The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-29 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY ZE VENIN6t, N OVE VIBE R 29, 1861.

mportance this victory over negro-hatred in the
North. It may, however, be all true, though
we had thought it would take several more
defeats to whip the North up to the only mea-
sure which can secure them complete victory.
If done, however, it must not be done by halves.
The decree of the North must run through all
the Southern States, that every negro and his
family who offers himself for Federal military
service are from that day free men, and that, so
far as the Northern army can penetrate, the
South will become free soil. There will
be no lack of commissioners, not easy to capture,
to carry the desire to every plantation ; and this
once effected the cause of the South will be despe-
rate. The North will, indeed, have one difficulty.
It has lost it character with the negro. The planters
can make their slaves believe almost anything of
the North. It will not, however, be difficult, in a
short time, to furnish visible evidence of the free-
dom of all who join the North; and then rapidly,
indeed, would the chattels avail themselves of
nature's emancipators, and run off to the Federal&

Lord STANLEY'S interpretation of what is called
the Conservative Reaction, already referred to by
us in our impression of Saturday, is entitled to a
more than merely passing consideration. That
there is, in fact,—(remember this way of putting
it in the words we here repeat for the simple pur-
pose of italicising them)—that there is, in truth,
what is called A Conservative Reaction no one will
seriously be disposed to dispute. But what is
actually meant by the movement thus designated,
is a very different matter indeed. Of the actual
nature of the change in "the spirit of the dream"
of England, there may be,'doubtless there must be,
a great variety of opinions. But among these
opinions we question very much whether there can
be found any one more closely approximating to
the truth than the one which has been so very hap-
pily expressed by the son of the late Tory Premier,
himself one of the leading members of the last Con-
servative Administration. While we say this, how-
ever, and while we speak thus of Lord STANLEY,
we remember perfectly well, of course, what few
will be likely to forget, that the noble lord, the
member for the borough of King's Lynn, though
he occupied a seat at the Cabinet Council Table of
the Tories in his Ministerial capacity as one of her
MAJESTY'S Secretaries of State, first of all for the
Colonies and afterwards for India, was, and
is, and we have very little doubt always will
be, one of the most advanced and enlightened
among the chiefs of the Conservative party.
His sympathies, in fact, are, in all essential
particulars so manifestly upon the popular
side, that he partakes as a politician more
of the character of a Liberal than of a Conservative.
Remembering all which of Lord STANLEY it be-
comes peculiarly interesting to listen for a moment
to his interpretation of what is called, for want of
some more definite phrase, the Conservative Re-

action.
The noble member for King's Lynn, while ad-
dressing his constituency last week upon the actual
position of things at home and abroad, in the speech
already analysed in these columns, gave precedence
to the questions involved in our foreign relations, and
after havingexpressed his opinion very lucidly upon
those important topics, undertook frankly enough
to glance for a moment into the somewhat hazy
future of our domestic legislation. Here it was—
having reached this point—that Lord STANLEY at
once " tackled" the little problematic difficulty we
have but just now alluded to! The definition, that
is, according to the best of his ability, of the
popular phrase now so often repeated. "We have
all of us," he said, "heard a great deal in the last
few months of what is called a Conservative reac-
tion," adding, " Now, the thing is real enough, but
the phrase is not strictly accurate. Reaction in
this country there is not, and 1 believe there never
will be. It is our nature to make changes slowly,
but when we have made them all parties agree to
abide by them. There is no measure which has
passed in the last 30 years which, so far as I know
and believe, any considerable party in this country
would now propose to repeal ; therefore, I say, in
the strict sense of the word, reaction there is none."
Plain speaking, that—not a doubt of it. And
rather satisfactory plain speaking too. Particu-
larly as it is the deliberate and volunteered expres-
sion of the conscientious convictions—of whom ?
—of the son and heir, and the Ministerial colleague
of the Tory ex-Premier, one of the principal Secre-
taries of State in the last Conservative Adminis-
tration. Reaction, then, there is none. Lord
STANLEY has said it. The fact is now admitted
by the Conservatives themselves—as it is de-
monstrable, in truth, by everybody else.
" BUT"— it is again Lord STANLEY, the advanced
and liberal-minded Conservative member for
King's Lynn, who is speaking—" But of Con-
servative feeling and contentment as to that which
we have, and of objection to any changes that may
be proposed, there is undoubtedly more than at any
time within my recollection." Lord STANLEY adds
at once, " I do not believe that this has anything
to do with the accidents of political combinations
or the working of Parliamentary parties. Indeed,"
his lordship goes on so far as to say, " I believe it
would be precisely the same if •very politician
and Minister now living were swept off from the
face of the earth, and if a House of Commons were
returned composed entirely of new men." " But,"
continues the noble lord, in explanation of his
meaning, while addressing himself thus to his con-
stituents down at Lynn, " I think the causes of
this state
,of feeling are not difficult to find. We
have only to look around us. The establishment
of the French empire following on the popular re-
volution of 1848—the spectacle of France enjoying,
indeed, much glory and much prosperity, but de-
prived of freedom—the not altogether satisfactory
working of what I may call ultra popular institu-
tions in some of our colonies [and in America ?]—
the fact that we are at this moment the only
first-rate Power in Europe, and, indeed, in the
world, which is not going through a 'crisis, added
to the unfortunate disunion, especially in the great
manufacturing towns, between the middle and
working classes, consequent on movements of
trades unions—the fact that there is with both par-
ties a aisinolination on the part of employers to
an extended suffrage—these cii cumstances, taken
together, are quite sufficient to explain why there
should be at the present time a preponderance of
moderate opinions." Yes—moderate opinions, if
you _will, but not Reaction. Granting this—the
only conclusion drawn by Lord STANLEY from any
such rational and temperate view of the situation
of things generally, is "that, organic changes being
out of season, the very fact that they are out of
season proves that the present time—as times of
quiet generally are—is especially favourable for the
carrying out of administrative reforms." There
spoke, in truth, one of the foremost men among
our Liberal Conservatives or Conservative-Liberals
—not the Reactionist, but the Reformer !

His Excellency the Austrian Ambassador and
the Countess Apponyi Caine to town to-day from visiting
the Marquis and Marchioness of Salisbury at Hatfield
House.
The Duke and Duchess of Montrose are at Com-
piegne, on a visit to the Emperor and Empress of the
French,