The Sun.
London, England, 1861-07-31 00:00:00

We pointed attention some -weeks since to a
scheme, emanating from the Admiralty, for creating
a Naval Reserve of Officers of the Mercantile
Marine. The bill in which this is embodied has
now passed the House of Lords, and last night
passed the committee stage in the House of Com-
mons. Amid the Battle of the Bills, aided by a
little quiet, energetic backing, it was pushed to the
front, and went through committee without a
word. The house does not seem just now to be
in a very combative mood, and, as Mr. Hennessy
has taken occasion to make manifest by his divi-
sion of yesterday that the Opposition left in Lon-
don can all comfortably ride home in a four-
wheeled cab, we suppose there ought to be no
surprise that the passage of this Bill does not
occupy quite one line in our Parliamentary report
of this morning. We could have wished that the
measure had come before the Commons when there
was more time and inclination to examine the
scheme which it represents. It is, indeed, of very
first-class importance. It is of no less purpose than
to take the whole pith and marrow of the Mercan-
tile Navy, and to make it available for the emer-
gencies of a sudden war. From all time of our
naval supremacy we have somewhat idly relied
upon our Mercantile. Marine for our seamen. By
bounties, and pressgangs, and the natural effect of
the war impediments to commerce, we have counted
to obtain as man-of-war's-men every one who ob-
tained allivelihood upon the water. We have never,
however, in former days, turned a very wistful eye
upon the officers of the Mercantile Marine. It is
only lately that these have risen to an importance
which cannot be disregarded. By their modern
system of training, by their examinations, and by
their scientific acquirements, they have now become
a great resource to the country in Case of need, and
we must have them—upon our terms if we can,
upon their own terms if need be—enrolled among
our effective force in case of war.
In such a matter Parliamert is called upon to do
no more than to give power to the Admiralty to
. enrol and to subject the persons so enrolled to the
laws which enforce discipline. The bill itself is
therefore most brief and simple. It authorises her
Majesty to accept the services of masters and mates
of the Merchant
,Service as Officers of Reserve to
the Royal Navy ; it enables the Admiralty to enrol
and call out for exercise such officers and to fix their
rank ; and by a third clause it places them on a level
with the permanent Navy in respect of allowances
and pensions for hurts or wounds. There is nothing
in the mere bill which could directly raise any ques-
tion except that of the general expediency_ of cav-
ing a Reserve of skilled seamen accustomed to com-
mand and available for service as officers in time of
war. Upon this point there can be no difference of
opinion. If war were to break out between us and
any first-class neighbouring nation the first thing
we should want to do would be to cover the narrow
seas with a multitude of vessels difficult to hit, quick
to advance or retreat, and throwing a heavy shot
as far as possible. To command such vessels we
should want a very large number of men with very
special qualifications. They must be experienced
seamen, knowing the narrow seas perfectly, capable
of improving every advantage, and possessing that
mingled caution and audacity which is only found
in perfection among those who have the habit of
command, Whenever a war time arrives, and it is
only in contemplation of such a contingency that
we go to the expense of a navy, we shall have no
approximation to the supply of officers necessary
to the occasion. At the expense of money, life,
and reputation, we should, no doubt, eventually
create such a body of officers; and wd should bring
the whole staff to a high degree of efficiency by the
the time the war was over. As soon as that con-
summation had been effected we should, of course,
be compelled to cast them aside to hopeless inaction
and half-pay. The general policy of some such
scheme as this is so obvious that it is not worth dis-
cussion. If we can get a sufficient supply for our
present use, and if we can, without expense, create
a depot whither we can go at any time for a tem-
porary supply for a temporary emergency, we can-
not demand better. It is good for us, and good for
the navy. We are not called upon to pay for ser-
vices except when we require them, and the navy
is not burdened with competitors for service after
the temporary abundance of commands is past.
But the bill -which is passing through Parliament
is the least important document relating to this
matter ; and the discussion we had hoped for was
rather upon the Admiralty regulation than upon
the bill. The bill is, when it becomes law, to be
worked by " Regulations," and those regulations
have already been issued from the Admiralty. In
the first place, the officers of the Naval Reserve
are, as such, to be paid nothing. The obligation to
hold themselves in readiness to serve is to be alto-
gether gratuitous. Of course, when they are called
out for their drill or for service they have their
regular pay and allowances, but as enrolled officers
of Reserve they get nothing. No one complains of
this. It is quite as it should be. The fact, however,
ought not to he lost sight of. It marks the position
of these gentlemen. It is they who make great
personal sacrifice for the public service. We must
not begin by requiring such a sacrifice, and then go
on to treat them as though we had bought them
out and out, and paid them high bounties at their
enrolment. Even then the Admiralty, accustomed
as the Admiralty is to meet with nothing but sub-
mission from every man who wears a blue jacket,
may realise the possibility of not being able to get
men to enter into this one-sided contract unless
they have something to offer on the other side. A
man who will hold himself at the call of his country
without any pecuniary object will in all probability
be very tenacious, arid perhaps rather tetchy, about
points of rank and precedence. He will not like to
wear the naval uniform of his nominal rank" with
a distinction," any more than a man would care to
bear the blazonry of the Smiths, or Joneses, or any
other noble family with the bend sinister which is
indicative of bastardy. Neither will he like to rank
" with, but after," the officers of the Royal Navy of
the same grade. There is nothing in these and kin-
dred regulations likely to induce very valuable men
engaged in a lucrative occupation and occupying a
good social status to take upon themselves a certain
gratuitous and onerous responsibility. In such
cases as these a distinction is a degradation. If the
navy requires these gentlemen, the navy must
frankly accept them upon terms of absolute identity
for the time being. • At the meeting of merchant
captains held to consider these regulations, Captain
Congleton spoke the sentiments of his class when he
said. that " ranking after meant nothing less than
holding another rank altogether, and that, for his
part, he would rather go and serve at the guns than
take his Position
tion." as an officer under such a condi-
We believe these men all be had if they are
may
treated fairly and
courteously. The meeting held at
the London Tavern showed that they are all ready
can
to come in if theymade secure against con-
temptuous and ungratefultreatment. They love
rank and they love fighting, ,otind_they have their
strong love of country like
were most
The
moderate
two resolutions they passed
'iTiehat this
and reasonable. First they resolved,—
.•
meeting is of opinion that the rank
offered by the
and Sub-Lieutenant
will be accepted by the Masters and Mates ofillmeenrt
mer-
chant vessels, provided that rating shall imply
equality with the corresponding rank in the Royal
Navy, and that the officers of the Reserve shall
not be called upon to serve under any officer of in-
ferior rank to that of Commander in the Royal
Navy ;" which is so obviously reasonable that we
believe the First L all has conceded these points.
Their second suggestion was--" That this meet-
ing is of opinion that it is desirable to place the
Royal Naval .R.eserve force in its relation to the
Navy on a footing (as far as practicable) similar to
that which the Volunteer Force on shore occupies
in relation to the Army ;" which is in effect the
wisest way in which the whole matter can be
viewed. The 400 officers of the Naval Reserve
cannot be looked upon as an institution apart from
the 30,000 seamen of the Naval Reserve. If the
thing is to he a success, and it must be made a
success, the two must practically be worked toge-
ther. At present we have neither the 400 officers
nor the 30,000 men, but with a little tact we may
easily have both. We do not mean that any un-
varying rules shall be laid down which would pre-
vent a body of the Naval Reserve being put on
board a line-of-battle ship which may be in want
of hands, nor do we contend that the Admiralty
should part with the power to send officers of the
Naval Reserve to serve as a line-of-battle ship upon
occasion. But this is not the legitimate object of
the institution. We shall always have our great,
solemn, monster ships, with their regular, orthodox
equipments. The Naval Reserve is intended to
enable us to supplement them with a countless
ram of cruisers,
-
and to this object the spirit and
-oral orthe Regulations ought to be directed. We
sorry
the to say one word which would im-
pedeshould Have been
of this necessary bill, but we
eson better pleased if it went forth
from the
Commons that no s with a strong expression of
merematters of Admiralty etiquette
should be allowed
2 imes. to mar its practical operation.—

THE MILITIA.—A return just made to Parlia-
ment shows that since the beginning
militia of the United Kingdom hasinf of .1854 the embodied
the furnished 42,733 volun-
teers to the regular army, and
House of
militia
Commons this
35,624. The Estimates before the
Session provide for the training this yearof-
and privates; of the disembodied militia ; thoist 872092 officers
of the perml meat staff, whose numbers are aiLnegpAdent