The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-15 00:00:00

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
THIS DAT.—Morning, 12h. 26m.—Afternoon, 12h. 46m.
TO-MORROW.-Morning, lh. sm.—Afternoon, lh. 22m.

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, NOVEMBER 15, 1861.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
44—lighest:since noon yesterday.
34—lowest this morning and during the night.
40—this day at noon.
BAROwirrmit-29.50.
WlND—Northerly to N.-W. ; moderate, but cold and
fine.

It is trite to say, but true, that time only can
prove the value of the news received yesterday from
France. We do not intend to insinuate anything
like duplicity on the part of the EMPEROR or of his
ministers, but it does remain to be seen whether
open finance, with control by what we may for
courtesy's sake term the representatives of the
people, is compatible with Imperialism. It need
not be doubted that Louis NAPOLEON has the
sense so commonly wanting in crowned heads to
bow to events ; and he is, therefore, quite sincere
in his present professions; but it may well be
doubted whether it may not be shortly found that in
; surrendering the absolute control of the nation's
treasury, which he really enjoys under the system
to be superseded by M. FOULD, he has surrendered
his chief instrument of acquiring popularity.
Hitherto when that formidable class, the artisans
of Paris and of France, were in danger of becoming
uneasy, between the employment he could compel
the municipalities to furnish, and the vast expen-
diture on the army and navy, the Emperor was
always able to keep the workmen quiet, and to
figure as a Deity amongst them at the expense of
the class who could pay taxes. There was,
besides, the vast advantage of being able to
point Frenchmen to an army and a navy
which tickled their pride with the fancy
that France was the real mistress of Europe. That
her folly has compelled all Europa to keep au eye
upon her, and to incur expenses perfectly useless
otherwise, is true—but this was palmed off on the
people, as an honour and glory, for which it was
worth while to increase the national debt at a rate
of £10,000,000 per annum. What will be the
result to Imperialism if the burden of the debt
remaining, the factitious glory for which it was
incurred vanishes, and an inglorious burden of
taxation is all that remains.

It is impossible, however, to notice the Emperor's
conduct or to read his language, without marking
his superiority to the monarchs of the old school.
He repudiates all nonsense about Divine right, and
with it the infallibility of a political POPE, to
acknowledge, like his uncle, the popular origin of
his Royalty. The language seems indeed almost
like a direct allusion to the stuff recently published
from Konigsburg, and the NAPOLEON has certainly
greatly the advantage of the HOHENZOLLERN.
Readers do not laugh, or resent when they hear ,
the elect of the pretorians and of the peasantry
saying--" Faithful to my origin, I neither re-
gard my prerogatives as a sacred deposit which
eann3t be touched, nor as a heritage from my ances-
tors which must be transmitted intact to my son.
Elected by the people, and representing their
interests, I shall always abandon without regret
eayselryshparlelroligkaetwivise eupserleessesrvfoe unshakenrthegood of the
my handsthepub
public,
all power which is indispensable for the tranquillity
and prosperity of the country." And as to the object
of such a declaration, they do not think it more selfish
than the public declarations of most men. The good
will of the people is wanted, and the price is frankly
offered. And if the verbal difference of language
between NAPOLEON 111. and the father-in-law of
cur Princess Royal is so marked, equally marked
er
is the difference between the actions of the Em-
peror of the FRENCH and th
Englishoseofano aristocracy.
Emperor,
ay
a grLat favourite withour
Tho Frenchman doesnotreafrues. We can but be-
e to open his eyes
lianevde,see whateverfacts as
be
theyhis really
faults or merits, that the
DM who can surrender so openly the power of

the purse to France would have surrendered
that, and all which is legally asked by the Hun-
garians, could he have been their undis-
puted monarch on such easy terms. He might
have much wished for a different kind of settlement,
but he would not have jeopardised the Crown of a
noble and generous people, by flying in the face of
their unanimous will. He is, indeed, by his present
conduct, doing what he can to strengthen the old
pretension of the NAPOLEONS—that of being the
peoples' sovereigns.
On our own account we must, of course, hope
that the fit of economy will last. We have smarted
tremendously for French extravagance, and we shall
not be slow to show our neighbours that we do not
increase our taxation some twenty millions a year
merely for the pleasure of it. If France
can leave off defiance, we can willingly desist
from preparation to meet it, till she resumes her
old folly, which, may she never do ! " The fears,"
says M. FouLD, " which the faculty of directly dis-
posing of all the resources of France inspires in all
our neighbours obliges them to maintain immense
armaments. To renounce this power—more ap-
parent than real, more menacing than efficacious—
would not only give confidence to France, but
would calm the uneasiiess of Europe, and would
remove all pretext for hostile measures. Even
admitting, against all probability, that Europe
might, from a state of complete peace, immedi-
ately pass into one of war, the abandonment of
these prerogatives of the Emperor would be without
danger, as the country and the great bodies of the
State would afford him their devoted concurrence."
In the sentiment of the last paragraph we entirely
concur, It is as applicable to England as to France
—the signs of approaching war must be discoverable
at any time; and we surely need not, if reasonably
secure, waste in superfluous preparations the money
which will be all needed should real danger
threaten.

The leader Palatine of the Tories has again ap-
peared in command of his new political battery at
Aylesbury. Time must prove whether Mr. DIS-
RAELI has been well advised in summoning ecclesi-
astical artillery to the aid of the Opposition ; the
sympathies of that order of gunners were, of course,
well known to be in favour of Toryism. English
liberties, with the rarest exceptions, have all been
won without the aid of the Church of England,
rather, indeed,n teeth of its opposition. Hence,
England does not like political ecclesiastics. Even
Mr.DISRAELI himself is fain to apologise for bringing
them into the field, the laity generally having a dis-
taste for their presence, somewhat like that which
horses are reported to feel towards camels. He owns
that in " this country and in this age the civil
power will not submit to any supreme authority, nor
even brook a rival," but Mr. DISRAELI, as leader
of a party in the House of Commons, needs the aid
of the clergy, and he is, therefore, at considerable
pains to mark out the line which they
may, without offence, take in politics. "I have
ever counselled," he says, " to my clerical friends
the utmost reserve in political affairs, not that I
question their right to entertain on all political
subjects their opinions, and if they choose to act
upon them, an English clergyman is an English
gentleman and an English citizen ; but I have
always felt that in proportion to their political
activity will the integrity of their spiritual influence
be diminished, and I prefer the maintenance of their
spiritual and social influence to their political
activity. But there is a limit I would recommend,
and that is, when individuals are no longer in ques-
tion, but institutions. When politics admit of ques-
tions concerning institutions, and do not bear upon
individuals, then it is the duty of clergymen—not
merely their rights, but their duty, to interfere.
And when the institution in question is that which
their daily thoughts and nightly meditations ought
always to be fixed upon, the Church in which they
are the sacred ministers—they, in my opinion,
would be guilty of an apathy that cannot be de-
fended if they were silent or idle."
This is worthy of Mr. DISRAELI'S ingenuity ;
but in practice we fancy it will puzzle most clergy.
men to apply the rule. Whenever was it yet
know that any political movement, even those which
excited what should be the most unclerical passions,
was not represented as an attack on institutions.
All liberal movements imply the removal of some
time-honoured abuse or injustice—or the rectifica-
tion of some arrangement, whose very crookedness
is the institution itself in the eyes of :Toryism.
Every Wednesday Bill of Independent Members is
an attack on some institution, the repeal of the
Paper Duty itself was represented in that light;
indeed, if the clergy devote themselves to the
defence of institutions, they will never want plenty
of political work. This very speech of Mr. Ms-
RAELI'S is, indeed, proof of this. Let the Honour-
able Gentleman reconsider the following remarks :
—"Last Session alone a series of bills were intro-
duced, all with specific objects, yet all converging
to one point—an attack upon the Church, and the
most precious privileges of the Churchman. Your
charities were assailed, even your churchyards were
invaded, your law of marriage was to be altered,
your public worship, to use the language of your
opponents, is to be facilitated. Finally, the sacred
fabrics of the churches are no longer to be con-
sidered national. True it is that all these assaults

were defeated, but how defeated ? By a strain upon
the physical energies of those who repelled the
attacks, which it is not in human nature that you
should count, unless the country and Churchmen
generally come forward to support them."
Nor does he seriously believe that the canon, in
virtue of which Churchmen compel all who inter-
pret Scripture differently to themselves—including
the whole body of Dissenters and half the Church
—in regard to a deceased wife's sister, is an insti-
tution ? If so, we beg to inform him that it is one
which is a gross violation of religious liberty, and
therefore must fall, notwithstanding the support of
all the clergy. A gain—is the power to exclude
fellow-Christians, whose worship is not prescribed
by Act of Parliament, from interring their dead,
with a Christian service, in the common parish
burial-ground an institution ? If so, again we deny
the power of all the clergy long to uphold such an
odious power, worthier of Spain than of
England. Once more, is it an institution
that, when charitable trusts specify no par
titular form of " religion" as a qualification
for holding the trust, Church of Englandism shall
alone be held to be religion, and that, when half the
worshippers of England do not use the service of
the Church ? We regret that Mr. DISRAELI should
so pervert the facts of the case and the meaning of
words. Ho of all men in the country must, per-
sonally, hold far more liberal, not to say Christian
views.

We doubt if Mr. DISRAELI was able to keep his
own gravity when he told the meeting at Ayles-
bury that " the question of Church-rates was the
great domestic question of the day." Small, indeed,
then, are the questions of the day ! We wonder
how many of our readers are not impatient beyond
measure with the Government, the two houses, and
the clergy themselves for making so much ado about
such a trumpery business. " Great question ! We
are quite sure that if Mr. DISRAELI and the Tories
had not nursed it into greatness, for purely party
purposes, Church rates would, by this time, have

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THE SUN.
LONDON, FRIDAY, NOV. 16, 1861.