The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-23 00:00:00

Harrison, Sole Lessees,

THIS EVENING "(3d time) THE TOT MAKER. Mr.
Henry Haigh, G. Pyne ; Mesdames Susan Pyne and Thirl-
After which, at Eight o'clock, MIT ETAS. Miss Louisa
Pyne, Mesdames Susan Pyne, Thirlwall, Jessi 2 M‘Lean ;
Messrs. Santley, A. St. Albyn, Patey, and W. Harrison.
Conductor, Mr. ALFRED MELL ON.
Commence at Seven o'clock.

The Box-office open from Ten to Five daily. No charge for
bocklog, or fees to Box-keepers.
Sfaze-Manazer, Mr. Leigh Murray. Acting- Manager, Mr.
Edward Murray.

ROYAL, HAYMARKET,
Lessee, Nir. J. B. Buckstmic-
TIT N 4 V, VF.NINO, the nerfornaances will commence with
TILE WOLIo AND THE LAMB.
After which, OUR AMERICAN COUSIN. Lord Dun-
drean g. ry, M
460 .r. Ahern. Mr. Buckstone, Mr. Farren, Mrs. C.
you
To oonclude with My HUSBAND'S GHOST.
Commence at 7.

1)N; OYAL LYCRum
rr
Manager-11r. Edmund Falconer.nE ATR E.
JL
3Walter Lacy,
'l' I ITS EVENING, GONE TO TEXA.s,
Erg. St. Henry.
After which, at a quarter to Eight ("th time) the
newe
and original Drama, entitled PEEP O' DAY ; or, savour
n
Deelish. Messrs. Walter Lacy, Hermann Vezln, Chair
Felhy, Edmun , Falconer ; Mrs. D. P. Bowers, Miss Clara
Weston.
Acting 3lanager—Mr. F. 11. Chatterton.
rri^es as usual. Doors open at half-past 6, to commence at
7. Box-office open daily from 11 till 5.

h) 0y A -1, PR IN CE S S'S THEATRE.—
Lessee and Manager, 3lr. A. Harris.
1,11 rs EVENING. THE .31. ER RY WIVES OF WIND-
SOR. Sir John Falstaff, :lir. Ryder (his Sd appoarance in
that character.) Messrs. Cr. Jordan, 11. Widdicomb, &e.
To conclude with BLUE JACKS PS.

ENV THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHI.—
Sole Proprietor and Manager. Mr. B. Webster.
THIS EVENING, THE PRETTY HORSERREAKER.
31r. J. L. Toole, Mr. P. Bedford, and Miss Woolgar.
Alter which, the new drama, entitled THE OCTOROON;
or, LIFE IN LOUISIANA ; written by the author of "The
Colleen Bawn." and in which Mr. and Mrs. D. Boucicau,t will
appear. A New Musical Introduction has been kindly pre-
vented by Signor Benedict. and will be performe t by the
Orchestra, which has been re-organised, and will be con-
ducted by Mr. Riviere, by whom the Incidental music has
been selected and composed. The following artists will make
their 6th appearance:—Mr. G. Jamison, from the Winter-
ig.arden, New York ; Miss Latimer, from the provincial thee-
e
_ a, and Miss Denvil, from the Lyceum. The other prin-
Wel characters in the drama will be performed by Messrs.
BillinYg!t
Anitienson Billington, Paul Bedford, Romer. Mrs.
weßns. re. Marston, dm., &o. Entirely new scenery by
tby and Thompson.
To conclude with DOMESTIC ECONOMY. Mr. Took,
Wee K. Kelly, at,
Doors oven at hair-past 6—Commence at 7.
Bax-office open from 10 tut 5
• No charge for 'evoking.

TIIEWEA:THER.—SIIN OFFICE, NOVEMBER 23, 11
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
44—highest since noon yesterday.
33—lowest this morning and during the night.
41—this day at noon. _

BAROMETER-29.48.
WlND—Westerly:; light, with fine weather.

LONDON, SATURDAY, WOV. 22, 1861.

. We present our readers to-day with a revieai o.
the position of everything—and that by at least as
mdependent a thinker as can be found in either
House of Parliament. Lord STANLEY, though'act-
ing with his party, has never fettered himself to
them. Naturally, he dislikes party politics; and if
it be impossible on some occasions, not to unite in
action when he would rather keep back, or take an
opposite course, yet his pleasure is in research, in-
quiry, and sound conclusions, and he has generally
managed without offence to his friends to utter his
sincere convictions. We all look, in his speeches,
for modifications of opinions current with the com-
munity at large, or with either party, but always
expect them to be formed from data which he has
personally studied.
Agreeing with all of us, that foreign politics have
been the favourite topic both with thinkers and
speakers for the last few years, more particularly
since the attack of France on Austria in 1859, he
followed the general example in placing these first.
Looking at the emancipation of the serfs in Russia;
the late rapid advance of Spain from the abyss into
which she had sunk, the Italian movement, the vast
developement of the natural power of France,and the
struggles of Austria, he regarded the present as no
ordinary state of things, and it was quits reasonable
that the feeling should be prevalent that at any
time a war might break out which should involve the
whole of Europe. Ho does not dislike the reco'ery
by Spain of her influence in the Western world;
we do not know that we should if she did not carry
with her that narrow, cruel, and detestable bigotry
and superstition which have everywhere been found
so permanently adverse to true liberty and the in-
tellectual progress of nations.
The course of Austria is pronounced suicidal, yet
our own failure in Ireland with a personal union,
and our governing there by corruption as the only
means of overpowering faction, while there were
two legislative bodies—does not bode well for a
parallel attempt in Hungary. Lord STANLEY seems
to forget the total difference, rather contrast of the
cases. Politically Hungary is as much the superior
of Austria as England was of Ireland at the time
referred to. Had JAMES 11, fixed his throne
at Dublin ; had a vast host of Frenchmen
subjugated England to him ; had he then for twelve
years governed England without a Parliament, by
his own Irish functionaries; had he kept down
England by Irishmen, Scotehmen, and savages
imported from our colonies ; had he then, in an
hour of distress, proposed to give England a cut-
and dried constitution, of which Dublin should be
the centre—this would have been the true parallel
to Austria's scheme for Hungary. The Austrian
Archduchies together have not above a third of the
population subject to the Hungarian Crown ; they
have far less than a third of the political know-
ledge, rights, and spirit of the Hungarians; and,
therefore, it being the statesman's business to take
realities as he finds them, it seems to us most
unstatesmanlike to attempt to amalgamate where
long custom has made real amalgamation
impossible. On the other hand, we have
little doubt that had the insane young EMPEROR
but done his duty to the Hungarians, in the time of
his successors, if not in his own, Hungary and
the other States might have united as closely as
England, Scotland, and Ireland have done. What-
ever may be the failure, however, Lord STANLEY
lays the whole at the door of Austria. He prefers
great empires as the best checks to future con-
querors, but if Austria break up the fault will be
her own.

His view of the Italian position is, that the Em-
peror of the FRENCH sees his account in keeping
both Italy and Austria dependent on him, and that
that is the key to his policy. But he concedes to
France, in consequence of what she has done, some
right to determine the results of the victory, and
to share its fruits. He reminds us that we cannot
fairly expect to have the benefits of non-inter-
vention and of intervention also. Some-
thing, therefore, must be indulged to France
if she wishes to carry out her old policy
of keeping Italy from becoming her rival.
Lord STANLEY must remember, however, that we
have a right to hold the EMPEROR to his own pro-
fessions, which were, the liberation of Italy to the
Adriatic without the acquisition of territory for
himself and France.

The United States must of course come in for a
full share of attention in any speech now. His
Lordship seems to have good words for all. The
natural diversity of the North and the South was
such, partly owing to climate and traditions,partly
to slavery, that both BURKE and WASHINGTON
looked forward to what has now occurred. And
while he cannot blame the North for endea-
vouring to recover half its territory, while he
hardly doubts that the North could, in time.
subjugate the South, he yet thinks that two powers
must be the result ; and that the North will be
then a more united, and, perhaps, a not less power-
ful nation. He, of course, cordially agrees with
the policy of absolute neutrality approved by this
country. Such a non-interventionist is he, indeed,
that he does not much like an expedition to Mexico.

lie 'thinks it will not pay. It ought not, however,
as WV have ships there, to cost us much, but it might
in the long run cast a great deal in the discourage-
ment of trade, if Englishmen did not feel that
everywhere the protecting arm of their Govern-
ment could reach them.

But we are favoured with a few words on home
affairs absorbing as foreign politics have become.
The Conservative Reaction, his Lordship thinks,
is an unhappy phrase. He denies that there is any
reaction. In England we are accustomed to accept
measures once passed, and take them as settled
facts. No one thinks of repealing any of the great
measures carried in the teeth of Conservative oppo-
sition during the last thirty years. There is, there-
fore, no reaction. But Lord STANLEY does not
recollect a time when the country was so much dis-
posed to remain where it is, that is in regard to
political reforms; and he attributes this to the
working of a more liberal suffrage than our own in
France, America, and the colonies. He does not
think that our electoral representation can remain
as it is, but that some years will pass away before
any Government meddles with it again. He urges
attention to what were always more interesting to
him—administrative reform. The patent laws, the
transfer of land, promotion by purchase in the
army, the Admiralty, the simplification of the eta-

tute law—will find us plenty of work at present,
though he emphatically asserts that " the question
of Reform cannot die."

Then the Church-rate question ; on that his views
are unchanged—in the interest of the Church
itself he should vote for abolition as th• only
possible settlement. He exposed the groundless-
ness of the cry that the Church was in danger.
Ecclesiastical institutions have a strange vitality,
and in England he showed that the aristocracy
were too strongly bound up with the Church to
let her sink. They had a direct money interest
in it, most of them having the gift of several livings.
In Scotland and Ireland, where the establishment
was but a small minority of the people, he had by no
means the same confidence in its durability. The
chief danger of the Church he held to be that from
within—that of the two great parties who could
not refrain from bitter war with each ether.
Lord STANLEY concluded a long speech about
every conceivable public topic by adverting to the
increased wealth of the country, and his hope of
reduction of taxation. Tea and sugar he would
specially like to operate upon, and also to get the
Income-tax down to a per-centage which would
make the injustice inseparable from it less irritat-
ing. It is rather singular that Mr. BAss, who
was speaking at Derby on Wednesday, took the
same ♦iew. He wished to repeal the war taxes on
tea and sugar, and to reduce the Income-tax, too,
by twopence this year. We do hope the great
brewer will be as successful in removing the bitter-
ness from taxation as he is in giving it to his un-
rivalled beverage. If so, he will deserve our double
thanks.

On Monday last we transferred to our columns a
letter—which was accidentally not acknowledged as
from the Norfolk News—addressed to the Clergy, on
Church-rates. It will be seen that a correspondent
C. K. has criticised a part of it; but, though the
address was from another journal, as we entirely
agree with its arguments, we volunteer a few
words in defence of " Quo WARRANT•"—to whom
also our columns are open if he see fit to use them,
and who is certainly quite competent to defend
himself.

C. K. entirely mistakes, we apprehend, the point
of " QUO WARRANTO'S" dilemma, which, if he had
read his letter with ordinary care, he could not
have done. By Church-rates, " QUO WARRANTO"
means compulsory rates—that which distinguishes
rates laid by the English Church from religions
contributions paid by the Yews, and by all Chris-
tians in England, with the exception of the Epis-
copalian sect. That sect in this country is now
fighting tooth and nail to retain the power of
coercion. So in love is it with coercion, that many
Churchmen who are willing to give up taxing Dis-
seaters are angry with the latter because they are
unwilling to leave them the power of coercing their
brother Churchmen. Lord EDI= is prepared to
leave the rate-laying as it is, but to take away the
power of rate-levying, that is by coercion. But,
say all the pro-rate men, that would be as bad as Sir
JOHN TRELAWNY'S Bill. In fact the rate, in the
sense in which there is any struggle, means coercion,
and coercion is the rate. Nor does it make the
slightest difference, whether a " majority" is the in-
strument of coercion or not—it is still coercing money
out of unwilling pockets into the exchequer of the
Christian Church ; and the question raised by
Quo WARRANTO is, can a Church which needs
such rates be divinely founded ?
We should have thought that any man with the
humblest knowledge of his New Testament, or with
a particle of religion in his bosom, would have at
once felt that a divinely founded Church would not
need the constable, the policeman, and, in the last
resort—as once at Rathcormac—the deadly bullet and
bayonet in its service. We need not quote texts
which we hear every Sunday, and with which all
are familiar, to show that of all religions ever
taught on earth that of the blessed SAVIOUR is
most abhorent from force. When, therefore, C. K.
asks—" What is there to prove that, because money
is required to keep our churches in repair, and to
provide for their services, therefore the Son
of GOD was not the founder of our re-
ligion ? " We reply ; Nothing. But the
question as a reply to Quo WARRANTO is irrelevant.
It should have been, " what is there to prove, that
because money must be collected for our Church by
the policeman's truncheon, the constable's distress
warrant, and the soldier's bayonet—therefore the
Son of GOD was not the founder of our Church
We apprehend that the answer is not far to seek.
It is strange, indeed, that clergymen should so
blind their eyes, through ecclesiastical pride or the
more venial fault of bad habit, to the crime against
religion, which sensible and candid laymen see
so plainly. They all know thakthe amount is not
the object with either Dissenters or Churchmen.
Coercion is the point. And laymen understand, if
clergymen do not, that nothing can make it appear
Christian to compel payment for Christian worship.
Laymen, now, do not believe " that GOD puts it into
the heads of Christians to force men to
pay for worship." They think that what
GOD puts into men's hearts is willingness
to pay the cost of their own worship and of
the worship of the poor too. Is it indeed,
not notorious that the Methodists, who teach ten
times as many poor people religion as the Church
does, pay for all without coercive rates P The state-
ment before the committee of the House of Lords
was, that every Methodist, rich or poor, paid his
penny a week, and that so sacredly was the obliga-
tion felt that if any were literally too poor,
their better off friends gays them the money.
own that that struck us as something
like Christianity, and what " GOD whaemd
We are not Methodists,—but u
pc frankly
much
t minomore
otherstheir
thth:wseolrfs-hsaip theyvingw adyi,dofn
oftorleiikneg,
or did not care to pay for. We hear much of mob
tyranny. We know of no more hateful form of
it, than when the majority of a parish turn them-
selves into a mob to seize the goods of all who
object to paying for their worship.

••,..**'..;• ....; ' -, .
•11. /0.7),...., 1 AA 1 , .•
ii.C'4.
• • ''. .•
1•?: %••
". • .•
C: • •j* :I
''l. -—4 ll ' . : •• v lit . , i,...
i44-f, , ..,...A.;- 4 ,W.VgN
.4,.."‘: . --41111 p .• it
•,„4.....).'""- • a ,
• --..- ' 1. \ ,4-. ~ "ok
:ff ',. -,,,,N
...,„,.,dAto,4lsl."
r -,Ye,,‘, " L fi:r , .'; . 7 ,•SI 0 S ‘`o9h.t. A:Ftati- 1' .....-•..71.
, t... „., ~,,,, .. ,
..... re * 1114'.1P,

THE SUN.