The Sun.
London, England, 1859-10-25 00:00:00

THE BUILDERY STRIKE.

An aggregate meeting of the operatives in the
building trades was held last evening in St. Mar-
tin's-hall, to receive a report from the members of
the workmen's conference of their proceedings since
the last public meeting held in the same place some
three weeks ago, and to make known certain facts
in connection with the present position of the nego-
tiations between the masters and men. There was
a very large attendance, the body of the hall and
galleries being crowded in every part. Mr. Heap,
Chairman of the Executive of the Amalgamated
Engineers, was voted to the chair.
The CHAIRMAN, having stated the purpose for
which the meeting had been called, observed that
there had been many subjects introduced into the
dispute which really had no connection with it.
The principal of these was the reform question, and
several -writers in thenewspapers had stated that the
course taken by the workmen was calculated to impede
the progress of reform for several years to come.
For one, he could not understand how, if the opera-
tives in the building trades had committed an error
in judgment, that circumstance should have im-
peded the progress of reform. Instead of their pro-
ceedings being an argument against the extension
of the suffrage, it was one of the strongest reasons
that could be advanced in favour of it. If they
judged of the electoral body of England by the
shameful disclosures at Wakefield and at Glouces-
ter, and he believed many other boroughs were
quite as bad, it was impossible to find a more cor-
rupt body of electors than that by which the fran-
chise was now enjoyed. Contrast the electors of
Wakefield and Gloucester with the building opera-
tives of London. For the maintenance of a principle
the operatives had sacrificed, upon the average,
a week for 14 consecutive weeks ; while the electors
of Wakefield and Gloucester had received without

,rushing money bribes to send persons to Parlia-
ment as their representatives, whom they knew
well were wholly unfitted to be there. He con-
tended that the conduct of the London. building
operatives proved that the working classes were far
higher in principle, far more incorruptible, and
therefore far more fitted to exercise the franchise,
than many who were far above them in station. He
trusted that the working men, not only of London,
but throughout the kingdom, would support the
operatives of the building trades in resisting that
badge of slavery, the " odious document," which if
they had been content to accept in the sense in
which members of Parliament and town councillors
accepted the oaths, or clergymen of the Church of
England subscribed to the Thirty-nine Articles,
they might have easily upset in a week. (Hear,
hear.)
Mr. POTTER (the secretary) then proceeded to
report progress. At the last meetint, on the 30th
of September, their object was to show to the
master-builders that it was their prerogative to
place at the head of affairs whomsoever they
thought proper. They had appointed a conference
to conduct their affairs, and to carry out, if pos-
sible, the object they had in view to a successful
issue. 'Since then, Mr. Ayrton, the member for the
Tower Hamlets, had presented himself at the
Paviors' Arms, and offered himself as the instru-
meat of mediation to adjust the points of difference
between the workmen and the masters. (Mr.
Potter here detailed the course of the negotiations
between Mr. Ayrton and the executive committee
of the Central Association of Master Builders.)
The four propositions agreed to by the conference
were rejected by the executive committee, who sub-
mitted certain counter propositions of their own,
viz., the withdrawal of the strike at Messrs. Trol-
lope's the abolition of certain trade practices, and
the revision of the trade rules by some ex-chan-
cellor or a retired judge. (Shame.) The con-
ference subsequently drew up five points, differing.
in some respects from those which had been pre-
viously submitted by Mr. Ayrton on their behalf—
(these propositions were read by Mr. Potter, but
having already Published them we think it unneces-
sary to reprint them)—but which also were re-
jected. To meet the wish of the master builders
in reference to the revision of the trades' rules, in
their new propositions it was suggested that if they
were to be revised it shopld be by the Court of
Queen's Bench, which was the highest authority,
the most impartial, and the most likely to
do justice as between the master and the work-
man. (Hear, hear.) This, however, did not suit
the master builders, who must have my Lord
Brougham or my Lord Lyndhurst to say whether
the rules and practices objected to were fair and
legal or not. (" Shame," and "We won't have
them.") But, he asked, after what Lord Brougham
had said the other day at Bradford with regard to
the disposition of the working men to assume
powers of doubtful legality which often led to
breaches of the law, and after what he said about
machinery and strikes—whether it would be rea-
sonable or right to submit their trade rules to his
revision ? (No, no.) He asked was the opinion of
such a man upon such a subject likely to be impar-
tial, or were their rules ever likely to be of any
benefit to them after coming from the hands of such
a man ? (No, no.) That noble and learned lord
might well boast of what he had done as plain
Henry Brougham, but as Lord Brougham he had
proved himself to be no friend to the working
classes. His want of knowledge showed how unfit
he was to pronounce an opinion upon any point
concerning their welfare. It was not long since
he had talked in the House of Lords of 90,000 men
being locked out in consequence of the present dis-
pute between the workmen and their employers,
whereas it was well known to everybody who had
made any inquiry into the matter that only 10,000
had been locked out in all. Well, thus terminated
Mr. Ayrton's attempts to negotiate a settlement of
the points in difference, the master builders refus-
ing all the propositions unless the conference con-
sented to withdraw the strike at Trollope's, and
alter the trade rules in the manner suggested by
themselves. (Shame.) It would have been observed
that in the Registrar-General's returns last week
there was a separate account of the deaths sup-
posed to have resulted from the effects of the lock-
out—the number of deaths in each of the amal-
gamated trades, and of the deaths of the wives
and children of the men in each of the trades,
making a total of sixty-four. (A voice—" How
many labourers ?") Well, of those sixty-four per-
sons so died last week, he would ask who had been
the cause of their deaths ? (Hear.) Thirteen weeks
ago that day. Trollope's men, had thought it well
to leave their employment in the assertion of a
principle—ten weeks ago that day the master
builders had thought it well to begin the lock-out;
and six weeks ago that day they had thought it
well to reopen their shops, but upon the condition
that none should enter unless they degraded them-
selves in their own eyes, and made themselves offen-
sive in the eyes of every independent and every
religious man. Now, allowing the strike and the
lock-out to be legal and right, what could be said of
the document? (Hear, hear.) Could that be justi-
fied ? (No, no.) No, it was illegal, obnoxious, and
tyrannical. If the master buildrs could fight the
battle fairly, let them do so, but when they found
themselves compelled to open their shops, why did
they not admit that they were beaten, and sur-
render with a good grace? (Cheers.) It was the
document and the authors of the document that
were answerable for all the evils that resulted from
the forced idleness of the operatives. (Hear, hear.)
This illegal and un-English document had caused
all that long train of deaths referred to in the
Registrar-General's report. (Cheers.) Public
opinion everywhere had condemned the document
—in fact it had never been defended except by the
Daily News, the Bright and Cobden organ. Many
attempts had been made to disguise the document,
by calling it a "shop rule" and other names, but in
any form it was illegal, and the masters had no
right therefore to resort to it. Let them not fear
for the result. Their present prospects were bright,
else what meant that long list of names that had
succumbed—Moxon, Jay, Lawrence, and others
t
the
me
amongst(
(Cheers.) eer s . )
suc-
ceed if they only remained true to themselves. The
ne r
mustbuilders?
provincial towns would aid them, and though the
manotstthatthe eminentw ormkmaset
dividend paid this week was small it would not
long remain so, for they would find subscriptions
flowing in from all quarters to assist them until
they entered the shops again as free and indepen-
dent artisans. They had been told that 10,000 had
resumed work under the document, and 3,000 more
under
amwnondrr
kel
a,
laughter.)
it as a "shop
hghai
ottlwe r the
was
4B
uot
ftrule."numberle
tehyelsi rciay shut
men thonu aot t w .
hadt
(Cheers)
3,000
all cees
resumed
etrhesde)
great public buildings that were under con-
tract progressing ? (Hear, hear.) He said
that there were not 2,000 who had signed the