The Sun.
London, England, 1857-07-28 00:00:00

siderable uneasiness in the minds of the poop); of India,
and should ba pursued with great caution. He s'rould
n ixt pass to a consideration of that mast important po:n;,
the remedy to be applied to the existing evil. The right
hon. gentleman said that the Government were not send-
ing out a sufficient number of troops to India ; but the
fact was, that they were sending out more than Lord Can-
ning had thought necessary. They were sending from this
country 20,000 men ; and, besides, there were to be two
regiments stopped in their way to China, and two regi-
ments were to be sent from the Cape, while 500 men were
to be dispatched from Ceylon. He had not the slightest
doubt hut that the arrival of successive European regiments
would produce the greatest awe throughout India. The
effect pro lured on Orientals in warfare by the presence of
Europeans was something, he believed, which it was hardly
possible to imagine ; and under its influence a European ge-
neral could plunge with impunity into hazards which, with
another enemy, it would be most unwise to encounter. The

right hon. gentleman wished that a royal commission—
which would of course supersede the Governor-General—
should at once be sent out to India. Bat it appeared to
him (Jr. V. Smith) that it would be highly inexpedient
to saperiede, at the present moment, a governor in whom
they could place the greatest trust; and such a governor
they had at present in Lord Canning. The noble lord
had committed uo mistakes. On the contrary, he had cor-
r cted the mistakes of others, as in the case of Mr. Colvin,
who had committed the grievous error of offering au amnesty
to the mutineers—an error which Lord Canning had done
everything in his power to remedy. He (Hr. V. Smith)
said that with a view to immediate altiou it would be most

unwise to supersede Lord Canning, bat it was very possible
that a commission might be usefully employed with the
sanction and under the authority of that noble lord ; and
the Government bad informed him tLat if he wished for
such aid they would be prepared at once to appoint a com-
mission composed of either civil or military men. The
right hon. gentleman wished that the Queen's name should
be connected with everything done at present in India,
and he recommended that an assurance should be given to
the people of that country, in the name of her Majesty, that
while the most vigorous measures would be adopted to
suppress the mutiny, humanity and judgment would be
(xercised in dealing with their future condition. But he
(Mr. V. Smith) did not believe that the issuing of a pro-
clamation on the subject would b necessary to convince
the native population that, while the rebellion would be
severely suppressed, the quality of mercy would be exer-
cised in the subsequent proceedings of the British authori-
ties. It should also be remembered that the Parliament
had deliberately placed the government of India in the
bands of the East India Company, controlled by the Crown,
and that the constitution so established must necessarily be
carried into practical effect. The right hon. gentleman
talked of rapidity of improvement in India, but every mea-
sure which may be devised for that improvement should be
referred—first to the governor of the presidency, then to the
Governor General, next to the Legislative Assembly, after-
wards to the Court.of Directors, and, finally, to the Boa! d
of Control. (Hear, hear.). That was the systern which
Parliament itself hadchosen to provide for the Government
of India, and of course it was necessarily unsuited for
rapidity of action. That was, however, a question which
must be left for consideration at some future time. Par-

dament might distrust any of the authorities which it had

itself established for conducting the administration of
India—it might distrust the Governer-General, or it
might distrust the Court of Directors, or it might distrust
the President of the Board of Control. And when ho said
the President of the Board of Control, he could not help
remembering that it had been stated by an eminent autho-
rity in another place that a thorough distrust was felt in
the gentleman who at present filled that office. That had
been said by a nobleman whose authority on Indian
matters he (Mr. V. Smith) very highly appreciated; and
he only &hided to the subject for the purpose of observing
that the noble lord who had just used that language was
in the habit of seeing all the disaffected gentlemen
who came from India, that he was known to entertain a
vindictive feeling against the East India Company, and
that that feeling might perhaps extend to the President
of the Board or Control, connected as he was with the
company and with the Government. In the position in
which he (Mr.. V. Smith) was placed, ho frequently felt it
to be his duty to refuse claims and petitions put forwar I
11, retire 1 East India officials ; and he h. d no doubt but
those gentlemen in their disappointment often addressed
themselves to the nettle lord to whom he had referred,
and spoke of him (bar. V. Smith) in no very favourable
languwe. But be was in the habit, on the (Aire- hand, of
communicating with persons who still contLued attached
to
a of
the
company,
rugand those persons invariably shook their
heads ged their shoulders at the mention of the
name noble lord. (Laughter.) Ha could, he
n and shrugged
how-
ever, state that as lone as the noble lord should continue
to give such advice as that which he frequently gave, and
should supply adinira'tle suggestions for the Government
of ludii, he should listen to those suggestions with the
utmost deference and respect, and pass over with
the greatest unconcern any coinplitneuts which he might
.be Pleaset to address to him. (Hear, hear.) Passing to a
subject of a less personal and more important character, he
should observe that any deficiency created by the recent
events in the native army of India should be supplied by
the employment of the Queen's troops. But when he
came to the question whether they should abandon the
native army he answered no. (Hear, hear.) It would be
impossible to govern India without the asAistance of some
native regiments. He had at present in that country an.
army of nearly 30,000 men, and the people of England
would cover be prepared to incur the expense of main-
taining one-half of that force. The real remedy for
existing was, he le;lieved, to be found in a reorganisation
of the native troops; and that brought him to consider
how these troops were composed. The Bengal army at
present consisted in a great measure of high caste natives,
auel more especially of Brahmins. Now it seemed to him
that such an arrangement was extremely objectionable.
There had been a limit of late to the employment of
Bralmie s ; but there ought, he thought, to be a further
limit in that directirn—(hear)—that was one of the Ties-
tiels which woi!d hareatter require the deepest' conside-
ration. He believed it was the late Sir C. Napier who had
proposed that members of various creeds should be enlisted
in he same regiments ; and it was manifest that men of
different castes might be engaged to servo together. Men
of high caste and of low caste, and of no caste at all, were
employed in the Bombay regiments ; and the Bombay and
Madras armies formed thebest models, as far es they were
yet aware, on which our Indian military force should be
organised, because they still remained faithful to the
British standard, although he admitted that it was im-
possible, after the intelligence which had of late reached
this country, to state with absolute confilenco, how long
they might so continue. They took their families with
them. That system might be improved. These were all
circumstances that should be considered relatively to

pr au
o pa od si
ocauvgahltry a.lso It to
was be a
d
tae different positions of • thearmy in In lia. There
it ti
oi onn t h ma
that
tboo tnh ef
rirregular
made, and Lord Danonsie had suggeste 1 the withdrawal
of two regiments of the Queen's cavalry, to be replaced by
irregular cavalry. The regular cavalry of the Indian army
bad, however, been much maligned. Another point was,
whether the native artillery should be continued. He
had no doubt whatever that it was a vary dangerous thing
to leave the artillery in the hands of the natives-(hear,
hear) -and ho thought it would be better to confine it
altogether to European soldiers. These were paints
which ho (Hr. V. Smith) threw out with great diffidence ;
but they involved grave questions A bet ought to bein-
quired into. They were not, however, questions to solve,
which required an immense stretch of military genius;
and, therefore, he had no doubt they would be satisfac-
torily decided when this miserable affair was over. 'There
ware now in India men perfectly capable of d,maing
them ; there was Sir P. Grant, now iu command in chief
of the Bengal army, who had been sent to Madras at his
(Mr. V. Smith's) instigatien, arid who was the first Com-
pany's officer that commanded Queen's troops. lie was
a. man perfectly competent to advise in those matters--
a man of large experience and great kt owledge of India.
Then there was Sir James Ontram, as excelled as a
civilian as he was as a soldier. His (g Smith V. Sth's,)
noble friend at the head of the Government of India.
thenfore, would not be in want of good advice, if he had
any need of it ; but he (Hr. V. Smith) vela quite sure his
noble friend would waive all parses al feeling, if it was
necessary for the good of the conetry, end accept assistance
from auy quarter where it was avageble. Therefore,
though he (Alr. V. Smith)saw clearly enough the immense
difficulty, in the case, he was not without hope that
the question would be settled. Cerl.ain lie was the set-
tlement should want nothing on the part of her Mejesty s
Government—that no energy should be left undisplayed
by them, and no means left untried to effect it.
(Hear, hear.) The present was on, of the most awful
events that had ever happened in the history of this
country. (Hear, hear.) There never was a blow
which fell snore suddenly, and which pro need
a more profound impression on the public mind.
Indeed, it was impossible to walk the streets of this
metropolis and not see the excessive agitation which
moved the people. He (Hr. V. Smith) thought that the
right hon. gentleman might have abstained, therefore, from
many of the topics on which
he touched in the course of
his address. The question was ono of the greatest import-
ance, and if the house thought anything was wrong with
those who hail its management, it ghoul l devote itself day
by day and night by night to the task of investig thou, and
change the circumstances as well as the persons in the
wrong, if it was deemed necessary. But he (Mr. V. Smith)
did nor think it advisable for the house to waste its time
in fruitless discussion. If the house found any deficiency
in those having the conduct of affairs--himself or any
other—they ought to be made to give way and be, for
one, would give way willingly if it was considered requi-
site for the prosperity of the country. If they saw a weak
head or a faltering hand in those who held the govern-
meet, then they ought to wrest the power from their inno-
cent but enfeebled grasp. But if, on the contrary, the
House of Commons thought otherwise, he (Hr. V. Smith)
est:it'd them, in the name of their common country, not to
disparage the government—not to enfeeble the hands they
still wished to strike—end not to embarrass the under-
standings they may still think fit to take charge of the in-
terests of the country in the present awful crisis. (Hear.)
Sir E. PERRY could not admit that the present was an
inexpedient time for the discussion of the question. As to
the mode in which the revolt was to be put down, he was
glad to hear of the force that was to be employed.
He wished, however,, that more force had been ex-
hibited at the outset, knowing the effect it would
have had on the excitable imagination of the
natives. Why not have sent her Majesty's war
steamers with twenty or thirty regiments within
ten days of the receipt of the news from thisVountry The
great question for present discussion was whether, what he
believed to be true, was ao, viz., that the military revolt was
but a reflex of the general feeling of the country. The soldier
in India occupied a higher social position than in any Euro-
pean country, he was therefore more closely attached to his
family. That feeling was increased by the extensive furlough
allowed. He thought, therefore, that the condition of the
soldier entirely precluded any cause of discontent. lie en-
tirely agreed with all that had been stated by the hon. mem-
ber for Bucks as to the causes of the outbreaks The policy
adopted by Lord Dalhousie was the real cause of the evils
which ha risen. The system of annexation had stalk
deeply into .iiative mind. It had operated as the enunci-
ation of the same principle on the part of a governing race
would have operated in the case of an European race. In
addition to that, there had been a system of confiscation of
private estates, on the grounds of bad title, which had greeted
wide-spread disaffection among the higher (lasses of the na-
tives. The right hon. gentleman said the policy o! anneea-
tion.disgusted the native princes, and quoted the statement of
General Lowe. We were supported in our north-west pro-
,vinces, by the Gveador Rajah, and yet this Rajah could
have no affection for us, as we had taken one-half of his
kingdom from him. He only Supported us out of fear, and
because he was afraid we should take the other half. (Laugh-
ter.)
He approved of the policy of the annexation of Scinde,
as he believed that the princes of that country had deeply
offended us. But it was among the population of India that
the disaffection in regard to annexe' ion chiefly ox sted, and h
would read tolthe house 'series of statements which would con-
firm t at statement, which showed that the feeling was far and
wide in the country. Could it be otherwise ? Could a series of
lan 'owners be dispossessed without feeling aegrieved by it ?
But the East India Company maintained the monstrous 49c-