The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-21 00:00:00

veronients, that he entertained no ferocious rigidity o.

opinion noon any point.

Having had the honour o

s;-ttirli4 with his lor?whip in the Cabinet for a short time

hi had never encountered any difficulty ; and when his
lordslip quitted the Duke of Wellington's Government
he did so becAuse others had 1-ft it. No other reason was

assigned at the time, whatever might have taken place
afterwards. mere could hardly be any better recommenda-
tion than this accommolating facility with respect to the
various measures coining before the Cabinet and before
Parliament. But it seetned to him that the publicrequired
to know something else. What they had to look to was
fixedness of opinions upon public subjects, and, above all,
a determination to stand by them. He knew not the opi-
nion of the noble lord on the subject of reform, although
he knew what his opinions were on a particular point,
which was rather a damaging one for the Government.
He h'rrinelf was indisposed to grant any further reform,
because he felt satisfied that the more extended the con-
stitutncies became the more inferior were their represen- '
' tatives, and in his opinion it was most important to
have goo representatives, and make the people look up
the House of C.tmenons for the directi,sn of their opi-
nions. It wai supposed that the noble lord was not
tay.nira',l- to any further reform; but what secu7ity was
there that Le w •uld adhere to, his opinions ? None at all.
It wool l he infinitely better to have the Government
placed in the hands of an uncompromising old Whig like
the 1 to Kid Grey, who declared he would not be the
sha.low of a mini ter, than a man who was one thing one
n'ay and an,ther the next. He wool I not detain their
lordships further than to say, that he viewed the present
war with the greatest apprehension. There seemed tl him
to be an injustice about it. When we were engaged in the
late war we were more than once desired to acknowledge
our sins, to beg pardon for our offences, to ask the bless-

ing of heaven on our endeavour to ►naiot+in the lute-

re;ts of our country hi a great and necessary war. It was
a nec!,:nary war. There was no help for it, and we were
juiti6ei in hoping to obtain the bli-ssing of Heaven upon

our eff how could we ask the blessings of i'ro-
vidorice on our ex rtions in the present war, or expect

success in our endeavourq, from a conviction Ow: our

cause'is a list and a balk) ,ed one? It seemedttoo
warhimobjectthat the object of many parties in pressiog on the
was money. What wa; the object of the Government no
one knew. Was it their object to force S:r J. Bowring
haWet°
in' 0 C.kftt.,n ? Toat was not prActicablf., awl any ;A empt
to force Sir J. B )wring into that city would be to force
tea out of every cottage in England ; for if only two-
thirds of the quantity of that article should be imported,
the pea-erc'asses would be compelled to go without it.
H
Fie wanted to know if the Government were not going
to take advantage of hostilities fur the purpose of revis-
ing the treaty, forcing turth..r conditions up in the En-
peror 01 China in ureter to obtain more money—for that
was the rue.ning of the whole theory. Ile apprehended
notl !
no t'
lFthat we were golf g to ask for that which we
right to dtmand, but to associate with us a friend ;
that sv
going to obtain the co-operation of a party
who had no interest in the matter ; that two great
powers, without any reasonable ground of quarrel with
the Emperor of China, were about to direct their united
forces
his empire,
e in order to extort from him
under
th advantagepookeitna torfa d
our
uwrhmichercwhaonutlsd.
put more money
cer dlfiaicni:ltt i e
into
some
These matters caused in his mind 8 considerableepara ted
without al a romb,
and Parliament ought not to have
.
s o

tasroe•
a distinct assurance from the Governnient on
both these inipOrttint.sisbjeCi,s., Its felt satisfied; what
ever itieerbt l tIA opinion of the public at the ensuing
election, that it was humanly impossible that the ulti-
mate judgment of the public should not maintain the in-
der,tent of the lattitise of Comtnolls:
lad GRAN-VILLE said the noble earl had guilts into
a variety of subjects, t r some of which he would briefly
A,ltlde. With regatel to the coalition; he might observe
that as soon as Lord liert4 doiixteti that Co tindefsiendiiiit
Existed bete:ten himself and other parties he threw the
Chatter out of consideration, merely stating that there were
some grounds for the public believing that something
more than a coincidence had occasioned the vote which
had been given in the other house. The noble earl bad
adverted to the finances of India and the state of affairs
in China. Now he (Earl Granville) did not see how,
when we were in a state of hostility with any portion of
a c ,untry with which we had commercial relations, that
state of hostility could fail to affect to a considerable de-
gree our own finances and the finances of other countries
in constant commercial relations with that country. But
when the noble earl talked wids such alarm about the
finances of India, those finances must, not only under
the present Government, but under the Government of
the noble earl, have been in a very unsound state, if
they could not stand the inconvenience of a certain
temporary cessation of commercial relations with China.
The noble earl had alluded to the rise which took place
in discounts in the month of January last. But he
ought not to have forgotten that in the course of the
time which it would take to convey the intelligence to
India, the rate of interest in this country became exerbi•
tent. When the noble earl complained of the unsound-
ness of trade because it was carried on with borrowed
capital, he begged to inform the noble earl that, although
the trade of the country was perfectly sound at this mo,
tnent, yet that the great bulk of that trade was carried
on by advances of money. (Hear.) The Government
could only deal with the exigencies of the public service
as they arose, and parties could only obtain money by
having recourse to the necessary amount of interest.
The noble earl intimated that there would be a stoppage
of commerce in consequence of our hostilities with China.
Now the fact was that enormous supplies of tea were on
their way to this country, and he did not believe there
would be any such stoppage of commerce as that sug-
gested by the noble earl. There could be no doubt that
hostilities would inflict an injury on the opium trade; but
whilst on the one hand the noble earl complained that the
authorities were not more active in putting down the im-
portation of opium into China, he now complained that
Sir J. Bowring's procsedings had indirectly that effect.
(Hear, hear.) The noble earl, in alluding to the necessity
of economy had gone through several of the miscellaneous
estimates. No doubt satisfactory explanations could be
given on many of those points if the subject bad been
regularly brought under discussion, and ft would have
been much more satisfactory if the noble earl had given
due notice of the matter which ho was about to introduce
for the purpose of damaging the Government, in order
that some reply might have been given- to him. With
regard to the question of printing, no doubt a great evil
existed ; but the expense arose in a great measure from
the immense number of returns moved for by members,
and therefore Parliament was Mere to blame on that
point than the Government. The expense of convicts
had been attended to by the noble earl. No doubt the
cessation of transportation had tended enormously to
the increased charge under that head. Then, with
regard to the 60 new heads of charge which the noble
earl intimated had bebn introduced by Lord Palmer-
ston's Government within the last three years—
Lord Paltaerston's G9vernment had not been in
existence so long and one matter appeared to
have escaped the observation of the noble earl, and that
was that one of the lest acts of Mr. Gladstone was to
transfer innnmerableitems from the Consolidated Fund to
annual votes, amounting to 1,200,0001. The noble earl
then commented on the increased expenses of education.
On that point he had some difficulty in arguing with the
noble earl. He could argue with a man and admit what
was true as to the extravagance of indulging in turtle,
champagne, and articles of that description ; but if he
heard a person contending that pure air was sufficient for
the food of man, and that meat and drink were entirely
useless, he must decline entering into any argument as to
economy or extravagance. With regard to the question
of education, be avid the noble earl started from entirely
different points. During the Indian iebates, the noble
earl said that it would lead to the loss of our empire if
we began to educate the 150,000,000 people of that coun-
try; and on another occasion the noble earl complained,
with a sigh, of the amount of money which had been
wastedon the education of the peoplewhich might have been
better employed in the construction of gunboats; and no
doubt the noble earl thought that 100,0001. spent on edu-
cation was so much money thrown away. He was rather
surprised that Mr. Gladstone had the other night brought
forward an accusation of extravagance with respect to
that vete. Now be could meet Mr. Gladstone on level
ground, because they both agreed as to the advantage of
educating the people. They sat together for three years
in the Council of Education, during which time there
was no difference of opinion as to expenditure except on
one small and contemptible point. His object bad been
to make the system as efficient and economical as pos-
sible. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was the most
economical of public men, and endeavoured day by day to
reduce expenditure. The Committee of Council were
placed almost in the same position. Hardly a single day
passed in which some important body did not beg for
the removal of some stringent provision, and if all appli-
cations were attended to, the result would be to in-
crease the annual expenditure some 25 or 50 per cent.
lie believed that double the money now spent might
be expended economically and efficiently for the purpose
of raising the int liectual and social condition of the lower
classes. When a noble earl opposite put forth education
as one of the cries of the Conservative party and he (Earl
Granvi le) remarked that the noble earl ought to have
intimated whether he agreed with the views of Mr. Hen-
ley or Sir J. Pakington, he hardly imagined that he had
to deal with an advocate of popular ignorance in the
noble earl who bad jest spoken. (A. laugh.) Economy
was a very popular cry, and one which he was glad to
hear, because a pressure for economy was useful on any
Government, and he should be ashamed of his colleagues
if they did not economise thepublic expenditure. When
he was in the House of Commons he remembered a man
who was the very reverse of the noble earl—he meant
Mr. Hume. (A. laugh.) That gentleman performed the
greatest good by reducing the extravagant expenditure
of successive Governments. But did his economy apply
to grants for improvine science, art, or education
There was not a man whose support could be mere
surely reckoned upon in Parliament when the object io
view was the raising of the intellectual and social condi-
tion of the people. (Hear, hear.) With regard to the
attach which had been wade upon the principles of Lord
Palmerston, he did not think it necessary to repeat what
he had said the other day when he stated his reasons for
thinking that his lordship was entitled to the confidence
of the country. The country would not take its opinion
from the statements which had been made by the noble
earl cr the Earl of Derby, or from any defence which he
(Earl Granville) might he able to make. The public
would decline acting upon the opinions of either the op-
ponents or supporters of Lord Palmerston, and would
judge for themselves, and therefor:, he would not trouble
their lordships with another remark on that subject.
The E trl of MALNIESBURY was willing to admit
that Lord Palmerston was the most popular and desirable
Minister at this moment, but was convinced that the
time was not far distant when • the practical people of
England, so remarkable for their common sense and
their investigation of truth, would be convinced
that the war in China was one of the most disastrous cha
meter for their interests, and that their present idol was
a minister who had neglected that particular duty of a
minister—economy. The noble earl opposite could not
escape from the responsibility of the education vote dur-
ing the years which preceded the day when Lord Palmer-
ston became Prime Minister, forhe held the office which
he now occupied in the Government which succeeded
Lord Derby. He was not about to enter into any discus-
sion on the subject of education, but he must say that
the Government had made no sign on the subject, which
had been left to Lord J. Russell, Sir J. Pakington, and
Mr. Henley, and not a single measure hod been sropo-ed
by the noble earl opposite. It was desirable to inquire
how the present system was to end, and whether the
noble lord had any idea of the last sum which might be
asked for, and of the aggregate of what the charge would
he a few years hence. Was it not remarkable, when they
looked at the miscellaneous estimates, which were only
two millions under the Gcvernment of Lord Grey to find
that they were now six millions? His noble friend (Lord
Granville) the other night laid the Income Tax Bill on
the table in solemn silence, and in the whole of his
speech in answer to that of his noble friend (Lord Derby;
he did not spend five minutes on the estimates or the ex.

penditure of the country, and that evening he had on the
whole waived the subject, as one which could not been-
tertained by their lorciehips house. He (Lord Malmes-
bury) must call attention to another item which had not
been noticed by his noble friend (Lord Ellenborough),
and that was the charge for the collection of the revenue,
a charge which amounted for the collection of a revenue
of 65,000,0001. to 4,300,0001., or 61 percent. for collec-
tion. Their loriships knew what was the expense of col-
lecting; these revenues, and they knew that the collection
of rent-, of all kinds vas made at a charge of 2/ per cent.

and he could not see wlv the public revenue itiould be
c lleeted at an expense of 61 per cent. when the revs nues
of private iodividuali could be collected at a charge of

2i per cent. Hie noble friend (Lord Ellenborough) bad
adverted to the quabdcations of Lord Palmerston for
the office of first Minister of this country. The country
woul I soon decide whether that noble lord was to be raj-

nister or not, but be wish d to make an observation on

a taunt which the noble earl (Granville) bad thromn out
against his not:le friend (Lord Derby) for having offered
Lord Palmerston a place in his Government. But it
was a very different thing to endeavour to obtain the
assi3tance of a man of ability and experience in a mi-
nistry, in which he would be your colleague, and when
you yourself were to bo Prime Minister, and to support
the same man when he himself was Prime Minister.
The same qualities which would make a man admirably
fitted for the greatest subordinate offices in a Govern-
ment did not render him fitted to be Prime Minister ;
and he would ask his noble friend (Lord Granville) whe-
t ,er, alth ugh he might be satisfied with each and all of
lie colleagues in the places they now held, he woul,l be
also ready to have any one of them placed above him as
Prime Minister. He was sure that his noble friend

wool 1 not, and ho was hardly justified in throwing iCai
circumstanca in the face of Lord Derby when he was
answering that noLla lord's criticism on Lord Palmer-

ston's career. Parliament might now be said to
its deathbed ; but when their lordships returned he bopad
that his noble friend opposite would consider deeply the
subject on which the noble earl (Ellenborougb) had
touched. Depend upon it, notwithstanding :he popular
favour in which Lord Palmerston seemed to be held,
there were in all parts of the country signs and symp-
toms of alarm at the increase of the national expendi-
ture ; and let it not be forgotten that, although a few
years ago we might have been generoue with the public

money, we. had lately added rort:k h iilPPorte fel the national
debt ; that we hadr just passed out of a great and efVens
sire rta.4;i i•ind s4ore entering on another likely to prove a
costly one, and it mignc bd only bit means of profuse
expenditure that we should be able to sups: the mili-
tary estimates which for the next few years we should
!Ave td Vtesent *to the House of Commons.
Lord MONTEAGLE said he &mid corroborate in the
strongest manner the observations of the Stehle earl op-
posite with respect to the public expenditure. He was,
however, stied anti the estimates, as they now stood,
were not such as the Goverrinient intended to continue,
for he never heard better principles of economy than
those which were laid down by the present Chancellor
of the Exchequer. It was the duty of public men to in-
terfere between the Government and the House of Com-
mons, and to give the Government strength to resist the
demands for increased expenditure which were daily
made upon them. No one could look at the papers
before the house to which the noble earl (Ellen-
borough) had alluded without being convinced that
we, had been for years engaged in a mad course
of extravagance. It bad been all referred to the
war ; but although that had been the cause of much
extravagance, yet it was not all the cause, and fore-
most among the causes'of reckless expenditure was, in
the nation as in private life, the facilities which ex-
isted for borrowing money. He was willing to admit that
the mode in which the Government had dealt with ex-
penditure since the peace was creditable to them, and, in
every respect, it had exceeded his expectations. Still,
he would say that the estimates, as now framed, would
not do for future years, and the Government might rest
assured that the people of England would expect a ces-
sation of income tax in 1860, and it would therefore be
necessary to reduce the estimates and expenditure so as
to enable that course to be adopted.. The noble lord
then criticised some of the financial operations of Mr.
Gladstone and the present Government, especially ob-
jecting to the recurrence of the worn out system of sink-
ing funds, though he admitted that e:he financial com-
pacts which had been entered into must be observed. He
urged that the principle of public economy had entered a
new phase ; everything would be referred to the cessa-
tion of the income tax. Had the Government got their
lesson with regard to expenditure ? Go into Westminster
Hall and see the preparations making for an exhibition
of the plans for new public offices. For that object at
present only the modest sum of 80,0001. was asked, but
he need only point to that house in which the delibera•
tions of Parliament were conducted, in order to show how
plausible is the first approach of expenses of that kind.
He deprecated any such extravagant folly as the pulling
down and rebuilding of all the public offices merely for
the sake of rivalry with foreign countries. This was one
of the dispositions to persevere in the system of past ex-
travagance, which he hoped would be resisted. The real
cry at the coming election ought to be the diminution of
expenditure, with a view to the performing of the solemn
agreement which Parliament had made with the people,
that in 1860 the income tax should cease and determine.
Earl GREY could not allow this conversation to close
with saying that he entirely concurred with the noble
earl opposite and his noble friend who had just spoken
in the opinions they bad expressed with regard to the
expenditure of the country, and the alarm with
which they looked to the ultimate consequences of
the extravagant system which had prevailed of late
years. But he could not concur in thinking that that
increased expenditure was confined to the civil service.
-It pervaded also the naval and military departments,
and especially that of the army. He should be the last
man to recommend the keeping up of an inadequate
army. in this country ; and he was anxious that it should
be kept up on such a scale as to secure its efficiency; but
he would no less insist on the doctrine that it should be
kept up on a small scale, and with reference to'defensive
objects only. When he compared the army estimates
with those of former years he must ray that while the
demands on the army had been reduced—when the
state of Ireland no longer demanded a large force for
the peace and security of that country—when the de-
mand of the colonies for a military force had been
greatly reduced in the last ten years—when we had
established an effective police force, by which the army
had been relieved from duties it ought never have per-
formed—when, atter all this, we ought to have been able
to reduce greatly our military expenditure, our peace
establisment was the largest ever sanctioned by Parlia-
ment, and was at the same time more expensive than the
amount of the force warranted. The policy now adopted
was to keep up the army on such a scale as to enable
us, for a small cause, and at a short notice, to carry on a
great foreign war. Againk that principle he protested.
For merely defensive purposes he would give anything
that was wanted ' • but knowing as he did the spirit of
the country, and how ready every man would be to de-
fend his native land, he was sure that a small well-dis-
ciplined army, so supported, would be enough for all
defensive purposes. If we went on in the manner in
which at present our expenditure was calculated, it
would be impossible to abolish the income tax, and we
should come to the maintenance of an army with refer-
ence only to an offensive war, which was a great mistake
in politics ; far other nations would follow our example;
and when nations were armed, a less cause would pro-
duce a quarrel than when they were less prepared for
war. Nothing tended so much to do away with the
brawls and bloodshed which in privatesociety used to ac-
company the practice of carrying arms,—when every man
carried a sword—than the abolition of that practice ;
and the same principle held good between nations who
were always ready armed. He. would only make one
further observation. It was at all times important to
act on the principle of maintaining a moderate peace
establishment ; but he viewed with alarni the relaxation
of late of the great constitutional principle that Parlia-
ment should control the executive in the carrying en of
war. He could not forget that this year, for the first time
since the revolution .which settled our constitution, Par-
liament had deliberately passed by the circumstance that
her Majesty's Government, on their own authority, had
engaged the country in a war, and arranged with the
East India Company the proportion which .that com-
pany, and what proportion the taxes of this country,
should bear of the expenses of that war • and this was
done without Parliament being summoned, and without
the sanction of the representatives of the people. Par-
liament had submitted t• this, and now there was about
to be a dissolution without any information havivg been
given as to the circumstances which led to that war.
Again, they learnt that an expedition was leaving our
shores to carry on a war which one House of Parliament
had declared in its origin to have been unjust; and al-
though their lordships had refused to condemn it, it was
well known that that refusal was given on political
grounds, because it -was not desired to remove the pre-
sent advisers of the Crown. This was going on without
any information being given as to the objects of the war,
what we propose to obtain by it, and on what terms it
might be concluded. With the opinions he entertained
of the constitutional control which Parliament ought to •
exercise over the great questions of peace and war, he
felt alarm at what had occurred this year, and be hoped
that when Parliament met again it would be found to be
one, not only imbued with a stronger spirit of economy
than that which was now about to separate, but also
with a greater regard for the constitutional principle to
which he had referred, and which had been laid down
by our ancestors.
The bill was then read a third time and passed.
The house adjourned at a quarter past 7.

The committee appointed by the Academy of
Sciences of Paris to examine the documents pre-
sented to that body by M. Ferdinand de Lesseps
on the subject of the projected canal through the
isthmus of Suez has just published its report. After
a rapid survey of the various.plans either attempted
or executed by the ancienta in order to establish a
communication between the. 'Mediterranean, or
rather the Nile, and the Red Sea, the report pro-
ceeds to consider the relative advantages of the
railway now in contemplation between Cairo and
the Red Sea and •a canal through the isthmus, as
compared with the usual route to India by the
Cape, and shows that the latter will maintain its
superiority over the railway on account of its cheap-
ness, which, in the eyes of the commercial men, is
a circumstance of paramount importance, although
not altogether considered in that light by govern—
ments. From the late surveys it appears that the
mean altitude of the waters of the Red Sea does
not exceed that of the Mediterranean by more
than 68 centimetres (21 inches), so that a canal
without locks, such as the nature of the ground
permits, will not present the inconvenience of
a current constantly flowing in the same direc-
tion, but will have currents alternately flowing
either way, according as the winds and tides
may influence the relative altitudes of the two
seas. These facts being established, the report
proceeds to detail the efforts made since 1854
by M. Ferdinand de Lesseps to promote the
formation of a company, under the title of
" Cornpagnie Universette du Canal maritime du
Suez," and the subsequent appointment of an
international committee to investigate the rela-
tive advantages of the various plates respectively
proposed by MM. Talabot, Barrant, and Linant
Bey, that of the latter obtaining a decided prefer-
ence as the shortest and least expensive. Accord-
ing to this plan, Suez and Tinch (the ancient Pe-
lusium), differing only by 1 deg. 5 min. iu latitude,
are the extreme points of the canal, the length of
which therefore, does not exceed 117 kilometres
(73 miles.) The line, commencing from Suez, will
wind through a valley for the space of 28 kilo-
metres, then describe a circular are of a large radius,
in order to penetrate into a basin formerly filled
with the waters of the Red Sea. In this basin are
situated the Bitter Lakes, which the line will tra-
verse lengthwise, and then proceed straight on in a
northward direction, slightly inclining towards the
west, until it reaches an eminence about SOft. high,
which must be cut through thence it reaches Lake
Menzateh without any further obstacle. In order
to ascertain the nature of the soil, 19 shaf. s have
been sunk along the line to the depth of 9 metres
(291 ft.), and it has been found mostly compose] of
sand mixed with clay, a small portion only consist-
ing of a kind of sandstone ; so that the excavations
will meet with little or no difficulty. It having
been objected that the moveable sands of the de-
sert might obstruct the canal in a short space of
time, the report observes that, during the lapse of
19 centuries, the effect of the sands has been so
slight as not even to obliterate the vestiges of
the old canal of the Pharaohs. Two parallel
jetties' one 2,000, the other 1,800 metres in
length. and 400. metres asunder, are to project
into the Red Sea from the port of Suez, leaving a
roadstead spacious enough to harbour 500 vessels.
To the north of this basin the canal is to com-
mence, continuing, without any locks or interrup-
tion whatever, to the Mediterranean, and forming
a kind of Bosphorus. Its other extremity is to
open into the Mediterranean, at a distance of 16
miles west of ' Pelusium, where a port is to be
construtted. named Said, after the present viceroy,
under whose auspices this great enterprise is to be
accomplished. The coast on this side his under-
gone no change during the lapse of nineteen cen-
turies ; the distance between the ruins of Pelu•
sium and the sea being exactly the same as it was
in the time of Strabo. The winds most to be
guarded against on this coast being the westerly
and north-westerly, one of the two jetties to be
constructed here will advance 1,000 metres fur-
ther into the sea than the other (2,500 metres in
length), so as to protect the entrance. The maxi-
mum difference between high and low water here
dce's not exceed 22 centimes (8;1 inches) ' • and
at a distance of 2,300 metres from the spot fixed,
upon for the port of Said, the depth of water is
8 metres (26 feet), a depth which is more likely to
increase than to diminish, the sea on this side
tending more to erosion than to deposition. The
presumed expense of the undertaking is laid at
162 millions of francs. The report now examines
the degree of competition which the canal com-
pany may be exposed to. As regards the railway,
the distance between Alexandria and Suez may be
performed in six hours, while it will take twenty or
thirty by the canal ; a difference, however, which
is more than counterbalanced by the loss of time
occasioned by the operation of transhipment.
Moreover, the canal offers the advantage of the un-
interrupted responsibility of the captain for the
merchandise he conveys from the point of ship-
ment to that of destination, while, by the railway,
the responsibility is divided among three persons,
and consequently no one can be made answerable
on delivery for the bad condition of the goods.
The Syrian railway now in contemplation, which is
to pass between the valleys of the Lebanon, and ter-
minate at Byr on the Euphosees, woul,d for the
same reasons, be more expensive than even the
Cape route. The latter, therefore, is the only one
offering a chance of successful competition. Here
the report enters into various details touching the
price of coal, the tonnage of British vessels annually
sent to India, th., and arrives at the conclusion
that, from whatever port of Europe a vessel may
start, there is between 45 and 68 per cent. in fa-
vour of Suez as regards the length of the voyage ;
and that, as to tonnage, the Suez canal will admit
of the passage of merchant ships of between 3,000
and 4,000 tons burden, while the largest now in
use for the voyage to India do not exceed 2,000
canal
largeral were than h
numerous
aron com-
mencedu re i
in 1858, it might be opened to the p
tons. Moreover, mixedaressele propelled both by
sail and steam, will offer a decided advantage in
favour of the canal. Maritime insurances will be
reduced to one-third of their present amount ; a
circumstance of no small importance when it is
considered that the trade between England and
India 818%7. upwardslfthetv
was in
oks o ofrfivef the times
an
com-
merce of the world in 1864 ; the lowest estimate of
itsorat concludesnnualpro isitfiwtsh a en
26gmillions
viewof francs.t The
num
social advantages which would accrue to the world
by the accomplishment of this gigantic t •
en erprise.
The Academy has approved of the report.
Galignani.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]—HoIIoway's Ointment and Pi Is
Ex raor,iinari;y Efficacious in Curing Erysipelas.—Mr.
Charles Henley, aged 18, of Abingdon, Oxon, suffered
with intermittent attacks of this must direful ~f cutane-
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known remedy for the cure of the same, but without
success; as a dernier resort he tried Holloway's oint-
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for he was entirely cured in five weeks to the astonish-
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Holloway's establishments, 244, Strand, London, and
80, Maiden-lane, New York ;by A. Stampa, Con-
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