The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-06 00:00:00

mate personal defence against attacks which he thought
had been made by myself and by two of my colleagues in
the present. Government. But I cannot say that the same
line of conduct has been pursued by all the members of the
late Administration. One noble earl, who for some time
held the office of President of the Board of Control, told us,
with that strength of language which stereotypes every
thought that comes from his lips, that he believed with the
certainty of prophecy that an aitempt at invasion would be
made. (Cheers from the Opposition.) I feel reluctant, my
lord, to continue the contemplation of 'such an event-
r)--and it is some comfort to me to reflect that pro.
pheey when uninspired is one of the most fallacious guides
is the political conduct of the world. Another noble earl,
who held one of the highest offices in the late Government,
observed, during the last year, a singular silence upon pub-
lic affairs, but the very moment he got free film the reins,
like the postboy of Cowper, he galloped about without
thinking what mischief he might inflict, or where he
Might place his foot. _(A laugh.) I do think that when
_ _

that noble lord, in defiance of all international law, and in
defiance of the feelings of a great maritime Power, our

neighbour, declared what his ideas were of the limits of the
British shore, he ought to have recollected that such re-
marks were but ill fitted to preserve the peaceful character
of our foreign relations, (Hear, hear.) And now, my lords,
we have this evening been addressed upon the same subject
with greater weight, greater moderation, and greater tem2
per. But lam not sure that the noble and learned lord
opposite has been judicious in all he has said. If a feeling
of hostility does exist, as he says it does—not on the part of
the Emperor Napoleon, but on the part of the French
people—l am not certain that his speech will tend to allay
it. When he points out in the most marked way the de-
fenceless character of our shores,—when at the same time
he boasts of our former victories,—and when he makes
something like insinuating and sneering allusions both to
the Government and the people of France,—l am afraid
that coming from such lips as his, such language is not cal-
culated to maintain a friendly feeling between the two coun-
tries. (Hear.) When you consider how muoh irritated a
majority of the public and of Parliament were last year by
the foolish expressions of a few foolish French colonels,
isolated in their garrison towns, and smarting under an
attempted assassination of their Emperor and commander,
you will be able to estimate the effect which such language
as we have heard to-night is likely to produceupon a people
so sensitive as the French. (Hear, hear.) Again, my
lords, I have to ask myself whether such speeches are ne-
cessary to stimulate our countrymen at home. I believe
they are not. It is impossible to read the language of the
public press, or the speeches made at public meetings, or to
see the points upon which even theologians think the election
of a member for Oxford University ought to turn—(a laugh)
—without being aware of the readiness withwhich the people
are prepared to make pecuniary sacrifices in order to preserve
the inviolability of our shores, and maintain the national
honour. (Hear, hear.) A proper feeling in that respect
already exists, and the only fear is that it may be excited
beyond its legitimate work. The noble and learned lord has
talked of invasion, but that I believe is at the present mo-
ment out of the question. While we are on the best possible
terms with tho United States, while Russia is notoriously
not prepared for war, and while France is engaged in a
bloody and costly contest in Italy, we are certainly not in
danger of an invasion. But what we all feel is, that it would
be absolute folly for a great and rich country like England
not to take those permanent precautions which at all times
will relieve us, not only from invasion itself, but from the
very alarm of invasion, so injurious as it might be to our
commerce. (Hear.) Political experience teaches us that if
we excite a feeling to an unnatural degree it will be followed
by a reaction, and the probability is that if the people are
too much agitated now they may at some future time be
seized with a fit of economy which will prevent the Govern-
ment of the day from continuing those permanent means of
defence which are absolutely necessary for the protection of
the country. (Hear.) I now come to the conduct of her Ma-
jesty's Government, and to the question whether it is neces-
sary to stimulate them with regard to this most important
subject. My noble friend (the Duke of Somerset) has had
occasion to make in this house explicit declarations upon
this subject, and I am glad to have the opportunity of re-
peating that those declarations are not mere expressions of
individual opinions, but the authorised statement of the
views of the whole of the Cabinet intrusted with the Govern-
ment of the country. I know nothing in the character of
Lord Palmerston, the head of the Government, which should
excite alarm in this respect. I believe that all who have seen
anything of that noble lord know that for years there has
been no man, except perhaps the late Duke of Wellington,
who, both in private and in public, has more anxiously
pressed the importance of maintaining our defences in a pro-
per state of preparation than he has done. (Hear.) Some
doubt may have been created by what fell from the noble and
learned lord with regard to the state of the navy at the be-
ginning of last year, which was cheered by the noble earl
opposite (the Earl of Hardwicke), and which must have
been founded upon a statement made by the noble earl him-
self the other day, that at that time the navy was in a state
of " weakness, impotence, and decrepitude.";("Hear " from
Lord Hardwicke.) The noble lord cheers, but I really ven-
ture to ask him how he reconciles that cheer with the state..
ment made by the head of the department concerned last
year ? (Hear.) Ido not wish to trespass upon your lord-
ships' attention, but perhaps I may be allowed to give you
a very short sketch of what has occurred with regard to the
navy. (Hear.) The noble and learned lord referred to the
great difference in the comparison between the forces of
France and England which resulted from the application
of steam to navigation. No sane person can doubt that
whereas it had formerly been impossible for the French
nation to equal us in sailing vessels, as soon as steam was
introduced the terms became equal and the race equal to
both countries. In the year 1852, however, we were supe-
rior to the French in steam vessels by, I think, 52 ships.
During the war we maintained our superiority both in the
Baltic and in the Black Sea. At that time I think 284
ships, besides 107 mortar vessels, were added to the navy.
In 1858 we had 16 ships in excess of the number possessed
by the French, and although it might be true that we were
deficient in frigates, we had 224 small steam vessels more
than they had. At the cessation of the war the country
required, and to a certain extent reasonably required, a re-
duction of our forces. The Government did not entirely
comply with those requisitions. They reduced the navy, but
instead of returning to its condition previous to the war,
they went back to the standard of the first year of pre-
parations for war, which exceeded the peace establishment
by about 1,000 men, and in the shipbuilding department
by about 50 per cent. Last year a cry arose in the coun-
try, which was most eloquently enforced by Mr. Disraeli
in Parliament, that not only our civil but also our military
and naval expenditure must be reduced in proportion to
the reduction of our taxation. The charges which were
made against the then head of the Admiralty (Sir C.
Wood) were that he was spending too much money and
building too large ships. Her Majesty's late Government
acceded to power, and ten days afterwards Sir J. Peeing -
ton went down to the House of Commons and said that the
navy estimates of the preceding Government were so large
that the Ministry could not take the responsibility of pro-
posing them to Parliament without due and mature delibe-
ration. (Hear.) They took one month to consider the
matter, and then Sir J. Pakington in his place in Parlia-
ment proposed reductions under three not unimportant
heads—the wages in the dockyards, the purchase of steam
engines for ships, and the extension of Keyham yard ; and
he defended these reductions on the ground that the Go-
vernment after ample inquiry and careful deliberation had
come to the conclusion that those reductions could be made
without in the slightest degree impairing the efficiency of
the navy. (Hear, hear.) Sir C. Wood remonstrated with
him, and in reply to his remonstrances Sir J. Pakington
proved or endeavoured to prove that Sir C. Wood's calcu-
lations were erroneous, that there was a greater difference
between the French and English fleets than he supposed,
and that with regard to weight and number of guns espe-
cially, the latter was greatly superior. His whole argu-
ment was to show that Sir C. Wood was wrong in propos-
ing such large estimates, while the Government was quite
right in reducing them. (Hear, hear.) Later important
intelligence was received by the Government as to great
activity in the French dockyards. I believe that this great
activity commenced after the change of Government took
place ; but whether that was so or not, it certainly afforded
a sufficient stimulus for exertion on our side. Well, but
her Majesty's late Government did not then either propose
large additional estimates to the House of Commons, nor
did they on their own responsibility spend large sums of
money for the expenditure of which
.they might subse-
quently be indemnified• What they did was this. They
diverted workmen from the establishment for repairs
to the conversion of ships, which otherwise could not
Liavo.beeu effected. They converted four ships—that may
have been right, but at the same time they sacrificed
an! amount of money which might have been usefully
employed in other repairs, and they energetically pressed
the completion of eight ships of the line, which were almost
ready to be launched when the previous Government re-
tired. lam really afraid of wearying Y4lll. lordships with
these details, and I
do
blame
reefer to them with the slightest
intention of throwing
am
upon the late Government. On
the contrary, lam ready to admit that from the beginning
of this year they have shown
th
activity in increasing the 2xy to the eatest possible ex-
tent. Within a recent e most laudable energy and
gr
period
Y
tne havePrepared additional
estimates. Those estimates ar
them to be strictly necessary,
and
when
rg , but I believe
their discussion in another place itlen the time conies for
that if
there is any difference, it is that the noble
(the Duke of Somerset) has in some cases
duke near me
be found
ther than her Majesty's late Goveruni: looked a little fur-
It is not necessary for me to enter ilia. _ (Hear, hear.)
Idoeffence of the
army. The noble earl opposite (the
Derby) re-
peated the other day what he so handsomely
co wonder-
fully took office—viz., that he was surprised at
fully efficient army which he found in .this
quite admit that the army which we now possess is not
enough to meet any great force coming suddenly up„-,--
and I think it is clearly the duty of the Government -%
direct its attention to these questions of the army, and to
defending our arsenals so as, if possible, to make them an.
pregnable, to consider most carefully those applications of
practical science which have already produced weapons of
so deadly a character, and, moreover, to consider the very
important point of the means of defence against such mur-
derous weapons when directed against ourselves. To these
must be added the question of the embodied militia, the ex-
perience of which has, I believe, been Mast satisfactory
to the country, and of other systems. I do not know
anything that would be more likely to be valuable as a
means of defence than the formation of volunteer corps of
artillery, while I believe that rifle corps will also afford con-
siderable assistance. It will also be the duty of the Govern-
ment to consider how far they can encourage the formation
of a reserve. I beg, however, to state explicitly that no per-
son in this house is more convinced of the necessity of put-
ting our national defences in proper order than is every
member of her Majesty's Government. There is no desire
on our part to conceal our preparations from foreign nations.
We have no reason to be reluctant to explain to them that,
however much we may deplore that all Europe should be
arming, yet when all Europe does arm, we cannot be left
entirely behindliand in the race, and that we require to be
placed in such a position as shall give us the influence
which we ought to have in the councils of Europe when
the proper opportunity comes for restoring peace, and shall
enable us to ensure the conditions most favourable to the
happiness and interests of all who are concerned. But while
we are engaged in this difficult, this responsible, and this
all important task, while you allow us to retain our seats on
this bench, I think we may have confidence to ask your
lordships to give us your supportana your assistance, and
not in any way to embarrass us--a result which cannot be
secured if on every occasion of our meeting we all rush
tumultuously into the consideration and discussion of ques-
tions of the most delicate character. (Cheers.)
The Earl of HARDWICKE had listened with great
pleasure to the speech of his noble and learned friend,