The Sun.
London, England, 1861-10-22 00:00:00

THE CIVIL WAR 1N AMERICA

that six millions of Anglo-Americans can be re-
duced to such a state of dependency—the most im-
perious, passionate, and Yankee-despising of men,
all masters and king, and now citizens, as they
claim to be, of a new and independent republic !
For my part, the determination of the North to
subjugate the South, even if it fails to hold it, ap-
pears perfectly natural; for what terms could the
former expect now, if proposals of peace were
made ? Admitting that the South would not de-
mand Maryland, or would be content to leave the
question of her adhesion to a popular vote, which
would be carried by Union men, beyond that, in
their present successful career, the Confederates
would net yield a point, but would insist on the
line of the Potomac, the Ohio, and the northern
frontier of Missouri as their boundaries. Just look
at the map, and see how cramped and hemmed in
the Northern States would be in such a division of
the Continent. It must be remembered that the
vast districts which lie spread out on the map be-
tween the Missouri river and Oregon and Wash-
ington territories are for the most part unproduc-
tive, only fit for hunters and their prey. Canada
and the lake system press upon and cut into the
States on the north. Fancy the great Republic
narrowed to less than 100 miles in any part of its
territory ! And yet from Beaver beyond Wheeling,
in Virginia, tq the shores of Lake Erie, near Cleve-
land, there is not more than 90 and some odd miles
within which the stars and stripes could flaunt the
breeze. And yet there is the fact before one's eyes,
and no amount of lateral extension towards the
west could compensate for the contraction of the
United States' territory from north to south.
Northern and Western Minnesota, parts of lowa,
portions of Wisconsin, and the northern parts of
Michigan have rather a doubtful future, except as
agricultural countries—the winter is severe, and
life is dure and rude. There are forests to be
cleared yet, and much mining wealth to be ex-
plored, before the Far West can absorb even the
diminished immigration against the influence of
which the South is in rebellion, and the North
would rise if it could. The sentiment of the North
is becoming, not united, but unanimous. " The
Union, the whole Union, and nothing but the
Union," is the cry. The Democrats shout it as
loudly as any, for fear of Lafayette or the devices
of the Republicans, who would direct the popular
current against them ; and, indeed, the Democratic
party could as little afford the disruption of the
Republic as their antagonists. They are swallowed
up in the mass of the Union movement for the
time, and, as they are hurried onwards, scarce can
find time to gasp out " Don't you think you're
going a leetle too far ? What about Habeas Cor-
pus? I really think we might have a trial by jury
now and then." And so on.
AMERICAN FEELING TOWARDS ENGLAND.
It is useless to argue with a people in a passion.
And just now the Americans have good right to be
in a passion, because a wonderful prosperity and
great social happiness have suddenly been wrecked,
and there seems no hope of restoring them, except
by a doubtful process of battle. The antagonism of
the press is always in advance of the sounder mass
of public opinion, but there is, no doubt, much
irritation and ill-feeling existing against England on
the alleged grounds of want of sympathy with the
North in a contest with slavery, of enmity towards
the Union per se, and many other grounds equally
imaginary. The North forgets that it specially
declares this war is not directed against slavery—
that it is not a war of liberation. The South is
indignant because England has not recognised the
Seceding States under the pressure of cotton, and
does not seem at all disposed to break the blockade.
If Americans would only consider how their states-
men and journals have treated England in all times
of her trouble, they might find reason to think they
were giving her credit for a little too much magna-
nimity when they expected very much sympathy
with the misfortunes, not of the great American
people, but of American politicians. Every Eng-
lishman who was here at the time of the Russian
war with whom I have conversed speaks in uniform
terms of the undisguised satisfaction of most of the
people in the cities and large hotel world of the
United States at the success of the resistance of the
enemy, and of their evident and ostentatious sym-
pathy with the Russians, which broke out on the
stage and in the concert-room. We are told that the
United States sympathised very deeply with us dur-
ing the Indian mutiny, and the statement may well
be accepted, though no American surgeons came out
to tend our sick and wounded as they flocked to the
armies defending Sebastopol. It may now safely be
stated that Great Britain and the United States
were on the brink of war little more than three
months ago—were all but at war, provoked by the
violence of American statesmen, which was only
averted by the great forbearance, and moderation,
and temper of Great Britain in a moment of her
brother's great adversity, assisted by the prudence,
goodwill, and moderation of an American senator.
Neutrality is regarded as What would the
ill-will have been which went beyond neutrality,
and espoused one side in a quarrel that cannot be
called pro and anti slavery ?
Professions of regret and sympathy which have
been largely uttered in the Parliament, by the
press, by our statesmen, are coldly received and dis-
trusted, and this, the greatest problem in the world,
is to be allowed to work itself under our eyes with-
out a word of comment or criticism. Abstract argu-
ments, deductions, the consideration of cause and
effect on one side of the Atlantic, the supposition
that they act very much there in the same way as
they do at the other side, speculation on probable
results and on the action of parties, are set down
as cold-blooded abstractions, which evince a cold-
blooded, philosophical indifference to sufferings that
should excite the commiseration and active aid of
the world. The Union has been wounded by
thieves, and the only one to act the good Samari-
tan is Russia. For much that the Union did to
and for humanity the world must be grateful; and,
indeed, the world has done much to repay her by
its labour, its science, its blood. But why is a man
, or a nation, therefore, to be debarred from saying
whether he thinks the North is going to win or to
lose in the attempt to subjugate the South, unless
under the pain of incurring the reputation of an
enemy ? The idea of the Union is, in plain Eng-
lish, the idea of one sole dominant Power in the
whole Continent of North America. And if I were
a native of the United States of North America, I
would fight for that idea. The contrary notion may
spread rapidly if the South succeeds. Already we
hear a Gulf Republic and a Texan Confederation
spoken of ; long ago there was talk of a party in
California anxious for a separate national existence
for that State, which will probably increase if it is
found that the United States can give it no more of
the national property in roads, expresses, and
postal expenses. And now there are hints that in
the fullness of time the States in the west and
north-west may think it expedient to form a Re-
public of their own, inasmuch as they have no par-
ticular interests in common with the other States,
and derive no special advantages from being go-
verned at Washington. There is no fear of the
might be t
h foe r
formm e d ,there
o f
failure of Republican institutions, except in their
a demonstrated power as an agency bywhich to govern
and keep together one vast confederation. No matter
how many
dosuepbtartahteatin all m
wouldi
h
States
canbe no
go-
vernment be republican in greater or less degree,
egree,
Without including many people in South Carolina,
and fewer in other States, who express a IL' 'mg and
preference for a Constitutional Government, or, at
all events, for a strong Government, the princi • •
ple
of republicanism is grafted deeply •
in the hearts of
the American people, and they could not be other-
wise than Republicans if they desired it. " Sure,',
said an Irish overseer on the railway the other day,
".God help them ! they've got no jintlemen in this
country at all, at all." The social system is like
their street railways, very accommodating for the

ing for service after a turn in Italy with Garibaldi,
said to me the other day, " Why, sir, I've seen offi-
cers of cavalry here who don't know how to get
upon a horse, to sit him, or to get down when they
are on. They don't know how to draw their swords
or return them when drawn." But the gunner was
rather a Zoilus. To have so many officers with
some idea of their duty is the marvel.
SITUATION OF TIIE FEDERAL mons.
The more I look at the situation the more the
difficulties of Gen. I‘T'Clellan's position grew upon
me. He has not sufficient troops, considering their
inexperience, to divide his army just now into two
bodies—one to proceed against the enemy, the
other adequate to hold the works round Washing-
ton, and to make them quite safe in case of a re-
verse or a regular assault. It is quite certain that
the Confederates have fallen back
.upon iii anassas,
and are there in very great force. It is just close
enough to Washington to render it impossible for
T.‘l'Clellan to move an army out on either Hank with-
out bringing on an action which must lead him to
face the old position of the Confederates from Bull's
Run and Manassas to the hills on their left, covering
the approaches to Richmond. Although the Mary-
landers may be discontented, there would be no
manifest inconsistency in Beauregard remaining
still and inviting attack, whereas the programme of
the North must be carried out by
offensive opera•
tions by an invading army. Sooner or later
M'Clellan must begin to move, and I think that in
eight :or ten days from this time he will make a
demonstration to feel the force of the enemy, which
may lead to a general action, or may decide him to
try the fortune of war by changing his position and
operating in another quarter. An English subject
who has just arrived from Richmond says that there
has been a good deal of sickness among the troops,
but that they are rapidly recovering, that food is
plentiful, and that the men are well clad, in the best
spirits, and perfectly confident of victory. The talk
in the army indicated an advance against Newport
News, and against Fortress Monroe from Hampton.
The latter must prove a tremendous blunder.
Nothing short of a siege can reduce the work. The
Norfolk navy-yard was a scene of great activity ;
all the sunken vessels had been raised, and nearly
all were fit for service, and it was expected they
would run past the fortress and get out to sea, where
they may operate a serious diversion. Certainly, if
they do, the United States' officers must have lost
the art of " keeping a bright lookout, for which they
are not undistinguished. The escape of the steamer
Bermuda from Savannah, if true, is another instance
of the weakness of the blockading power or of the
neglect of the officers. Her cargo was invaluable
to the Confederates; among other necessaries were
70 tons of gunpowder, the supplies of which, owing
to the want of sulphur, were very short in their
army.

mat an
wsnsth,
itbcouh t
drivean nt terinl
aristocracy
ad eps
rtirvuactteci
uealrdtroi
bea yg oefu. rr
mrpr eehadec eds
touieff: you
out
of which an aristocracy could be formed does not
exist to any extent ; the Upper Ten Thousand with
all their graces, wealth, and luxury—their accetu-
plishments of good breeding—ao not desire to and
could not march in the mail of Howards, Lindsays,
or the Montmorencis. So far Republicanism is safe.
We do not either fear, hate, or envy it ; but we look
with much anxiety to see that it does not become a
military despotism. More damage has been done
to it and to constituiional liberty by the suppression
of newspapers and by the incarceration under
lettres de caclzet of women and babbling Seces-
sionists than by all the treatises we could pen in all
the newspapers of England. In some measure
apropos of this matter, let me say that on Saturday
a gentleman, who informed me he was special cor-
respondent for one of your contemporaries, waited
upon me in some degree of trepidation and made
the following statement :—He had been at Rich-
mond with the Confederates, but a short time ago
came up hero by way of fortress Munroe under a
flag of truce. Having a letter to General Scott,
he obtained a pass to visit the lines across the
Potomac, and had availed himself of it on the
previous day. Before he was out of bed in
the morning an officer entered his room, and
stated he had come by the authority of
General Porter, the Provost Marshal, to demand
the pass which he had received from General Scott.
The gentleman refused to surrender it unless on an
order from the General who had given it, or to
some officer cf similar rank. "In that case my
orders are to take you to the Provost-Marshal im-
mediately." And as soon as he was dressed he was
driven over there in charge of the officer who, on
entering the room, sat down at a table and com-
menced writing. Seeing his own name on the
paper, and entertaining infirm views relative to
the liberty of the subject, my informant became ap-
prehensive of some mischief, and throwing down
General Scott's pass on the table walked out to the
English Legation, where he was advised to apply
to General Scott himself. He did not distinctly
state what occurred there, but said, from what he
heard, he felt it was his best plan to leave the coun.
try, and he had got his passport, and would proceed
to New York for a passage in the Persia, which
will I hope take this letter. I hope I am not doing
the gentleman in question any injustice in saying I
fear he was conscious of having done something
which could not be justified by a strict neutrality,
and I certainly heard, before I saw him, from an
English gentleman stopping at the same hotel, that
he made himself conspicuous by the boldness with
which he spoke in favour of secession. He ac-
counted for his easy surrender of his pass by saying
he feared imprisonment, or that the authorities
might have opened his letters. I must say, as far as
my personal experience goes, that if a writer main-
tains a strict neutrality he may express his opinions
with freedom so far as the respectable portion of the
American public is concerned, and the irritation
sometimes caused by free criticism is overcome by
the reflection that their expression is intended for
the people of another country, and that if it be in
any sense objectionable to Americans it is only, as
Mr. Seward pointed out, rendered so by the journals
which republish the letters. When your corre-
spondent was made the subject of a petty prose-
cution by an informer in Illinois, the people in
court offered to pay the small fine inflicted for
an offence ;against a statute never before: put
in force in that State, and all the papers
which have noticed the affair have characterised the
prosecution as paltry, contemptible, and malignant.
There are strange things in the Legislative enact-
ments of the different States, distinctly enunciated
as principles, which by their opposition and contra-
dictory natures force one to admire the chance
cohesion which hitherto has prevented collision and
permitted the Supreme Court to arbitrate without
serious difficulty. When I first came to the United
States of North America one of the States had just
passed a law abrogating the punishment of death
for any offence whatever ; another State had passed
at the same time an Act adding the offence of horse
stealing to the list of crimes punished by death.
The seizure of contractors and putting them in
prison on the ground that they have tried to cheat
the Government, the refusal to liberate or try them,
and the menaces uttered in public departments re-
specting Fort M'Henry and Fort Lafayette, are not
wholesome symptoms. Had the gentleman I refer
to been the subject of an " arrestation" under the
Reign of Terror, he could not have been more agi-
tated, and he firmly believed that he could be car-
ried off, impounded, carcere duro, and no questions
asked or answered, without the smallest trouble. It
is only in troublous times in despotisms or republics
such things can be. But the rage for arrests is now
diminished, and several prisoners have been let go
free. If the charges were made public it might be
found they were all rightfully seized, and that the
Government had not acted harshly or unjustly.
The Count of Paris and the Duke of Chartres may
study these phenomena at their leisure, for as aides
to General M'Clellan they have not much to do at
present. They continue to be great favourites, and
the American public here show good taste in not
running needlessly after the young Princes. They
have been received at some of the Ministers' houses
incognito, but they do not go much into society.
There is an idea here that the Government of France
is far more favourably disposed towards the Union
than that of Great Britain, in spite of the absence
of a shadow of pro )f ; but the observations of M.
F. Pisani (who accompanies Prince Napoleon) in
the Opinion Nationale may make some people doubt
the fact. They have already succeeded in causing
some little annoyance among the State officers, just
as the inner circle itself was somewhat agitated
by a little contretemps connected with Court eti-
quette between Mrs. Lincoln and the Princess
Clotilde at New York. The identity of action on
American matters between France and England is
not regarded with favour, and people take pleasure
in suggesting that England really directs the com-
mon policy.

NATAL EXPEDITION TO NORTH CAROLINA.
The expedition which will sail soon after the de-
spatch of this letter will proceed from the Northern
ports and from Annapolis to rendezvous off the coast
of North Carolina. The force from this place will
consist, as I informed you, of 4,500 men, under Bri-
gadier-General Egbert Viele, formerly in the United
States' regular army, and a subaltern officer of the
Mexican war, and the regiments composing it are
already on their way to Annapolis. The rest of
the force will consist of 9,500 men, divided into two
brigades, the whole directed by General Sherman.
The regiments of Viele's brigade are fine-looking,
strong men, tolerably well uniformed. Of the
military knowledge of their commanding officers
take two examples. On the arrival of the briga-
dier in his camp a colonel sent to him to say, " he
would give him a review of his regiment to-
morrow." When one of the regiments was pre-
paring to march to the railway terminus for Anna-
polis the colonel of another sent to the brigadier to
ask him if he might be permitted "to escort the
—th to the depot with his own regiment." The
superior officers, however, know their work, and
Savannah, Mobile, Fernandina, and Pensacola may
well feel uneasy and hurry on their fortifications,.
Wherever the eye rests there is the din of prepara-
• tion for war. All over the vast continent moulds
are running lead and iron, forges are blazing, ham-
mers clanging on anvils, the ploughshare taking
the shape of the sword. The Hatter's affair has
aroused the South to their danger—they are throw-
ing up earthworks and batteries, and drilling their
Coastguards all along the seaboard. The report
that the Federalists had taken Mississippi City,
between Mobile and New Orleans, is not confirmed,
but New Orleans need not fear just yet, nor can the
expedition be intended to do more than prepare,
by the occupation of points on the coast, for the
operations of larger forces later in the year.
From St. Louis I hear that General Fremont is
certain he will beat Price if he overtakes hint, but
the latter is a sort of Tantia Topee—he has great
numbers of cavalry and no baggage ; the expedition
down the Mississippi must wait.
THE ARMY AT WASHINGTON.
The approach to Washington by rail just DOW
presents a very picturesque, but, to a patriot, a
mournful sight. All through Maryland the bridges
on the railways are guarded by little camps. And
as the noise of the train is heard the men rush out
of the tents to the lino awaiting their shower of
newspapers which is let fall by the passengers, and
every drop of which is the object of a friendly
scramble. As the train draws nearer to the capital
these camps increase in number and in size till the
white canvass frosts every knoll, and gleams
through every woodland and glade now colouring
with the glorious tint of the autumnal foliage.
Monster trains arc passed, and the soldiers inside
rend the air with yells and shrill cheers. Poor
fellows, they must be glad of any excuse for a little
outbreak in the monotony of journeys in rough
vans over the jumping roads for hundreds of miles
from distant States. The fields are filled with dark
lines of infantry at drill ; heavy trucks, laden with
guns and munitions of war, block up the sidings,
and look sulkily out of their secluded shunting
places. On the undulating ground, from which all
traces of forest and grove are fast vanishing, are
visible immense packs of horses ; commissariat
camps, long lines of white tilted waggons, cities of
mules, and columns of dust seam the sky and mark
the march or evolutions of armed men. Strains of
music are heard as the unfinished dome of the
Capitol and the spires of the city rise in view, and
long standing lines of tents wind in and out as if
encompassing the place in their arms till they fade
away in the distance. The air pulsates with the
flash of arms in the-eunlight, and now and then the
MEDIATION OF RUSSIA.
At all events, the people of the Northern States booming of guns makes the heart beat with a rice-
are going to fight their battles in their own way her throb, till one remembers that the Federalists
do not mind firinF.salutes in war time, thoneth con-
s,
and on their own ground, without interference or
trary to usual military practice, and that they are
control. Meditation and compromise were rejected
obliged to exercise their artillerymen, or that the
long ago. Even the Czar's friendly letter produced
ndefatigable Dahlgren is at his work in the navy-
hasfrom Mr. Seward only a brief acknowledgment, and
iThat yard. No one can aubt the enthusiasm of the
not led to any suggestion of arbitration.
being the case, why don't the armies fight ?
The people at present. From Racine, through Chicago,
Confederates do not fight because they do not wish at Pittsburg, Harrisburg, in Ohio, Indiana, Penn-
to risk the fate of their army on a single battle in Sylvania, the scene along the road was the same—
front of Washington, and have .the utmost confi- men drilling, companies arriving and departing,
it is scarcely possible to show regiments moving
dence in delay—why off in the trains from the dim-
conclusively. Their troops are not to be trusted in eyed mourners who filled the station, Union flags
an attack on the line of earthworks and batteries flying from staff and steeple, advertisements on tho
which cover Washington and extend from Alex- walls offering various inducements in rival corps—
andria to the Chain-bridge at Little Falls. They boys and children dressed in uniform, and shoulder-
are just at present Oh the defensive, and hope to ing mimic muskots—three-fourths of the passengers
entice the Federalists to attack them. No one in every train wear some sign or token that for the
knows what is the real position of their right on time they are soldiers. One fine old man, in a blue
the Potomac, but I begin to doubt if they have cavalry jacket with yellow braid, attracted InY
the means or the guns to command the river, attention, as he was in a private's dress, and looked
though I can scarcely think that any of their Ge- like a gentleman. I heard his story.
nerals would wilfully abandon the plan of doing been in the army, as I had imagined ;
he learnt cavalry
it. With guns and men enough, it is perfectly plain service, but when the war began
hood. He made
He had never
they could command the Potomac completely, and drill of a. soldier in his neighboudrthe had seen no
people of his
cross over an army under their fire, should it so strong Union speeches,
please them, much more readily and safely than village to go to the wara.6nsdAutrlgaest they said, " Why
years of age," he said,
by any fording of the Upper Potomac. As I have don't you go ?" " aert:,
had occasion to point out, the ground occupied by "and beyond my tior • But
. at last one day he
I'm going, and I have sent
the armies is unfavourable to fighting, and it is no said, "N
btooysc.lear the way before me." But
disparagement to the men to say they could not be re- off to my
lied on to march across the open up to well-served with all thsios.lizseal there is a great lack of knowledge
lE_, e ciency, Lest it might be said I write
and
°'
prejudiced and jaundiced eye. I, AN ill guns in heavy works, and take them at the point of
quote a
Con of the appearance of the tr oops from the
the bayonet. The Federalists have well-founded dis- with _a
Nd eto York. 7ribune of yesterday, and, to the awl-
eserip
like to make another advance on Manassas. Drills
and reviews will do much, but time is needed forh
either to do its work. The difficulty is with t racy and justness of the writer I bear. the fullest
that, being in Washington, it
officers rather than with the men. Ono of Tombs s testimony. He says
troop a Bepgal Artillery, Who was re l
over here look- has sttueh Lim that the •
t 5 an utter 'want of uni-