The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-01 00:00:00

amount
of
the
classesgreat a iedw
h%r
1 he contended that there was nothing
ngieeveentdhesoefriaalnephoissietiotno those‘vele
ofof vhootnersnwieomulbdernsotobppeoesditdeedtotoshthowe
ellonasttiatulearnegi
adduced on behalf held. They could not conceal from themselves there was a
. IMPE R IAL PA_LLIAMENI..
ciwbyinthgeirdesini
.....____—
eestreelltigee
c —(YESTERDAY). country by the operation of the savings bank clause. justly entitled to the right. The House of Commons'would
(Hear, hear.) He called on the house lea exercise their judg- listen to that appeal, but not by adopting this bastard
seat on the woolsack went without reference to mere party considerations, and system of legislation. He trusted this
is question would soon
by consenting to allow the bill to go into committee, and pass into abler and better hands—into those of the noble
when it was amended there it would settle the question'at lord, who. had an hereditary claim, or those of the hon.
etice that on issue satisfactorily. If they did net adopt that course member for Birmingham, who represented the feeling out
'etee to in- the question might be indefinitely postponed, or brought of doors. It was said the noble lord was actuated by party
etes. forward for consideration when the p üblic mind was agi- motives, and this was a subtle party move to displace -
the
N - tated and inflamed. Government. He for one would support the resolution,
Sir R. PEEL said he rose for the 'purpose of making a but not on party or. on factious grounds, but en public
few observations on the important subject under discussion, grounds. He for one was no enemy to party connexions ;
Ire party the house was governed. He should vote with
and considering the number of gentlemen who were still the landthe '
nob )e lord
desirous of addressing the house he certainly thought that that on this occasion their conduct .
was governed by the
the time for making long speeches had well-nigh gone by. purest motives. As far as he was individuallyb concerned,
(Hear, hear.) At all events, if any gentleman desired to 'he had shown he was not prepared to give up to party his
address the house before the conclusion of the debate, he right to judgment on important questions. On two very
trusted the house would accord to them, as it had done to great occasions, he had assisted as much individually
as
any man to displace'the Government, although he had felt
those who preceded, iz a kind and courteous attention. After the deepest regret at being obliged to separate himself from
this protracted discussion, after the very satisfactory man- a statesman for whom he entertained the warmest seem_
ner in which thid bill had been debated, after every part of pathy on public grounds, and towards whom he felt the
feelings ofpersonal attachment. They had been
it had been dissected and disembowelled, to use the expres- warmesttauted with the difference of opinion on' that side of the
sion of his right hon. friend the member for Ashton, after house, but they would see that in the "moment of a great
the very admirable manner in which the qubetion had been crisis they could be united, with the exception of two or
treated in the able speech of the right hon. baronet the three deserters. They would not hesitate, to stand faithful
to the principles which had made the great Liberal party 11e
member for Carlisle, he did not propose to crater into any
recognised as the organ of public opinion • they would re-
lengthened disquisitions upon the subject of the franchise, main true to their colours, '
colours, and stand faithfully to their nor on the philosophy which the right lion. gentleman the principles, and look forward with proud confidence to the
Secretary for the Colonies had introduced into the discus- result of the division, with the hope that the ultimate re-
sion of this m:ddie-class bill. (Hear, hear.) He should suit would justify them, and that in the triumphant ma-
jority the success of the resolution,
not enter upon a discussion of the Grey letter, or of the
the peoplewhich wouwoulld rd ecognisewelcome the wisdom and the justice of
misgivings of the hon. member for Cambridge town, that house (Cheers.)
Neither should he quote Clarendon, Mackintosh, or De Mr. GASKELL would have been content to give a silent
Tocqueville, or the Athiest friends of the Under Secretary vote if he could entirely concur either with the Government
for India. (Laughter.) He was surprised that the noble or with the noble lord. There were some parts of the bill
he did not approve of • but ho could not vote for
i the reso-
dlord had quoted the opinions of a man like Mr. Holoake. 1 • • •
ution • it appeared to him to raise a false issue. (Hear.)
(Hear, hear.) The noble lord ought to recollect that this Mr. 'SLANEY said he should vote for the resolution,
was a man who went about the country lecturing against not because he wished to destroy the bill, but because he '
the Bible. (Hear, hear.) He attempted to do so lately at hoped to see it amended.
Doncaster, but the feeling against him was so strong that Mr. E. C. EGERTON trusted that the Governmentwould see the necessity of reducing the borough franchise,
the mayor who had given the building was obliged to with- and would not allow the carrying of the resolution to pre- I
draw his permission. (Hear, hear.) At that stage of the vent them from proceeding with the bill at a period which
debate they could scarcely hope to introduce any fresh was so favourable for the settlement of the question.
materials of criticism, but they might still derive some ad- Mr. COBBETT wished to state his reasons for voting in
vantage from favour of the second reading of the bill. He did not ap- .
looking with a critical eye on the debate which
prove of the whole bill; on the contrary, there were man had taken place. They might follow the example of the of its details of which he disapproved;'there y
but were a
First Lord of the Admiralty, and discuss the question with- variety of new franchises which had occupied public atten-
out any asperity, as he did—(hear, hear)—or discuss it tion almost ever since the passing of the Reform Bill of
with the modest mildness of the Solicitor-General. (Hear, 1832, and he thought it very desirable that the bill should be
hear.) 11 e would ask—where were they? (Laughter.) Hon,
read a second time, in order that they might be considered
in committee. The bill was wide enough in its scope to
gentlemen might laugh, he did not mean in what part of allow of the opening of the question of the ballot. The ro-
that assembly of 600 palpitating members—he meant, where e,eistration of votes was included in the very title of the bill;
were they in the discussion of this great and serious ques- and the hon, member for Bristol (Mr. H. Berkeley) might
tion ? lie had sat' there almost without solution of con- take advantage of that to propose in committee a elapse ene-
tinuity. (Laughter.) They, had sat there since Monday bodying the principle of vote by ballot. He did not call him-
week listening to the opinions and sentiments expressed, and self a man of the people, but from long habit and from the
membersinight well be astonished and bewildered, not as to education he received in his early days—(cheers)—he had a
how they would vote, but by the opinions they had heard very strong desire to see those who laboured, whether at the
expressed. It was said of the celebrated John Wilkes that loom or on the land, in r far better position than they' now
when asked what his politics were, he replied, " I never were, (Hear, hear.) He knew there were those among them
was a Wilkesite." A great many hon. gentlemen were in who suffered greatly, and he thought the house ought to give
that position ; they had heard opinions from that side which their attention to this. His o .vn conviction was that if they
ought to have come from the other, and from the other side attended to this more then they did they would find the
opinions which ought to have come from that ; they had working class not so anxious for these changes, which sonic
heard from Conservative members not only Liberal, but called organic, but that they would find that class satisfied
Radical sentiments—(hear, hear)—whilst on that side they with the efforts of the house, while the house would better
had heard hon. gentlemen endeavouring to throw dissent represent the working men than it did at present. (Cheers.)
among their ranks, and holding opinions which might very Mr. COLLINS said he concurred with those who thought
well come from the right hon. meniber for Cambridge and that something ought to be done to settle this question ;
the right hon, gentleman who sat beside him. Those two and holding that view, he should give his vote against the
gentlemen had left the Government with great dignity. resolution. (Hear, hear.)
(Hear, hear.) Lord Derby had said he had lost two Radical Mr. WESTERN objected to the transfer of the county
colleagues ; that was a new name for the right hon. mem- voters to the borough, even in those cases where the bill
bar for Oxfordshire—(a laugh)—and it must have struck would fairly operate as a transfer. The mischief would be
dismay into the heart of many an Oxford squire to hear him that those voters in most cases would be non-residtats. This
qualified by the Prime Minister as a Radical. (Laughter.) effect would result—the resident electors having an interest
An hon. gentlemen asked hint if he was afraid of the people ? in the affairs of the borough would be swamped by the non-
lam not afraid of the people, says that burly country gen- resident voters. (Hear.) There were other portions of the
tleman, the junior member for Dorsetshire. (Great laughter.) bill equally objectionable, but after the long and able debate
The right hon. member for Stroud has been styled a pale- which had taken place, he would- not further obtrude on
din. (Laughter.) He certainly had galloped very freely the attention of the house. He approved of the principle 1
through the ranks, but happily he had got a fall—(hear, enunciated in the resolution of the noble lord the member
hear)—and his passion must have since been somewhat sub- for London, and should accordingly give it the support of
dued by the ample dose of Dover Powder he had received. his vote.
(Great laughter.) As for theright hon. gentleman who ad- Mr. HODGSON would vote against the resolution of the
dressed the house on Tuesday, that ornament of the noble lord. He could not but think that the house had not
assembly, such was his power of debate, such his excellent treated the Government with the forbearance which, under
eloquence, that he must be a bold man who did not hesitate the circumstances attending this question, they deserved.
to rise after he had addressed himself to any subject. With respect to the bill, he did not mean to say that he en-
They had also heard the right hen. gentleman the member tertained no objections which might not easily be removed
for Dublin University. Some one had called him a windy in committee. It was his intention to vote against tho re-
orator. (Laughter.) He must say that if the debate had solution, and in favour of the Government bill.
commenced on Monday week very windy, they had since Mr. WYVILL intended to support the second reading
had the cataract and the volcano—" the torrent and tern- of the bill, because he thought it might be made a good
pest of passion." The hon. gentleman who had just re- bill in committee, and also because he believed that, if they
moved from his seat, said he-had not entirely given up the rejected it, it would be impossible to pass any measure of
opinions he advocated last year. They were certainly rather reform during the present session.
strong. Perhaps the hon. gentleman did not know exactly Mr. G. HUDSON complained that the resolution of the
what they were. When it was proposed to entend the frau- noble lord, besides being unparliamentary was an unusual
chise and increase the number of electors in the counties, proceeding on the second reading of a bill. He (Mr. Hudson)
the hon. gentleman said, " Their sense of honour, and love should vote against the resolution, because he believed that
of fair play would not let them look tamely on and see such it was not intended to advance reform, but to be used as a
great mischief done." He was glad to find the hon. gen- mere clap-trap for the purpose of defeating the bill. The
tleman had not entirely given up these opinions. (Hear.) noble lord refused everything, and pledged himself to
He was not surprised if - members could not make up their nothing. He should not again follow the noble lord into
minds—what with resolutions, counter-resolutions, pro- the lobby for the sole purpose of turning out a ministry, to
pose's, and propositions. He would like to ask the Chan- whose admirable manner of conducting the business of the
cellor of the Exchequer what will be the fate of the bill, or, country every man who had risen in that debate had borne
in the language of the fashionable novelist who sat beside testimony. (Hear, hear.)
him, what will ho do with it? (Laughter and cheers.) The Mr. WALTER said that he fully agreed with the de-
right hon. member for Dublin University had likened the scription which had been given by the right hon. member
noble lord and the noble viscount and a third to the witches for South Wiltshire, that this bill would require to be gutted
round a cauldron of incantation. The Chancellor reminded before it was rendered passable; whilst of the resolution it
him of Hamlet soliloquising : might with equal justice be said that it committed nobody,
" To be or not to be that is the question :
suffer and meant nothing precise. This was a very disagreeable
-Whet
• ,
her 'tis nobler in the mind,
predicament for the house to be placed in. With the per-
to
The sling and arrows of outrageous fortune ; mission of the heuse he would state the reasons why he
Or to take arms against the sea of troubles, should vote against the second reading, and also abstain
And, by opposing, end theM ?—To die,—"
from voting in favour of the noble lord's resolution. Con-
sidering all the circumstances of Lord Derby's Govern-
To die ; not at trli. (Cheers and laughter.) The noble lord ment, he (Mr. Walter) had been of opinion that reform was
the member for Tiverton told the Government they e
bad a question with which he should not have meddled at all.
much better go on, and if the resolution was adopted, in- Had Lord Derby openly taken that course,the country
corporate it with the bill. The First Lord of the Admiralty would have been
perfectly satisfied with him, but, like other
tel them it was an offensive and factious resolution. (near.) imprudent people, he accepted a bill without, ,o
considering
He thought such an expression of opinion was not at all how he was to meet it. Beside all this, he m might have
justified. (Hear, hear.) Let them consider what this bill known that, however liberal might be the measure he
was? It was y reposed to amend the laws relating to the re- brought in, it would fail to satisfy the Opposition, as the
presentation of the people; every single portion of it had temptation to them to outbid him would be too great to be
been objected to, and universal fault and dissatisfaction ex- resisted. (Hear.) With regard to the identification of the
pressed against it, but if adopted they would have this ad- suffrage, there had been a great deal of discussion, as hon.
vantage, that it might lead almost immediately to some prac- gentlemen seemed to confound equality with identity,
tical legislation, which would be an advantage to the house whereas the two things were perfectly distinct. Equality
and the country. What was the resolution ? At first sight, of suffrage was a question of degree, whereas identity was
but at first sight only, it seemed open to the objection that a confusion of qualifications ; and here he had to express
it was a mere abstract proposition, and one hon. membersaid his approval of the bill, inasmuch as it preserved the va-
he could not determine to vote for it, as it did not state the "-
riety in the qualifications. For his own part he was an ad-
exact opinions and intentions of the noble lord. The Solid- vocate for an equal franchise in boroughs and in counties,
tor General and the First Lord of the Admiralty had told and on this point he thought the hon. gentleman the mem-
them the resolution was most irregular; but they were now ber for Oldham had done more for the Government than
positively assured that the resolution was quite regular, any of the Government's own members had done in defend-
quite Parliamentary, and quite consistent. (Hear, hear.) ing that portion of the bill which had been most attacked
The ex-commissionerimperial—(laughter)—told them there by the other speakers in the course of the debate. Should
was no precedent for such a resolution being moved on the the resolution be adopted, which was likely to be the case
second reading, which selected the important points of the by a small majority, he did not see why Government might
bill for objection. The Solicitor-General said such a course not withdraw the bill and bring in another based upon what
was unprecedented in the Parliamentary annals of theceun- were now understood to be the views of the house. If they
try. In 1844 when the Bark Charter Act was before the took that course he would willingly give them his support.
house, an arnendmentin the shape of a resolutionwasmoved But the worst course they could pursue was to dissolve, for
by Mr. Hawes, and the numbers were ayes
.185, noes 30. it would be :highly improper for them, a Conservative '
On that occasion there voted for the resolution the right Government, to go to the country on a Reform Bill. If
hon. member for Oxford University and the present Mi- the Government were to dissolve, they might possibly gain
nister for 'War. (Hear, hear.) Hon. gentlemen complain some strength ; but they would in that case fling upon the
that they do not know what are the intentions of the noble floor of the political arena a bill which would become the
lord. If the resolution werecarried and the Government de- subject of a squabble among the most radical and violent
leafed, and if they relinquished office, he believed the noble classes in the community.
lord would be prepared, without delay, to lay a bill on the Mr. GREENALL said he had come to the conclusion
table. (Hear, hear.) He believed the noble lord would be I
that his vote ought to be against the resolution of the noble
ready to pledge himself to do so, if the house sanctioned his lord the member for London ; for although the noble lord
resolution. (Hear, from Lord J. Russell.) He would treat might possibly, carry that resolution by a small majority,
the subject in a statesmanlike and straightforward manner. still he did not believe that he would be able to produce a
(Hear, hear.) The resolution involved every serious issue. better measure than that into which the bill of the Govern-
They were told that if adopted it would be tantamount toe. ment might lie converted if the house were to go into cora-
defeat of the Government. He for one did not see that mittee upon it.
would be a very great or serious inconvenience. (Hear, Mr. GILVIN was willing to state at once that he was
hear.) It was not the first time they had got rid of a weak prepared to tote for the resolution of the noble lord the
Government and substituted a strong one to deal with, member for the City of London; and if lie had no other
a great question. As regarded the question of reform, reason for doing so, it would be that which the right hon.
he did not think it would be any very serious inconvenience gentleman the member for Oxford gave upon a notable oc-
if the Government was defeated, and the discussion ad- casion, viz., that every word of the resolution was as true as
journed, perhaps for a year or two, as suggested by the hon. Gospel. (Hear, hear.) He was convinced that to give the
members for Birmingham and Ashton. (An HoN. MEM- franchise to the working classes was the best means to make
nen—Five years.) Let the question be adjourned even for them feel they had an interest in their country. (Hear.)
five years, and. let a little healthy agitation take place.
Mr. HENLEY would not have thought • it necessary,
(Hear.) A full and free discussion of the great principles
involved could not but be advantageous, and could not •but under ordinary circumstances, to have addressed any obser-
tend to exercise a wholesome and legitimate influence on vations to the house ; but it was known that he, in
their debates. (Hear.) The noble lord had been the object common with his late right hen. colleague (Mr. Walpole),
of the sneering observations of the Solicitor-General. It was unable to give his assent to the bill of the Government.
was quite true the learned gentleman had that evening .
He had listened with great attention to the whole of this
given a tardy expression of his regret—(" oh," "hear")—but he had taunted the noble lord, and urged him to give debate, and if he had heard anything which in any degree
some expression of his intention. (Hear.) He thought he shook the opinion he had formed of it, he should not have
had found a vulnerable point, and came down with extracts had the least hesitation in saying so. (Hear, hear.) He
from country papers, showing that somebody said some- thou ht the bill was somewhat underrated. It was
g , in
where that Lord John and John Bright had come to an
his opinion, a very large measure, not only in what it
understanding; he imputed to the noble lord most, unworthy
motives of private advantage—('a no, no," and cheers)—he did, but still more in the principles it contained. Now,
did impute them. ("No, no," and cheers.) The noble lord, according to the most moderate computation it increased
however, had treated the hon. and learned gentleman's ex - the constituencies by one-half. (Hear, hear.) The mea-
planation with so much kindness, that he would not further
s
allude to it. (Hear, hear.) The hon. and learned gentle- sure that did this could not be a very small one. (Hear,
man should recollect that those wife live in glass-houses— hear.) Various reasons had been put forward for the equa-
(oh, oh)—he would say it, those who lived in glass-houses lisation of• the occupation franchise in town and county.
should not throw stones; he had tried a dodge to injure the The noble lord the Secretary for India had said how absurd
noble lord, but it had recoiled on himself, and he might it was that a man living on one side of a street should have
now go and philosophise with the Secretary for the Colonies
on this middle-class bill. (Laughter.) The Secretary for a vote for the county, and a man g livin on the other side
the Colonies said the mainspring and backbone of the bill should not. That might be very well if there were not other
was the preservation to the middle classes of the political anomalies of a still larger character. The hon. member the
power which for twenty years they had exercised so much Under-Secretary for the Home Department (Mr. Hardy)
to the advantage of the state. The whole inside of the bill S justified this measure upon what seemed to him to be a
had been disembowelled by the right hon. member for rather extraordinary mode of reasoning. He said that this
Stroud, and had neither principle nor backbone. The bill was not a change in the principle of the county suffrage,
had excited nothing but dissatisfaction, it did nothing but , because an occupation franchise was introduced into coun-
unsettle existing arrangements. He maintained it did not ties by the Reform Act of 1832. But the great question
admit any considerable portion of the working classes to the was how the principle had been applied. No one could say
enjoyment cf their rights ;it admitted some new classes, but that the introduction of the county occupation franchise by
it deprived the e borough freeholders of their ancient rights ; the Act of 1832 had at all altered the fact of property being
it maintained all the small boroughs, and (what was one of the basis of the county qualification. (Hear, hear.) It
the most objectionable parts) it proposed to introduce voting added perhaps a fifth or sixth to the number of voters. But
papers. The small number of electors voting at the late what did the present bill do ? The present number of
election for Marylebone was urged as an argument for their county voters was estimated at 500,000. The bill proposede
introduction ; but it proved nothing, as, of course, with twee to let in 300,000 occupation voters. But what did it do be-
Liberal candidates in the field, the Conservative electors sides ? For some purpose which it was not easy to under-
would
100,0e015
would not care to vote. These voting papers, like those stand they took out of the county representation
result
used in the election of guardians by parishes, would be freehold voters and added them to the towns. The
overwhelmed,
liable to a great amount o fraud. He did not want to see would be that property would be sure to be
swould
any serious displacement of the present system ;he was not and the whole electoral powers of the counetie
h plain result of
in favour of electoral districts, or of uniformity of suffrage ; the occupation voters. That would be t
whether £lO oc ho very much adhered to - the opinion of the right hon. the measure. He would not say anything
limit; but the vast-
member for Carlisle, who said a few evenings ago, "I will cupation was a proper or an improperthat class. say that a bill, taking as the new point of departure the £lO majority of the voters would belongan
d °A
great many Powergn franchise for counties, lowering-to a considerable extent the would bo completely in their. h
t lowerings the franchise -
borough franchise—prohibiting the payment of traveling meats had been used arms
danger of •in
pointed out the reducing
expenses, multiplying polling places, disfranchising within towns ; but no one had
moderate limits the smeller boroughs, and enfranchising, the county franchise so as to put
the whole power into the
been spoken of as a raea-
with strict impartiality, the larger counties and the larger hands of one class. The bill had
cities—l say that even now, at this moment, my belief is sure dealing
with
The a countiesscontained
subject that had never b
upwards of 10
of dealt
that a bill so framed would command support on each side with before.
they were about to vastly of the house. To such a measure ho would be disposed to millions of people,
andies. Nut while there were 10 en-
givemil-
his cordial adhesion. He trusted he should see this large the constituerne
the counties tere were between
pr inciple soon embraced in a bill which might lead to a lions of population
• the
and eight millions in.boroughs. For the 10
satisfactory issue. He trusted that this year, next year, or seven .
n the counties there were 500 0 00 voters, and for
perhaps in two or three years, they would have a measure
millions in the boroughs '
there were 430,000
which might lead to a satisfactory ctory settlement, instead of the e
It
voters. was proposed to take 100,000 from counties, and
this crude and ill-digested bill. The right hon. member
them into than boroughs. I He was not touching now on
for Cambridge had said it was crude and ill-digested. The put_ s franchises.
• the fancy at gave .500,000:in the boroughs
House of Commons had said so, and had been almost unseal-
in the
mous in the condemnation of the Government bill. In and. 700,000_ . counties. But what was to be done
doing so they had shown Ministers a faithful mirror of the with regard to members ? You were going largely to in-
public the voters in largely
to
bl' • d out of doors, by giving oche to the sentiments cerase counties, with scarcely any addition pule min
expressed on the platform of every meeting which had been the members. The measure now proposed proceeds don the

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY).
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

CHURCH RATES,

The Duke of MARLBOROUGH gave notice that on
this day week he would move for a select committee to in-
quire into the assessment,and collection of church rates.

INDICTABLE OFFENCES (METROPOLITAN
DISTRICTS) BILL.

On the motion that this bill be read a third time,
Lord CAMPBELL said he entirely agreed with the pro,
visions of this bill, which enacted that no persons should be
liable to an indictment at the Central Criminal Court until
there had been a preliminary investigation before a police-
magistrate ; but he wished the further proceeding with the
measure should be postponed for a short time, so that a few
amendments might be made in certain clauses. He objected
to that pdrtion of the bill which gave persons who were
neither magistrates nor lawyers the power to commit per-
sons who might be brought before them. This was,
however, hitherto entrusted only to grand juries, mayors,
or aldermen.

The LORD CHANCELLOR agreed to postpone the
third reading of the bill till Monday next.

RAILWAY TICKETS BILL.
This bill passed through committee.
MANSLAUGHTER BILL.
The LORD CHANCELLOR moved , the second
reading of this bill, which was to enable coroners, in cer-
tain cases, to take bail for the appearance of persons against
whom a verdict of manslaughter might be returned. Coro-
ners' juries frequently brought in the most absurd verdicts
of manslaughter on frivolous grounds, and before the grand
jury no shadow of evidence was given to support the accusa -
tion. On one occasion a quantity of logs of timber floated down
the river, and caused the death of a person, and upon a
coroner's inquest taking place, a verdict of manslaughter
was returned against the owner of the timber. (Laughter.)
Lord CAMPBELL and Lord WENSLEYDALE approved of
the measure.

The bill was then read a second time.
VEXATIOUS INDICTMENTS BILL.
This bill was read a third time and passed.
EVIDENCE BY COMMISSION BILL.

This bill was read a third time and passed.
Their lordships then adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.-(YESTERDAY.)
The SPEAKER. took the chair at four o'clock.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
The following bills were read a third time and passed :
Carmarthen and Cardigan Railway ; Glasgow Public Parks
and Galleries of Art ; Kingstown Water ; Manchester,
Sheffield, and Lincolnshire Railway (Station at Manches-
ter); Poole Water ; and York Improvement.
The Vale of Neath Railway Bill was read a second time.

CHICHESTER HARBOUR EMBANKMENT.
Mr. BONHAM-CARTER moved for a copy of the re-
port of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, in the
year 1851, relative, to the embankment of certain waste
lands in Chichester Harbour subject to be overflowed by
the tide, and also a deed of covenant, founded upon the
same, between the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty
and Messrs. Merritt and Greenhill, dated the 9th day of
July, 1851.—Agreed to.
Mr. C. FORSTER moved that the order, that the Dart-
mouth and Torbay Railway Bill be committed, be read, and
discharged ; that the bill be withdrawn, which was
agreed to. _