The Sun.
London, England, 1861-09-02 00:00:00

LONDOri., MONDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 2, 1861.

FRANCE, ITALY, AND ROiIE•

PARIS, SATURDAY, AUG. 31, 7 P.M.
In a delicate question like that of Rome, which is
in the hands of a Government placed in an equally
delicate position in regard to it, every step in ad-
vance, hbwever small, must be hailed with applause.
The new pamphlet entitled L' Enzpereur, Bonze, et
le Bol.d'italie, .of which I sent you the gist yester-
day by telegraph, must be considered a great step
in advance. In spite of the omnipotence of which
the Emperor disposes it would be a great mistake
to suppose that no account is taken of the move
ment of the popular mind. On the contrary, it is
perhaps more minutely studied in all its quakings
and quiverings than by any other Continental Go-
vernment in order to lead it on in a certain direc-
tion, nor can it bo well otherwise in a Government
which bases itself on popular sovereignty, and
which appeals continually to its verdict. The coup
d'etat was not attempted before there was a rea-
sonable chance of its being approved by the masses,
nor was the Crimean or Italian war undertaken
before the popular mind was prepared for them.
This may account for a good deal of delay, hesi-
tation, and crookedness in the line of policy
pursued. Where public opinion is unfettered in its
manifestations and is taken as the exponent of the
wishes of the people, it is easy enough to find out
which way it gravitates; but when you wish to lead
popular opinion in a certain direction, and prevent
it from going in another, the test of ripeness is not
always easy; at any rate, it demands great exertion.
It is like the working Of a blast furnace, which
revlires 'a good seal of probing before it can be
tapped with success. The safest way of probing
public opinion seems to have been found in these
official, semi-official, officious—l don't know what
to call them—pamphlets.
It is some time since a rumour prevailed about the
imminence of a pamphlet on the Roman question, as
usual attributed to the forge of Lagueronniere,
under high control, but the rumour passed away,
and nothing more was heard of it. In the mean-
time tFe Goyon-Merode case occurred, and the state
of things in Southern Italy was becoming worse,
while every day brought clearer proofs that the
centre of all the Legitimist brigand movement is at
Rome. With the exception of the clerical and
Legitimist papers the whole press threw itself with
unusual violence on the first event, while scarcely a
week has passed since without the papers taking
up the subject of Southern Italy, to draw from it
the conclusion of the necessity of evacuating Rome.
This insistance would scarcely have lasted long had
it not passed the approval of the Government. In
the interval curious clerical cases found their way
into the Gazette des 2ribunaux, a circumstance to
which I attracted your attention a few days ago.
In spite of the discretion with which this formidable
weapon was used by the Goverment, the effect on
the masses has not.been lost, especially in the South
of France, where they have excited a strong feeling
against the clergy. A few days ago the Siecle took
up the ball once more, with its mysterious Ponti-
fical note, which, in spite of the Pays and its own
profession of incredulity, considerably disturbed the
equanimity of the clerical press. We may now con-
clude that all this, including Ricasoli's note to the
Italian representatives abroad, published yesterday
in the Siecle, was a preparation for the probing. The
authorship of M. Lagueronniere for, the present
pamphlet is categorically denied, and great mystery
is made of the author, which was not the case before
on similar occasions. But, besides its coming out
of the same shop, the tone of the pamphlet is so
decided and authoritative that no doubt can be
entertained.

Both in matter and form the present pamphlet is
an immense improvement on its predecessors. There
is none of that vagueness and haziness which has
characterised the latter, and if the time for the
final blow is not specified, the solution of the
Roman question is at any rate fixed without minc-
ing. It is "couteau a la gorge." " Will you yield ?
If not, we will do the thing without you."
The pamphlet, which is only of 30 pages, begins
its introduction with a mild application of the
quousque tandem, saying that
_ _

" None will accuse the Government of the Em-
peror of having been wanting in patience in Roman
affairs. The general opinion would rather be that
he has shown too much of it ; but there is a limit
to patience likewise."
Alluding to the Merode affair, it says :--
"It seemed likely to precipitate events. One
may be sure that the Emperor feels as he must
every insult, which in the mind of those who ren-
der themselves guilty of it is addressed even less to
his person than to the great nation he has the
honout of commanding. But, according to the say-
ing of Napoleon 1., the real statesman must have
his heart in his head.' And, besides, he who has
the conscience of his own strength can easily mas-
ter himself, and knows how to wait, because he is
certain of being able to act when the hour he has
fixed for acting has come. This is why the brava-
does of M. de Merode have not produced hitherto
any special measure on the part of the Government.
In spite of the imprudent violence on the one and
the legitimate impatience on the other side, the
Roman question follows its regular course."
After this short preface, the first chapter sets
forth the thesis that the desire of the reaction is
to make of the Neapolitan provinces another Vendee
and another Coblentz of Rome.

" Thus in the centre of the new kingdom of Italy,
and under the shadow of the French flag Legiti-
mist adventurers conspire with impunity. The ex-
King of Naples arms there his bands against the
King of Italy, recognised by the Emperor, and his
chief accomplices are those whose power, re-estab-
lished and protected by the arms of France could
not subsist for an hour if France withdrew her
hand.

" It is impossible to doubt of the connivance of
the Pontifical authorities; they glorify in it. To
prove this we will quote three or four perfectly
authenticated cases."

Then the pamphlet mentions the 30,000 stand of
arms which were taken by the French from the
fugitive Neapolitans and confided to the PL,ntifical
Government, which armed the Neapolitan bands
with them. Then the will of King Ferdinand 11.
is alluded to, which leaves a twelfth of his private
fortune to the poor in Naples and Sicily. The Pope
has changed this will, allowing this portion to be
employed for the emigrants, military, civil, and
clerical, in Rome.

The two reports of the Italian Lieutenancy at
Naples are quoted, in the first of which the parti-
cipation of the Papal Zouaves and of artillery and
the incursions of Chiavone are mentioned, and in
the second the practice is set forth which the Pon-
tifical authorities pursue on the frontiers, of forcing
the people arriving froth the South with Italian
passports to exchange them for others given to them
by the ex•representatives of the kingdom of Naples.
When they go back to the Neapolitan territory
they don't receive back their own papers. The
Italian maritime police, not wishing to throw
obstacles in the way of intercourse, admit these
papers, and thus reactionary agents are introduced
into the kingdom.
" We will not reproduce the sad scenes of pillage
and massacre which desolate the Neapolitan pro-
vinces. We shall only observe that it is less a civil
war than a brigandage on a large scale, excited and
paid from Rome by the ex-King of Naples with the
gold of Legitimists and priests, like in former times
the Comte d'Artois excited and paid the Chouans
from London with the gold of England. There is
no doubt this scandal would cease if we left
Rome ; consequently we appear as accomplices.
We cannot accept such a responsibility before
Europe and history. Only it is urgent to act,
if this Neapolitan Vendee is to be destroyed.
France likewise began her great revolution by
concord, and it was the reaction of the Bourbons
!and of the clergy which drove her into the sy stem

of terror, and led to the establishment of the Com-
mittee of Public Safety. Surely no one will expect
us to play the part of Pitt and Coburg. England
had, at least, the excuse that the French Revolution
was sapping the basis of the British oligarchy. But
France and Italy have common enemies, and the
aim of these latter is clearly avowed. The procla-
mation spread in the ancient kingdom of the Two
Sicilies are all to one effect—tiac legitimate King,
Francis IL, must be restored. Italy must be torn
from the grasp of French influence, and another
1815 must be made against the Bonapartes. In
Rome the clergy pray openly for the formation of
the coalition and for a general restoration. And
from Verona Austria replies—' Courage, the cause
of Francis H. against Victor Emmanuel is that of
Henri V. against Napoleon—it is the struggle of
legitimacy against usurpation.' Everyone remem-
bers how the Duke of Modena treated the Napoleons
as baraque Bonapartiste;' and how he flattered
himself to camp with the Austrians on the heights
of Montmartre. The thoughts and dreams of
Francis 11. are little different. Italy, he says, in
one proclamation (May 1861), which proclaims her-
self liberated from the oppression and slavery of
Austria, has fallen—like in the first years of this
century—under a Napoleonic tyranny. Oh, if
Europe remembered for an instant how much blood
has flowed for more than 50 years to assuage the
ambitions of two new men; the rrproduction of cer-
tain articles of the Treaty_of /815 (exiling the Na-
poleons) would appear a very mild measure in face
of the necessity of taking ni re decided (tranchant)
and more durable precauti,e.e I.e.t one talk of the
plebiscite—that act in WhiCh only he takes refuge
who rises from the mud, and who by conspiring
wishes to seize a throne ; and it is to protect such
people that France will sacrifice her interests, and
that the Emperor will expose his popularity. By
keeping M. de Merode in the Ministry they make
themselves at Rome responsible for what he says
and does. By not sending away Francis 11. from
Rome they declare before the world that they make
common cause with him. Nor can the recall of
our troops be much longer delayed. It is a ques-
tion which is resolved in principle."
In the second chapter the question of Italian
nationality is treated, and the idea that France has
to fear from a strong Italy repudiated.
"The language of the new Prime Minister of
Italy has made a great impression in France and
nominally on the Empt ror. The arguments of the
Italians reduce themselves to this—a people with-
cut nationality is nothing. There is no nationality
without unity, and no unity without a'capital. The
Italian nation has a right to its capital, and the
capital of Italy is Rome. We will not here discuss
the principle of nationality. No person in his
senses will now contest this principle. It is one of
the corner-stones of the new public law in Europe.
Religious liberty is the first, as national sovereignty
is the third. Italian liberty must no more be called
into question. The confederation has never been
put forward as a principle, only as an expedient,
with which the plebiscites have done away legally
and legitimately."

Then the pamphlet goes into the question of a
capital for the nation, and argues the necessity of
"traditions, genius, and services rendered ;" the
capital ought to be the most complete expression of
the national mind, with power to realise it, and then
it draws the inference that this is the case with
Rome. Leaving Rome—that is, Italy, to herself,
Italy will' have the means of her own grandear.
" We must," continues the pamphlet :
" Have done at once with that meanness (tnesqui-
nines) of another epoch, that France has to fear a
strong Italy. It was a ministerial tradition under
Louis Philippe, for the weak fear the strong. To-
day it would be an anachronism. In what way
would France be weakened if the principles of
the Revolution of 1789 receive their consecra-
tion in Rome, and are proclaimed from the Eternal
City, urbi et orbi. On the contrary, it will be for
us a subject of legitimate pride."
After quoting passages from Ricasoli's speech of
the 25th of Jane, in which it puts forward that
there can be no conflict of interests between France
and Italy, the pamphlet goes on :

"There are for Italy two great questions—Rome
and Venetia. The day after Solferino the libera-
tion of Venetia was in the foreground ; but after
the peace of Villafranca, above all, after the entry
of Garibaldi into Naples, and since the annexation
of the Marches and Umbria, the most urgent ques-
tion is to have Rome as a capital. Italy without
Venetia is like France without Belgium. But
without Rome she seems only tolerated among
nations. The chief thing, then, at present is for
Italy, Rome. Venetia will come afterwards. We
remember that Venetia, given to Austria by the
Treaty of Campo Formio, was delivered at Auster-
litz. Wt o knows if in our days, similarly, Venetia,,
abandoned to Austria by the Peace of Villafranca,
will not be delivered, in spite of the Quadrilateral,
by a new European victory, and without any effu-
sion of blood in Italy ? Italy has a right to her
capital, and the duty of France is to hasten the
time to surrender it to her."

The third chapter anatomizes mercilessly the tern-
poral power of the Pope. It begins :
"We have the sad and scandalous sight in the
centre of Europe, in the midst of the 19th century,
of seeing a Power which says, ' This people is
mine ; it is my property.' And if one thinks that
the Power which holds this language is an ideal
Power, half sacred, which speaks in the name of
God, is this not a double and triple scandal ? Let
them show the lease which God gave them,' replied
General Bonaparte to the Mamelukes, who pre-
tended that, they had a lease of land of Egypt, and
that the Egyptians were for them like farm cattle.
In reality, Papacy adduces against Italy the prin-
ciple of expropriation for religious utility. But
where has this singular right been ever heard of ?
In what code of laws is it written ? And on what
moral principle does it repose ? The greatest mise-
ries of Italy have come from the temporal power of
the Popes. Italy could not live being cut in two by
the States of the Church. It is the temporal power
of the Papacy which has impeded Italy from be-
coming a nation like France. Another argument—
The great principles of civilization, which separates
the spiritual and temporal power, finds a living con-
tradiction in the power of the Pope, and yet Christ
has said that word which has not als ays been under-
stood in all its profoundness—' Give to Caesar what
is Caesar's,' &c. The Bishop of Rome, when he took
the place of the Emperors, became, like them, Ponti-
fex and King. Thus, the old tyranny has perpetu-
ated itself in Rome in spite of the word of Christ."
To the objection that the Pope cannot be inde-
pendent without a kingdom thp reply is, that thus
the bishops and priests could likewise not be so
without church property, which is in contradiction
to the principles of 1789. If it were admitted that
Rome and the Pontifical States were necessary for
the independence of the Pope, it would be necessary
to restore to him all that has been taken away. Who
will do it ? France and England have recognised
Italy—it is afait accompli. But, if they are already
so much diminished, why could not they be more
so? If the extent of the Pope's power is to be
measured by his possessions it would be necessary
to extend them to the extremities of the earth.

" His temporal power may have an end as it had
a beginning. It is not of Divine origin. Jesus said
to the Apostles Go and teach,' and not Go and
conquer.' The Pope declares his cause that of all
thrones. If he means thrones according to the old
law, which considered peoples as the patrimony of
a family, he placed himself in opposition with the
new law of progress and civilisation according to
which the only legitimate basis of power is the
national will. Chailemagne gave it; Napoleon
retook the estates of the Church ; the majority of
the Powers who gave them back in 1815 have recog-
nised the kingdom of Italy. After all, the chapter
concludes, the question is not to assist the temporal
power of the Pope. It is dead in the spirit of the

' populations. It would have to be resuscitated, and
God has not allowed this miracle. A great attempt
has been made, every one knows with what result.
A better Pope than has been seen for centuries was
governing the Church, and the aLuses were the same
as under Gregory XVI. The most disinterested ad-
vice was constantly given to the Court of Rome.
A military protection, which released him of all
care for his safety and allowed him to begin any
reforms, was given to him by the most liberal nation
of the world, and nothing has been obtained. No
improvement could be obtained. The trial was
decisive. The temporal power is in its last hour."
Then a hit is made against the pretensions of the
Spanish Government that Rome is the capital of
Catholicism, but a hope is expressed that this is not
the opinion of the Spanish people, Then the idea
is refuted that the garrison of Rome was maintained
with a view to a possible new war :

" The Italians, who are surely the best judges,
think differently. Then it is nearer from Cham-
bery to Verona than from Rome to the Mincio.
'The motive for which the Emperor has left, in spite
of his own inclinations, an army of occupation in
Rome, was his desire to conciliate the two great
social forces—religion and nationality. He thought
the Papacy and Italy would make mutual conces-
sions, which are in their common interest. He is
obliged to confess that Italy alone has shown her-
self disposed to make them. If the Pope has not
constituted that limited. Liberal Government which
would have calmed any animosities and spared
many sufferings, Victor Emmanuel has established
it. Constitutional liberty has spremi its rays from
Turin all over the Peninsula. It is this which has
attracted all Italy towards him, and has made it
into a nation. Now the Romans, on whom the
reflex of this liberty has fallen from afar at first,
but drawing nearer by degrees, will likewise enter
into possession of the law which gives it. The
Romans are in the right; and the Powers which
were so frightened in 1849 by the power of the
Triumvirs will find now that the constitutional
authority of Victor Emmanuel will be a greater
guarantee for political order and religious liberty
than that given at present by the reactionary
authority of the Cardinals."

The fifth and last chapter gives the solution :
" All we can say to-day is that there is no
guarantee, material or moral, which has not been
offered by the Italian Ministers to secure the inde-
pendence of the Sovereign Pontiff. Every one will
be able to convince himself of this as soon as the
moment shall have come to publish these important
documents."

Then an appeal comes :
" In the days of reflection which are still remain-
ing to the Holy Father will truth appear to him?
We have seen kings abdicate to avoid useless effu-
sion of blood ; why should the common Father of
the Faithful, the vicar of Him who died for the sal-
vation of mankind, not abdicate spontaneously a
temporal power with which he can do no more
good, and which is the cause of so much misery ?
Let Pius IX. remember the enthusiasm which he
excited by pronouncing the word Italy. Oh !if
by an elan of his heart he could return to those
glorious days he would recover in a moment all the
popularity of hie first years. No doubt it is late to
abandon one's•self to these visions. It will be at
least a great consolation for Italy as well as France
that nothing has been neglected to establish con-
cord and conciliation. If the Court of Rome remains
obstinate, then nothing remains but an appeal to the
Roman people. The plebiscite will take place under
the eyes of the French army. Who will suspect it?
And the morning after, if Victor Emmanuel is
called upon to reign in Rome, the French troops
will be successively relieved by Italian troops, so
that nothing should be left to chance and that no
disorder should happen. The King of Italy will
publish then the convention between him and the
Catholic Powers with a view of insuring the inde-
pendence of the Holy See and the splendour of the
Catholic religion. The Rye then may do as he
pleases. He will remain or depart. On him be
the responsibility of religious division:'
Here, then is the solution. Then a hope is ex-
pressed that the Pope will not take refuge in the
camp of the reaction, by which he would lose his
spiritual power too, but that, on the contrary, he
will put himself at the head of all grand and noble
ideas and purify them by his patronage. The
concluding words are :

" Then the Papacy will act according to its own
inspiration. But it will have no cause of complaint,
for who will see a martyr in the Pope ? If the
Pope blesses Italy, then a new day will dawn for
the Church ; if not, let destiny be accomplished.
But Rome will not the less be the capital of Italy."
I give you as complete a resume as it is possible
to give without translating the whole, and I ❑se as
much as possible the words themselves. Only thus
is it possible to form a just idea of the nature and
style of the pamphlet.

There is not much necessity, as you see, of a denial
of the authorship of M. La Gueronnieh.e. No one
would suspect it. There is a unity, tone of authority,
clearness, and vigour in this production which give
it the character of a manifesto rather than a pam-
phlet. Especially in the fourth chapter, where the
Emperor's motifs are exposed, it reads very much
like Cresar commenting on Casar's actions. Who
could dare to assume such a tone ? The solution,
clear and cutting, lays down the law. The French
army is going, and where France renounces inter-
vention no one else shall interfere. The Italian Go-
vernment has offered all imaginable guarantees.
Will you accept or not ? If you will not, a plebiscite
of the Roman people will take place under the safe-
guard of the French army, and if Victor Emmanuel
is called to Rome the Italian troops will relieve
ours, and the Pope may do what he likes.
And all this set forth in what might be called
lapidary style. The importance of the document
can scarcely be exaggerated. It appeared yesterday
morning, before evening every copy was bought up,
but not one of the papers says a word about this re-
markable production. I can only attribute this to
an apprehension of compromising themselves in so
delicate a matter, and, as usual, waiting for instruc-
tion. It is some time since we had one of those
unexpected blows, and this time it is what may be
called a backhander. The Emperor leaves on Wed-
nesday for Biarritz, and every one expects quiet and
dullness, and on Friday the pamphlet is lance—the
gauntlet thrown down boldly to Ultramontanism
and reaction.

Thus the reactionary party in Rome has hastened
its own doom ; for who knows how long the Roman
question might have dragged on had it not been for
the assistance of his ex-Majesty Francis 11.
What the effect of the pamphlet will be in Italy
one need scarcely say. It will make the Emperor
greater than ever, while the liberal world can only
applaud the resolution which removes the cause of
so much misery in Italy and gives at last a chance
to consolidate the great national work. The chief
thing is that the deed should follow speedily the
word.

GOVERNMENT EMIGRATION.—Her Majesty's
Emigration Commissioners chartered on Thursday after-
noon the Jessie Munn, of 874 tons, :belonging to Messrs.
H. T. 'Wilson and Chambers, of Liverpool, to sail from
Plymouth for Moreton Bay, Queensland, at £l2 18s. sd.
per statute adult; to be ready for the reception of passen-
gers on such days as the Commissioners may appoint
between the 14th and 21st of October.

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