The Sun.
London, England, 1857-07-16 00:00:00

LONDON, T_RUtiSDAY EVENING, JULY 16, 1857.

REPRESENTATION OF THE AUSTRALIAN
COLONIES IN PARLIAMENT.

A numerous meeting of the General Association
for the Australian Colonies was held yesterday at
the London Tavern, Wm. Chas. Wentworth, Esq.,
lat,e a member of the Leaislative Council of New
South Wales, in the chair. Amongst the gentle-
men present were—Sir C. Nichoh7on, late Speaker
_ _

of the Legislative Council of New South Wales ;
Wm. Wentgarth, Esq., President of Chamber of
Commerce, Melbourne ; Sir Wm. M'Arthur, mein-

ber of the Legislative Council of New South Wa'e;
John Dutton, Esq., South Australia ; T. S. Mott,
Eq., member of the Legislative Council of New
South Wales ; T. D. Elder, Esq., South Australia;
F. Furlong, Esq., Victoria ; G. F. Leslie, Esq.,
chairman of the Peel River Company ; C. Hughes,
Esq., Moreton Bay ; Wm. Fane de Salis, Esq., P.
W. Flower, Esq., and James A. Youl, Esq.
The meeting was to consider a memorial to the
Right Honourable Henry Labouchere, Secretary
of State for the Colonies, requesting that he
would be pleased in the cabinet deliberations on
the forthcoming Reform Bill, to place before her
Majesty's Ministers the strong claims of the colo-
nies to some share of representation in the impe-
rial legislature.

Pefo-re, however, entering upon this business,l
Sir WILLIAM APARTHUR directed the attention
of the meeting to the unsatisfactory nature of the
performance of the Australian postal service, and
intimated his opinion that it was incumbent on the
association to interfere, in order to prevent the Se-
cretary of the Treasury extending their contract,
as he proposed to do, for two years.
the CHAIRMAN then called upon Mr. De Sails,
who had originated the subject for the considera-
tion of which this meeting' was held, to propound:
his views-to the-meeting:—
Mr..DE SALIS said that her Majesty's Ministers
having pledged themselves to meet Parliament
next session with a new reform bill, would have to
decide what unimportant boroughs should be dis-
franchised, and to what more important communi-
ties they would transfer the franchise so to be
taken away. Now, in his opinion, no communi-
ties had such claims as the Australian colonies. It
was -not true that the boon of self-government, in
the true sense of the term, had been conceded to
those colonies. On small matters, on subjects of
domestic import, they were permitted to legislate
freely for themselves ; but there were other sub-

.
jects of far greater importance than mere parish
politics—questions affecting the property of their
merchants, the lives and librties of the people,the
honour and integrity of the colonies—respecting
which they were not allowed even to express an
opinion. He asked whether that was a system of
self-government with which men of the Anglo-
Saxon race were likely to be contented ? The
amount of shipping cleared out of the Australian
ports in the year 1855 was not less than 1,576,311
tons. The value of the exports of Australia for 1854
was :—From New South Wales, 4,060,126/. ; from
Victoria, 11,061,544/. ; from Van Diemen's Land,
1,433,021/. ; from Sout Australia, 1,322,8221.: and
from Western Au tralia, 36,2451., making a total
of 17,903,7581. In the same year the gold export
of. Australia was only 8,644,5291., but during the
last year it bad reached nearly 13,000,0001. He
was not overstepping the mark when he stated
that the exports of Australia now amounted to
13,060,000/. He would take them, however, at
the same rate as for the year 1854—namely,
17,903,758/. The total exports of the whole United
Kingdom in 1799, according to M'Culloch,
amounted to 18,556,891/. In other words, in tLe
year 1854 the exports of Australia were nearly
equal to the English exports of 1799, and he had
no doubt that the exports for the year exceeded
that amount. With regard to the export of gold,
they knew what influence that exercised not only
in this country, but in France, at Antwerp, at
Leipsic, and at Hamburg. The amount of the gold
export was at present 13,000,000/., and no doubt
it excited the attention not only of the capitalist
but of the sovereigns of Europe, and exercised a
sensible effect upon the value of the public secu-
rities alike of England and of the whole Continent.
He thought, therefore, be was perfectly justified
in saying that the Australian colonies exercised a
more sensible influence upon the commerce of tie
world, and through that upon the destinies of man-
kind, than did England at the time she first acquired
that boon of self-government which had so recently
been conceded to Australia. Then there was the
large extent of the territory which these colonies
occapied ; the area over which th ey spread amounted
to nearly two-thirds of the extent of our Indian
empire, apart from which there was also the
fact patent to all that in time our race and
empire must extend over the whole of the
vast continent which constituted Australia
Proper. The population did not come very
far behind some other states of Europe, which not,
only occupied an independent position, but exer-
cised some political influence; he might instance
the kingdoms of Saxony and Greece. Well, 'occupying
this important position in the world, was Australia
for ever to be debarred from all voice on questions
which concerned her most nearly. The answer
given to that question by the public of this coun-
try would depend very much upon the manner in
which it was put. If they asked too large a share
in imperial representation, they would prejudice
their cause ; but if they asked for a small number
of seats only, the feeling of this country was so
favourable to the colonies that it would not be re-
fused. To prevent the possibility of mistake they
held it to be a fundamental principle that whatever
act might be passed by the Imperial legislature con-
ferring upon the colonies representative rights,
that same act ought to contain a clause affirming
that no parliamentary privileges thereby granted
were in any way to affect the right of self-taxation.
He would lay down one further
principle—that
none of the colonies of England, the inhabitants of
which were not of Anglo Saxon descent should
have any claim to the high privilege of Imperial
representation. That principle, if adopted, would
do away with all claim to representation on behalf
of the West Indian colonies, on behalf of the Afri-
can colonies, on behalf of the Mauritius, and also on
behalf of our Indian empire. It would, in short, only
leave the Canadas and the Australias to be dealt
with. He found that Canada West had a popula-
tion of 999,000. He would give it two members.
Canada East had a population of 890,000. To it
also he would concede two members. Nova Scotia
had a population of 300,000. He would give it
one member. New Brunswick hed only a popula-
tion of 200,000 ; and the population of Newfound-
land and Prince Edward Island being very small,
he would lump the three places together, and they
ought to be content with one representative ; that
would make six members for the Canadas. Coming
to the Australian.colonies, he would give New South
Wales two representatives, Victoria two, and Van
Dieman's Land and South Australia one each. He
would give six representatives for the Australian
colonies and six for the Canadas, making a
total of twelve. The claims of New Zea-
land and Western Australia he would have
to be considered when they had a larger population
than they had at present. He might be asked what
the colonies had to gain by being represented in
the Imperial parliament ? First, it would obviate
the differences which, in the course of time, it was
only reasonable to expect might arise between the
mother country and her colonies if they bad no
legitimate representatives in this country. There
was another advantage. They would do away with
that indirect system of representation the effects of
which they had had reason on so many occasions to
deplore. The fact was, there was only one
Australian who had a seat in Parliament, and that
was the hon. member for Salisbury, (Mr. Marsh).
There were gentlemen who had taken up colonial
questions merely for the sake of having their voices
heard within the wall's of St. Stephen's, who had
not studied those questions, and had only brought
them forward to show themselves off before the
English public. These gentlemen had done the
colonies great injury by pretending to represent
them when they were utterly incapable of doing so.
There was another matter on which Imperial
representation would be of great use to the colonies,
acid The younger a country the
'
it
pir,
s nfi nwaanncte .
of
f money.
Capitalists were a
cautiousla vas
set, and, rightly or wrongly, the nearer
they found a country connected with England, the
dointhte supply of labour. He perhaps more important
more disposed they were to lend it on good terms.
wasanother
anp
held that a close connexion with England,
through representation in the Imperial legislature,
would induce a great flow of emigration. He
still—emigration
concluded by moving that a memorial be presented
by the association to the Right Hon. Henry Labou-
chere, Secretary of State for the Colonies requesting
that he would be pleased, in the cabinet delibera-
tions on the forthcoming reform bill, to represent to
her Majesty's ministers the strong claims of the
colonies to some share of representation in the
Imperial legislature ; but at the same time express-
ing to Mr. Labouchere that the colonies could not
accept parliamentary representation unless the pro-.

Isent right to self-taxation were continued and
preserved inviolate.
Mr. G. F. LESLIE seconded the resolution.
In reply to a question by Mr. Furlong,
Mr. DE SALIS said he thought the colonial repro
senta•ives in the Imperial Parliament ought to 1-e
precluded from voting on any question of supply,
because if the English members of the Imper al
Parliament were not to tax the colonies, it was
clear the colonial members in the Imperial Parlia-
ment ought not to tax the mother country.
Mr. FURLONG, whilst agreeing that it was exceed-
ingly desirable that the colonies should be repre-
sented in the British Parliament, doubte.d if the
scheme could he carried into practice. He believed
that colonial. securities would he rendered more
valuable by a close conncetion with the mother coun-
try; but there was scarcely a question came before
Parliament in which taxation was noteither directly
or indirectly-involved. It would impair the useful-
ness of the members for the colonies if their votes
were to be constantly rejected whenever a question
affecting taxation was b e ight forward.
Mr. WESTGARTH said the Australian colonies, and
he spoke especially of Victoria, did not wish for the
franchise. He had resided in Victoria 17 years, and
could not charge his memory with any expression
of public opinion that deserved to be treated as
public opinion upon the subject. What the colonies
had been contending for up to the last two or three
years was not representation in the British Parlia-
ment, but the management of their own local affairs.
It was quite absurd to suppoFe that the colonies
would identify themselves in anyway with imperial
taxation, or with - the, national debt ; or, on the
other hand, yield to the Imperial Parliament any
control over their own taxation.

The CHAIRMAN concurred with Mr. Westgarth
that there had been no expression of opinion on the
part of the colonies that would, warrant the associs-
, lion in moving the_Minister by a re.solution of this
nature. Parliament had; in fact, actually conceded
all that they had ever required, and all they could
reasonably require. But, after all, what would
this parliamentary representation amount to ? His
lion friend asked for six members for Australia.
What would six men be in an assembly of 656? What
influence would they possess in the deliberations of
so large a body ? What were the subjects in which
the colonists took an interest that. were likely to be
submitted to imperial legislation ? The only sub-
jects were those of self-defence, tariffs, and trade;
but the question of protection had been fully
settled, and the policy of monopolising the colonial
markets abandoned for ever. With regard to the
defence of her colonies in time of war, England
was as strongly committed as a nation could be to
and that with-
outp ro vriedgenai
rrimn
gamt
taxes
fforormthtishepinur.polset,
Was a
principle
of honour with her, and a principle of common
sense ; for the instant she ceased to defend her out-
lying colonies and dependencies, they would say,
" we will have nothing to do with your quarrels."
Thus the colonies so undefended would be no longer
compromised by her war,,,. They had nothing to
gain by this imperial representation ; on the con-
trary, they had much to lose, because, according to
the constitutional principle, representation carried
with it the right of taxation. But observe what
an anomalous and disgraceful position the repre-
sentatives of the colonies would occupy in the
House of Commons if they were not allowed to vote
upon this, or give their opinion upon that ; if they
were to be told by the Speaker—" Representatives
for the colonies, into the lobbies ; out of the way.
Representatives of the colonies, enter again." Who
would occupy such a position as that ? Fortunately
the colonies were now in possession of the right of
self-government. Let them stick to it. They had
been 30 years and upwards in obtaining it. Do
not let them now throw it away.
Mr. DE SALTS, in reply, stated that, as the meet-
ing were not likely to be unanimous in affirming
his resolution, he should withdraw it.
The resolution was then withdrawn by consent,
and the meeting separated.

THE INDIAN ARMY IN TIDE PUNJAB.

( From the Times' Correspondent.)
PUNJAB, MAY 28.

It is difficult to know what to write ; certainly
not for lack of matter; it requires but a man with
eyes, ears, and understanding to write volumes,
for in truth we in India are at this moment wit-
nessing one of the greatest crises that the civilised
portion of the human race has ever passed through.
Under these circumstances the difficulty is to know
what not to write—to discard whatever is local and
accidental, and yet to present a lively picture of
the st: uggle which the English made in May, 1857,
when, as by an earthquake, their power was shaken
to its centre. I know* I write with Bombay 11
days ahead of me. The advance on Delhi, which
now is future, will be past and recorded before this
letter quits India. Knowing all this, assuming
that, as regards the main features of this rebellion,
you are in advance of your correspondent, I will
state briefly what I have seen in the Punjab and
North-Western Provinces for the last eventful
fortnight.
The news burst on India like a thunderclap that
the native regiments at Meerut and Oelhi bad mu-
tinied, murde'ed their officers, massacred all the
English inhabitants of Delhi, placed the King of
Delhi on the throne, and threatened the empire.
All this happened on the 11th of May.
On the
13th it was known by telegraph to Europeans only
throughout India—l say to Europeans only, for
immediately the post was stopped, and an embargo
placed on all native correspondence. It is not too
much to say that the telegraph saved India. Whe-
ther or not the report is true that the 15th of May
was the date fixed for a general rising
of the Sepoy
regiments
bell
gi
Pt ee ns
it
di andone
known.y
the rumour
massacre
eeo, fkananloldwEcneuryr
certainly
al
ynp
erhaps never
s in the Ben_
appeared with strange coincidence at places far
apart, the
Dtheeiln
3d Cavalry avlan a
lrymspoomiletnat the news was flashedll by beginning on the
11th
to Lahore and Peshaw ur, to Allahabad and Calcutta.
to Bombay and Madras : and all British India was
on the alert.
You will understand that for one station where
there is a European regiment there are half-a-dozen
guarded solely by native troops. The whole Bengal
army had become for the moment untuntrustworthy.The first impulse of the Europeans,
however, was
something better than that of mere self-preserva-
tion. The civil authorities in the Punjab called at
once on the population. I hope the remnant of
young India, if it exists in the new House of Com-
mons, will unlearn some speeches when they hear
that the Punjab population has responded to a man.
The Sirdars and Jagheerdars—" the indulged aris-
tocracy," to use a phrase of the covenant—have
offered men and arms, and the offer has been ac-
cepted ; the villagers have seized fugitive mutineers
and brought them to the civil authorities. The
common people in the roads are careful to evince
towards Europeans a demeanour more respectful
than their ordinary respect ; in the important cities
of Jullundher and Hoshiarpur the
.district officer
was received by the people with enthusiasm ; the
ranks of the irregular army are thrown open, and
recruits flock in crowds to be sworn in. I missed
four servants in the morning, and heard in the
evening that they were soldiers of the State. Every
officer has provided for his district ; in two days
last struggle oEuropeans if
the whole offensive and defensive resources at his
irregulars; provi-
sion were brought into action.
made
wtaos increase P: evasion was
made for a our
the worst came to the worst. The Government was
not idle. Before the native troops had heard of the
massacre at Delhi they were summoned to their
several parade grounds at Lahore and Peshawar,
and in the presence of English artillery disarmed.
Native chiefs who have been well treated in the
day of triumph have been called upon to aid us
in the day of trial. Not one has flinched. A
moveable column of Eurepe,ns and Punjab
Irregulars was ordered to assemble at Jhelum, to
pounce at once on any spot where sedition showed
itself. Such were the energetic efforts made in
three days—the 16th, 17th, and 18th—days which
will not soon be forgotten by. Englishmen in the
Punjab. On the 19th it began to be apparent that
the crisis as regarded these provinces waspast. We
were ready, the people were with us to a man, and
the mutineeers were cowed.
When once it was clear that the Punjab was not
a source of danger, it became equally clear that it
was a mine of strength. The Jhelum column, com-
posed of Europeans and Punjabis, is advancing to
join the force which, under Gen. Anson is even
now on its way to Delhi. I believe that there, as
elsewhere, the cris is over, and that it remains only
to exact a fearful retribution, and then to set our

house in order. If we are ever caught sleeping again
we deserve the fate which now we have, if we have,

just escaped.
In the Punjab Sir John Lawrence has been worth
5,000 Eutopean soldiers. Everywhere his voice has
been heard; every act of his has been full of vigour
and prompt wisdom; and he has shown as the re-
sult of his administration a loyal people, eager to
join the Government in the suppression of a mili-
tary rebellion, It is the essence of the Punjab ad-

ministratioi to have good subordins-e officers.
England has no better representa'ives than thoie
men who, in, the last fortnight, have lo tked the
greatest possible danger in the face, met it, quelled
it, and, I believe, turned it io profit.
In Oude, again, 5,000 European soldiers' power
his appeared in the Chief Commissioner, Sir Fly.
Lawrence. With that wonderful gift of governing
natives—indeed, of governing n—which Sir Henry
posse sf,s---he has reduced that province, intimat-ly
connected as it is with the native rec'ulare, army, full
as it is of all . the elements of rebellion ; he has• re-
duced it to loyalty by precautions, by firmness, by
a speech, and some presents. The 71h Ondo Infan-
try was mutinous ; Sir Henry di-banded them.
Previous to the discovery of this mutiny the soldier 4
of the 7th proposed flagrant acts to the 48th Native
Infantry, quartered aeLucknow. A native officer
of the 48th had the intriguers arrested and delivered
them up to justice. I have told you how Sir Henry
dealt with the mutineers, whose mutiny consisted
rather in grumbling than any overt act. But he
did not forget the other side of justice. He held
an open Durbar, and denounced in soldierly lan-
guage the foul deeds of the miscreants at Delhi,
whose iniquities had just been heard of. He pointed
out as a contrast to the traitorous mutineers those
brave soldiers who had at once met smgostions of
rebellion by arresting the suggestors. On these
officers and soldiers he conferred presents in the
sight of all men ;your readers can scarcely tell how
such Fes( x's and such words so ben owed steal the
hearts of Asiatics. The province of Oude is newly
conquered, it is denuded of English soldiers • but
the province of Oude is safe, for the 48th Native
Infantry will hold it against all Comers so long as
Sir Henry Lawrence is to the fore.