The Sun.
London, England, 1861-12-19 00:00:00

rHE 'SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, DEC i MBI L 19, :1861.

States can take no cognisance. On this point our
views are not likely to undergo any change. In main-
taining this position we are sure we do nothing de-
rogatory from the dignity of the British Govern-
ment, while we inflexibly maintain and preserve.the
just rights and the honour of the United States."
The correspondence between the United States
, and Great Britain is voluminous. A few points

only are above given in the hurried abstract—other
questions besides that of recognising the Southern
Confederacy and maritime rights are included.

FRANCE.
The correspondence with France is voluminous.
n a letter from Ex-Minister Faulkner to Secretary

Seward, the former, i❑ detailing his conversation

with M. Thouvenel, says :
" M. Thou venel in his reply said that no application
had yet been made to him by the Confederate States,
in any form, for the recognition of their independence
—that the French Government was not in the habit

of acting hastily upon such questions, as might be
seen by its tardiness in recognising the new king-

dom of Italy—that he believed the maintenance of
the Federal Union in its integrity was to be de-
cidedly for the benefit of the North and South as
well as for the interests of France, and the United
States might rest well assured that no hasty or pre-
cipitate action would be taken on the subject by
the Emperor. But while he gave utterance to these
views, he was equally bound to say that the practice
and usage of the present century had fully estab-

lished the right of de facto Governments to recog•
tion when a proper case was made out for the deci-
sion of foreign Powers. Here the official interview

ended."

The correspondence on this point has already
been published.
Secretary Seward to Minister Dayton, May 30,

says :
" I first desire that M. Thouvenel may be in
formed that this Government cannot but regard
any communications held by the Fpnch Govern-
ment, even though unofficial, with the agents of
the insurrectionary movement in this country,
as exceptional and injurious to the dignity and
honour of the United States. They protest against
this intercourse, however, not so much on that
ground as on another. They desire to maintain
the most cordial relations with the Government
of France, and would therefore, if possible,
refrain from complaint ; but it is manifest
that even an unofficial reception of the emissaries of
disunion has a certain though measured tendency
to give them a prestige which would encourage
their efforts to prosecute a civil war destructive to
the prosperity of this country, and aimed at the
overthrow of the Government itself. It is earnestly
hoped that this protest may be sufficient to relieve
this Government from the necessity of an action in
the unpleasant subject to which it related.
" Secondly.—The United States cannot for a mo-
ment allow the French Government to rest under
the delusive belief that they will be content to have
the Confederate States recognised as a belligerent
Power by States with which this nation is in amity.
No concert of action among foreign States so recog-
nising the insurgents can reconcile the United
States to such a proceeding, whatever may be the
consequence of resistance.
" Thirdly.—The President turns away from these
points of apprehended difference of opinion between
the two Governments, to notice other and more
agreeable subjects.
" The tone of M. Thouvenel's conversation is
frank, generous, and cordial, and this Government
feels itself bound by new ties to France when her
Emperor avows his desire for the perpetual union
of the States. Especially does this Government ac-
knowledge that it is profoundly moved by the de-
claration of his Majesty, that he would be willing
to act as mediator in the civil strife that unhappily
convulses our country. These expressions of good
will are just what have been expected from the Em-
peror of France. This Government desires that his
Majesty may be informed that it indulges not the
least apprehension of a dissolution of the Union in
this painful controversy. A favourable issue is
deemed certain. What is wanted is, that the war
may be as short, and attended by as few calamities
at home, and as few injuries to friendly nations, as
possible, No mediation could modify in the least
degree the convictions of policy and duty under
which this Government is acting, while foreign in-
tervention, even in the friendly form of mediation,
would produce new and injurious complications."
Mr. Dayton to Mr. Seward, May 30, says :
" I am happy to say there is no disposition mani-
fested here, so far as I have observed, to favour the
rebellion in our Southern ,`l,tates, or to encourage
them as an independent Power. All recognition of
rights on their part is for commercial purposes only.
But the Government of France cannot, it says, look
at this rebellion as a small matter; that, embracing
as it does a large section and many States, they
cannot apply to it the same reasoning as if it were
an unimportant matter or confined to a small
cality. M. Thouvenel says he has had no applica-
tion from the Southern Commissioners for any pur-
pose of recognition, and does not know even that
such persons aro or have been at Paris."
Mr. Dayton writes to Mr. Seward, Nov. 7 :
" Your despatch, No. 68, informs me of Mr.
Adams's communication of an intended counter-pro-
position to be made by England and France to our
Government in respect to Mexican affairs. Of this
I had heard before, and it made me less anxious as
to the question here, for the fact that a counter-pro-
position has to be made and answered would, of
necessity, as I thought, Occupy time, and give the
United States a chance for reflection and perhaps
action. The prompt consummation of the matter in
London has rather taken me by surprise. I fear that
some misunderstand: ng of each other's meaning may
have occurred on the part of Mr. Adams and Earl
Russell, or one of them. At all events, a point has
been reached at a much earlier day than an intima-
tion of such intended proposition led me to antici-
pate."

April, I immediately called upon Baron Von '
Schleinitz, Minister of Foreign Affairs, who had re-
ceived the proclamation of the President, and he at
once promptly informed me that in his opinion no ap-
prehension need be entertained as to Prussian sub-
jects engaging under the authority of the so-called
Confederate States in fitting out privateers, or in
any manner interfering with our commerce."
In another despatch Mr. Wright says :
" Prussia will take effective steps to sustain the
Government of the United States in the protection
of property and commerce, and will do all she can
consistently with her obligations to other Govern-
ments to sustain the rigorous action of our Govern-
ment in maintaining law and order."

It further appears that the Prussian Minister of
Commerce issued a notification stating that the
equipment of privateers in the port of that country
is forbidden by the laws of the land, as is known to
the mercantile community.

Mr. Judd, Mr. Wright's successor, writes in re-
lation to his presentation to the King, and of his
kind reception.
Secretary Seward, on the 12th of August, writes
in reply to another communication from Mr.
Judd:

" Your conduct in relation to the subject of nego-
tiations for a Convention with the Government of
Prussia on the subject of the right of neutrals in
maritime war, as referred to in that paper, is ap-
proved."

ment of Mexico of his best disposition 'to favour
their commerce and their internal improvements.

He hopes, indeed, that your mission, assuming a
spirit more elevated than one of merely com-
merce and conventional amity—a spirit disin-
terested and unambitious, earnestly A merican
in the continental sense of the word, and fra-
ternal in no affected or mere diplomatic mean-

ing of the term, while it shall secure the confidence
and good will of the Government of Mexico, will
mark the inauguration of a new condition of things,
directly conducive to the prosperity and happiness
of both nations, and ultimately auspicious to all
other Republican States throughout the world."

Mr: Corwin writes, May 29 :
" I deem it of the very first importance that our
Consul at every port on the Gulf of Mexico should
be at their respective posts with careful and specific

instructions as to their treatment of vessels sailing
under the flag of the Confederate States, or having
papers from ports within those States, made out by
officers under their authority. Should the relations
now existing, or which mayhereafter exist,between
the United States and the seceding States be such
as to require of me any specific act in relation to
such state of things, I beg to be advised of it by the
Department as early as possible. The present Go-
vernment of Mexico is well affected towards us in
our present difficulties, but, for obvious reasons, will
be unwilling to enter into any engagement which
might produce war with the South, unless protected
by promise of aid from the United States.".
And on the 29th of June Mr. Corwin writes:--
" The present time is most propitious for securing
the advantages and preventing the vfils which I
have suggested. The Government here feels the
strongest sympathy with the United States. It has
been my constant endeavour, since my arrival here
to possess the Mexican mind of the true cause of our
difficulties, and thus enable them to estimate the
dangers to this Republic which will result from any
unfavourable termination of them. lam quite sure
that while this Government will endeavour to pre-
serve peaceful relations with all the European
Powers on fair terms, it regards the United States
as its true and only reliable friend in any struggle
which may involve the national existence. That this
should be so is somewhat remarkable when engen-
dered in the general Mexican mind by the loss of
Texas, which they attribute to our citizens, and the
compulsory cession of territory, which was a conse-
quence of our war with them."