The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-04 00:00:00

3111. CAIRD, ALP., AND HIS CON-
-87 IT UENTS.

Mr. Caird met his constituents at Dunfermline on Tues-
day evening in the Corn Exchange. The large hall was
crowded. Provost Robertson took the chair.

After some preliminary remarks in reference to the last
session, and the defeat of the Derby Government, followed
by the installation of a Liberal Administration,
Mr. CAIRD said that the present Government came into
power upon the question of giving a Reform Bili which
should be a reality—not a sham, while their foreign policy
was to be strict neutrality in the war in Italy, with no Aus-
trian sympathies. In so far as matters had yet gone, Lord
John Russell had maintained that neutrality, and had
shown a determination to be drawn into no Congress In
which the feelings of the Italian people were not adequately
represented. In that course he believed the Government
possessed their warm approval, and he trusted that they
would persevere in it till the noble Italian people, with
their gallant leader, Garibaldi, secured for themselves that
independent natural existence and position to which they
were so justly entitled. (Cheers.) With regard to reform

it would be the first business of the next session, for the
Government were pledged to it. Its details would depend
a good deal on the relative strength of parties. The last
election had weakened the Liberal party in point of num-
bers, and in a corresponding degree had strengthened their
opponents. A Liberal majority of 12 or 15 seemed all they
could rely upon, for, though the numbers professing Liberal
politics would show a large majority, many of them wore
lukewarm. This close balance of party strength in the
House of Commons gave great confidence to the Conserve,
tive tendencies of the House of Lords. All this must bo
considered by Government, and in framing their bill they
would be obliged to give up extreme points on both sides
in order co secure general support. There was this advantage
in their present position—that the Tories had shown us how
far they were prepared to go, and with regard to counties
the extension they proposed to £lO occupiers, if duly
guarded from landlord influence, would probably be deemed
at present satisfactory. Their treatment of the borough
franchise had been so universally condemned that little fear
need now be entertained of a Tory opposition to some
considerable extension. He had heard many of the Con-
servative party express an opinion that if there was to be
extension at all they would as soon have universal suffrage
as any ether limitation below £lO. Ho hoped, therefore,
that the present Government would grant a large extension,
wide enough to include the intelligent and respectable arti-
sans, who were as capable of forming an honest opinion as
any class in the community. (Cheers.) He would also have
the ballot if ho could got it, and the recent bribery exposures
rendered it more than ever necessary that extension of tie
suffrage should ba accompanied by the safeguard of the
ballot. (Loud cheers.) Undoubtedly a partial disfran-
chisement of small constituencies would bo made, but it
probably would fall far short of their just expectations.
On this point a Liberal Government might take a useful
hint from Scotland. Every burgh member she sent to Par-
liament was a Liberal, and not one of them represented less
than 10,000 people. But there were not less than 127
members representing English and Irish constituencies
each of them below 10,000 in population. It was in that
direction that a Liberal Government should look for an in-
crease of their Liberal majority. (Cheers.) They had all
seen in the newspapers the disgraceful details of bribery at
Glocester and Wakefield. He had been a member of the
Wakefield committee, and had supported the issuing of a
commission, for, from the single day's inquiry which they
had, he was persuaded that extensive bribery prevailed on
both sides at the last election. As they were on the eve of
a Reform Bill, it was right that such iniquities should be
exposed, and some effectual remedy found. It would be
better to put the seat up t auction and sell it to the highest
bidder—(laughter)—dividing the price equally among the
constituency, than to continue a system which threw the
decision of the election into the hands of a body of venal
electors. But, apart from the general subject of Reform,
Scotland required from her representatives a united demand
of equality with England both in the proportion of members
and the privilege of the franchise. (Cheers.) Whether
estimated by population or taxation, or by both put together,
Scotland was entitled to at least 16 more members. But that
right would net be secured unless the Scotch members
pulled resolutely together, and demanded that one general
Reform Bill for the United Kingdom, treating both coun-
tries precisely alike, should be introduced. (Loud cheers.)
The Scotch members were in the habit of meeting to discuss
Scotch measures. He hoped they would agree with him in
thinking that this was a Scotch measure of such importance
as ought to secure their united action, and a measure, not of
a party character, but one in which Scotchmen of both par-
ties wore equally interested. (Loud cheers.) He had intro-
duced a measure to place Scotch and English counties on
an equality in regard to the 40s. franchise, and he trusted
that this franchise, which had been designated as the very
leaven of the English counties, would be extended to Scot-
land. (Cheers.) Ho would now ask what they expected
from Reform. If the detail of administration merely was
considered, he believed that one party was as good as an-
other. But what they desired was to see the whole spirit
of the Government animated by the principles of freedom
of trade and freedom of conscience, and the taxation levied
with perfect fairness on the property and trade of the coun-
try. (Cheers.) He did not take a gloomy view of the
state of our finances, though the extravagant expenditure
of several departments was discreditable to the House of
Commons. But in regard to public expenditure it was in
the naturo of things different from that of individuals, who
regulated their outlay by their income. A great country
like this, with interests to protect in every quarter of the
globe, must regulate its expenditure by its requirements.
(Hear.) But it was the duty of the House of Commons to
prevent waste and extravagance, and to see that value was
got for the public money. In further discussing this im-
portant branch of the business of Parliament, he would
take the expenditure first and the revenue afterwards.
Within the last six years the annual expenditure
had increased by upwards of £10,000,000, and
he could not anticipate any material diminu-
tion for many years to como. £50,000,000, or
five-sixths of the whole, were comprised in the two great
items—the interest of the national debt and the cost of the
army and navy. The interest of the debt was upwards of
£28,000,000—.02,000,000 a-year more than that of France,
and borne by a people one-fourth loss numerous. Sir Robert
Peel in 1813 reduced this burden by £2,000,000 a-year, but,
except by the falling in of terminable annuities, there was
little chance of a further reduction being for some time
made. It was chiefly in the cost of the army and navy that
the recent great increase had taken place. Now, he desired
here to guard himself against the possibility of misappre-
hension, for, whatever the cost might be of defending the
country or maintaining its honour, lle believed the stake to