The Sun.
London, England, 1857-06-03 00:00:00

LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENING, J UNE 3, 1857.

VISIT OF THE DUKE OF CAMBRIDGE
TO BIRMINGHAM.

mense cheering, the whole company
him honour. rising to do

BIRMINGHAM, TUESDAY.

The toast, " the Army and Navy," was proposed
by Lord Hatherton, and responded to by Sir Harry
Smith and the Earl' of Hardwieke.

Last evening a grand banquet in honour of the
visit of H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge was given
by the mayor at the Royal Hotel. About 180 noble-
men and gentlemen were invited to meet the illus-
trious guest. The Duke arrived from Wyddrington,
the mayor's residence, a few minutes before seven
o'elcck, and dinner was shortly afterwards served.
The guests at the raised dais were Lord Leigh, the
lord-lieutenant of the county, the Earl of Hard-
wicke, the Earl of Lichfield, the Earl of Shaftes-
bury, tart Talbot, Lord Hathetton, Lord Cal-
rhrrpe, and the Bishop of Worcester. Amongst the
general company were Lieut.-General Sir Harry
Smith, Lord Ingestre, M.P., Mr. Scholefield, M.P.,
Mr. Spooner, M: P., Mr. Newdegate, M.P., Major
the Hon. Somerset Caithorpe, Mr. Adderley, M.P.,
Mr. Beale, M.P., Mr. C. H. Bracebridge, the Hon.
and Rev. Grantham Yorke, the Rev. I. Spooner
(rho mayor's chaplain), &c. Aldermen Hodgson,
Baldwin, and Ha,wkes, were the vice-presidents.
A very magnificent banquet was served by Mr.
Dee, and the customary toasts having thereafter

Lord Calthorpe next Bishops and
Clergy," acknowledged by the Bishop of Wor-
cester.

Mr. SPOONER gave next "the House of Lords."
The Emil of SHAFTESBURY responded.
The Earl of LICHFIELD, in proposing "the douse
of Commons," expressed the great pleasure. with
which he had joined in the ceremonial of the day.
W. SCHOLEFIELD, Esq., M.P.. replied.
The Duke of CAMBRIDGE again rose and said—
Gentlemen, I should never forgive myself if I did
not once more intrude upon you this evening.
After what I have experienced ti-day, both in
feeling and sight, I cannot al'ow any other per-
son to deprive me of the gratification and
pleasure of giving a toast which I shall
now propose to you. I am persuaded
that there is nobody here who will not
cordially join with me in honouring it.
We have been the guests of my worthy, friend
who is in the chair, and who I am sure has
as far as I am concerned, received me with liber-
ality and the greatest possible honour, which I ap-
preciate most sincerely. (Loud cheers.) His fel-
low-townsmen will admit that he has recaived my
self and the other strangers in a manner which
really does him the greatest credit. I should be
wanting in my duty—and a mo-t agreeable duty it
is—were I not to propose his health. (Hear, hear.)
I hope I may be allowed to add to the toast, " Pro-
sperity to the, great anC4npertant town.of Bir-
mingham."
The toast was drank standing with three times.
three.

been disposed of,
The MAYOR said—l am sure that you will par-
don• me when I say that I feel some difficulty in
introdu&ng the toast I am now about to propose
in a manner suitable to the occasion. When we see

at my right our illustrious guest who has honoured
us this day with his presence—when we think of

the planner in whieh the inhabitants of this town
hive received him--when we haVe seen the loyalty
which has been displayed alike by the artisans, the
tradesmen, and the gentry of this town—l must
confess I feel unable to say all I could wish to say
on this occasion. (Applause.) The display of this
day must have shown to his Royal Highness how
much we appreciate his presence on this occasion.
The objet of his, visit has been one of the gre►test
importance—the opening to the inhabitants of a

The MAYOR was hailed wiet the heartiest mani-
festations of respect. He said the inauguration of
Calthorpe-park, affording as it bad done pleasure
and gratification to thonsands, had caused that day
to be to him a day of deep enj' ythent, and one of
the proudest days of his life. His royal highness
had thanked him (the mayor), but he had to thank
his-royal highness fur the great honour he had con-
ferred upon him (Mr. Ratcliff) and his native town.
If there was one object he wished to obtain more
than another it was to serve that borough.
(Cheers.) He'was highly gratified, as were all who
had assisted him in that day's duties, and he sin-
cerely thanked them for the compliment paid him.
At noon to-day his royal highness left the Mayor's
residence, and proceeded to inspect some of the
principal manufactories, from which he had not re-
turned at half-past six o'clock.
The mayor has invited a large party to lunch
with_his royal highness at the Royal Hotel.

park which,• I trust, will ever hereafter be open to
the public. (Loud cheering.) When we -think of the
thousands whom we saw to-day panting for fresh
air, and glad to get out into the free sunshine fora
few hours, I am sure I only express the opinion of
the town at large when I say that the generosity of
that nobleman, and the condescension of his Royal
Highness in coming amongst us, will long live iu
the Memory of the teeming multitudes who are to

enjoy the benefits resulting; from that generosity and
condescension. (Cheers.) lam sure that I speak the
sentiments of the whole population of this town—
I exetpt none—when I say that his Royal Highness
lives in the hearts and affections of every man.
(Cheers.) We appreciate the condescension of his
Royal Highness, and assure him it will be long re-
membered and cherished, not ,only by us and cur
children, but by our children's children, to the
latest day. I feel great pleasure in proposing the
health of our noble guest, the Duke of Cambrdge
The toast was received with vociferous cheering,
and was drunk with " three times three, and one
cheer more."

BIRMINGHAM, TUESDAY, 8.30 P.M.
The Duke of Cambridge has left by the Great
Western Railway for London.

TBE ANTRIPATED .REFORLII BILL.

The Duke of Cleveland presided at a Conserva-
tive dinner at Darlington on Monday, given to Mr.
Farrer, the late member for South Durham. About

His Royal Highness the Dnke of CAMBRIDGE, on
rising to respond, was greeted with enthusiastic

cbeeis. He. said—Mr. -Mayor, my Lords, and
Gentlemen,—l rise with feelings of the deepest
emotion to return you my sincere thanks for the
_ _

450 electors were present.
In giving the toast of the day—viz.,
Health of Mr. Farrer,"
His GRACE took exception to a statement recently
made by Mr. Hutt, M. P., to the effect that until
the election of two Liberals this division of the

" The

honour you have done me in drinking my health.
Gentlemen, the Mayor has been good enough to
say that he did not exactly know how to bring this
toast before you ; but I confess that he has done

so in terms more flattering than in my opinion I
deserve. If he had not said a word, it needed no
more than what I have seen this morning. (Loud
cheers.) The Mayor will permit me to say, Birming-
ham has spoken. (Protracted applause.) Sir, as
an individual, I appreciate that compliment, as

every man would do'who was in my position. To
find one's self respected and honoured in the man-
ner that I have been, by a great and enlightened
botiaugh, is such an honour as any man would be
proud of. But, gentlemen, lam not vain enough
to suppose that such an honour is only due to my-
self. You, gentlemen, and all the men of Birming-
ham, have wished to show in my person a respect
for the great institutions of our land, and it is on
that account that I doubly appreciate the compli-

ment I have had the honour to receive. (Cheers )

Gentlemen, it may in some respects appear strange
that I, a soldier, should come among you on such
an occasion as that weltsva ibis day witnessed. I
venture to think there is nothing very extraordinary
in that fact. When my worthy friend, his worship
the mayor, and a deputation of yourselves waited

upon n e, and inviteame to attend at so interesting
a cerem.ny, I did not for one moment hesitate.
Why did I not hesitate I Because I conceived that
you, gentlemen, and my nob'e friend on my right
(Lord Calthorpe)—to whose liberality I know you

are much indebted—(loud cheers)----were engaged
in a good work, and I wanted, in my humble capa-
city, or in any capacity I could, to bear my testi
irony, and the testimony of the many noble friends
lam happy to see around me this day, to so useful,
advantageous, and excellent an undertaking. (Loud
cheers.) We live, thank God, in the greatest com-
mercial country of the world. To you it is ow-
ing that this country is the respected and glori-
ous, and great country which England is at
this moment. But to whom, gentlemen, do you
look for assistance in carrying out the great
projects you have constantly, hourly, and daily
in hand.? Why, to these artisans, to those
men we saw in the streets to-day by thousands,
without whose assistance you would be unable to
carry out any of those undertakings which have
made England famous in the world, but who at the
same time could not live in the comfort and enjoy-
ment we would wish to see them without the recip-
rocal assistance and mutual support they receive
from you. (Cheers.) A great nation, that is based
on such principles, founded on the mutual support
of all classes of the community in their proper
sphere, a country so circumstanced cannot but
thrive. (Cheers.) It is therefore a feeling of great
gratification and pleasure to myself, as it is to my
noble friends around me, that such undertakings
as that to-day inaugurated are becoming more and
more general. I trust that in every part of this
country we shall see equal efforts made in regard to
similar undertakings. I think it reflects the greatest
credit and honour upon all of you to have encou-
raged such a laudable movement. Gentlemen, I
have further received great pleasure from coming
amongst you, as nave not hitherto had the advan-
tage of seeing your important town. To-day I have
seen your streets crowded with happy idlers, con-
tented and happy, because you have given them
the means of being so. To-morrow, thanks to the
care and advice of my worthy friend the mayor, I
shall be very happy to enjoy the advantage of see-
ing those men employed in their various avoca-
tions, so far as time will permit. (Cheers.) But
whether it be frorn the public or happyfestival which
I have witnessed to-day; or whether it be from
the interesting visits which I shall be able to pay
to-morrow, I shall ever look back with pleasure
and satisfaction to the two days which, through
your kindness, I have been permitted to spend
amongst you. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, before LI sit
down I perhaps may digress for one moment from
a peaceful to what may appear a warlike subject,
though I am inclined to think that so far from
being warlike it is of all subjects one which may
more likely conduce to peace than anything else.
It is a mistaken notion to suppose that men who,
like myself, are soldiers at heart are the people of
all others who are disposed to war. Ido not sup-
pose. that in this room there is any man more happy
to see peace re-established in the world, or at least
in Europe, than the person who now addresses you.
(Applause.) Letme assure you, as far as my humble
judgment goes, that to be at peace, and in order to
continue at peace, you must not forget that such a
thing as war is possible. This is far more a com-
mercial question than a military one. (Hear.) We
military men have nothing more to do than to parry
out to the best of our abilities the important inte-
rests entrusted to us by our Sovereign and by the
countryyoucan forbe
but
ityou, gentlemen, to consider
a great commercial country
whether i s
unless you are prepared to carry your commerce 1
into every part of the world ; and in doing so to'
feel that that commerce is secure. (Cheers.) The
greatness of commerce is its security, and that se-
curity rests upon the means of backing up your
commercial interests wherever and whenever cir-
cumstances require. For that purpose you have
an army and navy, and for no oilier. (Cheers.)
We want no aggrandisement. We simply want
our commercial interests carried and guarded
all over the world. Gentlemen, lam persuaded
that that is an important, and if I may so say, a
proper view of this great question. (Hear, hear.)
No extravagance no absurdities ; but let us keep
the great institutions of the country upon such a
footing as shall enable England always to retain
the proud position which I am proud to think she
at this moment occupies.
(Protracted applause.) I
hope you will forgive me for having made this di-
gression. (Hear, hear.) I again thank you for the
honour you have done me, which I never can forget,
and I beg to return you my most heartfelt thanks.
His Royal Rigilnem temaed his seat amid

at the present position of parties. He objected to
the old designation of Tories, who, in the ordinary
acceptation of th,- term, went out with the intro-
duction of the Reform Bill in 1832. There were
now other denominations-s—Conservatives, Liberal
Conservatives, and Conservative-Whigs, and there
were also Destructivea and Radicals. But what was
the difference between Liberal ConServatives and
Liberal Whigs he coulcl.not understand. If a gen-
tleman who at the close of the late election said that
Toryism was dead meant to say that all political
principles except those of the Destructives and
Radicals were extinct, hewould some of these.days
find himself mistaken.
The health of the members. for North Durham
having been drunk,
Lord A VANE TEMPEST responded; and -also al-
luded to the popular notion of party distinctions.
There had long been a misunderstanding on this
subject. People were: persuaded that the Liberal
was the kindliest,-most conscientiou.s, goodnatured,
and generous man in the world, and the Conserva-
tive the most tyrannical, bigoted, and awful mon-
ster on the face of the earth. He believed the people
would soon opeu their eyes and get rid of th s fal-
lacy.. There was another idea—viz., that Conserva-
tism could. not be progressive ; that Conservatives
were a species of political millstones, -immoveable ;
and that Liberals were the only gentlemen of pro-
gress. He believed the people would r oon be relieved
from this delusion also. AnOthor idea was that Li
beral government was the government of the people;
and-yet tha present ." Lilieral" Go'vernment was
compose' of one duke, one-marquis,.five earls, four
viscounts, three lords, and,nine.baranets. He was
proud to-see the great families of the country tak-
ing their share In the Government, Lut in what
sense could a luminouspeerage of this sortbe styled
the Government of the people ? . The time was com-
ing when people would no longer believe that there
could be no liberty or happiness except under Wh'g
oligarchical rule, and when they would see that
menj of great Conservative name were as much
actuated by love of country as the few families who
had lung held a lethargic monopoly of rule, and a
real monopoly of patronage and place. (Cheers.)
Mr. MOWBRAX..M.P., in responding to a toast,
took up the same subject, and pointed to the great
increase of expenditure since 1846 ; the miscella-
neous estimates having nearly doubled, the depart-
-ment of law and justice trebled, the stationery dou-
bled, and so on. This was Liberal progress, and
people allowed themselves to be deluded into the
belief that the Liberal party of 1857 was identical
with that which under Lord Grey, in 1830, in-
scribed "Peace, Retrenchment, and Reform" on
their banners.. The last act of these so-called Libe•
rals was an endeavour to relieve themselves at the
expense of the county rates from those charges
which gentlemen ambitious ofa seat in Parliament
had hitherto taken upon themselves—hustings ex-
penses, &c. The honk gentleman went on to declare
his be'ief that no party would be more anxious to
help forward a fairtßeforra Bill than his own ; and
he hoped the consequence would be that whether
Darlington got a member and elec`ed Mr. Pease or
not, at any rate Mr. Farrer would be restored to his
old place in the county. (Cheers.)
A variety of other toasts were drunk, and the
company became very jolly and noisy.

MR. HARDY'S BEER BILL.

Yesterday afternoon a large public meeting of

county had been unrepresented, and he contended the beersellers of the metropolis was held at-the
that this could with greater propriety be said by London Tavern, for the purpose of taking measures
the 2,000 electors, a great part of whom "plumped" to secure the rejection of Mr. Hardy's bill for the
for Mr. Ferrer. Tie's led him to speak of the New regulation of beer-houses, coffee-houses, and oyster-
Refor.n Bill, on which subject the noble duke said, shops. The chair was taken by Mr. Berwick.
—Gentlemen, I need scarcely tell you that lam Mr. BISHOP, the secretary, haying read the
waxing fast into years, and cannot beast of that notice convening the meeting,
vigour and that power which are the characteristics Mr. GRIMLEY moved the following resolution :
of youth ; but there is one advantage which old " That the opening of the sale of beer to competi-
age has, and to which I may lay claim—viz., expo- tion has been productive of great public advantage;
rience, my experience being derived from having it has-reduced the price, and improved the quality
been 45 years a member of the Senate--30 in the of this essential article of general consumption, and
Lower and 15 in the Upper House. During those added to the, accommodation of the public." He
45 years I have endeavoured to make myself mas- said, as regarded the reduction, It was a reduction
ter of the history of my country, and especially of on the average from sd. to 3d. As to accommoda-
its Parliamentary history, both ancient and modern. tion, there were 20 licensed houses in his own
The result of my experience and re tding is this— neighbourhood, where a working man could get no
that, looking at counties (which even before the accommodation at all ; while there were a great
Reform Bill of 1832 were always large constituen- number of beer shops where he could sit down,
cies) it has almost invariably happened that where cook his dinner, and find every convenience that
different opinions have been nearly balanced the was requisite for comfort.
cometitnents beece acknoseseass.eleat- else party_, Mr. BART max, of Mile-end, said ho could corrb-
should have one-member andthe other the other. borate th-est4dMentlust made wfth- reepeet to sa#se
If the minority, however, should be so small as comrnod.ation. In his own house seven chops or
only one-fifth, then I think the four-fifths haVe a steaks were cooked just before he came to that
right to return both members. The numbers, meeting. (Hear, hear.) Nothing of that kind could
however, were very nearly balanced at the last be done at the ensed victuallers' houses.
election for this county, and whatever Mr. Hutt Mr. Cox seconded the resolution. He observed
may say to the contrary as to the last 10 yeats, I that the attempt which was now being made to alter
say that 2,000 men are unrepresented at this the law regulating the sale of beer was professedly
raiment. But one thing is quite certain, before made with a view to the prevention of drunkennest.
another election we shall have a new Reform It was said that drunkenness prevailed tosuch anex-
Bill. It has already been announced by the tent that it was absolutely necessary to put an end
Prime Minister, and can be no longer a matter of to it, and that the bill would have that effect.
doubt. Brought forward as it will be with the A few plain facts had convinced him, in the first
whole weight and responsibility of the Govern- place, that drunkenness had not increased, and
melt, there can be no doubt that it will be well di- secoudly that the proposed alteration would not
gested and considered beforehand, and I hope it remedy the evil. The first great fact was, that the
may be such a measure as the whole country can licensing system commenced about 350 years ago,
approve. What I have not seen I can give no opi- being professedly established in order to put down
nion about, but I shall be prepared in my place in drunkenness and to check imMorality, and 'it con-
Parliament, whenever that bill comes before us, to tinned in full operation up to the year 1830. Did
give it that serious attention which the subject will it put an end to drunkenness? They all knew that
deserve, and to assist in making such corrections as George IV. prided himself on being a six-bottle
the hon. members of the House of Commons 'now man, and half a century ago it was common for
present will excuse me for saying are sometimes persons in the higher stations of life to lie down
necessary in bills that come from that house. (Hear among the dead men" under the table. (Laughter.)
and laughter.) The subject is an extensive and What prevailed among the higher classes extended
wide one, and it is impossible to say what may be to the lower. The report of a select committee of
proposed. What most people are anxious for is an the House of Commons, in 1817, shewed clearly to
extension of the franchise. But, to begin with, I what an extent drunkenness and immorality then
hope all anomalies will be got rid of, and the small prevailed. This was not to be wondered at, as
constituencies, of which there are so many, and there was something In human nature that resisted
which I cannot help saying are a disgrace to the force of any kind. From the same renert it ap-
country—(applause)—be done away with and their paared that the licensing system had demoralised
members given to larger bodies of persons. Now, all connected with it ; the whole system was repre-
gentlemen, so far from holding. that an extension sented as one of bribery and corruption, jobbery
of the franchise in counties would be injurious, if .and favouritism. The object of Mr. Hardy was to
extended in the way it ought to be, and among apply a despotic system to all houses of refresh-
those who ought to hove it—those who from their ment, including coffee-shops and oyster shops. All
education and station in life ought according to the places were to be exposed to the licensing system,
spirit of the age to be enfranchised--I bold that the and the supervision of the police. (Hear.) Under
constitution would be materially benefited. What are the licensing system quality was deteriorated and
the classes to which I allude ? Well, there are many price raised • it was introduced in despotic times, '
with large money qualifications and resident in and would Otherwise never have been tolerate i ' • it
counties, but who from various causes are not qua- was a system for children and slaves, and not for
lified now to be on the register, who ought, in my freemen. (Cheers.) As to the alleged increase
opinion, to have a vote for the county in which of drunkenness, he held in his hand -returns ema-
they reside. I will not only say that every mars fleeing from the metropolitan police which come
who has 100/. a-year—but I would even go lower, pletely disproved that statement. The beer trade
and say that those who have 50/, a-year, no matter was thrown open in 1830, and what was the result?
from what it comes—are fully entitled to the fran- Iu 1831 the number of persons in the metropolis
chise in counties. (Cheers.) This would include charged with drunkenness was 31,353 • in 1855 the
all curates—(hear)—almost every village school- number was 9,769. (Cheers.) What became, then,
master, clerks in mercantile offices, banks, and of the statement that there was an increase of
railways, and others ; and it cannot be denied. that drunkenness?
all these persons are entitled to.the franchise, and The resolution was put and carried.
ought to have it. There is another class of persons Mr. ASHMORE moved the next resolution: "That
whom it has been attempted to bring in, but who I Mr. Hardy's bill for taking from the Excise the
hope to God never will be brought in, and that is granting licenses to sell beer by retail, and placing
the renters of 10/. houses. (" Hear," and laughter.) that power under the control of the magistracy
Rely upon my words, if that is once done the landed is totally uncalled f is a bill of pains and penalties
interest in every county in England is extinguished levied against the entire body of the beer trade,
for ever. Upon what principle, let me ask, is the their wives and families, isat variance With the oft-
journeyman mason or carpenter, who resided in one repeated reports of select committees against the
town in one county this year and in another town in magisterial licensing system, is an unjust attack on
another county next year—who has no permanent the employment of capital and freedom of trade,
residence or stake in any county—upon what prin- and would ruin the prospects and confiscate the
ciple is he to claim a county vote ? The noble duke property of upwards of forty thousand persons who
proceeded to remark that, with only one noticeable are engaged therein. Adverting to the report of
exception, all the great landed proprietors of the the committee of the House of Comment., of 1817,
district supported Mr. Ferrer, and then asked—ls he said it contained abundant reasons why the
the landed interest to be extinguished or not, or is beersellers should be unwilling to be placed under
it to have its due share iu the representation ? the power of the licensing magistrates. He was
Gentlemen, this is a question more for you than for thoroughly convinced that similar corrupt practices
me, but whatever may be your opinions and what- to those which were there described were still car-
ever your actions, you may always rely upon my tied on quietly and secretly. Under the second
support. (Cheers.) We have heard some talk of clause of Mr. Hardy's bill, beersellers were in fact
coalitions between candidates. I think them unjue subjected to confiscation. They might remain in
but they are within the law, and it is not a the house which they occupied themselves, but if
present possible to prevent them. lam not withoutt they wanted to dispose of it, they would be unable
hopes, however, that in the new Reform Bill this to do so, because they could not transfer the license ;
may be remedied. Lord John Russell, seeing the and thus all their efforts to acquire something for
hardship of 3,500 out of 6,000 (for example) mono- their wives and families would have been in vain.
policing the whole representation by split votes, in. If the opening of the beer trade had done nothing
dicated a way in which this could be obviated. The else for the public, it had at all events done agreat
only way—and, though it was not his own proposi- deal towards abolishing a scandalous monopoly.
tion, he hoped it would be adopted—was to allow He then referred at length to the report of 1817,
electors in counties returning three members to give before mentioned, to show how corrupt was the
only two votes. In Berke, Herts, and other coun- system under which licenses were granted under
ties it had before now happened that, by coalescing, the oldlaw, how much favouritism prevailed, and
three agricultural candidates had kept out their how the influence of the great brewers was brought
oppment—call him Whig, Radical, or what you to bear on their brother magistrates ; and he ap-
will. Now, a Reform Bill should not have regard pealed to all present whether they were not aware
to particular interests, but should have for its ob- of many instances of favouritism if not corruption,
ject justice to all, and he therefore hoped it would which had been exhibited of late in reference to
be enacted that no county voter should be able to new public-houses. (Hear, hear.) Returning to
o
_
vote for more than two out of three members, or for the bill, he observed that there was one clause
more than one out of two. (Cheers.) This would be this bill which deprived the beerseller of powerto
f
the most effectual bar to coalition.s, and the most recover a debt unless the proceeding
for that
racted ; while
pur-
popular men would then be elected. (Hear.) pose were commenced within a fortnight after the
Mr. FAIRER responded in a very effective speech. time when the debt began to be cont
Lord A. VANE TEMPEST, M.P., proposed " The by another clause money borrowed for the purpose
Health of the Chairman." of paying such a debt was placed on the same foot
The Duke of Quirsimtuol in responding, glanced lug as money borrowed for gambling purposes,

That was certainly rsther sharp practice against
the beer ttazle. (Hear.) Moreover, if a beerseller
died, and left a wife, his wife was not to be allowed
to sell any beer tilt she- had got a new license.
Mr. MASON seconded the resolution. He stated
that lie was a member of the deputation that waited
on Mr. Hardy—a gentleman who was, he said, cne
of those cool,and calm persons who never laughed,
but only grinned ; who smiled, and murdered
while they smiled. - He then proceeled to speak of
the tyraiiny of the licensing system, and condemned
the bill of Mr. as tending to reintroduce a
monopoly iu the sale of beer. With regard to the
'argument that because men made beasts of them-
selves a check ought to be put upon them, he con-
sidered it as unreasonable to put down the sale of
beer because men got drunk as it would be to shut
up the .butchers' shops because men became glut-
tons. Mr. Hardy was the crusher of the wives and
children of the beersellers, and the course which
he was pursuing on this subject made him un-
worthy of the name of Englishman.
Mr. JAMES LOWRY, who stated that he was a
cabinet-maker, :ind• lived lieu. the Oxford Market,
bore testimony to the improved accommodation
which the working classes hal met with under the
beur-how.i.o system, and denounced the bill as de-
tes'able.

The resolution was then put and carried.
Mr. DAWES moved, and Mr. WYBROW seconded,
a motion for the presentation of a petition to the
House of Commons against the bill.
Mr. BLUNT in supporting the resolution, con-
tended that die beet sellers should not he contented
with opposing Mr. Hardy's bill, but should corn-
mettce a movement for the total ...lbolition of the
Fcen-ing sys.ein. (Hear.) He. did not see why
beer and spirits should not be sold as freely as
butcher's meat or bread.

Mr. Bistro'', the secretary, said, having recently
corresponded on this subject with the trade in seve-
ral large towns, he was sorry to find that great in-
difference prevailed among them with regard to Mr.
Hardy's bll, and that the general feeling was that
it would not do the beerseller much injury. It was
highly desirable that such a mistaken notion should
be removed. The single fact that the bill would
prevent a be,n.seller from removing ought to be
sufficient to arouse universal opposition. No doubt
opposition would be offered to the bill by their
friends in the House of Commons ; but its success
would depend on the beersellers themselves. If the
trade were indifferent and inert, the bill might
pass, and they would then find, to their cost, that
they had by their inactivity forged fetters for them-
selves that they could not remove.
The resolution was then carried, and the proceed-
ings terminated with a vote of thanks to the chair-
man.

THE FRENCH ELECTIONS.

(From the Times.)

Certainly the Straits of Dover divide two very
different peoples. If the one are very right, the
other must be very wrong ; and if either Empire is
celestial the other is outer barbarian. Conceive

Queen Victoria, immediately after a dissolution
of Parliament, transmitting through Sir George
Grey a Circular to all the High Sheriffs, Mayors,
and other returning officers, with a list of candi-
dates, charging them to use every exertion to
procure their return, on the ground that nearly all
of them !had given her the utmost satisfaction in
the late Parliament, and with a few new and
carefully picked men, ought to be trusted to do the
same in the next. Conceive her dwelling on the
support they had given to her dynasty, on
their sense of the glory and the misfortunes
connected with her name, and on their
loyal belief in the name of Guelph, or what-
ever name was taken for the purpose, as the
watchword and safegard of France. Conceive all
this done in the most delightful confidence that
the appeal would be responded to,—only just a
little apprehension betrayed that the people would
take it too quietly, too much as a matter of course,
and let the Queen's candidates be elected by ex-
cessive and indolent unanimity. But go to Dover,
look across the Channel, an.' there you may see
the very cornfields and dwellinghouses of the people
who like this style of things, who are governed in
this way, who are proud of it, who indignantly
spurn any other, and who are most acutely sensible
of our own political absurdities. Is it possible to
imagine ourselves coming to such a pass ? What if
Charles I. had carried the day, with the assistance
of his Holiness, his most Christian Majesty, and his
faithful Irish subjects ? The name of Stuart would
then have been the palladium of British order and
British glory. Her Majesty would have found in
the member for Buckinghamshire a zealous, en-
lightened, and eloquent champion of her dynasty,
her prerogative, her estates, and her policy ; and
she would accordingly recommend him to the par-

ticular attention of the electors of Bucks. She
would tell them that sho would take it very ill of

them if they passed him by for some other less
tried person : still more, if they used the opportu-
nity for factious disturbance by returning some-
bidy who was positively disagreeable to her Ma-
jesty. It is remarkable that Charles I, did this, not
through Secretaries of the Treasury, or any other
quiet agency, but openly ! and even then it was
thought highly unoonstitutional. Napoleon 111.
does it. lie says, with courageous logic, " Others
recommend candidates, why should not I ? These
are good men and title, why should not I recom-
mend them ? They have done their duty, and de-
serve to be kept on. You need not return them
unless you like : but, take my word for it, you
cannot do better."

It would be very little to the purpose to main
tain that our way is better, for the plain fact is
that we have our way and the French have theirs ;
and we might as well propose that cat and dog
should interchange their respective habits or adopt
a common model, as that either of us should fol-
low the example of the other. It is almost useless
to discuss such a style of politics on this side the
Channel. No Frenchmen would pay the slightest
attention to what we had to say on the subject,
and to oor English readers argument is super-
fluous. Any attempt of the sort would bring on
a revolution. Every candidate branded with the
Royal approbation would be obliged to retire, not
only from the field, but from public life,—from the
sight of man. The most indifferent or most mer-
cenary would redden with indignation if the candi-
date asked for his vote on so damning a plea. We
have our own way, and it is the only right one in
our own eyes. Instead of a name or a dynasty we
take a policy, not always the distinctest and clearest,
but embodied in men or in measures, generally in
both. The measures refer to certain changes de-
sired, or otherwise, in our Parliamentary and other
national institutions. No doubt, as a fact, the
critical questions on which elections have turned
fora whole generation have related to rather im-
portant changes, constituting, in the whole, a great
social revolution. On abstract grounds it might be
col inrably maintained that this continual and
rather feverish agita' ion of serious changes affecting
the relations of Church and State, the composition
of the Legislature, the Courts of Law, the Colonies,
and other imporant matters, was not much better,
or, indeed, very different, from the standing ques-
tion of this or that dynasty in France • and that
the sort of dictation which the mass of die electors
submit to from the chiefs of party and opinion is
substantially much the same thing as the Imperial
rescript in favour of a list of 260 candidates, all
proved friends of the reigning dynasty. But this
is not an abstract question. The British people
and their Sovereigns have long come to an under-
standing with one another, and there can be no
mistake. So, as the old saying has it'
We'bnbee.
longer remember that the Sovereign is refsp,oentssr
it.
to the people, and the Sovereign n
We all feel a moral certaMty that Veviecrteonrecira:.s
But
pos-
terity will sit en her throne centuries h
we are loyal on
we are a nation of politicians, an
ce in the
the condition that we may hav
con-
tinual reconstruction of our politicaleaves stem, and in
out ouyr views. No
the choice of the men to
doubt Louis Napoleon woe.ausrlerdtyislsre only too ready to
politics and return
let his 9,000,000 elector s
members of their 05,711 choice, if he could secure that
they would not, on some e reason or none, vote him a
nuisance, and send him out of the country. But
tlris is the very question which the French wish to
keep
always open. Their question, is not measures
or men, but the man and the family.
It must be admitted that the exaggeration is
common to both countries. France thrives with a
despotism, and we thrive with a very "anomalous"
Legislature. Purists and theorists want a thousand
reforms not only in the Commons, but in the
Lords, and far more in the latter than in the for-
mer ; yet we have attained to great material pro-
sperity and social happiness. It is a question whe-
ther we shall get on better with a House of Com-
mons reformed into the most plausible and symme-
trical representation of the people—quite as much
a question as whether our neighbours would get on
better with any other form of government. In-
deed, if anybody comes to consider, it is amazing
how very little visible share most of us have in this
representative system of wbich We are all so protd,