The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-29 00:00:00

TO TIIE EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,—ln the Times of this day appears a letter
from Lord Radstock, offering you an explanation of
the state of the ballot in Masachussetts, United
States, America, from the pen of Mr. Dana, an
American writer. I have in the most complete
manner laid before the public the whole of that
information on the authority of the Hon. A. Wal-
ker, late one of the Secretaries of State, and, hav-
ing lately been honoured with an interview with
Mr. Walker, I am enabled to say that he confirmed
every word which I had ventured to say on his
authority.
Between Mr. Dana and Mr. Walker this differ-
ence exists. Mr. Walker considers that the Ame-
ricans never can eradicate the vices which have
found their way into their electoral system without
a secret ballot, and. contends that when he carried
that measure in the Legislature it was successful
in operation and upset by a faction, and if it re-
quired any alteratoon it was merely in detail. The
Americans generally, and Messrs. Dana and Wal-
ker in particular, cze united in one common opinion
that the ballot, of whatever description, affords the
best, most peaceful, and least objectionable mode of
taking votes. I\Thy need we trouble ourselves
with the ballot in. America when we have the
ballot in England :perfectly successful in our elec-
toral institutions, and only untried in Parliamen-
tary and some municipal elections ? Why are our
flourishing Australian colonies so carefully ig-
nored in the columns of the Times :1 Why
should the difference of opinion, not on the exist-
ence, but the mode of ballot in America be
descanted on, and the perfect unanimity of all
classes which exists in Australia as to the beneficial
results of its adoption be so studiously avoided ?
Simply, it is 'because every objection which has
been made in tleory to secret voting has met with
a practical ref o.tation in our Southern colonies ; in
an Australian election personation is just as easy
of detection as: at an election in England.
Bribery under secret voting is just as easy of
detection as Linder open voting ; and, if you desire
a comment up on the utility of secret -voting as a
check upon lxribery, refer to the late disclosures
printed in th( e records of infamy the blue-books,
and you will f lad that where the election agents
have been grei:::n enough, contrary to usual practice
to ay some scoundrel in advance for his vote, the
yore has been given with no reference to value re-
ceived, but dim ectly in accordance with the voter's
original opini,ms. (See Minutes of Wakefield and
Gloucester Ehition Petitions.) If, therefore, you
plunge the vote altogether into obscurity, you will
destroy the inarket. This was Mr. Coppock's
opinion of th a effect of the ballot. In Australia
the power of d'oetection of all kinds of malversation
of the franchise exists under the ballot, as it does
in this country under open voting, while the bal-
lot appears tokave proved altogether itsprevention.
As for intimichation, the ballot destroys it entirely.
The arguments: used against the operation of secret
voting upon ivitimidation are utterly unworthy of
notice. All I 'have ventured to ask of the House of
Commons is to, accord to me the truth of the prin-
ciple, that the elector has a right to demand pro-
tection in the discharge of the duty imposed upon
him, and the iietecils are the most simple things
possible by which that principle can be carried
out. In formal g these details I should be acting
under the advice of some of the most distinguished
and able men -whether in or out of Parliament. I
admit that if •vie did not produce a measure utterly
subversive of •our monster grievance, intimidation,
calculated, to check bribery in all constituencies of
at least 2,000 electors, retaining the means of de-
tecting person ntion, false votes, and the power of
appeal, at the :same time producing peace and order
at elections, le? e must have grossly miscalculated
cause and effect.

It is not for me, however, even actiug under the
best advice, to. claim perfection for any measure.
Accord me but: the principle, and the details of the
bill which we shall propose are open to discussion
and amendment, and they are certain to be met by
the most acrid 'opposition. If such a bill could not
be successfully- opposed in the House of Commons,
as the time is, I believe, approaching when it can-
not, an attemi it would then be made to perpetrate
its emasculationt, in which the House of Lords would
join with great gusto. If it pleased the Legislature
to make such a. law and to turn their attention and
abilities to its c ompletion, we may reasonably ex-
pect a more perfect and complete statute than that
which has pro v ed such a blessing to Australia.

I B.ln, Sir, yours obediently,
F. HENRY F. BERKELEY.
Victoria-square, Aug. 27.

TO T Z:E EDITOR OF THE TIMES.

Sir,—Allow- me to correct an error in the letter
of my country /man and friend Mr. Dana, which ap-
pears in your columns to-day, "that the ballots are
distinguished by colours and emblems." Coloured
ballots are certainly illegal in Massachusetts, and
I think in most of the United States,
With this o:cception the letter is a truthful, im-
partial, and u n answerable statement of the design,
operation, an d. effect of the ballot, at least in the
New England States, and I hope its publication
may in some measure correct the exaggerated state-
ments which the Ballot Society have so industri-
ously circulate d in regard to this matter, and which
the hon. menr.Toer for Birmingham has adorned w_ ith
an eloquence -worthy a better cause. H. F. P.