The Sun.
London, England, 1861-06-28 00:00:00

AMERICA,

LIVERPOOL, THURSDAY.
The Edinburgh has arrived with advices from
New York to the 15th. She brings us a few addi-
tional items of intelligence.
The New York Herald, alluding to the recent
proclamation issued by the British Government,
prohibiting privateers and armed vessels from
bringing prizes into British ports, remarks :

" There can be no doubt that this effect was pro-
duced partly by the despatch of Mr. Seward warn-
ing the European Powers that our Government
would hold no further diplomatic intercourse with
them if they recognised the Commissioners from
the Southern Confederacy, and partly by the tone
of the American press, upon which the London
Times observes that it is plain the utmost circum-
spection must be used by every man or party in
England to avoid giving offence to either of the
incensed belligerents.' Though this measure of the
British Government still places the Southern Con-
federacy and the United States upon the same foot-
ing in a technical and legal point of view, inas-
much as our armed public vessels will be as much
excluded from British ports if entering with prises
as will be the privateers of Jefferson Davis with
their captures, yet the practical effect of the prohi-
bition is all in favour of the United States ; for the
Southern Confederacy have no commercial marine
upon which our ships can prey, and if privateering
were recognised by England the advantage would
be on the side of the Confederates. Bat now that
the latter will have no market for their prizes it
will be useless for, them to capture them. All the
other Powers of Europe, as far as we can learn, have
set their faces against the practice. It is stated
that France intends to abide by its law which
prohibits privateers remaining in port over 24
hours to dispose of prizes when there: Though
this is not so complete a prohibition as that of
England, yet it so hampers and restricts the
action of the Southern privateers that they will
not be able to do much in the. French ports. The
piratical cruisers of Jefferson Davis are thus crippled
in their operations, and they will be reduced to the
dilemma of destroying their captures, for they are
not lawful prizes till they are brought into port
and condemned by a prize court, either in the juris-
diction of the Confederate States or in that of an
ally. As they have no allies, and are not likely to
have any, and as all their own ports are blockaded,
they can do nothing with their prizes ; and if they
attempt to appropriate them without adjudication,
they become bucaniers, and are liable to be treated
iI
as pirates by all nations."
The following, relating to " an alleged traitor,"
is from the New York Tribune
curious incident occurred at Beaton yester-
day, in the escape of an alleged traitor on board the
steamship America for Europe. It appears that the
chief of the Boston police received a despatch from
Superintendent Kennedy, of this city, requesting
him to arrest a person named Trappman, who was
about to sail in the America, and who was supposed
to be the bearer of important documents from the
rebel Government. The Boston chief accordingly
secured the person and searched his papers, but
found nothing suspicious. Mr. Trappman stated
that he was the Prussian Consul at Charleston,
South Carolina, and produced evidence of the fact
satisfactory to the police authorities. He stated
further that he was a bearer of despatches from
Lord Lyons to the British Government. He was
accordingly released, and sailed for Europe. The
vessel had no sooner gone than another despatch
reached the police authorities from Mr. Kennedy
to " arrest Mr. Trappman for treason," by order of
the Secretary of State, but the intelligence came too
late—the bird was flown. It is not likely that
whatever treasonable documents he took with him
will do much harm, considering the present views en-
tertained towards the United States Government
in Europe, but that he should. be permitted to
escape argues a dilatoriness on the part of the Go-
vernment at Washington which it is not easy to
account for."
Professor Lowe had been engaged by the Govern-
ment to make reconnaissances of the Confederate
movements by means of his balloon.
Mr. Dallas, ex-Minister to Great Britain, had
visited Philadelphia, where he met a good recep-
tion. The New York _Herald says:-
111.. frni, c.a.pt cooluu as
to the attitude of Great Britain upon the American
crisis. He stated privately, however, that the
Ministry had no intention other than that of a
strict neutrality in the present struggle. The
people of England, however, were radical in their
sympathy and affiliation with the North. The
hatred of slavery, as maintained in the new Con-
federacy, was intense, and the Ministry, upon this
abstract question, did not differ from the people.
Both Ministry and people, however, would insist
upon neutrality, although opinion seemed to be
unanimous that coercion was the only duty and
safety of the United States, and in the struggle of
the American Government for its maintenance and
integrity the sympathies of the Ministry and the
masses were solely with the North. England,'
said Mr. Dallas, is anxious to see the experiment
of self-government successful in America, although
to Americans the anxiety may seem strange.' His
private sympathies in this contest were expressed
in a speech elicited in reply to a formal welcome
home from Colonel J. Ross Snowden, former direc-
tor of the United States Mint. The present fitful
effort,' said Mr. Dallas, to substitute another com-
paratively unknown and local for this world-wide
famous banner is not the first that has been made.
The reserved right to nullify your laws, and
at discretion to break up your government
as a cobweb contrivance of mere State
partnership, perhaps meditated at Hartford in
1814, was certainly and formally claimed by
South Carolina in 1832. At this epoch there were
giants in debate, and no giant more formidable or
dangerous than the author of this subversive doc-
trine. But, gentlemen, it was overruled as per-
verse and untenable. The calm senators from this
good old Commonwealth, who were William Wil-
kins, of Pittsburg, and myself, steadily insisted
upon hoisting the Stars and Stripes high above the
Palmetto ; and the renowned citizens of Tennessee,
who had routed the invaders at New Orleans, dis-
pelled by the mere show of a Force Bill the delu-
sive Quixotism which was brave and blind then, as
it is now. Nullification is but fragmentary, sub-
divided, or bit-by-bit secession, both built upon the
same false keel, and it points with an emphasis too
peremptory to be ;disregarded to the course of duty
which the official guardians of your constitution,
laws, and liberties are bound to pursue. Let us,
then,' said Mr. Dallas, concluding, be firmly linked
as a band of brothers around this unchanged stan-
dard. For my humble self, bornbeneath it, having
imbibed from a venerated father's inculcations a
devoted attachment to its comprehensive import ;
having dearly loved to the last a brother who gal-
lantly gave his life to its support, and dying in a
distant field of duty found it his noblest shroud—
having spent my life contented and happy, though
poor and inglorious, under its protection ; having
been honoured far beyond my deserts by my fellow-
citizens, and especially by those to sustain whose
equality and rights I shrank from no personal sacrisi-
fice, I come back to you, gentlemen, filled, it
true, with grief at the national calamity, but un-
altered in my determination to stand, come weal or
woe, powerless, I confess, but unalterably by the
flag of the American Union, the whole Union, and
the Union for ever.' "
The following appears to be a verbatim report of
President Davis's speech at Richmond :
"Friends and Fellow-citizens,—l thank you for
the compliment that your presence conveys. It is
an indication of regard not for the person, but for
the position which he holds. The cause in which
we are engaged is the cause of the advocacy of
rights to which we were born, those for which our
fathers of the Revolution bled—the richest in-
heritance that ever fell to man, and which it is our
sacred duty to transmit untarnished to our children.
Upon us is involved the high and holy responsibility
of preserving the constitutional liberty of a free
Government. (Applause.) Those with whom we
have lately associated have shown themselves so
incapable of appreciating the blessings of the
glorious institutions they inherited that they are
to-day stripped of the liberty to which they were
born. They have allowed an ignorant usurper to
trample upon all the prerogatives of citizenship,
and to exercise powers never delegated to him ;
d
and it has been reserved for your own State, so
lately one of the original thirteen, but now, thank
God, fully separated from them, to behcomhe the
theatre of a great central camp, rom w i
b
braAvpe hearts to roll ack.
art from that grate-
pthe
u pour
ifdoer forth
thin thousands
despotism. o f
fication we may well feel at being separated from
such a connexion, is the pride that upon you de-
vn oe lwv e s thetas
Government task of. maintainingthat and
w ed
shalle fen d
be ourabl
able
tonshieve this noble work, and that the institu-
tion of our fathers will go to our children as
sacred as they have descended to us. (Applause.)