The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-22 00:00:00

speech. He has given you an admirable description
of the bill for the reform of the Bankruptcy Court,
of the Post-office Savings-banks Bill—a most useful
measure, and one highly advantageous to ' be poorer
classes—and of the bill for the consolid . ion of the
criminal code. But there was one me e ure passed
last session upon which I wish to say one or two
words, because it materially affects the interests of
my constituents—l mean the bill introduced by Mr
Villiers with respect to a larger area for parochial '
rating. That bill I regard as the first step towards
that which we all desire— equalisation of poor-rates.
(Hear.) It is only the first step, and it may be called
a little step, but it is, to use a common phrase, the
small end of the wedge, and I trust the day is not
far distant when the same principle will be extend-
ed to the whole of the metropolis, if not further.
(Cheers.) I have always been favourable to the
equalisation of the poor-rates, and I need hardly
say that I shall continue to give it my hearty sup-'
port. (Hear.) There were three bills passed last
session to which I must make more than a passing
allusion, because they involve most important inte-
rests and obtained my cordial support. I allude to
the bills introduced by Sir C. Wood for the better
government of India. One related to the reform of
the civil service, one to the reform of the Legisla-
tive Council, and one to th© establishment of judi-
cial tribunals in India. The first will have a
very important effect in opening the civil ser-
vice to the natives of India. Nothing struck
me more during a journey which I made in that
country at the time. of the mutiny than the manner
in which we treated the natives. It is only too
true that whenever the Anglo-Saxon race comes
into contact with the natives of other countries in-
ferior to itself it is prone to treat them with haugh-
tiness, if not sometimes with cruelty. I have al-
ways wished to see a better feeling between the
natives of India and the people of this country.
Hitherto the former have been unable to make them-
selves
heard in Parliament, but now the people of
this country, by uniting the empire of India to the
Crown of England, have taken upon themselves a
great responsibility. It is now their duty to watch
over the rights of the natives of India. (Hear.) The
second bill I have mentioned is one for abolishing
the old cumbrous machinery of a Legislative Coun-
cil assembling in Calcutta, which has worked ex-
ceedingly ill, and substituting in its stead a Legisla-
tive Council in each of the presidencies. But the
important consideration connected with that bill is
that for the first time the natives of India are
admitted to seats in the local Councils. Hitherto
the natives have been excluded from all
share in the administration of their own affairs. We
never consulted them, nor had we any means of
ascertaining their opinions and feelings. Now,
however, they will take their seats with Europeans
at the Council Boards. By teaching them to re-
spect themselves we shall teach them to be worthy
of our respect, and by thus throwing open the local
Councils we shall obtain this further advantage,
that through them we shall ascertain the feelings
and opinions of the natives. What an immense
advantage would such Councils have been only a few
years ago! How much bloodshed would we have
been spared in India! Perhaps those mutinies which
we still deplore might have been avoided if we had
known the opinions of the natives with respect to
our rule. (Hear.) The present bill, it is true, gives
the natives only a small share in the administration
of their own affairs, but it is a good beginning, and
I hope it will lead eventually to a full measure
of justice. The third bill—that relating to judi-
cial tribunals—has the same tendency. I think
Sir Charles Woed and the Government deserve
infinite credit for bringing forward and passing
three such measures. If you knew the opposition
which our countrymen in India give to Bills of this
nature you would be able to appreciate the difficul-
ties in the way of such legislation. The natives of
India have few friends in this country. Only a
very few men in the House of Commons, such as
Mr. Kinnaird and Colonel Sykes, have stood for-
ward in their behalf. On the other hand, the Eu-
ropean residents are generally wealthy men ; they
have plenty of friends, and they can make them-
selves heard in Parliament. Sir Charles Wood,
then, is entitled to great praise for what he has
done, He has passed three Bills which will have the
effect of raising the people of India in their own es-
timation and in ours. (Hear, hear.) Current
events are sufficient to show how deeply the inte-
rests of this country may be affected by India. We
are told by what is taking place on the other side
of the Atlantic how dangerous it is to be depen-
dent upon any one nation for the supply of an
article essential to the welfare and prosperity of
this country. India may furnish us with material
for our manufacturing districts; but, on the other
hand, let us remember that the people of India have
rights as well as ourselves; that we never can com-
pel any race to work against its will; and that we
must make a fair and just return for whatever we
get from India. (Hear, hear.) Englishmen go to
India with the notion that they have a right to
claim allotments of land from the Government, for-
getting that the soil of India belongs4o the natives,
who have been in possession of it fro*.time imme-
morial, and that we have no more right in- interfere
with it than the hatives of India have to ' - erfere
with the land of this country. (Cheers.) ' tif
~ ,t;
Ithat the bills passed last Session will ' .11Ci*: is:i
better state of things. I believe-them to be . 'the
utmost importance, as seeering to the natives of
India some share in the administration of their own
affairs, and I have no doubt they will prove effective
and beneficial. (Hear, hear.) Reverting to the
question of Reform, I have merely to add to
what I have already said that if gatherings
similar to that which has just taken place at
Leeds are held throughout the country you
will soon have a Reform Bill. Do you think
that men like Lord Russell, Mr. Villiers, and Mr.
Milner Gibson are opposed to Reform ? They have
been Reformers all their lives. (A. cry of " Very
slow ones," and cheers.) But how are they Re-
formers ? They are Reformers as long as they re-
present the feelings of the people, but if they can-
not speak in your name and with your voice they
can do nothing in the House of Commons. (Hear,
hear.) I need scarcely remind you that even a very
small measure of Reform was defeated last session
—I mean the proposal to give members to Kensing-
ton and Chelsea. The Government brought in a bill,
but was it carried as they proposed it ? No. Whose
fault was that ? lam afraid it was the fault of the
Liberal members of the house. They might have
carried that bill, but as long as we have differences
of opinion and of interests among Liberal members
we shall never carry a measure of Reform, how-
ever small, in the House of Commons. The ques-
tion now rests with the constituencies. It is for
them to say whether they will have Reform or not.
There is, no doubt, an improved feeling in the
country. We have little of that agitation
or of those extreme opinions which prevailed a few
years ago. The prediction of Mr. Cobden has been
realised. He said that when the people got cheap
bread they would begin to forget their political
rights. I trust they will not go so
.far, but un-
doubtedly public opinion has undergone a great
change. Those who used to be called Chartists and
Radicals have modified their views; they are much
more rational than formerly, They know what to
aim at; they have adopted the policy of O'Connell,
and are willing to proceed step by step. (Hear,
hear.) I have heard it said that the change in
public opinion has been caused a good deal by
what we have seen on the other side of the
Atlantic. We have been told of the breaking
d
own of democratic institutions. Now, in the first
raittie States
institutions.
place, Ido not believe that what has occurred in
the u
is
. Eia
a pr
of( theer .
)You might
breaking down
h
of
democratic
t
as well say that what we have seen in F
restoration of Imperialism--
valuelessness of constitutional monparocohhe
Imperialism-is
a r f France—the
error exists in the institutions of a State,y.
result. If you do not reform in time,-
of the utter
Wherever.
evil. will
mischief will
be the end. There was a great error in the institu-
tions ot, the United States, and that error has led to
the present deplorable state ot things. If it had been
reformed in time, this struggle might have been
avoided. ne same principle holds good in this
counteti; and in
stead of Reform shaking our insti-
tutioi-A, it will,
'll if judiciously made, strengthen and
preserve them.
(Hear, hear.)
If you delay Reform,
then you have A chance of breaking down our insti-