The Sun.
London, England, 1861-08-10 00:00:00

TILE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Special Correspondent of the Times.)
WASHINGTON, JULY 24.
As no one can say what a day or night may bring
forth, particularly in time of war, I avail myself of
a chance of probable quiet, such as it is, amid the
rolling of drums, the braying of trumpets and bands,
the noise of marching men, rolling of waggons, and
general life and activity in the street, to write
some remarks on the action at Manassas or Bull's
Run. Of its general effects abroad, and on the
North and South, a larger and perhaps a better
view can be taken from Europe than on this side of
the Atlantic. There is a natural and intense
anxiety to learn what impression will be made
abroad by the battle,—for, notwithstanding the
vulgar and insolent arrogance of the least reput-
able portion of the press in the United States, gene-
rally conducted by aliens or persons who have left
Great:Britain from cause—it is felt that the result
of the action must have very strong influences
over the fortunes of the contending parties, par-
tieularly in the Money-Market, to which recourse
must be had in fear and trembling. It would be
well not to arrive at hasty conclusions in reference
to the bearing of the defeat on the actual struggle.
Those who are persuaded that the North must and
will subjugate the South see in the disaster merely a
prolongation of the war, a certain loss of material,
or even an increment of hope in the spirit it will
arouse, as they think, among the Unionists. Others
regard it as an evil omen for the compromise they
desire to effect, as it will give the North another
insult to avenge, and inspire the South with addi-
tional confidence. The Confederates will accept it
as proof demonstrative of their faith that the North
cannot conquer them, and may take it into their
heads to corroborate it by an attempt to inflict on
the North that with which they have been menaced
by the Cabinet of Washington and its supporters.
"What will England and France think of it ? is the
question which is asked over and over again. The
news must go forth in its most unfavourable form,
and it will be weeks, if ever, before the North can set
a great victory to the credit side of its books against
the Confederates. In 30 days or so the question will
be answered—not hastily or angrily, in spite of pro-
vocation and offence, but in the spirit of honourable
neutrality. In the States one thing is certain—the
Cabinet will resist the pressure of the mob, or be
hurled out of office. If they yield to the fanatics
and fight battles against the advice of their officers
they must be beaten ; and the tone of New York
indicates that a second defeat would cost them
their political existence. They can resist such
pressure in future as has been brought on them
hitherto by pointing to Bull's Ran, and by saying,
" See the result of forcing General Scott against his
wishes." Of the Cabinet, Mr. Chase, the Secretary
of the Treasury, is perhaps the only man who bore
up against the disheartening intelligence of Mon-
day morning ; but Mr. Seward and others are reco-
vering their spirits as they find that their army
was more frightened than hurt, and that the Con-
federates did not advance on the capital immedi-
ately after their success. It was a sad rude sweep
of the broom to the cobweb-spinners—to the spider
politicians, who have been laying out warps in all
directions, and are now lying in frowsy heaps among
the ruins of their curious artificers. Nothing can
restore them to their places in the popular estima-
tion ; nothing could have kept them there but the
rapid and complete success of their policy and the
speedy fulfilment of their prophecies. The sword
they have drawn is held over their heads by the
hands of some coming man whose face no one can
see yet, but his footsteps :are audible, and the
ground shakes beneath his tread. If Mr. Lincoln
were indeed a despot, with the genius to lead or
direct an army, now would be his time. All the
odium which could be heaped upon him by his
enemies, all the accusations that could have been
preferred, North or South, have been fully urged,
and he could not add to them by leading his army
to victory, while with victory would certainly come
the most unexampled popularity, and perhaps an
extraordinary and prosperous tenure of power.
The campaign would be one worthy of a'Napoleon,
nor could it be determined by even 500,000,000
doll. and 500,000 men, unless they were skilfully
handled:and well economised. If popular passion be
excited by demagogues, and if it be permitted to
effect the councils of the State, it is easy to foresee
the end, though it is not so easy to predict by what
steps ruin will be reached at last. The Ministers
are already ordered to resign by the masters of the
mob, and suffer a just punishment for their tempo-
rary submission to the clamour of the crownless
monarchs of the North-East. The Secretary-at-
War, Mr. Cameron, whose brother fell at the head
of his regiment in the field, is accused of making
the very submission—which was indeed a crime if
ever it occurred—by the very people who urged it
upon him, and there are few Ministers who escape
invective and insinuation.

The great question to be decided just now is the
value of the Union sentiment in the North. Will ,
the men and the money be forthcoming, and that
soon enough to continue the war of aggression or
recuperation against the Seceded States ? The
troops here complain of want of money, and say
they are not paid. If that be so, there is proof of
want of funds, which, if it lasts, will prevent the re-
organisation of another army, and I think it would
not be safe to rely on the present army, or to de-
pend on many of the regiments till they have been
thoroughly reorganised. It must be remembered
that the United States is about to lose the services
of some 80,000 men, many of whom have already
,gone home. These are the "'three months' men,"
called out under the President's proclamation.
Whether they will enlist for the term of three
years, now Proposed, cannot be determined ; but.
judging from their words, they will not do so if
their present officers are continued or recommis-
sioned- At all events, they will nearly all go home
to be " mustered out of the service," as it is called,
in regiments, at the expense of the Government. It
is reported in Washington that steps were taken
long ago to supply the places of the retiring batta-
lions, and that there were also offers of 83 batta-
lions, which have been accepted by the Govern-
merit, sent in as soon as the news of the disaster at
Bul l's Run was communicated to the North. Row
the regiments about to leave in a day or two were
sen .t into the field at all is one of the mysteries of
the, War Department.
While Congress has been passing bills of pains
ar td penalties, confiscating rebel property, and
ain,f3nding sundry laches in the penal code, as well
aa filling up rat-holes, through which conquered
ar .d run-away Secessionists might escape, in the
is .ws and body of the constitution, the conquest is
s' uddenly deferred, and cotton stands king on the
1 )attle-field. "We are glad of it," cry the extreme
abolitionists, "actually delighted, because now ,
slavery is doomed." The extreme depression which
followed after the joy and delight caused by the
erroneous statements of victory, complete and
brilliant, has been gradually disappearing, in pro-
portion to the inactivity of the enemy or to their
inability to take advantage of their success by im-
mediate action. The funds have recovered, and men
are saying, " Well, it's not so bad as it might have
been." The eye of f.sith is turned on the future, the
eye of speculation is directed on the hoards of capi-
tal, and there is a firm-. belief that some clever per-
son or another will succeed in inducing John Bull
to Part with a little of his surplus cash, for which
ao will receive egregiow percentage.
lithe balk of the capital and population of the
North •
18 thrown into this f3;ruggle, there can be but
one hope for the Confederates—brilliant victories
on the battle-field, which must lead to recognition
from foreign
powers. The fight cannot go on for
ever, and if the
Confederatew States meet with re-
verses--if their capital i
dispersed, their territosyl
moat
occupied, their Congress
that vbich they claim as
theirs) occupied, they n
submit to the conse-
quences of defeat. Is not thatec taally true of th&r
opponents ?
On what ground
can the United States,
which were founded on successful rebellion, claim
exemption from the universal law.
'which they did
so much to establish ? Whatever .the feelings of the
North may now be, there can be, no doubt that the
reverse of Manassas caused deev. mortification and
despondenc vin Washington. Gen. Scott, -whether
he disapproN •ed, as it is said, th, r aovement onwaran
co ta: federates would be
or not, was et Irtain that the