The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-01 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 1, 1859

franchises;" most of which the noble lord supports himself,
would entirely redeem the pledge of the noble lord ; and I
da not know anybody who could reduce the borough fran-
chise in a more Conservative spirit than the noble lord.
(Hear.) But I will describe generally the proposition and
policy of my right hon. friend and the noble lord, which I
will take as representing the school of politicians who are in
favour of a £2O county franchise, and a£6 borough fran-
chise. It is called and may be called by courtesy, a Conserva-
tive policy. I think it a feeble and a dangerous policy, and
because I think it feeble and dangerous I think it also a
foolish policy. (Hear.) But still it is a Conservative policy,
and is represented at present by my right hon.. friend and
the noble lord. Now let me advance to the propositions of
other statesmen on this subject, and see how they agree,
because it is important that we should understand what
harmony of feeling there is on this subject among thosevery
critics of the Government measure. (Hear.) I will not be
so unjust to the noble lord the member for Londen as to
estimate his policy by his resolution. His resolution is a
party resolution and drawn up as a peaty resolution.
(Cheers.) Ido not blame the noble lord for drawing up the
resolution in a way which will allow as many as possible to
support it ; but the noble lord as a man of honour must
have a policy. He will not play and trifle with Parlia-
ment. Therefore, the noble lord had a policy, and I must
say I think that he fairly described it. He said—at least
so far as you can obtain a precise declaration of policy in a
speech—that his policy is to admit to the franchise the
great body of the working classes. I think myself that
there is some principle in that declaration. I could wish
that there had been more detail and that we had obtained
from the noble lord some idea of the means by which the
great body of the working classes is to be admitted to the
franchise. I regret that that explanation was omitted, but
what we wanted was soon supplied by a very remarkable
speech made in the course of this debate, though some time
after the opening address of the noble lord I allude to the
speech of the right hon. member for Carlisle. I must say
that that right hon. gentleman addressed the house on this
subject with great precision, and furnished the house with
a programme sufficiently distinct, and one which I think
the country will understand. (Cheers.) A large disfran-
chisement of small boroughs, and an extensive redistribu-
tion of seats, were the first articles of the efficient pro-
gramme of the right hon. member for Carlisle. Then, not
maintaininc, the phrase of " an extension of the franchise,"
the right hon. gentleman proposed a considerable reduc-
tion of the borough franchise, not less, as I recollected, than
that very municipal franchise into the enormities of which,
I believe, a committee of the other house is inquiring.
Last, but certainly not least, with some courteous reluct-
ance, adopted as a compliment, I suppose, to the house,
but certainly with a prescient approbation, the election of
members of Parliament by ballot was named. (Cheers.) I
was not so surprised by the programme as were some hon.
' members, for I remember a speech, delivered some years
' ago on the hustings at Carlisle, from which we clearly un-
derstood—though it appeared afterwards that we were mis-
' taken—that the right hon. baronet had adopted these opi-
nions. (Cheers.) Nevertheless, here, at any rate, we now
have a programme distinct and clear, and no man:however
liberal his opinions, can say that he has not at last found a
leader who will bring in a measure which he can conscien-
tiously support. (Hear, hear.) There was an admission
in the speech of the right hon. baronet not less important
than his political programme, and which, in my opinion,
will yet exercise a considerable effect on political fortunes
and public events in this country. (Cheers.) And what
was that admission ? It was that he himself was one of the
parties to the resolution of the noble lord the member for the
City of London. (Hear, hear.) As metaphors are now in
fashion, I may say without offence that the noble lord and
the right hon. gentleman in this business are clearly con-
spirators—(cheers and laughter)—because it has been an-
nounced by the right hon. gentleman that this resolution
was contrived together ; and the irresistible and inevitable
inference is that the noble lord is equally pledged to the
programme. (Cheers.) Well, then, We have now a leader,
or leaders, with a definite programme—a large disfranchise-
ment of small constituencies—a large redistribution of
seats—a great reduction of the borough franchise—muni-
cipal suffrage at least—and, more than probably, vote by
ballot. (Cheers.) If these be the opinions of the right
hon. member for Carlisle and the noble lord the member
for London, practically speaking I want to know what dif-
ference there is between their political system and that of
the hon. member for Birmingham ? (Cheers.) The hon.
member for Birmingham, speaking out of doors, and colour-
ing more highly than he does in this assembly, and con-
fessing as he always does with the frankness of his nature
that he would take less than he asked, and asked somewhat
more than he wishes, may in some points that I cannot
to recall to mind exceed and excel the programme of the con-
federates ; (hear, and laughter)—but I have no doubt that
the hon. member for Birmingham, as a practical man, has
no objection to these conditions, and, for the purpose of
obtaining these results, would not decline to act with the
noble lord and the right hon. gentleman in any manner,
and in any place. (Cheers.) As to the ulterior views of
the hon. member for Birmingham, we know that they have
been brought forward. The Throne has not always been
spoken of, perhaps, by him with that reverence which I
believe all Englishmen feel for it—(cries of " Oh, oh," and
cheers)—the House of Lords may, by chance, have been
denounced as a public nuisance to the country. (Loud
cheers.) The ecclesiastical establishments have not yet re-
ceived disapprobation ; but although the noble lord and the
right hon. gentleman may not be yet so advanced, or, if so
advanced, may hot choose to announce their opinions, we
know that in all Cabinets there may be open questions—
(laughter and cheers)—and, practically speaking, on the
pro'oramme, I see no reason whatever why the hon. member
for Birmingham should not be adopted as a trusted and
honoured colleague of the right hon. gentleman and of the
noble lord. (Laughter and cheers.) We see, then, that
there is advantage in Parliamentary debate—we see that we
have arrived in this discustion at certain results ; we know
something more of the opinions of individuals; we can see
somewhat more clearly the future of parties; but what sur-
prises me is the combination of eminent men, with such
opposite opinions and such opposite projects, against her
Majesty's Government. (Cheers.) What I cannot reconcile
is the mild Conservative policy of a £2O franchise in counties,
and some slight extension of the franchise in boroughs, ad-
vocated by the noble lord the member for Tiverton, by
my right honourable friend,-and by the distinguished col-
leagues of Lord Aberdeen—(cheers)—with the avowed, the
determined, the advanced, almost the flagrant policy
of the confederates of the hon. member for Birming-
ham. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, Sir, how are we met
upon this question ? An hon. friend of mine, the member
for Dorsetshire (Mr. Sturt), who made a speech on the
first night of this discussion, which I have so good an
opinion of his talents as to believe that he would not have
made on the last night of the debate, said that he was not
afraid of the people of England—(cheers)—whereupon
there was great cheering from hon. gentlemen opposite;
and I doubt not that if the sentiment had been uttered, and
uttered so well and so gracefully, at any of the minor
theatres, it would have been received with applause still
more enthusiastic. (Laughter.) My hon. friend might
have stopped and made two inquiries. He might have asked,
" What are the people ?" and " Why should I fear ?" I have
no apprehension myself that, if you narrowed the suffrage
to-morrow, the honest, the goodnatured—the more than
goodnatured, the laborious and brave people of England
would take to pillage, to incendiarism, and to massacre.
Who expects that? (Cheers.) But, Sir, although I could,
I hope, do as much justice to the qualities of our country-
men as any gentleman in this house, although I might
not indulge in some high-flown and far-fetched expressions
with respect to them that we have listened to,—the people
may have their parasites as well as monarchs and aristocra-
cies—(loud cheers),—l have no doubt that, whatever may
be their high qualities, our countrymen are subject to the
same political laws that affect the condition of all other com-
munities and nations. If you establish a democracy, you
must, in due season, reap the fruits of a democracy. (Cheers.)
You will, in due season, have great impatience of public
burdens—(cheers)—combined, in due season, with a great
increase of the public expenditure. (Renewed cheers.) You
will, in due season, reap the fruits of such united influences.
You will, in due season, have wars entered into from
passion, and not from any reason of State—(cheers)—and
you will, in due season, tolerate and submit to peace igno-
miniously
sought and ignominiously obtained, which will
diminish your authority, and perhaps endanger your inde-
pendence. (Loud cheers.) You will, in due season, with
a democracy, find that your property is less valuable
and that your freedom is less complete. (Cheers.) I
doubt not that when there is a sufficient quantity of dis-
affection and dismay the good sense of the country will
come to the rally, and you will obtain some remedy for your
grievances, and some redress for your wrongs, by the process
by which alone it can be obtained—by that force which may
make your liberty more eminent. (Loud cheers.) I know
I shall be told that these are old fashioned notions, and the
hon. member for Birmingham has said the same thing upon
that platform on which he is always speaking, and which
he certainly adorns. He will point to the instance of the
United States of America, and will say, " Their example
proves what a complete delusion is the fear which you en-
tertain of democracy." But I say that between old Europe
and those States there is no sort of analogy. I say that the
United States of America are colonies. A country, though
independent, does not cease to be a colony. They are not
Only colonies, but they are absolutely colonising, and none
of (the conditions obtain in them which regulate the social
system of the ancient communities of this quarter of the
globe. Well, that being my opinion, I cannot look upon
what is called the reduction of the franchise in boroughs
but with the greatest alarm, and I have never yet met any
argument that fairly encounters the objections which are
urged to it. You . cannot encounter them by sentimental
descriptions of the good qualities of the workineclasses.
The greater their qualities the greater the danger. If you
lay-it down-as a principle that they are to enter into the
constituent body not as individuals, but as a multitude,
they must be a dominant class from their numbers, and if
you dwell upon their intelligence you only increase the
power that they will exercise. lam taking the sentiments
of hon. gentlemen opposite as admissions for the sake of
argument. I am not myself giving an opinion that their in-
telligence equals their numbers. Now, sir, we had to con-
sider this question when we settled the point of the county
franchise. We laid down for ourselves the object which in our
mixed Government we ought to obtain with respect to a
constituency. I made an observation when I first addressed the
house on this subject which I only repeat because the hon.
member for Dover (Mr. Osborne), who was not present, I
believe, when I spoke, misconceived my statement, and
ascribed it to the borough constituencies. I spoke of the
great national constituency when I said that it ought to be
numerous enough to be independent, and select enough to
'be responsible. Now, how is that object to be obtained ?
We thought we could obtain that result by the establish-
ment of a variety of franchises which would introduce into
the constituency numerous classes with different pursuits
and with different interests—(cheers)--and we felt that by
establishing the same occupation franchise in counties and
in boroughs we should prevent the introduction of the mul-
titude which otherwise—if once we began a reduction of
the borough franchise—would, in our opinion, ultimately
and speedily enter, and at the same time supply means by
which the most intelligent and the most meritorious of the
working classes could enter into the great national consti-
tuent body. Was not that policy sound ? 'Was it not a
wise and effective policy ? It requires no argument from
me to establish that position, or to enforce that rule. Why,
Sir, the admission of the hon. member for Birmingham the
other night was conclusive upon that point. What was his
objection to this miscalled identity ? He said that if you
had the same £lO occupation franchise in counties and in
towns he saw very little chance of your ever reducing the
suffrage in boroughs. That was the very object we wished
to obtain, but it is something to have such an admission
from the hon. member for Birmingham. When he tells
us that there would be this difficulty (Mr. Bright;
" More difficulty ")—it is because he perceives there is a
barrier and bulwark against the promotion of his plans, and
that the course we propose would have led to the establish-
ment of a very large constituency, homogeneous in cha-
racter, united in feeling, and no longer with jealousy be-
tween different classes, but at the same time so elastic and
so expansive from the variety of the franchises, from the
different kinds of property introduced, that it would
always be increasing with the increasing prosperity
of the country, and no man of common industry and
intelligence would be shut out from the suffrage. (Cheers.)
But to this policy three objections have been urged in this
debate. The noble lord objects to it because he is against
what he calls uniformity of franchise. Well, this bill is
introduced with the greatest variety of franchise that ever

was included in any Reform Bill. (Hear, hear.) Personal
property for the first time is completely admitted as a
qualification for electoral privileges, There is scarcely a
class and scarcely a species of property which is not con-
sidered in this unprecedented variety of franchise (hear,
hear) ; and yet the noble lord gets up and says, "I oppose
your bill because I object to uniformity of franchise.', The
noble lord is against a uniformity of the franchise in coun-
ties and boroughs. Now, how •has the noble lord dealt
with this matter ? The noble lord has spoken through-
out this debate upon the subject as if it was an inno-
vation unknown and unprecedented in our political his-
tory. He says such a uniformity would be unconstitu-
tional, pernicious, and unjust. (Hear, hear.) It is for
this reason that he opposes the bill in his speeches, and
yet he never refers to the point in his resolution. (Hear,
hear.) There is nothing in the resolution against uniformity
or identity of franchise because you may reduce or you
may extend the franchise, and yet you may preserve uni-
formity. But in his speeches the noble lord is extremely
strong against this unhead of, this unconstitutional system,
which, according to the right hon. gentleman the mem-
ber for the city of Oxford, would be the tomb of our liber-
ties. (Hear, hear.) What has been the course pursued
upon it by the noble lord ? The noble lord, as a mem-
ber of Lord Aberdeen's Government--as the principal
organ of the Government by which that matured plan of
reform was introduced—proposed five new franchises
with the consent of the right hon. gentleman the mem
ber for Wiltshire, with the consent of the right hon.
baronet the member for Carlisle, and, of course, with
that of the noble lord the member for Tiverton, and he
proposed at the same time that they should be ex-
tended to counties and boroughs. (Hear, hear.) So much
for identity and uniformity. Well, the noble lord failed in
that praiseworthy effort ; but the noble lord, by that propo-
sition, announced that he was in favour of identity of suf-
frage in county and in town—in favour of a great variety
of franchises, but that they should be equally enjoyed by
the borough and by the county. The noble lord was ex-
tremely disappointed that that bill was not allowed to be
read a second time, and he made an announcement in this
house which I well recollect. He said he was convinced
that the time had gone by when, on the subject of Reform,
what were generally called comprehensive measures, could
be passed, and he therefore intended to devote himself for
the future to supporting the motion of the hon. member for
Surrey. (" Hear," and a laugh.) The noble lord con-
sistently with that declaration has voted invariably for the
hon. member for Surrey's motion which established an
identity between the borough and the county. (Cheers.)
Well the second objection to this bill is, that the working
classes are not considered. I have already touched upon
that part of the bill which relates to them. t say the work-
ing classes are admitted under the system that we propose
in a manner which I think will be satisfactory to them when
it is brought into operation—(cries of Oh, oh I" and
Ministerial cheers)—and which I think is consistent with
the principles of our constitution. (Cheers.) Why, hon.
gentlemen talk as if the working classes at this moment
had nothing to do with the suffrage ; but from infor-
mation that reaches me I believe that a great portion
of those who live in £lO houses, especially in the north,
are working men. (Hear, hear.) There are still
50,000 freemen who are workingl men, notwithstanding
the kind intentions of the noble lord. (Laughter and
cheers.) Can hon. gentlemen, when they are talking so
constantly of the progress of the country, of its increase to
wealth, of its progyess in all the arts that contribute to em-
ployment, and ease of life, shut their eyes to the fact that
with cheap provisions, with high wages, and with the
other innumerable advantages arising from increased com-
nterce, the working classes have not proportionately ad-
vanced, that the mechanic who 25 years ago could not live
in a £lO house does not now and frequently live in one?
(Hear.) If you take the existing constituency at 900,000, I
calculate that more than a ninth portion of them are work-
ing men. But the proposition that we make, and which, if
we go into committee, may be, I have no doubt, developed
with great advantage, will increase that number, because
by this bill we propose that the 40s. freehold shall, accord-
ing to the old custom of England again be found in the
borough. We propose that the possessor of money in a
savings bank shall be a voter, a qualification which has been
sneered at, but which, I believe, will at once bring 50,000
or 60,000 persons into the constituency—(cheers)--ancl
which, with some alteration, might be made still more ad-
vantageous. We propose these avenues to the constituency,
and I believe the result would be, that the working classes
would find their entrance into the constituent body greatly
facilitated. (Hear.) I won't touch at any length upon the
third objection to the bill—l allude to the alarm expressed
by the noble lord, and by others, that if our proposition be
entertained, electoral districts must be an inevitable conse-
quence. Now, when lam told that the difference between
£lO and £2O is our only security against electoral dis-
' tricts, I confess I feel some alarm. I had an idea, that the
traditional feelings of Englishmen, the love of ancient land-
marks, that strong spell of local associations, do greatly in-
' fluence the people of this country, and that whether they live
in counties or in boroughs, they would certainly never be in-
duced to agree to an equal division of the soil for any elec-
toral purposes. (Hear.) But, admitting all the arguments
which have been urged upon that topic, they appear to me
to be equally applicable even to the existing system. That,
however, is a topic upon which I will not at present dwell.
Having thus noticed two heads of the resolution of the
noble lord, I have incidentally offered arguments upon the
principal features of the bill. I have shown to the house
that the bill is founded upon three principles, none of
which, let me remind the house, have been impugned in
this debate, and all of which I believe the majority of
this house approves. I believe the majority of the house
approves of a large extension of the constituent body. I
believe the majority of the house equally approves of the
direct representation of those communities that have grown
into importance since the Reform Act was passed. I be-
lieve that a large majority of the house is against any great
redistribution of seats, or dealing exclusively with the small
constituencies. (Hear, hear.) Well, then, these are the
principles of the measure, and we have a majority in favour
of them. I have shown you also that though the principles
of this measure are approved by the house, and though a
necessary consequence of that approbation would be that
the bill should be read a second time, we are diverted from
that issue by an amendment of the noble lord which touches
only two points of detail. I have shown to the house that
had we been in favour of a £2O franchise for counties it was
utterly impracticable to propose it. I have shown to the
house reasons of policy why we were in favour of adopting
a £lO qualification fir counties, and that it was the best
security for preventing the reduction of the borough fran-
chise—a subject which cannot, in our opinion, be dealt
with slightly and gingerly, and which if you enter upon
will compel you not only to adopt the municipal suffrage,
as the right hon. gentleman the member for Carlisle pro-
poses, but at once to go down to household suffrage, and
to introduce that democratic element, the consequences of
which I have slightly traced. And I have shown to the
house, finally, that we have proposei the construction of a
constituent body which would have been numerous, but at
the same time elastic, and which from the material of which
it was formed would have afforded to all who were worthy
of the suffrage an admission—not too easy, butby no means
difficult—into the possession of that important privilege.
(Cheers.) Now, sir, how have we been met ? What is the
argument of the noble lord the leader of the Opßosition on
this subject? The noble lord approves the principles of
this measure. He has announced that he is in favour of
the second reading; but at the same time he will vote for a
resolution which we have declared is fatal to the bill. I
must say that I was astonished at the manner in which the
noble lord addressed us—(hear, hear)—and I think I may
express my surprise at the mode in which the Oppo-
sition on this subject has been conducted. I remember
when party feeling in this house was very high, which
fortunately it is not now ; I remember when parties were
nearly balanced, when the struggle for power was very
hot, and when the amount of exarcerbation out of doors,
from 1837 to 1841, was such as all must deplore. Between
1837 and 1841 no less than three votes of want of confidence
in the Ministry were proposed in this house; but I never
heard of a " contingent vote" of want of confidence being
proposed, and that by a near relative of a member of the
late Cabinet. (Hear, hear.) Nor do I remember that in
those days the leader of the Opposition, and one who had
occupied the posts of high confidence which the noble lord
has enjoyed, ever told his opponents that if they counselled
their Sovereign to exercise her prerogative he would him-
self stop the supplies. (Cheers.) This is so different, too,
from what one might have expected from the genial nature
of the noble lord—(a laugh)—that, coupled with the an-
nouncement and withdrawal of the vote of want of confi-
dence, I really must treat it altogether as a jest. (Cheers.)
Now, sir, I must say one word to the noble propJser of this
amendment. We have heard in the course of this debate a
great deal about motives ; and I thought that it was unne-
cessary, because motives are really never imputed in Par-
liament, and, if anybody supposes that they are, it must be
some new member who is not sufficiently experienced in our
habits. (A laugh.) But I was astonished that it should for
a moment have been supposed that a gentleman like the
Solicitor-General should make use of an expression imputing
molives to any one, least of all to the noble lord. lam
sure that it is quite impossible for any gentleman upon
second thought to suppose that he could have so intended ;
and the Solicitor-General has this evening expressed what
he did mean so clearly, and the noble lord has received what
he said so gracefully, that it is unnecessary to dwell longer
upon that. (Hear.) -I have no wish, no intention—from the
bottom of my heart I say it--to impute any motives to the
noble lord unworthy his character or his position. The
noble lord may not remember that when in 1854, not with-
out emotion, at a moment of great peosonai- distress, with-
drew his Reform Bill. and some reproaches and some jeers
were not spared him from his own side, I offered to him the
unaffected tribute of the personal respect of the gentlemen
who then sat opposite to him. (Hear, hear.) 1 do not think
that there is a man who has sat long in this house but must
honour the character of the noble lord. I admire that cha-
racter. I admire his great Parliamentary talents. I admire
his ambition. (Hear, and a slight laugh.) But, Sir, it is
not wise in this house to scrutinise with too much severity
every act and every word of those who are entrusted with
the conduct of parties in this house. In the fierce struggle
of public life, and in the intense competition which prevails,
one on whom devolves the lead of a party is called on for
such constant action and such prompt decision that he must
indeed be a wise and favoured being who can look back to
everything that he has done without regret, and who may
not have used words over which memory may mourn.
(Cheers.) But lam persuaded that neither the noble lord
nor any of his friends would desire that in this house there
should be any diminution of that free and frank criticism
upon the conduct of public men which has always been a
part, and not the least valuable part, of our Parliamentary
life and manners. Therefore, lam sure that the noble lord
will not feel offended with me if I tell him that I think
there is one quality in his character which has rather
marred than made his fortune. It is a sort of restlessness
which will not brook delay and that patience which are
sometimes needed in our constitutional Government for the
conduct of public affairs. (Hear, hear.) The moment that
the noble lord is not in power he appears to me to live in
an atmosphere of coalitions, combinations, coups d'etat,
and cunning resolutions . (Cheers and a laugh.) An al);
propriation clause may happen to every man once in his
life. (Renewed cheers and laughter.) But there is only
one man living of whom it can be said than in 1835 he over-
threw the Government of Sir R. Peel upon an impracticable
pretext ; that in 1852 he overthrew the Government of
Lord Derby with an objectless coalition ; that in 1855 he
overthrew the Government of Lord Aberdeen by a personal
coup d'etat; and that in 1857 he overthrew the Government
of the member for Tiverton by a Parliamentary manoeuvre.
(Cheers.) Now, I beg the noble lord at this moment to throw
the vision of his memory for an instant back to the year 1852.
He sat before me then, the head of a mighty host.. He drew
the fatal arrow that was to destroy our Government. He
succeeded. He destroyed in breathless haste the Govern-
ment of Lord Derby. But did he destroy anything else ?
Did he not destroy also the position of a great statesman ?
Did he not destroy almost the great historic party of which
ho was once the proud and honoured chief ? (Cheers.) The
noble lord does not sit opposite me now ; but had he not
hurried the catastrophe of 1852, and had he bided his time
according to the periodic habit of our constitution, he would
have returned to these benches the head of that great party
of which he was once the chief and greatest ornament.
What has the noble lord done new,and what is the moment
that he has chosen for this party attack—an attack which
it was not necessary to the vindication of his policy, or for '
the assertion of those principles which I believe he sincerely
holds I brought forward oil the put of the cieverzuneut

( a measure, founded on principle, for which fairplay and cus-
tom would have insured a second reading. The discussion
on the questions which the noble lord has thrust, as it were,
into the Speaker's hand would, in the due course of Parlia-
mentary routine, have been postponed yet for some time ;
but what is the moment which the noble lord has chosen to
precipitate this struggle ? It is the most critical in the his-
tory of the affairs of this countrywhich has existed for many
years. (Hear) The noble lord could not be ignorant of it
He knows that some Weeks ago I came down and informed
the house that important negotiations were pending. He
has other means of information beyond the communications
which are made to this house by the servants of the Crown.
The noble lord, I doubt not, is well informed of the present
state of foreign affairs. He could not have been unmindful
of them even in that address on the introduction of his reso-
lution, which, though it related merely to domestic subjects,
fitrrashed the noble lord with an opportunity to cast a sneer
against that Minister to whom is entrusted at this moment
the most awful responsibility that can be conceived. (Cheers.)
At a moment when It was of vital importance that the autho-
rity of the Government should not be assailed—at a moment
when, of all other men, the Minister for Foreign Affairs
should not be held up to public scorn—the noble lord chooses
such a moment for a party attack and a personal sneer.
(Cheers.) Sir, I should not be acting with frankness to the
house if I concealed from ft that the conduct of the noble
lord has been most embarrassing to the Government, (Loud
cheers.) I declare, upon my responsibility as a Minister,
that the conduct of the noble lord has produced injurious
effects upon the public service. (Renewed cheering.) I
have such confidence in the fidelity of our allies, I have such
confidence in the energy and resources of the colleague
against whom the noble lord directed his sneer, I have such
confidence, above all, in the patriotism of the House of
Commons, that I believe the division to-night will confound
the combinations of the noble lord and will assist and per-
haps ensure the peace of Europe. (Loud cheers.) The noble
lord,who on these occasions has the habit alwayslof introduc-
ing the question of dissolution, told me the other night that
he was ready for the hustings, and that he should brandish
upon it the bill which I had introduced. In the office over
which it is my honour to preside, I have often the opportu-
nity of meeting the prime and principal constituents of the
noble lord. Great merchants, manufacturers, bankers, men
of different opinions, agree in nothing else but in their readi-
ness at all times to assist the administration of the country.
(Hear, hear.) lam indebted, as my predecessors have been,
to their wise suggestions and to their zealous aid. But I can
tell the noble lord that when they come to me it is not
Parliamentary Reform after which they seek—(hear, hear)
—it is not financial interests which any longer concerns
them. What they say is, " Please ! Let the Government
give us peace, it is the only thing which we require. Our
energy is depressed, our enterprise is checked, but let the
Government secure peace, and then they will be entitled to
the gratitude and the confidence of their countrymen."
(Hear, hear.) Well, I thought we had secured peace. I
thought the time had arrived when I might have come
down to this house and told them that the dark disquietude
which for three months has hung over Europe had entirely
passed away. But for this untoward and unhappy motion
of thenoble lord that might have been—(ironical cheers and
counter cheering)—and I tell the noble lord that when he
goes to the hustings of which he talks, and brandishes this
bill, he will find that the minds of his constituents are full
of another matter, and that they will demand from him the
reasons for the conduct which he has pursued. (Hear, hear.)
Sir, it is something more than a year ago since her Majesty
summoned Lord Derby to her councils. Lord Derby then,
as upon all other occasions, expressed to her Majesty his
readiness, as the last resource, to serve his Sovereign. But
he felt it as duty then to express to the Queen that his po-
sition in the House of Commons had been much weakened
by the last general election, and that he could not count in
the following of his friends on more probably than one-third.
of the members of that house. Under these circumstances
Lord Derby humbly submitted his wish that her Majesty
would re-consider her intention and deign to pause before
her Majesty commanded him to undertake so difficult a
task. The Queen was graciously pleased to act upon that
suggestion, and did re-consider the subject. Her Majesty
surveyed the condition of her kingdom and of the empire
with that comprehensive and perfectly impartial spirit which
all who have served her Majesty know she ever exercises—
(hear, hear)—and it was under these circumstances, having
re-considered her position, that her Majesty deigned to sig-
nify to Lord Derby that she deemed it was his duty
to undertake the management of public affairs. Sir, we have
endeavoured, in pursuance of the commands of our Sove-
reign, to administer the business of this country. That we
have done so sedulously I presume to say. (" Hear, hear,"
from the Opposition.) That we have conducted public
affairs not altogether without success I venture to believe.
(Cheers.) I know that when we acceded to office there was
a great fear in the public mind that the country was not
defended as became her. I know now that the name of
England carries authority abroad, and that she can add to
negotiation all the influence which results from the con-
sciousness of power. (Cheers.) I know that when we
acceded to office there was great distress and depression in
men's minds; there was the fear of increased taxation im-
pending, and the disappointment which resulted from the
apprehension that engagements for the reduction of the
national taxation would not be fulfilled. Yet the burdens
of the people have not been increased, the promises of re-
duction have been fulfilled, and the state of our revenue is,
in every sense, highly satisfactory. (Cheers.) With regard
to the more important branch of foreign affairs, I can say
truly, although we had an inheritance of trouble, and
although, probably, during the period of our official exist-
ence we have had as many difficulties to contend with as
could well fall to the lot of any Ministry—although during
the last three months the question of peace or war has some-
times appeared to be that only of a moment—still we have
so managed affairs that all immediate dangers seem to have
vanished, and there is a prospect of arrangements which,
if concluded, will, in my opinion, lead to a permanent and
a happy peace. (Cheers.) I have touched on our affairs
under these principal heads. I will not allude to others
of great but not of so great importance. We have endea-
voured to introduce measures which would make law
reform not merely a mockery and a byword. (Hear,
hear.) If we are indebted for the pacification of India
to the wisdom of her ruler and the valour of her chief,
at least it must be acknowledged that the Adminis-
tration did support these men by sending out to
them, under great difficuties, such supplies of valiant sol-
diers as secured the triumphs which were achieved. (Hear,
hear.) The noble lord has talked, and he always does talk,
about a dissolution of the present Parliament. These are
words that cannot escape my lips, and I must, with the
permission of the house, refrain from touching upon such a
theme. But I may be permitted to say, in answer to the
noble lord, that, if in the course of time the present ser-
vants of the Queen find themselves upon the hustings be-
fore their constituents, I, for one, have that confidence in a
great and generous nation that I believe at such an hour
they will not forget the difficulties under which we under-
took the administration of affairs, nor perhaps be altogether
unmindful of what under such difficulties we have accom-
plished for their welfare. (Cheers.) It is by our convic-
tion in the justice of the people of England, it is because
we believe in the power of public opinion, that we have
been sustained in this house during our arduous struggle,
and are sustained, even at this moment, amid all the ma-
noeuvres of Parliamentary intrigue and all the machinations
of party warfare. (The right hon. gentleman resumed his
seat amid loud and prolonged cheering.)
It was now a quarter to one o'clock, and, the SPEAKER
having put the question, the house proceeded to a division.
The greatest excitement prevailed in all parts of the house.
Upwards of 600 members were present ; a considerable
number of distinguished persons occupied the seats assigned
to visitors on either side of the entrance behind the bar and
the gallery immediately over the clock; while both the
Speaker's and Strangers' galleries were crowded with an
excited audience. Upward of 20 minutes were consumed
tihnetareksiunlgt tehpeprodainch'seiodn,
thane deaxscittheemmenorrmeonstefotor tannouncing
the result approached, the excitement rose to the highest
pitch. The great bulk of the members as usual, on returning
from the division lobbies, resumed their places on either side
of the chamber, but a large number of them had assembled
in a dense crowd at the bar. At length the tellers made
their appearance, and then there were cries of " Order,
order I " and "Bar, bar !" As the tellers took their places,
it was seen in an instant on which side the majority lay,
and as they advanced to the table a vociferous cheer, in
anticipation of the actual result, rose from the Opposition
side.
The numbers were—
For the second reading of the bill ...... 291
For Lord J. Russell's re501uti0n......... 330

Majority for the resolution...... 39
As the numbers were announced, the house again rang
with a triumphant shout from the Opposition benches. It
will be perceived by the division that 621 members were in
attendance—a number unprecedented, except on an extraor-
dinary occasion such as this.
After the announcement of the result of the division,
The SPEAKER put the resolution of Lord J. Russell,
and thereupon _

Mr. WYLD rose and said—l wish to add an amendment.
(Laughter, and cries of " Oh, oh 1") It is, " That at any
election of a member or members to serve in Parliament,
the votes shall be taken by ballot." (Cheers.) lam sure,
after the protracted debate which has just been brought to
a termination, I shall best consult the convenience of the

house by not entering into the general question in
my amendment. (" Hear, hear," "Divide I" and a laugh.)
I shall, therefore, at once move that the words I have read
be added to the resolution. (Cries of " Withdraw 1" and
"Divide.")
The SPEAKER having put the question,
Mr. H. BERKELEY—whose rising gave occasion for.
some laughter and cries of " Divide I"—said, Sir, as thi
s
a question which I have taken a prominent part in advocat-
ing for many years past, I trust to the courtesy of hon.
members to allow me to address a few observations to the
house. First, I would request my hon. friend (Mr. Wyld)
not to press his motion. (Laughter and cheers.) Sir (cries
of " Divide 1" a laugh, and "Go on I")—I have always
consulted those honourable gentlemen who have done me
the honour to place me in the front of the battle in
this question as to the mode in which it should be
brought forward; and I find it is the general opinion of the
leading men of that particular party that it will be detri •
mental to the ballot to introduce it to the house in this
manner. It is not, however, in deference to any man or any
set of men that I have come to the conclusion that this is
not the time or the occasion for propounding it. (A laugh.)
I do not think a man is called on to support any question,
however important, if he be of opinion that it is brought
oe tmicey onefoorawd,si
aullbsNi substantive
support,teievmi
forward in an improper manner. (Divide.) If my hon.
certainly
oninvotdneg
o.t)h is ques-
hft ideoennp,edri tswstil
shallg vhea
dividingnv
the
same lobby with him. I will not vote against the ballot,
but I will certainly withdraw from
the house. I entreat the
hon. gentleman not to place thisquestion in this disadvan-
disadvan-
tageouus position. (Here the hon. member turned round
inßtout if
to the hon. member for Bodmin, and addressed several ob-
servations
cries of " Divide 13.
•v that remarks were
inaudible.) , divide I"
but amid such in-
cessant Mr. M. GIBSON—Sir, it appears to me that to com-
mence the discussion of such an important question at such
a moment as this would be perfectly unprecedented. (Cries
of " Oh!" and interruption.) lam in favour of the ballot
(Divide, divide), but I respectfully submit to my hon.
friend that the best mode of submitting the question of the
ballot to the house will be to give notice. (Interruption,
cries of "Now," and " Divide.") If he wants to obtain the
least possible support, he will go to a division now.
(Divide.) As a friend of the ballot I trust ho will not call
for a division. If he does, I for one will not go into the
lobby with him.
Here Mr. BRIGHT and other hon. members surrounded
Mr. WynD, and endeavoured, apparently without effect, to
shake his resolution.
Mr. CLAY rose amid loud cries of " Divide," which were
renewed as often as he attempted to make imself heard.
All that could be made out was that the hon. member moved
the adjournment of the debate. (Divide, divide.)
Sir J. V. SHELLEY next rose, and was greeted with
deafening cries of'" Oh," and "Divide." The hon. gentle-
man sat down without being able to gain a hearing.
Lord J. RUSSELL then rose and addressed tla house

*4

in dumb show. The ,uoble lord's lips were seen to move,
but not a syllable conic Ibe heard above the uproar. Fro& •
his lordship's gestures it was supposed that he appealed to
the hon. member for B odmin not to press his motion.
The motion for the adjournment of the debate was nega-
tived without a division.
The SPEAKER then put the question upon Mr. Wyld's
resolution, when Mr. Berkeley, Mr. M. Gibson, Mr. Bright,
and many other hon. members rose and left the house,
without voting. So great was the throng of members pass-
ing out at the door that " time" was called by impatient
members within the house, and the Sergeant-at-Arms was
compelled to close the door before all the retreating members
could make good titieir exit.
The SPEAKER then again put Mr. Wyld's resolution,
when an overwhehu:ng cry of "No I" was raised. The cry
of " The Ayes have it" was, however, heard, and the house
divided :
For Mr. Wyld's amendment 9B
Against it ••• • •• O
Majoritr agair. tst
—230
The SPEAKER then put Lord John Russell's resolu-
tion ; but there were many Noes; and it was thought a
division would take place. When the crowd of members
who had gone out to avoid voting on Mr. Wyld's amend-
ment had entered the house and the doors were shut, the
question was again put. The SPEAKER declared that the
Ayes had it. Some few.members said the Noes had it ; but
when the SPEAKER put the question a third time no one
gainsaid the declaration t hat the Ayes had it, and the an-
nouncement was received with cheers from the Opposition.
The CHANCELLOR c f the EXCHEQUER said—ft
will, perhaps, be convenien t to the house to know that I
shall propose that this house at its rising adjourn until
Monday. (Hear, hear.) •
The remaining orders of the day were disposed of, and
the house then adjourned, at 10 minutes before 2 o'clock,
until Monday next.