The Sun.
London, England, 1861-09-02 00:00:00

DR. LA'MERT on NERVOUS and PHYSICAL
EBTLITY, resulting from pernicious habits con-
tracted in Youth, excesses in Manhood, or residence in Tropi-
cal Climates. With Cases and Engravings from Life.
Licentiate of the Roya College of Physicians, Edinburgh;
Member of the Royal College of Surgeons, England, &o. The
81st Edition.

CONTENTS.
Section I.—The Physiology of the Generative Organs.
Section TT.—Puberty--Manhood. -The Morale of Generative
Physiology—True and False Morality.
Section M.—Marriage in its Social and Physical lielations—
Happy and Unhappy Unions —How to secure Healthy Off-
spring.
Section TV.—Youthful Abuse—The Secret Cause of Nervous

Debility, Impotence in Man, and Sterility in Man and
Woman.
Section V.—Spermatorrhcea, or Chronic Impotence: its His-
tory, Canoes, and Moral Consequences—The Sterility of

Age:
The ebjeet of this treatise is to furnish the reader with in-
formation of the most useful kind, and which every man
should be acquainted with, on the physiology of the repro-
ductive organs, and on the nature and peculiarities of those
physical functions en which the satisfactoryfulfllment of the
Obligations of Marriage depends. The w'rk is not filled
with mysterious and intricate theories, but is intended to
elucidate the effects of Imprudence, to remove unfounded
a arm, and, where there is real cause for apprehension, to in-
dicate the course by which'complete recovery can be effected,
and the preservation of functional, physical, and nervous
health secured. _ _

Price ls., post free for 13, or in a sealed envelope, 20
stamps, by Mann, 39, Cornhill ; or the Author, who may be
consulted daily till 2, and from 6 to 8, at his residence, 37,
Bedford-square.

DR. CURTIS' MEDICAL WORK, MANHOOD :

1 MEDICAL ESSAY ON SPERMATORRITCE A,
NERVOUS AND GENERATIVE DEBILITY, &c.

ust Published, the 150th thousand, with numerous plates,
in a sealed envelope, price ls., Sold by all Booksellers, and
sent post paid, by the Author, for 1 2 stamps,
ANHOOD: the CAUSE and CURE of PRE-
MATURE DECLINE IN MAN, with Plain Directions
for Perfect Restoration to Health and Vigour. By Dr. J. L.
Comm, 15, Albemarle-street, Piccadilly, London.

CONTENTS:
INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER on the Physiological
7;tructure and Functions of the Reproductive Organs.
CHAPTER ll.—Causes of Spermatorrhcea and Impotence;
w.arlv Vicious Indulgences; Dangers of Neglect.
CHAPTER lII.—A Review of the various Disqualifications
if Marriage; whether resulting from Youthful Abuse, the
Follies of Maturity, the Effects of Climate, or Infection.
CHAPTERS IV. and V. on the modern Treatment of
Gonorrhcca and Syphilis.
The Book concludes with numerous varied and interesting
owes, to which is added the Author's recipe of a preventive
Lotion.

REVIEWS Ole THE WORK.
"Curtis on Manhood.—This is a truly valuable work, and
Mould be in the hands of young and old."—" Sunday Times,"
23d I<carch, 1856.
"The author has conferred a great boon by publishing this
little work, in which is described the source of those diseases
which produce decline in youth or more frequently premature
old age.”—" Daily Telegraph," March 27, 1856.
This work, which for twenty years has stood the test of
professional criticism and empirical hostility, treats In a plain
and sympathising manner on the various disqualifications
end impediments arising
from nervous excitement and de-
bility ; and to invalids suffering from youthful errors and
excesses It will be found valuable and useful."—Record.
London : Published by J. Allen, 20, Warwick Lane, Pater-
noster-row; Mann, 29, Cornhill.
llouro pl Cotaultation-10 to 3 and 6 to 8; Sundayo,.lo till 2.

"It seemed likely to precipitate events. One
may be sure that the Emperor feels as he must
every insult, which in the mind of those who ren-
der themselves guilty of it is addressed even less to
his person than to the great nation he has the
honour of commanding. But, according to the say-
ing of Napoleon 1., ' the real statesman must have
his heart in his head.' And, besides, he who has
the conscience of his own strength can easily mas-
ter himself, and knows how to wait, because he is
certain of being able to act when the hour he has
fixed for acting has come. This is why the brava-
does of M. de Merode have not produced. hitherto
any special measure on the part of the Government.
In spite of the imprudent violence on the one and
the legitimate impatience on the other side, the
Roman question follows its regular course."
After this short preface, the first chapter sets
forth the thesis that the desire of the reaction is
to make of the Neapolitan provinces another Vendee
and another Coblentz of Rome.

"Thus in the centre of the new kingdom of Italy,
and under the shadow of the French flag Legiti-
mist adventurers conspire with impunity. The ex
King of Naples arms there his bands against the
King of Italy, recognised by the Emperor, and his
chief accomplices are those whose power, re-esti,b-
lished and protected by the arms of France could
not subsist for an hour if France withdrew her
band.

" It is impossible to doubt of the connivance of
the Pontifical authorities ; they glorify in it. To
prove this we will quote three or four perfectly
authenticated cases."

Then the pamphlet mentions the 30,000 stand of
arms which were taken by the French from the
fugitive Neapolitans and confided to the Pontifical
Government, which armed the Neapolitan bands
with them. Then the will of King Ferdinand 11.
is alluded to, which leaves a twelfth of his private
fortune to the poor in Naples and Sicily. The Pope
has changed this will, allowing this portion to be
employed for the emigrants, military, civil, and
clerical, in Rome.
The two reports of the Italian Lieutenancy at
Naples are quoted, in the first of which the parti-
cipation of the Papal Zouaves and of artillery and

the incursions of Chiavone are mentioned, and in
the second the practice is set forth which the Pon-
tifical authorities pursue on the:frontiers, of forcing

the people arriving from the South with Italian
passports to exchange them for others given to them
by the ex-representatives of the kingdom of Naples.
When they go back to the Neapolitan territory
they don't receive back their own papers. The
Italian maritime police, not wishing to throw
obstacles in the way of intercourse, admit these
papers, and thus reactionary agents are introduced
into the kingdom.
We will not reproduce the sad scenes of pillage
and massacre which desolate the Neapolitan pro-
vinces. We shall only observe that it is less a civil
war than a brigandage on a large scale, excited and
paid from Rome by the ex-King of Naples with the
gold of Legitimists and priests, like in former times
the Comte d'Artois excited and paid the Chouans
from London with the gold of England. There is
no doubt this scandal would cease if we left
Rome ; consequently we appear as accomplices.
We cannot accept such a responsibility before
Europe and history. Only it is urgent to act,
if this Neapolitan Vendee is to be destroyed.
France likewise began her great revolution by
concord, and it was the reaction of the Bourbons
and of the clergy which drove her into the system

of terror, and led to the establishment of the Com-
mittee of Public Safety. Surely no one will expect
us to play the part of Pitt and Coburg. England
had, at least, the excuse that the French Revolution
was sapping the basis of the British oligarchy. But
France and Italy have common enemies, and the
aim of these latter is clearly avowed. The procla-
mation spread in the ancient kingdom of the Two
Sicilies are all to one effeCt—t-the legitimate King,
Francis 11., must be restored, Italy must be torn
from the grasp of French influence, and another
1815 must be. made against the Bonapartes. In
Rome the 'clergy pray openly for the formation of
the coalitioh and for a general restoration. And
from Verona Austria 'replies—' Courage, the cause
of Francis 11. against Victor -Emmanuel is that of
Henri V. agablit Napoleore--.it is the struggle of
legitimacy against usurpation. Everyone remem-
bers how the Duke of Modena treated the Napoleons
as baraque Bonapartiste,' and how he flattered
himself to camp with the Auktrians on the heights
of Montmartre. The thoughts and dreams of
Francis 11. are little different. Italy, he says, in
one proclamation (May 18431)4(kieh proclaims her-
self liberated from the oppretistorrilnd slavery of
Austria, has fallen—like in thi !fl elt years of this
century—under a - NapOleonk tytann,k. Oh, if
Europe remembered for an ',its w! tint homuch blood
has flowed for more than 00 years to nage the
ambitions of two new men, the repr.... ctintr of ell-
tain articles of the-Trealiaatmrc,
poleons) would appear a very mild measure in face
of the necessity of taking more decided (tranchant)
and more durable precautions . Let one talk of the
plebiscite—that act in which only he takes refuge
who rises from the mud, and who by conspiring
wishes to seize a throne ; and it is to protect such
people that France will sacrifice her interests, and
that the Emperor will expose his popularity. By
keeping M. de Merode in the Ministry they make
themselves at Rome responsible for what he says
and does. By not sending away Francis 11. from
Rome they declare before the world that they make
common cause with him. Nor can the recall of
our troops be much longer delayed. It is a ques-
tion which is resolved in principle."
In the second chapter the question of Italian
nationality is treated, and the idea that France has
to fear from a strong Italy repudiated.
" The language of the new Prime Minister of
Italy has made a great impression in France and
nominally on the Emperor. The arguments of the.
Italians reduce themselves to this—a people with-
out nationality is nothing. There is no nationality
without unity, and no unity without a capital. The
Italian nation has a right to its capital, and the
capital of Italy is Rome. We pill not here discuss
the principle of nationality. No person in his
senses will now contest this principle. It is one of
the corner-stones of the new piblic law in Europe.
Religious liberty is the first, mutational sovereignty,
is the third. Italian liberty mast no more be called
into question. The confederation has never been
put forward as a principle, only as an expedient,
with which the plebiscites have done away legally
and legitimately."
Then the pamphlet goes into the question of a
capital for the nation, and argues the necessity of
" traditions, genius, and services rendered ;" the
capital ought to be the most complete expression of
the national mind, with power to realise it, and then
it draws the inference that this is the case with
Rome. Leaving Rome—that is, Italy, to herself,
Italy will have the means of her own grandeur.
" We must," continues the pamphlet :
" Have done at once with that meanness (nzesqui-
nines) of another epoch, that France has to fear a
strong Italy. It was a ministerial tradition under
Louis Philippe, for the weak fear the strong. To-
day it would be an anachronism. In what way
would France be weakened if the principles of
the Revolution of 1789 receive their consecra-
tion in Rome, and are proclaimed from the Eternal
City, urbi et orbi. On the contrary, it will be for
us a subject of legitimate pride."
After quoting passages from Ricasoli's speech of
the 25th of .Tune, in which it puts forward that
there can be no conflict of interests between France
and Italy, the pamphlet goes on :
"There are for Italy two great questions—Rome
and Venetia. The day after Solferino the libera-
tion of Venetia was in the foreground ; but after
the peace of Villafranca, above all, after the entry
of Garibaldi into Naples, and since the annexation
of the Marches and Umbria, the most urgent ques-
tion is to have Rome as a capital. Italy without
Venetia is like France without Belgium. But
without Rome she seems only tolerated among
nations. The chief thing, then, at present is for
Italy, Rome. Venetia will come afterwards. We
remember that Venetia, given to Austria by the
Treaty of Campo Formio, was delivered at Auster-
litz. WI o knows if in our days, similarly, Venetia,
abandoned to Austria by the Peace of Villafranca,
will not be delivered, in spite of the Quadrilateral,
by a new European victory, and without any effu-
sion of blood in Italy ? Italy has a right to her
capital, and the duty of France is to hasten the
time to surrender it to her."

The third chapter anatomizes mercilessly the tern-
poral power of the Pope. It begins :
" We have the sad and scandalous sight in the
centre of Europe, in the midst of the 19th century,
of seeing a Power which says, This people is
mine ; it is my property.' And if one thinks that
the Power which holds this language is an ideal
Power, half sacred, which speaks in the name of
God, is this not a double and triple scandal ? ' Let
them show the lease which God gave them,' replied
General Bonaparte to the Mamelukes, who pre-
tended that they had a lease of land of Egypt, and
that the Egyptians were for them like farm cattle.
In reality, Papacy adduces against Italy the prin.
ciple of expropriation for religious utility. But
where has this singular right been ever heard of ?
In what code of laws is it written ? And on what
moral principle does it repose ? The greatest mise-
ries of Italy have come from the temporal power of
the Popes. Italy could not live being cut in two by
the States of the Church. It is the temporal power
of the Papacy which has impeded Italy from be-
coming a nation like France. Another argument—
The great principles of civilization, which separates
the spiritual and temporal power, finds a living con-
tradiction in the power of the Pope, and yet Christ
has said that word which has not always been under-
stood in all its profoundness—' Give to Caesar what
is Caesar's,' &c. The Bishop of Rome, when he took
the place of the Emperors, became, like them, Ponti-
fex and King. Thus, the old tyranny has perpetu.
ated itself in Rome in spite of the word of Christ."
To the objection that the Pope cannot be inde-
pendent without a kingdom the reply is, that thus
the bishops and priests could likewise not be so
without church property, which is in contradiction
to the principles of 1789, If it were admitted that
Rome and the Pontifical States were necessary for
the independence of the Pope, it would be necessary
to restore to him all that has been taken away. Who
will do it ? France and England have recognised
Italy—it is afait accompli. But, if they are already
so much diminished, why could not they be more
so ? If the extent of the Pope's power is to be
measured by his possessions it would be necessary
to extend them to the extremities of the earth.

" His temporal power may have an end as it had
a beginning. It is not of Divine origin. Jesus said
to the Apostles Go and teach,' and not Go and
conquer.' rhe Pope declares his cause that of all
thrones. If he means thrones according to the old
law, which considered peoples as the patrimony of
a family, he placed himself in opposition with the
new law of progress and civilisation according to
which the only legitimate basis of power is the
national will. Chailemagne gave it; Napoleon
retook the estates of the Church ; the majority of
the Powers who gave them back in 1815 have recog-
nised the kingdom of Italy. After all, the chapter
concludes, the question is not to assist the temporal
power of the Pope. It is dead in the spirit of UN

Here, then is the solution. Then a hope is ex-
pressed that the Pope will not take refuge in the
camp of the reaction, by which he would lose his
spiritual power too, but that, on the contrary, he
will put himself at the head of all grand and noble
ideas and purify them by his patronage. The
concluding words are :
" Then the Papacy will act according to its own
inspiration. But it will have no cause of complaint,
for who will see a martyr in the Pope ? If the
Pope blesses Italy, then a new day will dawn for
the Church; if not, let destiny be accomplished.
But Rome will not the less be the capital of Italy."
I give you as complete a resume as it is possible
to give without translating the whole, and I use as
much as possible the words themselves. Only thus
is it possible to form a just idea of the nature and
style of the pamphlet.
There is not much necessity, as you see, of a denial
of the authorship of M. La Gueronniere. No one
would suspect it. There is a unity, tone of authority,
clearness, and vigour in this production which give
it the character of a manifesto rather than a pam-
phlet. Especially in the fourth chapter, where the
Emperor's motifs are exposed, it reads very much
like Ctrsar commenting on Cwsar's actions. Who
could dare to assume such a tone ? The solution,
clear and cutting, lays down the law. The French
army is going, and where France renounces inter-
vention no one else shall interfere. The Italian Go-
vernment has offered all imaginable guarantees.
Will you accept or not ? If you will not, a plebiscite
of the Roman people will take place under the safe-
guard of the French army, and if Victor Emmanuel
is called to Rome the Italian troops will relieve
ours, and the Pope may do what he likes.
And all this set forth in what might be called
lapidary style. The importance of the document
can scarcely be exaggerated. It appeared yesterday
morning, before evening every copy was bought up,
but not one of the papers says a word about this re-
markable production. I can only attribute thin to
an apprehension of compromising themselves in so
delicate a matter, and, as usual, waiting for instruc-
tion. It is some time since we had one of those
Unexpected blows, and this time it is what may be
called a backhander. The Emperor leaves on Wed-
nesday for Biarritz, and every one expects quiet and
dullness, and on Friday the pamphlet is lance—the
gauntlet thrown down boldly to Ultramontanism
and reaction.
Thus the reactionary party in Rome has hastened
its own doom ; for who knows how long the Roman
question might have dragged on had it not been for
the assistance of his ex-Majesty Francis 11.
What the effect of the pamphlet will be in Italy
one need scarcely say. It will make the Emperor
greater than ever, while the liberal world can only
applaud the resolution which removes the cause of
so much misery in Italy and gives at last a chance
to consolidate the great national work. The chief
thing is that the deed should follow speedily the
word.

GOVERNMENT EMIGRATION.—Her Majesty's
Emigration Commissioners chartered on Thursday after-
noon the Jessie Munn, of 871 tons, belonging to INlessrs.
H. T. Wilson and Chambers, of Liverpool, to sail from
Plymouth for Moreton Bay, Queensland, at £l2 18s. sd.
per statute adult; to be ready for the reception of passen-
gers on such days as the Commissioners may appoint
between the 14th and 21st of October.
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