The Sun.
London, England, 1861-06-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, IVIONIMY ENTENIN'G, JUNE 3, 1861

and dale, intercepted by occasional dense forests,
which more than realised all I had imagined of
" La Belle France." But what shall I say of Paris ?

—her spacious and elegant streets, her grand old
classic structures, her beautiful parks, her galleries
of art—the fine and the useful—her monuments of
dramatic history, and above all, her development of
progress and civilization ? For I must say that I
have not seen a beggar, a ragged man, or a drunkard
in France. (Hear, hear.) A manly sympathy with
the cause of liberty in '76 has not, by the eternal
laws, been lost upon her people. Does any man
venture to say that the French of to-day have paid

:oo much in treasure and blood for the liberties

they now enjoy, which this great people and the
great chief of their choice equally recognise ? (Loud
cheers.) The political empyric only is impatient—
waiting upon nature, and following upon the fading
footprints of the ages—the world-wide statesman
and philanthropist withholds the hand of rash pro-
pagandism. With hopeful aspirations for the
future—with all my heart, I say, " Vire la France,
vive l'Amerique!" (Applause.) Yes, gentlemen.
my country shall live. She sacrifices property, and
life, and kindred to justice. She suffers all things
for the whole race—not forgetting the language of
Lafayette:and:all the martyrs of '76 she draws her
sword once more in " defence of the rights of
human nature." Yes, our Union, our Constitu-

tion, and our liberties shall live. That is
why I have said elsewhere, this rebellion shall
go down. " Cotton is King !" No ; " Grass is
King," for the United States produce more dollars
worth of grass than cotton. Let the South send
400,000,000 dols. worth of cotton to the nations ; if
she pays it out, all out for clothes end food, and
mules and cotton-gins, and farming utensils, what
does it matter? She finds herself at the end of the
year indebted in advance of her income. Her banks
are exhausted of their coin to pay for food, her
notes are not redeemed, her currency ceases to cir-
culate, her stocks are nothing, her credit is gone.
Does the Times understand me ? Therefore I say,
of course, we can conquer lies. I am accused of
threatening England. I am not in the habit of
casting about me to see how I may make truth most
palatable. Let those who stand in the way of truth
look out. (Hear.) If England, after all she has
said against slavery, shall draw her sword in its
defence, then I say, great as she is, she " shall
perish by the sword." For then not only France,
but all the world shall cry out, "Pet:fide Albion!"
When she mingles the red crosses of the Union
Sack with the piratical black flag of the " Confede-
rate States of America "—will not just as certainly
the Tricolor and the Stars and Stripes float once
more in fraternal folds. (Hear, hear.) Can France
forget who has doggedly hedged in all the fields of
her glory ? Can Napoleon forget St. Helena ? Will'
he at her bidding turn his back upon the East ?
Shall "Partant pour la Syrie" be heard no more
in France for ever ? Russia strengthens herself by
giving up slave labour for the omnipotent powers
of nature; which by steam, and electricity, and
water, and the mechanical forces share with man
the creative omnipotence. Shall England cross
half the globe to check the Eastern march
of her new-born civilisation ? I have spoken
to England not as an enemy, but a friend.
For her own sake, I would have her
be true to herself. If England would
preserve cotton for her millions of opera-
tives, let her join in putting down the rebellion.
Her interference in defence of the rebels of the South
will force us to do that which would be a calamity
to us as well as to them—at a blow to destroy
slavery for ever. The interest of England and
France lie in the same direction—in the preserva-
tion of the Union, and the making successful rebel-
lion impossible. (Loud applause.) Especially
does France find safety in our unity and prosperity
—for between us there is no antagonism whatever.
We want her silks, her brandies, her wines, her
porcelains, her cloths, her finer cottons ; her thou-
sand articles of unequalled taste. She wants our
tobacco, our meats, our grains, and all that ; while
she will not envy us the prosperity of our ruder
manufactures, which put money in our purse, and
make us able to purchase all she has to sell us. Let
England, and France, and Russia, and Spain, and
Mexico, and all the nations join with us—the
Union—it shall be preserved. (Tremendous cheer-
ing.) Planting myself upon the broad principles
of natural law, -which it was the glory of Lord
Chatham to introduce into modern diplomacy, I
most heartily respond to your resolutions; I join
the old Romans in the purity of my patriotism ; of
our nationality, my undying aspiration is " Esto
perpetua," of slavery " Delenda est Carthago."
(Long continued cheers.)
The PRESIDENT then said that a telegraphic
despatch had been received, giving news from the
United States to the 18th, which could not fail to
I interest the meeting. (A gentleman near then read
the despatch in question, which was loudly cheered.
The Hon. A. BURLINGAME, American Minister
to the Court of Vienna, next rose and spoke as fol-
lows :—Mr. President, ladies, and gentlemen,—l
respond to your call with all my heart in the spirit
of that patriotism which gleams in every eye and
swells in every breast. I hold it fit that the chil-
dren of the land of Washington should, in the land
of Lafayette, renew their vows to the great princi-
ples for which those men struggled. (Applause.)
And we accordingly do here and now renew
them, and swear, by the ever-living God that we
will sustain that Great Government which resulted
from their blended efforts, and breathe the exultant
hope that, like their holy memories, it will endure
for ever. (Applause.) It seems to me, since I have
been here, that I have received the impression--I
cannot tell whence or why—certainly not from any-
thing I have read or heard—surely not from any-
thing derived from the reticent ruler of this gallant
people—that the feeling which swayed the French
and our fathers still survives. It seems to me that
they do not mock at us in our supposed calamity,
that they do not misrepresent us in their press—
that their statesmen do not compare us to Turks and
our enemies to Greeks—(laughter)—that they do
not speak of " belligerent rights" in such a way as
to leave us to infer that they would make merchan-
dise of our misfortunes, and open all their ports to
the pirates' prize. (Applause.) I make not these
distant allusions to deepen your regards on the one
hand, or to rouse your resentment against a kin-
dred people on the other. I accuse not the Saxon
heart. (Dr. M'Clintock—" That is right.") My
friend says that is right; yes, I know the heart of
old England is sound. But, as an American, I can-
not be indifferent to the language of a portion of
the English press, nor to the language of a few of
England's statesmen. I know, as my friend Mr.
Clay has said, that we have derived our language,
literature, and laws from her. No man bends lower
than I to her majestic antecedents, but I must be
permitted to regret the attitude in which she has
been placed by those who assume to give expression
to her sentiments. This I will say—ever mindful
of the ties of consanguinity which others have seem
to have forgotten—that when a generous people has
blotted from its memory the resentful recollections
of two wars, it is neither kind nor wise to rouse
them again with tenfold rancour. And this I will
further say, that, whoever is for or against us, we
will, in the language of our distinguished friend,
Mr. Dayton, " settle our own affairs in our own
way." We will put down rebellion on our own
audacious
soil, and shall reserve a quick hand and a dauntless
heart for
-whoever, for whatever cause. shall be
. found in complicity wi
Government and a gene
trho
ut
sh ce vmhii
hand
ssn
at
d t causelessaogn. e n(Continueds against
a noble
o,be
t
o
that ever lifted its
applause.) I do not quarrel with men's opinions—
, I disdain to plead with those who are intentionally
against us, but I would be glad to bring those
whose good opinion, for my country's sake, I covet,
into views touching our affairs identical with m; sv
()yen, those who have been and still are our friends.
I ha-v(7
prct between States,
fallen intow the fatal fallacy of Calhoun, and believe
et such since I have been here, who have
that our Goverr:.Tricnt is 2 CMI3
and that as these did .`.).ce(l° to it they have, there-
fore, a right to secede from If. But in our theory of
aovernment, Wales would have as much right to
secede from England, and
Normandy
from France,
as South Carolina and Alabama from 012
United
States. (Hear.) Ours is not a compact or league
in that sense—all that went down with the Con-
federation—but it' is a government of
_the people,

by the people, for the people, and is so declared to
be on the very frontlets of that instrument itself—
there, glittering like a star, is the language—" We,
the people, do ordain and establish this Constitu-
tion," and again it is declared that this constitu-
tion, and the laws made in pursuance thereof, shall
be the supreme law of the land. It is a government
thus established, a government resting on the good
will of the people—that will flowing forth into
practical government through the forms of the
organic law to which they have assented—a go-
vernment around which cluster so many memories,
and which to us is the noblest that ever shed its
blessings en mortal men. (Applause.) It is such a
government that a few traitors, because they have
been outvoted, would overthrow, and would esta-
blish in its place Nile born of their own caprice,
resting it not on the will of the people, but on sla-
very as its corner. stone. The contest is not be-
tween two parties equally divided, as some suppose
it to be, for political power, but it is a great struggle
for principles, for the integrity of our society and
government, between the highest civilisation on one
hand, and the blackest barbarism on the other.
(Applause.) It is not a contest between sections—on
the one side, as has been stated, are 20 millions
crystalised into one great fighting mass, and in
sympathy with these are millions in the South who
are in the thrall of a conspiracy which has taken
them by surprise. And against this are a few dar-
ing men, who, struggling against the holiest feelings
of the human heart, against a Government which
they have never felt but in the blessings it con-
ferred, lead on the fanatical and the ignorant,
made so by the bad system they would establish,
men whose strength was in the political power they
derived from slavery as a subtle element in the Go-
vernment, but now weak in the quality and force
on which they rely, without men, without money,
without credit, dependent for the food they eat and
the clothing they wear on those they assail, with-
out a ship, without a sailor, who cannot make a
sword or a musket, who have no flag which a Fejee
Islander ought to respect ; and thooo man hurl
themselves against the prejudices and patriotism,
and memories and hopes, and numbers, and civilisa-
tion of the American people. (Applause.) In the
language of Mr. Clay, just used, and I repeat it
with emphasis, " of course they must fail." They
shall fail, and their memories rot ! (Cheers.) I am
sorry for the innocent, who must suffer for their
guilt. The people were merciful and the Govern-
ment forbearing. It was our glory that in our
whole history no traitor's blood was on the hands
of the Government. We wished no war, no shed-
ding of fraternal blood. It was not until fortress
after fortress was taken, outrage after outrage corn •
mitted, hospitals sacked, and the poor and the
sick turned out into a desolate world, and a
fort with its famishing garrison reduced, that
the people sprung to arms for the Government
they loved ; and, sir, as you (Mr. Dayton) have
said, there has not been in ancient or modern
times, such a rising of the people. On every hill
they rose; and in every valley and every moun-
tain pass formed armies which would gladden
the eye of any Napoleon, and are moving with
irresistible force to crush the rebellion. (Applause.)
And, Sir, without using the language of menace, if
there is anybody who wishes well to society and
the human race, let him see to it that he is not
brought within the sphere of the resentment of this
roused nationality and haughty patriotism. (Ap-
plause.) But I must bring these remarks to a close.
I would that our struggling brothers at home could
hear this day our words of lofty cheer, and know how
the American heart in this far land throbs true to
them, and the cause for which they struggle. We
send them with our blessings over the sea; but
what is better, we send with them one known to
them, known to us, known to the two hemispheres,
and one who, in this warlike land of his ancestors,
heard the call of his mother (for he is, indeed, a
child of the Republic), and, casting from him the
urgent claims et his private affairs, almost without
warning or notice, determined to fly to the defence
of the flag he has done so much to exalt. We say
to him that he will be welcomed on the western
shore by 1,400,000 men, who but yesterday hailed
his name as a symbol of their faith, and by a count-
less host who then defeated our hopes with, if pos-
sible, a still warmer enthusiasm—welcomed on the
Atlantic slope, and on the Pacific slope, which his
valour won for us, and in the Rocky Mountains,
from whose loftiest summit he was the first to un-
furl the beautiful banner of his country, in the
beams of the setting sun. (Applause) We breathe
our benison upon him. We know what will follow
where he goes before, for " born and nursed in dan-
ger's path, he's tried her worst." We know his
future will be as bright as his past, and that he
will enjoy a soldier's triumph or the sweet tran-
quillity of an honoured soldier's grave. And now,
all hail, Fremont, and farewell ! (Tremendous ac-
clamations, which were followed by three cheers for
Colonel Fremont.)
Colonel J. C. FREMONT next rose and said—Mr.
President, Ladies, and Gentlemen—l am deeply
sensible to the warm and flattering expressions of
confidence and regard with which I have just been
honoured, and still more deeply sensible to your kind
approval of them. They are very grateful to me, and
I thank you very sincerely. But you will bo very
sure that I do not receive them as due to myself ;
I am conscious that I owe them to the partiality
of friendship, and to that sort of attachment
which a soldier always feels for the banner under
which he has fought. (Hear.) To him (Mr. Bur-
linghame), and the other friends around me who
have spoken to-day, I represent the standard
on which old watchwords were inscribed. It is
themselves who were the leaders, themselves who
bore with you the heat of the day, and who have
won their battle gloriously. And they have come
among us here, with their habitual eloquence, to
convey to our true-hearted countrymen at home the
assurance of our unalterable devotedness to the
country, and our unbounded admiration of the
generous loyalty with which they rallied to its calls.
(Cheers.) A few days back our honoured flag was
trailing in the dust at the foot of an insolent foe;
at present its stars are refulgent from a thousand
heights, swarming with brave hearts and strong
arms in its defence. (Applause.) We drink to
them to-day, our brave and loyal countrymen.
Renewed cheers.) Faithfully, too, have our scat-
tered people responded to them, from Italy, from
England, and from France. Well have they shown
they, too, can cross the seas and change their skies,
and never change their hearts. (Loud cheering.)
I am glad that a happy chance has brought me to
participate with you here on this occasion. Here
in this splendid capital of a great nation, where
near by us the same tombstone records the blended
names of Washington and Lafayette, I feel that I
breathe a sympathetic air. (Hear, hear.) France
is progress, and I am happy to believe that here we
shall not see a people false to their traditional policy.
(Loud applause.) From here we shall see no strong
hand stretched out to arrest the march of civiliza-
tion, and aid in throwing back a continent into
barbarism. We expect nowhere active co-opera-
tion, but we look for the sympathy which the world
gives to a good cause. We are willing to work out
our own destiny, and make our own history. Be-
fore this struggle closes the world will recognize
that enlightened liberty is self-sustaining, and that
a people who have once fully enjoyed its blessings
will never consent to part with them. We have
deprecated this war, fratricidal and abominable ;
most gladly would we welcome back our people if
thsy would return to their allegiance. We would
bury, deep as the ocean, the hasty anger which
their parricidal conduct provoked. But they must
return at once to their allegiance. We shall
not permit them to dishonour our flag and
desecrate our sacred graves. (Hear, hear.)
They cannot be permitted to dismember our coun-
try and destroy our nationality. (Hear.) We shall
maintain these in their fullest integrity, in the face
of every evil and at every hazard. Above every con-
sideration is our country, as we have learnt to love
it, one and indivisible—(loud acclamations)—now
and for ever, and so we will maintain it. We will
do our duty loyally, and we will make no compro-
mise with tr,cason, and no surrender to rebellion.
(Long continued cheering:)
The Hon. Mr. HALDEMANN, American Minister
to the CG,-4rt of Stockholm, was next called on, but
merely spoke few well-judged sentences, thanking

the meeting for receiving him kindly, and declar.•
ing at the same time that he considered it unneces-
sary to add anything to sentiments so well expressed
by the able speakers who had preceded him.
The following gentlemen spoke in succession, and
were much applauded :—Dr. M'Clintock, Captain
Symmes, the Rev. C. L. Thayer, the Rev. M. Lam-
son, Mr. W. K. Strong, and Major Seliver.
The proceedings terminated about 4 o'clock, after
a display of patriotic feeling unsurpassed in unani-
mity.

MADRAS IRRIGATION AND CANAL

COMPANY.

The fourth ordinary general meeting of this com-
pany was held on Thursday at the London Tavern ;
Mr. James Thompson, chairman of the directors,

presiding.

The report, an abstract of which has already ap•
peared in our columns, was taken as read.

The CHAIRMAN, in moving its adoption, said he
was anxious to explain the position of the company.
Since the last meeting the directors had had to con-
tend with many difficulties, not of their own crea-
tion, and to overcome which they had used their
best endeavours. The first of these difficulties was
with the Government, in connexion with the limi-
tation and extension of their project. They had
undertaken to raise all necessary funds to meet the
extension of the project without any additional gua-
rantee from the Government, but the Secretary of
State had declined to accede to this proposition, and
had insisted that the expenditure should be limited
to the amount of the guaranteed capital. The en-
gineer of the company had, therefore, been instructed
to modify the scheme by cutting off those portions
which would best bear excision. At the same time
provision had been made for securing a summer sup-
ply of water, although the important district of Bel-
lary had necessarily been shut out of the scheme,
which in its modified shape had, in its main fea-
tures, received the assent of the Madras govern-
ment. It was manifest that a project, which was
both navigable and irrigating in its character, must
have a source as well as a termination. The direc-
tors had accepted Kurnool as a very good point for
one end of the canal, bat they regarded tho town,
or rather village, of Poonkasala, which was now
fixed for the other, as by no means suited for a
terminal point. The canal ought clearly to come
down to the sea, and looking at the matter with
regard to themselves, it was necessary that they
should have the lands embraced within the valley
of Nellore brought within their project of irriga-
tion. They had submitted a plan to the Secretary
of State for bringing the canal down to the sea
coast, and if the whole project could be constructed
within the guaranteed capital, of course no difficulty
would arise. But if that capital should not be
sufficient, then the directors had asked for powers
to raise additional capital, free from any govern-
ment guarantee, and with the works so constructed
completely within their own control. Unfortu-
nately, however, the government at home had not
met the directors liberally ; on the contrary, it had
shown a desire to restrict the rights and privileges
of the company—possibly from an idea that they
had got too good a bargain—an idea, at all events,
which the shareholders were not at present in a
position to appreciate. (Hear, hear.) He hoped,
nevertheless, that this difficulty would in time
be surmounted. The second difficulty with
which the directors had had to contend
was in connexion with the alleged extravagant
and useless expenditure of £BO,OOO by their chief
engineer. There was no foundation at all for this.
All that the chief engineer had done was to make
an anicut for a mile and a half from Kurnool, in a
direction which he believed must necessarily be
taken to complete the project; and this he had
done with the consent of the Government consult-
ing engineer. The local Government, however,
had been led by the prevailing rumours to stop
that part of the works, and had sent Major Orr to
examine and report upon them. That gentleman
differed in opinion upon some points from the com-
pany's chief engineer and the consulting engineer
of the Government, in consequence of which the
Government had decided that for the present the
execution of that portion of the works must be held
in abeyance, until detailed esti:nates of expense
were furnished to them; but it was to be remarked
that while the question was regarded by the com-
pany's engineer and the consulting engineer of the
Government commercially, it had been considered
by Major Orr only in an engineering point of view,
he considering that the anicut would materially
injure if not destroy the town of Kurnool. The
result had been a most unfortunate delay and in-
crease of expenditure, but nothing had transpired
at all calculated to damage the ultimate commer-
cial and physical value of tie project. The loss of
a twelvemonth had rendered it impossible to reap
any returns from their outlay, but very soon after
the resumption of the works at and from Koonsala,
60,000 acres would be under irrigation, and then
shareholders would be able to judge of the value
of their investments. (Hear, hear.) In conclusion
the chairman moved formally the adoption of the
report.

Mr. JONES said the company was indebted to
the directors for having gained a guarantee for the
original million and for having given to the under-
taking a fair stand on the Stock Exchange, as well
as for having brought the offices of the Indian
Famine Fund under their own roof, so as to exhibit
the bane and the antidote side by side. But there,
in his opinion, the claims of the directors ended.
They had been most unfortunate in their choice of a
surveyor and engineer, they had held out a prospect
of irrigating a million of acres, they had raised
their caeital with the representation that it would
execute 700 miles of works ; and now their project
was cut down to 200 miles, with an uncertainty as
to whether their capital of a million would suffice
even for that limitation of their project. The
directors had failed in candour, uprightness, and
caution—they had made blunders without having
the manliness to admit their errors, and they had
kept the shareholders in the dark when it was their
duty to enlighten them. With regard to the stop-
page of works by the Government, that step was
fully justified by the repeated cnanges made in his
plans by the engineer, and the report made by Major
Orr of the unfavourable character of the Kurnool
anicut ; and, on the whole, he believed that the
efforts of the directors to shift the blame from their
own shoulders to those of the Government reacted
very mischievously upon the prospects of the com-
pany. In conclusion, he moved an amendment as-
serting that the vigilance of the local Government
was the best security for the profitable character of
the undertaking.
A SHAREHOLDER seconded the amendment.
Sir If. ROPER said the report was full, and the
statement of the chairman still more so. Still they
were but so much dust thrown in the eyes of the
shareholders, by avoiding points upon which they
ought to be instructed. With regard to the ob-
structions said to have been met with from the
Madras Government and the Secretary of State,
they seemed to him to have been entirely owing to
an attempt of the directors to exceed the guaranteed
limits of their enterprise.
The CHAIRMAN, in the course of his explanations,
said that the report, instead of being a delusive
statement, intended to throw dust in the eyes of the
shareholders, was a true and full explanation of the
position of the company. With regard to the choice
of works, the Madras Government originally recom-
mended the whole scheme to the home Government,
who asked the company to take charge of it, which
they agreed to do. The real question was whether
their scheme was to be cut down to meet the limits
of their original capital, contrary to the rule ob-
served with regard to railway and other public
companies which took powers to raise additional
capital, if necessary. With regard to the alleged
looseness of the original estimates, it was to be remem-
bered that although those estimates were made by
the chief engineer of the company ,they were checked
by the consulting engineer of the Indian Govern-
ment. No doubt there was a great difference of
opinion with regard to the estimates ; and, in fact,
the original estimate of Major Orr himself was only
£BOO,OOO for the completion of the entire project
down to the sea coast, while the original esti-
mate of the company's engineer for the 700 miles
was £1,153,000. (Hear, hear.) The scheme as now
modified would, upon the authority of the Govern-
ment consulting engineer, irrigate 400,000 acres,
with an addition of 200,000 more if the Maury
tank section were carried out. The whole expenses
incurred in the Kurnool division was about £9OOO.
The amendment of Mr. Jones was then put, but
found no supporters from amongst the shareholders,
with the exception of the original seconder.
The report was, after some further discussion,
agreed to, and a vote of thanks terminated the pro-
ceedings.

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