The Sun.
London, England, 1859-07-01 00:00:00

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS—(YESTERDAY).
The LORD CUAN CELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at five o'clock.

THE DIVORCE ACT.

Lord CHELMSFORD gave notice that on Thursday he
should call the attention of their lordships to the Divorce
Act; in order to introduce some legislative measure on the
subj 'ect.

ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION.
The Duke of MARLBOROUGH asked whether it was
the intention of the Government to proceed this session ,
with the Ecclesiastical Commission Mill. •
n Lt
h Court
n
Earl GRANVILLE said he would give an answer to-
morrow evening.
gaveClinoAtiNce that on Leo rr
ad LYTr
Friday week
he should call attention to the method of taking evidence
i'DE REDCLIFFE gave notice
that on Friday fortnight he should call the attention of the
house to the affairs of Italy.
PRIVATE BUSINESS.
tt
oApfllTehu COURTaoßnßese:r
y O F
On the motion of Lord REDESDALE the following
bills were read a second time :--Hampstead Junction Rail-
way; Worcester and Hereford Railway ; Herdord, Luton,
And Dunstable Railway; London, Brighton, and South
Coast Railway; London and South-Western Railway;
Vale of Neath Railway ; and Witney Railway (No. 2).
MINISTERIAL EXPLANATIONS.
Earl GRANVILLE then rose and said—Your lordships
are already aware, from what fell from the noble earl oppo-
site on Monday week last, of the reasons which induced her
Majesty's late Government to take the constitutional course
of resigning their offices. I then received the great and un- .
expected honour of being commanded by her Majesty to at-
tempt to form an Administration. There is no one in this
house more sensible of the insufficiency of my own abilities
for that task, but I was determined that having once under-
taken
it, no diffidence of mine should prevent me persever-
ing With it as long as I thought any public utility could
arise from my efforts. But as soon as I found that a better
and A stronger arrangement might be made, lat onbe re- '
quested her Majesty to absolve me from the office. " That •
the resignation of it relieved me from a sense of great per-
sonal responsibility your lordships will readily believe, and
I gate it up with feelings of loyal gratitude to my Sovereign
anddeep respect for those public men with whom I-had oc-
casion to communicate. Since that time Lord Palmerston hes _ •
forraed an Administration. I have heard two noble earls de-
scrilpe in this house the labour and anxiety of formizig an
Administration, and certainly the personal relief which I
myself had experienced in giving up the task was increased
by closely watching the anxiety which Lord Palmerston ex-
perienced during the performance of his task, and especially
from not being able to include in his Administration those
old ! friends for whose character and abilities he felt such
deep respect, and on whose long tried services he set such
high value. He has himself assured me, however, that
that feeling was much diminished by universally finding
that those with whom he communicated had expressed
the most unselfish desire to postpone their own personal
objects to the advantage of the public service. The
Government which Lord Palmerston has formed is of a
comprehensive character. It comprehends men who, by
their past political services and by their high character,
have some claim to the confidence of the country. At the
same time my colleagues and myself feel that it is not upon
any past services that we can rely, and that we can only
hope for support from Parliament and from the country by
the manner in which both our home and our foreign affairs
are administered. With regard to home affairs, I may ob-
serve that the arrangement of the finances will be a task of
no inconsiderable difficulty. Although there is no decided
greund for alarm in the country with respect to the finances,
yet! their arrangement will require some skill, some honesty,
and good sense on the part of the Government ; and I have
no I doubt the efforts of the Government will meet with
public spirit and good sense on the part of the country. It
wil' be the duty of her Majesty's Government to introduce
measures with regard to law reform and other subjects.
There is one question of special importance—namely, the
improvement of the representation of the people in the
House of Commons. It would be difficult to deal with that
question at once. Public opinion has no doubt been very
much formed and brought to a point on that question by the
debates and discussions which have recently taken place,
and the disposition in this country at all times to make con-
cessions as to measures of degree gives reason to hope that
these discussions will make it less difficult at some future
time to settle that question. But I believe that to attempt to
settle it in this session would be to trifle with it. Several
weeks have been frittered away and lest for the purposes of
legislation since the time at which her Majesty's late Go-
vernment introduced their Reform Bill. The budget, the
questions with regard to expenditure which have yet to be
brought before the House of Commons, and some legislation
of a miner character make it almost impossible to hope that
a Reform Bill could be passed through the other House o
Parliament during the present session. And even if i
could be passed through the other house I am quite sure
your lordships would feel that you were treated with a
great want of respect if you were asked to consider a mea-
sure of so much importance as that at a time when it was
utterly impossible to expect a full attendance in this house.
Therefore, with regard to the question of Parliamentary
Reform, I have only to state that while it is one
of the subjects which will engage the most anxious
consideration of her Majesty's Government, they
will think it both their duty and their privilege to
bring it befo're Parliament as soon as Parliament shall meet
again. There is another subject connected with home affairs
which greatly occupies public attention at this moment. I
allude to the national defences. (Hear, hear.) There have
been rumours of an unfounded character with regard to the
intentions of the Government as to the national defences. I
am happy to say that the notice which my noble and learned
friend (Lord Brougham) has given of asking a question on
that subject to-morrow will give an early opportunity to
her Majesty's Government of stating what are their inten-
tions. Her Majesty's Government think that this country
should be in a proper state of defence. (Cheers.) There is
nothing more deplorable than the system of all the great
European nations arming one against another, spending
their money in great armies and great fleets—(hear,
driving each other into useless expenditure, and taking
away from the productive labour of the respective countries.
(Hear, hear.) But this is a question that cannot be settled
by one nation alone. This country is not so separate, com-
mercially or politically, or, I will add, geographically,
from the other parts of Europe as to justifly this, one of the
most powerful and most wealthy of nations, in not making
a proper expenditure, not only to place it in a proper state
of defence against invasion, as to which I see eo possible
ground for alarm—(cheers)—but also to make an invasion
of it an impossibility—(cheers)—and to place it in that posi-
tion in which it ought to be when the time comes for
diplomatic arrangements. I think it would be quite out
of place for me to go back into the grounds or occa-
sions of the war in Italy. That war will engage the
first and most serious consideration of her Majesty's Go-
vernment. The great difficulty wit 4 regard to our foreign
affairs at this moment appears to me to be the avoiding
any false step which might entail fatal consequences upon
Europe and upon this country. It has been the opinion of
all the statesmen of both parties, both those connected
with the late Government and those connected with
this side of the house, and it is certainly the
opinion of the great majority of the people of this
country, that it is the duty of her Majesty's Govern-
ment to maintain a strict and bona fide neutrality with re-
ference to the war in Italy—to use every endeavour to keep
this country out of war, but at the same time, if possible,
and as early as possible, to restore peace to Europe. (Hear,
hear.) I think your lordships will agree also that the proper
way of doing so would not be by early meddling or making
propositions which perhaps one or probably both the bellige-
rent parties would refuse to accept, but by watching sea re
fully and considerately, and taking care that the first
t a
fa-
vourable opportunity should not escape them of taking
be still better, the
bring-
ing their influence, or what would
to insure not only
operation of the other European Powers,
may
be
statesmanlike view of the actual state of things, and
co
likely to
present peace, but arrangements which
possible tbe posi-
of the parties, and consulting as muth
is war is now raging
tions of the countries between whcoomurse
well be
supportedb-y
lead to peace for the future—arrangements not unjust to any
(Meer, hear.) I believe theatearthis
earl opposite on a previous 0
any factiothi
your lordships. The noble
Majesty's present rim:tent. Now past
opposition to her
uld be unwise in Government
history shows that it would
promises of that
build their house on
mon stated that it was not his intention to offer
to
feeling of Parliament, and of
rand graceful
kind. At the same
time, I admit the dignifiedte ent tone in which the
recognise in it that ac-
exists, that her Majesty's Go-
be carrl9l on, and although I cannot hope
tathvoeebruolweemolueeeadunrginttlrymifnuvrdtshetoifethhthalte
generalst m
believe
that his forbearance will endure for any long time upon
mere party questions, yet I derive from that statement the
greatest possible assurance that whenever the national in-
terests of the country do require it, all parties in the State,
as heretofore, will be found unanimously aiding in what-
ever is requisite to maintain the real interests and honour of
the country. (Cheers.)
After a few words from Lord BROUGHAM, which did not
reach the gallery,
The Duke of RUTLAND said he was glad to hear from
the noble earl that her Majesty's Government intended to
maintain a strict and bone fide neutrality with reference to
the war in tltaly, but he could not help calling to mind a
stotement made by the noble lord the Secretary of State
for Foreign Affairs, in which he represented that the war
was greatly owing to one Power, and that that one Power
was Austria. That statement was not borne out by the
facts of the case, and was not in accordance with a strict
and bona fide neutrality. (Hear.) He thought that the
war was not owing in the first instance lib Austria, or to
the Emperor of the French, but was owing to Sardinia.
(Hear, hear.) It was clear that Sardinia intended to make
good against Austria the complaints which had been urged,
while Count Cavour admitted that Austria had not violated
any treaties. If it were to come to this, that treaties were
not to be respected, he wanted to know how the peaces, goo.
government, and liberty of any nation could be eriw
weak, and still more valuable in protecting the weak as aer
the strong. But in this case it was Sardinia w_hurepese,'asl;
Treaties were of value m protecting the strong against the
rested in the maintenance of the treaties olar/cieijan mon-
was by the ireaties of 1815 alone that the ) He implored
of nett
were so
Friday fort-
night, but the interval seemed so. on
paracrhdorneifgonreadnotviceirpat pgetohpeled.
isccsHselia:n,g,
lordships would excuse
momentous that he was sure their

him. REDCLIFFE said he in.
Lord STRATFORD DE
his motion to-morrow week instead
tendedFlildbayrinfogrtfoarwige
of on
t
urdy2bilfoirty,wehimeohderhaetihadon adnisdppalaytiedencien,
his anxious
nob l e friendaaall
Enalmesaalintain the peace of Europe. (Cheers.)
cevoinTenhbtheinetdulrwutiektheotfhilts
oUpTpoLrANtuniDty saofidthanhokiwnasg
his to
(thee
nEd'aeralvoofurlsal
Though unfortunately his noble friend was not successful in
the object, he did succeed in maintaining a strict and im-
partial neutrality and keeping England free from the
horrors of war. (Hear.) It was at the moment when the
three Powers engaged in deadly conflict, and when .no one
could tell on what shore the next wave of war would break,
that the Opposition felt it their duty to turn out the late
Government, not because they did not fully and impartially
represent the feelings of the country, but in order that the