The Sun.
London, England, 1861-04-09 00:00:00

PRUSSIA AND ITALY.

The following explanations have been given
spontaneously to the Chamber of Deputies by the
Prussian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Baron de
Schleinitz, relative to the affair of Count Schlippen-
bach

During the last few days the Government has become
acquainted with an incident which has caused a great sen-
sation, and not without reason ; for it is calculated to throw
an equivocal light upon Prussian diplomacy. According to
the public journals, and other authorities, letters have fallen
into the hands of the authorities of Palermo, brought there
by an officer attached to the Prussian Legation. In these
letters the officer referred to is named as a person of confi-
dence with regard to certain views and intrigues relating
to the political situation of Sicily. It is not necessary, I
think, to remark that the Government of the King is
altogether a stranger to such proceedings, and that these
intrigues are not only unauthorised b 3 it, but are in direct
contradiction with the intentions openly proclaimed by the
Prussian Government. If, however, such a co-operation
has really taken place, or if it has bean even attempted or
projected, which is not yet quite apparent, the Prussian
Government disavows it and disapproves of it, in the most
unequivocal and categorical manner. For no Government
could permit a person in its official service to have politics
of his own, or even to make himself the organ and agent
of foreign political interests and tendencies. The King's
Government first heard of this incident through the
journals, and it immediately took the necessary measures
for obtaining, with the briefest possible delay, complete
and authentic explanations upon the whole affair; and
remembering its duties and its functions, it will, after it
has formed a judgment on this matter, know how to
redress this abuse from whomsoever it proceeds. Mean
while, in order to prevent any false interpretation, and
that there may not exist the slightest doubt as to the
position which the Government has taken in this regretta-
ble affair, I have thought it right to make before the
country and its representatives the loyal declaration which
you have just heard.

The above speech was several times interrupted
by the applause of the Chamber.

AFFAIRS OF ITALY •

A private letter from Turin, of the sth instant,
speaks of the effect produced by the "terrible reply"
of Garibaldi to the Italian deputation, and in which
" he does not spare either Cavour or his colleagues,
or the deputies, or even the King himself, who,
according to him, has not done for Italy all he
might have done, and who lives in a lifeless atmo-
sphere." It appears that certain members of the
majority meant to get up a discussion in the Cham-
ber on the subject, and to fling back the term
" lacquey" thrown in their faces ; but common-
sense prevailed, and the Government resolved to be
patient and negotiate. The cause of the sudden
and unexpected appearance of Garibaldi at Turin is
thus given :
" Garibaldi was roused to anger because the
Minister at War did not fix the position of the Ga-
ribaldian officers, who wanted to have their grades
recognised, as the Government had recognised and
admitted into the army the generals and superior
officers of Garibaldi's force, and which, by the way,
has placed them in a false position. Now, this is
rather a serious affair, inasmuch as there are from
6,000 to 7,000 of these officers many of whom have
not the qualifications necessary to take command
in a regular army. Others of them donned the red
shirt' somewhat late in the day, in order to cover
their brows with laurels. The evil was in the G.-
vernment not having adopted a resolution of some
kind before; had it done so Garibaldi would not
have lost patience, and would not have come to
Turin with the object of raising the question in Par-
liament. Fanti had a horror of the whole affair, and
adjourned it from day to day. He consulted
Cialdini on his arrival here, and it was in
accordance with the plan suggested by the latter
that negotiations were opened between Garibaldi
and his staff on the one hand, and the War
Department on the other. It is most desirable that
they shall end satisfactorily, for a serious dissen-
sion between Garibaldi and the Government in the
present state of affairs would have terrible conse-
quences, and Austria would most likely be the
gainer. Moreover, the Garibaldians, consulting
only their anger, might provoke a rising which
would give a pretext to the Austrians, who are very
anxious for it, to cross the Po and penetrate into
the Pontifical States. You may be certain that the
strictest orders have been given to the civil and
military authorities to arrest any force and every
man that may try to provoke the Austrians. This,
however, does net suffice to tranquillise the public
here, whom the fear of war has already gained—
and war nobody desires. The state of affairs is not
cheering; it will become less so if much more time
be lost in settling the Roman question. A solution
would leave sufficient time for people to think of
Venetia, which might be left quiet until Italy be
organised, and until Austria and Europe should be
convinced of the necessity of restoring it to Italy.
You know, of course, that England and Switzer-
land have recognised the new Kingdom of Italy ;
Sweden and even Portugal are expected soon to
follow their example."
Prince Murat has got himself into hot water by
the publication of his letter (with or without the
knowledge of his chief) to his mysterious friend the
Duke of Asterisks. The papers, and particularly
the Opinion Nationale and the Siecle, hit at him as
mercilessly as if he had not a friend in the world,
or as if he were a private Reaction ist and totally un-
connected with an Imperial family, or even with
Corsica ; or as if he were not Grand Master of the
Masonic Brotherhood of France. The Opinion
Nationale reproaches him with the obscurity of his
father's origin—fils d'un aubergiste—the son of a
publichouse-keeper. This, I must say, is ungenerous
on the part of an Imperial Democrat, who ought
not to forget that the boast of his Sovereign was
that he is a parvenu among crowned heads. It is
not because Prince Murat's grandfather was an
aubergiste—he was, doubtless, an honest man and
dealt fairly by his customers—but principally be-
cause he founded his claims to the Crown of the
Two Sicilies on the merits of his father Joachim
that his letter met with general reprobation. Na-
poleon I. knew as well as most people the character
of King Joachim, and here is what he says of him,
as recorded in the Memorial de Sainte Helene :
" It is impossible," said Napoleon,
" To conceive more turpitude than was contained
in Murat's proclamation when separating himself
from the Viceroy (Eugene Beauharnais). He said
in it that the time was come to choose between two
banners—that of crime, and that of virtue. It was
my banner which he called that of crime : and it
was Murat, my own work, the husband of my sister,
he who owed everything to me, would have been
nothing without me, and known only through me,
who wrote that ! It is difficult to break with the
unfortunate with greater brutality, and to run with
greater shamelessness after a new fortune."
The proclamation which Murat issued after
having entered Rome on the 19th of January, 1813,
and driven the French garrison to take refuge in
the Castle of St. Angelo, is as follows
Soldiers ! as long as I could believe that the
Emperor Napoleon contended for peace and the
happiness of France I fought by his side, but it is
now no longer possible to give credit to that illusion.
The Emperor breathes nothing but war. I should
betray the interests of my native country, of my
present dominions, and of yourselves, if I did not at
once separate my arms from his to join tht m to those
of the powerful allies whose magnanimous inten-
tions are to re-establish:the independence of nations
and the dignity of thrones. Soldiers ! there are bxt
two banners in Europe; on the one are inscribed