The Sun.
London, England, 1857-07-15 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JULY 15, In 7.

" The miserable CLARENDON Capitulation" was
last night brought under the consideration of the
House of CoMmous. We have long since ex-
premed our own views respecting that wanton and
gnaltsitous surrender of our incontestable and in-
dispensable rights—of rights that ensured the
maritime supremacy of Great Britain, and the
abolition whereof might reduce her from a first-
rate to a third-rate power. On the very day of

the publication of the protocols of the Conferences
held at Paris, we earnestly and emphatically

protested against the uncalled-for and most dis-
astrous acquiescence of Lord CLARENDON with the
insidious application of the Count WALEWSKI—an

acquiescence which was clearly beyond his autho-
rity, the question being coram non jadice.
He
went to Paris merely for the purpose of arranging
the terms on which peace could be concluded with
Russia, to determine the securities that should be
given for the good faith of the disturber of the
peace and tranquillity of the world, and against
any repetition of previous aggressions. These
guarantees had been already arranged. " The
Precious Treaty" had been duly signed? and only
awaited formal ratification. The Plenipotentiaries
were resting on their oars ; but, as Dr. WATTS
long since declared—
" Satan finds some mii.ohief still
For idle hands to do."

And Lord CLARENDON either became the victim of
that idleness, or, more probably, yielded to secret
and unconstitutional instructions from an irrespon-

sible party.

It was, we believe, in deference to Germanism that
the sacrifice was made. It was desirable that those
who were indifferent to the calls of honourshould be
rendered capable of turning their neutrality to good
account, and, salving their wounds with a golden
ointment. It was a purpose which Prussia had
long had at heart. She had experienced the pro-
fits of the carrier traffic during the war, and was
anxious not to throw away a chance, and of course
what " CmcouoT" desired could not be rejected,
so long as the contemplated matrimonial alliance
was on the tapir. It was a portion of the price
which the United Kingdom had to pay for the in-
auspicious marriage ; and the claim was fully
liquidated. Better had it been if the nominal
dowry had been multiplied a hundredfold than
that one of our most cherished privileges, for which
our most honoured statesmen, our most gallant
admirals strenuously contended, should have been
wickedly and treacherously sacrificed without the
shadow of just foundation.
The other Plenipotentiaries were astounded at
the magnitude of the demand and still more at the
prompt acquiescence of the representative of Great
Britain. They knew that every similar applica-
tion had been indignantly rejected, and they could
not for amoment havesupposed that Lord OL A.REN-
DON would, without the slightest possible equiva-
lent, have consented to fritter away what one of our
greatest jurists truly termed the inalienable rights
of his country. They thought that there must be
in it something more than meet the eyo, and
actually took time to consider about matters that
they would willingly make the greatest sacrifices
) to attain.

The power that caused Britain to merit her
prefix, that rendered her truly " great," that
enabled her to meet the world single-handed, and
to compel peace by cutting off the commerce of
hostile nations, was abrogated with as scant cere-
mony, as an appeal would be disposed of at the
Quarter Sessions. We did not even make a
merit of the heavy sacrifice, but yielded at once
to the first suggestion, following in the wake of
France, and giving all the credit to the
EMPEROR of having so efficiently clipped the
wings of " perfidious Albion !"
The well recognised law of nations thus re-
pealed by a stroke of the diplomatic pen, was that
which rendered England invincible. We might
not be enabled to destroy armies, but we could
cripple commerce. We could stop the supplies
that would maintain the troops of our opponents,
and paralyse the sinews of war.
That, however, will be no longer the case if
the contract be continued. It is, however, a
mere nudism, pactum—one entered into without
consideration of any kind. The United States
refused to be bound—there is therefore no reci-
procity—nothing that can by any possibility give
anything approximating to an equivalent for the
terrible sacrifice. We therefore contend that it is
purely optional with us whether we shall continue
the inauspicious compact.
The Law of Nations could not be altered, so
far as Great Britain was concerned, without the
assent of its Parliament. But neither Lords nor
Commons were ever consulted. The stipulation
did not receive the proper ratification, and could
not, therefore, be considered binding. Nor could
it be regarded as a breach of faith by the British
nation, where one estate of the realm only
negotiated. We trust that something may speedily
be done, and that we shall not wait until an
emergency arises; to get rid of a matter fatal to
British power, in many events that may any day

arise.

What course will the House of Commons take
respecting Mr. DILLWYN'S promised motion for
Friday ? The answer will depend on the proceed-
ings of the Members at the Kings Arms Hotel,
to-morrow. If they are boll and uncompromis-
ing—if they steadily insist on being the sole
judges of their own rights and privilege 3, and de-
termine that Baron ReTIISCIIILD shall be admitted
to his seat, as one of the chosen Representatives
of the City of London, on taking the oaths, in the
form most binding on his conscience, all will be
well. They will triumph over bigotry and into-
lerance, and establish their own independence on
the soundest foundation. But any symptom of
yielding, or even of vacillation, will be fat ii. They
will have to contend with the TADPOLES and
Limns, with red-tapists of every class. But the
manly and independent policy is that which is
alike best and safest. The game is at this moment
in their own hands, as it has been at any time
during the last ten years ; and they have only to
play their cards judiciously to secure a complete
triumph. Any temporising will, however, be
fatal. What might, under different circumstances,
be regarded as caution, will assume the appearance
of timidity, if not of absolute cowardice. The
boldest will now, as on many other occasions, be
the safest policy.

As we have repeatedly pointed out, the prece-
dent of the Quaker's affirmation goes directly
to the point. There the form was abandoned,
and juAly, because the substance was complied
with. No complaints were made of the exercise
by the House of its legitimate jurisdiction, nor
would any obstacle have arisen but for the ill-
advised course adopted, of striving to obtain an
act of Parliament for that which might more
properly have been carried by a resolution of the
House of Common 9. It will be time enough to
pass a bill, when her MAJESTY in the exercise of
her undoubted prerogative, deems it expedient to
elevate a Jew to the British peerage.
It has been said by " expediency men," that
to do so, will be to aim a heavy blow at the Upper
House, that it will place the hereditary branch of
the Legislature in a very undignified. position.
Be it so. We are quite prepared for the alter-
native. Never was retribution more justly
merited. Never were the natural consequences
more urgently provoked. Session after Ses
sion —Year after Year—were the wishes
of the co-ordinate branch expressed by
large and decisive majorities contumaciously
disregarded ! A perverse obstinacy was displayed,
and the Peers can alone blame themselveß, if the
popular representatives finding their earne6t re-

monstrances neglected, should try what virtue
may be in more energetic action.
The requisition which appeared in our impres-
sion, has already received many additional signa-
tures, and looking to the names affixed, we
hope and believe that the measures adopted
will be worthy of the importance of the point at
issue. Should there be a clear expression of
opinion, the Government will follow with
the current. Lord PALMERSTON will not oppose
the anmous desire of so many of his independent
supporters, which will doutbless be sustained by
a firm and unyielding pressure from without. A
meeting in the City has already been announced,
and it requires no extraordinary degree of fore-
sight to predict the line that will there be taken.
It is tie last opportunity that can be anticipated.
"The light cloud" is already passing from the
face of the Moon, and, as we have stated, a mo-
ment's vacillation will be fatal, and can never be

recovered under any circumstances.
It is not necessary now to enter -into the merits
of the question. It is not merely whether Jews
should be admitted into a seat in the House of
Commons. It has now assumed very different
dimensions. There is a struggle between the Upper
and Lower House. The collision has been provoked
by the hereditary legislators. They have driven the
Representatives into a corner, and a conflict is
inevitable. Vigour and energy in the first in-
stance will avert very serious consequences here-
after. And that must be displayed, or those who have
abdicated their functions and deserted their
colours will have to render heavy accounts to
their respectivp constituents, for a policy that will
be eminently unpopular in every district through-
out the length and breadth of the land.