The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-26 00:00:00

to France of the Island of Sardinia !
Until the son of CHARLES ALBERT could
assume that grander designation he could not,
without accepting an ignominous position in the
presence of Europe, he could not, without laying
himself open to the scorn of all the nations of
Christendom, yield up what he can now yield
up (now that he is KING, OF ITALY) without
derogating in any way from his nominal dignity—
namely, the possession of that very island accord-
ing to him hitherto his monarchical appellation as
King of SARDINIA. The lesser title is swallowed
up by the greater. The King of ITALY, having
aggrandised his power territorially by the acquisi-
tion of so many other States upon the Italian main-
land, or, more strictly speaking, upon the Roman
peninsula—the King of ITALY, having absorbed
into his dominions, one after another, Lombardy,
Parma, Modena, Tuscany, the Amilian provinces,
the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, may resign,
without any appearance of abasement, may deliver

over to France, without any degradation in the
eyes of the Italians themselves, that possession
which France herself has so long coveted, which
the Piedmontese Sovereignty has so little cared for
—the Island of Sardinia.

Granted that the Government of the French
Emperor has again and again solemnly
repudiated that, it still to this moment
distinctly and formally repudiates any de-
sign whatever of acquiring, as another insular
province of the Napoleonian Empire, that im-
portant island of Sardinia, the most important

of all the standing grounds of European power in

the Mediterranean. Granted that Count CATOUR
has denied quite as plainly, deliberately, and
categorically any intention whatever of ceding
to NAPOLEON 111. the island of Sardinia, or, in
fact, any other of the Italian possessions, whether
insular or peninsular. We will admit all this
quite frankly, and we will then add that it is

precisely because of these solemn and deliberate

assurances on the part of the French EMPEROR
through his Government, and on the part of
the Italian statesman through his diplomacy—it
is precisely because of these denials put forward
by Count CAVOUR and the Emperor NAPOLEON
that we believe the cession of Sardinia to France
by the Xing of ITALY to be an event not only cer-
tainly preparing; but, at this moment, very
imminent.

Did we not receive exactly the same kind of
assurances from Paris and Turin in the early part
of last year, that no transfer of Savoy and Nice was
in any way meditated ? And yet, when the "pear
was ripe"—were not both Nice and Savoy, in
defiance of those imperial and royal assurances,
meekly handed over to the Emperor NAPOLEON 111.

by VICTOR EMMANUEL—for a consideration ? Yes
—the disgraceful story of that miserable transaction
is still only too painfully fresh in European
remembrance ! And what was done then so very
cleverly—may be repeated just as cleverly at the
next available opportunity. Only—base indeed
must be the Government in these islands of our own
that can once more in the same way allow itself to be
thus egregiously hoodwinked and deluded ! France
has denied any intention even to take possession
upon any pretext whatever of the Island of Sardinia.
That is precisely the very reason why our suspicion
of a deliberate intention on her part to do so should
forthwith be aroused! The Government at Turin
has said ditto in this matter to its Imperial Ally.
And that, too, is precisely the very reason why we
should look for the renewal in regard to the Sardes
of the same identical policy which was carried out
in regard to the Nizzards and the Savoyards !
Supposing anything to be accomplished under
the auspices of the French Emperor towards the
clearing away of the last two problematic impedi-
ments to the completion of Italian Unification—
supposing the difficulties now existing at Rome
and in Venetia and the Quadrilateral to be removed
through the agency of NAPOLEON lll.—that
potentate who has already the advantage in this
way of enjoying (and so far deservedly) the title
of Liberator of Lombardy—Supposing this last
act in the Italian Drama to have at length been
thus effectively performed—then especially, then
most speciously, there would be afforded to both
VICTOR EMMANUEL and NAPOLEON 111 , to the
Emperor of France and the King of Italy, he plea
for the transference from one to the other of the
Island of Sardinia ! A tranference that we believe
to be now not simply meditated, but resolutely
determined upon, and now in active preparation.
Whatever the plea advanced in extenuation of it,
the deed will be done, or at acyrate attempted.
It rests, however, entirely with the other European
Powers, but especially with England, to decide
whether it shall be debarred from the chance of its
entire accomplishment.

To England, in particular, it is of the utmost
importance, that this sequel to the absorption of
Savoy and Nice into the French empire should be
prevented. According to the returns of 1850 the
population of Savoy and Nice numbered altogether
395,566--according to the same year's return the
inhabitants of the island of Sardinia numbered as
many as 543,407, the probable total being estimated
now at some 660,000 souls. It is not, however, in

this fact that we recognise the particular
importance of the acquisition of the island of
Sardinia by France. The enhancement by
another half million or so of a race, num-
bering in all, as NAPOLEON 111. took occasion
to remind Europe only the other day, a vast
aggregate of 40,000,000—may not unreasonably
be deemed a matter scarcely deserving serious
consideration. It is not, therefore, because
of its population of 560,000 souls that we
regard the acquisition of the island of Sar-
dinia by France of such exceeding import-
ance. Neither do we so regard it by reason
of its very considerable dimensions—Sardinia
being very nearly as large as the largest island
of all in the Mediterranean, namely, the Island
of Sicily—the extreme width of Sardinia being 90,
and its extreme length 167, miles. It is not, again,
because the soil and climate of Sardinia are so
wonderfully favourable to the cultivation of the
vine, the olive, the fig, the orange, the almond—
nor yet because it is so readily productive of tobacco,
and salt, and cotton—because its cattle, though
small, are of good quality and are abundant—
because its fisheries are capable, like its mines, of
being rendered singularly productive—it is because
of nothing of all this, that we deem the posses.
sion of Sardinia by France a matter of such exceed-
ing importance to Europe, but more particularly
to England. It is because France holding Sardinia
would have command of the Mediterranean. It is
because France having Sardinia, in addition to
Corsica, would be within eight or ten hours by
steam, of the two great continents divided by the
waters of the Mediterranean. Lord NELSON has
(of all men) pointed out most clearly the
vital and paramount importance to Eng-
land of the prevention of the acquisition of
Sardinia by France ! Writing from Madalena, in
1803, NELSON, in a letter to our then Minister at
Turin (Mr. JACKSON), exclaimed in wonder—
" What a noble harbour is formed by these
islands !" adding—" The world cannot produce a
finer !" In the same letter he observes—" I believe
the French would not scruple to take Sardinia."
In a communication penned in the very next month
(Dec. 22, 1803), and addressed to Lord HOBART,
he writes—" This, which is the finest island
in the Mediterranean, possesses harbours
fit for arsenals, and of a capacity to
hold our navy, within twenty. four hours sail of
Toulon !" He says there—" Malta in point of
position is not to be named with Sardinia !"—pro-
phecying later on—" The French will get posses.
sion of this island." In a letter to Lord MINTo in
the month ensuing (January 11, 1804) NELSON calls
Sardinia "the most important island, as a naval and
military station, in the Mediterranean." He says in
June, 1804, to Lord HAwKESBURY, " From its
position it is worth fifty Maltas"—and at another
time in the same year writing to Lord St. VINCENT
he declares that Sardinia " has the finest men
of war harbours in Europe,"—exclaiming
in the same sentence—" It is worth
a hundred Maltas in position !" Those
who care to examine more in detail the opinions
expressed in this way by the Great Sea Cap-
tain, may turn with advantage to CLARKE and
M'ARTHUR'S " Life of Nelson," and Sir HARRIS
NICHOLAS'S " Nelson Despatches," or, better still,
to the admirable prefatory remarks but just now
given to the public in the Second Edition
of Mr. FORESTER'S luminous work on " Corsica and
Sardinia," recently issued from the press by the
Messrs. LONGMANS. In that excellent preface
to a very valuable work, the cream of those par-
ticular despatches of Lord NELSON'S will
be found to have been most opportunely
collected. It is NELSON'S finger that points
through them in warning—it is NELSON'S voice
that cries out to us through them Beware—now
that France is again turning her gaze and extend.
ing her grasp in the direction of the Island of
Sardinia!

Too late for us to advert to it in our remarks
yesterday, we received, just in time to publish
them, some speeches recently delivered by Mr.
LINCOLN, who will in a few days be at the head of
the Government—we cannot say of the United
States, but of so many of them as he can induce or
compel to abide by the Constitution. His policy
would appear to be one of firmness. If we under-
stand him rightly he will avoid " coercion and
invasion." " What, then (he asks), is coercion ?
What is invasion ? Would the marching of an
army into South Carolina without the consent of
her people, and with hostile intent towards
them, be invasion ? I certainly think it would
be ' coercion' also if the South Carolinians
were forced to submit." Which seems to
imply that he has no thought of reconquering
Seceding States. He appears, however, to think
that by simply asserting the undeniable Federal
rights of the Government to what is its own by
that first of all titles, purchase, he shall place the
Seceders in an awkward position ; for he adds,—
"But if the United States should merely hold and
retake its own forts and other property, and collect
the duties on foreign importations, or even withhold
the mails from places where they were habitually
violated, would any or all of these things be ' inva-
sion,' or ' coercion ?'" The views of those who
would call these things coercion, he designates as
" extremely thin and airy."

His own view of the relations between the
Federal Government and the States he thus ex-
presses :—" In their view the Union, as a family
relation, would be no regular marriage, but rather
a sort of ' free love' arrangement, to be maintained
on passional attraction. By the way, in what con-
sists the special sacredness of a state ? I speak not
of the position assigned to a state in the Union by
the constitution, for that by the bond we all recog-
nise. That position, however, a state cannot carry
out of the Union with it ; I speak of that primary
right of a state to rule all which is less than itself.
If a state and a county in a given case should
be equal in extent of territory and equal in
number of inhabitants, in what, as a matter
of principle, is the state better than the
county ? Would an exchange of names be
an exchange of rights ? Upon principle, ou what
rightful principle may a State, being no more than
ose-fiftieth part of the nation in soil and popula-
tion, break up the nation, and then coerce a pro-
portionably larger subdivision of itself in the
most arbitrary way ? What mysterious right to
play tyrant is conferred on a district of country
with its people, by merely calling it a State ?
Fellow-citizens, I am not asserting anything. I
am merely asking questions for you to consider."
It would seem, therefore, that Mr. LINCOLN will
assert the right of the Federal Government to its
own in all parts of the seceding States ; that the
federal forts are to be so many Gibraltars in the
midst of them ; and that if they harrass the mails
they are to be deprived of them. A bill to enable
him to do the last is indeed now passing
through Congress. Whether his claim of
the right to retake the forts and arsenals
which have been plundered, will provoke
a collision or not, we cannot tell ; he does not
advert to such a probability, and it remains to be
seen whether his reputation for firmness, combined
with his having unquestionably, so far, law and