The Sun.
London, England, 1859-05-11 00:00:00

SIB LADIES GRAHAM AT CA22LISLE.

A grand dinner, in celebration of the success of
the Liberal candidates for Carlisle and East Cum-
berland, was held on Moreslay evening at the Coffee-
house Assembly-room, Carlisle. About 500 gentle-
men sat down. All tho four members were present.
In responding to the toast of his health,
Sir JAMES GRAHAM said—Mr. Chairman, vice-
chairman, ladies, and gentlemen, I rise with peculiar
satisfaction to return to you my cordial thanks on
the present occasion, The chairman has reminded
you of the advice of the late Mr. Steel to the Blue
party. He urged, and greatly urged, the import..
ance of union. The joy which I feel on the present
occasion arises from the practical adoption of that
salutary rule. (Cheers.) When I look to the right
and to the left, and before me, I see again cordially
united that great Blue party which, when united,
s irresistible, both in the Eastern Division of Corn-
erland and in Carlisle. (Cheers.) There is union
in my person, in you, and in my colleague. It is
aid that he is a youth—(laughter)—though he is a
t olerably, matured youth—(renewed laughter) —ap-
proaching the age of 30, with excellent experience,
which upon him has not been thrown away. I
s hall not speak in his behalf in returning thanks as
one of your members. He will speak for himself,
and both here and elsewhere I am satisfied he will
give satisfaction and not disgrace you. Well, now,
it is said lam all for union. lam going to give
proof of some want of it by differing from my hon.
friend the member for the Eastern Division on
my left, who says that the object of our meeting to-
day was principally to celebrate the election for
Carlisle. 1 differ from that altogether. I say it is
a triumph and an exultation at the gallant victory
both in the Eastern Division and in the city, that
we are met here to celebrate. (Cheers.) And I
cordially adopt—though I differed from my friend
on that point—l cordially adopt another sentiment
which fell from him. He said that it would be un-
generous in the extreme on this occasion to say one
-word of disparagement of the gentleman with whom
in this city we recently had a struggle, and whom
with some difficulty we succeeded in beating. He
is an honourable gentleman. He has a spotless pri-
vate character. He fought the battle fairly and I
have not one word to say against him. (Cheers.)
It was said it was desirable that the mantle of Mr.
Hodgson should fall upon Mr. Lawson in one par-
ticular—namely, in obtaining some augmentation
of the salaries of the poor clergy in the diocess.
Now,-I would by no means advise my friend, Mr.
- Lawson, not to do his utmost in that direction ; but
as it is said we may likely have another election, I
must put him on his guard not to make any pro-
mises in that direction. (Cheering and laughter,
awhieh drownedthe,subsequent sentence of the right
honourable baronet.) It will never do to buy
the support of the bishop and clergy of the diocess
'-by any promises whateVer on that particular subject.
(Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Vice-President, there is
a gentler= sitting on your left hand.(the Rev. J.
Halifax) who talked of half-starved clergy in rags.
(Laughter.) Now, if my friend Mr. Lawson is to
• succeed with the Ecclesiastical CommissionerS; I say
Mr. Halifax must not make his appearance, (Great
• laukliter.) If he is to be taken as a type of the clergy
of this diocess, they will not think there is a single
clergyman here who is half-starved and in rags.
(Renewed laughter.) This is not an opportunity for
adverse debate. I will not utter one word of dis-
paragement of Mr. Hodgson ; but on the other hand
the principle is laid down by my friend on the right
(Mr. Marshall) that the majority in this country
must rule. Until the last year I thought that was
an axiom in politics, but that it has been attempted
with some suedess I shall not here discuss. That the
reverse should 'be the rule—that the minority should
govern and the majority agree to it—a more unsound
principle was never entertained. (Cheers.) What
does Mr. Hodgson say- ? He says that one half of
the constituency is on his side. There are 1,100 elec-
tors for the city, 475 voted for Mr. Hodgson. Arith-
metic is a stubborn thing—(laughter)—and no rule
of arithmetic with which I am acquainted justifies
the assertion that 475 is the half of 1,100. (Cheers
and laughter.) But more than that. It is asserted
that one-half of the constituency was on his side,
and more than one-half of the inhabitants of Carlisle
were on his 'aide also. (Laughter.) I could not think
that from the appearance of the market-place onthe
day when the was made. I did not see any
symptoms of more than one half the inhabitants of
Carhsle being on the side of Mr. Hodgson—(laughter)
—but I will only say this, if a substantial Reform
Bill passea---Mr. Hodgson wculd appear to have
household suffrage to make an appeal to all the inha-
bitants of Carlisle ; I don't go so far as that—l should
be satisfied with a L 6 value instead of £lO, orrather
I should say the municipal franchise made the Par-
liamentary franchise, and let that good day come.
(Cheers.) I say if a substantial Reform Act passes,
let Mr. Hodgson appeal, not to the inhabitants
of Carlisle, but to a constituency doubled or trebled
—and I think he will find he was deceived when
he stated that the majority of the inhabitants of
Carlisle were desirous to see him again returned.
(Cheers.) But now, gentlemen, though I say we
should not make this the occasion of debate, yet
there is a contest, not approaching, but a contest
now raging, which it is impossible for a meeting of
this kind to overlook. Mr. Marshall has dwelt
somewhat upon the conflicting statements with re-
gard to the course taken by Russia. The Chancel-
lor of the Exchequer, from the hustings at Ayles-
bury, has given one account ; the Under Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs, from the hustings at
Horsham, has given another. Mr. Disraeli says
there is no convention. Mr. Fitzgerald points to a
telegraphic message from the First Minister of the
Emperor of Russia that there is a written under-
standing. Now, " a written understanding" and
" a convention"—is it a play upon words ? The
British Government may have been deceived. It
is highly possible. Mr. Howard, our chairman,
looks forward to the production of the despatches
when Parliament meets. He says we must learn
and read them. He little knows the difficulty of
inwardly 'digesting them. (Laughter and cheers.)
But on the present state of affairs, as to what may
have taken place previous to the unhappy advent of
a war in Europe, the Government may have been
deceived. I would much rather think that they
have than that they should have attempted to de-
ceive us.. (Cheers.) But I am sorry to say that
the dilemma is this—either they have been grossly
deceived, or they have attempted to deceive us.
Well now, I say it is the most melancholy spectacle
that the world ever witnessed, in the state of ad-
vanced civilisation in which we now live, that the
passions of three or four men—uncontrolled by
popular assemblies, uncontrolled by a free press—
from mere wantonness and caprice and passion,
should involve the civilised world in war such as is
now taking place. (Cheers.) It is the most melan-
choly, the most degrading spectacle that ever was
presented to human power and human free-
dom in the advanced stage of civilisation in
which we now live. I have read the proclamations
of the Emperor of the French on the one hand,
and of the Emperor of Austria on the other. It is
vain to balance where the fault lies. I think the
whole fault arises on the part of the Emperor of
the French, but Austria abandoned her vantage
ground in not standing on the defensive' and not
becoming the assailant. But it is vain to adjudi-
cate between parties in a question of degree. The
question, is, what is the policy of England? Her
policy is peace, and he will be the best Minister
who seeks effectually to keep this country out of
wax so long as the honour and safety of England is
secure. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Howard, in terms too
fines has expressed an opinion with regard to the
navy. 1, froni long experience, am justified in
forming an opinion and v ingsome advice. In the
present state of affairs Ihold it necessary for the
defence of the honour of England that her defen-
sive means should not be neglected, and I observe
with the utmost satisfaction that her Majesty's
Government have offered very considerable en-
couragements for an increased number of seamen,
and that the whole naval preparations are advanced.
So far it is right and politic, but the use of those
means will require the utmost discretion. (Hear.)
Again I repeat that that Minister will best deserve
the confidence of the people of this country who,
while he maintains our honour and independence,
keeps us out of this fatal war. (Cheers.) Now,
just consider for a moment that we " live at home
at ease," and have never witnessed the horrors of
war. Just think of that beautiful and lovely coun-
try—that country which the Apennines divide and
the Alps and the sea surround—that seat of art and
industry ' • think what it is suffering at this moment,
suffering from the unjustifiable passions of three or
four men, sullied by lust of power, under the pre-
text of advancing the cause of liberty. (Loud
cheers.) Think what it is now enduring; the har-
vest trodden underfoot, the fruitful vine up-
rooted—the vine which Providence has given
as the source of industry—the olive and mul-
berry tree cut down to make a fire for the wanton
soldier! Half a century of industry will not make
good the fatal effects of this one campaign ; and
surely it is the duty of every good and nonest man
in this country, while he takes precaution against
such evils—it is the duty of every statesman to do
his utmost to check this fatal evil, and urge Europe
to
peace—to the arts of peace, those springs of
commerce. (Cheers.) Mr Howard quoted two
lines with regard to the Teo. manry of Cumberland.
Just let me quote four lines which I always think
of great beauty :
But reason frowns on war's uneanal game,
- Where thousands fall to raise a single name,
- • And children their forefathers' deeds regret
Froth age to age, in everlasting debt,''

(Roiewed applause.). Great as were the erooit,.
of onr forefatbers-,--great as was the gallantry
during the long Frew.h war of our PoWry!, and

sailors, still that fatal penalty of £800,000,000 of
debt is hung around our necks—what Lord
Brougham well expressed, I think, they are heavy
securities on our , part for the maintenanc of peace ;
and although in defence of our hono r I do not
doubt even that load of debt would be treated as
insignificant, yet it is not to be regarded as the
most material condition of peace. Now, Mr. Law-
son, I think—l believe it was on th?, hustings, re-
ferred to what he thought was still a sound maxim
of "policy—namely, peace, retrenchment, and re-
form. That was the motto under which we
fought in my Lord Grey's Administration. It is
a motto which I still hold to be sound. lam for
peace if possible ; and with peace you will have
retrenchment, and you will have reform. (Ap-
plause.) If you have not peace, instead of re-
trenchment you will have a boundless increase of
taxation ; and I warn you that with respect to
Reform it will be put off to some day so distant
that I cannot hope to live to see it. Therefore I hold
that peace, retrenchment, and Reform are still
sound maxims of British liberal policy; and with
him I am disposed to maintain that principle to the
last moment, consistent with honour. (Applause.)
Now, gentlemen, I will only glance at the question
of reform. It was said truly, and I repeat it, that,
this is not an opportudity for debate, but still cer-
tain events have taken place in this last election
which are impossible to overlook. I do believe that
corrupting measures were never pushed to a greater
excess than in the election that has passed. I will
just particularize three boroughs. I will take one
in England, another, the good town of Berwick-
upon-Tweed, which is a border city ; and there
shall be the city of Galway in Ireland. Now, it is
impossible for me to speak with certainty ; but still
there are circumstances connected with these three
elections most suspicious. You are aware with
regard to Dover, when the first Lord of the Ad-
miralty asked Captain Carnegie, to go and stand
for Dover, Captain Carnegie, who had endeavoured
or promised to represent a borough in favour of Go-
vernment with a good prospect of success, informed
the First Lord of the Admiralty he had made in-
quiries at Dover, and he was satisfied success was
impossible without the use of means which as a
man of honour he could not use. (Hear.) The
First Lord of the Admiralty said, " There is no
option," and he intimated that he must go to Dover.
Captain Carnegie refused and resigned his seat at
the Admiralty. (Applause.) Now, the annual
expenditure of England for packet communication
approaches £1,000,000 annually, an enormous ex-
penditure. The packet establishment at Dover had
been conducted until very recently by contract.
The contract had expired. Before the electienithe
question of renewing it had been brought under the
consideration of Government. The GoVerninent
had declined to renew the contract ; and it is stated
(I cannot vouch for it) that immediately upon the
eve of the election the contract which had been
refused was entered-into, ' and the fact, of that new
contract for packetservice at Dover turned the votes
of a very decisive number of voters. That is some-
thing against Dover. Now, Berwick-upon-Tweed.
Again I say I know hot th.at these facts canbe proved;
' but there is an old castle at Berwick. Berwick he.s been
very 'anxious that the castle should be repaired, and
la barrack instituted there, which would be of ad-
vantage to the town by causing a considerable
expenditure. It is said that immediately before the
election a promise was given that the castle should
be improved, that a barrack should be established
there, and that the desire the town felt should, at a
considerable public expenditure, be gratified. Now,
what is the case of Galway, I can speak more posi-
tively. At a cost of £240,000 a year of public
money, intercourse is established between England
and America, through the medium of the Cunard
packets passing from Liverpool to North America ;
and there is further, at the expense of the American
Government, a system of packets between New
York and Southampton, and any man with the
necessary means for the expense can pass from the
States to England, and from England to the United
States, with the certainty of the old mail coach,
once in a fortnight. Now, Government bethought
themselves, at the instance of a valuable body of
members in the west of Ireland, that it would be
desirable to add to this communication a communi-
cation by Galway, at a cost of £70,000 a year. I
say it would have been cheaper for the people of
England to give the Government £lOO,OOO capital
to be expended in secret service money in buying
up the Galway votes and debauching the voters
rather than £70,009 under contract for seven years.
(Loud applause.) But they made the contract, and
the consequence has been that Mr. Lever, the head
of the company, was returned at the head of the
poll an avowed supporter of Lord Derby. (Hear.)
I will go no further. I have given you three in-
stances. Well, . now, it just occurs to me while
speaking, that you will be aware the publicans at
an election are a very influential body, extremely
desirous to consult the public; but they have
always complained of the small allowance for
billeting soldiers--;-only three halfpence a day.
At the very moment of the election, the War De-
partment, by an act of prerogative, Parliament not
sitting, increases the allowance to 4d. Are not
these matters, Sir, pregnant with the greatest of
meaning ? We shall see how this new House of
Commons deals with them. lam anxious:to have
a Reform Bill as soon as possible ; but I am de-
cidedly of opinion that a searching, impartial in-
quiry into the means of alleged corruption used at
this election is the preliminary step. It will lay
bare the plague-spots which require immediate ex-
cision, if not a healing cure, which I fear is im-
possible, for it will require a deep cutting with the
pruning knife, and a thorough probing of matter
to show to an honest Government the direction the
remedial measures should take. cApplause.) But,
Sir, is this all? If there be a subject more delicate,
more tender than another, it is the question of the
treatment of religious sects in this country. (Hear.)
Now, I am about to speak in the presence of a
valued, and, I had almost said, a much loved friend
of the Roman Catholic persuasion (referring to Mr.
Philip Howard). (Applause.) Mr. Bowyer, a
Roman Catholic, at Dundalk, stated on the hust-
ings that Lord Derby's Government had given
reason to the Roman Catholics in Ireland to believe
that they contemplated granting a charter of incor-
poration for a Roman Catholic University in Dub-
lin. ' (Hear.) I am utterly incredulous as to any
such intention. Ido not believe that Lord Derby's
Government, if it remain in power, will ever grant
the charter; but certainly Mr. Bowyer is a gen-
tleman on whom reliance can be placed, and he
stated reason to hope had been given that such a
charter should be granted. Now, that is what has
been done in Ireland. Has nothing of the same sort
been done in England ? lam afraid in a case at Not-
tingham, where the Roman Catholics had at repeat-
ed former elections done their very utmost to sup-
port Liberal candidates, from communica-
tions made to the Roman Catholic priesthood, in
the shape of a confidential communication to them,
it was desired from authority the Roman Catholics
should vote for Mr. Paget, the Whig, and for
another
.gentleman who was a candidate in Lord
Derby's interest. The Roman Catholics there man-
fully repudiated any such advice. It was attempted
to seduce them from their former course, but man-
fully they voted as before. (Applause.) Now, there
is a stronger case I am really grieved to bring before
your notice. No event in the late elections has
excited my surprise and sorrow so much as the
defeat of the two Liberal candidates for South Lan-
cashire. Now, I hold in my hand a paper sent me
from Liverpool yesterday. It is the Daily Post of
Saturday, May 7, and I will read to you a letter
from Bishop Goss, Roman Catholic Bishop of
Liverpool, a confidential circular addressed to the
Roman Catholic priesthood in that county :
" Reverend and dear Sir —I am directed by the bishop to
inform you that he has reliable information of the intention
soofnaLboiredeDonecerbay'sisonGiouvererngnarednttotosprriaktueal taotdCtoathcoalithcsolaicreain.-
Tmhatiesswofagsaoa gaols, wmorkuhnoitzetsi,on&c.
from the Roman Catholic
bishop at a critical moment for the election, and
now I will read you the statement in the paper :
"Lord Derby has employed Lord Cam
Gainsborough, to exercise surreptitious
d influenceen,son
over
f Lord
t
Catholic bishops of England and Ireland. cardinairer
issl:e.
man has lent his support, and the world will hardly believe
it when I tell them of this interference of the episcopacy.
Lord Camden owes his influence to his recent conversion.
He has been in Birmingham, he has been in Liverpool ,• h •
has called
from Lord Derby;lledupontheCatho and in thislicbishop,
leandttehr he
has brought there
a letter promises,
on
condition that the Catholics support his Government, to
put the Roman Catholics in power ? Not at all. To make
magistrates of the Catholics ? Not at all. To give office to
Catholics? Not at all. But to place Catholic gaol chap-
lains in England upon the same footing as Catholic chap-
lains in Ireland."
(Laughter and applause.) Now, it is 40 years since
I first entered Parliament on the principle of reli-
gious liberty. I have constantly and uniformly
supported the claim of my Catholic brethren to a
perfect equality of civil rights. I was long a mem-
ber of the Opposition under Lord Grey, under Lord
Brougham, under Lord Althorpe, and under Lord
J. Russell, till 1830—for 20 years, by virtue of self-
denial, refused all access to power, rather than re-
linquish the claims of Roman Catholics to equal
participation. (Cheers.) Were the Roman Catholics
ungrateful ? I have never found them so. They have
invariably, wherever I have had an opportunity of
asking their support, given it freely and upon
principle. At this very last election here, notwith-
standing all that had been done to tamper with
Roman Catholics in the manner I have shown you,
Mr. Lawson and I had the uncompromising,
honest, and independent support of a Roman
Catholic priest, high' in the respect of the congre-
gation here. (Applause,) Well, now, I may
,te
excused if •I avail myself of this opportunity Of
expressing to you the feelings of.my heart. an my
own immediate neighbourhood, from my earliest
youth, I have known a Roman Catholic family.

knew the late Mr. Henry Howard of Corby; and I
say it, though in his presence, it is no vain adula-
tion, if I were to point out what are the Christian
virtues of an English gentleman, I could not sig-
nalise them more than in the person of my hon.
friend Mr. P. H. Howard. (Loud applause I
have told you how I have learnt to estimate and to
value the character of a Roman Catholic gentle-
man. It is a long experience ; but in it I have never
seen such forgiveness of injuries, kindness, gentle-
ness, unsullied honour, and perfect independence.
(Applause.) I may unintentionally have thwarted
him in some object of his legitimate ambition. Has
he resented it ? On the contrary, if I had been his
dearest friend he could not have exerted himself
more than he has invariably done, and my heart
would be cold indeed if I did not seize this oppor-
tunity of tendering him my sincere and hearty
thanks. Well, but gentlemen, union is recom-
mended among us. I see many gentlemen here
whom lam rejoiced to see upon this occasion. I
may have committed errors ; but I am not ashamed
to say that what I was I still am, and I hope I will
again meet you such as I am and receive from you
the same kindness which I have experienced, till
the close of my political life. (Loud cheering.)