The Sun.
London, England, 1857-12-08 00:00:00

in the fertile imagination of some blundering

clerk to a telegraph company.
In another week at the latest we shall have
authentic and trustworthy intelligence, and for
that we should wait patiently, trusting the fate
of the gallant HAVELOCK and his brave compa-
nions in danger to that same POWER which had
so often preserved them in greater perils, and
gave than victory against apparently overwhelm-
ing odds. With 3,000 men to support him
in an entrenched and fortified position, he
would have but little fear of all that the
rebels could accomplish. He may await rein-
forcements in order to save the women and child-
ren the risk of a contested passage, but that will
be all. Besides, if fresh news had been received
from Cawnpore or Lucknow, it is all but certain
I that it would have been forwarded in an official
form, and as Government has heard nothing
directly from the authorities, we may assume that
the solution we have above given is correct as to
its being a mere rechauffe of what was formerly
known.

Lord ELLENEOROUGH last night brought forward
his promised motion, to which we referred in our
impression of yesterday. It was in relation to
two of the measures adopted by the Gctvernor-
General in Council, which caused the greatest ex-
citement amongst the European inhabitants, and
led to the decided unpopularity which Lord
CANNING has obtained. It was the clashing
together those against whose fidelity no suspicion
could be entertained, and those whose disaffection
was more than doubtful. What would be said
if her MAJESTY'S 78th Highlanders and other
European Regiments had been requested to
submit to the same precautions against disloyalty,
that were deemed advisable against Sepoys who
had manifested a mutinous spirit ? It would be
regarded as an atrocious insult, for which nothing
could atone. And the same may be said of the
Arms Act, which despite the plausible excuses of
Lord CANNING must have been received as an
outrage against the feelings of every English,
Irish, and Scotch inhabitant of the Presidency.
It may be that there would have been but little
real injury, that after due investigation, licenses
would have been granted to every single person, but
the insult in being placed in the same category with
those who were suspected of disloyalty and disaffec-
tion, was still the same, and we cannot wonder at the
deep resentment so universally entertained at the
unwarranted and unfounded imputation. A per-
son of unimpeachable character will not, if im-
properly accused of theft, accept a mere with-
drawal of the charge, as satisfaction. He is not
to be searched, to see whether the stolen property
is on his person, before being permitted to go
in peace and freedom, and then not receive
even an apology for the offence. The only plea
would be " reasonable grounds of suspicion," and
can that fairly be proved against the English in-
habitants of Calcutta and the Bengal Presidencies.
The indiscriminate onslaught against journalism
was even still worse. The insult to English pro-
prietors and editors was just as grave as to the
English merchants, but it was accompanied by
substantial injury. It was, in fact, an attempt "to
muzzle the Press" —to ensure that no member of the
Fourth Estate should dare to criticise the pro-
ceedings of the Anglo-Indian Government. It
was intended not merely for the atmosphere of In-
dia, but ef England—to prevent the t ruthful and un-
varnished accounts of passing events, which would
have enabled the people of Great Britain to ascer-
tain the fidelity and accuracy of official statements.
Some of the Generals iu the Crimea would have
been rejoiced if they could have stopped the
awkward revelations made by " our own corres-
pondents." But none of them dared to do so,
notwithstanding the existence of Martial Law, and
the extraordinary circumstances of the case. It was
reserved for Lord CANNING and his Constitutional
advisers to make this rash attempt, reminding us
of the adage, that a certain class " rush in whore
angels fear to tread !" We may rest assured
that more will be spoken on this point, when the
promised returns supply full materials for
canvassing the justice and policy of this extra-
ordinary and most unwarrantable measure.

The second reading of the. Bank Issue Indem-
nity Bill was taken last night. As the regular
debate is to take place on Friday, the matter
would have passed with but slight discussion, but
that Mr. GLADSTONE contrived to discover some
points in the form of the bill that gave rise to
a skirmish of outposts, in which some hon. gen-
tlemen clearly but briefly pointed out the impe-
rative necessity for repealing or modifying the
Act. Mr. CONINGHAM] greatly (distinguished
himself by the soundness of his views on this, as
on almost every question that comes before Par•
liament. The Liberal party are fortunate in
having a coadjutor so energetic and inde-
fatigable and, what is even still better,
so consistent in his views and feelings—as
Mr. CONINGHAM.

Mr. BucHANAN, too, ably defended the Glas-
gow Chamber of Commerce from the unwarrant-
able onslaught preferred against it by " the hard
calculators" and their organs, who would see the
entire trade and commerce of the country involved
in inextricable confusion, manufactures suspended,
and the most fearful privations and misery in-
flicted on the working classes, provided discounts
can reach 20 or 30 per cent. This is the real
object of the Bank Charter Act. There may be a
variety of specious pretexts put forward, but they
all resolve themselves into that single one—to make
money or its representative scarce and dear, so
that sharp-witted knaves may be enabled to secure
at easy rates the property of less worldly•
minded and cunning men. It is for the
people of Great Britain to decide on the point.
They can speak through their representatives,
and it would be well if every Chamber of
Commerce in the United Kingdom would imitate
the example of that of Glasgow, and speak out
plainly and intelligibly on the great, the all-im-
portant domestic question of the day, on which
the happiness andprosperity of the working classes
mainly depend.

It is satisfactory to find that the extravagant
absurdity of the Austrian proposition about the
Electric Telegraph was recognized betimes by her
MAJESTY'S Government. This remarkable and
eminently gratifying fact was elicited promptly
enough on thevery second night of this
extraordinary session by Mr. CRAWFORD—the
explanation given in answer to his very per-
tinent inquiry falling from lips no less authora-
tativo than those of the First Lord of the Trea-
sury. The noble Premier has distinctly inti-
mated that the negotiations, at one time afoot, in
regard to the projected line of submarine wire
from Ragusa to Alexandria have terminated—
that these negotiations have terminated absolutely
and definitively. The ultimate laying down. of
that line of wire could hardly fail of course to be
singularly advantageous. England could not r os-
sibly, in reason,
object to take advantage, of it
when actually
completed—if allowed so to do by
the Viennese Administration. As au enterprise,
materially advancing the magnificent
projectdirect electric communication between London
of
and Calcutta, the "paying out" of a telegraphic