The Sun.
London, England, 1857-07-28 00:00:00

THE SUN, 1{0;\ DON, TETESDAY EVENING. JULY 28, 1857

offered a career which our more reeuleted and ordinary
habits would not have furnished to the fiery youth of In-
dia. A strict observance of our treaties, the rigid main-
tenance of the laws and customs of the people, and, above
all, a faithful respect for our guarantees of their land and
a scrupulous adhesion to our engagements not to tamper
with their religion—these were the sources of our
strength, and upon these our great Indian statesmen
always insisted. But of late years a new principle ap-
pears to have been adopted in the government of India.
If the old principle—the principle upon which our empire
was created and established, and which prevailed until
very recent times—was a respect for nationality, the new
system seems to he the reverse, and may be described as
one which would destroy nationality. Everything in
India has been changed. Law and marnere, customs
and usages, political erganizetione, the tenure of. pro-
perty, the religion of the people—everything in India
has either been changed or attempted to be changed, or
there is a suspicion among the population that a desire
for change exists on the part of our Government. Now,
taking the last 10 years, I would range under three beads
the various causes which have led, in my opinion, to the
great discontent among all classes of that country with
our rule. I would describe them thus—first, our forcible
destruction of native princes; next, our disturbance of
the settlement of property ; and thirdly, our tampering
with the religion of the people. (Hear.) I believe that
directly or indirectly all the principal causes of popular
discontent or popular disturbance will-range under those
three heads, and to those three heads I now wish to ad-
dress myself. I will endeavour to do so without over-
powering.the subject with details and without referring
to documents, except for authority, and I will also en-
deavour to compress my observations as much as possi-
ble without sacrificing clearness ; bet even then I shall
have to trust to the generous forbearance of the house
for the time I shall occupy. (Hear.) The house will
recollect I am venturing to treat of a theme of colossal
proportions, that the issue at stake is of corresponding
magnitude, and that upon the just appreciation by Par-
liament of the present state of India depends the great-
ness of this country. (Hear, hear.) Now, sir, I will
first address myself to the forcible destruction of native
authority in the East by our Government, and on this
subject ate involved same of the most important
principles of Indian policy. The house must recol-
lect that even at the present time there are at least 200
native Indian princes ; they still govern a population of
At least 60,000,000 of inhabitants. With all these
princes the English Government has treaties. These
treaties differ in many particulars of detail ; in some
there are conditions for contingents, in other for tribute,
in others, again, for the residence at the native court of
a representative of the English Government, but there is
one feature of similarity throughout all those treaties—
that is, an engagement on the part of the English Go-
vernment with each Indian prince that so long as tin
latter shall observe the conditions of the treaty the
English Government will secure to him and to his heirs
the thane upon which he sits. Now, sir, about the
year 1848 I fix as the date of the inauguration of the
new system of Indian policy, which I shall show to be
opposed to all the principles by which our empire was
gained and established. Great wars had then termi-
nated victoriously and triumphantly for this country.
The struggles with new Powers that had sprung up—
xith ancient Powers that had threatened us—were
closed. There was no fear of foreign assailants, and
under those circumstances less regard for internal safe-
guards. But the condition of India in a financial point
of view was by no means satisfactory. The house is so
familiar with this part of the subject that I shall not
dwell too closely upon details. The house is aware of
the nature of Indian finance and that it admits of no ex-
pansien. The great bulk of the revenue is raised from
the land, and, although we receive a considerable
amount from opium and salt, yet the revenue from those
sources can only increase from increased consumption
by an increased population. But affairs had then come
to such a point that it was necessary that the revenue of
the East Indian Government should be increased.
About this time appeared one of the most important
State papers that ever was published relating to India;
it was a minute of Council which referred to the
decease of an Indian prince, and in which was laid
down the principle almost without disguise that
the future Indian policy would be •to in-
crease our revenue by increasing our dominions ;
that, in fact, the only mode by which an increased re-
venue could be obtained was by enlarging our territo-
ries. About this time a very important incident occur-
red, although it did not at the time attract as much
attention as its consequences justified—the death of a
native Indian prince without natural heir.. The terri-
tories of this prince were not of first-rate importance,
although they were not without value ; his revenues
' were by no means considerable, yet they were not to be
' despised ; he was a prince to whom the respect and in-
terest of a large portion of the Indian races were directed.
He was one of the great Mahratta family. After the
fall of the l'ilahratta empire it had become a point of
high policy with our Government that from the ruins of
that empire independent Mahratta States should be
formed, and that the beads of that family should all be
placed upon the tausnud as a mass of gratifying the
feelings of the defeated Mahratta people, and of claim •
ing their sympathies for the new order of things. Such
was the position of the Rajah of Sattara—a name which
probably is unknown to many, but which at one time
occasioned some some interest in teis house, and respect-
ing whom many papers were laid upon this table. Toe
neath of the Rajah of Sattara was fixed upon as the
incident by whica our new Indian policy was to be in-
augurated. The Rajah of Sattara, as I have already
reminded the house, died without natural heirs, but the
house must also remember that a Iliedoo dynasty like
that of Setters can never become ex.inguished. The
law of adoption prevails in India, and has prevailed
from the most ancient times. The law of adoption is,
in fact, the very corner stone of Hindoo society, and
men who have no natural heirs adopt one as a matter
(
of course, and as one of the great duties of life. Indeed,
according to the Hindoo religion, the deceased Hinder)
in another world can look for no happiness unless certain
duties are fulfilled, certain ceremonies performed, in
this by his heir, and therefore it is absolutely neces-
eery that he should appoint an heir in order to insure
the fulfilment of those duties and the performance of
those rites. Hence, adoption in India is not only a
simile right, but a religious duty ; the whole frame-
work of Indian society is established upon that princi-
ple. The 11.jan of Sattara, dying without natural heirs,
had before his death selected an heir, who was nomi-
nated with all the solemn ceremonies peculiar to the oc-
casion, whose adoption was notified to the British rest-
dent and published to the people by ealvoes of artillery,
and was received by them with perfect approbation.
Time Governor-General of India, however, in pursuance
of the vigorous and novel policy which he had deter-
mined to establish in India, took the decided step of
abolishing the law of adoption. He did not recognise
the individual who had been proclaimed to ell India as
the son and and successor of the deceased prince ; but,
claireirg 'be equivocal right of suzerainty as lord para-
mount, he ordered his troops to enter the Rej, and the
Rajah of Sattara was absorbed into the dominions of the
Ea=t India Company. This step was not taken without
c insiderable difficulty. The Governor-Genaral of that
day was a young man, an energetic man, but one not
experienced in Indian life, for at that period he bad only
been a few months in the East. The most experienced
Indian statesmen protested against his conduct, and
warned him of its consequences. They knew it was riot
merely a question affec.ing a small territory, but that it
was a policy which would involve most important inva-
sions of law, custom, and right. The Governor of Bom-
bay, contiguous to which presidency was Sattara, was
at that time Sir G. Clerk, now the secretary of the Indian
Boatel. I believe all will agree, however differing in
opinion upon points of Indian policy, that Sir G. Clerk
has shown himself in many instances to be a most con-
summate and experienced statesman. He protested
against that policy, and warned the Indian Government
against its consequences. I have been told, on authority
so high that I cannot doubt it, that at the last extremity
he proposed that the annexation should be postponed till
it could be subjected to the arbitration of the highest
authority in Indian matters in this country, Mr. Mount-
stuart Elehinstone ; but hie proposal was rejected.
(Hear ) I am bound to say that the directors of the East
India Company on that occasion evinced considerable
character, skill in prescience, and in many instances, no
small ability. Unfortunately there was a majority in fa-
vour of the new policy ; but there remain on record the
dissents of six members of the Court; men without excep-
tion of great Indian experience, and, as their dissents
show, men of great ability, of thoughtful minds, and of
practical wiedoin. I have not those dissents by me, but
I call to rnindethe names of such men at Mr. St. George
Tucker, Mr. Melville, and Capt. Sheppard, whose names
are appended to them. The protest of Capt. Sheppard,
which may be found in the Sattara papers, centains lan-
guage which I recommend to the attention of the house,
for it contains words of wisdom that would have become
any statesman of any country in the world. The ques-
tion of Sattara passed. Whatever may have been the
passing rumours they were altogether disregarded, and
from that moment, without ceasing, the system of annex-
ation took place, or was attempted, in every instance in
which a native prince died without natural heirs. The
principle of adoption, which I have before said was the
very corner stone of Indian society, was systematically
set aside by Government, and the opposite principle be-
came the basis of a new policy. An hon. and learned
gentleman who takes an interest in Indian affairs moved
some time ago for a return of the annexations that have
taken place between 1848 and 1856. I do not know whe-
ther that paper is in the hands of members, but if it is a
brief glance will show that while some of the annexations
have taken place by conquest, in the great majority of
instances they have been the consequence of a want of
heirs. In every one of these instances our Government
were taking a step which shook the confidence not of
confidencemerel y natives
oporfi nacpe
os,wbeur
ft
u,
la
ps
alr
tsyli hall boenagb
tl e h
et o show,
population the
of India. (Hear, hear.) All the Rajahs who during that
time died without natural heirs had dominions of greater
or less extent, and no inconsiderable revenues, and ail
of these were absorbed into the British empire. The
, . . .

against the Government of India, had the audacity to seize
the personof the political officer at Darjeeling, when travel-
ling under the Rajah's safeguard within his dominions.
Military preparations were made; the agent was released,
and all the territories which the Rajah possessed within
the plains were confiscated, and have been retained. In
Scinde, Meer Ali Morel of Khyrpore, was accused of hav-
ing forged a clause in a treaty whereby he had wrongfully
obtained possession of lands which of right belonged to the
British Government. A full and fair investigation W 33
made. The Ameer had every of p utunity afforded to him
of defending himself; but his guilt was proved beyond a
doubt. The lands wore taken from him, and his power
and influence were reduced to insignificance."
I mention these cases, which were not accompanied by
a violation of the laws of adoption, to illustrate the sys-
tem that was now pursued with such vigour be India. I
now call the attention of the house to 1854. There had
been five or six years during which the Indian Govern-
ment, commencing with Setters, had dealt under this
system with the territories of a dozen independent princes
who died without natural heirs, when in 1854 ono of the
most considerable of the native princes died—one who
still sat on a Royal throne the Rajah of Berar—a
prince with a territory of 80,000 square miles—a popu-
lation of from 4,000,000 to s,ooo,ooo—with land the
richest in India, and most highly cultivated—whose trea-
sures were great, and who had been a faithful ally,—for
never had in been alleged that he had violated the condi-
tions of any treaty; he died without natural heirs, and
in pursuance of the new policy it was determined to
annex that vast and wealthy country to our dominions.
(Hear, hear.) Oar Resident at the Court protested
against this annexation, and the Governor-General was
opposed in Council by the ablest of its members when
he proposed it—among others, by General Lowe, whose
name is known to many members of this house. Geo.
Lowe has always been considered as our first Indian
et etesman. He is a man who has risen by his own
energies and merits. He has passed 50 years as the repre-
sentative of the Indian Government at various Courts
of India—with Mahomedan sultans, Hindoo Rajahs,
and Mabratta princes—and be is supposed to be
more familiar with the wants of India and the life of
India than any other Indian statesman of the day. He
was th, efore, with great propriety, elected a member of
the Supreme Council. (Hear.) The Governor-General of
India detailed the policy which he intended to pursue
with respect to the Rajah of Berar in a Minute of Coun-
cil ; and I am bound to say that a public document ex-
ernp:ifying more vigour, acuteness, and energy, was pro-
bably never penned since the bulletins and manifestoes of
the great Emperor Napoleon, when heannexed kingdoms
to his immense empire. (Hear, hear.) I shall at present
refer particularly to only one passage for the future
guidance of the house, for I feel that we are only as yet
in the ante-chamber of Indian discussions. (Hear.) In
that minute the Governor-Geemal says :
" The incorporation of Nagpore would give to ns a terri-
tory which comprises 80,000 square miles, producing an
annual revenue of 40 lace of rupees, and containing more
than 4,00,1,000 of people who have long desired to return
to our rule."
Mark what follows :
"It would completely surround with British territory
the dominions of his Highness the Nizam in a manner
highly beneficial for the purposes of internal adminis-
tration."
(Hear, bear.) The Nizam is the most powerful Mussnl-
man Sultan in India, with a population of from 8,000,000
to 10,000,000 under his command, and territory of corn
measurate proportion. (Hear.) And, mind you, these
minutes bring you into the Secret Council of Calcutta,
which is the same as the Cabinet Council in this country,
in so far as they indicate the policy that was in the
minds of individuals. (Hear.) Let me now ask the house
to listen to some expressions in the minute of General
Lowe, as recorded in these papers. It is of the greatest
importance to have the opinion of a man of this sort.
We have a great variety of opinions upon Indian policy
in this house, and though it is easy to say that one
man is a tool of the Directors, and that another is a
wild Indian reformer, yet when we get the opinions of
the most mature and experienced intellect a nong Indian
statesmen, delivered confidentially for our guidance, I
hold them to be above all price. What says General
Lowe ? After raising a great many objections in 22
paragraphs, he makes this confession :
' In my c nversations with natives, when I was in Raj-
pootanse there never was any unpleasant remark made to
me respecting the annexation of the Punjab. Some said
Duleep Sing was an unlucky youth in having such bad
counsellors ; but no one ever said that the British Govern-
ment acted with injustice in annexing that territory to its
own ; they seemed perfectly to understand that an inva-
sion of our territory entitled us, according to the ordinary
course of human affairs, both to repel the invaders and to
soiz, that country.
" But every person who mentioned the subject to me,
and there were numerous persons who did so, held totally
different language in regard to the annexation of Sattara.
They did not make use of many words on sach occasions ;
my own situation, being one of authority over them,
placed them under great restraint in that respect, but
what they did say, and their manner of saying it, showed
mo very clearly that they thought it a case of might
against right, and all expressed an earnest hope, evidently
accompanied by some dread in their minds to the con-
trary, that a kind Providence would save the Rajpoot
families from such disgrace and disaster.
" When I went to Malwa, in 1850, where I met many
old acquaintances whom I had known when I was a very
young man, and over whom I had no authority in 1850, I
found those old acquaintances speak out much more dis-
tinctly as to their opinion of the Sattara case; so much so,
that I was on several occasions obliged to check them.
" It is remarkable that every native who ever spoke to
ma respecting the annexation of Sattara asked precisely
the same question—viz., What crime did the late It-,ja.h
commit that his country should he seized by the company ?
(Hear, hear.) Thus clearly indicating their notions, that,
it any crime had been committed our act would been jus-
fiable, and not otherwise."
The house must not for a moment suppose that General
Lowe is a man very confident in hie own opinions, or of
a temper which listens with impatieuce to the sugges-
tions of other. Or, the contrary, it is quite clear, from
til e tone of these minutes, that he is a man who, if he
hes a fault, has the fault lather of too easily yielding
up his own convictions to the predominant practice of
the :noment. These minutes are full of evidence that it
was with the greatest pain, and with the utmost desire
to avoid the painful duty, that he felt it necessary to
cemnforward and oppose this policy. They are full of
expressions of admiration and devotion to the Governor
General. But invariably as the proceedings ad-
vance you find that General Lowe gives up the
struggle in despair. I will just read a line from his
minutes to show that I have not misrepresented him
in this respect
"After a very careful perusal of the Most Noble the
Governor-General's minutes on this important subject, and
of the various papers circulated Meng with that document,
it is with feelings of sincere regret that I find it quite out
of my power to arrive at the same conclusion as his lord-
ship has done respecting the course which the British
Government ought now to pursue towards the Nagpore
Sate ; and I can truly add that I write this minute with
Bauch reluctance, for it vexes me that it should be my duty
to express on au important subject sentiments which are
opposed to those of a statesman whose great talents, whose
eminent public services, and whose whole character I view
with genuine admiration and respect."
And be aids :
"There is also another cause for my disinclination to
write this minute, which I way as well confess at once
NiZ., that I feel completely convinced that,' practically
speaking, it will have no effect whatsoever on the majority
of the public functionaries in London who will have to
consider and to decide this question."
Allow me to say before proceeding further that the
Generaltthetamsebey Lowe, bec nese I have
was a strong minority in the
East India Directors are not entirely open to the
shown characteryou given
tha
court which resisted the first of these great
measures, and there are papers on the table
respecting the proposed annexation of the Raj of Kerow-
lee, which show that that Kij *as not annexed to our
dominions—the case being too flagrant—entirely through
the influence of the East India directors. But to pro-
ceed with the great case of Berar. The Raj of Berar,
with it, 00,000 square miles, its population of 4,000,000
or 5,000,000, and its treasures, was seized notvvithstand-
leg the protest of General Lowe. The troops of the
British Government were ordered into the territ iry, the
furniture and jewels of the Queen were seiz ed. It was
understood that the Queen had a private treasure of her
own to a large amount, and though it was proved that
it was entirely her own property, having belonged to the
Queen mother, a woman of great abilities, who had once
been regent of the kingdom, yet it was seized, and by
the British Government. The Raj of Nagpore was an-
nexed ; it is one of tbo four kingdoms which we are told
with so much pride and eelhcomplacency in the rnioute
of 1856 have been added to the Crown of England. I
must pause here for a moment on the subject of annexa-
tion. I want to touch upon the second division of the
subject. I want to show you how the settlement of pro-
perty in India has been disturbed by the new system of
Government during the last ten years. (Hear, hear.)
This portion of the subject is intima'ely connected
with that part to which I have already alluded,
and the house will see in a few moments why
I have stopped at the year 1854 on the
subject of annexation. The principle of the law of
adoption is not the prerogative of princes and principali-
ties in India ; it applies to every man in Hindostan who
has landed property, and who professes the Hindoo re-
ligion. The great feudatory, or jaghedar, who holds his
lands by public service to his lord ; and the emindar,
who holds his land free of all land-tax, who corresponds,
if not precisely, in a popular sense at least, with our
freeholder,—both of these classes—classes most numer-
ous in India—always, on the failure of their natural
heirs, find in this principle the means of obtaining suc-
cessors to their estates. Those classes were all touched
by the annexation of Sattara, they were touched by the
annexation of the territories of the 10 inferior but inde-
pendent princes to whom I have already alluded, and
they were more than touched, they were terrified to the
last degree, when the annexation of the Raj of Berar
took place. What man was safe? What feudatory,
what freeholder who had not a child of his own loins
was safe throughout India ? (Hear, hear) These were
not idle fears ; they were extensively acted upon and
reduced to practice. The resumption of jagheers and
of inams commenced for the first time in India. There
have been, no doubt, impolitic moments when at-
temp's have been made to inquire into titles, but no one
had ever dreamt of abolishing the law of adoption ; there-
fore no authority, no Government had ever been in
a position to resume jagheers and inams the hol-
ders of which had left no natural heirs. Here was
a new source of revenue • but while all these things were
acting upon the minds of these classes of Hindoos, the
Government took another step to disturb the settlement
of property, to which I must now call the attention of
the house. The house is aware, no doubt, from reading
the evidence taken before the committee of 1853, that
there are great portions of the land of India which are
exempt from the land tax. Being free from land-tax in
India is far more than equivalent to freedom from the
land-tax in this country, for,
speaking generally and
popurly, the land-tax in India is the whole taxation of
h
the State ; and it is not a light impost, therefore, by any
means. There are large portions of the land in India

minute to which I have referred—the memorable dock-

went that was placed on the ta-ble of the House cf C

mons by the late Chairman of the East India Company
—after enumerating some vast annexations to which I
shall not now allude, contains a paragraph which is
called " minor political events," and with the permis-
sion of the house I shall read from that paragraph a pas-
sage that will convoy an impression of what has been
going on in India much more vivid than could be given
by mere spoken words. It says :

" Early in 184 S, the Rajah oiUngool, a petty chieftain
in the Jungle Melia's, resisted the authority of the Govern-
ment. His Raj was taken from him, and he has since died
in exile."

['hese aro Raja that were not obtained by violating the
law of adoption, but they are instaiicas which show that
the system of annexation was pursued by every means
and on every pretext.
"The Rajah of Sikkim, a hill chieftain on the borders of
Nepaul, in order to enforce certain dal= which he allege

which enjoy this freedom. The origin of these grants is
difficult to penetrate, but they are undoubtedly of great
antiquity, They are of different kinds. Besides the
private freeholds, which are very extendve, there are
large grants of land free from the land-tpx, with which
mosques and temples have been :endowed. One of the
greatest sources of our success in India in old days was
that whenever a tyrant, a Mussulinan chief, seized and
confiscated their lands and we were appealed to, we came
in as vindicatorsof public right, and weinvariably guaran-
teed the security of property, asin the case of the Jaghiers
and Euanis. However, an able, an amiable man, under
the pressure no doubt of pecuniary distress in the public
revenue, was so ill advised as to question these titles. Our
power was then supposed, so far as Bengal was con-
cerned, to be established. The Governer General of
that day was advised to institute an inquisition into
those titles. It was alleged that there wire fraudulent
claims of exemption. There were fraudulent claims in
England, and, no doubt, in India, the scene of so many
revolutions and conquests, there may have been claims
fictititiously made. But the House will recognise at
once the wise policy which would prevent a Govern-
went at any time entering into the dangerous ground of
examining the titles of landed estates in that country.
(Hear, hear.) Even in England, the process, if carried
on, would produce revolution, and would, under any
cirtumstances, arrive at results of the most starthrg
character. (Hear.) Any person in possession of church
land or of a Royal manor, wbo could not prove that the
land was rightfully held by the persons from whom he i
inherited it, might have his whole property confiscated.
(Hear, hear.) For 30 years that system was trawl in
Bengal, and after some experience the discontent was
found so great that it was entirely dropped, Bet under
the new system which was established in India that
Plan of investigating titles was at once embraced, as a
proof of a powerful Government, vigorous Executive,
and most fruitful source of public revenue. Therefore
commissions were issued to inquire into titles to landed
estates in the Presidency of B::-nn el and adjoining coun-
try. They were also issued in the Presidency of Bombay,
and surveys were ordered to be made in the newly-
sett!ed provinces, in order that these commissions might
be conducted, when the surveys were completed, with
due efficiency. Now, there is no doubt that during the
last nine years the action of these commissions of in-
quiry into the freehold property of landed estates in
India has been going on at enormous rate, and immense
results have been obtained. Of course, it is excessively
difficult to arrive at very precise calculations on such
matters, clouded in mystery, but from information placed
before me, and in which I have great confidence, I am
induced to believe the amount obtained by the Gevern-
meat of India in this manner—that is, by the resump-
tion of estates from their proprietors, is not less in the
Presidency of Beegal than 500,000/. a-yearn Conceive
what a capital is represented by such an anneal revenue !
Conceive the thousands and tens of thousands of estates
that must have been resumed by the Government from
the proprietors to obtain such a result. (Hear ) This
is in Bengal alone, but the cenarnissioia has also been
issued in the Presidency of Bombay, and has been hard
at work there. I have been informed—and I would nut
mention the results unless I had profound conviction
that they are strictly true—that the amount of freehold
;and resumed by the Government of Bombay is not less
than 370,0001, a year. The Preside-cy of Madras re-
main-, of which I know nothing. The Noinh-Western
Provinces, mapped out and surveyed, would pro-
bably, but for the recent effehs, have been subjected to
the same process, I ask the house for a to-invent to
pause and consider what a revolution in property has
been going on under the new system in India, when a
sum exceeding two-thirds of a million of pounds sterling
per annum has been obtained by the Government as ren-
tal of land absolutely taken from the proprietors of the
country. The house will see, as far as I can place before
it the salient points of the question, how the system has
worked. Hon. members see that the law of adoption has
been abolished, a law not affecting kingdoms and princi-
palitiee merely, hut the tenure of Land in the whole or
greater part of Hiudostan. The law of adoption is
limited to the Hindoos, but the house will understand
that, so far as the resumption of estates is concerned,
the sense of injury thereby created affects all classes of
the population and all races. But there is another source
of revenue, which during the last few years recourse has
been had to, and with respect to which the results, as
regards the opinions and sentiments of the population,
are not less important. The house will understand that
when we gradual,y obtained absolute possession over
the great kingdoms of India—we often left a nominal
authority— :1 (pomp and pageant of power, to the native
princes to whom and to their heirs and chief dependents,
the Government accorded pensions. They were perpetual
pensions. For instance, the Nabob of Arcot, when he
ceded the Carnatic, was allowed 4,000/. a-year, and this
revenue was enjoyed for several generations. I mention
this as an illustrative case. Not only the descendants of
the chief, but the Ministers and great personages all had
pensions, which were placed on the Government list of
N9W, under the new system these pensions have
been discontinued, and are to be considered as annuities
only. The house will see that this is confiscation by a
new means, but on a most extensive, atartlinandshock-
ing scale, because the descendants of those ancient Royal
families and nobles find therneNves by this new rule re-
duced to a state of the utmost humiliation. Tal,.e the
case of the descendantof that very great chief the Nabob
cf Arcst, who was slowed a pen,,ion of 4,000/. a-year.
(sin hon. member. —40,0001 ) Well, then, that makes the
case much worse, but I have ratherconfidence in my own
statement. Possibly both statements may be right,
bu-
cause what I speak of may be a portoin gone to one of
the. descendants. The eon, of course, exp"cted to
hare that revenue, but he eras alarmed when he heard
that the revenue, if he got in was to be c nisidere.d an
annuity. This, however, it was at once announced that
he should not have ; and I am assured by one who I
think cannot he mistaken that he bas received under
the name of an annuity Irons the Indian Government a I
sum in rupees which amounts in pounds stet ling to 1501.
Conceive 1501. being offered to a roan who exeected to
receive as much as, according to what we have just
heard, 40,000/, a year. Let me read upon this subjec
a pa cogs from thee minutes which are the keystone a
the new Indian system. The 431 paragraph of the in
flutes is in these words :

" During the last autumn the Nawab of the Camille
very suddenly died. As the treaty by which the Musnud
of the Carnatic was conferred on his Highness's predeces-
sor was exclusively a personal one ; as the Nawab had left
no male heir, and as both he and his family had disrepu-
tably abased the dignity of their position and the large
share of public revenue which had been allotted to them,
the Court of Directors has been advised to place the title
of Nawab in abeyance, granting fitting pensions to the
several members of the Carnatic family. Very shortly after
the death of the Nawab of the Carnatic the Baj th of Tan-
jore deceased. He left no son and no male heir, direct or
indirect, who bore his name. The Hon. Court was there-
fore advised to resume the large stipend which the Rajah
had enjoyed as a lapse to the Government, pensions being
granted to the members of the family, as in all similar
cases."
The house will see, therefore, with reference to the
second point, how far the Government have disturbed
the settlement of property by their 3 e•-itle`... with regard
to the resumption of I Inds, by abolishing the principle of
adoption, and by changing into annuities those pensions
on condition of paying which we became lords of the so-
vereignties. The', then, is the second great citi-e which
has produced general discontent throughout India, and
hs s estranged numerous and powerful classes from that
authority which I think on the whole they were disposed
to regard with deference. I have now to anproaels the
third point—that of tampering with the religion of the
people of India. This, lam aware, is one of 'those sub-
jects which are called difficult and delicate, but
no subject is difficult or delicate when the existence
of an empire is at stake, and I shall, therefor.), address
myself to this point without any undue reserve. I know
that a great prejudice has been raised in this country
against missionary enterprise in India, and if I could
ascribe to missionary enterprise in that country any share
in the production of those vast calamities which we are
now considering nothing should induce me to shrink from
expressing my opinion upon the subject. When, how-
ever, we hoar of missionary enterprise in India being the
source and origin of these disasters and troubles I cannot
but remember that missionary enterprise is no new feature
in India. (Rear, hear.) At a peried antecedent to the
existence of our empire there were active Christian
missions in India. Roman Catholic missions existed, I
believe, long before the successes achieved by Clive, and
although our own nsissions are of much more modern
date, their greatest efforts—their most energetic ex tions
—have been co-existent with general satisfaction and
peace ameng all classes in India, and with a vigorous and
successful policy on the part of the Government. With
these facts before me, then, I must hesitate before I attri-
bute to missionary interference any of those calamities and
dangers which we are now considering. The house will
pardon me for making those observations. When the
country is in danger we are very apt to seize the first
plausible reason which may account for that danger, but
the great object of the debate I wish to induce the house to
enter upon is to arrive at sound and safe conclusions as to
the causes of the calamitous events which have occured.
(Hear, hear.) I think very great error exists as to the
assumed prejudices of Hindoos with regard to what is
called missionary enterprise. The fast is that the Hindoos,
and the Indian population generally, with the exception of
the Mussulmans, are educated in a manner which peculiarly
disposes them to theological inquiry. There are no people
who takesuch interestin religious discussions as the Hindoos.
They are a most ancient race; they have a mass of tradi-
tion on these subjects; a complete Indian education is in
a great degree religious; their laws, their tenure of land,
depend upon religion; and there is no race in the world
better armed at all points for theological discussion than
they are.l Add to this that they can always fall 'back
upon an educated priesthood, prepared to supply them
with arguments and illustrations when they require such
assistance. So far from the Hindoo looking with suspicion
upon the missionaries, I am convinced from what I have
read and heard, that the Hindoo is at all times ready to
discuss theological questions with the missionary. I
remember reading years ago a history of the Roman
Catholic mission in India, written by an abbe who was a
man of admirable piety, of great knowledge and of im-
maculate character, who, I believe had spent the whole
of his life in India ; and no man who has read that
impartial and able work can suppose for a moment that
missionary enterprise, whether conducted by Roman
Catholice, Protestants, or any denomination of Christians,
would ever cause any serious dissension between the
Hindoo population and the country. But what the
Hindoo does dread--what he regards with the utmost
jealousy what he looks upon with undying appre-
hension, is the union of missionary enterprise with the
power of the Government. (Rear, hear.) With the
idea of Government he associates power ; he associates
with power only one idea —violence ; he remembers
the missionary enterprise of the Mussulmatis, who
bore the Koran in one band and cimiter in
the other; and, although he is perfectly ready
to live upon the best terms wtth the missionary pure
and simple, and to enter into interminable theological
arguments with him, the moment he suspects the mission-
ary is sanctioned by the Government—that authority anti.
cipates conversion—the most sensitive feelings of the Hindoo
are outraged. (Hear, hear.) No taxation, however
grievous, no injustice, however glaring, acts so dangerously
upon the Hindoo character as the persuasion that the au-
thority of the Crown is exercised to induce him to aban-
don the religion he professes. Now, have the Government

of India lent a sanction to that suspicion of the Hindoos ? nexation of Oude took place early in 1— _—....-
856. This is only
Have the Government taken a course which has led the the middle of 1857. Is it true that there has been no
mass of the people to believe that there was ground for evidence of combination and conspiracy in India ? There
such a suspicion ? This is a most important inquiry, and may have been evidence which the Government has not
it is one to which the house ought to address itself. I : understood. There may have been symbols which per-
must say, after examining the subject, lam sure with im- plexed them. There may have been conduct, the
partiality, that it appears to me the Legislative Council of ' motives of which they could not penetrate. But that
India have, under the new system, been constantly mod- i there is no evidence of combination for the last twelve
dling with the Hindoo religion. I don't say that the : months, especially in Bengal, seems to me a position
establishment of a great system of national education— i which cannot for a moment be maintained. (Hear,
which, if it had been kept free from any taint of this de- I hear.) The house has heard of the circulation of myste-
ecription, wouid have been of the utmost advantage to I rious cakes is India, or, if not, allow me to tell them what
India—has been converted into an obvious and open in i has taken place and was taking place in India nearly t yelve
strament of 'proselytism. I don't say that in establishing months ago. This took place. A messenger comes to
a national system of education for the Hindoos you have the !mailman of a village and brings him six pancakes—
gone ostentatiously into their schools with our sacred
chupatties, such as the natives make of wheaten flour, and
scriptures, but lam very much misieformed if the sacred he says, " These six pancakes are sent to you ou w
scriptures have not suddenly appeared in those schools, and make six others and send them on to the next village."
you cannot persuade the Hindoos that they have appeared The headman obeys, accepts thesix cakes, makes six others,
there without the concurrence or the secret sanction of and sends them on to the headman of the next village with
the Government. I think also that the establishment of the same message. How did it begin? It is a mystery.
what is called in the minute " a system of female If we knew the village whence the pancakes were first
education in India " was a very unwise step on the circulated we might get very valuable information. But
part !of the authorities. After all their efforts they in the coarse of four or five months the whole of Bengaland
seem to have collected some fifty Indian ladies in the greater part of tle contiguous country have been sub-
an establishment, and I cannot but regard it as a jaded to this process of a man going from village to village,
most dangerous measure considering the peculiar from headman to headman, from police-station to police-
ideas entertained by Hindoos with regard to women— station, leaving six pancakes with no other older than that
that these 50 Gentoo ladies should have been placed in an six other pancakes should be made and circulated. Sup-
institution where they wars under the guidance and in- pose the Emperor of Russia, whose territory in extent and
situation of men. Ithink that was a circumstance calculated character has more resemblance to our Eastern possessions
to alarm and disturb the Hindoo mind. There were, how- ) than the territory of any otherpower—suppose the Emperor
ever, other acts on the part of the Geverarriont, which I of Russia were told, " Sire, there is a very remarkable
regard as much more reprehensible, and which, as I shall circumstance going on in your territory; from village to
show, have produced very evileousequences. There are two vlll,ge men are passing, who leave the tail of au ermine or
acts which have passed the Legislative Council of India a pot of caviare, witha message for some one to perform
within the last few years, and which have amazingly dis. the same ceremony. Strange to say, this has been going
turbed the whole religious mind of Hindosten. The first on in some 10,000 villages, and we cannot make head or
was the law which enacted that no man should lose his pro- tail of it." I think the Emperor of Russia would say,
party on account of a change of religion. That has occa- "I do not know whether you can make head or tail of it,
sioned great alarm in India. The house must understand but lam quite sure there is something wrong and we must
that a great deal of property is held in India by men as take some precautions, because, whore the people are not
trustees for sacred purposes hereditarily, and if a man doss usually indiscreet and troublesome, they do not make a
not lose his property who has changed his relieion he can secret communication unless it is opposed to the Govern-
hold that property as a Christian which, as a'llindoo, he ment. This is a secret communication, and therefore a
ought to employ for the maintenance and propagation of communication dangerous to the Government." This
the Hindoo faith. That is a change in the Jaw w.hich has sending of cakes went on. Ido not say that the Govern-
created great alarm and suspicion. But there is also ano- ment could penetrate the secret ; Ido not, find fault with
ther law which has more alarmed the feelings of the Hin- them because they did not find it out. What I want to
does, and that is the law which permitted a Hindoo widow show is—that there were outward and visible signs of con-
to marry a second husband. (Hear, hear.) What could have federacy. There was also an indication of
conspiracy
induced the Governor-General ciandia to pass such a law among the military which must have been known
it is at this moment impossible to conceive. If there had to the Indian Government. I allude to the cir-
been any great feeling on the subject among the Hindoo cumstances of the lotus flower. A man came
community one could have understood the reason; but, as with a lotus flower and gave it to the chief of a
lam informed, no man or woman among them ever ox- regiment. It was circulated from hand to hand in the
pressed any desire in favour of that last enormity which regiment, and every man who took it looked at it and
gave umbrage to their faith. These two laws have, more passed it on, saying nothing. We must understand that
than any other cause, disquieted the religious feelings of every man who passed it on wan acquainted with the plot.
the Hindoos. Even very lately I hoard that the Governor When it came to the last soldier of the regiment he dis-
General had forbidden the procession of an ancient society appeared and took it to the next station. The process was
in the neighbourhood of Calcutta from being solemnised. gone through in every regiment in Bengal. There was not
That was net a wise step. And thee I am also told that a regiteent, not a station, not an escort to which the lotus
the Lieutenant Governor of Bengal has forbidden the cele- flower was not sent. All these things took place after the
bration of a ceremony sacred both toMahomedans and Hin- annexation of Oude. (Hear.) An hon, gentleman reminds
does. This, as it appears to me, is a policy on the part me that last year the Bengal regiments refused their fur-
of the Legislative Council of India highly dangerous, loughs. That was certainly a sign ficant circumstance. I
tampering as it does with the religion of the population, ventured to say that I would show a state of society in
Bat what has been the consequence of the conduct to which In fia which proved the existence of general discontent,
1 have alluded? There has been established in Calcutta a and, difficult as it might be to prove conspiracy, that I
society imitatiug our societies for propagating the Gospel would offer the house facts and circumstances sufficient to
in this country. The moment it was believed the mis- eonvince them that there was conspiracy. I think I have
sionaries were patronised by the Government—the moment said enough to induce the house to pause before they form
it was widely circulated that the missionaries were the too precipitate an opinion upon the causes of the disasters
emissaries of the British Government, it was deemed in India. I think I have said enough to make the house at
necessary to take steps to counteract the effect of their least feel that it is not by saying that we have to deal
conduct, and some years ago, but still within the period with a mere military mutiny that we shall save India.
within which I am generally confining my remarks, a The truth is, as I have shown, that the people of India were
society called the Sobah was set on foot to maintain the only waiting for an occasion and a pretext. That occasion
ancient faith of the country, and to protect it from the as- was furnished, and that pretext was soon devised. • Turning
saults of the Government; and that society was organised for a moment to the last Indian paper--that relating to
on a scale of great and increasing extent. It has nail its European troops—l find there an observation by Lord ‘Cali-
agents throughout Bengal and the North-Western Pro- ning which I think worthy the attention of the house.
meets generally, and has since extended them to more dis- There is not much in these papers; but here is something
tent parts. But here was an organisation—some of its to which I ought to refer. In a despatch dated the 7th of
agents I am told have even reached this country—which February, 1857, the Governor-General takes, I think, a
in the moment of trouble and political disaster would not very rational view of his position and of the condition of the
be idle, acting, as they believed, in the most sacred cause Indian empire. He shows the dangers that may arise, but
of their country. I have endeahoured to show to the house he remarks, " Peace has been restored in Europe it is
rue,
under the th-ee heads to which I first adverted—namely, and with its return the disquietude which even a distant
the forcible destruction of native authority in India, the war had raised in the minds of the native population in
disturbance of the settlement of property in India, and some parts of India has passed away." (A laugh.) There
the tampering with the religion of India —that there have is no doubt that the war between England and Russia occa-
been great causes at work during the last ten years which sinned disquietude in India. It is the character of Eastern
have naturally and necessarily occasioned great discontent nations, and especially of the Indian populations many of
and disquietude among the powerful classes in that coca- which are extremely warlike, to sympathise with' war, and
trh ; and, taking into consideration at this moment the the moment they hear that there is a great struggle, iii
state of affairs in India. and the state of the public mind Europe, such as that which took place a considerable time
in India shortly after the annexation of Barer, I think we ago between England and France, or that which recently
shall see that the whole of the native princes were alarmed occurred between England and Russia, we find that their
by our policy, and though those who were most aggrieved minds aro agitated. The mind of India was disquieted at
were the Indian rajahs, still there can be no doubt that the a time evli_n there were causes of domestic disquietude
Mahomedan princes and population could not have looked also occurring; but no doubt the somewhat sudden terrui-
at this policy without considerable distrust. I have shown nation of the war between England and Russia gave us a
that oven so far as the tenure of land is concerned, irre- good opportunity of protecting our empire in India. It is
spectivo of the principle of adoption, the Mahomedan prin- impossible to believe that our Indian Government could
ces and population were equally effected; I have shown have been ignorant of the state of the Bengal army.
that a powerful society to defend the religion of the court- (Hear, hear.) I cannot suppose that the strange expres-
try was in active operation, and think the house will see don which 1 have quoted from the minute of the late Go-
that it is no exasegeration to assume that about 1851 and vernor-General could have been anything but a political
1855 the temper of India was one of peril, and one which ruse, if I may use the expression, and if he avoided treat-
ought to have occasioned great disquietude to the Govern. ing in detail of a subject which he knew was pregnant with
went of that country. (Hear.) It was under there drown- so much danger perhaps he considered—as I believe it is
stances—it was with the great body of princes alarmed and the habit to consider in India—that, although the Bengal
the most powerful classes of the proprietors smarting un- army had been for years in a state of what may be called
der grievances -it was even in the midst of usurpation and chronic insubordination, there was nothing in its condi-
confiscation, nd-led to religious terror first touching the thin tending to preheipitate the revolutionary movements
great massof the working population, thataneventoccurred that have now occurred. But unquestionably it was the
in India to the consequences of which lam now going to duty of the Indian Government to have most solemnly ire-
solicit your attention for a few moments. And that was pressed upon the Government at home that the time had
the annexation of Omle—(hear) —the offectof which, as I come when they ought most siriously to consider the state
shall show, was of a very peculiar and, if I may use the of our India army and the means which should be adopted
expression, generalising character. Now, I am not going in the event of an outbreak, to defend and preserve our
to-night at all into the circumstances of the Oude case. It empire. Who ca-a doubt that such representations were
is a subject which of course requires an i will receive due made to the Government at home ? It is almost trifling
attention when it shall come specially under the ecuddera_ with the patience of assemblies like the two Houses of
Lion of the house ; but it worth" now demand too much Parliament to be told by Ministers when these grave events
time for me to enter into or oven allude to the merits of it. are occurring iu India that they had been taken completely
I must, however, remind the house that in the case of by surprise, and that
2.1 i hours beten they had no idea of
Oude the principle of adoption was not observed, for the their possible eccurrence. (Hear.) I cannot but believe
ruler of Oade was a slnhoniedan Prince, and still is. The that there are representations not only from Lord Canning,
annexation of Oude did net take place in consequence of but from Lord Dalhousie—not only from poor General
the alleged infraction of the treaty by the sovereign of Anson, to whose probeble despatch or minute I have re-
Oude. That, I believe, has never for a moment been preferred in my notice of motion, but from other persons in
tended ; and not only the late, but the preceding and authority, that must have brought the state of India befehe
other sovereigns, have been our faithful as well as affec- the tovernment at home. We can understand that, how"
tionate allies. At the time of our greatest disaster in In- ever cognizant either the Government in India or the Go'
dis, when our army was destroyed in Affghanistan, and vernment in England were of the dangers impending, in the
when alarm with respect to the disaffection of the native death-struggle with the Russian empire, it was totally itn-
princes in sorno quarters was felt, so great was our confi- possible to attempt to remove them. It was one of those
deuce in the sovereign of Oude that we denuded not only conjunctures in which statesmen have a tight to say,
his kingdom, but also the contiguous province, of all the " Great as the stake is
and bad as our chances are, still
forces we had there, ant he not only sent us all his war for a long time we have lived upon chances in India ; and
elephants, but even 400,0001. sterling. (Hear.) If I allude in the midst of the efforts we are making in Europe we
atall to Oade, it is that my argument may not be misunder- cannot give our minds or devote one mean] to a danger so
stood or misrepresented. We shrill be told, no doubt, that distant." But I caunot understand why our Ministers,
the condition of his country was not satisfactory, orthat his with the information which they must have at hand-- be-
chtracter was tot irreproachable. I shall not enter into cause if they had not that information they only prove
these questions. But, whatever may have been thought of that there is no use for Ministers either in India or in
his era much uo right can be founded on that for dethroning England—(hair, hear)—the moment the peace of Paris
him—(hear, hear)—for by the treaty we lied with him the was signed did not regerd it as their Srst duty to give all
very matter of misconduct had been anticipated and pro- their energies and thoughts rind devote all their r.sources
vided for.
meat of India And these was k
another reason why the Govern- to the settlement of India. (Hear, hear.) The first po-
ougt to 100 wi much indulgence on the .ley should have been one of profound peace--a policy
personal conduct of the Into Sovereign of (nude, because the suggested by the disquietude which prevailed, according
Government of India changed the line of succession in to Lord Canning himself, during the war between England
Oude, anti placed the father of the late King on the throne end Russia. What was the course pursue-1 ? Was it of
instead of the prince who by custom and by law ought to a sedative and tranquillizing nature? Did eve calm the
have succeeded. Of that urine° I hat some know le-Igo by population and at the seine time inquire into their griev-
the information I had received years ago from men most roues and attempt to baffle their manoeuvres and conspi-
competent to speak of him. He lives in a distant eastern racies ? Why, the people of India, who for a long series
city upon a pension allotted to him by the Indian Govern- of years, as I have endeavoured to show to-night, and I
went, and lie war recommended to me long before the think not nesuccessfully, hair been preparing for an out'
question of Oade ever interested the public attention as, ' break, found that as soon as a struggle in Europe had
without exception, a man of the most immaculate character ceased, Asia was made the scene of war in more than ono
that ever existed in the East, a man most enlightened and quarter. (Hear, hear.) The most powerful class of
amiable, and more competent, perhaps; to be a benevolent Mahorneilaus—the Shiites—heard that you were going to
and judicious prince than any that ever existed. That, I make war upon an Oriental monarch, and that monarch
think, ought to be recollected when the disposition of that the head of their religion. There wes nothing in that in- ,
throne comes fairly to be considered. I now only wide to telligence which tended to remove their disaffection, and
call the attention of the house to the consequences of this before they had recovered from it they found there was
startling event—the annexation of Crude. For the first war in China. The condition of India in 1856 has been
time the Mahomedan princes felt that they had an identity shown to you by Lord Canning, in what may be
of interest with the flindeo Mehrattas. From that moment ' called a wail of lamentation over the state of our
they sot aside the sullen pride of former conquerors who I Indian empire aura the paucity of troops at his disposal.
would not condescend to sympathise with the victims of ( Nevertheless, at that very period troops were sent to Persia
Sattara. They saw that from a system founded upon a I and to China, and the Madras army was told that it must
violation of Hindoo law they were not to be exempted. garr-son Pegu. At the time when it was the policy of Eog-
The moment that the throne of Oude was declared vacant, land to soothe and tranquillise India, and to remedy the
and English troops were poured into the territory, the Ma- grievances occasioned by feeble government, our Minister.
homeclan nrinces understood what would be their future ha t the hardihood to raise the torch of war in every direc-
fate. You will see how the plot thickens. You have the tion throughout the East. (Hear.) lam told that only 5,000 whole of the Indian princes—men of different race and dif- men went away, and 5,000 came or are corning back, Do
ferent religion—men between whom there were traditionary you think that the nations of India count your troops upon
feuds and long and enduring prejudices, with all the elements their fingers ? They know that your troops are goingaway,
to produce segregation—become united—Hindoos, mall- —they hope you may have to send more; and, deciding
rates, and Mahomedans,—secretly feeling a common broadly upon these facts, they do not inquire how many interest and a common cause. (Hear, hear.) The princes are going or how many are coming back ;it is sufficient for
and the proprietors are against you,in their hearts. (Hear) them to know that you have war in Persia and in Chiria,
You have an active set spread all over India, alarming and that your European troops era gradually leaving
the
the ryot, the peanut, respecting his religious faith. great peninsula. That being the state of the case, the tim©
Never mind what were your intentions ; the question is, being ripe, the occasion being offered offered by the Go-
what were their thoughts—what were their inferences e vernment of England—a pretext only was wanted, and a
But the annexation of Oude brought more than that, pretext was soon found. Your cartridges greased in a
Although you had alienated from you the hearts of princes manner to outrage their religious belief—men lost their
and proprietors —although you had poisoned the former caste by serving the Power which they had Belong obeyed-
affection and veneration of the peasantry—there was a class I will nut go into the question as to whether the cartridges
in India which, if you had allowed it to remain faithful, complained of are the same as have always been used, as we
might have enabled even the new system to have tri- have been told is the case. I did not suppose that any one
umphed. It turned out that the great proportion of the will after this discussion suppose that because the cart-
Bengal army were subjects of the King of Cade. I have ridges were believed to be or were pretended to be believed
been told on such high authority that I venture to make to be greased with pig's fat or cow's fat that that was the
the statement in this house— although I heard it first with, cause of this insurrection. (Hear.) I hope at least that
I hope, some allowable scepticism--that there were not the rising generation in Parliamentary life, who are now
less than 70,000 teen from Oade in that army. In many entering upon their career amid occurrences which will
instances they were proprietors, and in many more they furnish ample materials for long discussions during many
were the sons of proprietors. They entered the service of years in this house—that they will not too hastily accept
the British Government. They looked forward, when such superficial ideas. I can assure them that the rise and
their Period of service terminated, to retire to their restive fall of empires are not affairs of greased cartridges. (Hoar.)
village with their pension, and with the high privileges Such results are occasioned by adequate causes and byan
which, if not legal, were no less effectual. If an Ondo accumulation of adequate causes. (Hear, hear.)l
subject, a soldier of the Company, were injured, and if be have now, Sir, endeavoured, imperfectly, as I am aware,
complained of the decision of the authorities, he had a to sketch the causes which I believe to have led to
right to (appeal to the British Resident. Here was a the present condition of our Indian empire. I have
favoured class in Oude. Here was an imperium in imperio. omitted many things, and many of importance, from an
lam not vaunting it. lam not praising it. I am!stating effort to avoid overloadieg the subject with details, and
facts. it is the existence of the situation which acted on I know I haes, subjected myself thereby to many observe-
the opinions of the mane and the opinions of the man have tions in reply,
which I might have avoided, had it not been
produced the events. What is his position? The Oude for an anxious apprehension of trespassing too long upon
Sepoy finds that he has no village to return to where he is the attention of the, house. But I hope at least I have
,t
rliheiamr
to live the favoured subject of his native sovereign. If he conveyed to the house with clearness the general positions
is injured he must appeal to the Company and be treated as Itowgiasihntaoneystfiaebeltiienhg—p(ahretayr
all other subjects of the Company on the broad plains of )pd—by
Bengal. He goes back to his estate or to the head. of his deeply considering and properly
family, his brother or father who holds it. This estategeahtt hlaifsdtesorubwnjoeeticlts:wnekde
may arrive at some safe conclusion for our future guid-
may be small, but it is as dear to him as the tenure of a alma. I will now refer to the second branch of my observ-
Kentish yeoman. They have cultivated that estate and ations, and I trust they will be much briefer than those to
they have paid to their native sovereign the taxes claimed which the house has already listened with so much pati'
from them in kind. We know very well how taxes in kind oncee Assuming, Sir, fr a moment that the general views
are paid in Eastern countries. Sometimes they pay more which Iha ve attempted to conveyto the house are founded
and sometimes less, but when there is a bad season, though on justice, I have now to inquire what are the becoming
living under a despot, practically they defy despotism,and means which the Government ought to adopt to meet the
pa y taxes at all. But the Oriole Sepoy return snow present emergency. In a certain sense and to a certain
do
to his village and finds it belongs to the company, and that degree there can of course be no controvert' among us, be-
the rigid revenue system of India is applied to his small cause we are all agreed that in the present state of affairs
property, lam saying nothing abstractedly against ins the the employment of force is the first and most necessary
revenue system of the India Company. Abstractedlyis a step. (Hear, hear.) But the degree of employment and
fixed payment demanded under all circumstances such the manner of employment greatly depend on the views
as to make a fixed payment more advantageous than trust- which we take of the cause of the emergency. A merely'
ing a great deal to the prince or proprietor. hie Oude military mutiny may be met by a mere military effect.
Sepoy finds himself subjected to a hard and novel system But if, on the contrary, what we have to deal with be an
of taxation and revenue. He finds he has lest political insurrection favoured by the great mass of the population:
privileges and the territorial position which he occupied. our measures must, as I think, be both in nature and
And for the first time the great body of the Bengal army degree different from those of which we have had an fin-
is disaffected. How does that act ? With the princes, timation from Her Majesty's Government. Looking upon
proprietors, and te religious classes, all for a long time this. as national revolt, I cannot arrive at a belief that
distrusted and dihsaffeetZd, the opportunity occurs' and the measures announced by the Government, merely
the only class which can keep them in order is angry and military measures, are adequate to the occasion. (Hear.)
discontented. Hon. gentlemen opposite will tell you that I should doubt whether they were adequate for a mere
I
have no evidence that there was any combination among military mutiny, but under no circumstances did I "7;
these classes. It is a sudden impulse, says the Chancellor lieve, 168 the Government appear to believe, that this 3
of the Exchequer. He may as well have told you that the a mere military mutiny, would I presume to offer any
income-tax was a sudden impulse. (Laughter,) The an. strong opinion upon their conduot. If, when a mere . 1