The Sun.
London, England, 1861-06-20 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JUNE 20, 1861,

THE SOCIETY OF ARTS.

The hundred and seventh anniversary meeting
and dinner of this society took place yesterday even-
ing at the Crystal Palace, under the presidency of
the Earl of Elgin. It was attended by nearly 400
persons, including Earl Granville, Mr. W. E wart,
M.P. ; Mr. Cumming Bruce, M.P. ; Mr. M. H.
Marsh, M.P. ; Sir T. Phillips (president of the
council), Mr. Wentworth Dilke, Mr. Wink worth,
Mr. John Dillon, Mr. W. Hawes, Major Ross, Capt.
Porter, Mr. Leslie, the Rev. Mr. Cazlett, &c.
After the usual loyal toasts,
The CHAIRMAN proceeded to give the toast of the
evening, namely," Success to the Society for the En-
couragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce."
The nuble earl commenced by observing that though
when first invited to take the chair he felt great re-
luctance to do so, on account of his own unfitness for
such a position, he could not on reflection refuse the
invitation of a society which had done so much for
the advancement, not only of the interests of this
country, but of the civilisation of the world. British
industry had, he said, of late, in a spirit of chivalry,
flung down the gauntlet to the whole world, and
invited competition on the arena in which she had
hither to been subjected to no competition. (Cheers.)
This challenge had not been given hastily or unad-
visedly, but after due deliberation and discussion,
and in the full conviction that the designs of Pro-
vidence were best promoted when each country did
that which it was most fitted to do in the produc-
tion and exhibition of its main staples. (Cheers.)
The prizes of success had been extended beyond
all example. Let them look at the large districts
rescued from barbarism by this country ; let them
look at Australia, which had consumed a larger
proportion per head of articles of luxury than any
other nation on the earth, and extracted from a
soil which formerly contributed nothing to the hap-
piness of mankind sufficient to pay for those luxu-
ries. Then, again, in North America the, progress
of Canada was hardly less surprising than the pro-
gress of Australia. Between the years 1849 and
1855 the revenue of that country had more than
quadrupled itself. In his opinion that was in a
great degree attributable to the fact that they had
given to their dependencies the powers of self-
government, put trust in their loyalty, and ab-
stained from meddling with their affairs. Then,
again, let them observe Japan with its 40,000,000,
and hina with its 400,000,000 of people, brought
into commercial intercourse with England. Looking
at the interests of commerce and civilisation, he
thought the quality of population was more import-
ant than the quantity, and no population was more
industrious or commercially disposed than that of
China and Japan. He wished, however, to guard
against an error which sometimes arose from these
statements. It was said, "Why not let trade take
its own course—why frame commercial treaties with
other nations ?" The reason was that Oriental na-
tions entertained a jealousy of foreign interference
which was incomprehensible to the mind of Western
populations, and that that jealousy could be ex-
cited in a moment; so that it was impossible to
carry on trade with them unless a previous under-
standing was come to with the Government. At the
same time it was above all things necessary for us
to avoid stirring up that jealousy by violence.
(Hear.) Well, then, what was the Society of Arts
doing to promote international commercial inter-
course P It had given the greatest assistance in in-
augurating those periodical exhibitions, the first of
which was so magnificently successful in 1851.
(Hear.) One essential condition of success in a new
market was the ascertaining the actual wants of the
people; and it was important that the manufacturers
of this country should have their attention drawn
to the fact that a large trade in cotton fabrics
might be done with China. At present he believed
British manufactures were not equal to Chinese
articles, but inasmuch as the latter were the manu-
factures of a class of people who set no value on
their time, it was to be hoped that when we were
enabled to render their time more valuable in the
manufacture of articles for us, they would find it
more profitable to take British manufactures of
cotton in return. There could be no doubt that the
operation of the Society of Arts was most valuable
in improving our manufactures generally, and at
the same time elevating the tastes of the people,
and he could not speak too highly of the efforts
made by Earl Granville in connection with that
association. (Cheers.) The noble earl concluded
by calling on Sir Thomas Phillips, as a member of
the council, to respond to the toast.
Sir T. PHILLIPS, in responding, adverted to an
expression. used by Earl Granville, on a former
occasion, to the effect that the Society of Arts was
an aggressive association, observing that, if it were
not in a certain sense aggressive, it would in reality
be useless. (Hear, hear.) He concluded by pro-
posing the health of her Majesty's Commissioners
for the Exhibition of 1862, connecting with the
toast the name of Earl Granville.
Earl GRANVILLE, in responding, said he was sure
he spoke the sentiments of his fellow-commissioners
when he said they felt great gratitude for the con-
fidence of the society manifested in them. They
had not accepted their present office without great
deliberation. Perhaps it might be thought that
valuable time was wasted in consequence of their
hesitation ; but a hasty decision might have imperil-
led the ultimate success of the undertaking. (Hear.)
There could be no doubt that the last exhibition
was attended with the most valuable results; but to
make these exhibitions what they ought really to
be, and in the words of the illustrious Prince who
suggested the Exhibition of 1851, an exponent and
indication of the progress of the world in civilisa-
tion, it was necessary from time to time to renew
them. (Hear.) If they had rested on their oars
the great Exhibition of 1851 would have been a '
great success in itself, but nothing more. It would
merely have indicated the actual condition of the
world at that period with respect to arts and manu-
factures. He might also observe that if England
had not determined to hold a great exhibition this
year the Emperor of the French would have had
one; but when his Majesty heard the decision which
had been come to he at once relinquished his design.
(Cheers.) It had been suggested that the proposed
exhibition should not be of suhh an extensive cha-
racter as the last. It was, however, felt by the
promoters, that if there was to be an exhibition at
all, they should try to make it a brilliant success—
(cheers)—and, indeed, he thought they were bound
to do so, in justice to those who had guaranteed the
funds. (Hear.) He had not gone through the re-
cent census returns closely enough to be able t)
form an exact estimate of the number of persons
who within the last 10 years had become of an age
to appreciate and enjoy the approaching spectacle,
but he believed he was not far wrong when he said
that in London alone no less than 500,000 persons
had arrived at that age, while in those great
centres of industry connected with the metropolis
by the iron roads which now bound the country
together there would probably be over 2,000,000
young persons not of an age in 1851 to appreciate
the exhibition in that year, who would be in a con-
dition to enjoy that of 1862. From foreign countries
the commissioners had received the most gratifying
assurances that no efforts would be wanting on their
part. (Cheers.) In Sweden, Prussia, and France
commissions had been formed of most distinguished
persons, including in every instance members of the
Government. (Cheers.) It had been the custom
of all countries to have commemorations of different
descriptions. The Greeks, as they all knew, had
such customs, and the name of " Isthmian Games"
had been not inaptly applied to the English na-
tional festival of the Derby. (Cheers and laughter.)
He hoped he should not lower himself in the esti-
mation of the present assembly if he said that there
were very few events which more deeply engaged
his own attention, or which he more thoroughly
enjoyed, than the Derby on EpsomDowns—(cheers)
—and he hoped also that he should not lower the
position of the ministry of this country if he stated
that several of his colleagues felt an equal interest
in it; and, in fact, so great was that interest this
year, that, at his request, the cabinet put off the
consideration of that vexed question the Galway
packet contract for two hours, in order to afford an
opportunity of attending the Derby. (Loral
It might bo inforrcd nem those cheers that the
majority of that assembly felt an interest in that
great contest between animals which Englishmen
always regarded with peculiar affection. (Hear.)
What, then, ought to be their enthusiasm when the
contest was not between horse and horse, but be-
tween man and man, and one the result of which
must have an important bearing on the progress of
civilisation among the human race ? (Cheers.) On
the whole, he was deeply convinced that the resulth_
of their exerticns would be an exhibition
would be an honour to this country, and Vfo_ula
in-
dicate considerable advancement in arts an_dsl Themanu-
factures, as compared with their state in 18
noble earl concluded by proposing The Health of
the noble Chairman," which was received with great
enthusiasm.
The Earl of ELGIN briefly returned thanks.
After some other toasts the company separated,

The most exciting event of the Session is the
defeat of Sir John Trelawny's Bill yesterday, by
the casting vote of the Speaker. Yachts 'have been
known to touch as they passed the winning-point,
after being separated by intervals of miles during
the day's sail, and dead heats are common enough
on racecourses, though the greater contests of the
turf are strangely exempt from them. Even in
the game of politics an equal division is no rare
occurrence on some point of little interest, but an
even balance of opinion between 548 members on
a measure of first-rate importance in itself, and
doubtless selected for a fair trial of strength at the
late Conservative meeting, is little short of :a por-
tent. Half the dining-tables of London will have
canvassed the Speaker's conduct when the ominous
fact was announced' to him, and the elevation or
depression of his thumb was to decide for a whole
year the fortunes of English Dissenters. At such
a moment the Homeric gods meet in council and
deliberate whether they shall incline to the side of
Greeks or Trojans, of besiegers or besieged. No
meaner motives than theirs, we may be sure, ani-
mated the Speaker, as he chose what ,we may
fairly call the weaker side, and declined to ithperil
by his single voice the revenues of the Church. It
has been suggested that had he voted-for the third
reading, and thus postponed the crisis till he had
put the question " that this bill do now pass,"
the activity of the Whippers-in Might k have been
exerted in the meantime so as to turn the
scale. But although, in that case, the Lords would
not have been robbed of their sport, the effect
would not have been so striking, and the loss of
excitement to the general public would have been
irreparable.
The real wonder is, however, not that, under the
circumstances, there should have been a drawn
battle, but that this subject should still be within
the sphere of discussion at all. Twenty years ago
no one would have given it credit for having so
long a term of life before it. Not one of the
great questions of that period—the Corn Laws,
Education, or " Ireland "—seemed likely to be
solved before this. It is the survivor of a whole
family of grievances proverbial for their longevity,
and may still continue for a few years—thanks to
yesterday's Division and the House of Lords—to
astonish the world by its vitality. Of its ultimate
destiny no wise man can entertain a doubt. After
such blows have fallen upon any institution, espe-
cially if it be a tax, and such admissions have been
made by its very advocates, its fate is sealed, how-
ever long it may linger after its death-wound.
There are very few members of the House of Com-
mons who are not committed to some scheme of
compromise, conceding the whole principle at stake,
and reserving scarcely a shred of sentiment to fight
for. Every variety of adjustment has been tender-
ed, and has failed, down to the last notable sugges-
tion of Mr. Sotheron Estcourt, by which the prac-
tice of the last five years should determine for ever
the grand issue of Rates or No Rates, and the acci-
dental balance of parochial parties during this brief
interval should thus be stereotyped by legislation
and made the rule for posterity. It was hardly to
be expected that the Nonconformist leaders would
accept any such terms, or, indeed, any terms that
have yet been offered. After the Braintree case had
decided that church rates, except when sanctioned
by a majority of the ratepayers, were an instance
of a legal obligation without a corresponding means
of enforcing it, the game was theirs. It is notori-
ous that in many large town-parishes, and especially
in the metropolis, church rates have not been paid
for years, and that the voluntary system, in some
form, is found adequate to supply the deficiency.
With all our prejudices against uniformity, it cannot
long be tolerated by common sense that a tax re-
presented to be essential' to the very being of the
church should be levied in one place, and repu-
diated, without any perceptible injury, in another.
Nor is there less uncertainty in its appropriation
than in its incidence. The repair of the fabric
stands on a footing of its own; the " necessaries "
are distinguished from the " luxuries " of public
worship ; the cost of surplices, books, and the
sacramental elements are placed in a different
category from that of the organ, carpets,
and cushions, and nice distinctions are drawn as
to the liability of congregations or parishioners for
each of these items. When an impost so paltry in
its aggregate amount, compared with the irritation
which it produces, has to be thus apportioned to
make it compatible with any theory of justice, and
it is gravely proposed to abandon the old basis of
"immemorial usage" for the precedent of the last
five years, there is but one solution possible, how-
ever frequently or skilfully it may be postponed.
Nothing could be less satisfactory than the view
which predominated in the debate of yesterday. It
was assumed by all supporters of Church-rates that
no arrangement could be permanent unless it
savoured of a compromise. It was not because
justice lay half-way between the two parties, or
because the establishment could not maintain itself
without this compulsory endowment, that these
speakers insisted on some bargain being concluded.
It was rather as the old English way of settling
differences that they recommended it, hinting, at
the same time, that an unconditional surrender
would be inconsistent with their honour. No one
proposed to retain Church-rates in their integrity,
but no one would go beyond "personal exemption."
It must be admitted that Mr. Sotheron Estcourt's
proposal, as explained in his speech, was " con-
ciliatory" enough—being, in fact, nothing less than
to make Church-rates optional in practice, though
compulsory in theory. Sir G. C. Lewis contrived
to gild his pill still more delicately, inventing an
expedient by which Churchmen might distinguish
themselves from Dissenters, and thus relieve the
latter of the invidious responsibility of ostensible
separation. Some such half measure as these might,
for aught we know, be practicable and unobjection-
able enough if the object were only to tide over a
crisis, and not to set at rest a vexatious question
which has got beyond the stage of "amicable
arrangement." Before Messrs. Estcourt and
Et
Cross call upon us to adopt some new-fangled
refinement on what they stoutly defend as a
" common law right," they should satisfy us that
Sir J. Trelawny's simpler remedy would be mis-
chievous or ineffective. This they entirely fail
to do. Mr. Estcourt upholds the machinery of
Church-rates because, forsooth, it perpetuates a
venerable mode of local self-government—as if
taxation were an end in itself, and as if vestries
svcre really a school of political education. We can-
not see that there is anything ennobling in the
right of a majority to tax an unwilling minority,
even of fellow-Churchmen ; and as for the right to
tax themselves, it would remain unimpaired, not to
say invigorated, under a voluntary system. The
experience of all Dissenting sects proves that it is
possible to maintain places of worship, and min.'s-
ters to boot, by spontaneous efforts, even after con-
tributing to the expenses of another communion;
and the experience of our own Church during the
last 50 years is still more encouraging.
It would be a great mistake to suppose that, be-
cause the majority for the abolition of church rates
has for once sunk to zero, the question is now finally
shelved. It is impossible that a question like this
should not ultimately triumph, whatever its tem-
porary fluctuations. Some years ago the Liberation
Society and its emissaries had all the advantages of
the attacking party, and seemed on the point of
victory, A slight reaction has since ensued, partly
due to the untiring efforts which the clergy have
made at the recommendation of Mr. Disraeli, and
partly to the number of persons, in and out of Par-
liament, who have some pet nostrum to recommend.
Even Mr. Bright has a scheme for keeping up the
existing machinery, " only abolishing the sum-
mons, the magistrate, and the bailiff,' and with
them, of course, the compulsory character
iolf_
d on
rate. Every practitioner likes to try his it ke„t
a case of this kind, and so the wound mu.sflteua! Brut
open till the whims of all have been
0n
hich has
there is a third and more powerful ,!
oolition of church
delayed and prejudiced .f/s-aims avowed by some
rates, and this is=
It the height of im 1*
po of its, enampions.
as a mere instalment of
to introduce a measure ,
magnitude ana most
" Vestry
changes of undefilled
ques-
tionable policy. How can any timid man be
ulterior
with church rates, as
expected to deal
in
Cess"
was dealt with Ireland, When he is
told that by doing so he is but paving the
way
way for the extinction oftithes and the downfall
p?,
of Church "supremacy . It is directly contrary
to the tentative character of all English legisla-
tion to lay down principles broader and more
sweeping than are required to cover the case in
question. It will be time enough to discuss Tithes
when a scheme for their extinction is before Parlia-
ment, especially as the principle involved in them is
radically different from that of Sir' John Tre•
lawny's Bill. Meanwhile, much as we regret the
continued agitation of this subject, we have no
fault to find with the Speaker's discretion in pre-
venting such a Bill being sent up to the House of
Lords by the rote of a bare majority.—Times,

_
The great event of the day was, of course, the
meeting of the Conservative party at Lord Derby's
residence. The Government were in a state of
painful anxiety with regard to the course which
might be determined upon, and the lobbies in the
afternoon were thronged with Ministerial members
anxious to learn the decision so nearly touching
their interests and position, and so keenly exciting
their hopes and fears. As various rumours, more or
less consistent with the truth, will necessarily be
afloat, I thind it right to let you know what
actually occurred. The muster considerably ex-
ceeded 200 members of the House of Commons, and
was even more important from the fact that letters
were received from a large number of habitual sup-
porters of Lord Derby, whose absence from town
prevented them from attending in person. The
ostensible object of the ,gathering was to consider
the course which
ought to be pursued with regard
to the Church-rates Bill of Sir John Trelawny, but
it was well known that the real interest of the pro-
ceedings lay in the reference which could not fail
to be made to the recent division on the Paper
Duties' question. The noble Earl, at the commence-
ment of his observations, said he could not refrain
from expressing his surprise and satisfaction at the
numerous attendance of gentlemen who had honored
him by responding to his invitation—regard
being had to the lateness of the session and to the
very short notice which he had been able to give.
Passing to the immediate object of the meeting he
stated that the bill which Mr. S. Estcourt had pro-
posed, in the spirit of conciliation, was put forward
on his own responsibility; but it showed conclu-
sively that the desire for conciliation was all on the
side of the Conservative members. The best way of
inspiring respect in an opponent was to beat him
with his own weapons; and, consequently,
the only way of inducing the opponents of church-
rates to agree to an amicable settlement was by re-
jecting triumphantly the abolition scheme of Sir J.
Trelawny. Adverting to the position of the present
Government, his lordship said it had been supposed
by some that a vote of want of confidence ought to
be proposed ; and, undoubtedly, if such a motion
were brought forward, there could be no doubt that
it would succeed. But then came the question,tWv:
it desirable to do so ? In the present Ca
parties were represented—the one Consbeirnveatliovreli
and the other Radical, if not revolutionary
Palmerston, who was the avowed
for-
mer, maintained his supremacy, butls altogether
Atilse lobny
by being able his own position and influence,
attheanytiineto appeal to the formidable h rankse
Opposi-
tion, by relying on whom
quell his own insubordinate
as Lord Palmerston acted
. couldof
and did
thing which could happen to
their work, the best
that he shouldremain at the head
the country wasin such
Conservatism was
of affairs, While Ci° growing in in-
fluence and •
strength,_
.until it was able per-
manently and iti
to assume the direction of affairs. But
manently
the other hand, Lord Palmerston were weak
if, on
enough to give way, or Were overpowered in the
Cabinet, of necessity the Opposition must be pre-
pared to do their duty, or the ground was cut at
once from under their feet, and those of Lord
own
Palmerston alc,o
4 • He had no wish to say anything
which would •
give offence to any one; but he must
point out that
a general who at a critical moment
could not depend on his own reserves was very
awkwa,rai
- y placed, and combination and mutual.
,confidence were as necessary in Parliamentary as
111 military tactics. Under all the circumstances
the noble lord expressed his belief that no effort
ought to be made to displace the Government this
Session. Mr. A. Mills made a speech in vindica-
tion of the course which he had pursued on the
Paper Duty question ; but its hesitating character
contrasted Unpleasantly with the vigorous address
by which it was preceded. The tone of the meet-
ing generally was excellent. The proceedings lasted
a little over an hour.—Dublin Evening Post.
hlloawbsi-enpagidr•iot

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