The Sun.
London, England, 1859-10-12 00:00:00

violent check ; and so little broken by forcible concussion
that all the permanent improvements have been effected
'peacefully, and only short-lived changes have been the
work of force. The distinguishing characteristic of our
constitution is not confined to the manner and process of its
formation. The felicity has, indeed, been inestimable of
our having obtained its blessings without paying the price
in public calamities and crimes. But the acquisition we
have made is greatly increased in value by the manner of
making it. The structure is much better than if it had
been formed in any other way. Even in providing a habita-
tion, as well as in framing a constitution, comfort and con-
venience may be better secured by altering and improving
a house already built and•inhabited than by raising one on
an entirely new plan. The prudent thus find the risk little,
the benefit great ; while others erect fine mansions which
they don't care to use ; and give rise to the proverb that
fools build houses for wise men to live in. So we feel the
utmost confidence in all the principal parts of our system
because they are the result of actual experience and mutual
concessions where a conflict of opposing parties has arisen.
Thus, then, has been framed, and thus we possess, the Bri-
tish constitution—a combination of different interests and
one, and against error in the action of the whole ; uniting
one,
at once providing against the encroachment of any
in itself the characteristic qualities of all other Governments
—regal, patrician, republican ; and endowed with their re-
spective virtues, borrowing vigour from monarchy, stability
from aristocracy, popular freedom from democracy. The
people possess by their representatives a voice in the ma-
nagement of their own affairs, a real •control over the con-
duct of their rulers, and a sensible weight in the selection of
the public servants. The o wners of property, the possessors
of rank, and the representatives of all kinds of personal emi-
nence, have a power and authority sufficient to check the
excesses of popular violence. The Sovereign can influence
the conduct of affairs as far as is compatible with the delibe-
rate will of the other branches of the Government. Above
all, the unspeakeable blessing of a pure and impartial admi-
nistration of justice is secured by the absolute independence
of the judges, and their exclusion from all share in party or
even in any political proceedings. The structure of the
constitution has been likened to a pyramid, of which the
broad base supporting the whole is formed of the people ; the
middle portion is the aristocracy of rank, property, talents,
and acquirements ; and on the narrow summit rests the
Crown. The judicial power, pure and unsullied, calmly
exercised by men independent of all the other Osiers and
removed from ail faction, partaking neither of its fury nor
its delusions, forms a mighty zone which girds the pyramid
round about, connecting the loftier and narrower with the
humbler anel broader layers, binding the whole compactly
together, and repressing the encroachments and smooth-
ing the ruggedness of axy of its parts. But the essen-
tial part of the aristocratical element must never
be forgotten or overlooked Nothing else can protect
liberty from an arbitrary Sovereign, or from the more
insupportable tyranny of the multitude, more insupportable
because pervading the whole community, while the single
despot affects only certain classes. Sodeeply impressed with
this truth are some friends of liberty, advocates of popular
government, that they deem a landed aristocracy the indis-
pensable condition of a free constitution. But whether one
kind of aristocracy alone can prevent the usurpation both
of an individual and of the multitude, our mixed monarchy
is safe on either supposition. To admit that this great poli-
tical structure has imperfections, or that into its adminis-
tration abuses have found their way, is only to confess that
itis the work of man, and by men administered ; nor can
any rational admiration which it calls forth be for a moment
allowed to preclude further improvements, or to be urged as
a reason against considering fully any proposal conceived in
a wise and reflecting spirit, and tending to amendment, not
to subversion. But we are to regard in the first place the
inestimable advantages which it at present secures to us,
even if no further improvement be effected ; and if none of
the existing administrative abuses be removed. Thus let it
be granted that the representation is defective, and that
classes are excluded whose admission is required both by
considerations of justice and by the public interests. Still
see what a prodigious benefit the existing state of things
confers upon the people in their rights and their interests
of every description. The business of the State is conducted
in public ; in public every matter is discussed by the two
houses; and there is hardly any restraint by law, certainly
none whatever in practice, upon the complete discussion
both at popular meetings and through the press. Then, be-
side the security of life, liberty, property, and reputation
under the law, there is this further protection from oppres-
sion or abuse of any kind to even the humblest person in
the community, that without his having recourse to
the law he can make his grievance known td Parliament
and to the public—a protection which almost always pre-
vents any cause of complaint. Contrast the security from
injury thus enjoyed by our follow-citizens with the exposure
to oppression and injury. of various kinds of which the in-
habitants of other countries complain—countries where
there is no Parliament, no public meetings, no press, or
what is worse than none, a fettered, partial, corrupt press
—and you will readily believe that the people of those
countries would be glad to exchange their fine climate, fer-
tile territory, and slight taxation, if they might with our
darker sky, reluctant soil, and heavy burdens, have a par-
liament and a public press which should make the sacrifice
of their lives and fortunes to the caprice of a ruler and the
' malversation and oppression of his servants an impossibi-
lity. I have singled out the most remarkable practical
advantage of our situation; but I am fully aware of that
which was specified by the illustrious captain and states-
man whose loss we deplore each succeeding day, and to
what quarter soever we turn our eyes, whether to peace or
war, to foreign or domestic affairs. That great man was
wont to dwell upon this as a peculiar felicity of English
men, that with all the distinction of rank, the exclusive
privileges of some classes, the unequal distribution of poli-
tical power, there is no man so humbly born, nor in so un-
fortunate a condition, who may not rise by the exertion of
his industry and his talents to the highest station under
the Crown. This, then, is that mighty system of govern-
ment which bestows such unspeakable blessings upon our
country, and has truly been called the envy of the world.
It is melancholy to contemplate the perils that surround it,
and which have of late years been greatly upon the in-
crease—perils mainly arising from the conduct of those
for whose highest interests it provides, and the conduct
even of those who share in the exercise of its functions.
Its open enemies abroad, its doubtful friends and con-
cealed adversaries among ourselves, regard this danger
with more or less of satisfaction ; they all consider con-
stitutional government, the scheme of representation,
as upon its trial. The ignorance, the fickleness, the
intemperance in all its forms of the electoral body, is
dwelt upon with great exaggeration, and they rely
still more upon the corruption, probably exaggerated
also, of candidates as well as voters. Now it is a
great, though a very common error, when exaggeration
is found in any charge, to suppose therefore that there
is no foundation for the charge. The parties accused
never fail to seize upon this ground of defence, and too
often with success. But sober reflection must be applied
to sift the matter, and, when the subject is of great impor-
tance, it is absolutely necessary to ascertain what portion
of the charge is groundless, how much remains probable,
and how much is proved. After making all deductions, it
is quite manifest that there prevails in very many town con-
stituencies an inveterate practice of bribery, whether direct
or by shifts. In some boroughs money is given directly for
votes. In others, under pretence of purchasing some com-
modity, 10 times its value is given the seller being a voter,
agent. In not a few cases voters
of carrying messages, or doing
are htr
hee
e enormous number being so hired,
and in one instance above 400 on each side, all of whom hbr
trifling
edr thed
work,
candidatesv rr
pretence'
.n
re-
ceive payment from the candidates or their agents. Now
to all moral intents, and to all legal also, these are mere acts
of bribery, and the disguise attempted only adds to the
moral offence, though the legal remains unaggravated. It
is thus manifass that the franchise is regarded by a great
body of persons not as a trust to be exercised for public pur-
poses, but as a private property to be used for individual
gain. Those persons, no doubt, are aware that this use of
it it is unlawful, and hence they who so act, and they who
seduce them, are conscious of an infraction of the law, and
s habit of doing unlawful things is thus widely produced,
to the great detriment of the public morals and leading to a
breach of other laws also. Nor is this all. Whoever takes
a bribe is liable on tendering his vote to have the bribery
oath administered. Such persons are aware of this. The
bribed voter, therefore, who goes to the poll knows that
the oath may be offered, and in 99- cases in 100 ho is
prepared to take it—that is, to commit perjury. Even
if it be not tendered, and the perjury is not committed,
can he be acquitted of moral guilt? A foatpad goes out
to rob, armed with his pistol. If resisted ho is resolved
to use it, or at any rate if recognised, he is prepared to
destroy the evidence against him. He has upon his con-
science the moral guilt of murder, even if he escapes
being tempted to commit the crime. Can the voter who
takes a bribe be deemed less guilty of intended perjury than
the highwayman of intended murder? Those who offer
bribes ought to reflect how nearly they commit the crime of
subornation of perjury. From such crimes all mon would
shrink, possibly oven from the lesser crime of bribery unac-
companied with the dreadful aggravation of false swearing.
B those are guilty of both the lesser and the aggravatedriag
offence who employ an agent to bribe and supply him with
the means of bribery. It is said that they only • e Let
money to bo expended in a lawful manner ; that theygtv have,
confidence in their agents; and that they even direct them
on no account to practise corruption. But the existence of
the practice is question is no notorious, and they
reason to doubt the zeal, the activity, and the unscrupulous
nature of those they; employ; the jobbing atterey
known for an electioneering agent as othrs.of his craft a
ras we
ll
known tae
are
known formoney-lendingagents ,• thepublican, who b •
bargains
that his house shall be used ; whose accounts, the bill of the
one and the score of the other are paid without
any e ut.ny
These things cloak from the candidate's eyes the particularar*
course pursued in spending his money, but that the corrupt
deeds have been done, he must be taken to know as well as
t
he knows how much they have cost him, ased the state
of
the poll which is the result. Let him not doubt, then, his
own criminality, or flatter himself that he has not spread
corruption among his fellow-creatures, sapped th •
their morals,
produced fraud and falsehood, aye, even perjury, merely'
because he has wilfully shut his eyes to the acts of those
by whom he has done the deed. Men, especially when en-
gaged in evil courses, are prone to discover differences ; and
self-love, the great source of the blindness, is itself quick-
sighted to descry nice distinctions that may screen from
the stern judge whom Providence has appointed in the
breast—distinctions which may leave the guilt doubtful by
concealing it from our own eyes. An Eastern tale which
most of us has read illustrates this. A tyrant was minded
to put two of his family to death; but even his relent-
less nature recoiled from witnessing the murder ho had
commanded, according to the accustomed solicism, as
Lord Bacon calls it, of arbitrary power, desiring the end
but disliking the means. The same repugnance was shared
by the officer entrusted with the commission of the crime';
and thinking he could divide the guilt by dividing the in-
strumentality, he employed one ignorant of the criminal
purpose. This unsuspected and unsuspicious agent was
taken to a cave where a rope that entered the ground was
made fast to an iron ring, and he was told to sever it with
a hatchet. On the blow being struck the rope instantly
disappeared with great force ; and being carried to a cham-
ber in the adjoining palace, he saw two persons who had
been crushed to death by the descent of a marble canopy
under which they had been fast asleep, and which had
been suspended by the rope. The tyrant, and even his
officer, would have recoiled from the sight of the slaughter
which they scrupled not to perpetrate, and of which they I
were as guilty as if they had with their own hand plunged
a dagger into their victims, and been' sprinkled with their
blood. With the full approval of the illustrious friend
whom I have already mentioned, I once referred to this
apologue in illustration of their guilt, who invested their
capital in slave-trading adventures, and who would have
shrunk back from the sight of horrors iu that infernal
traffic ; but who were really as much pt
guilty of • racy and
murder as the wretches actually engage in it. These aro
greater crimes than the propagation of immorality and er-
jury throughout tho community; but thel)
relation ofthe
principal and the agent is the same • andthe former is
equally guilty though of a somewhat lesser offence • I say
somewhat lesser, for I never shall forget the f
an honest and experienced judge,thel exclamation c.
Williams, in conversation with Lord Dennalatet Mrci. Justice
that he felt a horror at seeing perjury commitlteadibliryelti;
eyes only to be surpassed by the sight of •d
min er. On our
expreSsing a doubt whether he did not rate too high a de-
gree of guilt unhappily too often incurred, " No," said he
" and that only increases my horror of it ; but were it con-