The Sun.
London, England, 1861-03-29 00:00:00

pilicE 4D. STAMPED, SD.

might otherwise be passed in unprofitable indo-

lence. We cannot, gentlemen, be too thankful to
these brave men, and I can assure you that the
example which they have set, and the figure which
they have made, have inspired every nation of the
Continent with additional respect for the patrio-
tism, the independence, and the public spirit of
the British nation. (Hear, hear, and three
cheers for the volunteers.) Well, gentlemen, in
spite of all differences that have arisen on the Con-
tinent of Europe, we have the satisfaction of seeing
the principle of constitutional government rapidly
extending itself over the whole face of the Conti-
nent. (Hear, hear.) There was a time towards
the end of the last century when England was the
only nation that could boast of real representative
and constitutional institutions. England was then
the admiration, no doubt, of other countries, but
their admiration was mingled with despair of being
able to imitate the example set them by England.
At the present noment we have the satisfaction of
knowing that that example has borne its fruits, and
that the.diplomatic and other influences of England
have been steadily and firmly exerted, and success-
fully exerted, in mabling other countries of Eu-
rope to follow our example, and to share those con-
stitutional blessings of which we have so long
enjoyed the fruits. Instead of seeing the Conti-
nent one vast camp of despotism, now, from the
Mediterranean to the German Ocean, we have the
pleasure of seeing constitutions established. Por-
tugal has its constitutional Government; Spain has
its constitutional Government ; Italy, now fortu-
nately united—(cheers)—aided by the influence
and auspices of England, which influence and aus-
pice& have been- 43rantd= ataatlily, and. with an
enlightened spirit, directed by my noble friend
Lord John Russell—(hear, hear)—as the organ of
the British nation. Italy has now nearly completed
her unity, and we have the satisfaction'of seeing an
Italian Parliament, representing nearly the whole
of the peninsula, assembled and discussing with
moderation, with talent, with enlightenment and
wisdom, those common interests of the whole penin-
sula which persons who are adverse to the spread
of constitutional principles told us could not be
done, by reason of local jealousies and ancient tra-
ditions. We see in France a Parliament assembled
using the utmost proper and constitutional latitude
of discussion. We have seen a constitutional Go-
vernment established in Prussia, and more recently
the Emperor of Austria, following the example of
other countries, is giving his subjects also represen-
tative institutions. The only Power in Europe
which yet remains to be so improved is Russia ; and
even in Russia we find the Sovereign, animated by
feelings of benevolence towards his subjects,
carrying out a great and noble work by the emancipa-
tion of the serfs. (Hear, hear.) Hitherto the vast
multitude of the agricultural peasantry have been
in a state of qualified slavery. The Emperor has
now published an edict which gives them their
liberty, and there cannot be a doubt that he has thus
laid the foundation for a further administrative and
organic improvement in his vast empire. But while
we rejoice that so large a portion of the human race
are continually more and more admitted to the en-
joyment of liberty, we cannot, I think, divest our-
selves of some feelings of pride in reflecting that
this country set the first and leading example, and
that most of the improvements which have been
made elsewhere have been owing to the proof which
England had given of the prosperity and happiness
which constitutional monarchy extends to those
who are happy enough to live under it. (Hear.)
There is but one spot in the political horizon, the,
contemplation of which must inspire us with regret
and uneasiness—l mean those convulsions which
are now taking place among our cousins in North
America, leading to a dissolution of the union of the
formerly United States. It is not for us to judge
between the contending parties. It is not for us to
say what ought to be; whether compromises ought
to be made by which.the union may be maintained,
or whether it is best for the happiness of the sec-
tions that they should separate and form respectively
different associations and confederacies ; but of this
I am sure, every man who hears me, every British
heart will feeLttiahitivr cordial wish that what-
ever may be the ultimate result of the differences,
now prevailing, that result may be brought about
by amicable adjustments, nell thwt-t-luasworld
be saved from the afflicting spectacle of seeing
ha gr oatilni es
tr s
children, arming
and against s t s e
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that
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happiness which has hitherto been the admiration
of mankind, deformed by disputes : and a country
which has been the scene of peace and industry
polluted by the effusion of blood. I will not
longer delay you ; there are no other topics
which it is at present necessary for me to enter
into. I can only again assure you of the pride
which I feel in again being one of your chosen
representatives. I shall feel to the end of my life
the most sincere gratitude for the kindness which
for so many years I have experienced at your
hands. I trust I shall never find that anything in
my public conduct may deprive me of that confi-
dence and support which I feel to be one of the
greatest honours that a public man can enjoy.
Gentlemen, I beg to return you my most sincere,
heartfelt thanks. (Applause.)
His Lordship was about to retire from the win-
dow, when

Mr. ROWCLIFFE, who was standing at an open
window, in another part of the building, addressed
his lordship. He said the noble lord had spoken a
good deal about foreign affairs,but had passed over
domestic matters. lie wished to know what Lord
Palmerston had done with his Reform Bill. His
lordship turned out a Government far better than
his own on the reform question, and what had he
done himself ? Turning to Lord Palmerston, he
said—l will put some questions to you 'about home
affairs. (Laughter.) You Whigs have had power
since 1832. You pledged yourselves to economy and
retrenchment, but I have never seen you carry it
out. The expenditure in 1836 amounted to little
more than £40,000,000 a year ; but what is it now ?
You Whigs have made a great many fresh laws,
but look at the cost of working those laws. You
have filled the country with commissioners and use-
less placemen, and you have forgotten your pledge.
I believe it is now time for a change. You must see
it yourself. You had a majority in the House of
Commons one time, but now how has it dwindled
down ! (Applause and laughter.) Why, the majo-
rity has pretty nearly come to a minority. I only
wish I were there myself. (Loud laughter.) I
should walk right out of the House of Commons
when the subject of reform was discussed. (Con-
tinued laughter.) You are fondof taxing the work-
ing classes, but you do not' study their interests.
The House of which you are Premier is rotten to
the core. (Laughter.) Not 100 members of the
House have been sent by the pure votes of electors.
There are not 100 honest members in that House.
(Loud laughter.) Why did you dot stand by
the Reform Bill, as promised when on the
hustings here ? You did not intend to carry it, or
you would never have given it up after it had been
debated night after night. If Sir Robert Peel had
been the legislator he would have died on the floor
rather than have given up that Reform Rill.
(Laughter.) You come to Tiverton to gull the peo-
ple—(laughter)—but this conduct does not suit the
labouring classes, who are the producers of wealth.
You trust your servants with property, with jewels,
•and money, but still you will not trust them with
a vote. (Laughter.) I have given you \\rhigs a
long trial, and now I have thrown you overboard
altogether. (Loud laughter.) I will tell you why,
I never found a man of them who would not humble
down to the Government for the sake of office. You
have a great man among you—Mr. Milner Gibson.
I once thought he was an honest man, but the plum
you gave him was too big ; it stopped his
mouth.
(Loud laughter.) You do not attempt to lighten
taxation. You cut down the pay of a few men in the
dockyards earning £1 or £l4s. a week, but why not
cut down your great placemen wbo are too lazy to
work ? (Laughter.) You come down to Tiverton
Jo gull the people, but you don't gull me, my lord.
'(Continued laughter.) Now, my, advice to you is to
go back and meet your colleagues in Downing-street,
or where it is you meet them, and tell them that
tho must bring in an honest, pure, and just Reform
Bill, and then the people will rally round you, but
these humbugging measures which you have intro-
duced have only put off-reform. I tell you the peo-
ple will no longer allow you to play the double,