The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-28 00:00:00

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7-7,077.-7 s.
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the purpose of considering it. The fact is 1 . --,,..A.a.., a-,
the traffic account of the Western Extensi*etnadtt,
.!• •-, 1,;-,4 4-rAs,
the railways in connection with it would be:'terr,:- :- 9/ .
and the object of the bill was to enable - -r).: 6
the companylf-pessible, to make some arrange-
ment which would simplify these accounts. The:
bill was merely permissive, and would only give • •
the company power to carry out such an
arrangement for the purpose above stated as the
shareholders might approve of. As regarded.
the Metropolitan Railway, it was proposed to pur-
chase the land for four lines of rails, but only to con-
struct the works for two in the first instance, with
the exception of the bridge over the Thames. The
directors believed that this traffic would be so
large that, after a time, the four lines of railway
would be required.
After a few remarks from some of the share-
holders; the report and accounts were unanimously
adopted. , . .
On the motion of Mr. Rees (of Dover), who paid.
a high compliment to the directors for their
management of the affairs of the company, the re-
tiring directors—viz., Mr. Cobb, Mr. Edwards,
Mr. Hilton, and Sir John M. Tylden, were unani-
mously re-elected, as was also Mr. Coleman, the
retiring auditor.
A cordial vote of thanks to the chairman and
directors concluded the proceedings of the meeting.

CHURCH RATES.

With the invariable tactics of zealous imbecility
the Conservatives have succeeded in making the
Church Rate the question of the day, till it is de-
cided as it can only be decided. They have made a
great muster, they have collected all their strength,
they have prepared ovations for a victory, and
have won a defeat quite sufficient to encourage
their opponents to the utmost perseverance. As
many as 547 members voted yesterday on a question
which ere this has been left to half a house ; yet a
majority. of 15 left small hope indeed that the de-
liberate judgment of the Commons will ever be
reversed. The Lords, indeed, may confirm, or may
overrule the decision. They MaY.,t.hin.s m
014 poster
of 281 for this bill_a_rnatter of rtsuch or 4f. little
importance. But one thing is certain, we had almost
said too certain. They will never see any inter-
mission or abatement of this controversy till it is
settled. Session after session, whichever party is in
power, there will be a pitched battle on the Church
Rate. It will be one of the first questions put on
the hustings, and every candidate for a popular
constituency will be obliged to declare himself on
this point. There are not a few who are of opinion
that Church Rates had better be abolished, and
churches left to voluntary support, who yet wish to
see the thing done very quietly, and who, above all
things, grudge the Dissenters a triumph. They
wish the rate could be put an end to, and nobody
be the wiser for it. They are not permitted to hope
for so comfortable a solution. They will have to
fight or retreat for no one knows how long, with
endless losses and discomforts, and the gloomy
assurance of ultimate failure. They owe this
pleasant prospect to Conservative hypocrisy.
Every session there will be a debate of more than
usual vigour and interest, with a very full at-
tendance of members, in which the doctrines and
the discipline of the Church, its divisions, its scan-
dals, its " simonies," its nepotism, will be dragged
out into the vulgar light of day. By the time
that the tone of the assailant has become too men-
acing and offensive, the range of the conflict too
comprehensive, and the annoyance too great to be
borne, the Lords will give in, and the present
measure will be passed just too late to secure the
peace of the country and a respite from agitation
upon Church affairs.
The leading idea on the side of the Abolitionists
was that this was a question of supremacy, and
that Dissenters and others who objected to a domi-
nant Church did not like to pay tribute to it. The
leading idea of their opponents was that this Was
a case for compromise, that the compromise shouisl
go with the abolition, and that the Church should
on
not be thrown at once the precarious support
of spontaneous zeal. Mr. Bright constitutes him-
self the mouthpiece of Dissenting feeling, and
takes upon himself to say that no compromise that
has yet come to his knowledge would be otherwise
than unpleasant to the Nonconformists. There is
so much to be said for this, and it tallies so tho-
' roughly not only with the movements of Dissenters
but with the feelings of human nature, that it
must be accepted as a fair account of the matter.
Sir W. Heathcote, indeed, asserts that people
in general are quite content that others
should pay the rate so long as they are let off
themselves, and that public feeling consequently • ,
has no real place in the matter. There never
was a more inadequate account of a question,
or less insight into the feelings that gave it
life. This is a question of ascendancy. Nothing
but a question of ascendancy would give so much
value to shillings, and so much importance to a suini
total of a_quarter of a million or so. Peter's Pence
was a question of Papal supremacy, Ship Money of . •
the prerogative, and the American Tea Duty of
colonial independence. The Dissenters of this
country enjoy much toleration, liberty, social
power, and prosperity. What they want is dignity
and position. They may preach to everybody, con •
vert everybody, form congregations to any amount,
go into any parish, build their Chapel right oppo-
site the Parsonage or the Church, seduce every
churchgoer, and have crowded meetings when the
church is empty as the desert and cold as the tomb.
This is their case, and it very much resembles that
of the primitive Church, when congregations of
servants, soldiers, workmen, and slaves met in
upper chambers and catacombs, while Imperial
edicts in vain interfered in behalf of the old altars,
the old priests, and the old gods ; and while the'
gentlemen, the statesmen, and the philosophers of
Rome cared nothing about the matter. The Dis-
Isenters, however, are not content to be tributaries.
They want not only social influence and social
power, which they certainly have, but social posi-
tion, and the removal of every mark of inferiority.
When their principal spokesman gives this account
of their feelings, we do not see that it can be dis-
puted ; nor is there any reason why it should.
But what compromise is there that can meet such
a feeling ? Already there is not only compromise,
but also much partial surrender. The present
very mixed and anomalous condition of the Church
Hate may be considered one great compromise.
Yet it gives no satisfaction. The abolitionists
resist not merely the actual rate, but the taxing
power vested in the majority of a vestry, and
the levying anywhere of a Church Rate
under the authority of law. As the Con-
servatives go on the unfortunate supposition that
the money is the matter in dispute, they do not
meet the case, and use a waste of ingenuity. Of
course, it will be said that, assuming the question
to be one of ascendancy, the present agitation
against the rate is not likely to stop with its abo-
lition, but will go on till it has reduced the Esta-
blished Church to the common level of all religious
communities. That Mr. Bright, and many besides
Mr. Bright, would simply use one surrender as the
argument for another, and would place the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury and the pastor of an
" Ebenezer" on the same level, we have no doubt,
But this does not affect the question whether the
church rate is a good ground upon which to fight
the battle of the Church. If the Church is sure to
be beaten upon it she can have no object in making
the defeat as serious as possible, and the worst paw
sible omen for her arms. It is not a
that she vindicates in this instance, but
vspecies of
local prescriptions, varied with
evebriise, end dis-
anomaly, and in every stage of use, aenearalsetl
of
for themselves, and deciding
itirrnown championg
use. In fact, the people are decidinogvethrye qfruiesent-diei;
spirit towards the Church.
Geta
seem to prefer this mode aof settlofemtehnot.smTahlely
rural
to fall back on .the
parishes, and claimfarmers
rdo
ft
oh
see
dt ehnya
tnht
es
of great gentlemen
teeming ther° Irna te
which i
myriads of our large towns. They wish at
least to have a few years' fighting, and to make
theer, enemy
policy.rm
even a
for his victory at last. This is not
a w
It is not the policy of good govern-
ment, yet' regular war. That which is now
ts,
o e p
conceded in an irregular manner, and which must
be conceded wholly before long, may as well be
conceded now, when it can be done with some
grace and much quietness.— Times.

GOVERNMENT EMIGRATION.—Her Majesty's Emi-
gration Commissioners chartered on Monday last, the 25th
inst., the Mangerton, of 9D3 tuns, belonging to Mr. G. W.
Swccting, of London, to sail from Plymouth for Moreton
Day, Queensland, at £l5 12s. 3d. per statute adult; to be
ready for the reception of passengers on such day as the
Commissioners may appoint between the 28th of March and
Sth of April.
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