The Sun.
London, England, 1859-10-22 00:00:00

one of them would ever return ? Why they would
all be cut to pieces and destroyed before they had
time to say their prayers, if they ever do say them.
But if they did return, does any man of com-
mon sense suppose that they would derive honour or
glory from any such attempt ? (Hear, hear.) I
cannot believe such a thing as that. I have now
come to the last topic upon which I mean to address
You. We are, I am told, to have a fresh reform bill.
I am not in state secrets, and I can speak freely
Upon such subjects, but all I can.) say is, that if a
reform bill is to be produced next session I heartily
hope that it will be a full and efficient one, that wo
shall have no sham reform, but that we shall so
settle the question that we shall not be perpetually
quarrelling about it; and whether it is introduced
by Lord John Russell, or whether it settles the
representation of the country upon the basis of a £6
franchise in towns and £lO in counties, or whether
it results in a large extension of the franchise, all
I have to say is that I hope it will be an effectual,
one. • Some people still aver that it is not wanted,
and go far as to say that if Lord. Derby had had
the manliness to say that he would put it off for
some time there would have been no great cry raised
against him. If, however, it is not wanted, how
came it that on the occasion of the last dissolution
there was not a single person who appeared before
their constituencies who did not say that it was re-
quired ? (Hear.) Young ladies very often say they
do not want to be married, but they seldom refuse
the chance—(laughter)—and members of the House
of Commons sometimes say they do not want to be
made peers, but they, like young ladies, generally
accept the offer. (Laughter.) So it was with re-
spect to reform—that reform was urgently required
was shown in the recent cases of bribery which had
been brought so prominently before 'the country.
The question is full of difficulties, and the bribery
difficulty is not the least. The indirect bribery
of custom cannot be got over, but as a proof that
the other bribery, of which we have seen such dis-
graceful instances proved daily in the Wakefield
commission, can be done away with, I will only
mention that whereas my first election for North-
ampton cost me £l,OOO, the last one only cost £3OO.
(Cheers). In conclusion, the noble lord observed
that he:had the consolation of knowing that while
in office neither kith nor kin benefited by his
patronage, and that, although he was quite con-
scious that as a member of Parliament he had not
" gone the pace" quite sufficiently fast, yet he had
always endeavoured to adopt that course which he
conceived most beneficial to the interests of the
country. The noble lord resumed his seat amidst
the cheers of the meeting.
Lord HENLEY then proposed " Her Majesty's
Ministers," which was acknowledged by Mr. Gilpin,
M.P., and several other toasts haven g been prop )sed,
the meeting broke up at a late hour.

LORD BATHERTON ON THE NATIONAL

DEFENCES.

In his capacity of Lord-Lieutenant of Stafford-
shire, Lord Hatherton at tended an inaugural dinner
of the Hansworth Volunteer Riflemen on Tuesday
evening last. Daring hls speech, in reply to the
toast of his health,
Lord HATHERTON said—Gentlemen, this is not
an improper occasion to observe that there has been
undoubtedly for a long course of years, and espe-
cially for the last two years, a deep-seated feeling
of uneasiness and distrust because of the de-
fenceless situation of this country. This feel-
ing pervades not merely men of the class I am
addressing ; it exists equally in the highest and the
very lowest classes of society, proving how sound
in substance that society is. I believe it is a feeling
that supersedes every political feeling whatever;
and I believe it will be found, in the next session
of Parliament, that the main question will be, not
" What do you think of this or that franchise ?"
but " What are your opinions about the defences of
the country ?" That will be the question of the
next few years. I am sure I need not say anything
in detail as to the actual condition of our army and
navy; but I may cursorily observe with respect to
the army that such is its condition in organization •
and substance, and such is its insufficiency of men,
that if a sudden quarrel were to take place with
our neighbours across the Channel to-morrow we
should not have a single man in the field if our
garrisons were supplied in the way they should be.
We should require 15,000 men for Plymouth,
10,000 for Portsmouth, and 10,000 for the Isle of
Wight ; besides these we should have to man our
lines at Chatham, and put smaller military forces
into other garrisons, so that when all this was done
we should not have a single man to place on the
field. It is absolutely necessary that the truth
should be spoken. Across the Channel a Govern-
ment exists of which I say nothing, but of which
we all know that secrecy is one of its elements, and
that its power is immense. It can man a force,
either on land or sea, at the shortest possible notice.
We can do nothing of the sort. We can do nothing
except by the operation of a Parliamentary vote ;
the votes once passed cannot be exceeded; and six
or nine months may elapse before additions can be
made. It is absolutely necessary, therefore, that
the people should understand their position, and.
forego all minor or party considerations for the pur-
pose of giving their representatives authority to do
whatever may be necessary in their estimation for
the defence of the country. (Cheers.) We all
feel, however, soldiers though we are, that our first
hopes must rest on the efficiency of our navy,
(Hear.) That has ever been the arm of this country,
for on no other can we rely for its safety., What is
its condition ? I believe we have at this moment a
better navy than We have had for years, but it had
fallen into a most discreditably low condition. lam
old enough to have served upon a committee in the
House of Commons in 1817 and 1818, the object of
which was to ventilate the different departments of
Government, and see what could be done in the re-
duction of expenditure. I remember that when we
came to the navy estimates Lord Castlereagh pre-
sented himself, and said he came at the request of
Lord Liverpool to inform us what the views of the
Cabinet were with respect to the strength of the
navy at that period. He laid- it clown that at no
period could this country ever be safe unless it were
able to put to sea at the shortest notice a fleet at
least equal to that of any other two Powers. For a
very short time a fleet of that description was main-
tained; but we know how it has dwindled away
until at length the country has been excited by
alarms, and we are now spending millions in re-
storing it to its proper position as a steam navy.
Now, the navies of the two countries may be equal,
but there is one point, I regret to state, in which we
are inferior. I believe that France could now put
into the Channel a larger fleet, in a shorter period
of time, than it is. in the power of England to do.
Consideting the vast resources of this country, the
immense foreign possessions it has to defend, our
Vast wealth at home, and our great population, I
say that if any disaster were permitted to befall iis
country by means of its navy, it would be the
greatest disgrace that ever fell on any country in
the history of the world. (Mar.) I believe there
is no effort that England is not prepared to make
—there is no pecuniary sacrifice we would not
submit 'to—for the purpose of avoiding such a dis-
grace. (Cheers.) Consider what would happen if
wo had an equally balanced action in the Chan-
nel. We might be invaded at every point, and a
large army might take the field while we have
such inadequate resources to meet it. (Hear.) Or
even if our navy sustained disaster and defeat it
would not be necessary for France to invade Eng-
land. We should be already conquered. She could
blockade our poets; she could prevent the en-
trance of-food or raw material. If she were mis-
tress of the Channel fur a few months she would be
mistress of half the world. Therefore it is that the
influence of the represented should be brought to
bear upon the representative, in order that the
House of Commons may sec it is your desire that
the honour of the country should be protected.
(Cheers.) DO not let it be supposed that lat all
undervalue the volunteer movement. I understand,
on the authority of the very best officers—those
who have had the largest experience—that, carried
t with
ai renderavatshtteiceuamost
boe
fr
Governmentfaatoi
suddentb ie Governmentda rger a lis he
dispense
\N volunteer artillery will
oinnipaosrittanist nos
services
est
o cannot
en
of troops in our garrisons that must otherwise have
been detained ; and I believe that, • even with the
restricted discipline which can only be maintai • • ned
by solitary companies, yet that, connected wlth re-
gular troops they might be made available in a
short time for most important services. Thie is the
opinion of Sir John Burgoyne,—a parson of the
highest authority. But I hope that a good deal more
than this may be done. We must have a consider-
able increase of the army, or the militia must be
made more effective. There is no sufficient reason
why the old constitutional resource of the ballot,
with a modification suiting it to the altered circum-
stances of the country, may not still be resorted
to. Nine-tenths of the surface. of these islands are
of rural character, and in those parishes there is
no more reason now than there was 50 years,
ago why the ballot should not be had recourse
to. I would suggest that an Act of Parliament