The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 12, 1861.

TEE BISHOP OF EXETER ON CHURCH-RATES.

The following letter has been addressed by the
Bishop of Exeter to one of the Archdeacons in his
diocess .

" Dear Mr. Archdeacon,—Yours is not the only request
which I have received for a declaration cf my opinion on
the question of church-rates. _

" What that opinion would be if the question were asked
under the same state of things as existed in past genera-
tions, it is hardly necessary for me to consider. I look at
the problem actually presentee to us, and, so looking, I am
anxious to secure all that sound principle demands, without
insisting upon all which we may think desirable, nor even
all which most of us may think reasonable.
" The principle to be contended for, and never by us to
be abandoned, is the union of Church and State in every
nation calling itself Christian.
"This indispensable object would seem to me to be in-
sured by retaining church-rates as the legal instrument of
providing for the maintenance of the edifices and church-
yards, even if the support of the special services of the
Church were no longer insisted upon.

" To require the maintenance of these edifices as a stand-
ing monument of the nation's faithfulness to God, is not
open to the most specious, and therefore the most effective,
argument commonly used for the abolition of church-rates
—namely, that such a charge is inconsistent with the rights
of conscience; for very many are thus made to support a
system of doctrine and of worship to which they are con-
scientiously opposed. Whether this argument is reason-
able or not I forbear to inquire ; I would rather seek to
render it inapplicable. This would be accomplished by
acting on the very simple expedient which I have sug-
gested. For thus the groat national object would be secured,
without leaving any grievance of which any reasonable
man could complain.

" I rejoice innthinking, too, that all which we should find
practically necessary would be obtained. For, the neces-
sary charges for public worship are not of a formidable
amount, and those which are unnecessary—such as for
organs, for lighting, warming, and the like—may be (shall
I be afraid of saying ought to be) no longer demanded of
those who cannot enjoy the use of them.
" In examining the list of strictly necessary charges, the
first particular is at once the largest and most important—
the supplying the elements at the Holy Communion. But
this, I hesitate not to say, is most unfit to be made a charge
on any man. None but those who actually communicate
ought to be, I will not say compelled, but permitted, to con-
tribute. In the Primitive Church, to make offerings of
bread and wine, out of which the elements were taken, was
a privilege, from which all but the faithful were strictly
excluded; and it appears from the rubric at the end of the
Communion, in the first Book of Common Prayer of Edward
VI., that the earlier reformers were careful to observe the
same principle. That rubric ordered that the pastors and
curates shall find at their cost sufficient bread and wine for
the Holy Communion, and that in recompense of such costs
and charge the parishioners of every parish shall offer every
Sunday, at the time of the offertory, the just value and price
of the holy loaf to those their pastors and curates, in such
order as they were wont, and that one at least of that house
in every parish to whom by course it appertaineth to offer
for the charge of the Communion, or some other whom they
shall provide to offer for them, shall receive the Holy Com-
munion with the priest.' Thus careful, I repeat, were our
reformers that the offering of the elements should not be
made by those whe were not communicants.
" To carry out this principle in consistence with our
present object, the simplest and easiest method would pro-
bably be to take the cost of the bread and wine out of the
moneys collected at the offertory ; and we need not doubt
that devout communicants would offer somewhat more
largely in consideration of this charge.
" The other necessary expenses are really very small;
and these, as well as those which are not strictly necessary,
might be safely left to voluntary contribution. Some charges
are made by the State for its own purposes, such as pro-
viding and keeping registers, and making returns of the
same, which the State itself would doubtless provide for.
" In conclusion, let me add the expression of an earnest
hope that in any modification of the existing law on church-
rates, which shall now be adopted, the enforcement of them
would be transferred from the ecclesiastical to the temporal
courts. Common prudence and the manifest interest of
peace demand the transfer.—l am, dear Mr. Archdeacon,
yours very faithfully,
• __

"H. EXETER.

" P.S.—I have omitted one consideration, which, how-
ever, strongly commends the measure above stated to ray
own acceptance. It leaves no ground for exemption in
favour of any ; for it recognises a common duty, resting on
a principle which none ought to evade.
" I have also omitted all reference to the course to be
adopted for ascertaining from time to time what repairs of
the churches are really necessary, and by what authority
they are to be ordered. These are matters which are to be
left to the judgment of Parliament."

LENTEN PASTORAL OF CARDINAL

WISE3IAE

The following pastoral from his Eminence Car-
dinal Wiseman was read on Sunday in the severa

Roman Catholic churches and chapels in the Arch.

diocess of Westminster :
" Nicholas, by the Divine mercy, of the Holy Roman
Church, of the title of St. Pudentia, Cardinal, Priest, and
Archbishop of Westminster, to our dearly beloved brethren
and children in Christ, the clergy, secular and regular, and
the faithful of the diocess, health and benediction in the
Lord.

" We regret, dearly beloved in Christ, that indisposition
prevents us addressing you as fully as we could have wished
at the approach of the Lenten season; a few lines dictated
from our couch must take the place of our wonted pastoral
letter. Since Christmas-day it has pleased Divine Provi-

dente to afflict us with a partial relapse into that same
malady which last year deprived us of the annual consola-
tion of opening our heart to you, and suggesting more par-
ticular objects for your prayers during this period of special
humiliation and-supplication.
" For we can safely and unanimously commit to the un-
tiring zeal and to the instructions of our devoted clergy the
task of nerving you to the discharge of your penitential
duties and supporting you through the holy exercises which
usually accompany them. It has, indeed, on this account
been hitherto our practice in our Lenten address to suggest
to you rather some special and great topic of meditation or
prayer in which it was our desire that the members of every
congregation and the clergy of every mission should unite in
a common, warm, and persevering entreaty at the Throne of
Grace. • It would be difficult this year not to invite you,
dearly beloved in Christ, to join the Universal Church in
prayer for great and general purposes connected with her
welfare and that of her august and beloved Head.
"We could not easily give expression to our sentiments
on many of these subjects without introducing, contrary to
our established custom, reflections on events and circum-
stances of a secular or political character, which have greatly
afflicted the position of the Church and her Supreme Pontiff.
We will therefore content ourselves with recommending to
you, as an object for your most fervent and affectionate
prayers during this holy season, the distressed condition of
the Church in many countries. Remember often before
God the spoliation of His sanctuaries, the banishment of
His pious prelates ; the imprisonment of His zealous priests,
the cruel dispersion from the houses in which they had
vowed to live for ever as His spouses, and which they had
endowed with their little patrimony of innocent and virtuous
religious, without compensation and without shelter; the
encouragement given to the diffusion of error, immorality,
and scurrilous attacks on sacred things ; the confiscation of
the patrimony of the poor and of the Church ; the total
depression and affliction of the virtuous, and the triumph
and boastfulness of the wicked.

" Remember more eippecially, when in the presence of our
dear Lord exposed to your adoration, the afflictions of His
vicar upon earth, the calamities which have overwhelmed
the temporal State, the deep sorrow which has struck and
penetrated his paternal heart at the sight and knowledge
of the wars which threaten the spiritual kingdom confided
to his charge, and then, with all the earnestness of filial
devotion, pour out Sour hearts unto the sacred and adorable
heart of your Divine Redeemer, and entreat Him to console,
to strengthen, and, if it so please Him, to gladden the soul

of your afflicted father, and by the exercise of His Almighty
power to rescue him and his own dear spouse from sur-
rounding and impending calamities. But limit not your-
selves to prayers, however earnest, but slow your loyalty
and affection no less by works. Lent is a season of alms-
deeds as well as of fasting, and remember that, however
painful it may be to employ this term in connection with
such an object, it will be one of the noblest and most sacred
applications of what we can most justly call charity (for
charity is love) to bestow freely and lovingly in alleviating
the temporal necessities of your spiritual father what at
another time you might have applied to other pious uses.
The institution of St. Peter's pence has, as you know, re-
ceived our warmest approbation and encouragement, and
we are anxious that the world should see how zealously our
desires have been seconded by your wonted charity and
generosity. We hope that our Holy Father will derive
some little consolation amidst the sufferings and calumnies
of his enemies in this country from seeing how we have
endeavoured, to the best of our power, to lighten his tempo-
ral burdens, as well as to sympathise with his inward suf-
ferings.
" The publication of this, our pastoral, is almost coinci-
dent with the opening of the Parliamentary session. We
have already expressed to you our strong desire to have the
condition of Catholics in workhouses and other similar in-
stitutions brought under the notice of the Legislature, in
the hope 9t iNtt% 1494411X0 of Astics:, their

treatment than that which they now receive. For this pur-
pose the energetic co-operation of all classes is absolutely
necessary. We rely upon our zealous clergy for the eollec-
tioif of sufficient evidence to submit to the promised com-
mittee of the House of Commons which will sit upon this
subject. Wo sincerely and earnestly hope that not only
every Catholic member of either house will contribute his
most strenuous and persevering efforts in this sacred cause,
but that every liberal-minded legislator, of whatever reli-
gious creed he may be, will second our endeavours to attain
what no one can deny to be just—an equal treatment of our
poor with that which others receive, as fair and honest an
interpretation and application of the law to Catholic chil-
dren as to others, or if the defect be in the law, its prompt
and honourable amendment. But from all we must ask
such assistance as may enable our committee established to
promote these ends to do its work efficiently. The Work-
house Papers' • issued by this active body, the perusal of
which we earnestly recommend, will instruct all whom it
concerns and interest all readers, enlisting their warmest
feelings of pity and indignation in behalf of these hapless
children of misery. The labours of the committee in bring-
ing this subject before the public, and still more before
Parliament, will involve no inconsiderable expense, and to
meet this we have no other resource except the familiar one
of your charity. We desire that for this holy end a col-
lection be made. on some Sunday during the Lenten season
in every church and chapel of the diocess, according to the
direction and good judgment of the local clergy ; and, fur-
ther to insure the success of our efforts, petitions to both
branches of the Legislature will be of the highest import-
ance. A form fer these has been prepared by our com-
mittee, and we earnestly exhort you all, clergy and laity,-
to sign them and procure as many signatures as possible
for them, that so they may carry all the weight which so
religious a cause deserves.
" Lot us now conclude with expressing our regret at not
having been able to address you in those solemn and reli-
gious notes which befit this holy season. Let, your own
piety supply this want; let it remind you how this season
is connected with the most tender and awful mysteries of
salvation; how it is intended to purify and to consecrate
the frail but sacred vessel which every one bears into the
sanctuary of their God, that so it may be found pure and
bright to receive the fulness of Easter joys and graces.
Fast, therefore ; weep and mourn for a time, that you may
be glad with the angels and Apostles and with Mary in the
resurrection of Him whom you will contemplate hum-
bled, suffering, and crucified ; and unite in all this contem-
plation the full, though humble, assurance that as God dealt
with His own dearly beloved Son, so will He deal with His
spotless and cherished spouse. Weep and mourn, and
humble yourselves with her, too ; join your alms-deeds and
your prayers with hers, that so, when theday of her resur-
rection and brightness returns, you may be able to feel that
your sympathy has been complete, and that, as you have
suffered with her, so likewise with her, without self-re..
proach, you may exult.
" One word more. We venture to request, in addition,
an occasional prayer for ourselves, that God's will be done
in all things regarding us ; only, that whether in sickness
or in health, whether it bends holy will that we should con-
tinue still to languish in infirmity or be restored once more
to full vigour, we may devote ourselves exclusively to the
promotion of His glory by the faithful administration of our
ecclesiastical office.

" And we, on our side, earnestly entreat Him to bless
you and yours with His choicest gifts, temporal and spiri-
tual, and in due time to crown your lives of virtue with
eternal bliss, in the name of the Father, and of the Son,
and of the Holy Ghost.
" Given in Westminster, and ordered to be read on Quin-
quagesima Sunday, on the sth day of February, 1861.

" N. CARD. AVIS EVAN."

TIIE SPANIARDS AT GIBRALTAR.

Shortly after six o'clock on the evening of the
7th of January, a small vessel, bearing the English
flag, and owned by inhabitants of Gibraltar, left
the bay, bound for Tetuan, a free port in the pos-
session of the Spanish.
She had on board a general cargo, and two bales '
of tobacco, which did not appear in the manifest.
She also carried several passengers going to Tetuan,
some of them British subjects and owners of a
portion of the cargo.
On arriving off Europa Point, the most southern
face of the rock, and while still in British waters,
indeed, within gunshot of the shore, the vessel was
boarded by an armed revenue boat, searched, and
taken as a prize into Algesiras. The master and
crew were thrown into prison, and the cargo seized.
A representation of the enormity of the case was
made by the Consul at Algesiras, tp the Governor
of Gibraltar, who immediately wrote and demanded
an explanation from the Governor of Algesiras.
The latter replied that the affair was under inves-
tigation.
A second letter from Sir W. Codrington brought
an answer to the effect that the capture had been
decided legal, and that the vessel and cargo were
confiscated. The men were released from prison,
and returned to Gibraltar. The whole of the cargo
was sold, with the exception of what belonged to
some Spaniards, to whom it was returned.
Two days after this the captain and mate of the
ship went to Algesiras upon the subject of the cap-
ture, when a paper was placed before them, and
they were threatened with maltreatment if they
did not sign it. This paper was said to contain an
admission that the capture was legal and valid.
Yesterday these men, having again returned to
Gibraltar, received a message from the Governor of
.Algesiras that they were required to give evidence
before some law court. They accordingly went
last night, but upon arriving they were instantly
seized and taken to prison, where they are at this
moment. One of these men is a Sardinian, the
other a Frenchmano _ _ _

The conduct of the Spanish authorities upon this
occasion has been such as to call for the immediate
interference of the English Government. The effect
of this seizure upon British influence and trade in
these parts has been already most marked. Mer-
chants who have hitherto looked upon the English

flag as the greatest safeguard for their goods are
now shipping freights upon French vessels as more
secure. The fact of an English ship being captured
absolutely in our own waters and taken as a prize
into a foreign port is sufficient to create the greatest
alarm among all classes of traders, and to diminish
confidence in the power of England. Pending the
decision of the Government at home, measures have
been adopted to prevent the recurrence of these
outrages. In the absence of a gunboat a small
schooner has been armed with two guns and 20
men from the Argus, with orders to cruise at night
and capture any Spanish guarda costa seen within
our waters, and the man-of-war steamer stationed
here is held in readiness to convoy any British ves-
sels requiring her aid.

MAJOR O'REILLY AND THE CORK ELECTION.
—The Morning News says :—We can announce that Major
O'Reilly will not stand for Cork; but, should a vacancy
occur in Drogheda, he will, if not previously called else-
where by his duty to tho Sovereign Pontiff, contest that
borough with any candidate not an avowed supporter of
pure Catholic Education, or opposed to the Mixed or so-
called National System. _ _

AT BREAKFAST.—Q. What is the Schleswig-
Holstein question, Papa ? A. Well, my dear boy, I am
pleased to soe that you have an inquiring mind, and take
notice of what is said in your presence, and I will endea-
vour to make you understand. Schleswig-Holstein is in
Denmark—that is, it is not exactly in Denmark, at least
Schleswig may be called so, but not Holstein—no, it is
Holstein that may be considered Danish, or, if you like a
long word better, Scandinavian. Lot me see, what did I
say ?-0 yes, Holstein is the German division of the terri-
tory, and Schleswig is an ancient fief (you know what a
fief is) of the Crown, and was ceded in 1816 ; that is to say,
Holstein was ceded, not Schleswig, Holstein having been
an ancient fief of Germany, and therefore you see Prussia
takes an interest in the question, as part of the German
Confederation; but Lord John Russell is only in the mat-
ter as a mutual friend, and he thinks that the proposals of
Prussia—no, I mean Denmark—yes, of course, Dennark,
that concessions shall be made to Holstein—no, Holstein
does not want concessions, but a veto (that is Latin for "I
forbid") upon taxation and other things, and Schleswig to
be allowed to speak German—well, Lord John thinks:this
fair, but the Prussian Minister does not think that Prulssia
—at least Denmark, has any right to impose conditions of
this sort, because there was a promise of a Constitution to
Schleswig or Holstein, I forget which, but the principle is
the same, and there are some other points mixed up with it
which you might not be able to understand so easily as the
simple outline of the case which I have given you. Pass
my cup to your mamma.—Punch.
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2HE DEBATE IN THE' PRUSSIAN

CHAMBERS.

It would be satisfactory to regard the recent
vote in the Prussian Chamber of Deputies on Baron
de Vincke's amendment to the address, as an au-
thentic expression of enlightened German opinion
on a great question ofEuropean policy, rather than
as an incidental ebullition of hostility to a particu-
lar Minister. Baron Schleinitz is riot on the best
terms with the Chamber; and an opportunity of
taking him at a disadvantage was not likely to be
lost. An amendment drawn up in tolerably loose
and general terms, susceptible of a diversity of
interpretations, critical in form, negative in pur-
port, restraining rather than censuring, binding to
nothing, deciding nothing, was not unskilfully
devised to inflict a blow upon the Foreign Mini-
ster without committing the Opposition to any
definite responsibilities for the future. Baron
Schleinitz has not yet conciliated the support of the
feudal and Austrian party in the Chamber, though
on the question of Austrian domination iu Italy he
can always count upon their votes to a man. On
the other hand, his mincing, tortuous, and timid
advances in the direction of a Royal rather than
national Liberalism make him an object of suspi-
cious importance to constitutional reformers who
desire to make Prussia all that Prussia is not.

Nor can the Deputies from PruSsian Poland
be supposed to admire very ardently the logic of
Baron Schleinitz when he argues like a fanatical
nationalist against Denmark, and insists on the
people of Posen becoming Prussians in thought,
word, and deed. We are told that these
elements of the majority in favour of Baron de
Vincke's amendment must be taken into account
before we presume to build upon a casual vote a
fancy Prussia with a will of its own, and a policy
worthy of the head and heart of the German
people. We are reminded too that Baron de Vincke,
though undoubtedly the ablest, perhaps the only
real Parliamentary speaker in all Germany, is an
independent and isolated politician : a chief of
partisans without a party, a brilliant leader without
a following. It is unfortunately too characteristic
of German politics that there should be no states-
man's work for a man of equal ardour, and con-
sistency of principle and conduct, who from his
first entrance into public life has steadily pursued
the same generous and practical course ,• in
1847, as a member of the Prussian Diet! in
1849, in the German National Assembly, at the
Erfurt Parliament in 1850, and now in the Cham-
ber of Deputies at Berlin ; always resisting the
feudal and ultramonarchical reactionists, always
true to the cause of oonstitutional liberty. Still,
in these days of revivals, even courage and con-
sistency have their hour; and Baron de Vincke
deserves the congratulations of the whole liberal
party in Europe for having associated his name
with a message of goodwill from the people of
Germany to the people of Italy. For the sake of
Prussia, it is to be earnestly hoped that, though
King William I. declines to part with his pre-
sent Ministers, he will advisedly listen to the
voice of his Parliament. It was scarcely to be
expected, perhaps not altogether to be desired,
that Baron de Vincke's Amendment in favour
of Italy should be treated as a vote of want of con-
fidence. Baron Schleinitz, indeed, had opposed the
amendment, yet with so many reticences and re-
servations that he seemed to deprecate it as a con-
structive restraint upon some eventual and unavowed
tendencies of the Government, rather than as in
itself a proposition to which the Government could
not, at least conditionally, assent. The King of
Prussia must be considered as still in his infancy
as a constitutional sovereign, and the distinctio n
between a constitution granted by the Crown and
a constitution won and kept by the people is best
discerned when a Chamber of Deputies has a fancy
to make its presence and its power felt. If
the Liberal party in Germany will take note
of this, the defeat of the Ministry will have
more than one indirect result. But the acclama-
tions with which the vote of the Chamber has
been welcomed not only in Italy, but in England,
and wherever in Europe public opinion has a voice,
are the true triumph and reward of Baron de
Vincke's noble initiative. If the Prussian King is
not convinced, his Ministers can tell him what this
sudden explosion of sympathy for his people signi-
fies. At Turin it means the reciprocal acknow-
ledgment that between a free and united Germany
and a free and united Italy there can be no ground
for quarrel or distrust, and that only dynastic in-
trigues and jealousies can pretend to make enemies
of neighbouring,nations whom all the common inte-
rests of both make mutual friends. In England it
means a glad surprise at the appearance on the scene
of European politics of a Prussian people with which
the English nation can ally itself spontaneously,
without treason to its own cause, and without fear
of complicity with a cause it despises and detests.
England desires nothing better than the friendship
and alliance of a free, strong, self-ruling German
people. The Prussia upon whose alliance Baron
Schleinitz ingenuously supposes that England
may not be inclined to set a high value, is a
Prussia with the weakest frontiers and the loosest
forces in Europe, blustering and crouching by
turns; sometimes Russian and sometime Austrian,
but always dynastic in its ends and aims ; national
only in the sense in which a Royal appanage
may be called a nation. With Prussian feudalist
and bigot, ultra-royalist, and leagued with every
big and little despotism, England desires as
little intimacy as convenient. But with the Prussia
of Baron de Vincke constitutional England can be
one in heart and in will. Ho w much of the aspe-
rity and ill-humour towards Prussia which Baron
de Vincke has observed with more regret than sur-
prise in the English press springs perhaps from
disappointed and disgusted affection.
We wish we could discover in the speech of
Baron Schleinitz some slight indication of a
straightforward policy. The Minister's method of
accepting while opposing the amendment would be
amusing if it were not:lpaiuful. The Minister is
most hurt at the imputation that his Government
has any decided tendencies whatever. He speaks
with some preciseness and clearness, for a moment
only, when he magnifies the uncertainty of all
things around as an excuse for-persevering in a
policy of pure expectancy and indecision. He
repels, as almost an insult, the attempt to nail
him to any one fixed principle of conduct or course
of action • whether it be non-intervention, active
support of Austria in Italy, the rights of nation-
alities, alliance with Austria, or alliance with
England. On one point alone is Baron Schleinitz
unhappily and perversely categorical in statement,
and in that he is contradicted by all authoritative
testimony and all recorded experience. He insists
that the Austrian occupation of Venetia is of
great strategical and political importance to
Austria and, indirectly, to Germany. Prussian
strategists says so; and in the opinion of Baron
Schleinitz, Prussian military theorists are better
judges of the worth of the Quadrilateral to Austria
and Germany than the Austrian Archduke
Charles, the famous soldier and strategist of the
great Napoleonic wars, who wrote precisely the
reverse, and who recorded his deliberate
opinion that in the case of a struggle with such a
Power as France in the valley of the Danube,
Austria must, in self-defence, evacuate Italy alto-
gether. The doctrine of natural frontiers was con-
sidered a dangerous one when France "reclaimed"
Savoy. But what would Baron Schleinitz consider
"natural frontiers," if he and his strategists con-
sider the Alps such a frontier to Germany as re-
quires a further unnatural line of elaborately
fortified outposts? According to these Prussian
military theorists, "Austria and Germany" had no
" natural frontiers" at all until 1797. But it seems
that Austria and Germany want the Quadrilateral
as an intrepot for "Austrian and German" com-
merce. This is a light in which the Austrians
resident in Venetia have probably rrever con-
templated the Quadrilateral. It is a theory
of commerce which will amuse the citi-
zens of Ancona and the merchants of Trieste.
These are theories, however. What remains of fact
is that Prussia is resolved to remain in the expec-
tant, and to accept no engagements. Sympathy
with Italy, alliance with Austria and England, a
true regard for the letter of treaties, encourage-
ment of " national tendencies," all things in season
but nothing now. If this is statesmanship, Baron
de Vincke and Herr Duncker must be dangerous
visionaries to suggest that what Piedmont is tdo
Italy Prussia is' to Germany, and that a united
Italy will be better qualified to contribute to the
preservation of the balance of power in Eurfop_ h
an Italy always begging for the arms
and a
against Austria; or even than
Frana in
aFerance
land, and agreeing to hide each
of
_
Prussia ever begging the aid of Russia or of. Eng-
e.—Datly
their common fear and hatred o eArreu:teri
News.

.hite

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