The Sun.
London, England, 1859-02-04 00:00:00

ii,fficultY, and Prr,vented them from speaking out in that
ji.api and straigl,
Atforward manner which ought to charac-
tem se the illter(Jourse between two great nations. Another
more •
unPorta'_at question, however, is, the rumour or opi
,at is n ow current, namely, that we are upon the eve
oif°: gre th
t ropean war, arising out of what is called the
Italian qu
n
esti on. Ido not refer to that question in the be-
lief that I Car a throw much light upon it, but there is no
doubt that ti .e state of things in that peninsula is much to
be deplored.. If we take Naples in the first instance, it is
clear there It ; room for amendment ; but the state of that
country is lea s complicated than that of other parts of the
peninsula, bee ause it depends on a change of policy on the
part of the ri
ding powers, and a new Ministry might be
called into powt who might counsel the restoration of con-
stitutional govt, rnment With regard to Central Italy, I
have lately (came from the capital of the Papal States, and
it would be idle OA vectation on my part to state that they are
not in a position asi, ich demands great and urgent reforms.
go\ -eminent now existing is such
The system of
as to render the at-ot k of reform most difficult, and with-
out entering into tAlc ',ails as to the defects of antiquated
laws, or the obstacAleo in the way of anything having
for its object the an Aerial progress or the intellectual
developement of the nay it is undoubtedly the fact that
the entire lay population of the Papal dominions are, almost
to a man, hostile to the asaikty under which they now live.
I am perfectly aware the,: bed: government is a state of
things
.which will be found, acare or less, to prevail in other
countries ; but there is, one vt'ry important circumstance
' which puts the Papal States cia a different category from any
other power in Europe. They ai ocCupied, not temporarily,
or from month to month, but .contin:rously, and it would
' seem without any prospect of .cessation; by the armies of
two of the most powerful nations .of Europe., It is true that
where the Sovereign of a country agrees to such an occupa-
tion there may be in it nothing, strictly spearing, which is
contrary to international law ; but it is clearly opposed to
the balance of power in Europe, at'd offers a legitimate
' occasion, not, it may be, for any such extremity cts war, but
' for the friendly interference of diplomacy both regard
to the general security of Europe and the well una:-a.stood
interests of the particidar countries more immediately con-
cerned. Passing over some other smaller and unimpon'tmt
States, I come to the Lombardo-Venetian :provinces of
Austria. My lords, it is not my duty to become the aßale-
gist of the Austrian Government. I believe it weighs
heavily on the minds of the people of those provinces ; I
think the pressure of taxation is severe, the degree of liberty
they enjoy is certainly not great, and the rigours .of the
conscription to which they are exposed are oppressive. But
these are evils common to the majority of continental na-
tions. Some of the evils complained of by the intelligent
' Lombards living in towns and subject to Austrian rule are,
I will not say sentimental, because that phrase might imply
a sneer against feelings which are creditable enough in
'liemselves, but hardly of a very practical nature. Their
inte:enal government is certainly better cared forth= that of
any pa:at of Southern Italy. But it is not for us to discuss
whether Lombardy might or, might not be better or
;allied (Hear, hear.) What we have to
considerworse ga,
is
that these provinces belong to Austria
under treatle
s which, whether good or bad in
their origin— and certainly they must at first have been
I
deemed beneficia—have by long continuance become a
por-
tion of the public fit;
v of Europe. (Cheers.) Remember, my
lords, in looking at tk is Italian question, that there is not
that agreement among,
_ltalians which some persons sup-
pose. (Hear, hear.) f ihslieve that nearly all parties have
now given up the hope of I.'
are for an Italian empire, aving one united Italy. Some
since are for a constitutional, and
some for a Republican form of Government; and as their
objects are various, so their means of accomplishing them
are equally diverse. Some are for insurrection, some for
war, and some even for the execrable Prime ofassassination.
The deep-seated feeling is a detestation t;f* the foreigner, and
we must not deceive ourselves by believing that this hatred
is directed exclusively against the Austrians, though they
now happen to be its most prominent objects. De end upon
it the rival of Austria in Italy, France was certainly as un-
popular at the tiineof its armed occupation of that country,
and would speedily become again as unpopular as _Austria
if it stood in the same position. It is vain to deny. Oat. in
Italy there are at this moment Italians utterly unmmdful
of
the lessons of history, and who believe it possible by the au-
of one race of foreigners against another effectually to get
rid of foreign domination altogether. Every one of your
lordships must admit that Sardinia won our admiration and
respect for the gallant manner in which she has of late
years established for herself under circumstances of no little
difficulty free and liberal institutions. (Cheers.) Up to
this hour, the loyalty of her King, and the ability of her
Prime Minister, have earned for her the sympathy of this
country; and if she steadily pursues the same course, will,
no doubt, secure for her an increasing influence throughout
Italy. But it appears, that partly from motives of sympathy
with the Italian cause, and partly—it is vain to deny it—
from an ambition for territorial aggrandisement, Sardinia
is now arming herself far beyond her resources, and
language is held by her which leads to a well-founded
apprehension that she is about to engage in war.
Now, though, it appears entirely out of the question that
such a war should actually be engaged in, yet at this
moment rumours of such a war are rife. As far as can be
ascertained, those rumours are rendered possible by the at-
titude taken by Sardinia, and a report of certain words
uttered, or said to have been addressed, by the Emperor of
the French to the ambassador of Austria. Those words
might have meant everything, or they might have meant
nothing at all. But, independently of the effect-these war-
like rumours have had on the public mind of Europe, I do
not think we are, on other grounds, requiring too much of
her Majesty's Governmnnt if we ask it for some explanation
on this subject. The words of her Majesty's Speech in the
paragraph relating to ,the assurances received from all
foreigh Powers, and the maintenance of public treaties, are
perfectly unobjectionable—perfectly suited to the occasion ;
they are words of general import, to which nothing can be
objected. But with regard to her Majesty's Government
tho case is somewhat different. Considering the state of the
country, which is awaittng with great interest what occurs
in Parliament this evening, the Government may fairly be
asked to declare what its future course is to be with regard
to the circumstances that have produced these rumours, and
what course of policy it has adopted or may intend to adopt.
Of some of the possible motives that might influence the
Emperor of the French to engage in a war at this time it
is, of course, quite as easy for us on this side of the house
to forma judgment as the members of her Majesty's Govern-
ment. Those motives might be personal, dynastic, or
national; of these we can form some conclusion. But there
are some points of great importance of which we must
necessarily be ignorant. I cannot think but her Majesty's
Government must be in possession of information as to
the probabilities of war more satisfactory than mere
rumours. On a momentous question like this it is
most important, notwithstanding the general paragraph of
her Majesty's Speech, to know what assurances have been
received by the Government from the different foreign
Powers. If no precise assurances have been received, there
is, of course, only one inference to be drawn ; if assurances
have been given that there is no intention of war, it would
be satisfactory to know it • it would be most important and
material to the judgment to be formed as to the present state
of affairs. Such assurances must have the greatest weight
and importance, coming from a sovereign who has hitherto
been a faithful ally to this country, and who, from personal
motives, and on the ground of self-interest, must have strong
reasons for desiring to maintain that affiance. (Hear, hear.)
Whether her Majesty's Government do or do not think
themselves justified in expressing an opinion on the future
course of events, I think we have a right to demand of them
some clear statement of their past policy in this instance. If
they can say that during the course of these events they
have spoken equally to Austria, to Sardinia, and to France,
in the firm, candid, and friendly manner in which they were
entitled to speak, avoiding any unnecessary or irritating
menace on the one hand, but on the other declaring their
steady conviction that the maintenance of existing treaties
is necessary to the peace and tranquillity of the future ; and
if, in addition, they have entered into no engagements
whatever, binding this country to take any course, at any
time, other than the honour of England and the welfare of
Europe may demand,—in that case, I am sure that her Ma-
jesty's Government will receive the hearty support of the
people, a support that will enable them to speak with
greater force and influence in any difficult circumstances
that may hereafter arise. (Cheers.) There are other points
connected with foreign affairs to which I need not allude
at any length. We are told that the articles of the
Treaty of Paris relating to the organization of the Prin-
cipalities of Moldavia and Wallachia have been carried
into execution in a satisfactory manner. It is also satis-
factory to receive the assurance that a treaty of commerce
has been concluded with Russia ; though I cannot say I
have any great confidence in a treaty of commerce nego-
tiated by my noble friend (Lord Malmesbury), if he en-
gaged in the negotiation on the same principles on the sub-
ject he has often so ably advocated. (Hear, hear.) As to
the paragraph of her Majesty's Speech addressed to the
gentlemen of the House of Commons, I do not doubt they
will be ready to provide for the expenditure that may be
required for the improvement of the navy. It is satisfac-
tory to hear that her Majesty's Government have taken
this course at once, as, last year, they diminished the amount
of the navy estimates that had been prepared, and were ob-
liged subsequently to come to the house and ask for an in-
crease. As to home affairs, there is an important paragraph
in her Majesty's Speech relating to law reform. I hope the
noble earl will take the opportunity, in the discussion of
these reforms, to distribute the business of the House of
Lords over the whole session. I think there are some omis-
sions from the paragraph, as I see no announcement of any
measure on the question of church-rates. There is, how-
ever, one very important passage, in which we are told,
" Your attention will ,be called to the state of the laws which
regulate the representation of the people in Parliament."
This does not define clearly in what manner the subject is
to be brought before us, as the passage might denote a com-
mittee of inquiry, or some similar measure. If the Govern-
ment have a bill prepared, no doubt they will introduce it
themselves, and if that measure is not drawn up with
merely party motives, I believe it will not meet with any-
thing like a factious opposition, but will be considered with
that degree of attention its importance demands. Again
stating that it was not his intention to offer any opposition
to the Address, the noble earl concluded with an apology
for detaining the house so long.
The Earl of DERBY.—My lords, in following the very
able and temperate speech which has just been delivered by
my noble friend, he will, I trust, pardon me if I pause for a
single moment to express my warm acknowledgments to
my two noble friends who have severally moved and
seconded the Address in reply to her Majesty's gracious
Speech,—to my noble friend who moved the Address with
singular ability and singular clearness, and whom I trust
we shall often hear upon future occasions in this house, of
which he has recently become a member. (Hear, hear.) I
must also express my gratitude to my noble friend the
seconder of the Address, not indeed so new to this house as
the mover, but who, in the kindest and handsomest manner,
upon the shortest notice, has taken the place of another
noble lord who.had promised to undertake the task, but who
has been prevented from doing so by severe illness. We
must all be gratified to find that the language which her
Majesty has been advised to use in addressing Parliament
is of such a character as to lead to no division of opinion in
the house, and contains nothing which could prevent the
loyal acknowledgments contained in the Address from being
accompanied by a feeling of entire unanimity. But, my
lords, upon the present occasion I must confess I feel more
than ordinary gratification at the manner in which the
Address in reply to her Majesty's gracious speech has been
dealt with by my noble friend opposite and by the house
(hear)—because I think, so far as my opinion has been
expressed by the course taken by my noble friend, and by
the language of his able and lucid speech, there is some-
thing more than a mere expression of unanimity, which
under certain circumstances may be a mere form ; but I
imagine there is a general substantial agreement in opinion
upon all the more material topics treated of in her
Majesty's Speech. And, my lords, there never was a time
at which I am quits certain it was of deeper and more
vital interest to the wellbeing and the peace of Europe,
as well as to the happiness of this country, that there
should be a well marked and intelligible accordance of