The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-04 00:00:00

CZAR would not on the one hand withdraw the con-
cessions, nor on the other omit -what Vids requisite
to the preservation of order. Lord JOHN, however,
did say in the English House of Commons, that the
failure of the Government to give two or three
days' notice to the inhabitants of Warsaw was most
unfair to them ; and that the Government ought to
have warned them against assembling, and not
merely have told them, when assembled, to disperse.
This was mildly, perhaps too mildly, but still
pretty plainly, branding the outrage of the Bth as
a massacre; and such it was, beyond doubt—a
bloody and pre-arranged massacre—intended to
terrify.
Lord JOHN seems afraid of doing anything which
should encourage in the Poles the expectation that
we could aid them in regaining their rights. Pro-
bably few among them, none of the better informed,
would think of an armed intervention. But in the
present state of Europe we might intervene, diplo-
matically, with unusual effect. The desire of the
Poles does not appear to go beyond the honest ful-
filment of the Treaty of Vienna—that they should
form a separate kingdom, with a constitution and
separate administration. On these terms, most
imprudently and unrighteously, England con-
sented, with the despots of Europe, to let
the CZAR of the day—the first ALEXANDER—
be King of Poland. if e were a party to this
arrangement. The CZARS have illegally as well as
cruelly broken it, and have notoriously endeavoured

to trample Poland into a Russian province. The
events of the-year show that all oppressions with
this view have been futile. Poland still lives—
still demands its rights. She ought to have them ;
and we, who incurred such a huge national
debt to bring about the treaties of 1815; we, who
took in hand to join in the division and allotment
of countries ; we are bound, in honour, not to suffer
one side to rob the other, when the injured side—
the nations—look to us for help. We cannot doubt
that public opinion in Franee would be strongly
with us ; and if both countries, without offering
military help, jointly asserted before Europe what
was due to Poland, we might reasonably hope that
even a semi-barbarian CZAR could not afford to
despise the warning.

We suppose our Royal Family wishes to be re-
garded as an English Family ; they do not desire, like
the English in India, to be looked upon as foreign
rulers of a great nation. If so, it really seems rather
singular that all their tenderest attachments should
be formed across the water ; Germany being the
happy land on which the smiles of English Prin-
cesses are bestowed, as soon as they arrive
at marriageable age, and almost before they do so.
The petty prince of a petty estate, passing by the
name of an independent state, to whom the Princess
ALICE now betrothed, may be, and doubtless is,
as desirable a foreigner as our young Princess could
select ; select, we say, because Lord PALMERSTON,
with a little Bloomerism of phraseology, represents
her Royal Highness as having made choice of a
prince who, he is persuaded, will prove, in every
respect, worthy of her choke. Lord DERBY also gives
ns his guarantee that the "contract is founded on the
the best security for happiness—an intimate per-
sonal acquaintance between the parties, and a mu-
tual affection and esteem." This securing to her
some compensation for the comparatively humble

position of the Bridegroom elect. But if we ask

how this intimate acquaintance with a foreigner in
country and language commenced, we must sup-
pose that foreigners were the associates preferred
for our young Princesses at the age most suscepti-
ble of such impressions. It will be the same, we
suppose, when the brothers begin to think of
marrying. The continent will be scoured for wives
for them, and England may one day have a
Queen who can hardly speak her language,
or be at ease without a little clique of German
ladies around her. To us, we must confess, the
whole thing smacks of mediaeval semi-barbarism ;
of the times when a e Royal Races were held to be
of different blood to their subjects, and reigned by
a right divine. Then, of course, it was not fitting
that Royalty, in any of its branches, should be
allied with anything but Royalty elsewhere, and
kingdoms were gained by marriages, and given
away as wedding portions. Surely, it is time
to give up such barbaric notions. Left to them-

selves, and associating with the families of
our English nobility, who are in truth of far
higher standing than these contemptible German
Sovereignties, our young Princes and Prin-
cesses would form their attachments and
connections here, and the English Exchequer
would not be made the means of supplementing
the poverty of these needy little potentates. It
will be much to be regretted if our SOVEREIGN,
beloved as she is by the nation, does not awake to
the desirableness of thoroughly Anglicising her
family. Englishmen generally feel these paltry
Royalties to be but unworthy connections for our
Crown. We are a self-contained set c f Islanders,
and we think our Royal Family should be one of
ourselves.

It will be seen that Vice-Chancellor STUART has
given the judgment which was expected, not from
the facts and arguments, but from the well-known
bias of the Judge's mind. Not that we for one
moment suspect the learned Judge of any conscious
bias, or anything like an intention to make out a
case for the Emperor of AUSTRIA; but somehow, on
these great public questions we always find

opinions of judges governed very much by their
known prepossessions. Nothing can, indeed,
be more unsatisfactory than the reasoning by
which the Vice- Chancellor supported his judg-
ment; It seemed to leave untouched all the
strongest points on which the defendant re-
lied, or to meet them in the most superficial
manner. Under the circumstances an appeal was
an obvious necessity ; as, howk•er, the term ends on
Wednesday next, the Lord Ctancellor was obliged
to defer hearing the appeal till next term, which
commences on the 22d, as he deemed the case to be
one of far too great international importance to be
decided otherwise than in full court. We wonder
when the other question will come before a criminal
court—the question, " Who stole the note ?" Sir
RICHARD MAYNE and Sir G. C. LEWIS are at pre-
sent in the position of sheltering a felon. Their
long and persistent reticency shows that it must be,
as suspected, a very dirty job.

It must not be imagined for one moment that
because the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Bill was
last evening, upon the motion of Lord DERBY,
referred to a Select Committee, that therefore it
has in any way been shelved or cushioned. The
Noble
Earl disclaimed any such unfair design on
the
Plitt of her MAJESTY'S Opposition. The
manner in Which he deprecated any such misappre-
hension on the
Put of the public is worthy, we
cannot but think, of very particular consideration.
The suspicions not
unnaturallyeartyurrally aroused by the inti-
mation
that the Led
about to set aside and renderh Conservatives was
the Conservatives
for another
session the effort made by the Whig Attorney-
General to carry his favourite law
reform in 1861
with flying colours through both the
Houses of
parliament—these suspicions, we say, have been
latterly so prevalent that it is but justice to the
Noble Earl himself, after his manly explarrAtion of