The Sun.
London, England, 1857-01-09 00:00:00

LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, JANUARY 9, 1857.

PROOLAMATION OP TIIE _FEDERAL COUNCIL,
OF SWITZERLAND TO THE SWISS PEOPLE.

Dear and faithful Confederates, on the morning of
September 3, last year, Switzerland was surprised in the
midst of peace by the news, equally strange and unex-
pected, that a royalist conspiracy had broken out in the
canton of Neuchatel. However incredible this news
might appear, it nevertheless was only too true.
A band of partisans of the old order of things had,
during the night, taken possession of the city, and the
edifice in which the Government of Neuchatel holds its
sitting.. The members of the State CounCil had them-
selves been arrested, and the re-establishment of the old
order of things, set aside for the last nine years, was an-
nounced by a proclamation.
As might have been foreseen, this insurrection, which
had not the slightest chance of success, was stifled in its
birth. When the great majority of the inhabitants of the
canton of Neuchatel had recovered from their surprise,
the citizens of all parties in the canton collected under
the republican banner ; and even before the Confedera-
tion could interfere the phantom of a restoration o
the principality of Neuchatel and Valangin had dis-
appeared, and the constitutional state of things was
re-established.

The Fer!eral Assembly of the Confederation, duly ap•
preciating the high significance of this manifestation,
and making it-elf the organ of popular opinion, resolved,
by an unanimaus vote, on the 26th of September,
that the republicans of the canton of Neuchatel had
deserved well, not only of their own canton, but of all
Switzerland.
The victory obtained on the 4th of September over
the royalists was characterised by clemency and mode-
ration. The greater portion of the prisoners were set
at liberty very shortly after the commencement of the
inquiry, and the leaders of the insurrection, who are now
in a state of confinement, were treated with all possible
humanity.

Switzerland, however, soon found herself exposed to
demands, made upon her with no other motive than
that of nullifying the judicial inquiry and preventing the
punishment of theguilty. Asa recognition of the King of
Prussia's rights over Neuchatel, was demanded the im•
mediate and unconditional liberation of all the prisoners.
We considered that it was out of our power to accede
to these demands, without at the same time renouncing
the nation's rights of sovereignty, and without sanction
ing the principle that it is lawful for a party to disturb
the public peace with impunity, and to overthrow in any
one canton the constitution and constitutio❑al order
guarniteed by all the other cantons, as well as by the
Federal Charter.

For the due understanding of the peculiar and com-
plicated relations in which the country of Neuchatel ex-
isted during a number of years, it is necessary to give a
rapid glance at the recent history of this country.
By the treaty of May 19, 1815, the canton of Neu-
chatel was, in the capacity of a sovereign state, incor-
porated with Swiee •r!and and its rights and duties were
to be identical with those of the remaining cantons. In
return certain rights over that country, reserved by other
European treaties, remained with the King of Prussia,
who had been, in 1707, elected Prince of Neuchatel.
The unnatural state of things created by this double
position of canton and principality was manifested before
long in several instances; and on more than one occasion
attempts were made to bring under relations to the
Confederation more rational, a canton, the development
of which was constantly impeded by the inconvenience
attending this double position.
These attempts met iwith the desired result only in
1848. The people at that time knew how to make use
of their right to constitute themselves freely, by adopting
the form, and giving themselves the republican constitu•
tion, which was fully guaranteed by all the states of the
Confederation.
More than once since that period the federal authority
has endeavoured to come to an understanding through
the medium of friendly negotiations with his Majesty the
King of Prussia, but all these efforts failed owing to the
pretension set up that the old order of things should
before everything be re-established, a requirement that
we could not countenance in any event without repudi-
ating the canton of Neuchatel from our union, and
repudiating also the principles of the new federal con-
stitution.
Such was the state of things when a solution of the
difficulty, which could not be obtained in a friendly man•
ner, was on the 31 of September attempted by violence.
However disposed one might be to regret the fate of
men who by rash zeal and chimerical hopes bad suffered
themselves to be led on to commit such an rot of vio-
lence, it was not possible to interfere with the course of
judicial proceedings, and as it were to sanction for a cer-
tain party, by the unconditional liberation of the insur-
gents, a privileged right to insurrection.
Although the rights of sovereignty possessed by the
Confederation and the Canton of Neuchatel did not al.
low ds to take into consideration the pretensions that
had been raised, nevertheless we manifested our serious
intention of setting the prisoners at liberty, provided a
single condition was fulfilled towards Switzerland. We
declared ourselves ready to grant the liberty of the pri-
soners, in case the liberation of the Canton of Neuchatel
from every foreign tie should be acknowledged, thus
putting an end to a state of things which had every day
showed itself to be more and more untenable.
We declared ourselves ready to meet half way any ne-
gotiation that should be calculated to bring about the
independence of Neuchatel. That we might not wound,
even in the slightest decree, the susceptibilities of the
adverse party, we declared, besides, our readiness to take
into consideration the proposals of mediation made by
other powers. The course taken in these long negotia-
tions has been correctly and fully explained in our mes-
sage to the Federal Assembly ; and the Swiss people
will, as impartial history likewise will do hereafter, give
tie their testimony that we have refused no means in our
endeavours to bring the dispute to an advantageous and
pacific result.
All these efforts which evince our good-will and
loyalty have hitherto failed, owing to the demand made
for the preliminary and unconditional liberation of the
prisoners—a demand to which we could not submit
without humiliating. Switzerland and impairing her
honour.
When our situation beCarne more difficult, and our ad
versary prepared to support hie pretensions by for ce of arrds
it appeared to us that it was time to appeal to the repre.'
sentativee of the nation; and learn from them whether
the Federal Council had or had not acted in accordance
with the national opinion.
On the 30th December the Federal Assembly unani-
mously passed the following resolutions—
" Art. 1. In order to effect a pacific solution of the
Neuchatel question, tile Federal Council will continue to
do ills part, as it has hitherto done, for the adoption of
all or any means compatible with the honour and dignity
of Switzerland, and such as may be fitting for procuring
the recognition of the independence of Neuchatel from
every foreign tie.
"Art. 2. The military levies ordered by the Federal
Council, and likewise the other measures it has taken,
are approved.
" The Federal Council is empowered to provide for all
ulterior arrangements deemed necessary for the defence of
the country to the last extremity in case an honourable
and pacific solution cannot be obtained.
" An unlimited credit is opened to defray the expenses.
" Art. 3. The Federal Council is authorised to nego-
tiate and conclude definitively, on account of the Con-

federation, the necessary loans.
" Art. 4. The Federal Council is commissioned to
make these propositions known through the proper chan-
nels to the cantons and the Swiss people.
In order to be ready for all contingencies a comman-
der-in-chief of all the forces has been appointed this very
day, in the person of Gen. Wm. Henry Dufour, and the
duties of chief of the staff have bee❑ confided to Colonel
Henry Freiheroze, a member of the Federal Council.
It is thus that we find ourselves, perhaps, on the eve
of most important events, on the threshold of most serious
trials, which may befal our country. All hope of a paci-
fic solution, indeed, has not disappeared ; we shall en.
deavour even now to do our part for the maintenance of
peace whenever there shall be found for the attainment
of that object a course not prejudicial to our honour. In
this solemn moment we give assurance to the Swiss peo-
ple, to the whole universe, to the Supreme Being, that we
are disposed even now, in all loyalty, to concur in any-
thing that can insure peace ; and that we shall not have
recourse to extreme measures, unless the hand of conci-
liation that we offer should be unceremoniously repelled.
If, which God forbid, this case should occur, we ap-
peal to you, faithful, dear, and generous Swiss people.
We have received from our fathers, who rest in God, as
an inviolable inheritance, a free and happy fatherland.
It is a sacred duty for us to transmit to our descendants
this glorious inheritance intact, and in all its primitive
purity. It is in the days of trial that one learns most
intimately to know the value of these possessions which
they aro trying to wrest from us. It has been given to
our dear country to enjoy both peace and happiness for a
long series of years without alteration. May God not
permit this season of trial to find us off our guard, but
find us, on the contrary, watchful as a people worthy of
those great blessings !
And here it is with lively joy that we acknowledge
that the Swiss people has worthily endured this time of
trial. Those days appear to have come bask which form
the most brilliant part of our great history, when every
one can with his whole soul congratulate himself that he
belongs to the Swiss nation. It is with an unanimity
never before, in such a degree, experienced, that the Go-
vernments and the citizens are depositing on the sacred
altar of their country the whole of their property. No
sacrifice appears too onerous now that the cause is to
uphold the national independence and preserve from ruin
the soil of our native land. No age, no class, no family
jwqtl hkfrubee as
lyoiAtet.to:oal
that
ahrmgaaaatrrktebiteeeht
parties vanish,
the
rynnedadena.sdyiasschro The youth desires to share the
dangers of the full-grown man - the old man to serve as
he
k.,,r1 example to youth. All, all show their willingness
sacrifices
towardsclo euds r
7:thheonraiet:thhinoynocssibrlwd.euiissamasnpsdetpaoeenanlcrfeee.vsdaTetrrheeade-.
yet numbered. mbtehraetd.
object of which we have spoken. Well, let us hold fast
e
tafstoalthbfOateaullhnn,Acudrhrsloainr; aiiegifunhtsoi notth
we
b:ewt Lethhh oca have
easr
et br
placed
asnoofieiddfe steadfastrne ourceed oe
freedom,
i unn, hini,wttrihyl el i faith,ntow hw eihow
oe nottwul
theljebGouds continue
fntinouuer
n
artOt

keep it inviolate. Let UR keep firm in our belief that the
I
Almighty will show himself strong in behalf of the weak,
and that he will bring us forth from the present dark-
ness and lead us into light.
May the general enthusiasm and devotedness, which
are increasing and have taken hold of the entire nation,
prove to be of good augury. May we see therein a pledge
that our efforts to save the country will be crowned with
a blessing from Heaven.
Federal soldiers ! We have already found ourselves
under the necessity of calling oir,, under arms, a part of
the army, for the protection of our menaced frontiers, and
the men whom we summoned have hastened with
,the
greatest eagerness to place themselves at the dispose, of
the country and its authorities. No mortal yet knows
whether the decisive hoar has struck, at the Round of
which the country will have to' collect all her children
around the stainless banner, under the white cross on a
red ground; but what we know is, that the whole arm)
will answer as one man the call of their country. Hasten
then, federal soldiers, with firm confidence in God, and
with glad courage. Hasten hither !
May God and his angels escort yen ! Observe strict
discipline everywhere; cheerfully oheyyourchiefs ; never
forget that obedience is the guarantee of victory ! Be
humane, even when you find yourselves confronting the
enemy ; observe in all times and places that conduct
which is becoming in a free and Christian army. In ful.
filling your duty be not uneasy akmut the future welfare
of yourselves or families; your grateful country will take
care of that; she looks upon it as a debt of ?honour,
which, under any circumstances, she will be sure to pay.
Federal soldiers! 'Your country, the world, has its eyes
fixed upon you. You will take care to realise the hope
that is placed in you ; you will show by your acts that
you deserve well to be called the sons of your great an.
castors ; you will strive to enrich our national history
with another of its most glorious pages. Bless the Fede.
ral army ! Bless thee, also, our beloved fatherland, and
ma} Est thou still be, as thou halt been for ages, the asy-
lum of a free and happy people !
Swiss people, faithful and dear, may God be with you
all. In the name of the Swiss Federal Council,
The President of the C mfederatien, FORNEROD.
The Chancellor of the Confederation, SCHIESS,
Berne, Jan. 3, 1857. 1

FRANCE AND SWITZERLAND.

(From the Morning Pose.)
The Emperor of the French is a man not deficient in
shrewdness. He knows a great deal about Switzerland,
and something about Prussia, and we believe he is tho-
roughly convinced that it would mightily offend the
French people to side with the slippery King of Prussia,
and to turn a cold shoulder to the Swigs Government.
If there be a people on earth whom the French hate with
intense cordiality it is the army and people of Prussia.
There are thousands of Frenchmen now living in all
ranks, and not by any means old men either, who re-
member the horrible behaviour of the Prteeiian army in
1814 and 1815, when, by their heartlessness, harshness,
and cruelty, they so entirely lost character, surpassing
even the Russians and the Cossacks of the Don in the
indiscriminate pillage and plunder which they inflicted
on the French provinces through which they passed. '
These deeds of wanton destruction, rapine, and violence
of the French people, have been recounted by French-
of from 55 to 80, to sons, to grandsons, t) nephews,
and to other collaterals, and thus a traditeanary horror
and hatred has been preserved in France which has sur-
vived more than 40 years of the most cheerful vicissi-
tudes, social, moral, and political. The first Napoleon
himself, when an exile at St. Helena, equally removed
from ever3thing like hope and fear, and completely in -
dilferent and passionless in other respects, partook
of this vivacious sympathy of the army and people
of France, and spoke 'of the insolent brutality
of the Prussians with contemptuous scorn, and of
their plundering of the Hospital of the Invalids
with burning indignation. He ridiculed their
dress and man-millinery—their tailoring and mili-
tary frippery—their shell c cats and small skirts—and
their minute attention to small external forms. But that
which most aroused his choler against Prussia was the
harshness and insolence of men over whose heads he
walked to their own capital. These facts. and circum-
stances are still remembered by the French people and
by the French army, and it would never do for the
nephew of the conqueror at Jena and Eyleu to become
a partisan of the Prussians at the expense of the Swiss.
Whatever certain French writers may say or suggest at
random, we feel quite convinced that the head of the
Government in France will, if he does not protect or
cover the Swiss, at least hold the balance fairly between
them and the King of Prussia; or, at the twelfth hour,
offer his mediation in conjuncion with England. This
would be the best course for all parties—for the King of
Prussia, for Switzerland, and for France herself. As to
the King of Prussia, he is mani'estly endangering the
peace of Europe by proceedings which would be consi-
dered crazy in any ordinary man. Supposing Frederick
William IV. to be a di:crowned Prince, or a wandering
legitimist, seeking to re-eater Neuchatel on any such
title as he puts forth, after nine years' acquiescence in
facts as they now exist, would he not be considered a
disturber and a general perturbator—one whom it was
necessary to bind in heavy recognisaucss to keep the
peace to all his neighbours? Is his conduct the less dan-
gerous, the 1-es mischievous, the less criminal, because
he happens to be the actual Sovereign of Prussia ? The
writers is the Kreutz Zeitung may hold e contrary
doctrine ; but we would suggest to the livelier Berlinese
who write in the Klatteraclasch—the Punch, and Chari.
rani of Prussia—to turn their pungent pens against the
Quixotism of their own !general, and to spare Enelaud
and France their jeers and their jibes. If England
and France went to war in 1854, it was for some
better cause than for a few square yards of Swiss terri•
tory. Enelsed might well have avoided the war with
Russia had she been base, unprincipled, and sordid, for
Candia and Egypt, tempting baits, were
offered her by
the deceased friend of Frederick William IV., who
wanted, a la Russo, to strangle and spoliate " the sick
man." But England would not connive at the robbery
or share in the plunder, and hence Alma, Inkerman, the
Traktir, and the sire, storming, and capture of Sebas-
etOole; Wheni.Rrtissistear heteKing'ece Eto honest, or so
eFilanlyse. part,..the .Enelish people;may hedispos
' consider hide a better Christian- and a better King than
they think him now, and to make an effort iu his behalf
eve, for a right which he has lose—to use a word of
English lawyers—by non-user. But for the King who
set all Germany in commotion in 1848 to gain his own
private ends—for the King who made an attack on the
provinces of Denmark to subserve his own ambition--
for the King who stood with his arms folded during the
Crimean struggle, and who, since that struggle is over,
has abetted the Russian in all his evasions and dishonest
delays in the fulfilment of a treaty, the English people
have no sympathies. We believe the French people as
little respect or admire the Prussian King as the English
people, and sure we are they much less respect or ad-
mire the Prussian army. Under these circumstances
it would be difficult for the Governments of England or
France to render any services to the King of Prussial
even though he had a good cause which he had wel.
managed. But when his cause is questionable, and ill-
managed and ill-conducted, all that any Governments,
however well disposed, can do for hint is to offer to me,
diate on certain preliminary conditions. Let him hold
his private property in Neuchatel perfectly intact, and
the title of Prince of Neuchatel without the territory,
as the King of Sardinia holds the title of King of
Cyprus and Jerusalem, and England and France
may consent to use their good offices in his behalf.
But this is, indeed, inane menus. Prince of 'Neu-
chatel, without the territory, is a mere lackland
title, full of sound and signifying nothing. It is the mere
shell of the oyster, while Switzerland would have the
substance and the pearl.
That this or sonic similar arrangement is the only one
that can be sanctioned by the two Great Western Powers
seems exceedingly probable, and if the King of Prussia
would treat or mediate on this basis, Switzerland would
probably release her prisoners, having substantially
gained her point.
We have ourselves at present hopes of a pacifiesolution,
since the Swiss Chargé d'Affaires at Paris, after first hav-
ing had a long interview with the Emperor, has left for
Berne and again returned to Paris. Col. Barmann, the
author of the Swiss manifesto and State paper, to which
we made allusion a fortnight ago, is not only a publicist
of great ability, but a man of sound moderate views.
If we mistake not, he is one of the brothers, Maurice
and Joseph Barmann, who played so conspicuous and
creditable a part in the -Valais from 1840 to 1844, and
who, though Roman Catholics in religion like Augustin
Keller (a distinguished Roman Catholic, and director of
the Roman Catholic seminary in Argau) were all three
vigorous opponents of the Jesuits and the Sander-
build. The brothers Barmann are among the most
instructed, moderate, and enlightened of Swiss public
men—patriotic, yet practical and moderate in tone, with
a strict respect for legal forms, and not wishing to
wound the prejudices or susceptibilities of those opposed
to them. A Swiss diplomatist of this stamp is at this
jupctnre invaluable, and it may be inferred that so tetra
perate and calm a person will have great weight, not
merely with the Federal Council, but with England and
France. Should the efforts of the able diplomatist and
mediators prove unavailing, Switzerland, we believe,
will be prepared to take her stand boldly, and to main-
tain it too. The various Swiss Councils have given
unlimited credit to the Federal Government ; and inde-
pendently of this, the Swiss bankers in Paris, and some
American bankers and capitalists, have come forward
with offers of credit to a large amount. Geneva and
Berne—one the least warlike, the other the most aristo-
et itic of the Cantons—have also come forward with offers
of men and money ; and the Canton de Vaud, the most
French in its sympathies)' has tendered the one-sixth of
its population—thirty thousand troops for the service of
the Confsderatiap. The students in the Swiss colleges are
also forming themselves into battalions, so tlsat ther
country is in all respects prepared.
Germany, on the other hand, shows a repugnance and
horror of the war into which Frederick William IV.
would madly rush. Ten deputies of Wurtenaberg have
protested against the concentration or passage of Prus-
sian troops, truly maintaining that the pretensions of
the House of Hohenzollern have nothing to do with the
German Confederation, with Southern Germany, or
even with Prussia herself. Switzerland, they main-
tain, is the best and most inoffensive neighbour of

Germany, and is united with her in reciprocal com-
mercial interests. Since the protest of the ten
deputies, the Committee of the States of Stuttordt,
composed chiefly of Conservatives, has also resolved
to request the Government not to permit the Prussian
troops to march through the kingdom, feeling that a
commercial crisis must be the result of any such measure.
In Upper Bavaria the news that permission had been
granted to the Prussians to pass through the country
had caused the greatest discontent among the farmers,
who find in the Swiss the best customers for their corn.
Even in passive and &most immovable Austria the con-
duct of the King of Prussia had excited more astonish-
ment than usual, and it is now well known that Austrian
statesmen—more especially Barons de Bach and de
Bruck—consider the proceedings of Frederick William
IV. most impolitic and unwise. The economical inte-
rests of Southern Germany are, indeed, quite in union
with those of Switzerland, and any passage of Prussian
troops, even without actual hostilities, must impede
commerce and increase expenditure. Debts and loans
in Germany would lead to increased taxation, to dimi-
nished trade, and to consequent discontent and incal-
culable dangers ; arid therefore it is that more wise and
tl o TOO men than the King of Prussia deprecate
the course that Monarch is punning.
Let the quarrel end as it inay—atid we trust it may
pe icefully end—we have no fears for Switzerland.
The independent and martial spirit that made IhEr
world-renowned of old, again animate her, for she is
doing battle for the freedom and independence of her
monatains.i Elbe sharpshooters have ever been famous
Whatbyr with bow or rifle, and with the Minie in hand
tijAy• 411 maintain their rights of old.