The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-23 00:00:00

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In spite of the menacing aspect of affairs on the
continent, to which. We alluded in our impression of
yesterday, hopes of preserving the peace of Europe
are not altogether annihilated. We understand that
when the Austrian ultimatum left Vienna, intelli-
gence of the adhesion of Sardinia to the general
disarmament had not reached that capital. This
fact is, of course, important. An opportunity is
afforded to the Austrian Government to pause ere
they place themselves in an indefensible position.
When once the die is cast and a Contest provoked,
none dare speculate on the issue. That Power
which has hitherto commanded respect by taking
her stand upon existing treaties, and acting purely
on the defensive, will have precipitated if she has
not actually caused the strife. At the moment
when the prospect was growing brighter and a
reasonable hope of a pacific solution of the contro-
versy was again entertained, she will have drawn
the sword and have broken off the negotiations.
There can be no misconception as to the results
that must follow if Austria persists in assailing
Sardinia in the manner indicated by the terms of
the ultimatum forwarded on Tuesday last to the
commander of her Italian army. It will be ac-
cepted at once as a declaration of war. Orders
have been given by the French Government for the
immediate embarkation at Toulon of 30,000 men.
These troops are not, however, to sail until further
orders. The divisions at Lyons, Grenoble, Besangon,
&e., have also received- orders to be ready to march
pi a minute's notice, though they will not move until
further instructions are given. The total amount
of the French force destined to co-operate im-
mediately with Saidinia, in the event of war, is
estimated at 80,000 men. It will be in two divi-
sions—the one commanded by Marshal Canrobert,
the other, by Marshal Baraguay d'Hilliers, the
whole being under the command of the Emperor
in person. Thus the chief actors in the drama that
has kept Europe in suspense during the last four
months have at length themselves removed the veil
under which they endeavoured to conceal their
real intentions, and now disclose to Europe and to
the world their Objects and aims in the demon-
strations, intrigues, and preparations that have
caused so much alarm. _ _

From what we have stated it is therefore evident
that Austria may yet avert from Italy and Europe
the horrors of a sanguinary contest. The French
Government, in making final preparations and
ordering the embarkation of troops, seems willing
to pause until definite intelligence respecting the
Austrian ultimatum, the reply
.of Sardinia, and the
immediate results, can be obtained. Whether the
Austrian Government will consider the adhesion of
Sardinia to the disarmament sufficient, and there-
fore countermand the order forwarded to their com-
mander in chief on Tuesday last, or whether they
will persist in driving matters to extremities, it is
impossible for us to decide. One fact is certain, they
have a glorious opportunity of retrieving an error,
and of proving the sincerity of their devotion to the
maintenance of tranquillity and to the best interests
of civilisation. The crisis is certainly grave, and in
a few hours the question of peace or war must be
determined. Doubtless that Power to whose obsti-
nacy or rashness the outbreak can be clearly attri-
buted will not only incur a fearful responsibility,
but will also excite the indignation of the public in
every civilised state. We believe that the proposals
made by England, and which were at once accepted
by France, Russia, and Prussia, afforded a basis for
a fair settlenient of the difficulty ; and we deeply
deplore the conduct of the Austrian Government in
refusing to accept the same. Probably the adhe-
sion of Sardinia to the principle of a general dis-
armament may induce the Austrian diplomatists to
regard the proposition in a different light, but it
would be impossible to deny that by the eagerness
with which they had pressed forward this ultima-
tum a severe shock has been give)/ to public confi-
dence. People expected different things from a
Power whose position has long been critical, and
who at the close of the struggle in the Crimea was
literally and truly without a friend in Europe.
Their conduct on the present occasion contrasts,
moreover, strangely with the course which they
felt it their duty to adopt during that eventful
conflict.

Throughout these painful and protracted negotia-
tions the whole weight, authority, and influence of
the English Government have been thrown in the
scale of peace. They have not been unmindful of
the various evils and grievances under which the
Italians suffer, but they felt that the substitution of
the yoke of one foreign state for that of another was
not the remedy required. Italy has been too long
the battle-field of contending Powers. She Ms ever
been the victim of intrusive interference. Since
the fall of the Roman Empire her fairest cities and
her richest territory have been in the possession of
the stranger. France, Germany, and Spain have
always coveted, and at certain periods possessed,
dominion in this unhappy land. To induce both
Austria and France to withdraw from certain por-
tions of Italy; to- teach the Italians to trust to
themselVes ; and, while they discountenanced the
dangerous efforts of revolutionary cliques, to foster
that native love of liberty which alone is precious,
was a policy that promised happier results. What
measure of success such a policy, if carried out to
its legitimate end, might command, we may yet
learn, if the Austrian Government are sagacious
enough to endeavour to retrieve a false step. Their
ultimatum 'would only have the effect of driving
matters to extremities when all the parties in the
quarrel have expressed their readiness to trust to
diplomacy rather than to force for a settlement of
their differences. The sincerity of these professions
would, if the English proposals were adopted and
acted upon, be speedily put to the test, and we
hope, that at the last moment the Austrian Go-
vernment may act with moderation, and not incur
the terrible responsibility of having broken off
negotiation and plunged Europe into war.

(From the Times.)

Good Friday of 1859 will be hereafter the epoch
of departure whence veterans, now only youthful
conscripts, shall commence the story of the
great Austrian War. Just as we look back upon
the blood-spilling contest of principles and
passions which divided Europe in the last ten
years of the last century ; just as we note the par-
ticular points of difference which grew and widened
and smouldered and flamed till the world was
wrapped in the roaring fires, and the vision of all
men was darkened by the smoke—so, as there is
too much reason to fear, will the men of the suc-
ceeding age scan those acts of State which, winged
by a swifter agency than our fathers knew, are
passing momentarily before our eyes, and deduce
how rapidly arose the great unnecessary war
which lasted—what prophet shall dare to say how
long ? The solemnities of the Holy Week are
neglected for the hurrying away of armed men 'to
meet others upon an appointed spot for slaughter.
The festivities of Easter will possibly be checked by
the cries of men in conflict, and by the sorrows that
wait upon victory as well as upon defeat. In our
secure and secluded island we listen only to the
echoes of instant preparation that are now passing
like the Fiery Cross through the other countries of
Europe. " The French army is in full march to
the frontiers of Piedmont." General Della Marmora
telegraphs from the banks of the Ticino that the
Austrian army has made a significant movement
on the strategical line of the Ticino, and that an
attack at any moment may be apprehended. The
Court of Vienna, so late as yesterday, reiterates
its declaration that all other proposals must
be subordinate to the summons already addressed
to Sardinia. The Imperial manifesto which is to
accompany the declaration of war against Sardinia
has already been prepared. Austria, mistress of
the position, is ready by act of State and deed of
war to initiate the sanguinary drama upon which
the curtain is about to rise.

How completely a few days have changed the
positions of the parties to this mighty difference !
So late as Monday last, when Lord Derby from his
place in the House of Lords directed such bitter
remonstrance against the Emperor of the French,
it was believed that it was France who was pois-
ing the thunderbolt, and that it was from her only
that we had occasion to fear lest the sound should
come and the fire should fall. But now, within
the last 48 hours, Austria has occupied the eyes of
Europe, striding forth as the aggressor and the
challenger, occupying the arena marked by tacit
consent as the spot of conflict. Austria, whether
in prudence, or in ambition, or in obduracy, has
shown herself more ready for the fray even than
the Power which was the origin of the quarrel.
France seems to have been taken by surprise.
Whether it was that the Emperor believed that all
he desired would be obtained from Austria's fears,
or whether he trusted: to his own fertility in peace-
ful assurances and to the agency of the Moniteur to
delay the conflict to a more convenient season ; or
whether he has calculated ill, or has been negligently
served, it is impossible now to say ; but certain it is
that Austria has the start, and France is strain-
ing to overtake her. -While Austria is manoeuvring
on the Ticino, France is still only sending troops

to Dauphiny. While Austria is present to follow
up her decisive menace by an irresistible -attack,
France is only collecting her defensive levies at a
distance from the position of her jeopardised ally.
Austria is, as we have said, at this moment
mistress of the position. She has an army on the
Ticino before which, if put in motion, the forces
of Sardinia must melt away into the fortresses of
Alessandria and Genoa, or must be hopelessly
scattered. Miracles do happen undoubtedly now
and then ; 40,000 men have beaten 200,000 men ;
but sane men do not reckon on the repetition of
such incidents in the 19th century, and between
regularly disciplined European troops. It would
be fanatical to suggest that Sardinia can hold her
own for a week against the hosts about to be let
loose upon her. The flood of spoilers will sweep
over the land. Turin must be occupied, although
probably not held. The power.of the Piedmontese
monarchy will be. shut up in the few fastnesses
which Sardinia contains, -and the real struggle
will not begin until Austria has struck a
blow which will be heard throughout Italy. As_
a belligerent Power she is wise in her generation
but she is not wise in her -generation if she
is seeking unnecessarily to become a. belligerent
Power. If she believed that there was no hope
of permanent peace, that the French Emperor
was resolved upon war, and that she .Was 'only
being kept fainting under the weight of her
arms, waiting .till it should suit the conve-
nience of the French Emperor to overwhelm her ; if
she, moreover, is 'willing at this moment, when
her promptitude has given her the choice of an
offensive policy, to make those reasonable retracta-
tions which the interests of humanity and the pub-
lic opinion .of Europe require of.her=then it will
be difficult to say that she is entirely wrong in
having, sought to precipitate a crisis in which she
was bleeding to death; But if this is a first for-
ward step in -an aggressive and a defiant policy—.
if Austria seeks to enter Sardinia as the armed
apostle of absolutism and of Ultramontane priest-
craft ; if she has taken up her old world mission of
binding the bodies and coercing the minds and
consciences of all human beings born in Italy, then
the fact of her having been the first to commence
this war will be no unimportant item in the great
indictment which will be pressed against her. But,
whatever may be her ultimate intentions, she has
by her precipitancy done the Emperor of the
French this great good—Whereas, three days ago,
all Europe looked upon him as an Imperial robber,
seeking occasion to let loose his prepared armies
upon a peace-loving neighbour, the world will see
in this sudden start and in the hasty and unready
preparations of Napoleon 111. some evidence that
after all his menaces he had not intended to pro-
yoke
the combat which Austria has now com-
menced.

The great question for us to consider, however,
is not how Austria stands, or at what pace France
hastens, or even how soon Sardinia can be overrun,
but what is the position and policy of England.
Lord Derby has said that, "If war breaks out,
whatever be the consequence, our neutrality, as
long as it may last, must, to a certain extent, be
an armed neutrality, enabling us to take our part
on that side, whatever it might be, which the hon-
our, the interests, and the dignity of the country
may indicate as best deserving our support.' These
words, coupled with others bearing upon the occu-
pation of the shores of the Adriatic, tended to a
scarcely ambiguous intimation that if the events of
the impending war should lead French troops into
the Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom England would
appear as a combatant in the melee. We ventured
to comment upon those words in a tone of remon-
strance. Now that the event appears more pro-
bable, and its - preceding circumstances almost
certain, we think it right to reiterate our protest
against engaging England either by alliance, or
menace, or guarantee, so as to draw her into this
purely Continental quarrel. Sorely we are not
going to commit over again the faults committed
by our fathers, and to burden ourselves with debts
and obligations too great for ourselves or our sons
to bear in the pursuit of some chimerical notions as
to what we should like to see occur among our
neighbours. We say, at all risks and at all events,
keep England out of this struggle between two
dynastic Powers. What have we, a free constitu-
tional people, to do with a struggle between two
despots, one of whom represents the principles of
absolute power and priestly dominion, and the
other the despotism delegated by pure democracy P
If it must he so, let them fight ; no English states-
man can suppose that by weakening- each other
they can become more dangerous to us.

(From the .Daily News.)

" I have not been defeated by the Coalition but
by Liberal ideas," said Napoleon, as in 1814 he
succumbed to the might of the people of Europe,
whom their Sovereigns had called to arms in the

name of liberty- and-with promises of constitutions.
Once more in the history of this century the great
battle of modern civilisation, the contest between
public opinion and material force, is about to be
renewed on the grandest scale. With nothing to
rely on but her armies, not daring to meet her neigh-
bours at the council board, Austria has madly but
wilfully defied the moral power of Europe. After
having represented singly of late years the abhorred
principles of the Holy Alliance, she now, spurning
the advice and over-riding the remonstrances of
States greater and more powerful than herself, pro-
ceeds to carry them into a bloody execution.
The intelligence that Austria had sent an ultima-
tum to Sardinia was no sooner received in this
capital, on Thursday, than it led to the meeting of a
Cabinet Council, and on the same evening the sur-
prise and disapproval of the English Government
was made known to Count Buol. The reply of the
Austrian Emperor was not delayed. We believe
we are fully entitled to describe it as a point blank
refusal to reconsider the responsibility incurred in
commencing war in the heart of Europe. Count
Buol, with formal professions of respect, neverthe-
less declares that his master having taken his course
will pursue it to the end. Thus impiously six years
ago an Emperor and a soldier, to whom Francis
Joseph was but as the mushroom to 'the oak, set at
nought the earnest pleadings of disinterested friend-
ship, plunged four nations in war, but died miserably
a few months afterwards, broken-hearted at the
frustration of his plans. 'So may all perish who build
schemes for their own aggrandisement on the ruins
of the peace or liberty of their fellow men.
The consequences of the Austrian declaration aro
rapidly unfolding themselves. It is not easy, and
it will every day become more difficult, to obtain
accurate detailed information of the movements of
the French troops massed at the foot of the Alps.
The itioniteur, yesterday, mentioned for the first
time the existence of such troops, but did so in a
manner which would be unmeaning and morally
injurious to the French Government, unless it were
intended to employ them to prevent the execution
of the announced designs of Austria. A later tele-
gram from Paris informs us, as from an official
source, that a general movement of the French
forces has taken place on the entire Piedmontese
frontier. If the aid of the Emperor of the French
has been invoked by Sardinia, nothing hinders him
from pouring in troops into Piedmont over the
Alpine passes or by Genoa. Perhaps while we
write the squadrons and battalions are moving
solemnly, amidst the grandest scenery in nature,
in the brightness of this starry night. If there is,
indeed, no chance of preserving peace, if without
their aid the little Sardinian army is, as we are
told, to be " crushed," and with it the head and
heart of Italy, then we cannot bring ourselves to
share the sentiments of some among us who hope
that Louis Napoleon will not make a hasty rush
to take up the glove which has been so rashly
thrown down. It is a question of hours, and the
powerful ally of Sardinia cannot advance too
rapidly.
We perceive it has been calculated that the Aus-
trian General, by a rapid march, which, with the
enormous forces at his disposal, would virtually be
unresisted, might reach Turin on the third day after
crossing the Ticino, and there dictate the conditions
on which the kingdom of Sardinia could be per-
mitted to exist. We believe that this calculation
involves several errors. Unprotected as Turin is
by any places of military strength, it is not likely
that the Piedmontese Government will make the
independence of the kingdom dependent on the
safety of the capital. The Piedmontese are well
aware that great sacrifices may be demanded of
them, and are prepared to meet them with fortitude.
Should the removal of the seat of Government to

Genoa appear desirable for military reasons, it
could be effected instantly, and then the Austrians
would have nothing to gain by advancing on Turin.
We hear much of the technical skill of the Austrian
staff; but, on the other hand, it may be assumed
that the Piedmontese General knows something of
the art of war, and ho will doubtless employ every
resource to gain time and save his troops until the
French reserves can come up. We do not at all
expect that his forces will be crushed before aid
can arrive. It is, indeed, far from certain that the
Austrian General would precipitate himself eagerly
upon Turin. He knows that he will have to
reckon with a great Power has ing,full command
of the Mediterranean, and able at a few hours'

notice to embark a large army at Toulon, and
throw it into Genoa, whence it might advance upon
his line of communication •, or should the Duchies
declare for Austria, into the port of Spezzia, within
four days' march of Piacenza. Should the Pied-
montese fall back in the direction of the Apennines,
they would have the advantage of operating in a
country peculiarly 'capable of defence, and also that
of hastening their junction with French supports
arriving by the coast.
While awaiting the result of these opposite
movements one reflection forces itself upon the
mind with peculiar force. It is the inscrutable
nature of the principles of our foreign policy. Here
is a small power, Sardinia, which for ten years has
placed herself by our side with a confidence and
affection which at times have been touching, con-
fronted in arms by a deadly foe of three times her
strength. We are sorry for her, very sorry; but
we cannot help her. lire should regret to see her
independence gone, her ChaniberS closed, her free
'press pet under censorship, still we cannot inter-
fere. _ We find comfort, however, in the thought
that we are sacrificing our feelings to a high
principle of duty and when all at once
some warm expression let fall by a too-eloquent
Minister, or the stray sentence of an inspired
journalist, recalls us to the fact that in reality
we are hastening into this very war, and taking
up a position of active hostility to the very State
which we profess or desire to defend. We protest
once more, in the name of our countrymen, that, as
we do not fight for Sardinia and freedom now, we
will not be betrayed into fighting for absolutism in
Lombardy and Venice six months hence. If Austria
had not lost her treaty rights in those comitriekby
the flagrant violations of public law which we ex-
posed yesterdas, she has at all events committed
them now to the chances of war. By those chances
she must abide. If the Italians, aided by France,
can expel the Austrians from •the country, by all
means let them do so. We profess to. -be neutral—
we must be honestly neutral. This is a matter
which electors should look to next week, and men-
tion to the members they send to Parliament.

SIR JAMES GRAHAM AT CARLISLE.

(From the Times.)

For anybody who can take an interest, at a mo-
ment like the present, in a piece of real English
life at election time, we can confidently recommend
the appearance of Sir James Graham at Carlisle as
a picture not likely to be surpassed. We have had
nothing half as good through all the proceedings
of the national canvass. Not a week ago e told
the public that the true principles of antagonism in
a British borough amounted simply to Blue against
Yellow, and at Carlisle the fact comes out with
marvellous distinctness. Sir James goes down to
address his old constituents, and talks to them for a
good hour together, but as to the peace of Europe,
or the policy of Governments, those are not the
topics for the Cumbrian market-p face. It is all town
and county. but especially town—the doings of the
Blues and the misdoings of the Yellows, with as
many squibs and jokes, and strokes and stratagems
as would have been brought up a hundred years
ago. The scene is positively refreshing, and takes
us back to the days of Hogarth and Lord Bute.
Sir James decided to throw off with an appeal
to his own long-established and unchangeable
character—rather a bold position to occupy, but one
which he defended nevertheless with considerable
success. At any rate, he was Sir James Graham
and a candidate, and a candidate for Carlisle, and
much the same shifty sort of man that he had been
three-and-thirty years ago. So here was a species o
political identity admitting of actual verification,
and that went for a good deal. He had addressed
that very constituency on that very spot (as the
" scene reminded" him) in the year 1826, and some-
body fortunately remembered that he had done so
" on the top of a carriage," a touch of circumstance
which was instantly improved. "Ah ! on the top of
a carriage ! I was afraid that another generation
had come which knew not Joseph, and that you had
forgotten That day, but I am glad to find a• friend
as old as myself who remembers it." Sir James
quite warmed up the thought ; he was " revived"
and "encouraged," till at length he went in boldly
for something like consistency altogether. " I was
then the advocate of the people and of popular
rights, and lam so now. I was then a Reformer,
and I am so now. I then fought under the blue
flag; I fight under the blue fla., still. (Great
cheering.)" 'Phis was an intrepid aroke, for some
naughty people at Carlisle had that very week been
describing him as a weatherook, and saying that
the place for him was not the top of the poll, but
the top of the C ithedral. They had even gone
further. They had fished up one of his old circulars,
and " Since I came here," said Sir James, " while I
was at dinner, an old address of mine, two-and-
twenty years old, has been published from the
printing-shop of the yellow party upon blue
paper !" In this document he epgeared in
black and white, or rather in black and blue,
as a regular Protectionist, and decidedly " op-
posed to the extension of the existing suffrage."
Confronted with himself in this very inconsiderate
fashion, what was Sir James Graham to
say ? Nothing but what he did say,—viz., that
he had been in error, and made very grave mistakes,
as he now fully admitted. After all, if he was the
same man now that he had been in 1826, that was
pretty well enough for anybody. Why pursue
him through all the vicissitudes of the thirty
years' interval ? " Talk of inconsistency ! Let
any man pass through a public life as long as mine
and not change some of his opinions, and I say that
he may plead consistency, but i t is at the expense
of his judgment and his sense. You are right,
Sir James. When all things are changing, a
politician must either change too or be left be-
hind.

The present. expression of the great Blue and
Yellow conflict at Carlisle is found in the dispute
about a third candidate, and not so much in this
candidate's opinions as in his connexions and
pedigree. The gentleman is a nephew of Sir
James Graham, and a grandson of Mr. Wybergh.
To this alliance the Yellows stoutly object.
They ask if Carlisle is to become " an appanage of
Netherby," and they have reprinted some an-
cient poetry disparaging to the late Mr.,Wybergh's
memory. So Sir James is compelled to take up
this topic in right earnest, as a point on which the
electors of Carlisle feel very deeply. " Now, who
was Mr. Wybergh P Mr. Wybergh was one of
the oldest members of the Blue party. He was
the intimate friend of Jockey of Norfolk, one of
the founders of the Blue party, but he was no sub-
servient follower of that great man. . . He was
the most hospitable man, the most convivial com-
panion, the most agreeable of men. He knew a
joke, he loved a joke, and he was not the worse of
that ; and if my nephew is a chip off the old block
(laying, his hand on Mr. Lawson's shoulder) his
connexion with Mr. Wybergh will never disgrace
him, nor incapacitate him from representing Car-
lisle." This defence was received with great popu-
lar applause ; the arguments told, and things looked
well for uncle and nephew. Sir James does not retain
his old following quite absolutely, it is true, for the
very gentleman who.proposed him in 1852 has now
opened a poetical miscellany under the title of the
" Election Muse," in which the prevailing tone of
the stanzas is not complimentary to the baronet or
his claims; but, for all this, he is confident, and is
on the point of " telling the Yellow candidate" so,
when he recollects that boasting is absurd, " espe-
cially at elections."
Even bribery and intimidation assume at Carlisle
the tints of those famous colours which pervade the
atmosphere of the borough. Sir James refers to a
particular species of compulsion which, in his
opinion, is the hardest and most cruel of all--the
screw which a banker can put upon a customer
keeping a cash credit with him. " And this I say,"
continued he; " if there be any Yellow bankers who
put this pressure on you, frankly avow it, and try
what a Blue banker will do for you." Of course,
it would never do to insinuate that the actual con-
stituency of Carlisle was amenable to unlawful
appeals ; this Sir James cannot think of, but i;ae
general way he gives ominous warning.
coming elections, he says, are to be carried
,
andby
money. The Carlton Club money is abundant,
do
the non-electors, in Sir James's opinion,
betfer than preserve their brethren from cannot
attack.
office It would be an excellent forme
~
of becoming electors themseives. loonokthoeuvterfgoer
gentlemen in green spectacles and
After the nomination, if there are
watchtran
trans-
actions, anydasiu•kspiwciioguss.
tpheersmo,nfsololofwththateniki, nfidn,dletthetinheountr
see their-electors
actions, and if there be law in England, or in Parlia-
ment, we will bring the transgressors to account."
If Carlisle is disturbed by any of these ugly prac-
titioners, it will not be for want of caution.
It was only when Sir James had retired from
the Market-place to the Assembly-room that he
ventured in the comparative seclusion of his sup-
porters with his practical impressions respecting
the affairs of the country. From these communica-
tions we learn that he still entertains a conscientious
objection. to the ballot, but in deference to the
opinion of his adherents he has not only omitted to

The will of the Duchess of Orleans was only proved
in London on the 10th of March. Her Royal High-
ness. Helen. 'of Meeklenbusg-Sthwerin, Duchess
d'Orleans, who died on the 18th of May, 1858, at
Richmond, was the relict of his .Royal Highness
Ferdinand Philippe Louis Charles henry, Duke
d'Orleans. She had executed her will on the Ist of
.1-s,nuary, 1855, expressive of the greatest concern
and interest for her two sons, the Count de Paris
and Duke de Chartres, to whom she has bequeathed
the whole of her property, leaving all letters and
correspondence to the Count de Paris, and specify-
ing many articles, souvenirs, and treasures which
each was to have, some of which had been in use
by King Louis Philippe and his Queen. There are
annuities and pensions mentioned in the will which
are to be kept up for the lives of persons to whom
the Duchess was attached, and to some of her at-
tents. The sole executor named in the will, M.
Valentin Ettiene Tremyn, died in the lifetime of
the Duchess, and letters of administration, with
the will annexed, were granted in London to her
Majesty Maria Amelia, Princess of the Two Sicilies,
the relict of his Majesty Louis Philippe, the Duchess
having in her will requested of the Queen to act as
guardian to the two Princes. Their Royal High.
nesses also elected her Majesty their guardian
during their minority, and she was bylaw entitled
to the administration as the paternal grandmother
and next of kin of the Count de Paris and Duke de
Chartres. The personalty in England was sworn
under X 90,000. The will was written in the French
language and translated into English, and was first
recorded in the Court at Paris.

The will of John Peter Cherry, Esq., 1.P., and
Deputy-Lieutenant for Sussex, formerly of Pilstie,
near Cuckfield, Sussex, but late of Beech House,
Red-hill, Surrey, where he died on the 9th March,
at the age of 79, was executed on the 3d August,
1858, and a codicil on the 9th October, which were
proved in London on the 14th April, by, his execu-
tors, Frederick Waller, Esq., appointed by the will,
and Arthur Wm. Cherry, Esq., appointed by the
codicil. The deceased has left his real estate and
the residue of his personal estate to the said Arthur
William Cherry for life, and then to his children.
Personalty sworn under £16,000.
The will of Lady Montagu : The Right Hon. Jane
Margaret, Baroness Lady Montagu, late of Ditton-
park, Slough, Bucks, and of Grosvenor-place,
Knightsbridge, widow of the Right Hon. Henry
James, Lord Montagu, by virtue of, and in com-
pliance with, a deed of settlement and the will of
the late Lord Montagu, as to property over which
her ladyship had a power of disposal, has appointed
and directed her trustees to divide the same among
her three daughters, to whom her ladyship also
leaves the residue of her property, after paying
legacies and annuities ; but, in the event of her
daughter, the Countess of Home, succeeding as heir
of entail to the Douglas and other entailed estates
in Scotland, now in the possession of her brother,
James Lord Douglas, then her share to be divided
among her two sisters. There is an annuity of
£3OO, and alsci-ez, legacy of £5OO, bequeated to the
Rev. R. M. 13oulthee, 8.D., who was chaplain to
Lord Montagu.. There are several other bequests
mentioned, as well as legacies to all her servants.
The will bears date the 21st September, 1855, and
a codicil tho 23d July, 1857, which were proved in
the London Court of Probate on the 16th April, by
the three executors--the Duke of Buceleuch and
Queensberry, and the Earl of Home, and George
Wm. Hope, Esq., her two sons-in-law. The per-
sonalty in the United Kingdom 'was sworn under
£3o,ooo—there being £lB,OOO in England and
£12,000 in Scotland liable to probate duty.—lllus-
i trated London News.

SHEFFIELD AND HALlFAX.—Sheffield also WaS
noted for its whittles even in the time ofrhaucer, as it now
gives steel to all the world—the blade to the Briton for his
beef, and the savage for his "long-pig's—to the Red Indian
for scalping a foe, and the civilised American for "solving
a difficulty"—to the brigand for cutting a throat, the sailor
his tobacco, the priest his sacramental bread. One great
branch of Sheffield's industry in these days consists in the
manufacture of that mysterious article of feminine apparel
which is used to give the female form its full develope-
ment, and endow it with the essential bulginess.
Sheffield thrives on the new fashion, which almost
makes up for it in the decline of the tomahawk business
consequent on the evangelisation of Polynesia. Halifax is
another of the old industrial towns, now hardly able to hold
its own a„..mainst its younger rivals. It is noted as the largest
parish in England, and otherwise by its name of terrorto
thieves. " From Hell, Hull, and Halifax good Lord deliver
us I" was a part of the ancient thieves' litany, the last being
dreaded the most for its bloody law, by which felony taken
within the liberty, either " hand-habened, back-berand, or
confessand." as to any commodity of the value of thirteen-
pence halfpenny were Jiable to be beheaded within three
days by a species of guillotine. Not the least important of
the manufacturing towns is Batley, the chief seat of that
great latter-day staple of England—shoddy. This is the
famous rag capital, the tatter metropolis, where every beg-
gar in Europe sends his cast-off clothes to be made into sham
broadcloth for cheap gentility. Of moth-eaten coats, frowsy
jackets, reeeky linen, effusive cotton, and old worsted stock-
ings this is the last destination. Reduced to filament and
a greasy pulp by mighty-toothed cylinders, the much-vexed
fabrics re-enter life in the most brilliant forms—from solid
pilot cloth to silky mohair and glossiest tweed. Thus the
tail coat rejected by the Irish peasant, the gaberdine too
foul for the Polish beggar, are turned again to shining uses,
re-appearing, it may be, in the lustrous paletot of the sport-
ing dandy, the delicate riding habit of the Belgravian belle,
or the sad-sleek garment of her confessor.— Westminster
Review.

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his head will be clear again, his spirits elevated, and all hie
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[ADVERTISEMENT.]— SIGHT AND HEARING. SPEC-
TACLES.—POWERPVL TELESCOPES.--OPERA, RACE, AND
yilesse,en.distancese;en.
PERSPECTIVE GLASSES. Messrs. S. and B. gtisoemrvonst
opticians, 39, Albermarle-Street, Piccadilly.
Observe—
opposite the York Hotel, W.—Opera,
d-a-half and three
and general Out-door Day and Night ll'ernospnecaii
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ni 12 :,n4
very small, for the waistcoat pocket, elachs. t
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Will show dis-
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-
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and with
sportsmen, gentlemen, Parnd
night glasses gfloasrsedseeinr,ipsetriacerionpeg.
gamekeepers.
All the above can be
object at 12 to . Jupiter's an
extra astro-
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the double stars areadistinctly
Royal Letters Patent
had of larger and sizes, with increasing powers, and
son may be cller•ml
The Royal Exhibition, 1851. A valuable,newly-
invented, very small, powerful waistcoat-pockare secured by her Majesty's
et Glass,
the size of a walnut by which a person can be seen
and known one and a half mile distant. They answer
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houses. Country scenery and ships are clearly seen
at four to six miles. They are invaluable for shooting,
deer-stalking, yachting, to rt
spo smen, gentlemen, game-
keepers, and tourists. Price 30s.—Spectacle Lenses of the
greatest transparent power. The great advantage derived
from this invention is, that vision becoming impaired is
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—can see with those lenses of a much less magnifying
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dangerous effects of further powerful assistance. Persons
can be suited at the most remote part of the world by send-
ing one of the glasses out of their spectacles in a letter, and
stating the distance from the eyes they can read small print
with it, and these who have not made use of spectacles by
statingtheirage. Deafness.—New Discovery.—The Organic
Vibrator, an extraordinarily powerful small newly-i
instrument for Deafness, entirely different from all otheroa,,_
surpasses anything of the kind that has-been, ooru 13 r
,D D'Y
i. the
ever can be, produced. Being of the same 1
rscoons to hear
skin is not perceptible. It enables deaf Pees;
If the unplea-
distinctly at church and at public affsee mb
s is entirely re.
sant sensation of singing noises in the
moved, tance that possibly could
moved, and it affords all the 11,951 S
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Observe—
be desired.-39, Albemarle-street, ri
opposite the York Hotel, W.