen a purely party victory, we
shall soon see whether a victory for party, and
principle too, will be as decided. The battle was,
indeed, to have been fought to-morrow, but Mr. S.
ESCOURT has persuaded Sir JOHN TRELAWNY to
give him and his friends a fortnight to com-
plete a Compromise Bill, by which they hope
to please all parties—a perfectly vain hope ! It is
not to be denied that the divisions on the Budget
have been quite equal to what the balanced state of
parties in the House could entitle any Govern-
ment to expect. But it is as little to be denied
that they were party divisions merely. No Liberal
principle has been at stake in the question which
tax should be repealed or lightened by the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer to get rid of the estimated
surplus. The fight has been one for the occu-
pancy of the Treasury benches, and had the Tories
triumphed instead of the Liberals the victory would
not have been directly, adverse to any Liberal

principle.
It will not be so on Church-rates. One of the
most distinctively Liberal Questions will then be
the subject of a severe struggle, and Toryism will
make an unusually strenuous effort on behalf of
Religious Monopoly, Religious Domination, and,
if we may put the two words together, Religious
Coercion. We do not use these words vitupera-
tively. The opponents of Church-rate Abolition,
we may say, accept them. They do not deny that
they resist Sir JOHN TRELAWNY'S Bill not so much
on account of the importance of the amount raised
by Church-rates, as because their abolition would
be so far a diminution of the privileges, enjoyed by
the Episcopal Church at the cost of all the rest of
the nation ; that it would be the surrender of one
badge of its supremacy. And, if the Church must
part with the right to tax Dissenters, a large
section cf Churchmen still ask for power to
coerce their brother Churchmen to pay the

rate.

Liberals of all , grades, indeed, includ-
ing a few of the more liberal Tories, have
confessed by their speeches and their votes
that Church-rate Abolition is the flag under which
the principle of Religious Liberty has been fight-
ing for many years, its parliamentary and its paro-
chial battle. Liberalism struggles to advance
its objects under two great divisions, Civil Liberty
and Religious Liberty ; and wisely so, for never
has it been yet known that one was long secure
without the other. Perhaps, indeed, the conception
of the sacred rights of conscience, is that which
most distinguishes the struggle for liberty in
modern civilisation, as compared with similar
struggles in ancient times. In this struggle along
its entire history, and markedly so at the present
time, every trustworthy Liberal in politics is a
firm supporter of all measures of Religious Liberty ;
while it is equally notorious that the most zealous
advocates of Religious Liberty, are also the most
zealous in their demands for extended civil liber-
ties.

We desire, however, from special as well as from
general considerations, to remind Liberal members
that the battle of Church-rate Abolition is one in
which they muit confirm their late party victory for
the sake of their party itself. For one Liberal
elector who took an interest in Paper Duty repeal,
for its own sake, there are at least a hundred who are
deeply interested in Church-rate Abolition. Paper
duties were hardly known of beyond the paper mill
—Church-rates are not only known, but are a sub-
ject of contention in almost every parish in the
kingdom ; perhaps there is hardly a parish in which
some one does not feel aggrieved by them. 'When
scanning the lists of votes on the paper duties, the
remark would be, this member or that stood by
Lord PALMERSTON, or " ratted ;" when looking
through the lists of votes on Sir JOHN TRELAIY-
NET'S bill, the observation would be, Mr. So-and-
So stuck to Religious Liberty and the Liberal
cause —or Mr. So-and- So wasrecrcant to Liberalism.
We cannot doubt that the presence of members
will be looked for with much deeper personal inte-
rest by hundreds of thousands at the Church-rate
battle than it was at the Budget battle. Men who
have been fighting an up-hill battle of thirty years,
and who have for several years been victors ; who '

have had, indeed, nothing to fear but from the Stock
Toryism of the Lords, naturally expect that their
representatives will be present and sustain their
hard-won position.
Liberal members must also look at the general
position of their party. Wednesday victories over
Religious Liberty have been the chief device of the
Tories for making the country out of love with the
Liberal party. That party could always muster in
sufficient strength to leave the other party in a
minority. It has failed to do so. It even suffered
an amendment to be carried this year by a majority
of five, on so long triumphant a measure, and one
so simply a measure of religious liberty, as the
Marriage Bill—this is ruinous neglect of their own
interests by the Liberal party. They might well
take a lesson from the opposite party. Thus
The Press, showing how much these damaging
defeats of the Liberals on their own ground do for
the Tories, adds—" All that is wanted to complete
the disasters of Ministers is the defeat of the Church
rate Bill on the third reading !" Our contemporary
is quite right. We believe nothing better could
be done to render Liberal electors supine in

their support of the present Government than
to see it not exerting its influence suffi-
ciently to secure a good majority (relatively, we
mean, to such a Tory Parliament as this) for Sir
JOHN TRELAWNY. The principal Liberals in the
Cabinet (for Mr. GLADSTONE is merely a commer-
cial Liberal) have all given in their adhesion to the
Bill, and hence though it is not a Government mea-
sure, it is so far a Liberal Cabinet measure, that
the Cabinet would lose the confidence of the coun-
try by its defeat.

. _
Of one thing there is no doubt, the Tory pha-

lanx is well in hand, and will do its work. Not a
man who can be present will be absent. To defeat
the long-victorious Church-rate Abolition Bill
will be almost a compensation for their own defeat
on the Budget. They will be able to point to more
victories over Liberals, than of Liberals over Tories,
this session. They will proclaim themselves as the
conquerors, so far as distinctively Liberal measures
are concerned, and to accomplish this end they
will naturally strain every nerve. Their tactics,
really creditable from the party front of view, can
be met successfully only by imitation of them. If
Tory members will make the requisite sacrifice to
be present in full force at every division on a Liberal
measure, Liberal members must make the same
sacrifice, or leave the country to conclude that
its Liberal majority is more indolent than the large
Tory minority. Of course the next thought will
be, if they give themselves no trouble to serve us,
why should we take trouble to keep them in Par-
liament.

On the merits of the question we have said
nothing. Everyone understands them. All resolves
itself into this—" Are the members of the Church
of England as competent as those of every other sect
to pay for the expenses incidental to their worship,
and the repairs of their places of worship ?" Seeing
Dissenters not only do this, though confessedly far
less wealthy, but also pay the salaries of their own
ministers, and build all their own places of worship,
it seems childish to argue the question. We are
ashamed of Churchmen who can degrade their own
Church by asking coercive powers for what others
effect so easily by voluntary subscription.

It will be remembered how very pacific were the
anticipations of our leading statesmen seven or
eight years ago, when we were all the while drift-
ing into war with Russia ! It will also be borne
vividly in recollection by those who listened to the
debate in the House of Commons on Thursday
night, the 30th ultimo, the night of the last great
division—how very pacific also was the tone of the
closing words of the speech delivered upon that
occasion by the noble lord. her MAJESTY'S Foreign
Secretary. It was the most bland and consolatory
peroration well imaginable. It was tinted with
the purest couleur de rose. It was calculated, if
only it could have been accepted by them as pro-
phetic, to lull to rest for ever all the evil anticipa-
tions of her MAJESTY'S Opposition. "It is neces-
sary," said Lord JOHN RUSSELL, "It is necessary
I should assure the House that neither with regard
to America, nor with regard to any of the great
European nations, do I see at present any prospect
that our pacific relations will be disturbed. The
world, however, is in a state of change, and far
be it from me make any prophecy that
peace will, in all the changes, be preserved. All
1 I can say is that, as far as I know, the feelings of
all the States towards this country are friendly:
that there are no questions pendin g upon which any
conflict is likely to arise ; and that, as far as my
humble means can promote the cause of peace and
goodwill upon earth, I will exert them to that
end." Whereupon the House broke forth into loud
cheers—or, at any rate, the Ministerialists did, as
in duty bound. Now, look for a moment to these
words precisely as we have printed them. Note
those we have emphasised by italicising them. They
are worthy of particular consideration. Because,
while they are Lord JOIIN'S Ipsissima verbs, his
identical utterances as reported the next day in the
columns of the public newspapers, they appeared
upon that morning of Friday, the 31st ultimo, in
the columns of our chief morning contemporary,
simultaneously with an incidental running commen-
tary of a character the most deplorably inoppor-
tune ! Another part of the limes of that date
gave, as usual, the latest intelligence
transmitted to that journal from France
by its able Paris Correspondent. At the
head of his communication, under date "Thursday,
the 30th," (the very day of Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S
speech in the House of Commons, that benignant
foreshadowing of a roseate future, as sketched out
by the bewitchingly pacific peroration already
quoted)—at the head of the Paris Correspondent's
letter, of that date, to the Times newspaper, the
111
writer gave the subjoined circular, intimating while
doing so that it had very recently been in circula-
tion in the French capital :
" THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION.
" All citizens of the United States now in Paris
desirous of uniting in an expression of devotion to
the Constitution and the Union of their country are
invited to breakfast at the Hotel du Louvre, on
Wednesday, May 29, at 12 precisely. Ladies are
particularly invited."
Appended to which circular were two authenti-
cating signatures—namely, J. . W. TUCKER, 13, F au- '
ttl:hl
eeo neptxmaprali
ars
nt rcaeto,
orarrnye dsppCroe.nfiFaxe.
nHo
tf,ostNhrEeeYpw,
oh7r9it
c,
of
hRf
citcihrheceulpli
aer uor
i.
bcAfter:uni rcome
ceedings which really took place in the Hotel du
Louvre at this festive celebration—proceedings of
which we gave the full particulars only as recently
as yesterday, referring to them casually in our
leading columns of last evening. And now in
regard to that earliest report, and in regard
to those sme proceedings, it will be suf-
ficient
if we here remark that, in the
midst of that instant reference to it
the Vines Correspondent at Paris observed:--
" Mr. CASSIUS CLAY, the American Minister to
St. Petersburg, was then called upon by the chair-
man to address the meeting, which he did at some
length. He spoke with energy on the conduct pf
England, and of the ' belligerent rights' recognition
and the English Government. He quoted his own
letter addressed to the Times some days back, which)

in his opinion, was unanswered and unanswerable,
and repeated the propositions enunciated in that
communication. He declared that if ever the old
flag of England became associated with the black
flag of the South, the star-spangled banner of the
United States and the tricolour of Imperial France
would be seen together against her, for, Mr.
CASSIUS CLAY added, France had not forgotten St.
Helena." Yet, says Lord JOHN RUSSELL, " the feel-
ings of all States towards this country are friendly !"
The Times' Paris Correspondent (of that date !)
adds—" I may observe that behind the chairman
the French flag floated from the head of the EMPE-
ROR'S bust, flanked on each side by the ' stars and
stripes,' and to these associated emblems Mr. CLAY
pointed several times." And our Foreign Secretary
can all the while see no indication whatever any-
where of the merest chance of the possibility of the
disturbance of our political relations, either with
regard to " any" of the great European nations, or
with regard to America! Sentiments like these,
expressed only the other day in the Hotel du
Louvre, at Paris, by—not an ordinary American
citizen, but by—Mr. CASSIUS CLAY, the American
Minister to St. Petersburg ; sentiments so auda-
cious and insolent as these imperatively demand, we
cannot but think this, imperatively demand imme-
diate diplomatic explanations.

.~..~,

L E 'f N E

INDIA.

BOMBAY, MAY 12.
Mr. Laing introduced his Budget in the Legis-
lative Council on the 27th April.
The army is to be reduced to 200,000 men.

The Budget shows a reduction of £3,600,000 in
th© expenditure, and an increase of £2,080,000 in
the revenue.

Mr. Laing proposes to raise £500,000 by taxa-
tion through the local governments.
These three operations balance the finances, and
leave a surplus of £250,000.
There is to be no new loan on account of in-
creased expenditure for public works.
Local legislative councils are to be established.

The import duties on cotton yarn and twist are
to be lowered to 5 per cent.
The income-tax is pronounced to be a failure,
and is to be abandoned.

The license tax is to bo withdrawn.
The Scinde Railway was opened to Kotree yes-
terday by commission.

The Army Amalgamation Order has been pub-
lished, and received with intense hostility.
The European rank and file volunteer freely.
The officers stand aloof.

An important official plan for the peaceable re-
tirement of 1,000 supernumerary officers has been
surreptitiously published in CalcUtta.
It will now be hard for the plan to be adopted.
General Congreve died at Simla on the 29th of
April.

Major Atkinson has died at Umballah of apoplexy.
Captain Boddam, of the Bombay Engineers, died
on the 2d inst.

It is rumoured that the ex-King of Oude is dead.

TURIN, JUNE 3, EVENING.

On Sunday Count Cavour passed a restless night.
He was bled this evening for the sixth time, and is

now better.

His physicians declare his illness to be a very
mild form of typhus fever, without any alarming

symptoms.

PESTI', JUNE 4.

To-morrow the discussion in the Lower House
on the Address will terminate, and the vote will be

taken.

It is probable that the Address proposed by M
Peak will be adopted.

FRANCE.

PARIS, JUNE 3.

In the Legislative Body, MM. Darimon, Jules
Faire, E. 011ivier, Henon, and Picard, having
given notice of their intention to propose a reduc-
tion of 1,000,000 fr. in the secret service money,
the committee on the budget thus remarks on the
proposition :—" The object of this amendment ap-
pears to be not so much to criticise the amount of
the credit, as to obtain the revision of certain penal
laws. The committee which you have charged to
examine the budget does not think that it has re-
ceived from you authority to deliberate on such a
matter, and it therefore proposes to you to vote
the sum of 2,000,000 fr., which for several years
past has been accorded, without its necessity
having ever been contested."
BOURSE, June 3.—The market (has been dull,
caused principally by the arrival of the English
Funds with lower quotations, but prices have not
materially varied from those of Saturday, Threes,
for the Account, being now at 69f. 25c. Railway
Shares also heavy. The following were the last
quotations :

42 per per Cents ... 96 20 Credit Foncier 985
Do end month.... i Belgian 4f —
3 per Cents
Do. end month 69 30 Roman
Bank Shares 2895 ! Austrian
Credit Mobilier.... 695 —1 Spanish Threes 5O 25
Do. Account 697 501 Home Debt