The Sun.
London, England, 1857-01-01 00:00:00

degree, are equal in the sight of the law, of equity and
justice.
We be:.r you, gentlemen, to cast a glance at the signi
ficant declaration whic'r we have authorised our Minister
at Paris to crake to the Imperial Government, and to
keep in view the following points :
The King of Prussia has intimated, it is true, that he
would be ready to enter into negotiations as soon as
Switzerland should have pronounced the release of the
prisoners ; but he has not said a word of the bases upon
which the negotiations would rest, nor of the conditions
upon which he might make the renunciation of his pre-
tended rights depend.
We did not insist upon that matter, and we have
ceased for a long time to demand that those conditions
should be directly communicated to ourselves ; we should
have declared ourselves satisfied if the Emperor of the
French had been informed of the conditions. We went
one step farther, and we did not even ask that the Em-
peror of the French should communicate to us the condi-
tions that might have been laid down ; it was enough for
us that the Emperor should give us his assurance that
those conditions were compatible with the complete inde-
pendence of Neuchatel, and that they contained nothing
which could impair the honour of Switzerland.
In the presence of these facts, we may appeal to you
gentlemen, and to the whole world, whether we have not
limited ourselves to the very minimum of what must be
required by an independent state which does not wish to
deliver itself over, bound hand and foot, to its adversary.
In the presence of these facts, which have until this day
been veiled in diplomatic secrecy, we are not afraid to
ask you, and to ask the world, whether the reproach can
be made to us of having acted with obstinacy, and hav-
ing remained inaccessible to good advice ; or whether we
have not rather afforded, by our concessions, a complete
proof that we desired to show ourselves disposed to
enter into an amicable settlement, if only such a thing
were possible without impairing the honour and the
rights of the Confederation
But we did not even stop there, and we made yet
another effort with a view to bring about an amicable
settlement of the dispute.
Under date of Dec. 10 we wrote to our minister at
Paris that the Neuchatel question had now arrived at
a point where means might be tried to ascertain
whether a settlement could be obtained by the method
of direct negotiations between Switzerland and the
King of Prussia ; and the more so since there ap-
peared to be no repugnance felt in high quarters at
Berlin to entering lulu an arrangement. It will have
been foreseen that the proceedings of the trial cannot
commence earlier than the middle of January, co that a
compromise would still be practicable. When once the
public pleadings had been closed, and the verdict de-
livered, the interval which separates the two parties from
each other would be much wider, arid direct negotia-
tions would be more difficult to take up.

But the sending of an envoy or delegate on our part
to Berlin would have constituted an act of condescension
so important, that we would not resolve to do so until
we were informed, officially at least, of the King's inten-
tions with regard to the reception which might be reser-
ved for our envoy, and with regard to the basis of the
deliberations.
We charged our minister to communicate confiden-
tially to the Prussian ambassador resident at Paris, that
we, for our part, were disposed to enter directly into
negotiations in which we should have for our object the
recognition of the independence of Neuchatel. If the
King were disposed to listen to the overtures of that
purport, we would send, i❑ case his Majesty desired it,
a delegate to treat with him officially upon the subject.
As early as Dec. 14, our minister at Paris sent us word
that the Prussian envoy had declared to him that it was
impossible for him to anticipate a communication from
the Swiss government, but that he would, neverthe •
less, make private inquiries at Berlin as to whether
there was a disposition to take advantage of the time,
before the trial should commence, to procure an arrange-
;
I ment between the two parties. Our minister has not
received any further answer from Count Hatzfeld on the
subject. On the contrary, the envoy of another Power
has been enabled to give us a definitive declaration,
to the effect that a delegation from Switzerland would
be received at Berlin, but only after the release of
the prisoners should have taken place, a declaration
which agreed entirely with another communication which
has reached us through a private channel, and without
any steps having been taken by us to obtain it.
Such was the situation of affairs when the envoy ex-
traordinary and minister plenipotentiary of Prussia to
the Swiss Confederation, M. de Sydow, announced, by a
note dated, from Sigmaingen, on the lfith December,
that he had received orders from his sovereign to termi•
nr,te his official relations with the Federal authorities.
Simultanec usly with this communication, the chancery
of the legation at Berne suspended its official functions.
The moment seemed to have arrived for convoking t he
Federal Assembly, and consigning the question to its
ultimate decision.
We will here call to mind that in order to elucidate
every part of the question, we have caused a memoir to
be drawn up, which discusses thoroughly the historical
and judicial considerations that should serve as a basis
for the full appreciation of this subject. This memoir
has been communicated to all the governments of Europe,
arid also to the cabinet of Washington ; and we have tn-
deavoured to make it as public as possible, at home and
abroad. The memoir will also be communicated to you,
and, not to repeat what has often been said already, we
take the liberty of referring you particularly to the la-t
chapter, in which the legal point of view from which we
started is explained in detail.
Permit us, gentlemen, to direct your attention to

another point, which must already have seriously en.
gaged your attention,—we mean the military prepara•
Coos.

Prudence requ red us to be upcn cur gunrd. Our tniii-
tlry department had already laboured, though in si-
lence, to complete the military force of Switzerland, so
that they could be rendered available at the first sum-
mems from the authorities. The cantons were invited
to fill un such vacancies as might exist, and to complete
the organisation of the troops. A certain number of
superior staff-officers were summoned to the Federel
cite, that they might, as a council of war, assist cur
military department. A distribution of the Federal
army, the plan of which had been prepared, was ao.
provA of by us. By &grasp, the situation of affairs
assumed a graver and more threatening aspect. Not
only did the public journals, especially the German
journals, announce that Prussia contemplated a hostile
derirmstration against Switzlrland, but it was also offici-
ally communicated to us that Prussia had actually
mobilised, or would mobilise forthwith two army corps,
and that she was negotiating with the Southern
of Germany for the passage of her troops. Serious warn-
ings reached us from various quarters, by which we were
given to understand that the mobilisation of the Prus-
sian forces was appointed for the beginning of January
next.

We could not but feel convinced that Prussia attached
great importance to securing the success of the inter-

vention before the trial. We were compelled, more-
over, to admit that Prussia would send an army corps
to our frontier by the time the Federal Assembly was to
meet, and that she would do this for the purpose of ex-
ercising an influence which for us was quite inadmissible
over the deliberations of the Federal authorities.

We know, finally, that there always has been, and still
is, a question whether Prussia has an intention of seizing
as a pledge some of the most advanced points of the
Swiss territory ; we could not therefore wait fora decla-
ration of war to be addressed to us, and we were bound
to take measures, so as to be able to repel an attack.
Knowing:with what rapidity an army might be trans-
ported, from the most distant point to our frontiers,
thanks to the rap;d means of communication, we were
bound to consider the danger as imminent, and we
thought we could not delay making preparations on a
vast scale, as we did not wish to take upon ourselves an
immense responsibility, that of having allowed ourselves
to be surprised by events, and of having put it out of the
power of the country to make an efficacious resistance in
defence of its dearest interests. In consequence, under
date of Dec. 18, we invited the high Federal states tp
place the Federal army of the elite, and likewise the re-
serve and the militia (land wehr) on such a footing, that
their services might be immediately employed in the
cause of their country, and to fill up instantly whatever
vacancies or deficiencies might exist in the ranks or in
the equipments of the troops. On Dec. 19 we invited
the cantonal governments, moreover, to complete their
contingents without delay, and prepare to supply at the
first summons their quota of horses in sound condition.
Lastly, on the 20th December, we informed the cantons
that in order to be ready for any eventuality, and not
to allow ourselves to be surprised by events, we had
ordered two divisions to be called out for the field. Tbese
divisions are the 3d, placed under the command of the
Federal Col. Bourgeois•Doxat, and the sth, commanded
by Federal Col. Ziegler.
Our military department was charged to assemble to-
gether the corps of these divisions, forming part of the
Federal active army ; this order will shortly have re-
ceived its execution.

On the same day (Dec. 20) the States were invited
to call out immediately all the troops belonging to the
active army and the Federal reserve, in order that this
force might be rendered available, in case the country
should require it. Since then we have also ordered the
staffs of the Ist, 2d, 4th, 6th, and Bth divisions to be
raised to their full complements.
It is not without deep satisfaction that we inform you
of all these arrangements having been received by the
cantonal governments and the people with the enthusi-
asm that might have been expected from the generous
patriotism of the Swiss nation. We have received the
most unequivocal and touching proofs of civic devoted-
ness and self-denial ; young men, as well as those of a
riper age, show themselves equally ready to respond to
their country's appeal. The same enthusiasm has taken
hold of all classes of the population, and from all parts of
the country we have received those marks of sympathy
which prove how the seriousness of the crisis is appre-
ciated, and that the Confederation can depend upo❑
being sustained by ardent hearts and by vigorous arms.
Many of our military veterans have placed themselves at
our disposal with laudable eagerness ; the students of
the universities and academies request to be organised,
and demand that they may be allowed to share the
fatigues and dangers of the Federal army.

The Swiss people comprehends that the hour of trial
is approaching. It sees the moment draw near with
caltrness, but without provocation ; and in this its atti-
tude, so full of dignity, we behold a manifestation really
imposing. The Swiss recognise their Providential des-
tination ; they know their liberty is at stake, their right
to a free constitution, perhaps their very existence ; and
in order to preserve these precious rights, to defend this
their ancestral inheritance, they are ready to offer any
sacrifice on the altar of their country.
Aisoon as it was known that the Federal Council bad
made serious preparations, and that several cantons had
taken analogous measures, which testified irrefragably
the firm resolution of the people, diplomacy made fresh
propositions, which brought into view the possibility of
attaining a pacific solution.
All the resident ministers at Berne sent to us on the