The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-01 00:00:00

LORD J. RUSSELL -ON THE BALLOT.

A committee of Liberal electors of the city fa-
Vourable to the Ballot was formed for the purpose
of communicating with Lord John Russell on the
question of the Ballot pending his re-election for
the city. This committee was independent of the
Ballot Society and of the Liberal Registration
Association, but it included Mr. S. Morley, Mr.
Hyde Clarke, Mr. Bontems, Mr. Whitehurst, and
other members of both these bodies. The following
letters passed between Mr. Morley on behalf of
the committee and Lord John Russell :
"Wood-street, E.C., June 23.
"My Lord,—On behalf of a committee of Libe-
ral electors of the city of London favourable to the
Vote by Ballot, I am requested to call your lord-
ship's attention to the lamentable corruption which
prevailed at the late general election, and also the
flagrant cases of undue influence equally prevalent
and notorious.
" In reference to the latter class of evils, I would
especially call your lordship's attention to the case
of South Durham, where a peer's influence over-
ruled the constituency, and to the case of Hunt-
ingdonshire, and your reported declaration that
foreign influences at that election were used to pro.
cure a result different from that which would
have occurred had the election been decided by the
real opinion of the electors.*
" The result of the late general election seems to
show that the Corrupt Practices Prevention Act is
a failure, and that it is hopeless to trust to public
opinion to put down intimidation.
"The gentlemen composing the committee, there-
fore, request me earnestly to solicit your lordship
to look again at the whole question of the ballot
with reference to recent events, and to consider
whether the apprehended evils which hitherto in
your opinion have overbalanced the advantages of
the ballot are great enough to prevent an experi-
ment being made whether the ballot will act as a
preventive against the enormous moral evils with
which the late elections were attended.--I have
the honour to be, my Lord, your very obedient
'want, " S. MORLEY.
The Right Hon. Lord John Russell, M.P., &c."

" Chesham-place, June 24, 1859.
" Lord John Russell has directed me to acknow-
ledge the receipt of Your letter of yesterday's date,
written on behalf of •a, committee of Liberal electors
of the City of London favourable to vote by ballot,
and to thank you for it. Lord John Russell continues
to be of opinion that tire evils to which in his view
the ballot would give rise would prove greater than
those which at present exist.--I am, Sir, your obeclt.
servant, "GEORGE RUSSELL.
" Mr. S. Morley," • •

* In proposing Mr. Heathcote at the Huntingdonshire
election on the al of May last, his lordship said—" The
gentleman who proposed Mr. FeHowes said that was a
question (i. e., who should be member) to be decided by the
opinion of the majority. Now, gentlemen, I wish it were.
I should wish nothing better than that the opinion of the
majority of the electors should be the guide, and then Mr.
Heathcote would be seated as a member for this county.
But has there been no interference with the opinions of the
eclectors ? Are there not cases in which the opinions of
the electors have been one way, foreign dictation has been
introduced to induce them to vote in tha other ? (Cheers.)
I say, are no such cases known? (Shouts of Yes' from
the Liberals.) I say freely, then, that it is by the real
opinion of the electors that I would see Mr. Heathcote's
fate decided."

THE ITALIAN QUESTION.

It was impossible that a man of Mr. Cobden's
discernment should not detect that sinister feature
in the speeches of our public men which we have so
often had to expose—the mingling with declara-
tions favourable to England's neutrality expres-
tions calculated to throw doubt on the strength of
that principle, and to suggest the fear that a policy
in accordance with it will not be maintained. The
language of many of our statesmen has produced
the impression that we are at the mercy of events ;
that we are in a fatal circle ; that it is childish to
boast of an independence of circumstances that we
cannot assert ; and that it is only a matter of com-
mon prudence and foresight to take our measures
for a participation in war which, though it may be
delayed, is inevitable.
If we at all understand the public sentiment
under the compulsion of which the recent change
of Ministers has taken place, it was a determination
that this irresolution and helplessness should be
driven to its proper retreat, the Opposition benches
of the House of Lords, and that the affairs of the
Empire should be entrusted to men of knowledge,
firmness, and courage. The people of this country
have been quick to perceive and prompt' to pro-
claim the character of their interests at this con-
juncture, and Lord Palmerston and Lord John
Russell are in power at this moment because every-
body knows that the policy of the nation is
theirs—not by adoption and acquiescence, but
originally and on principle theirs— and be-
cause the public recognises in them the
ability and will to make it good. Mr.
Cobden said at Liverpool, " My opinion is that
if we wish to be neutral, we have the power to be
neutral." We do not exact of our Ministers a
language quite so absolute as this; but the strength
of the Administration lies in the general confidence
that Mr. Cobden's words only express the opinions
of its chiefs.
Nothing has contributed more to Mr. Cobden's
success as a public man than his habit of going
straight to his point. In treating of our neutrality
and its dangers, therefore, he does not waste his
time in proving what nobody is likely to deny, that
we ought not to join in the war in Italy; but spoke
of the only contingency present to the minds of
intelligent observers. " Take," he said, " the case
of Germany. I observe a great movement of troops
there, and that a great clamour for war has taken
place amongst certain parts of the German popx.-
lation—a war with France in defence of Austria—
and I should like the English people to give that
portion of the German population distinctly to
understand that if they commence an attack on
Louis Napoleon this country will not help them.
(Loud cheers.)" We think the Germans are getting
to understand somethinc, very like this, and the
knowledge is exceedingly helpful to the cause of
peace. The panic beyond the Rhine was stimulated
by the extravagant apprehensions which
ewe
f Goer-
r a
while prevalent here, and as we grewac
many began to recover its self-possession.
ictin
respondents at Vienna have left off predg
the march of Prussian battalions to share the
glories of Austria in the field. When that
G
highly scientific officer General Willisen
was sent from Berlin to Vienna t was eonfi_
dently announced that he was to assist in concert-
ing the combined movements of the armies of the
two great German Powers, and a treaty of alliance
was spoken of. It was soon after stated on autho-
rity that no alliance existed, and we are in a posi-
tion to know that the General went to Vienna
merely to consult the Austrian Minister as to the
transfer to Prussia of the direction of the military
affairs of the Confederation. Prussia was then as
now ready
and to assst Austria in the restoration of
peace, offer
i her mediation ; but what the
aaddy
wan was ted
is not
not medi
menaceat o ras
nb ut
et r
railtloireys
ED nuitpGe Trim-
honour, or interests, could •in no case have the
sympathy of this free t coun ry in a war to perpe-
tuate the enslavement of a highly civilised and
Christian, people.
The calm common sense of Mr. Cobden has re-
moved the ch •aiae. ter of the present war out of the
play of. false
placed, and it set • in the white light of open day.
" I think where
you have a race superior, as I be-
lieve it to be, to the
ing ever them, and governing them against their
own consent—for 99-hundredths of the population
of Italy would, I believe, if they were polled, be
found to declare against the Austrian rule—l
believe, such being the case, if we are true to
our principles, our sympathies ought to be with
that people. If we were placed in the posi-
tion of the Italians we should not be very
scrupulous as to the source from whence
we got assistance ; and as the Americans
in the struggle against the old country accepted
the services of Louis XVl.—certainly as despotic
a ruler as Louis Napoleon—l think the Italians
may be excused if they accept, perhaps too eor-