The Sun.
London, England, 1861-01-21 00:00:00

made yet stronger during,the two months' grace '
afforded them by the EMPEROR. We shall, how-
ever, at least soon know the plan of attack and its
first results, should not the news be that the young
monarch had the humanity and common sense to
waste no more lives and money in so perfectly use-
less a struggle.
But what has been the consideration for which
Louis NAPOLEON has withdrawn his perfidious
intervention ? One of his reasons was doubtless the
approach of the day when the British Senate would
sit in judgment on his conduct ; another, to mollify
the electors of Italy now about to choose their re-
presentatives. But we are inclined to believe he
has gone somewhat farther: The Opinions of
Turin, which occupies about the same relation to the
Government there as the Constitutionnel does to the
Government at Paris, has an article strongly against
the war policy of GARIBALDI. It pictures strikingly
the miserable position of Austria, with her cause
in Italy condemned by Europe—compelled to wit-
ness the union of all Italy against her will—and
obliged at a ruinous cost, to maintain in Venetia
an army of 150,000 men. It then goes on to
shew that the only hope of Austrian is Italian
imprudence—that she dare not attack Italy be-
caulle that would isolate her from all support; but
the t if the Italians should attack her before they
wore fully prepared to do so, she would have a
cause which would be more easily justified, and
Italians would risk by defeat all the advantages
they have hitherto gained. The war party is
adroitly appealed to thus :—" The war party is
agreed with us in its principles; it recognises, like
us, VICTOR EMMANUEL as the head of Italy ; but
it is necessary that this recognition should not be
contradicted by the facts. VICTOR EMMANUEL is
King of Italy, and as King he alone has the right
to declare war. It would be ridiculous for any one
individual to profess obedience to the head of the
nation and then to substitute himself for that head
by provoking a war, and by involving the nation in
dangers which the King wished to avoid."
Again, turning to mere military considerations,
such we may suppose as Colonel TUBE has been
sent to urri on GARIBALDI at Caprera, the writer
in the semi-official organ says :—" If the Sicilian
expedition be drawn into the argument it will
only have the effect of proving that the means
emv2loyed in Sicily are of no avail against Austria.
The fatigues and the labours undergone by our
r,oldiers beneath the walls of Gaeta allow us to
foresee what we should have to endure beneath
the fortresses of Verona and of Mantua. The
obstacles presented by the Austrian fortresses are
not insuperable for a nation united, concordant, and
determined to make every sacrifice of blood and of
money to overcome them. But we must not deceive
ourselves, and believe that the presence of bands of
volunteers will suffice to chase away the Austrians,
and to shake down the walls of the fortresses.
The means must be in proportion to the difficulties,
and to the power of the nation. Until these
means shall all be brought together, any attempt
would be extremely hazardous. The partizans of
a war in the coming spring are neither blind nor
senseless; they cannot hope to succeed by the help
of mere enthusiasm and by irregular bands; and
therefore they are endeavouring to force the head of
the nation and to drive it into a war against its
will."

It finally-appeals to the electors " to take to
heart these considerations, and when they shall
have done their duty, it will then be the duty of
the Ministry to remember that the responsibility of
eZEIP`ii, 764 OM ORM r e mannerin
which that responsibility has been discharged."

How far is all this attributable to the man who
has just withdrawn his ships from Gaeta ? There
is at least a strong prima facie probability that he
has given orders to Turin that there is to be no at-
tack on Austria this spring. Why it should not
suit his purpose no one can easily tell. Nor is it
easy to be sure whether the present Italian enthu-
siasm were the better weapon to wield against
Austria, or whether a stronger Italy in 1862 and
an Austria absolutely bankrupt might not be the
best hope of success.

We hear from Prussia that the worthy citizens
there are much pleased with the straightforward-
, ness and directness Of the Speech from the Throne.
It is certainly a :new quality in a Prussian Royal
Speech ; the very last document issued by the KING
on the occasion of his ascension being unintelligble
in any translation, just because the original was
perfectly so. Another very straightforward speech
has been made to the generals on active service,
and reported, we suppose, after Royal revision, in
the New Prussian Gazette ; and this speech, as if
he were in the presence of those whose active ser-
vices he should soon require, is even the stronger
of the two. It is gravely warlike ; and were
Prussia a Power which could disturb Europe, might
give no little cause of apprehension.
After a little personal remark he thus launches
forth, "The impenetrable decrees of the Almighty
have now called me to the throne, -which hitherto
it had been my sole care to defend. This event
has taken place at a moment big with danger, and
giving a foresight of 'struggles in which, gentle-
men, I shall perhaps stand in need of your devotion.
If my efforts and those of the princes who, like
myself, wish to maintain peace, do not avert the
storm which is rising around us, we shall have to
collect all our strength to resist it and repel it."
Addressing next his Minister of War, and then
again the whole, he says, " As regards you, my dear
Minister of War, Von Roon, I have not put you on
a bed of roses, and you will have to work vigorously
to make the army what it ought to be for Prussia's
future. Let us not deceive ourselves ! If Ido not
succeed in averting the struggle, it will be a struggle
in which we must conquer, if we do not wish to be
annihilated."

After reading all this we are tempted to exclaim,
if thifte straightforward, " Oh dear, what can the
matter be !" When, and with whom, is the struggle
so deadly to be? Conquest or annihilation in a
war with Denmark seems almost too much of bom-
bast for even. a German speaker ; although last
time the Prussians found that, on fair terms, they
were no match for the Danes as soldiers ; and it
would be in the power of Denmark to annihilate,
in a very short time, that beautiful little toy the
Prussian navy—the chief vessel in which, we pre-
sume, is the frigate we sold her so cheap for a
gunboat. She has, however, no longer British tars
on board of her.

We look around, therefore, for something more
terrible than a conflict between Denmark and
Prussia to call forth all these big and solemn
words, and naturally ask whether there be any
truth in the rumour that Prussia is about, at
last, to guarantee to Austria the possession of
Venetia, in conjunction with Russia or some other
Power ; and that she calculates that on that ac-
count, and also on account of the senseless inter-
meddling with Holstein, the KING expects to
have France against him, and England certainly
angry, though as certainly not disposed to go to
war with him. France, however, is the old and
natural terror of the Prussians. The Rhine is
for ever in their thoughts—and, that terrific phrase,
natural boundaries." All that can be said is,

that if Prussia will intermeddle either in Denmark
or in Italy she deserves to smart for it. She has no
vocation in either case. If she takes the sword let
her perish by the sword. We are inclined, however,
rather to set all this down to simple braggery ; Prus-
sia is very much like hypochondriacal people, they
keep their friends, till they understand them better, •
in perpetual anxiety—they are always going to
drown or hang themselves; only they never de it.
Prussia, like them, even if she puts the halter over
her head, will easily take it off again ; and if she
walks into the canal, will walk out with nothing
worse than a wetting.
Perhaps, however, Prussia will feel a little more
at ease, :so far as Italy is concerned, seeing the
anti-warlike indications on the part of the Sar-
dinian Government, which we have noticed else-
where. Though, what business Prussia has to
intervene against Italy more than we have for
her, it is impossible to see. The resolution of the
German Federal Diet, in the form of an ultimatum
to the King of DENMARK, which Prussia is
to have the honour of enforcing, may
then become her military task. It is a
mere antiquarian crotchet; the Duchies have
no grievances whatever to complain of ; they are,
or may be, if they like, freer than any German
State, and it will be a scandal to humanity if on
such trumpery pretexts as a few restless Germans
can invent Prussia should really go to war with
Denmark. It would repay her as she deserved, if
the Emperor of the FRENCH did really undertake
a diversion on the Rhine.

THE PROPOSED ADDRESS TO LORD
PAL.M.ERSTON.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

SlR,—Should the enclosed letter suit your columns
I beg you will give it insertion, to explain my
reasons for declining to adopt the proposed address
to Lord Palmerston, respectfully expressing
anxious con cern as to the present state of public
expenditure, and respecting the serious considera-
tion of Goverment in preparing estimates for next
session. Faithfully yours,

VINCENT SCULLY.
Reform Club, January 19, 1861.

REFORM CLUE, PALL-MALL, Jan. 18, 1861.

Dear Sir,—l have to acknowledge your circular with th
proposed address to Lord Palmerston, already approved o
by about 50 of the English and Scotch members, whom I
should be happy to join in any useful effort to reduce the
extravagant expenditure of the House of Commons. This
however can never be expected by private addresses or de-
putations to Ministers, which rather impede than promote
Parliamentary action.

In my humble judgment, Parliament should at once in-
sist that, unless in exceptional cases, all the annual esti-
mates shall be submitted at an early period, instead of to-
wards the close of each session. The next step should be to
appoint a select committee, and ascertain in what respects
the national expenditure can be reduced without detriment
to the public service. Notices to the above effect stand
now in my name, but I should prefer to see them in charge
of influential membei.
No doubt, material retrenchments are loudly demanded,
especially in our war establishments. For my own part, I
have always willingly voted whatever funds appeared re-
quisite to avert the possibility of invasion from abroad,
whilst averse to sanction supplies for promoting invasions
from at home, under canting pretexts of extending com-
merce and civilisation, but resulting in barbarous plunder
and unchristian slaughter of Caffres, Coolies, Sepoys, or
Maoris, in their own countries.

Adverting to the terms of the proposed address, I may be
permitted to observe that it is not easy to define what is
now "the Liberal party in the House of Commons :" that
I could not truly describe myself as a general supporter of
the present Government ; and that many of my constituents
regard England as not having observed an impartial neu-
trality upon Italian affairs.
I think, also, that the proposed address adopts too sup-
pliant an attitude, and that it is not constitutional to be-
seech a Premier as to natters which a nation has specially
confided to our control, or to ask him to discharge our own
duties for us. It does not well become the people's repre-
sentatives to go, hat in hand, to any Minister upon a matter
tile Minister, it is his Jaffe' come fori£To ifieTaiiions,
whose province it is to check extravagant expenditure,and
censure wasteful outlay. The Liberal members should not
be parties to any transra of their trust to the Crown or its
advisers.

Knowing you personally, my dear Sir, as an active
Liberal and zealous B. eformer, it is with regret that I
must respectfully decline to adopt the address you have
been good enough to forward to me.—Yours faithfully,
S. Morley, Esq. VINCENT SCULLY.

Sir De Lacy Env .3 has returned the following
reply to a request ti tat he would sign the address
to Lord Palmerston which has already appeared in
our columns :

Bryanston-square, Jan. 1.

Dear Sir,—l return th i draught of the " private" commu•
nication you propose to. fiend to the First Lord of the Trea.
sury with the signature ti of 40 or more members of Pullet.
ment, and you request me to be one of those members.

There is one sentencz in it in which I fully concur—the
desirableness of a revision of the national taxation and
expenditure, with a vie w to economy.
But I entirely dissent from its being safe or expedient to
disarm this country. I am not so confident as you appear to
be of the maintenance c f peace in Europe, or of the unag-
gressive intent ions of th a Emperor Napoleon. His prepara-
tions for war, naval and military, while he talks of peace,
and his seizure so short ly since of two frontier provinces of
great strategical impos tance, in violation of his repeated
asseverations to the cot itrary, and against which most of
the Governments of Eu rope protested in vain, seem to have
escaped your notice or appreciation. To these may be added
a few other significant p articulars of similar import. More-
over, I venture to think that " private" communications to
a Prime Minister to infl (lance by anticipation public legis-
lation are not quite in In raison with our institutions and the
good usages of open dis( :ussiota, and might become a mis-
chievous precedent.

But however those It tatters may be, I beg leave to be
excused complying with ;your request, having due respect,
however, be assured, for your patriotic intentions, and for
those of the members wh have adopted your opinions.
I am, dear sir, a.l9ry obediently yours,
DE LACY EVANS.

His Royal Highnes a the Duke of Cambridge
and his Serene Highness 3 ?rince Edward of Saxe Weimar,
accompanied by Col. the :lion. James Macdonald, returned
to town on Saturday, fron t visiting the Earl and Countess of
Derby at Knowsley Pull

The Duke of New castle arrived in London on
Saturday from Clumber : Park, Notts.

The Duke of SuthE 'Hand, as we learn from the
last accounts from Trent) tam, continues to improve:
The Earl Abingdi in, who has boon seriously
indisposed for some weel :s past, at his residence in Gros-
venor-street, we are glad to hear is now progressing favour-
ably, and hopes are enter Wined of his speedy recovery.
The Earl de Grey ai id Ripon left Carlton-gardens
on Saturday, to meet the Countess at Newby-hall, York-
shire.

The party at Broadi tinds breaks up on the 24th or
2oth inst., and Lord and ..Lady Palmerston return to town
—the Premier to prepay c for the opening of Parliament,
and the Viscountess to re ake arrangements for the opening
of Cambridge House to ti Le beau monde as soon as the session
is fairly inaugurated.

The banquet to be g iven by the Liberal members
of the House of Common s, under the presidentship of Lord
Palmerston, to Sir Willi am Hayter, Bart., M.P., has (says
the Observer) been fixed by the committee for Wednesday,
the 27th of February, w hen a splendid testimonial will be
presented to the right hon. baronet. This compliment
from old friends and cot leagues will not be confined to the
present members of th e Lower House, but will comprise
those who sat in Perlia cnent at any time during the period
when Sir William lla3 'ter filled the office of Secretary to
the Lords Commissions re of her Majesty's Treasury.

THE FUGITIVE Sl SAVE CASE.—In pursuance of
the rule obtained in thj :s case on Tuesday a messenger of
the Court of Queen's Bench proceeded on Saturday from
Liverpool by the Cunard steamer for Canada, and Ander-
son will be brought ore r, unless it shall so happen that he
will be liberated by the Court of Common Pleas in Canada
before the messenger el rail arrive out. The people of Eng-
land have a long and g ;ratefu.l sense of the value of this
writ of habeas corpus, but they hardly knew the extent of
its operation. Its bent fits not only extend to every British
subject, but to every all en ally on British soil. It is, more-
over, issuable by any of her Majesty's superior courts of
jurisdiction—although .the high Court of Queen's Bench in
England is properly selocted, because the Sovereign is there
supposed (by fiction off ;law) to be present in that court,
" wheresover he (or she) shall then be in England." It is
possible that the points which have here been so ingeniously
raised will never be formally argued. The Colonial-office
had already sent out instructions that Anderson was on no
account to be given up without the assent of the Crown.
This consent must be previously obtained, and is not likely
to be given in such a case as this, which only the most
strained and unnatural construction of 1113 Ashburton
treaty could possibly bring under the law of extradition
provido4 for that meuntablo convention.