The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-11 00:00:00

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some slight differences of form. Free individual ac-
' tion, free expression of opinion, exist in none of
them. Political rights on the part of the governed
are utterly ignored. Some few of the minor conti-
nental States possess the external indications of
liberty, it is true, but, almost without exception, they
are so overshadowed by the great military despo-
tisms that they have to exercise such privileges as
they enjoy with bated breath,' and can hardly be
said to have a real independence. In such circum-
stances it might be supposed that Irishmen, whose
love of liberty has been the theme of self-laudation
almost ad nauseam' might feel deeply interested in
sustaining Great Britain in any struggle in which
she might be involved with the Powers of continen-
tal Europe. True, Ireland has sustained many wrongs
at the hands of England, and not n few of them of
too recent date. But a nation has a higher duty to
perform than revenge. Were it otherwise, farewell
to human progress. There is no State or people that
would not find itthands full enough of bloody busi-
ness were it to set aboutretaliating on its neighbours
the injuries of the past. There is no•chance for hu-
manity but by burying them in oblivion. Nainjury
done to-day will redress an injury done in dais gone
by. Least of all will a crime committed against
mankind at large atone for a crime committed by
one nation against another; and a treason against
liberty is a crime committed against the whole
human race. Ireland to-day is a free country—an
equal participator with England in that liberty
which she has long had the happy privilege to
enjoy. The freedom which Ireland thus possesses
has come to her far less by any great efforts of her
own than by the necessary law of its own develop-
ment. Once brought into direct connection with
Great Britain, by means however objectionable,
and in relations however galling, it was a mere
question of time when she should fully participate
in the free institutions which the- former possessed.
The period has arrived. No Englishman can to-day
boast of a political right which the Irishman does
not share. Both have a common freedom and ti
common interest in maintaining it. Every re-
flecting man in Ireland fully recognises this, and
every honest man will avow it. But, unfortunately,
there are many Irishmen who do not reflect, and too
large a number who are not honest. The latter find
they can drive a tolerable trade by catering to the
ignorant pnjudices of the former. The press affords
the knaves all necessary facilities for supplying
provender to the fools; and though the provender
be but thistles, it suits the palate of the animal who
devours it. Thus, while the country is, in its
material condition, prosperous, not only to a de-
gree never known before, but which a few years ago
would have been considered fabulous if predicted,
and, in its political condition absolutely free, we
have a half dozen or so of rubbishy newspapers, here
and there, lamenting our fallen state, and spouting
a washy and diluted sedition for the refreshment of
those who will buy it for the daily penny or the
hebdomadal threepence, which, according to the
laws of political economy, regulate the supply.
In these wretched publications the only free
country in Europe, of any :real power or in-
fluence, and the freest country that the world
has ever seen, is reviled in the name of liberty,
while States whose abject servitude may well
excite contemptuous pity are pointed to as models
of good government, and rulers whose conduct out-
rages every principle of freedom and justice are
described as wise, virtuous, and beneficent. That
such journals should find a circulation among any
portion of our people is a melancholy fact, for the
disaffection which it proves to exist among them is
evidence at once of besotted ignorance and df com-
plete political turpitude. One could understand a
patriot burning at the recollection of historic wrongs,
ready to welcome the invader who came in the two-
fold capacity of an avenger and a liberator • but
the man who is ready to proffer aid to an enslaver,
and to surrender his own liberties, provided that
with them perish the liberties of a rec.() to whom he
has a hereditary animosity, must be at once a fool
and a scoundrel. A question naturally arises, how-
ever, as regards publications of the class to which
we allude—namely, whether a Government
intrusted with the happiness of millions,
should tolerate their circulation ? It may be
doubted whether, in strict justice' it ought to do so.
In the first place, the proclaimed desire of any part
of a nation for the hostile advent of a foreign power
is likely to have some tendency to encourage that
advent. This is a strong ground for preventing
those who entertain such a desire from openly pro-
claiming it. They may be very few and very con-
temptible, but if they caused only the landing of
500 men on our shores the evil inflicted on us would
be severe. Ireland would be the great sufferer, not
England. The latter might be inconvenienced, and
her prestige might undergo some diminution, but
Irish property and Irish life would be destroyed,
and even worse calamities might be entailed on
us."

DEATH OF A DISTINGUISHED RACE HORSE.—
The Merry. Monarch, the famous race horse which won
the Derby an 1845, and the property of W. G. K. Grat-
wicke, Esq., of Ham, died on Sunday last. We understand
that Mr. S. T. Harman, of Arundel, made a post tnortent
examination of the animal, and found that the cause of
death was from a rupture of the stomach. The Merry
Monarch has been in Mr. Gmtwicke's stud for the past ten
years, with the equally distinguished stallions Chatham and
Robert de Gorham ; and the Ham breed of race-horses is
generally recognised as the finest in the kingdom.— West
Sussex Gazette.
A DEATH SENTENCE AND DEFENCE IN NEW
'TERSE-T.—Patrick Maude, who escaped from the lunatic
asylum at Trenton last summer, where he had been sent
for attempting to murder his wife, on the supposition that
he was insane, and murdering his sister in Newark, for
which offence he was committed last week, received his sen-
tence on Monday. The Newark Advertiser says :—After
the usual preliminaries, Mr. Terhuno, the county clerk,
asked the prisoner if he had anything to say why sentence
should not be pronounced on him, Maude said: " I will
speak, for this is an execution, or rather a crucifixion. My
child was sacrificed and murdered by Mr. Turbott, Mrs.
Turbott, my d— wife, and others. This is what caused
my first assault on ray villain wife. She and Cortlandt
Parker made the trick against me ; he was a Pbaraoh, and
now wants to make me a Pontius Pilate. An inquisition
was held on me by Parker and Father Callan ; I am tor-
tured by witchcraft from my d— family. All the insane
maniacs in asylums are made so by witchcraft. I'll ask no
pardon, and will accept none from Governor or Presi-
dent. I've done no wrong ; but what I did was in self-de-
fence. I was brought here before for the first offence in my
life. I pleaded guilty, but got no mercy. I was sent to
prison as an insane man for life. I say here I'm not insane.
Charley Gifford was my counsel, but he, while addressing
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the jury, received something on his back, whichnuFt
con-
;asay to the jury—' He must be executed, he must be
vreileatetidv.es, for they
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tween 10 o'clock a.m., and 2 o'clock p.m.

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Tho Dublin Evening Mail has upon several occa-
sions endeavoured to draw the attention of Govern-
ment to the unprepared state of Ireland, as compared
with England, to resist any oppression from a foreign
foe. In its number of last night the Mail, dealing
with this subject, makes the following remarks:—
" There are many considerations in the social
state of this country, as well as in- the exposed and
undefended condition of our sea coast, to invite
the attention of an enemy. In many parts of
our island_ an invader, taking his information
from John Mitchell and Co., would expect to find
himself in the midst of a friendly population, a nxiou
to minister to his physical wants, and to furnish
him with information and every other aid which an
active and intelligent race could supply. It would
be the contrary in England. There the foreigner
would know hiniself_to be in an enemy's country,
and every step he attempted to advance would be
retarded by the most steadfast opposition, both
moral and material, which a resolute and united
people could raise against him. The strength and
efficiency of the armed force of England would be
doubled by the dispositions and conduct of its un-
armed inhabitants of every class and degree from
the noble to the peasant.. Yet England is not to_
esteem herself safe without 200,000 troops under
arms, and a volunteer force besides of scarcely in-
ferior numbers, while Ireland is to stand by her on
the strength of the militia and constabulary ! his r
hard to believe that English writers can be serious
when, in speculation upon a French invasion, the
notion of casting off Ireland to her own maimed and
restricted resources is broached as a part of the sys-
tem of national defence. It is, in effect, a proposal
to abandon this country without a blow to France.
It is an invitation to the Emperor to send an arma-
ment over here, under General M‘Mahon, to take
possession of the Government of the country and
establish the Code Napoleon in Dublin Castle as our
future constitution. For in that case, whatever
might be the final issue of the war quoad England
and her other possessions, it would not be so easy
for her to regain her lost domiaion over Ireland, as
it is now, by a judicious, prompt, spirited, and con-
fiding policy, to secure and keep it."
In the Cork Reporter (a Roman Catholic organ),
which came to hand this morning, there is a very
remarkable article, bearing in some measure upon
the question mooted by the Dublin Protestant Jour-
nal. After dwelling upon the probable advent of
a great European struggle, the Reporter believes
there could be no doubt as "to the result, and pro-
ceeds as follows :
" England stands alone among the great European
Powers as the champion of liberty, and with her
downfal would be involved its prostration for cen-
turies to come. On this point there can be no mis-
take. There is not a national schoolboy who can be
ignorant of the fact that' the British islands alone,
in Europe, possess—among the first-class Powers—
even the forms of free institutions. Russia, Prussia,
Austria, France, are pure despotic monarchies, with