The Sun.
London, England, 1861-03-28 00:00:00

COMMERCIAL INTELLIGENCE.

NEW YORK, March 15.—Cotton is steady. Bread-
stuffs are firm. Sugar is unchanged. Provisions

are heavy.

MOBILE, March 15.—Cotton—Middling Uplands,
111 to 11a cents.

The new Southern Tariff goes into operation on
the Ist May. Compared with the United States
Tariff, the old 30 per cent. duties are reduced to 15
per cent. There is a large 10 per cent. schedule
and a small free list.

The Alabama Convention carried the permanent
Constitution of the Confederacy by a vote of 87
to 5.

LATEST INTELLIGENCE.

NEW YORK, MARCH 16 (Afternoon).—The screw
steamers Bremen and City of Washington have
sailed.

The cotton market is firm ; middling Uplands,

111 c. ; breadstuffs are slightly higher ; provisions
are quiet. Stocks are dull; Erie, 33; New York
Centrals, 78: ; Illinois Central, 831.
The royal mail steamer Arabia has arrived out.

NEW ORLEANS, MARCH 14.—Cotton, middling
Uplands, 11c. Sales of the week, 46,000 bales.
Receipts of the week, 21,000 bales ; freight, Z-e.

SOUTHAMPTON, THURSDAY,

The North German Lloyds' steamer Bremen,
Captain Wessels, from New York, on the 16th, has
arrived. She brings 95 passengers, but no specie.
The Etna, from Liverpool, arrived out on the
14th inst.

The Government of the Southern Confederacy
had appointed the Hon. William Yancey, of Ala-
bama, Judge Rost, of Louisiana, Colonel Mann, and
Mr. Butler King, of Georgia, as special commis-
sioners to proceed to England and France for the
purpose of obtaining the recognition of the inde-
pendence of the Confederate States, and make such
commercial arrangements as their joint interests
may require.

It was said that the Baltimore sympathisers with
the secession movement would be the first to offer
resistance to the Federal authority.
Captain Hill, commander of the United States
troops at Fort Brown, Texas, had agreed quietly to
surrender the fort to the secessionists.

A despatch from Montgomery states that a bill
had been introduced to make a Court of Admiralty.
It was announced from Mexico that Mr. Mat-
thews, British Minister at Mexico, had officially
recognized the Juarez Government, and that the
difficulties with the British Government were being
adjusted.
Advices from Havannah were to the 9th inst.
Business was somewhat improving. Money was a
little easier. Exchange on London, 60 days, 91 to
10,1 premium.
San Francisco advices were to the 2d inst. The
news was unimportant• The state of trade had
undergone no change. Nothing important had
transpired in the Legislature.

THE FUTURE OF AFRICA.—We all wish well to
good missionary schemes ; we all desire the civilisation of
Africa ; we all believe in the inexhaustible returns which
Africa will yield to such industry as will supersede the
slave-trade and the wars undertaken for its support. We
all wish well to the aims of the African Civilisation Society;
but we do not believe—and nobody who understands the
American case will believe—that " the best of the coloured
people from the United States" will go to Africa, on any in-
dircerneut whatever. These people hold annual conven-
tions, in which they solemnly pledge themselves to resist all
attempts to expatriate them. They declare themselves
Americans, and intend to stay where they are, and to stand
by their race till not a slave remains in the country. More-
over, there is no inducement to them to go,—except the few
who devote themselves as missionaries. They aspire to rise
in the social scale, :and alAor the notion of going to a bar-
baric country. They can get wealth at home more cer-
tainly and easily than in Africa, and at home they will
stay.—Once a Week.

COUNT CA VO UR'S SPEECH ON THE
ROMAN QUESTION.

The following is the full text of the speech of
Count Cavour on the Roman question, delivered
in the Sardinian Chamber of Deputies on the 25th
inst., as reported in the Turin journal L' Italie of
Tuesday last :
" The hon. member, in interrogating the Ministry,
has accurately stated the question. He asks why
the principle of non-intervention is not applied to
Rome, and claims from the Ministry an explanation
of the line of conduct which it intends to follow.
The Roman question ought to be thoroughly con-
sidered. I shall not content myself with replying
to the question of the hon. member, but I shall state
fully my own opinion with regard to this problem,
the solution of which interests 300,000,000 of
Catholics, and will exercise an immense influence
upon the world. Oratorical artifices would be here
entirely out of place. When this question was still
a remote one, and did not demand an immediate
solution, prudence dictated that the Ministry
should treat it with reserve ; but now, although
immense difficulties still surround him who has the
honour to address you, he will endeavour to satisfy
your expectations.
" The first truth to be proclaimed is, that it
is impossible to conceive a constituted Italian king-
dom without Rome for its capital. If we have
a right —if it is our duty to wish to possess
Rome, it is because of this impossibility. The
honourable member justly said that this truth is
instinctively felt and unhesitatingly proclaimed
by all who judge with candour our affairs. Italy
has, indeed, much yet left to do to organise herself
—to solve the problem of her internal adminis-
tration, and to overthrow the secular obstacles
erected within her own bosom against political
order. In order to arrive at these results she has
need of a union, a concord which the Roman ques-
tion will render unattainable so long as it remains
unsettled.

" Eminent and sincere men may feel a preference
for one town or another, but it is incontestable that
if Rome were once our capital all discussion on
this point would thenceforth be impossible. The
fact alone would bring about an absolute and uni-
versal agreement. I see, therefore, with regret,
that eminent men—patriots who have rendered
great service to the country, and to whom the
honourable M. Audinot has alluded—attribute the
necessary choice which we have made of our natural
capital to futile or trivial motives. This choice has
been determined by history, and by the elements
of the civilisation of a people. What is the history
of Rome but the history of a capital—more than
that, of a capital of the world ? It will become now
that of a great nation.
" I appeal to the patriotism of all Italians. Let
our unanimity make manifest to Europe the neces-
sity which these facts impose upon us. I avow that
personally I perhaps prefer the simple and plain
streets of my native city to the ancient and modern
monuments of the Eternal City. But my resolution
is taken, like that of my countrymen ; like that—
and I speak now as the representative of Turin—of
the noble city which is resigned to that sacrifice
which the country demands of it.
"We must go to Rome, but without trenching
upon the independence of the Pope, without bring-
ing the Church under the domination of the State.
If—though I believe that to be impossible—France
found herself powerless to oppose our entry into
Rome, we would not, in order to effect that entry,
use violence towards her. Let us not imitate
Austria in the ingratitude avowed with a deplor-
able courage by the lips of one of her statesmen.
This sort of courage she has always displayed. At
the Congress of Paris no Power was so hostile to
Russia, so obstinately opposed to peace, as Austria,
which had been saved by her but a few years before.
As for us, bound as we are to Russia by a friend-
ship which a passing cloud obscured, I hope only
for a moment, let us show by our conduct towards
France that we do not resemble the Power which
we have fought against with the aid of the French

armies.
" When, in 1859, we asked for the support of
France, the Emperor did not dissemble to himself
the difficulties of the situation in which this war
would place him with respect to the Court of Rome.
We cannot, after having accepted the boon, aggra-
vate the embarrassment in which it may involve
the benefactor.
" If we can succeed in convincing Catholics that
the reunion of Rome with the rest of Italy cannot
place the Church in a position of dependence, the
question will have made a great step towards solu-
tion. Many conscientious people think indeed:that
if the Parliament were in Rome, and the King at
the Quirinal, the Pope would lose much of his inde-
pendence, and would be nothing more than the
grand almoner or the chaplain of the King.
"If these fears were well founded, I should not
hesitate to say that this reunion would be fatal, not
only to Catholicism but to Italy. No greater
calamity can befal a people than the concentration
in the hands of the Government of spiritual and
temporal power. When these powers are united
liberty disappears, the rule of caliphs prevails. It
will never be so in Italy.
" Let us examine under all its aspects this ques-
tion of the influence of the union of Rome with Italy
upon the independence of the spiritual power.
" Now, in the first instance, does the temporal
power render the Pontiff really independent ? If it
were so, I would hesitate to solve theproblem. But
no person can maintain such a view. In the times
when sovereigns, resting upon the Divine right,
regarded their domination as a right of absolute
property over men and things, I can understand
that a power of this nature was a guarantee for the
Pope. The authority was at least submitted to, if
not accepted. But since 1789 Governments have
reposed upon the consent, expressed or tacit, of the
people. France, England, Prussia, proclaim this
principle. Russia approaches it, or at least no longer
repulses it as the Emperor Nicholas did. A
Power which does not rest upon this basis, which
maintains an absolute antagonism between the
people which it governs and itself, has no longer
the possibility of existence. Now, this antago-
nism appears in the Papal States, and appears as
an evil without remedy. I appeal to the testimony
of a man who devoted himself to an impossible
task at Rome, whose death was one of the greatest
misfortunes Italy has experienced.
" The people, exhausted by the struggles of the
empire, supported for some time a regime which was
rendered less harsh by the goodness of the Pontiff
and the enlightenment of Cardinal Consuldi. In
1821 antagonism broke out. In 1831 it showed
itself more vividly. From Bologna to Ancona it
openly blazed out.
" Now for nearly two years the Romagna is
free, is united to us, has a free press, free associa-
tions, there is one clerical journal at Bologna—it
is more violent than the Armenia of Turin.
" Has there been manifested among these popu-
lations any regret whatsoever for the ancient Go-
vernment ? They have criticised certain Ministers
and the Ministry itself. No one that I know has
demanded of me the restoration of the former au-

thorit i es.
"A fact more remarkable still—the Marches and
Umbria have been, owing to causes dependant on
military and political circumstances, evacuated by
the armed forces. Not a soldier remains there.
They remain entrusted to the patriotism of the
National Guards, exposed to the attempts of a
party installed quite near, at some leagues off, at
Rome ; the conduct of these people has been pure
from all excess, and admirable in wisdom, although
they were menaced by Catholics travestied as
Zouaves.

" I am not the defender of the temporal
power, but 1 must be just towards it. I hold nether
the Pope nor his Ministers to be responsible for the
atrocious acts to which, at certain points, the reac-
tion tended. These acts only prove the deplorable
influence which such a regime exercises over human
character,

"I believe I have sufficiently established the an-
tagonism which exists between the Holy See and
the populations. If that be so, this power is not for
the Pope a guarantee of independence.
" It is said to be necessary for Catholic society,
and that it ought to be guaranteed by the Catholic

Powers. Are human sacrifices still necessary to
render the gods propitious ? Is it in the name of
Him who gave His life for the world the sacrifice
of a nation should be demanded for His represen-
tative ?
"It is said : But the Pope may conciliate the
people by reforms ; and those who think thus
make efforts to obtain from the Pope such con-
cessions, never suffering themselves to be dis-
couraged by refusals. But this is asking what
the Pope cannot grant ; for his position as a
political sovereign is subordinate to his rank as
head of the Church, since his temporal power
ought to be to him no more than a guarantee,
a safeguard for his spiritual power, which latter
must stand supreme. By making concessions
he would violate his duties as a Pontiff.
He may accept and tolerate certain institutions,
but he may not consecrate them. Thus, for ex-
ample, he tolerates civil marriage in France, but
he cannot proclaim it in his own dominions. It
is the same with a host of other institutions
which are opposed to Catholic precepts, but of
which it is, nevertheless, necessary to admit the
existence. The Pope should not be reproached for
that which is in reality not obstinacy but firmness,
and for which I hold that Catholics ought to be
grateful to him as a meritorious fidelity to his duty.
" I have often combated the opinion of those who
have insisted that the Pope should grant reforms,
and have blamed him for not conceding them. At
the Congress of Paris I was asked to point out which
might be exacted of him, I refused to indicate any.
I professed openly the opinions which I am uphold-
ing here; and, in conjunction with M. Minghetti,
who took an important part in these negotiations,
I declared that the only means of governing those
countries without military occupation was the ab-
solute separation of the spiritual from the temporal
power.

" All these efforts will be defeated by the radical
impossibilities which result from the confusion of
the two powers. Europe has long been labouring
to invent reforms for Turkey ; there is not an effort
which has not been made for this purpose; it has
been sought to reconcile there the rights of civil
life with the Government such as it is there con-
stituted. The attempt has not succeeded, and never
will succeed ; the union of the two powers renders
its failure inevitable.

" Thus the temporal power does not make the
Pope independent. Can it be said that in losing it
he will only change the form of his subjection ?
No ; we can give him the independence of which he
stands so much in need.

"It is precisely the separation of the Powers
which will give it to him. When the Church is once
emancipated from all connection with the temporal
authority, and separated from the State by dis-
tinctly marked limits, the liberty of the Holy See
will no longer have to suffer from the shackles im-
posed upon it by concordats and the prerogatives of
the civil power, which the temporal power of the
Court of Rome has alone rendered necessary up to
the present time. I believe that every sincere
Catholic desires above all things such an enfran-
chisement. The only difficulty is to discover by
what guarantees this liberty of the Church will be
assured.

" We will give it ample guraantees ; we will in-
scribe the principle of the reciprocal independence
of the Church and of the State in the fundamental
statute of the Kingdom, and we will ensure by all
possible means its complete realisation.

" But the surest guarantee is the thoroughly
Catholic character of the Italian people. Italy has
often made great efforts for the reform of ecclesias-
tical discipline ; but she has never raised her hand
against the religion with which it is connected.
The country of Arnold of Brescia, of Dante, of
Savanarola, of Sarpi, of Giannone, has ever, like
them, sought only the reform of the Church ; that
ardent desire has always been accompanied by the
firm determination that the Church, purified,
should subsist and become more free. That free-
dom will be better ensured by the love of
26,000,000 of citizens than by a few mercenaries.
"It is said—These hopes are fallacious ; all
your proposals and negotiations are repulsed.
I shall not enter into any detail upon this delicate
point. I admit that up to this time none of our
efforts have succeeded ; but I also declare that
heretofore we have never explained our intentions
openly and fully, as we explain them now. We
may, therefore, still cherish some hope.
" History shows us that Rome, invaded by the
Spaniards of Charles V., saw the Pope some time
afterwards crown Charles V., and ally himself with
him. Why may we not see the same change
wrought upon Pius IX. at the present day ?
" But if the Pope should repulse us, as he has
hitherto done, we shall not cease to remain faithful
to the same principles. Arrived at Rome, we shall
proclaim the separation of the Church from the
State, and the liberty of the Church: When this
has been done, and consecrated the representatives
of the nation, and when the veritable tendencies of
Italians and their sympathy for the religion of
their fathers have been made evident in the face of
Europe, the great majority of Catholics will ap-
prove, and will cause to fall upon the right head
the responsibility of the struggle into which the
Court of Rome would have sought to enter with
the nation.

"At the risk of being deemed Utopian, I avow'
my belief that when these principles have been
proclaimed and consecrated by you, the soul of
Pius IX., opening itself anew to the generous
sentiments which earned for him such hearty ap-
proval some years ago, will stimulate him to seek
to acquire the immortal glory of having reconciled
the Italian nation with the Church, and religion
with liberty."