The Sun.
London, England, 1857-07-27 00:00:00

FRIDAY.

The Chesterfield Cup, by subscription of 15 soya each
(handicap) ; the winner of the Goodwood Stakes, the
Goodwood Cup, or Stewards' 'Cup at Goodwood, to
carry 7th extra. Craven Course. 42 subs.
Age et lb
Leamington
Stork
Good Friday 4 8 4
Claret • 5 8 2
Mincepie
Victoria 4 7 13
Kestrel
The Earl 5 7 9
Katherine Logie 4 7 3
Lawn . . 4 7 3
Riseber
Prophet 3 7 2
Schiedam
Lord Ntlson 3 7 2
Potock;
Florin 3 .7 2
Cotswold
Turbit 3 7 9
Lady Hawthorn 3 6 12
Loyola
Barfieur 4 6 12'
Lord of the Hills 3 6.10
Comquot
The Nassau Stakes of 50 soya each, for three-yr-old fillies,
to carry 845 71b. One mile. 9 subs.:
A Sweepstakes of 100 soya each, h ft, for four-yr-olds ;
colts, 80t 71b ; and fillies, Bst 21b. Cup Course. 5
subs.

Age st lb
Glee-singer 3 6 10
Intimidation
Peeping Toro 3 6 6
c by Surplice, out
_ _ _

of Bet;'s-wx 3 6 6
Bads worth_ 3 6 6
Sister to Jesuit— 3 6 5
Strawberry
Orianda
c by lago, out of
Evening Star 3 6 2
Paladin
3 6 1
Bannockburn

Y. Hopeful

Beecbiliat
Rackapelt
Queen Bess
!Tricolor
Nlalakhoff 3 5 7
General BuFquet 3 5 7
Hobgoblin 3 5 7

The Nursery Shkes a Handicap Sweeptakes of 15 sovs
each, 5 ft, with 100 added, for twc-yr-olds ; winners
of 'ale Ham, Levant, Molecombe, or Bentinck, or
Memorial Stakes, to carry 61b ; of any two .of those
races, 91b extra. Last mile. 46 subs.

st lb

Supple Jack
Lord of Lorn

et lb
Shepherdess
T. P. Cooke 7 7

Herne
Broadlands
Misty Morn 8 4 Gala 7 4
Terrific 8 4 Old Times
Yaller Gal, by Sirikol 8 2 c by Alarm, out of
Jack Horner
Blackthorn
Intercidona 7 13 f by Cotberstone, out
Trat.uco
The Hadji
Admiralty
Dispute
The Pinsticker
Night Ranger 7 11 Maelstrom
Plague Royal 7 11 o by Alarm, out of
Woodmite
Windham_
Apollo 7 10 o Cloughbally
Orchehill 7 10 Kelpie 7 0
c by Nutwith, out of f by Jericho, out of
- Rase of Cashmere 7 8 Dividend ..........
Brother to Mary Copp 7'. 7 Pavilion
4
Barbary
Punster
Melita ' 7 7 " wich 6 7
The March Stakes of 5 soya each, with 50 added, for
two-yr-olds, 7bt 71b ' • and three, 93t ; fillies 'allowed
31b. Half a mile:. 30 subs.
The Queen's Plate of 100 guineas, for three-yr-oldsP 7st
41b ; four, 94 21b ; five, 9st 121 b ; six and aged, lOst
21b. About 3 miles and 5 furlongs.
The Dnke of Richmond's Plate (Handicap) of 100 Boys
for all horses ; any number of horses the property of
the same person may start for this plate. Entrance,
2 soya, to go to the fond. New Mile._ •

M. LEDRU ROLL 1N AND THE FRENCH

GOVERNMENT.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SUN.

Sin,—May I beg of your kindness to give the
publicity of your paper to my-subjoined answer to
the French Moniteur and to the Times ?—I am,
dm, LEDRU ROLLIN.
London, July 25. _ _

Sir,—Decidedly the late signal victory of-the
democratic party in Paris has disturbed M. Bona-
parte's mind, and is about throwing him into enor-
mities.

His thoughts are troubled by fright and. terror.
Yesterday the ghost had the name of Beranger,
whose glorious remains he would have escorted to
their resting place by an army of 30,000 men, each
soldier carrying sixty cartridges and provi,ions for
a three days campaign, and directed by this feroci-
ous order—" On them, they are barbarians (sus aux
barbares) ; let them be crushed, as they wore on the
2d of December." And who were these barbarians?
The 250,000 republican electors of Paris.
To-day it is by means of a dark and appalling plot
he strives to terrify public opinion, and, with that
well-known obstinacy of his, he takes up again the
scheme he had imagined four monthS ago, when he
despatched to me an agent
,provocateur whom I had
to expose to public shame and confusion.
Thus, as might have been the case under the
tyrants of ancient Greece and Rome, my name is
placed upon a list of proscription, without—l em-
phatically affirm it—my having ever known or seen
any of the so-called conspirators in the hands of M.
Bonaparte; without my ever having, directly or in-
directly, communicated with any of them in any
way whatever. This I state as a fact, an undeniable
fact. But what of that ? The active share I took
in the last elections was quite sufficient to instil
into M. Bonaparte's mind an increased dose of
hatred, and a burning wish to satisfy his spite and
vengeance at my expense.
Before any regular and free Tribunal, I solemnly
swear, his public accuser, deprived not' only of all
evidence, but even of the slightest adwinicle or
shade of probability, would not dare to face me.
A regular Tribunal ! That, of a certainty, is not
what M. Bonaparte is in search of ; whilst, on the
other side, before a mock Court of Justice, where
the absent accused is tried without knowing any-
thing of the proceedings, depositions of witnesses—
aye, of the very indictment brought in against him
—where there is neither jury nor defence—if he
were even chargedwith having pocketed the steeples
of Notre Dame or Westminster Abbey, he would
helpletAtAnd unavoidably be convicted—for the
sole rea of his being absent and contumacious.
Such, are, by a remnant of barbarity, the disposi-
tions of the Imperial Code—vastly different, in this
I respect, from the English law.
Thus M. Bonaparte would be the sole winner,
and his scheme is obvious. It runs to the follow-
ing effect :—" Being already condemned for life,
in vain would you, by your presence, seek to avert
a second condemnation:. Once I get hold of you,
your doom is sealed, and nothing shall save you
from rotting in my dungeons."
A contrivance of that kind would, indeed, be
most convenient. It would be sufficient to find in
France three of those judges, who, after having in-
dicted M. Boniparte for the crime of high treason,
degraded themselves to becoming his •Seides ; and,
abroad, a GovernMent cowardly enough to execute
their commandt, in order to banish from the last
resting-place on earth, the last asylum open to poli-
tical exiles. Civilisation itself would, henceforth,
become a subject of regret and a bane, for, under
the sway of the Greek and Roman tyrants of old,
a few corners of safe concealment in fastnesses and
wildernesses were at least left to honest patriots.
In the same measure as extradition in matters of
ordinary crimes stands in confirmity with common
law and deserves to be hailed as a blessing of peace
and enlightenment-30, extradition applied to poli-
tical offences wbuld be a stain upon civilisation and
a scourge to humanity. The nation capable of
granting it, for the sake of whatever earthly con-
siderations or momentary expediency, would in-
fallibly lower itself to the lowest stage of ignominy.
" But this is no question of politics, arn told,
but of murder." Of murder ? Indeed ! Where,
then, was murder committed ? *where was it even
attempted ? The accusation itself dares not utter
the word of a " commencement of execution."
What it talks of is a plot, a conspiracy (complot)—a
different thing altogether, since the most Draconian
law has embodied the principle that, as long as no
real attempt is made, the conspirators may have
altered their mind. Besides, when you speak of a
plot (complot) you necessarily name a political
crime, the expression complot, in French law, being
only and exclusively applied to political matters. I
defy the most acute of the Imperial lawyers to
quote a case, a single one, where it was ever used
in a different sense.
lVltirder, you say ! We have heard of such, in-
, deed, but not in the prima blame, I, for one,

' hnOw of an attempt at murder committed at Stras-
bAurg, in 1836, by M. Bonaparte. Let him answer
the question :—Was he given up by Switzerland
when he went there to shelter himself ? Did noble
and powerless Switzerland, not prefer, onthe con-
trary, rushing to arms rather than to abandon him ?
I have a Precise knowledge of anAher attempt at
murder committed by the same M. Bonaparte at
Boulogne in 1810. Well, then, was the fugitive
from Ham, theguest of England, surrendered to the
French Government ? Nay, was he at least expelled
from the British 'soil at the urgent and reiterated
request of Luis Philippe, then in close and cordial
alliance with this . country ? These were attempts
at murder of undeniable reality ; the last of them
at least duly and fully established before a tribunal,
jud;ing not in the absence, but under .the very
eye:, of the accused ; murders by which M. Bona-
parte was' preluding to and initiating the delilm.ate
violation of a sworn constitution, the wholesale
butcheries and massacres on the Boulevards on the
4th of December, the proscription of a hundred
thousand families—all of them crimes for which
the 7 Imes has gratified him with the names of per-
jurer, butcher, and assassin ; whilst, on the other
hand, in -the present circumstances, let it well be
borne in mind, the accuser himself does not go so
far as even to allude to a commencement of action.

"Still, at any rate, no government granting hos-
pitality to exiles Can possibly allow them to con-
spire upon its territory and involve it in war with
a friendly power."
Undoubtedly not. But there is no need of do-
ing so. It is to the credit of the law of this coun-
try to have, in its wisdom, provided for such an
emergency, and armed government with the neces-
sary powers of prosecuting the culprits before the
Etiglish courts of justice. A. memorable instance
is on record from the times of the First Bonaparte.
Moreover' in the sitting of the House of Peers, of
MarCh 4, 1853, the most eminent statesmen and
lawyers, Lords Lyndhurst, Brougham, Aberdeen,
and the -Lord Chancellor, have eloquently ex-
pounded and corroborated the constitutional prin-
ciples under the shelter of which there is no neces-
sity of Irecurring either to extradition, or even to
an Alien Bill, but merely'to apply to foreigners
the common law of England.
In conclusion, the pretended plot being affirmed
to have origiriated in London—if in consequence
of it I were to be comprised in a prosecution at all,
it is the common law of England I do invoke; to it
I appeal. In return for the hospitality given to
me by Groat Britain these eight years, I feel in duty
bound openly to meet justice, and to enlighten it re-
specting my conduct. I, myself, then, ask for a trial
before an English Tribunal and Jury. There, at all
events, something more will be required than an in-
veterate hatred; there, I feel sure, I shall meet
with every guarantee of a fair, an unbiassed, and
independant trial—a British court of justice, a
native jury, to judge me with the serenity and
uprightness of free men. England owes to her-
self even more than to me. For should England
submit to execute without verification—let me not
term it a judgment. I have already said no such
thing exists in political matters in France, but—
a decree of spite and revenge, England would not
strike me—since, by making a martyr of me, -she
would yet afford me an opportunity. of serving the
cause I have been defending my whole life—Eng-
land would wound herself—herself would she
cover with opprobrium before history.
No ambiguity, then. The French Government,
by using the word complot, have themselves ac-
knowledged that they rest their accusation upon a
political fact, au exclusively political fact, since the
word complot has, in the French juridical language,
no other meaning.
The question, therefore, is one of political extra-
dition, the bearing of which is not confined within
the narrow bounds of . individual or even national
interests, lofty though they be, but a question
which involves the highest principles of liberty,
justice, morality, and human conscience.
London, July 25. LED= ROLLIN.