The Sun.
London, England, 1857-12-08 00:00:00

to find this solid standing ground, it seems he has found
in the native press a stepping-stone from which to direct
his weapons against the press both in India and in this
country. Suppose that two persons, one a native, and
the other an Englishman, were taken before a magistrate
in India, charged with offences. Suppose the proof against
the native was decisive, while that against the Englishman
was extremely slight, and that the judgeshould say to the
native, "Pandy' —that is what we call the natives now—
" You are convicted upon the clearest evidence ! your
offence is of the deepest die; I cannot say the name of
the Englishman, whose offence is very light, but I bare
no solid standing ground en which a line may be drawn ;
I cannot wake any distinction between you, and there-
fore you must both be subject to the same punishment."
Can you call that justice 'I Do you think that the Euro-
peans with all their pride from the recollection of the
liberties they enjoyed in their own country would suffer
that But observe that while this Act does that which is
unnecessary, while it aims at the freedom of the En,g'ish
press as well as that of the press of India, it fails alto-
gether in doing that which is necessary. There is not in
the conditions one word with respect to the dissemina-
ticia of information with respect to the movements of
troops. At a moment like this that of all things is the
most important to prevent. If you look back to the de-
spatches of the Duke of Wellington you will see how
grievously he felt the injury on this point done by the
freedom and indiscretion of the press. (Hear.) I know
its indiscretion in India. I know I was obliged almost
to violate the law in order to preserve that absolute
secrecy which I know to be necessary to the success of
mil tary movements. Yet, in respect to this Act there
is no condition to prevent the publicity of every mili ary
movement in India. (Hear.) We still give through our
press full information to the enemy. There is not a single
newspaper which does not contain the most minute de-
tails of every movement of the smallest detachment,
which does not disclose all our difficulties by stating where
we have guns and where we have not ; where we have
ammunition and where not ; and where troops are with-
drawn to, some being described as sent to one place and
some to another. (Bear.) There is not one piece of in-
formation which the enemy would give a mint to possess
that our press is not now allowed to gave to that enemy
in India. (Hear.) Therefore, I say that it is not for a
public object that publicity is not desired by the
authorities in India, but it is for the purpose of
protecting the Government from the free observations
of those who censure its conduct. I have already stated
that the most serious injury which the press can commit
is still allowed to exist. Though there were 11 cases of
warning given for the suspension of European news-
p-pers, the Government have not given warning in one
instance to any native newspaper, though it is perfectly
well known that the native newspapers are full of the
most virulent invootives against Earopeans. Still, that is
permitted. There is another thing permitted, which I
deeply regret, and view with great alarm. It is very na-
tural, no doubt, that officers and gentlemen in India,
having heard and seen what they have of the horrors
committed in many cases against their friends and dearest
relatives, should write with very great excitement, and
should indicate a diipositien which, if carried out, would
be totally inconsistent with all possibility of a settled and
peaceful government of India. But not one of their letters
is ever excluded from the European press. It is great in-
dacretion on the part of the editors, as well as of the
Government, not to prevent the publication of such
letters. Therefore I say the Government does moi eiejury
by allowing, through the medium of the press, our ene-
mies to know every movement of our troops, and by
allowing every excited man to publish his feelings to the
natives, tban by permitting the press to remain as it was
even under the former system. (Bear.) I must allude to
the feeling which exists in India on the subject of the
English press. There is no one who can feel more deeply
than I have the enormity of the crimes committed in
India. No one feels more than Ido that it is absolutely
necessary to give future security to Englishmen in that
country by punishing in the most exemplary manner all
who should be convicted of having perpetrated those
crimes. (Hear.) The crime of the soldier who attacks
his officer is to my view the crime of parricide. The
crime of a man who violates a woman is so horrible that
for my p trt I should wish that in the legislation of all
the world the punishment—the inexorable punishment
--for it were death. But could any one have contem-
plated the p issibility of a crime so extensively com-
mitted in India—the crime of torturing and mur-
dering children ! There is something so revolting to
human nature in such a crime that I cannot understanci
how any mercy could possibly be shown for so horrible
an offence. (Hear, hear.) I would p-rsecute with un-
remitting val the perpetrators of those horrible crimes.
God would not forgive us if tee pardoned them ; but I
do entreat your lordships, and the people of this country,
and our countrymen in India, to recollect that for pun-
ishment to produce real effect there must be discrimina-
tion. (Hear.) To produce effect the punishment even
of the greatest offences must appear t) be intl cted after
ample investigation from the judicial administrators of
the law. (Rear, hear.) It inu-t not appear to be the
result of the wil I vengeance of a private individual.
(Bear, bear) If it be desired that our empire in India
should be, as I trust it will, eternal, it can rest only
upon mutual confidence between the governors and
governed, and I trust that in the hour of victory, if we
should triumph, we shall he found as jealous of our
honour as in the hour of d,fficulty, for by acting on such
a principle we shall, if so unfortunate as to fall, be accom-
panied in oar fall by that which we have hitherto carried
with us, and I hope ever will carry with us through
this great contest, the sympathy and goodwill of Euro-
pean nations. (Hear, hear.) Tee noble earl concluded
by moving for a copy of the Arms Act lately passed by
tee Legislative Council of India ; also, a return of all
native and European nets-papers licensed under the Act
of the Legislative Council of India pa.sed on the 13,h
June last; and also, copies of all letters of warning ad-
! dressed to the editors of any such native and European
new papers respectively, and of all revocations of the
licenses, if any, of much newspapers, and of all corre-
spondence relating to the restitution thereof.
Earl GRANVILLE—The noble earl, in pursuance of
his novice, has directed his attention chiefly to the sub
jects of the Arms Act and the Act which places restric-

lions on the press in India ; but he began by stating that
alarm had been felt in Calcutta for the safety of that
place. This very circumstance was fully investigated,
and it was ascertained that there was nothing to warrant
any real alarm as to the safety of Calcutta. The
Arms Act to which the noble earl referred contains pro-
visions with respect to the importation of saltpetre and
guns, and with respect to dealing in arms. As the noble
earl has not alluded to that part of the measure, it is not
necessary for me to go into it. The other part of the
measure I do not think in any way meets the description
which the noble earl gave of it. Tke Act does not im-
mediately compel the Europeans and natives to give up
their arms, or to obtain licenses to carry them ; but it
enables the Governor-General in Council to proclaim
any district, reserving to himself the power of exempting
from the operation of the Act any persons or classes of
persons whom he may think fit to exempt. I know that
at Calcutta there was a very general wish tbat martial
law should be at once established and general disappoint-
ment took place that that was not done. It has been
said that Sir Colin Campbell, supported by the Governor-
General, desired the establishment of martial law, but
there is not the slightest foundation for that statement.
Tne town was not in danger, and continued perfectly
tranquil during the two Mahorsedatt festivals, when
danger was most to be apprehended. With respect to the
defence of the lives and property of the inhabitantsthei r
lordships would recollect the ridicule with which on a
former occasion the nobleearl treated the ideaof persons
going about with revolvers under their umbrellas to de-
fend themselves. But the noble earl's objection to the
Act is that Europeans are comprehended within its pro
visions as well as natives, and he says this is not the
policy we ought to pursue—but the policy should be to
make the English be like Normans and the natives like
Seams. I cannot agree in that opinion, which I think
is perfectly inconsistent with that portion of the noble
earl's speech in which he observed that without mutual
feelings of kindness the government of India could not be
carried on. Nothing could be more inconsistent with
such an opinion than the announcement in this house by
one of its most eloquent members, and one, too, who has
had so much experience in India, that the f©w resident
English there should act as Normans, and that the
millions of natives should be treated like conquered
Saxons. A suggestion was made to Lord Canning that
Christians should be exempted from the Act, but, most
properly I think, he felt that, since many of the native
rajahs, zemindars, and their retainers, had exposed their
lives and property in order to stand by the cause of the.
Government, any act subjecting them to a disarnament
from which all Europeans and Christians were expressly
exempted would have been a most unwise and impolitic
measure. (Hear.) Supposing the Act proclaimed in any
district, can your lordships imagine that it would be
difficult for a loyal Englishman who wishes to be ex-
empted to give at once the only notice required with re-
gard to the number of arms which he possesses and
which he desires to retain I It must be obvious that
every Englishman worthy of the name will be very glad
to comply with the Act in that respect, and nothing
more will be required of him, for the Act provides that
in a proclaimed district wherever any parson makes a
return of the arms in his possession and requests to be
allowed to retain them he will receive a license enabling
him to do so. There can be no objection, surely, to such
an Act. (Hear.) The noble earl, leaving the subject
of the Arms Act, proceeded to comment upon the re-
strictions placed on the press, and that question be
seemed rather to darken by the statement that Lord
Canning had made au attack upon the British press, at
home. .1 deny that statement. I believe Lord Canning
would be infinitely less likely than the noble earl himself
to object tothe freest discussion of public questions the
press, or to the widest circulation of anything tending to
the enlightenment of every class of Britian
Nobody but a madman would think
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of
may arise, if we can venture to eoetemp a press at home ; and the day on which, stuecehuaehqautehstintogn
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noble earl, stands on a perfectly different footing from
ignl nmdyi ai ,n
the press at home. Nothing, indeed, can be more die-
similar. The noble earl stated that the press here
represented the people. That is so true that I believe
there is no class which is not represented by a portion of
the aggregate press. It is to he remembered that our
press is assisted and controlled by the Houses of Parlia-
ment and by the public meetings which are constantly
held all over the country. The press certainly influences
and assists in the formation of public opinion, hut public
wTahyese e wholly
ar must different
have state
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opinion daily reacts upon the press, checking and con-
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the minute of Sir T. Munro, and although he may not
entirely agree with it, yet the authority of Sir T. Munro
is not to be put aside, especially when he points out what
dangers may accrue is India from the errors of the Eng-
lish press, referring particularly to the mischiefs which