The Sun.
London, England, 1859-02-04 00:00:00

Government of Italy she might have pursued—l will
say even now that she may yet pursue—an example of mo-
deration, of firmness, and of constitutional liberty, which
should shame the most despotic government, and lead it
not to put Sardinia down, but to imitate her institutions
and seek to attain her prosperity. (Hear.) It may be that
such a Government as I have referred to will be shamed b
the contrast which will be presented between the discontent of its own subjects and the happiness and prosperity of the
Sardinian people, and seek to imitate a system which throws
so strong a light upon the errors of its own administration.
But, however this may be, if there were anything which
could fatally affect the estimation in which free institutions
are beginning to be held in Italy—if there were anything
which could withdraw from Sardinia the sympathy to which
she is entitled, and which has been so largely bestowed upon
her in this country, it would be by her affording a proof, not
that free institutions tend to internal tranquillity, but
that they are calculated to encourage the warlike propensi-
ties of a monarch; and lead him into schemes of aggression
upon his neighbours under the plea of resisting an attack
from them. (Hear.) It is, therefore, in a spirit of the sin-
cerest friendship for Sardinia, and of the deepest interest in
her well-doing, that we look with anxiety, and have given
expression to our anxiety, upon the attitude which of late
she appears disposed to take—an attitude inconsistent alike
with her interests, with her duty to society at large, and
with the maintenance of that sympathy and regard which her
previous conduct has obtained for her throughout the civi-
lised world. (Cheers.) This advice and these opinions, not
once, but over and over again, have we pressed on Sardinia.
(Hear.) I trust that it is not too late for that country to re-
consider the course which apparently she had contemplated.
(Hear.) Those were ominous words which fell from the
lips of the King of Sardinia, and words in such a state of
things falling from Royal lips have the deepest significance.
But I trust that Sardinia will be better advised—(hear,
hear)—and that she will reconsider the course on which
she was apparently about to enter. (Cheers.) We have
the strongest assurances on the part of Austria—and I be-
lieve those assurances--to the effect that she has not the
slightest intention of interfering in the internal concerns of
the dominions of any of her neighbours, intending to con-
fine herself within her own limits and within the obliga-
tions of treaties, and to direct her attention exclusively to
the administration of her own affairs. (Hear.) So long as
this is really the intention of Austria, Sardinia would be
most ill-advised if she should offer provocation for hostili-
ties which may involve her in an unjustifiable war, but
which, at all events, cannot but be seriously ruinous to her
internal prosperity. But there is a great danger. It is im-
possible that Sardinia, so comparatively weak as opposed to
Austria, could enter upon a struggle upon whatever plea,
and expect that it could conclude in any other result but
her own discomfiture, unless she thought that she might
rely on external aid. To no country for that aid could she
look but Franco ; and I cannot bring myself to believe—
looking to the manifest interests of France—looking to the
sagacity and prudence, and let me add to the:loyal adherence
to the faith of treaties which has hitherto characterised the
ruler of that great nation, France I cannot believe, I say,
that under any circumstances, unless indeed of provocation
and aggression taking place on the part of Austria, he would
sanction on the part of Sardinia, even by his moral support
and still less by his great military means, an unjustifiable
and aggressive war undertaken by Sardinia in violation of
treaties and without provocation from Austria. (Cheers.)
I do earnestly trust, and I do not abandon the hope, that
the Emperor of the French will still persist in that wise
and prudent, and loyal course ho has hitherto pursued.
(Hear.) We have represented in friendly and earnest terms
the importance of exercising the utmost forbearance in every
respect in any differences he may have with Austria, and,
above all, of abstaining from holding out the idea
to Sardinia that any assistance would proceed from
France in case of an aggressive and unprovoked-
war with Austria, and we have received assurances
that so long as Austria confines herself ,to her own limits
Sardinia must not expect from France any assistance in an
aggressive war. (Cheers.) This course is consistent both
with the interests and honour of France. (Hear.) It cannot
be forgotten with what satisfaction Europe heard that me-
morable expression—" L'Empire c'est la pair." Those
words resounded throughout Europe, and were more valu-
able to the Emperor of the French than thousands of bayo-
nets and millions of money. (Cheers.) They tended to
confirm the stability of his own dynasty, and promoted the
internal improvement of France. (Hear, hear.) If, unfor-
tunately, the Emperor should depart from such a course,
and should induce the people of Europe to believe that
those sentiments were altered, and that the new empire is
again returning to the lust of universal dominion—if Europe
should have any reason to suspect that he has any design
of placing on different thrones in Italy subordinate sove-
reigns connected with himself by alliance, and of thereby
reproducing that dangerous system the introduction of
which ultimately led to the fall of the great Napoleon, he
will shake the confidence of Europe in the intentions and
dispositions of France, and by awakening suspicion from
without, he will destroy credit at home. (Hear, hear.)
There have been indications, and so far most satisfactory
indications, on the part of the world at large, with how
much reluctance it would see a war entered into on any
ground, and there prevails a strong opinion how much war
interferes with those domestic and peaceful pursuits which
no country more than France of late has shown a desire for.
There can be no demand for glory on thepart of the French
people. Of that they have had enough and to spare, and the
idea would be lamentable of employing their legions, so
often triumphant, gratuitously in war for the purpose of
gaining fresh laurels, unmindful of the good faith which
had hitherto kept France in the position of peace. I will
not believe, whatever may be the appearances in Europe,
that the Emperor of the French will enter into so dangerous
a course, or so greatly mistake the interests of his country,
and the interests of his dynasty, whose maintenance could
by nothing be more effectually secured than by the preva-
lence of continued peace and prosperity in France. (Cheers.)
But if, unhappily, a different course should be pursued--if,
n otwithstanding the friendly efforts of this Government
made in respect to France, Austria, and Sardinia, war
should be the result of questions, which I know not how te
characterise—which I know not whether to style questions
or mutual suspicions, and mutual armaments, prepared to
protect each other against supposed danger—if war, I say,
should ultimately be the result, it would be a satisfaction
to the Government, though a melancholy one, that they
had done all in their power by friendly remonstrances to
prevent so formidable a calamity ; and such is their posi-
tion, that they are bound by no secret obligations, treaties,
or understandings, but are perfectly ready to take in any
contingency the course which their duty and the honour of
this country might appear to require. (Cheers.) I believe I
have now touched on most of the important points which
have been referred to; I rejoice to find that between the
noble earl and myself with respsct to the present position of
affairs, and with respect to the course which this country
ought to pursue in present circumstances, there is little or
no great difference of opinion ; and, no doubt, a moral sup-
port will be given to the Government in the preservation of
peace by the manifestation of opinion on both sides of the
house. (Cheers.)
Earl GREY said that it was with great pleasure he had
heard the speech of the noble earl, and he cordially con-
curred in every word he said in reference to the foreign
policy of the country. He was glad to hear the Government
was determined to maintain the faith of treaties. (Hear.)
The only passage in the Speech from the Throne which he
had heard with regret was the following :—" The universal
introduction of steam power into naval warfare will render
necessary a temporary increase of expenditure in providing
for the reconstruction of the British navy." He did not
dispute the necessity of an increased outlay upon our
national defences, but, on the contrary, believed the time
had come, looking at the efforts which foreign nations were
making to increase their naval power, when it was abso-
lutely necessary that we should augment our means of
naval defence. But the paragraph which he had cited
implied that the additional outlay was to be expended in
building large ships, according to the plan which had now
been for some time in vogue. If such a course were to
be adopted, he was persuaded it would be a great mis-
take. Upwards of twenty years ago he earnestly pressed
upon the Admiralty the inexpediency of spending large
sums of money in building sailing line-of-battle ships,
for he was convinced that in another naval war steam would
in some way or other be the main power, and that vessels
constructed upon the old models would prove to be utterly
useless. His opinion found no favour svith,that or succeed-
ing Governments ; we went on for many years spending
millions in increasing our sailing fleet, and the result was
precisely what he had predicted. We had now at great
expense constructed a considerable steam navy, and he was
persuaded it would be a great mistake to go on building
costly ships according to the existing systems. We ought
to be very cautious in building any considerable number of
ships beyond what we immediately employ. Our safety lay
a large number of sailors
andin a no
ffio t
cheerrs
pa°flliocayt—ininconksetaepnitngtraining and practice for war.
If we were to commission a larger number of ships
than at present--to spend whatever additional sum could be
granted for the naval service rather in increasing our force
of men and officers actively engaged in the service of their
profession than in building ships, which, before they were
wanted, would probably be found obsolete, and, at the same
time, to accumulate an abundant supply of stores, he be-
lieved we should do far more to place the country in safety
than by spending millions of money in what was called re-
constructing fleets of line-of-battle ships. Moreover, when-
ever an emergency arose, we could, by an unsparing expels-
diture of money, produce as many ships as might be wanted
in a very short tune, but trained officers and sailors could
not be produced with the same rapidity.
The Earl of HARD WICKE was gratified to find that
the noble earl concurred in the necessity of in some way
augmenting our naval force. The Government were
deeply sensible of the progress which the science of naval
architecture had made of late years ; they had no doubt
that still further impros ements would be effected ; and they
agreed with the noble earl that great foresight and prudence
would be required in the application of any additional
expenditure which Parliament might be disposed to
sanction. But they did not think with the noble earl
that ships of war could be produced with sufficient
rapidity whenever an emergency arose, and what
they desired was, that in the event of a naval war
England should be in a position to meet the enemy with an
ample number of the same description of vessels as those
which might be opposed to her. (Hear, hear.)
Lord BROUGHAM heartily agreed with his noble friend
opposite, that, in the present critical state of affairs in
Europe, it was of the utmost importance that there should
be no difference of opinion between the Government and
those on the other side of the house, but that their lord-
ships should with one heart and one voice concur in the
principles which had that night been laid down. Having
lately come from France, it might be necessary that he
should state his entire adoption of those principles, lest his
silence should be misconstrued—not in France, where there
was the most entire unanimity of opinion among all ranks
and all classes—(hear)—but in Sardinia, where it might be
supposed that he did not share the opinions which had been
so generally expressed, more especially as the course which
ho took upon a former occasion in the other house of Par-
liament had already been referred to. It was then his for-
tune to lead on the attack which was made upon the Holy
Allies, as they were called, for intermeddling in the govern-
ment of foreign countries ; and he had been asked how ho
who complained of the " Three Gentlemen of Verona"—
Prussia• Austria, and Russia—for having tuidertaken to
put down the constitution in Spain, could abstain frOni
ob
(ia
ilj e cyt into gt
ht oe tthe hr
api rdoocuel
idui n
s:hoi
cf Austriah
she
w in
as
slatiadl y andt,
0 pol
de s
the
0-
Lombards. His answer was short and clear. The objec-
Nt.iaotnedt,akneno t o
doubt,the pr ohcye e
the gse i or
tf,
at hmes
tan c Holye Allth aite s
theyswas a gmg, re•rae-
en 1 eavouring to pull down a free constitution in Spain;
bi.t the gravamen of the charge against them w s tl ei
interfering in foreign affairs at all—(hear, hear)---their un-
dertaking to perform the duties of the police of Europe;
and if, by one of those accidents or inconsistencies to which
despotism was subject, it had happened that they had
interposed to support a free constitution against tyran-
nical rulers, the argument would have been precisely
the same. They had no right, even for that good cause,
to interfere with the affairs of another State. He would
put a case which applied to the present subject. Sup-