The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-03 00:00:00

WHAT ABE WE WAITING FOB?

Under the above heading the Allgemeine Zeitung
(Augsburg Gazette) pubhshes the following, as
written from Northern Germany in May :
" The urgency that Germany must join the -war
against France with her whole strength, that Aus-
tria must not be left isolated—that is to say, in the
larch—this unavoidable necessity has been so often
and so clearly put in your columns—the conviction
of this necessity has been so unmistakeably recog-
nised in every part of Germany—that it would be
Carrying water to the sea if we were to advance
additional grounds—were we to wish to look upon
the question in any other light than as a question
of time, as one of the proper moment for Germany
to draw the sword.
" We are prepared to do so at a moment's notice.
Germany is ready as far as is requisite ; the enemy
is not. We possess a good line of fortresses from
Radstadt to the -Wesel ; each of these fortresses is
capable of containing an entrenched camp or power-
ful army, of protecting it or advancing it. Each of ,
these fortresses is fully provided with everything.
The enemy has nothing of the kind to oppose to us.
We also possess an overwhelming force for the at-
tack. Already two German corps d'armee-250,000
men from the Middle Rhine, 250,000 men from the
Upper Rhine—could invade France and march on
Paris. In France there remain scarcely more than
350,000 fighting men ; these men must keep down
revolution in the towns, and defend a frontier 100
miles in extent. It is clear they could only bring
an inferior force against each German army. Should
they attempt it thy would infallibly be beaten, for
they have no Napoleon I. to encourage them by his
startling movements. In a very short time the de-
cisive action would take place under the walls of
Paris. It is true the French capital is admirably
fortified, but it has not a sufficient garrison to de-
fend every point, and, once entered, Paris must
capitulate. We do not take into account the moral
depression which would be caused among the
French people by the retreat of their armies, and
the assistance that would be given by those who are
sworn enemies of the Napoleonic despotism.
But we are told, our coasts—our unprotected
coasts, and the mighty French fleet ! We reply.—
a determined invasion of France, a well-directed
blow that will be felt in Paris, that is the best pro-
tection of our coasts. To attack our coasts a land
army is necessary, and they have not a man to
spare. Moreover, our coasts are by no means so
unprotected; they are protested by nature and art,
and batteries are erected on all places open to a
landing. Let us call to mind the fight at Eckern-
fords and the facility with which Russia defended
her long length of coast in the Baltic against the
combined fleets of France and England. But our
ships—our poor ships—on the high seas. Will not
the French cruisers capture them all ? No. So far
we learn our shipowners are on their guard; at the
worst, the news of the declaration of war will be
conveyed by steamers as fast as any French cruis-
ers. Our ships will make for safe ports. England
is close at hand. Some loss must, of course, be in-
curred. But the sooner the uncertainty which now
weighs upon trade and commerce is at an end the
lesser will be the loss.
" The right to make an immediate attack upon
Frane is ours ; never can we claim a better one.
The Emperor of the French has in distinct mani-
festoes announced his breach of the treaties upon
which peace and order are founded. He is the
aggressor, the peace-breaker whom we must bring
to reason. He did not succeed, even for a day,
in making the press in England or Russia believe
that Austria was responsible for the war. Taunted
till she could no longer stand it, deserters from
her army formed into free companies under her
very nose, Austria only anticipated the attack by
a few weeks and selected her ground in the enemy's
country. Moreover, the German Confederation is
already de facto at war with France. Are not
Trieste merchants and shipowners German citizens,
and are not their ships German property ? And
have not Trieste ships been captured by French
cruisers ? Shall we, then, wait until some German
city has been bombarded ? Surely, France has given
us provocation enough to prompt us to self-defence.
" Finally, the object of our struggle is clear and
plain before us. We advance on Paris to upset Na-
poleon, to deliver the world from a nightmare
which has too long already oppressed its chest, to
destroy a system wich is a plague to morality,
right, and civilization. The reward for our sacri-
fices and labours can be no other than Alsace and
Lorraine (Lothringen). The broad wedge west of
the line of Luxembourg by Metz and Nancy to
Basel, that fatal wedge which strikes so deep into
the German territory, which so long has offended
every eye in Germany on the map ofEurope, mast
haul: down the French flag. Napoleon overthrown
and Alsace and Lorraine restored to us, that alone
is our object, that concerns us more especially.
What, then, becomes of France ? What system of
crovernment she chooses to adopt is her own busi-
ness ; the nation which has twice submitted to Na-
poleonic despotism, let it decide its own fate; but
we must provide against a third Napoleonic con-
fusion.
" If, then, the necessity of taking the field
against France is clear, if we are already fully
prepared to strike, when we have right on our
side, when our object lies plain before us,
what are we waiting for ? Why does the sword
still remain in the scabbard ?' Why drown the
shrill blast of the war trumpet, which will vibrate
throughout Germany as the call of health and
strength ? It is, perhaps, Fear of Russia,' and to
be more sure of the aid of England ! Now, this is
the very point which ought to urge us not to delay
one moment longer, but to take a great decision,
and with all our strength go straight to the goal.
" England and Russia have not yet quite made
up their minds; their inclinations are evident, but
they still hesitate to join in a general war. A great
event, a mighty fact,which would resound through-
out Europe, would bring them to a decision. Let
us give that mighty fact ! Its success, in both
directions, cannot fail to be to our advantage. A de-
claration of war by the whole of Germany against
France will infallibly bring England to our side as
an ally, and awe Russia into quiet.
" The English people entertain a covert hatred
and anger against Napoleonic France, but it is not
the less strong for that ; it simply smoulders, and
would soon be fanned into a flame. England has
already put up with too many insults, has too long
been chafing at the friendly chain of France; and
Cherbourg is a thorn in her side. This feeling
shows itself plainly enough in England just now
in the sudden change in the language of the press,
in the preparations of defence she is making. But
nobles and citizens are both averse from a great
war ; they have had war and expenditure enough
lately. Moreover, they are greatly occupied with
a great question of Government reform, which has
long waited a solution and this question divides
the people into factions. All this, unhappily, is
true. Nevertheless, all these obstacles and reasons
will fall into the background hen suddenly a g'reat
fact—the great fact stands before the clear intellect
of the English people—Germany
middy, the
marching on
Paris. Then the smallest ettheerahri Mathes-
man in the Cabinet,will be aware thatne S'
struck to do away for once and ever with a prepon-
derating French fleet, Cherbourg, and the fear of
invasion. Let Germany declare herself,b let her decla-
ration be followed immediately by action, and then,
when the Queen of England makesher Speech from
the Throne on the 7th of June we shall have
nothing to fear from a Russell-Palmerston Ministry.
" lint Russia! Will she not crush us with her
armies ? Has she not already a secret treaty with
France, and shall we be mad enough to enter into
a war at once with France and Russia ? We think
such madness would contain no small sprinkling of
sound common sense. The last war has given us a
correct idea of the capabilities of Russia. She moves
heavily, and it takes her many months to bring an
imposing force into the field. Before the powerful
Russian columns could reach the German frontier
we should have finished with Paris, and that news
would considerably delay the advance of the Russian
army, if it did not stop it altogether. And, suppos-
ing even that Russia had already all her available
troops ready for action—that we were compelled to
wage war on our west as well as upon our eastern
frontier—would that really be so terrible a matter?
Let us reckon up accurately how many thousand
fighting men Russia has been able to assemble at
or cross her frontier with, since 1812. The amount
does not exceed 150,000 or 200.000. Let us, on the
other hand, sum up what Prussia, Austria, and the
rest of Germany (actually prepared for war), can
bring at once into the field, not to speak of reserves,
and we have a sum total of 1,500,000 men and more
than 2,500 pieces of artillery. This force will surely
suffice to wage an offensive war against France and
a defensive war against Russia.
"We do not, however, suppose that things are so=
dangerous as we have put them. A sudden and
eNan.ergetic war against France will shield us from a
With Russia. The Cabinet of St. Petersburg
has, it is true—at least we arc willing to admit so
mu
tered into some agreement with the.
Cabinet of the
,c
nua's?
Tuileries hostile to Germany. We
can already trace the symptoms of such an under-
standing. Russia is to keep the power of Germany
in check, that it ray-o
not take part in the war against
t
France, and this is be done by the concentration
of armies of observation on our frontier, and by in-
direct menaces. W need
e not fear those threats.
Russia might feel inclined, but cannot go to war.
Important reasons, like heavy chains shackle her
m-
warlike movements. Only ar '
, lust her will and
better sense, only gradually by the course of events
could I?.ussia be induced to exert all her strength
against the foreigner. A general rising of all
aer_
Many, a battle gained over the French, perhaps
piece: of news even t'ae capture of Paris—such a