The Sun.
London, England, 1857-02-04 00:00:00

WEDNES DA Y EVENING, FEBR UA RN 4, i 857

were or were not to be fulfilled, He (Mr. Gladstone) de-
precated inquiries about the uniformity of the rate and
the varying of the rate ; but these were matters of a
practical character, and it would be his duty to- secure
the pledges which had been given in 1853. He could not
forget the conduct of the House of Commons at that
period. If they voted the abolition of tho war tax in April,
there would still remain half a year's income tax ; and the
question was, whether that should be subject to the pub-
lic expenditure. In 1854 they asked twelve millions addi-
tional taxes, which was for one year's war expen.liture , and a
part of that depended upon the. income tax. He (the right
hon. gentleman) believed that the Government did not intend
to borrow money when the expenses were on that scale. The
Government asked permission to raise money, and the income
tax was, it might be said, to meet that. The question, then,
was whether the six months' income tax should not be applied
in the liquidation of the interest of the loan? Itwas the duty,
no doubt, of the country to see how the public, expenditure
could be best met, As regarded the motion of which the right
hon, gentleman had given notice, he (Mr. Gladstone) should
be prepared at :the proper time to give it every support, and
if notice of such a motion had not been given he (the right
lion, gentleman) should have felt it his duty to haie brought
such a motion forward himself. Whenever the question was
raised with respect to the pledge given in 1853, he had 'no
doubt the house would be prepared to redeem it. There had
been 40 or 50 millions of additional debt, and the interest of
that must he provided for. Circumstances might occur before
1860 which might require additional modifications to be made
in the financial system, but nothing had occurred which dis-
entitled the house to ie pledges made in 1553, and it was
their duty to see them carried out.
Lord PALMERSTON said--Sir, I can assure my right hOn,
friend who has just sat down that if I did not rise immediately
after the speech of the right hon. gentleman' opposite, it was
not iu any degree from any want of respect to that right hon.
gentleman or to the house. It was, if I may say so, out of re-
spect to my right hon. friend (Mr. Gladstone), as I deemed it
more respectful that I should hear what my right hon. friend
had to say before I should offer any observation to the house.
The speech of the right hon. gentleman opposite appeared to
me to be an instance of the danger into which men of eminent
talents who distinguished themselves in different walks are
sometimes tempted to fall, by indulging in a:display of those
talents which have raised them to eminence. (Hear, hear.)
The right hon, gentleman stands pre-eminent in the house
for statesmanlike qualities, for talents in debate, and
eloquence as a speaker. He has also risen to great re-
putation as a man of genius iu another department of intel-
lect, as a great master of the powers of imagination. (A laugh )
I am not going to accuse him on this occasion of being in-
(lamed to his imagination for his facts and to his memory for
his arguments —(langhter)—a reproach applied in another
Parliament to a distinguished orator ; but I must say that the
greater part of the right hon. gentleman's speech about our
foreign policy was a perfect and entire romance. (Hear, and
laughter.) , I:he.right hon. gentleman had • been spending a
part of the vacation•in Paris, We know that in that great
capital there arc many active men who amuse themselves by
praetisiug on the credulity of those whom they call gobe-
ntouches. (Laughter.) What a godsend it was to them to
have iu their hands, not a common traveller, but the leader of
the opposition in the English House of Commons —(hear,
hear, and renewed laughter)—a man of distinguished ability,
capable of disseminating with great advantage those tales
which ho had stored up in his memory. (Lau -,liter.)reTgoarbdegtion
with the question of the Russian treaty, the right hon. gentle-
man did ample justice to` the Government, botla,ia
thew reasons
hraevaesoeneseaorfetd a the war,peac eanwdhiianhewarasryihneghoenatrahhe
honourable
tfhoer
obbejsaecytss of the war, and which had not humiliated Russia unneces-
sarily. I quite agree with the right hou, gentleman that we
had secured the independence of the Black sea and the free-
dom of the Danube. I also agree with him that Russia, al
though she was compelled to accede to terms which at first
had peen rejected, had yet no reason,to feel humiliated with
respect to the conflict. She fought a noble and gallant battle
at the extreme end of her dominions ; and I think, as a Rus-
sian, a man might be rather proud of the great efforts she
made. There was nothing in the conduct of the war which
was not honourable to the allies, and nothing in the terms of
1- peace to inspire Russia with any humiliation. (Hear,)
But then the right hon. gentleman says, in the negotiations
which took place at the Conference in Paris, there
was a great want of geographical knowledge, and the
blunders of our plenipotentiaries caused difficulties to
arise, I will touch as lightly on the subject of the Conference
as is consistent with its delicacy and importance, and I think it
would have been better for the right hon. gentleman to have
accepted the solution of them without going into the details.
It was well known that Austria began by stating to the French
and English brovernments that she was willing to submit to
the Government of Russia certain conditions as the bases of
peace, provided she was assured that those conditions would
be accepted by Russia, and would be equally accepted by the
allies. She was told she might make the proposal. She sent
the conditions to St. Petersburg, intimating that they were to
be accepted or rejected without modification. The aus ver in
the first place was a niodified acceptance, and the Government
of Russia was told that would not do, but that the only condi-
tions which she could be instrumental in carrying out must be
purely and simply accepted. One of those conditions was, that
there should be a new frontier in Bessarabia, and that was ac-
cepted by Russia. Russia was then bound by the acceptance
shehad signed, Wheq the plenipotentiaries met in Paris, the
Russian plenipotentiary stated that although the Emperor ad-
mitted that he was evidently bound by his acceptance, it would
greatly soften the conditions, and remove feelings of dissatis-
faction, if such a modification should bo made as would still
leave the Principalities untouched, on which the allies grounded
their frontier, namely, that Russia should be excluded from
contact with the Danube, and from the navigation of part of
the Pruth which discharges itself into the Danube. Several
proposals were made and not accepted, and at last the Russian
plenipotentiary proposed a line which was accepted, begin-
ning at a certain point, and running in an easterly direction
to the Black Sea. The day after, th Russian plenipotentiary
stated that he wished a modification of that line. That line
went just to the north of the town of Bolgrad, which was the
head-quarters of a colony of Bulgarians, which had been set-
tled there iu 1760, and in which the Russian Government
took great" interest. The plenipotentiaries asked where the
town was, and a map was produced, but, being Russian, could
not be read. (A laugh.) Then another map was produced,
and the Russian plenipotentiaries wero requested to point
out the town, because much depended on its geographical
position ; and if it was stated that a line drawn to the
south of the town of Bolgrad would leavn a space between
its frontier and , the lake of, Yalpuck, Buell a modification
would not.lie objected to. It was foiled that, an interval of
four or five miles did exist between that' town and the lake,
All the parties were satisfied.; but *hon the boundary 'corn-
inissionei4; came to the country, and 'were occupied in tracing
the plan, the English and Turkish commissioners said, " Here
is Bolgrad Proper." The Russians said that the English and
Turkish commissioners were mistaken—tlit the Bolgrad
which they (the Russians) meant was in a line five or six
miles south. That led to long communications, and the Go-
vernments of England, Austria, and Turkey felt that they
could net consider the new Bolgrad as the Bolgrad in the
treaty, because the line to the south-of it would be inconsis-
tent with the principles upon which the boundary was to be
laid down. The result at last was, that the Russian Govern-
ment agreed to the boundary originally-proposed, and we
went to the north of Old Bolgrad, But as the Russians at-
tached importance to Bolgrad, as the head-quarters of Bul-
garia, they obtained a small acquisition of territory, perfectly
immaterial to a country of such vast limits as theirs; and
the commissioners included a town of sufficient capacity to
become the head-quarters of the Bulgarian province. The
Russian Government therefore failed to extend their territory
south of the Black Sea and of the Baltic, and that was the
ground upon .which she attached such value to Bolgrad.
Well, if that be so, we have attained all the objects we de-
sired, and induced Russia to soften down her demands. On the
other hand, a change, it is said, was made in the treaty of Paris
in relation to Moldavia ; but whatever change was effected
was not to the disadvantage of our ally, and the Russian Go-
vernment consented to the change. (Hear, hear.) I have
been asked whether the papers relating to all the different
stages of these transactions would be laid upon the table of
thy house ; but it is not desirable to produce those papers un-
til the difficulties to which they related should be arranged,
and then, undoubtedly, they will be laid before Parliament.
The right hon. gentleman next directed his attention to the
aflltirs of Switzerland, and stated that the Swiss had expressed
their anxiety to yield to the demands of the King of Prussia;
but we are told in very eloquent terms that they would stand
out like men if we would back them ; and then, that when
they asked us if we would back them, that we said, " We'll
not back you at all, and you must give in," (Laughter.)
Now, the facts ivere these—" An insurrection took place in
the province Of Neuchatel, and a number of prisoners were
taken by the Swiss authorities, and the King of Prussia de-
manded that those prisoners should be released and cet at
liberty. The demand of the King of Prussia was that they
should be released unconditionally, The Swiss Government
refused to comply withthat demand. The French Government
offered their mediation to induce the Swiss Government to
come to understanding with the King of Prussia, and pledged
themselves to do all in their power to try and induce that mo-
narch to renounce his demand. The Swiss Government de-
clined the offer. We were asked to join with France in re-
commending a reconciliation :between the parties, and to use
our efforts to effect that object. We again said that we could
not interfere with any certainty that our efforts would be at-
tended with success ; for it would not in .our opinion be right
to induce the SWiss to take stepstinder false impressions. The
matter was again advised to be settled by•the French Govern-
ment, and we said, " .pon't rely on any assistance we can give
you ;" and they said, We'll not submit ; we will stand upon
rights, and fate the difficulty." Well, At has been said that
there was an apprehension that the peace of Europe would be
disturbed, and that the Bing of Prussia, so late as the 15th of
January, had placed his armyon a war footing. It had then
been said that if we would join the French the prisoners
would be set.at liberty without trial. We said we will do
what we can to befriend you, but we have no certainty that
our efforts will be successful. We never, however, gave them
the advice which the right hon. gentleman says we gave them.
We never told them to refuse to come to terms with the King
of Prussia. Well, the the information which the right hon.
gentleman received while in Paris was wholly untrue, and
hear,) quite inwcoeunsiesw cometentwittehltathlye, faancdtsthoefritghhet
hon.
gentleman
case, (Hemeaarn
has found out a treaty of which we never heard, (Hear,
hear,) Ile announces that a secret treaty between France
Austria, and Great Britain was, concluded; but that an-
nouncement was the first I ever heard of such a treaty. (Hear,
hear,) The right hon. gentleman may have seen such a
treaty ; but all I can undertake to say is, that we have never
seen it, and that had we been consulted, we certainly should
have given our advice in a totally opposite way. So much
for a treaty which was nothing, but an eutiro romance.
(Laughter.) But, when it was
inquired what course the
'Austrian Government would take, and when Austria had in-
luired what course the French Government intended to take,
I believe that the French Government at that time said that
it would take no 'course or part that was hostile to Austria.
(Hear, hear.) The right hon, gentleman seems to consider
that while, on the one hand, we were stimulating revolution
in 'on the other, we were advising and encouraging
Franco to take a different course, an inconsistency into which
no Government would be likely to fall. The course of the
transactions was set out in the protocols, as would be seen
when the papers were laid on the table. The two Govern-
ments having given advice to the King of Naples, the right
hon, gentleman said he saw nothing to approve of in our ad-
vice, Our Government had a right to form its opinion on
the subject, and if the. two Governments thought they could,
by a combined
roevoeudrseo f ;
, effect
they should be at liberty to adopt that course. The right
nott gentleman says that the course we pursued in Paris was
curred abroad, but ratherand
aGrzevp6ruto.idsimeuiei.enndgt
of he
he
eaal also
advice
eYGent
h thatout
theby ctohuerns eo
mw wee
ibny..Ptoehwree,ia is the result not of anything that
whetheroc-
Government
oy authority the
er opposition3he
Governor-General
olnfdDiairooretbo of
irs.tahne
The orders would certainly
di-I:hair:ugh the medium of the Secret Com
anvementuwas not the question.
authority Noel' her
sent out by the Court
undertakenmitteeby lawhy established,th e
ment ; and the course taken by doubt operations' were
jtee
rs S.tia
kn 'esln Govern
tThe
Pentland o a certainty
justified the operations which were
right hon, gentleman had talked of a predetermined
and no doubt a predetermined system prevailed; but thyesHeomme; Government were part of that system. Did the right hon.
gentleman consider the taking of Herat of such little imp) • rt

auce, that it was no matter whether Persia had possession of
it or not ? But of such great importance was Herat in the
opinion of the Government of which the right non. gentleman
was ame nber, that Lord Malmesbury felt it to be his duty
to talk seriously on the subject to the Persian Minister, and
the Persian Minister gave bird hiiielem, assurance that the
Persian Government would not attempt the annexation of
Herat to the Persian . dominions ; and Lord Malmesbury
actually said that he would have nothing to do with him
unless the idea of annexation-of Herat was revoked. (Hear,
hear.) Well, it was stipulated that Herat should not be an-
nexed ; 'and yet after that assurance, the Persian Government
have now taken and are anxious to annex it. The right hon
gentleman has said that I am the cleverest fellow in the
world in creating disturbances, and the most successful in
getting out of them; but was not the one counterpoised and
made ap for by4he other? And was it not better to have a
man like him, whoirif he created disturbances, had the happy
knack of getting out of them ? (Hear, hear, laughter, and
cheers.) The right hon. gentleman says that it was the duty
of the Goyernment to call. Parliament together on receipt of
the information of tUi taking of Bushire. I admit that it is
the duty of Government to call. Parliament together on any
emergency ; but to call Parliament together because of the
fall of Bushire would have been nothing short of burlesque.
(Laughter.) Every government ought to maintain the
honour and interests , of the country, and if they did that
successfully, and put-an end to questions of difficulty with
foreign governments, they were entitled to the approbation
of the country. The right hon. member for the University
of Oxford spoke of what he said was the reckless character
of the Government, and spoke of their making ten diffi-
culties where others made but one. If that was so, and
he would not discuss the question with so great a master of
language, but did he forget that the most important—not
difficult—war in which they had -recently been engaged,
was brought on by a Government which he must re-
member—(hear, hear)!—.for -he held: the purse-strings in
his hand, and had greater power and authority to put
a stop to any proceeding which ought not to be embarked in
than any member of that Government. The, right hen. gen-
tleman then, felt as every man did when in office ; and cast-
ing aside all the refinements in Which he was now embarked,
he looked only to the honour and interests of the country,
and although great was the stake, he manfully threw in his
lot with the others. Then having adopted that course in
office, he was not entitled now out of office to take this
course ou minor matters. With regard to his observations
as to the right of the Crown to cede the island of Ruatan
without the consent of Parliament, he was in error as to the
distinction he-had drawn between colonisation and annexa-
tion ; at any rate Ministers were responsible. However, the
fact was, the treaty was not yet finally concluded, nor could
be until it received the approbation 'of the Senate of the
United States, and until then it did not become' binding, and
therefore he could not yet lay the papers on the table of the
house. He agreed-as to what had been laid down with re-
spect to the principles which the Government ought to adopt
as to their income and expenditure. He thought the first
thing was to ascertain the principle they should adopt, then
the amount of the 'army and navy of the country, and then
find the necessary means fur their support. Theeefore the
discussion of any particular tax was premature until the
House of Commons had determined what was to be the ex-
penditure of the country. It was the first time he had heard
au elaborate discussion on the estimates before they were
laid on'the table of the house. • But the right bon. gentleman
had entirely assumed the figure. His right. hon. friend had
said you must go by figures. Why, then, he. said wait tillyou
get the-figures? (A laugh.) That ‘would be found the best
course in the long run. His right hen. friend said they must
not keep a large large army He agreed in that opinion. It
would be a mistake to have an enormous ,military establish-
ment, inconsistent with the wants of the country But the
house Must recollect that they had possessions abroad, in
which certain garrisons must be kept, and that many of these
places beieg countries of large extent, and thinly populated,
it would be difficult on an emergency. to obtain a volun-
teer force. They, therefore, - required a certain amount of
military force, and, as that force could not be kept perma-
nently in one place, ther6 must be always regiments on their
'passage. They must bear in mind that, although he hoped
peace might continue, it was not dependent upon themselves,
but upon the conduct of other powers, and they might de-
pend upon it that for a country great and rich to leave itself
without defences would not be the best course in the long
run. They had now experience as tp the force they should
maintain. They should have scientific men, and to learn things
which could not be learned at once. That was more imp,,rtant
than to raise large bodies of men. They should also recollect
that some other nations, great and powerful as themselves,
were-improving their military establishments, and building
steam-vessels to supersede sailing ships. They must not be
behind; and the expense of building and of maintaining those
vessels was one-third more than the expense of sailing vessels.
He trusted the house would defer discussion on the estimates
till they were before them. They could have no interest in
proposing estimates greater than necessary, or establishments
greater than necessary... There was on the contrary every
temptation.to propose proper establishments. But; on the
other hand, a responsible government had duties to perform,
which was essential for the safety and Interest of the country,
and it was their duty to propose to Parliament measures such
as they thought would be best calculated to support the inte-
rest and honour of the country. He had, in conclusion, only
to regret that the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Disraeli)
had picked up so many unfounded reports amongst the gossip
of Paris, which- might at ouee have been refuted if he had
made application in the proper quarter. The noble lord re-
sumed his seat amidst applause.

Mr. H. ;BAILLIE regretted that tho noble lord (Lord Pal-
merston) had set on foot a great military
expedition without
having condescended to consult Parliament.

• Ar
•f that country were highly endowed by nature and inha-
bitants of so much intelligence _ought not to be left in a state
of misery entirely owing to foreign dominion. He sail,
" owing to foreign dominion," because though Austria had
no right to govern more than 3,000,000 out of 25,000,000 of
Italians, yet by her armies and her influence she had, since
1815, governed nearly the wholy of Italy. It was only of
late years that the Goiernment of •Piedmonta Government

worthy of all admiration—had, as a constitutional Govern-
ment, asserted its rights, and afforded a safe refuge to per-
sons who had been driven froiu gaol to gaol in Italy. He
believed that if the Government of England took the matter
up as a Government, and consulted. France and Sardinia on
the subject, all that was required might be accomplished
without any danger of war. The declaration of a great
Power like England would be sufficient to make Austria con-
fine herself to that which was her just dominion. By adopt-
ing diplomacy in the place of vigour, and jnstice in the place
of injustice, the Emperor of Austria_would- have more power,
while, if the Present state of Italy were. allowed to continue,
the misery of the,people would not only be enhanced but
the peace of EuioPe 'would be endangered. He (Lord J.
Russell) believed that not only Naples but Sicily was
in a state of extreme discontent at present, and he
thought the time was come when several independent' States
should endeavour to remedy the ;evils complained -of. It'
would certainly be a happy circumstance for the 'members of
that house to reflect upon, that libe`ity had beeu'restored and
commerce extended, • and that British idflaence had contri-
buted to that desirable result. ; (Cheers ) - He would not go
into the question of, estimates, but would recommend his
right hon. friend, the, Chancellor of the Exchequer, to lay
before the house, as the-late Sir Robert Reel and others hold-
ing a high financial position had done, the state of tho finan-
ces at an early period—to let the house know the estimated
expenditure and the means of covering it, and also the 'ex-
pense of the Government with respect to the taxes, and• let
the house judge of those matters. He ,was sure such a course
would he far more satisfactory than any motion made by the
right hon. gentleman opposite, or any person out of office not
having the whole information before him on the ;subject of
taxation. That house had been always disposed not ,to
make the finances a matter of party discussion. They
wished, if possible, to act in such a manner as to maintain
the credit of the country, and to support those establish-
ments necessary for its defences, During the last 3) years
the country had been accustomed to IoW establishments, and
although complaints in the first year of the war had been
made, yet we feel ourselves strong. In Franco, ever since
the accession of Charles X. and Louis Philippe, that coun-
try had been getting into debt, by maintaining a consi-
derable army and navy. We, on the other hand, had been
keeping up establishments on a reduced scale, although
sonic' thought them too high. The result was; we were
enabled to abolish duties which pressed on !the energies of
our people.- We enabled them to get rich, and the last war
showed whilt their wealth was able to effect. (Hear.) When,
during the last year, the resources of the enemy were ex-
hausted ; we had more than sufficient to defray the expenses
of the war ; and such was the wealth and spirit of the
people that we might have continued the war for six or
ten years more witheut being impoverished. It was not
then by large establishments, with generals and admirals
so old as to be unfit for (hay in time of war, that we
were to succeed, but 'by having- effective establish-
mons, though maintained at a moderate expense. It was by
such a course,, and by the spirit of our people, and not by any
new-fangled system, that this country was to maintain herself
successfully in a time oT war. (CiMers.)

Mr. GIIISON thought the noble lord's recollections would
inform him that there was no question on which
,Governmeut
had been so frequently shipm'ecked as on finance, and he (Mr.
Gibson) thought finance was the rock a=head du which her
Majesty's Government were likely to be split.
Mr. lIADFIELD complained of the omission from the
Speech of all reference to our colonies and dependencies.
On the motion that the Address be agreed to,

Sir J. PAKINGTON, referring (as we understood) to the
word " regret" in the paragraph respecting the Chinese war,
as binding the house to an expression of opinion, expressed
his hope that the noble lord would substitute some other
word.

Lord PALMERSTON said it was always understood that
the Address in answer to the Speech was so framed as to
pledge the house to nothing s ,ecifie ; and if the word referred
to by the right honourable baronet be thought too strong, he
should have no objection to substitute another, which would
not be liable to the same objection.
The Address was then unanimously agreed to, and the
house adjourned at half-past twelve o'clock.

erect from and after the thirtieth day of April one thou-
sand eight huildied and fifty-seven..
And the Right Honourable the E•irl- of Clarendon, the
the Right Honourable henry Labonchere, two of her
Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State, and the Lords
Commissioners of the-Admiralty, are to give the necessary
directions herein as to them may, reEpectively appertain.
C. C. GREVILLE.

NEW SHERIFFS FOR 1857.

It the Court at. Windliok,'the 2d day of February, 1857,
present, the Queen's Most Excellent Majesty in Council.
Sheriffs appointed by Her Majesty in Council for the year

. • -
1857.
Bedfordshire.—Sir George „Robert. Osborn, of Chick-
sands-Priory; .11S

Berkshire.—Richard Benyon, of Englefteld-park,
Read-
ing, Esq..
Backinghamshife..--Philip Wrongitton of Ibstone, Esq.
Camliriggeshire and Huatingdonshire.2—Sir John Henry
Polly, of Yirpraham-court, Horsham, Sussex, Baronet.
Cumberland—,Charles Fetherstonhaugh, of Staffield-
Hall, Esq...
Cheshire--L-William Atkinson, of Ashton Hayes, near
Kelsall, ,Esq.
Derbyshire—William Hatfield de Rodes, of Barlborough
Castle, Esq.
Devonshire—Sir Massey Lopes, of Maristow, Bart.
Dorsetshit e— Hastings Nathaniel Middleton, of Bradford
Pevorell, near Dorchester, Esq.
Durham—William Beckwith, of Silksworth-House, Esq.
Essex—John Francis Wright, of Kelvedon-hall, Esq.
Gloucestershire—Richard Rogers Coxwell
_.ttogers, of
Do wdeswell, near Cheltenham, Esq.
Herafor.lshire—Robert Biddulph, of Ledbury, Esq.
Hertfordshire—William Reid, of the Node, Codi-
coto, Esq.
Kont--John Savage, of St. Leonarls,West Malling,Esq.
Leicestershire—Edward Chatterton;Middleton, of Lough-
borough; Esq.
LincolnshireGeorge Knollis Jarvis, of Doddington-
hall, Essex.
lelonrnouthshire—Thomas aratrax, of Court Saint Law-
rence, Esq.
Norfolk —Andrew Fountaine, of Narford, Esq.
Northamptonshire—Wm. Harcourt Isham Mackworth
Dolben, of Finedon-hall, Esq.
Northumberlaud—Wm. Henry Charlton, of Hesleysido,
Esq.
Nottinghamshire Richard Milward, of Thurgarton
Priory, Es+
Oxfordshire—The Right Hon. Charles Henry Viscount
Dillon, of Dytchley.
Rutlaudshira—Ayscough Smith, of Braunston, Esq.
Shropshire—Sir William Curtis, of Cainhatn-court, Bt.
Somersetshire—Sir Arthur Hallam Elton, of Clevedon-
court, Bart.
Staffordshire—The Hon. Edward Swynfen Jervis, of
Little Aston, near Lichfield.
County of Southampton—William Charles Humpbrys,
of Elm-lodge, Burlesdon, near Southampton, Esq.
Suffolk—John George Weller Poley, of Boxted-hall,
Esq. . _ .

Surrey—John Labouchere, of Broom-hall, Dorking,
Eaq. _ _ _

Sust.ex—R. C. Pomfret, of Rye, Esq.
Warwickshire- H. S. Lucy, of Cbarlcote-house, Esq.
Westmoreland—R. L. Watson, of Ecclerigg, Winder-
mere, Esq.
Wiltshire—A. Morrison, of Fonthill Giffard, Esq.
Worcestershire—E. V. Wheeler, of Kyre-house, Esq.
Yorkshire—Sir J. Radcliffe, of Rudding-park, Bart.
A WALES.
Anglesey—John Thomas Roberts, of Ucheldre. Esq.
Br .conshire—Tames Price William Gwynne Holford, of
Bnckland, Esq.
Cartfarvonshire—James Edwards of Benarth, Esq.,
D. '

Carmarthenshire—Charles,Morgan, of Alltygog, Esq.
Cardiganshire—John Propert, of Blaenpistill, near Car-
dip's, Esq.

benbiglishire—John Edward M'adocksrof (;Elan-y-wern,
Denbigh, Esq.
Flint—Robert Willa,ofPlasbellin, Esq.
Glamorgansbire—Evan William's, of Duffrynfrwd, Esq.
Montgomeryshire—Maurice Jones, of,Fronfraith, Esq.
Merionethshire—John Nanney, of Maesyneuadd, Esq.
Pembrokeshire—Sir 'John 'James Hamilton, of Fish-
guard, Bart.
Radnorshire—Thomas Evelyn, of Corton, Esq.

COMMISSIONS SIGNED BT LORDS-LIEUTENANT.
Royal Wiltshire Militia—F/-11101s Frederick Pinkett,
Gent., to ba Lieutenant, vice Archer, promoted.
Worcesteribira Regiment of Militia—Major Thomas
Webb to be LiOut.-Colonel Commandant, vice Lieut.-Col.
Clo wee, resigned.

2d or Edmonton Royal Rifle Regiment of Middlesex
Militia—Francis Stanley Maxwell. Stephens, Gent., to be
Ensign, vice Melton, promoted.
4th or Royal South Middlesex Regiment of Militia—
Robert Seymour Arthur Burgess, Gent., to be Ensign,
vice Cooper, resigned. George James Gilbard, Gent., to
be Ensign, vice Paley, resigned.