The Sun.
London, England, 1859-03-31 00:00:00

therefore the resolution is to be supported, and any
measure of reform adjourned for an indefinite period.
There are besides the opponents of all reform,
no inconsiderable class who vote against any
change or alteration—all these combine "to
stir the cauldron," and to reject the Ministerial
Bill under any circumstances, and at any cost; will
the country approve of their conduct ? We believe
not; but a brief time will tell whether they have
reckoned without their hosts, and proved them-
selves utterly ignorant of public opinion on the
great, the all-absorbing question of the day. •

Lord JOHN RUSSELL must feel his position, in
regard to the result of the debate, materially
changed. Clever, indeed, was the scheme; well
contrived the net spread to catch votes; but by
degrees this unpleasant fact has become a glaring
one. It was a complaint respecting the Bill, that
it was made to " pass the House of Commons."
No one doubts it, It was confessed from the
Treasury benches that it contained as much con-
cession to popular demands as Ministers, from
their position, could be expected to offer, and that
it was a sufficient basis for any bill likely to get
through Parliament. But, if the Ministerial Bill
was made for a Whig and Tory House, much mare
was the resolution proposed to suit the taste of
honourable members. It has not a single merit in
it which can commend it to the nation. It is is vir-
tually a mere negative to the most unpopular part
of the Government measure. It has not a spark
of courage, or generosity, or confidence in the
people about it. It offers nothing definite ; it is
only so worded as to be, on the one hand difficult
to vote against, on the other, to leave those who
vote for it entirely unpledged!
Attempts were made to compare it with Mr
GIBSON'S resolution censuring the PALMERSTON
Ministry for not treating an insulting despatch as
it deserved. There is no resemblance between them.
That neglect was the origin of all the mischief which
followed, and by which ministers were endeavour-
ing to make the matter worse. Now, we have but
a bill before us in which it is perfectly competent
to every party to -move that the borough free-
holders shall not lose their county votes, and that
the borough franchise shall be—universal suffrage
—if they please. The attempt has, however, been
made to compel the Government to nail a flag to
the mast, which by another mode of treatment they
might have been 'contented to haul down,
or at least to permit the house to do.
it, and to alter it a little, or even substitute
another. There is probably not a member who
does not now see that Lord JOHN'S Resolutions are
moved in the interest of party merely, not of Re-
form. They can serve no purpose but to turn out a
Ministry, and would not fairly have done that, had
it not been contrived to sting and taunt the Govern-
ment into making them equivalent to a vote of no
confidence.

As " advanced Reformers," as Mr. HAYTER
politely terms our friends in the House, we feel no
fear of any results which can follow carrying the
Resolution. Our party cannot lose by it. The old
Whigs may. Suppose it issues in a dissolution so
much the better for us. Mr. LABOU-
CHERE must find another seat instead of
Taunton, Lord JOHN another/instead of London
and other Whigs must look about them
also. A glorious upstir there will be no doubt.
Lord PALMERSTON shudders already at the thought
of " throwing the Constitution before the country,
to be scrambled for on the hustings." Sir JAMES
GRAHAM informed the House of the rapid progress
made by the awful Ballot in his own borough, and
throughout the constituencies. The demand for

it, as he told them, was " advancing more rapidly
than the demand for any other reform !" Lord
PALMERSTON, indeed, dared Ministers, in the most
provoking language, to dissolve, and even taunted
them with penal continuance in office. We must
confess that such language, from such a man, would
alone induce as to show him that we had the
power to send him to answer again his Chartist
catechisers on the hustings at Tiverton. And he
would not be the only one who would be obliged
to answer more queries than he wished. Indeed,
we believe that if Ministers did but clearly intimate
their intention to dissolve, if defeated, without
asking leave of Lord PALMERSTON, they would now
be almost certain of a majority, so terrified are all
the timid ones at the thought of a Parliament elected
to reform itself. Such a Parliament must be pre-
pared to pass a bill which would enable them soon
again to face their constituents.
If however, Ministers after all should not
resign—if they should be superior to rude taunts,
and reconsider their view of the effect of the resolu-

tion, then, of course the bill would go into com-
mittee, the house could give it what form it pleased,
and we should, at least, with greater ease than in
any other way, get through the Lords something
worth having. We should have some Reform Bill

this year—some increase of constituencies—pro-
bably some schedule, A, and sundry other popular
concessions. All these would put us in a better
p osition for the amended Reform Bill, which would
certainly' be passed in a very few years after by
the re-reformed Parliament.

But supposing Lord JOHN to obtain the coveted
object of his ambition—suppose him Prime Minis-

ter, and that without a dissolution, what could he
do ? He could not expect the aid of those whom
he had ejected by a shabby " dodge." Lord PAL-
IICERSTON has advertised him that he is not his
hamble servant, although, for reasons of his own,
he votes for the resolution. He merely intends to
punish the present Ministry for taking his place,
an d to punish Lord J. RUSSELL by leaving him, if
he accepts office, to get on as he best can without
him. Lord JOHN could only fall into the " friendly"
ar ms of the hon. member for Birmingham ! and Mr.
RRIGHT knows that well enough. Having got
him into office the relentless " Friend" 'Will
th en give the screw a, pretty sharp turn or
two, and the Birmingham Bill, or speedy ejection
vein be the alternative for the miserable Whig
lord. Let Ministers keep in therefore, and we
sh all get an instalment of Reform, a good one too;
let . them dissolve, and the country will prescribe its
oil in Reform Bill ; let them pitch Lord JOHN into
of ice, and he will be at the mercy of Birmingham
the relentless Tories exclaiming " The Radicals
be upon thee 0 RUSSELL !"

`The highest authority in the House of Commons
s decided that there is no irregularity whatever
in. Lord JOHN'S resolution. Against this authori-
ted ive opinion there cannot, of course, be any
nur. Mr. SPEAKER has said it. There is a
C cation to all argument. We must accept the
car rse adopted by the noble lord the member for
ths City of Loudon as strictly, and rigidly, and
uw leniably Parliamentary. At the same time,
w 1 ile we bow with the utmost possible respect to
flit( conclusive opinion pronounced by the right
11( n i. gentleman in the chair, we cannot but concur
in the rational estimate formed of this most ob-

nc c, dous resolution by the right lion. gentleman the
m e mber for Oxford University. Obediently ac-
ce Aing, as in duty bound, the final decision of the
S e eaker that the Resolution is regular and Par-
mentary, Mr. GLADSTONE yet says—" I venture
t .suggest that it is one to which exception may