The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-14 00:00:00

Ml TBOPOLITAN BOARD OF WORKS.

The ordinary meeting of the Metropolitan Board of
Works was held yesterday in the Council Chamber, Guild_
ball ; Mr. J. Thwaites in the chair.
The financial statement showed a total general balance
of 75,341/. Ils.
IMPORTANT APPROACHES AND NEW STREETS IN THE
VICTORIA PARK-ROAD.
A deputation attended the Board from the vestry of
Mile-end Old-town, and the Board of Works for the Lime-
house district, to submit plans and estimates for the forma-
tion of the Victoria Park-road approaches. The deputa-
tion was introduced by Mr. Snow, and consisted of the
following gentlemen :—Messrs. Attrell, Bird, Moody, Lea-
therdale, Philpot (clerk), and Lemon (surveyor). The
deputation presented the following memorial :
" The memorial of the ratepayers and owners of property
in the hamlet of Ratcliffe and the parishes of St. Anne, Lime-
house, and St. Paul, Shadwell, in the county of Middlesex,
showeth—
" That a direct communication between the Commercial-
road-east, the Mile-end-road, and the Victoria-park would be
highly advantageous to the hamlet of Ratcliffe and the parishes
of St. Anne, St. George-hi-the-east, St. Paul, Shadwell, and
St. John, of IVapping, containing together a population of
100,000 persons,
" That your memorialists have ascertained with feelings of
the most lively satisfaction that it is intended to form a new
line of streets from the Stepney station of the Blackwall,
North London, North Woolwich, Gravesend, and Southend
Railway to the Mile-end-road and the Victoria-park.
"That the increased and increasing traffic between the
wharfs of Wapping, Shadwell, and Ratcliffe, and the Mile.
end-road imperatively demands a new and direct line of tho-
roughfare.

" That your memorialists have ascertained that a new
street from the Stepney station to the Mile-end-road and
Victoria-park could be constructed at au expense of 12,000/,
" That your memorialists have been informed that another
new street, from the East India-road to the Mile-end-road
and Victoria Park, has been projected, and a plan of the
same prepared, and that the estimated expense is 38,0001.,
being 20,0001. more than the estimated cost of the new street
from the Stepney station.
"That your memorialists are informed and believe that a
new street from the East India-road to the Mile-end-road and
the Victoria Park could not be constructed for less than
60,000/., and that if the plan was approved of it would be
necessary to purchase a rope-ground and compensate the
owner thereaf for the loss of his business, which would in-
volve an outlay of 20,000/. That a new street from the East
India-road to the Mile-end-road and Victoria Park would be
of uo use or benefit to your memorialists, inasmuch as the
terminus of the same is at least half a mile from the eastern
boundary of the hamlet of Ratcliffe, and a much greater dis-
tance from the densely populated parishes of St. George, St.
John of Wapping, and Shadwell.
" That your memorialists respectfully submit that the new
line of street projected from the Stepney station to the Mile-
end-road and Victoria Park could be constructed at ono third
of the expense of a new street from the East India-road, and
possess manifold advantages, both as regards economy and
public utility, over every other plan.
" Your memorialists, therefore, humbly solicit the Metro-
politan Board of Works to withhold their sanction to the pro-
jected street, commencing in the East India-road, and to ap-
prove of the plans for making a new street—one from the
Stepney station, in the hamlet of Ratcliffe, to the Victoria
Park and Mile-end-road, and from High-street, Stepney, to
the Globe-road."
This memorial was very numerously signed.
Mr. ATTRELL (one of the deputation) strongly enforced
the views of the memorialists, and said, that at a meeting
hold upon the subject the freeholders had offered volun-
tarilylto give up the ground for the formation of the Globe-
road, which would give great additional accommodation
to a densely populated district of not less than 100,000
persons.
Mr. SKILLET, a member of the Limehouse Board, sup-
ported the plan as originally submitted by Lord Dungan-
non to the House of Commons.
Mr. SNOW moved, that the memorial and plan now
brought up be referred to the Committee of Works and
Improvements.
Mr. CRELLIN seconded the motion, which was put and
carried unanimously.

The tender for the reinstatement of the buildings of the
United Service Museum, in Middle Scotland-yard, was
gained by Messrs. Piper and Sons for 7341.
A number of compensation cases for loss of office, in con-
sequence of the passing of the Metropolis Local Manage-
ment Act, oceepied the Court for several hours ; but the
details were unworthy of report.
The Sord Jim adigurued.

HOUSE OF LORDS.--(YESTERDAY.)
The LORD CHANCELLOR took his seat on the woolsack
at 5 o'clock,
Lord ST. LEONARDS said he had given notice of his
intention to call the attention of their lordships to the
Turner collection of pictures, but he had not named a
day on which he would bring forward his motion. He
now begged to inform the house that it was his intention
to bring it forward on Monday next.
LAW OF LIBEL.
Lord CAMPBELL said that being unexpectedly
enabled to attend their lordships' house to-day he
begged to give notice that on account of the approach-
ing dissolution of Parliament it was not his intention
of proceeding further this session with the select corn•
mittee that had been appointed by their lordships to con-
sider how far the privilege of giving publicity to the pro-
ceedings of the courts of law might be extended to the
proceedings in Parliament and other wsernblies. How-
ever, immediately upon the re-assembling of the now
Parliament it was his intention to move that the select
committee be re-appointed. He did not suppose that
their lordships would be thought to give immunity to the
publication of everything that might be spoken at every
public meeting. He believed such a proceeding would
be inconsistent with public safety, and destructive of
public character. Ile, however, still hoped that the
grievances of which j turnaleets complained of would
be, to a certain degree, ameliorated. There were, how-
ever, certain publications which he thought might be
placed on the same footing as publications of the pro-
ceedings of the law courts. It was possible that such a
definition might be given to the law of publication as
would enable the privilege to be generally applied. The
present state of the law was greatly mitigated by the fact
that juries only give nominal damages in -certain cases.
Very recently if an action of libel were taken, and a far-
thing damages were returned, full costs were given, which
encruraged pettifogging actions to be brought for the
sake of costs. At present, unless substantial damages
were given, no costs were allowed. In actions arising
from libellous publications the law might be fram-
ed so that if no real injury had been sustained the
costs of the action should fall upon the party bringing
the action. Also that if only nominal damages were
given, power might be given to the judge to order not
only that no costs be paid to the plaintiff, but the plain-
tiff might be ordered by the judge to pay the costs of
both parties. These subject', however, could be referred
to the select committee. For the purpose of expediting
the proceedings of the committee, he would also move
that the standing order be suspended which required
the oath to be administered to witnesses at the bar of
the house. It would be much more convenient that
the select committee should have the power of admin-
istering the oath to the witnesses.
Lord MONTEAGLE concurre I in the latter observa-
tion of the honourable and learned lord, and sug-
gested that a select committee of the house should
have the same power and privileges in respect to sum-
moning and swearing witnesses as the committees of the
other house of Parliament.
The LORD CHANCELLOR doubted much whe-
ther the present system of swearing witnesses at the bar
of the house could be altered without an Act of Parlia-
ment.

said that, AFFAIRS OF THE COUNTRY,
having been informed
that
the
Income Tax would be
taken
a ket The
the
c n Earlons
second
0;
n) f
d
Monday,Dß
readingE
h DERBY
e hoped the noble lord
Albe-
marle), who had a motion on the paper for that day,
would postpone it in order to afford him an opportunity
of bringing forward the motion of which he had given
notice.
The Earl of ALBENIARLE said he would postpone
his motion until Friday.
THE WAR WITH PERSIA.
The Marquis of CLA.NRICARDE moved for copies of
any correspondence that may have taken place between
the Court of Directors and the Board of Control, or be-
tween the Board of Control and the Treasury, respecting
the proportion of the cost of the war with Persia to be
charged upon the Indian revenue, or relating to the
ways and means by which provision for such expenditure
is to be made in India. The noble marquis said it ap-
peared to him that the finances of India were in a most
unsatisfactory state. It had been intimated that one-half
the expenses of the late war with Persia were to be de-
frayed by the Government of India, and the Court of
Directors appeared to be well satisfied with that arrange.
ment ; but it did not appear what portion of the re-
sources of that country were available for carrying on
any war, or in what manner the necessary funds were
to be raised. Was it intended that the Indian finances
were to go on as usual, and was no attempt to be made
to bring them into regular order? There had been
a constant deficiency for several years, and it was
most desirable to ascertain how the war charges were to
be met, those charges amounting to some 225,0001.
There was a debt of more than 7,000,000/, and the ques-
tion for consideration was the state of the credit of the
Indian Government. Their financial operations bad struck
a blow at public credit, and had produced the most in-
convenient result'. When they attempted to raise a loan
of 2,000,0001 , at 4 per cent., only one•tenth of the
amount was obtained. In the 5 per cent, loan very small
progress had been made, and not much could be expected,
seeing that parties might obtain a guarantee on Indian
railways of 5 per cent., besides the chance of additional
pleats. He trusted the papers for which he moved would
be produced, together with the estimate to which they
referred.

The Earl of MALMESBTJRY thought it was of the
greatest importance, iu the present state of public
affairs, that the country should at last know some-
thing about the Persian war,
which up to this time
had been a sort of myth, for all information on the
subject had been refused by the Government. The coun-
try knew nothing of the original quarrel, of the negotia-
tions, of the answers of the Persian Government to
the appeals of her Majesty's Government, of the orders
given to the troops, and the preparations for carrying
on the war when war was declared in a very unsatis-
factory and irregular manner. Something was known of
the operations at Bushire, but after that nothing was
known except through the medium of the public journals
—viz., that negotiations had been carried on at Paris by
our ambassador with the Persian ambassador, and that
a treaty had been signed. The noble lord at the head of
the Government was accustomed to treat men and things
very coolly, and had made no exceptiea in this case with
respect to the houses of Parliament. If the noble lord
had not confidence in the decision of their lordships he
gave himself confidence, and declared the house was at
issue with the country. If the house was not in a satis-
factory state, according to the noble lord's opinion, he
dissolved it. The noble lord might perhaps consider he
was within the four corners of the constitution. But he
(the Earl of Malinesbury) was not satisfied that such was
the case when he considered the manner iu which the
Government had begun, continued, and ended the Per-
sian war, without affording any explanation to Parlia-
ment,aud without producing a single paper connected with
the war, He did not see why an account of the causes of
the war and of the efforts ma de to prevent the war
should not have been laid on the table, whether the war
was going on or not, or was about to be concluded by
treaty. Ho should like to know what chance there was of
getting any history of the war within a reasonable time.
On the re-assembling of Parliament the subject would be
as stale as the wars of the ROM. The war appeared to
be a private war with Persia, of which the country had
had no notice whatever. At the end of 1852, when the
Government of his noble friend (Li rd Derby) went out,
Herat was in the possession of the Pereians, and that
Government did all they could to persuade them to re-
tire. He did not know when or how, or for what reason
they retired. Nothing was known of any treaty, and
now that the war had been going on for 7 or 8 months,
and negotiations had been in progress, and there had
been a battle and a victory, a treaty of peace had been
signed at Paris, and there had not been a particle of in-
formation afforded by her Majesty's Government. That
morning, for the first time, an apparently official docu-
ment had come before them. His noble friend shook his
head ; and therefore it would seem that the last hope of
getting any information was gone. Well, an influential
newspaper had given an account not only of the treaty
which had been negotiated, but of one which ought to
have been signed at Constantinople. He would not
press this matter further, but would ask his noble friend
whether, considering the circumstances in which the
country was placed, it would not be right, proper, and
decent, to give some information on the subject of the
war, and to give, at least, a sketch of the causes of the
war, and of the treaty which had been signed.
The Duke of ARGYLL said, before his noble [friend
the Secretary for Foreign Affairs addressed their lord-
ships, he hoped he might be allowed to answer the
question of the noble Marquis (Clanricarde). There
was no objection to the production of the papers he
asked for, and he was sure the noble lord would not
consider it disrespectful if he did not follow him into
the large question of Indian finance. With regard to
tko estimate which was asked for it would be improper
to produce it till the treaty with Persia was ratified ; be-
sides which it would be useless, as it had been made for
a year,
The Earl of CLARENDON said---.llly lords, I cannot
regret that my noble friend opposite has put to me the
question he has been so good as to ask ; for I can assure
my noble friend and your lordships that it has been a
matter of great regret to me that a sense of public duty
has compelled her Majesty's Government to withhold
information with respect to the Persian war, which Par-
liament and the country had a right to expect. No-
thing but a sense of duty prevented our laying the
papers relating to that subject before Parliament. But
my nob le friend is not correct when he says that no in-
formation has been given with regard to the causes of
the war. I felt it to be so necessary not to lose any
time in giving information on that subject to Parliament,
that on the first night of the session, in replying to the
speech of my noble friend opposite, I alluded to the quar-
rel between the Persian Government and Mr. Murray,
aside, and was not One of the
been compelled to leave Teheran, and that seine incon-
veniencee: whichu es I o stated
ha]t he
beenh war.a I
d caused said set
that
hy a
thealthough
suspension
of diplomatio
relations, yet that we did not consider that matter as a
cause for war with Persia. We knew that the conduct of
Persia was one of the consequences of the war with Rus
sia, and we knew that, as OW4 as it was Wily understood

in Persia that Russia had made peace, we should soon
come to a more satisfactory condition of things. It was
only when Persia showed a disposition to attack and
take possession of Ilerat that we, although we had no
diplomatic relations with the Court of Teheran, made a
direct communication to the Persian Government, and
asked that Government to desist in carrying out their
intentions with regard to Herat; and that there might be
no doubt as to the intentions of her Majesty's Govern-
ment, I read to your lordships a letter addressed by us
to the Persian Government, and their reply. It cannot
therefore be said that your lordships were entirely igno-
rant of the causes of war, for if the whole of the papers
had been laid on the table they could not have more di4-
tinctly stated the causes of the war, the wrong done by
the Persian Government, and the course which it was
incumbent on us to pursue, in case they did not listen
to our remonstrances. A letter was addressed to me by
the Persian minister, avoiding the subject of Herat, in
which it was said that an ambassador was going on a com-
plimentary mission to Paris, and he would be instructed
to enter into communication with us. We accordingly
gave instructions to Lord C iwley to enter into commu-
nication with Ferukh Khan and to ascertain what his
instructions were. I should say that the negotiations
which were first begun at Constantinople were not broken
off by us. We communicated to the Persian ambassador
the terms on which we were prepared to negotiate, and
be asked if we would wait till he had communicated with
his own court, and whether we could suspend hostilities
during the progress of the negotiations. It was impos-
sible then to suspend hostilities, and Herat fell ; and the
Persian ambassador then said that the negotiations
must come to an end, and that he must go on to Paris.
Our ambassador at Paris did not at once enter into com-
munication with Ferukh Khan, but in a few days, the
Persian ambassador earnestly solicited an interview with
Lord Cowley, and stated that he had full powers to ne•-
gotiate. As we bad no desire to continue hostilities with
Persia, Lord Cowley was desired to listen to the propc-
sale of Ferukh Khan, and when the negotiations had
begun in that way, we thought it would be mischievous
to lay before Parliament papers which would lead to dis-
cussions, which would, without doubt, put arm end to the
negotiations. Why my noble friend said that he does not
know whether the Persian ambassador bad full powers to
negotiate or not, he forgot the answer I gave to a ques-
tion of his the other night, when I said that before we
entered into negotiations we had examined into the am-
bassadors powers, and found them ample to enable him
to enter into a treaty of peace. That treaty was con-
cluded a few days ago, and it would not be proper to
lay it before your lordships before it is ratified ;
but I have no hesitation in informing your lordships ex-
actly what its terms are. (Hear.) By the terms of the
treaty, the Persian troops and authorities are all to be
withdrawn from Herat and Affghanistan within three
months after the exchange of ratifications of the treaty.
The Shah of Persia relinquishes all claim on Herat, or
any territory in Affghanistan, and engages to abstain from
all interference in the affairs of Affghanistan ; he recog-
nises the independence of Affghanistan and of Herat, and
agrees, that in the event of any d'fference arising be-
tween Persia and Affghanistan, the Persian Government
will resort to the good offices of England ; and England
on her part engages to use her best efforts to t ring those
differences to a satisfactory settlement. Although it may
at times be necessary for Persia to repel aggression
from Affghanistan, yet she engages not to enter into hos-
tilities with that country for any other object, and as
soon as satisfaction is obtained in such a case she is to
withdraw tier troops. With regard to our commercial
treaties with Persia, which were not in a satisfactory
state, it is now stipulated that in all commercial rela-
tions England shall be placed by Persia on the
footing of the most favoured nations. It is also
stipulated that Mr. Murray shall return to Teheran, and
that he shall be received with certain ceremonial obs?iv-
ances. There is another provision in the treaty which
will go far to put an end to one of the most fertile
sources of difference, not alone with Persia, but in the
East generally, and that is the protection of the subjects
of Persia, employed by England and other foreign
powers. (Hear, hear.)

The Earl of DERBY was understood to make some
allusion to the case of Hasheem.

The Earl of CLARENDON—T. must once more deny
that Hasheem was a Persian subject. (A laugh.) This
system has been a constant subject of quarrel in Persia
and the East, and I took the liberty, when the subject cf
the treaty between Turkey and Russia was before the
Congress at Peri', of bringing that question before the
representatives of the different Powers, by whom it was
well received, and they all undertook to promote a re-
view of the present system of native protected subjects.
We have engaged no longer to protect any subject of the
Shah, except those actually in the service of the missions
and consuls ;'of course, on condition that all other powers
agree to adopt the same course. In every respect Eng-
land is to be placed in the same position in Persia as the
most favoured nations, and I have no doubt that France
and Russia agree to a similar stipulation on this
subject, which will do more than anything to prevent
differences between Persia and foreign powers. With
regard to the slave trade in the Persian Galt, there is a
treaty which will expire in
.1862, but Persia has en-
gaged to prolong it for ten years more after the expira-
tion of the time at which it was originally Sxed. It is
stipulated that hostilities shall cease on the ratification
of the treaty, and that our troops shall be withdrawn from
Persia, and the Persian troops are to be withdrawn from
Herat. Ferukh Khan . baa sent letters to the autho-
rities at the seat of war, proposing that an armistice
shall be entered into, and We have sent similar instruc-
tions to our commanding officers. I do not think that
I have omitted to state anything of importance which is
provided for by the treaty, and I think your lordships
will agree that by the treaty wehave obtained everything
which is of importance to us to have obtained. (Hear.)
We have obtained an engagement for the withdrawal of
the Persian troops from Affghanistan ; we have secured
the independence of Herat and Affghanistan ; we have
made stipulations to prevent future quarrels between
Persia, and Herat, and Affghanistaii, as far as it is pos-
sible, and we obtained their establishment as neutral
territory. There is nothing in the treaty derogatory to
the honour of Persia, and if it is carried out in its spirit
it will lead to satisfactory relations between Persia and
this country.

The Earl of MALMESBURY was understood to in-
quire if there was any stipulation fer the establishment of
coaling stations for English ships in the Gull of Persia.
The Earl of CLARENDON—Not in this treaty.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH regretted that it
was not possible to place the papers relating to the Per-
sian war before the house ; but at the same time it would
be uncandid in him if he did not at once admit that,
looking to the proclamation of the government of India,
and assuming the faots stated in that proclamation to be
correct, he thought the government of India was per-
fectly justified in entering into hostile operations against
Persia ; and more, that even if there had been no treaty
like that which had been infringed, it would have been, in
his opinion, the bounden duty of the government of India
to resort to hostilities to prevent the occupation of Herat
by Persia ; for it was as much the interest of India to main-
tain Herat in the hands of an independent power, as it
was to the interest of the western powers to maintain the
Bosphorus in the hands of an independent power. It was
essential that that gate of our Indian empire should be in
the hands of those whom we could trust. But, at the same
time, he did not think that this had been really a quar-
rel between this country and Persia; the real quarrel had
been not with Persia as an independent power, but with
Russia, under whose dictation Persia had acted. Not only
were the operations against Herat carried on during the
war with Russia, when they were calculated to act as a
diversion, but they were carried on after the war with
Russia had ceased, and he took the treaty as-comple-
mental to the treaty of Paris, and as showing that Rus-
sia for the present adjourned her designs on India ; that
she had reconsidered her position and bad found thatcher
interests demanded that there should be a good under-
standing between her and England in Europe, which
could never come to pass so long as she was carrying on
operations in the direction of India, which must be ob-
jectionable to England. He founded hie opinions of the
policy of Russia towards India on her patent acts, by her
march to Khiva, and her advance so far towards Bok-
hare. He concluded from all her acts that she enter-
tained designs on India, for no state could do what she
had done in that direction without having ultimate ob-
jects in view. He could not now or at any other time
discuss the probability of the success of Russia in such
designs. It was not expedient to do so. But he could
say that we exposed ourselves to imminent danger if we
considered the advance of an army directed by Russians
to India an impossibility. Unless we took care to place
in India the ablest men at the head of the direction of
our military power; if we imagined that we could send
any man to command our armies there ; that we could
commit the command of our armies to a gentleman who,
however respectable in civil life, was not essentially a
soldier, if we did that we incurred imminent danger, for
it was only by means of the first ability on our part that
the ability with which the Russian troops would be di-
rected that they could be met. They heard much of the
improvement of India, of canals and railroads, but de-
pend upon it it was not on any of those civil improve-
ments that we should find the ultimate security of
that empire. It had been founded by the sword, and by
the sword it must be maintained. It was only by means
of a well-disciplined and well-commanded army that the
empire could be saved to us. When hb looked back to
the events of the last few months, he looked with dismay
on our prospects in the East, if the sort of administration
which had hitherto prevailed wail to be the basis of
our policy. We had had two wars, one with China, and
one with Persia, and both were owing to bad appoint-
ments with the representatives of England. No one '
could doubt that Dr. Bowring was the cause of the war
with China. He could not say that Mr. Murray was the
cause of the war with Persia, but it was certain that he
bad added to our difficulties with that country. He re-
collected how the infinence of such men as Sir J. Mal-
colm and Sir J. Macdonald operated in Persia ; so long
as they were at Teheran everything went well. Then no. I
thing was wanted from Russia, for all Persia felt that
England was her friend, and felt also that Russia was
her enemy. Any man of ability should be able to aval
himself of those natural advantage;, and obtain in Persia
a due influence,for this country. He did not say that Mr. 1
Murray was not a man of ability, but talent which was
adapted to England was a very different thing to that
which was required to manage Orientals. .A.ll the lute-
xeat that Orientals took Ltuopeans wan personal, and