The Sun.
London, England, 1861-04-26 00:00:00

Doors open at half past 6—Commence at 7.

CANTERBURY-BALL CONCERTS!!
Westminster-road.
Proprletor.. ..... .C. Morton.
A. Grand Selection from Verdi's new Opera,
IL CORSARO,
(This opera has never been produced in this or any other
country, except at these Concerts), having met with that de-
cided success which charactise i the most popular works of
this great Master, will be performed EVERY EVENING ;
together with a Selection from LA FIG LIA DEL fIEGGI-
BIENTO, by Donizetti,
Principal Artistes—lllss Russell, Madame Maria, Miss
Tyrrell, Mr. H. Herbert, Signor Tivoli, IL Drummond, and
C. W. Bernard. Director, PM.. F. Jonghmans.
The Comic Department comprises Messrs. E. Marshall, A.
B. Hollingsworth, J. Blanchard, F. Bell, W. H. Welland, and
the Brothers Conrad.
John Melba's Three celebrated Pictures will remain on
view a short time longer in the Fine Arts Gallery of the
Establishment.

HIGII WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
Tau DAY.—Morning, 2h. 28m.—Afternoon, 2h. 54m.
To-moußo-vr.-Morning, 3h. 26m.—Afternoon, 3h. 38m.

THE WEATHER..—SuN OFFICE, APRIL 26, 1461.
TszaMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
61—highest since noon yesterday.
43—Iowest this morning and during the night.
59—this day at noon.
BAROMETER-30.14 ; rising.
IVIND--Nest-N.-Westerly—fresh; with cloudy cool
weather.

,7)4
pl
„-- ! ,:_v_
.4A.0.i, :-...- ,c,,0,44; ~,,-,---: •-..,,,„ ..._„...,,
,t,g.)-- 7 'NIL. ,:--'-'7,t, i'-',,,--:-,\:'4 •/,...--
<it-'
- ... • Tot.,..
,t.. 6
,-;..` , .
._,1L_,:',;23..;i-,s)
4 f 0:.. ....I_,i,,_;:b t,..... • , ! , ,
• - n.7.';;;14 (*':`,., VI

~_~
t_t;r,ir_

THE SUN.

LONDON, FRIDAY, APRIL 26, 1881.

With painful interest will every Englishman read
the news of this morning from America. It makes
us all feel what we felt when we read of the
Prince of WALES' reception in America—that we
are one people, one race, after all—makes us reci-
procate the sailor sentiment of the American naval
commander who aided our men under their sad
misfortune at the Taku Forts, that " blood is
thicker than water." We hate slavery and slave-
holding—we are angry with the narrow-minded
protectionism of American Tariffs; but we remem-
ber that we have ourselves been guilty enough of
both, not many years ago, and our hearts ache at
the thought of descendants of Englishmen shed-
ding again each other's blood in war. We de-
precate the injury to commerce ; we are grieved
to see free institutions disgrace themselves in
the sight of gradually falling dospotism : but over
and above all that, we lament that the members of
one great branch of our own vast family, should
be found divided against one another, and shed-
ding each other's blood.
Perhaps, in the literal sense, blood may not have
been shed yet. There is no account of lives lost.
It is said to be certain that none of the officers of
the garrison were wounded, and that none of the
Carolinians lost their lives. What the little band
of Federal private soldiers suffered seems to be yet
unknown, though we can hardly think that we
should not have heard of the death of any of them
as amongst the most important of events. But if
there be not in this case the peculiar feelings with
which the loss of the first one or two lives in a
cause is regarded by the English race, more, per-
haps, than by any other race on earth, there is
everything in the surrender of Fort Sumter to
wound the pride of the Federal Government and
to enrage the great Republican party, till it throws
aside all moderation and rushes with determination
to conquer, into the contest.
Yirstlg, the Government sends to one of its own
fortresses, to supply it with provisions and men, or
both. Secondly, the sight of the Government yes-
His is made the occasion by the Southern com-
mander of summoning the fort to surrender.
71&clly, when Major ANDERSON refuses, which, as
the soldier of the Federal Government, he was
bound to do—for the Government was supporting
him, and not authorising him to strike his flag—the
Carolina Forts open fire upon him. When he replies
to it, they overwhelm him from seven batteries with
a continuous fire of 40 hours. The first gun was
thus fired by the South ; and it was not a mere
formal fire, but one which compelled a brave man
and his brave little band to surrender to its extent
and continuance. All the brief statements of the

effects of the surrender are but what we might be
certain would follow. " Washington is in a frantic
state of excitement." " The Republicans wild with
indignation." " War the sole topic in every circle."
" Volunteers and Regulars under arms," " Wash-
ington itself anticipating an attack ;" but, it is
added, "the President calm and composed," and
that an "extra session of Congress had been sum-
moned"—an act, we believe, necessary, if war is to
be commenced in earnest, since the President is not
in regard to declaring war; he must have the con-
sent of the Senate in doing it.
What course things will now take must be
only matter of speculation. Yet few of us pro-
bably can avoid conjecturing, from what we already
know, the probable results. We do know that on
neither side is the spirit of fighting wanting. Ame-
ani' are exceedingly vindictive, and in the South
they are bloodily vindictive. They think nothing
°I; they seem rather to glory in, the most ferocious
duels, and in brutal assaults, like that upon Senator
Suaista,
those who have merely offended them
by eloquent
Party and political attacks. The South
applauded
and rewarded the ruffian who half mur-
dered Mr. s
ready by surprise. The South is
enough, in _
pint of temper, for any amount
of fighting, but ho it will raise mono to kee
troops together remains p
to
be
seen, and it is too
y
poor to create an army of seif
-supporting volun-
teers. Yet it has seemed hitherto desirous to pre-
a,,,,,,ivaiinthboe.utfrinomon
ethye,
cipitate the conflict, which may
consciousness that it could not
keep its army on foot.

Perhaps the chief question Still is Nivh.4,,
can, and
what will the North do ? Excepting the
stores
which the treason of FLOYD betrayed to the South,
the Federal Government must have all the naval
and military resources of the late Union at

___ ... _
its disposal. The navy belongs entirely to the
North, and all the dookyards in actual use are

[ there also. The militia of the North is vastly
greater than that of the South. It has the small
regular army at its disposal, and when the ships
are recalled from foreign countries,
.and those
awaiting completion fitted out for service, the
North will be omnipotent by sea; Its chief strength
in a quarrel with the South, if it does not mean to
march through the wavering Border States to a
useless military conflict with the scattered towns,
endless forests and swamps of the cotton
States, will be its navy. With little or
no bloodshed it can blockade all their ports,
can annihilate their customs, and compel
them to personal taxation, poor as they are,
to raise any money at all. If the Go-
vernment at Washington does not act from mere
irritation, it will in all probabilty do its chief
work by sea. This would also be less offensive to
the border states ; who now, can hardly deny the
right of the Government to vindicate its honour.
It has borne with the seizure of its property, and
with the capture of a place guarded by one officer
and an invalid Irish soldier ; it cannot well be
asked to put up with the bombardment of a fort
and the firing on its garrison for forty hours ;
compelling at last its brave commander to strike
the Federal flag.
It is impossible to forget, however, that passion
may now take the reins into its own hands. Mr.
LINCOLN, whatever his own desires, may not be
able to pursue any longer the Fabian policy. The
North heartily despises the South, and it may re-
solve to put it down at any cost. Intelligent
Americans, whom we have met with here, think it
will certainly:cometo this. The North knows-that
if it cuts forth its strength, naval and military, it
can compel the South to submit, and now that the
challenge has thus been given, the gentlemen we
refer to think that it will be accepted and fought
out. If so the issue can hardly doubtful. Double
the militia, the navy, the money, the military
stores, are all with the North; while the South has
only its " Mean Whites,". desperate fellows, it is
true, for soldiers; few rich to pay them ; not a ship
of war, but it has 4,000,000 of slaves to keep down,
while the North is fighting against their masters.

The Opposition and the Government have con-
fronted each other in the matter of the Budget like
two skilful fencers with their foils crossed. Whe-
ther the buttons are on or not, it is almost impos-
sible to detect, from the rapid movement, upon
either band daring the past two evenings of sus-
tained contention. Whether the Opposition means
mischief, whether it takes as its motto miching
malecho, or whether it is all this while only
grumbling impotently—who shall say ? Will it
strive to pink the Government in carte or tierce—
to force a division upon the second, the third, or
the fourth resolutions ? Has it an eye capable of
discriminating the " flaw" in the budget ? or is it
fated to be bewildered by the very variety
of - the exceptions that may be taken
to it ? Between the temptation to reduce
the tea and sugar duties and the temptation to
dock another penny from the Income-tax—will the
prospect of any amendment whatever (as NOODLE
fell between the two stools of the proverb) fall to the
ground ignominiously. They would—if they could :
or perhaps we should rather say more correctly—
if they had but the power to recognise the fittest
plea, the aptest opportunity. It is hardly so much
the power that is:wanting, as the skilful selection of
the plea. It is scarcely the will that is needed—it
is the discrimination of the opportunity. In its
financial policy, actually, in one sense, Govern-
ment is • whimsically illustrating anew the
wisdom of the old wily axiom divida
et 2mpera. The Opposition is—at any rate as yet—
so far divided in opinion as to which of the various
exceptions that can be taken (with a show of reason)
to the Budget shall be taken, that at the present
moment there is absolutely no amendment at all
before the house by reason of that very uncertainty
and apparent bewilderment. As Mr. WHITESIDE
wittily expressed it last night—the problem put
to himself by the Chancellor of the Exchequer
in the construction of the Budget was—" Given
a deficit, a bad harvest, declining trade, doubtful
prospects, and continued reductions in the per-
manent revenue of the country—to find a surplus !"
e
That has, consequently,been weak point Number One
in the financial policy of the Government ! Namely
the illusory and wholly hypothetical and abso-
lutely suppositious character of the Surplus !
Shall they go in, that Strong Opposition, shall
they resolutely go in for the maintenance of that
fact, for the demonstration of that truth—namely,
that the surplus is simply an illusion, is purely
imaginary, is literally non-existent ? Shall they,
in point of fact, say—You are arguing upon false
premises; you are talking of certain remissions of
taxation in the shape of a dropped penny upon
the income-tax, and of a total abolition of the
paper duty by reason of the balance of revenue
and expenditure for the next financial twelve- ,
month showing an estimated surplus of nearly two
millions sterling, of £1,923,000 altogether—but
looking into your calculations more closely, we find
that your estimated surplus is, after all, no surplus
whatever, but actually, instead of that, a deficit !
Shall they, the Strong Opposition, go in for the
declaration of that fact, in preference to all
the other facts that can be brought
forward in antagonism to the Budget ? Or shall
they, taking a more superficially popular course,
accept, as proven, the Chancellor of the Exche-
quer's statement that there is a surplus—say even a
surplus of all but two millions, of £l,o23,ooo—and
then insist upon the advisability of applying that
surplus rather to the remission of twopence upon
the Income-tax, or of a penny upon the Income-tax
and a diminution of that other grinding war tax
still wrung out of the pockets of the people in a
time of peace, the duties levied upon tea and sugar
—rather than abolish altogether those paper duties,
n spleen,S suspected
and
by getting rid of which Mr. GLADSTON Eis Upet
of designing simply to gratify his own
at the same time to throw a sop to a certain Cer-
berus glowering alarmingly upon the other aide of
that gloomy Styx of the Gangway ! As was so
often the case with the late Sir ROBERT PEEL, the
Great Sir ROBERT PEEL—three courses (and then
of course their dessert, or, shall we read it, their
deserts) lie at this moment, for their choice, before
the Opposition. Firstly—to deny the existence of
the surplus, and (so denying it) to go for no, or at
any rate for a very moderate, reduction. Say (if
any reduction) of just one penny upon the income
tax. Secondly—accepting the surplus as proven—to
argue for the further reduction of the Income-tax by
another penny in preference to the tctal and sum-
mary abolition of the paper duties ; duties yielding
upon the year £200,000 more than the annual
proceeds of one penny upon the Income-tax. A
penny of Income-tax, as we all know, bring-
ing in £1,100,000, and the paper duties £1,300,000
within the financial year. Thirdly—still accepting
the surplus as secure and reliable 'even to the
extent of £1,923,000-e-to insist upon diminishing
the 100 per cent. impost upon tea and the 50
P* cent. impost upon sugar, before sweeping
away rashly the whole of the duty upon paper !
'the Paper duty yielding annually as we have
seen £1,300,000,
far tax while in a time of peace the
Poo. incomes, the war tax upork tea, and