The Sun.
London, England, 1859-10-31 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 81, 1859.

GREAT CONSERVATIVE DEMO NSTRA-

TION AT LIVERPOOL.

On Saturday evening the Conservatives of Liverpool en-
tertained the Earl of Derby and his colleagues in the late
311. eistry at a dinner in the Philharmonic-hell. Covers
vet re laid for about 60 persons, and every seat was occu-
pied. The boxes and the orchestra were filled with ladies,
while the upper galleries were crowded to excess by those
who had been unable to obtain seats at the dinner tables. -
The hall was brilliantly illuminated, and when thronged
velah the company presented an extremely gay and ani-
meted spectacle. Mr. Pellicle Sham], president of the
Liverpool 'Constitutional Association, occupied the chair,
and. was supported right and left by nearly all ate members
of the Derby Administration. In the body of the hall we
observed several Conservative members of the -House of
C,mmons, but the great majority of the company, of course,
consisted of the most influential adherents of the same
political party residing in Liverpool and its neighbourhood.
Previous to the commencement of the dinner the follow-
ing address from the Conservatives of Liverpool was pre-
se ated to Lord Derby, enclosed in anelegant casket of silver,
ornamented with gold moulding :
"We, the undersigned inhabitants of the borough of
rerpool, desire to approach your lordship with profound
see; timents of respect and gratitude for the services you have
so loyally rendered to the Crown and country during a
period of unexampled difficulty, and to congratulate your
lordship on the distinguished honour with which her Ma-
jesty, by investing you with the Order of the Garter, has
this day graced your retirement from office. The crisis at
which your lordship was called upon to assume the duties of
the Premiership was one of deep anxiety. There was then,
b ith in France and England, a feeling of irritated na-
tionality, which threatened to sever the friendship so ne-
cessary to their mutual prosperity. The slightest error
in diplomacy might have kindled among noble and gene-
rous allies the fends and enmities of ancient days. Your
firmness and prudence were found equal to the occa-
sion. By your wise councils the jealous susceptibilities
of both countries were honourably satisfied. The despatches
on foreign affairs, recently published, prove the earnest and
wise endeavours of your Government to maintein the peace
of the world, while they show how sincere were your efforts
promote real freedom in Italy. We recognise in these
despatches not only the greatest talent, but a firm and dig-
nified spirit, and a sound English feeling. Your country
gratefully acknowledges that at this trying period, when
great nations have been stirred by passions which threaten
the peace of the whole world, your Government has avoided
all entangling alliances, has maintained the strictest neu-
t eality, and has placed the defences of England on the basis
of powerful security. History will regard your Adminis-
tration as a bright page in our country's annals ; for therein
is written ' India pacified,' Our army victorious,' `Our
navy unprecedentedly powerful ' The difficulties of your
position were increased by the necessity of acting with an
adverse House of Commons, and thus many of your legisla-
tive measures, though based on justice and calculated to
ireet the wants of the country, were met by opposing majo-
rities. It is painful to reflect that party spirit overrules
every motive of action among unpatriotic legislators, and
that from the subdivisions of political parties the Queen's
Government is dependent for the success of measures on the
caprices of small, intriguing, and restless sections—them-
selves irresponsible, and, therefore, indifferent to conse-
quences. By a combination of these sections the country
has been deprived of your lordship's services, but happily
not before your measures had proved the policy of your
Government to have been based on constitutional progress
and the advancement of material prosperity. We arc, &c.,
.

" (Signed by 7,090 Conservitives of Liverpool.)

" June 28, 1859."
The Earl of DERBY replied to the address in the follow-
ing terms :—Gentlemen, I need hardly say that I receive
with the liveliest sentiments of gratitude the high compli-
ment which you have been pleased to pay me in person on
the part of so large and so respectable a portion of the in-
habitants of this great commercial town, by an address so
kind and flattering in its terms as that which has just been
made. I thank you most gratefully for your approval of
the policy which, in concert with my colleagues, we felt it
our duty to pursue when in the Ministry. I thank you for
your congratulations upon the mark of distinction with
which it pleased my gracious mistress and Sovereign to
attest her gracious approval and acceptance of the imper-
fect services which I was able to render to the country.
Gentlemen, you have not, in your address, overrated the
difficulties and the anxieties of the period at which we
accepted office. But you have greatly overrated the
personal credit and the personal merit which was indi-
vidual to myself in grappling with those circumstances.
If our army during that period met withunparalleled success
it is to the unparalleled exertions and valour of the troops,
and to the ability of the commanders, and not to the Go-
vernment at home, that the series of unheard-of victories
was due. And we, again, claim no further credit for our-
selves than that of having exerted ourselves to the best of
our ability to reinforce and support those gallant men in the
arduous struggle in which they were engaged. If, again,
you consider that those documents which have been lately
published evince an animus land intention of the foreign
policy of the country such as to merit the approval be-
stowed upon them, the principal merit is not duo to me,
but is due to my noble friend standing near me, who filled
the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; to his
prudence, his calmness, his untiring industry, his patient
attention to business, joined with an earnest determination
to pursue the right course, and steadfastly to follow it out
through all difficulties—to him, and not to me, is due the
chief merit of the foreign policy of the country. Again, if
our naval resources have been greatly extended during the
period at which I was at the head of the Administration,
so, again, I can only claim the merit of having concurred
with and supported the generous exertions of nay right
honourable fiend who filled the office of First Lord of
the Admiralty, by whose efforts I am happy to say the navy
was placed upon a footing very far superior to that which it
was in when we entered office, (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen,
with regard to the pacification of India, that pacification
was due, in the first instance, as I have said before, to the
valour and heroism of our troops, and the only merit I can
claim, with the concurrence of the then Secretary of State
for India, is having united in recommending to the Cabinet,
by whom it was at once unanimously adopted, the generous
and humane system which, as the closing scene, crowned by
a general and almost universal amnesty the successes which
had been gained by our victorious armies. Gentlemen, if in-
dividually I can claim anything, it is only for having been
able to select and bringaround me colleagues by whose assist-
ance my labours were lightened, and who in their several de-
partments proved themselves not unworthy of the confidence
which individually I reposed in them. (Hear, hear.)
Gentlemen, I concur entirely in the view you take of the
unfortunate state of parties in the house of Commons at
the present moment, and of the mischief which must arise
to the country if no one party has such a preponderating
majority as to carry on uninterruptedly the business of the
country. (Hear, hear.) It is a serious injury to the
public interests-La serious injury to the interests of
the Crown, if every party should be so weak as to be
liable at any time to be overthrown by the combina-
tion of other and inferior sections. It is to the Conser-
vatives of England that we must lo6k to remedy this state
of affairs. (Cheers.) It is to their continued exertions, by
rousing themselves from the apathy in which they have
been too long sunk, and continuing the success which they
have to some extent obtained, that we are to look for the
permanent maintenance of the Conservative principles
which I believe to be essential to the best interests of
this country. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I shall have, in
the course of the evening, through your kindness, another
opportunity of addressing you moro at large upon public
affairs. I trust, therefore, you will excuse me if I now limit
myself to expressing my grateful sense of the kindness with
which you have received me, and of the splendid present
with which you have aecompanied that address—a present
which, valuable as it is as a work of art, is still more vain-
- able from the circumstances which attend its presentation.
It will be considered by me as one of the most treasured and
valued memorials of my house, and I trust many genera-
tions may look with satisfaction and with honest pride upon
the mark of honour which one of their predecessors has re-
ceived from the great and important community of Liver-
pool. (Loud applause.)
Shortly after 6 o'clock the dinner, which consisted for the
most part of cold viands, took place ; and after the custo-
mary loyal toasts,
The CfrAIRMAN rose, and proposed "The Army and
Navy," which toast was enthusiastically received by the
company.

The Earl of HARDWICKE, in the absence of General
Peel, replied on behalf of both services. He said—Not
many years ago the toast of the army dnd navy was gene-
rally considered a merely formal one, and it may undoubt-
edly be regarded as a misfortune that, in consequence of the
' warlike spirit which pervades Europe, military affairs oc-
cupy the minds of men in the present day to a much greater
extent than they did in the happy period which elapsed
between the battle of Waterloo and the outbreak of the late
war with Russia. That was a period of peace, when the
angel of peace spread her wings over Europe, and when
the toast of the army and navy was received as a matter of
mere formality. A great change has since occurred, and
the tendency to armaments of a warlike character has led
tie peorlo of this country to consider the toast of
a less formal character than before. With respect
to the army, I am sure the military officers I see near me
• will permit me to make use of the same language that is
always used in reference to their profession—namely, that
whenever it is called upon to perform any public duty, it
does what it is told to do ; and, when it is ordered on the
field of battle to stand in one place, it never goes away.
(Cheers.) It is a remarkable feature in the British soldier
that retreat is the last thing which ever enters his head.
(Cheers.) In turning to my own profession, you will per-
mit me to say that I do not forget that I address gentlemen
of that great emporium of trade, the town of Liverpool,
connected so nearly and deeply with the maritime interests
of this country that I can appeal to them with confidence
for the assistance which they are always willing to give
towards the support of the dearest and most important
branch of the public service. (Hear, hear.) I know, in
addressing myself to the men of Liverpool, and on receiv-
ing from them an expression of goodwill towards the pro-
fession that I have the honour to represent, that an earnest
• desire exists that they may be enabled to give every sup-
port in their power to the arms of the country whenever the
necessity for it may arise. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I
feel sure that upon this occasion you wiil be desirous that I
should curtail anything I have to say upon this interesting
subject. But at the smile time you will forgive me if I, as
a seaman, say I am confident that at all times the naval pro-
fession will render those services to the country which it has
ever shown the power and ability to do. 'We have recently,
• I regret to say, had to lament that which is very seldom
known or very seldom heard of—a defeat. But that defeat
by no means need detract in any way from the character of
the service, for in that action there was the greatest display
of courage and the most devoted chivalry. I know of no
other case where the commander-in-chief of an expedition
against an enemy suffered no less than three vessels to be
sunk tinder his feet, until wounded he retired, unable any
longer to perform the active duties of his position. (CI
There was an exhibition of glorious'
ad of
and
honourable bearing, of
was only imitated by daringthe officers and men, who, in their
devotion, sacrificed their lives in worthless attempt, but
against a force which was not. to pluvthdife,wlnvebyret
jh(e)icceona-t
brought against it.
couragend NinVeiladtlyththe
thetem pmtaibglneirnticeanentadisplay of that useless,
same time ought, as a public duty, to
represent the cause of that failure anaPedakthoef extenta of the
loss. The cause of the failure will be evidentto
Chinese
yesme aans.
We have been so accustomed to consider the
t at
enemies that were to be beaten with the great.est„eaeseen,
e ht
a defeat was never dreamt of; and, althoug.n
was strongly posted, it was ntturally concei veal that he ,

se.
could be defeated. I am not surprised at it, and I can hardly
blame it, because our successes had been so easy on all
former occasions that we were led to believe that victory
was inevitable ; but a defeat caused by a want of respect
for your enemies is not likely to happen again. The loss
was occasioned, in my opinion, by another mistake, and by
one which the public can mildly correct, by noticing it in
meetings of this kind and by pressing it upon the Govern-
ment. It has been the practice in the naval profession—a
practice full of use—that on no occasion of flotilla and boat
service should the commander-in-chief or the admiral him-
-self take the lead, and expose himself in an action of that
description. It is manifest that the moment an individual
who commands a detachment of that sort involves himself
in it his personal honour becomes immediately concerned.
Captain Tatnall, the chivalrous American captainwho wit-
nessed the whole of those operations, said, in the letter
to his Government, " In fifteen minutes I saw
they were beaten and there was not the slightest
ant
shadow or chance of success." If our gall
and chivalrous admiral hid consented to continue
his flag flying on board the Miranda, and had seat his se-
cond in command to take charge of the flotilla that was sent
against the batteries—if he had brought his eye close enough
to observe the engagement, he would have recalled his flo-
tilla at the time Capt. Tatnall saw it was useless to fight
any longer,—all the loss would have been saved to the Bri-
tish people, and so many hearts would not have had to
grieve over the deaths caused by continuing too long an
action which was utterly lost at the beginning. I say, then,
the old practice of our profession ought to be followed, and
the commander-in-chief has no right to enter into actions
of that sort, but should be prepared to direct them and not
risk his personal honour, which compels him to fight out
an engagement to the last. I shall make no other remark
on the engagement on the Peiho tecause I am quite igno-
rant of the ground, and am not acquainted with the nature
of the defences against which the flotilla was engaged, nor
shall I venture to enter on the question of policy ; all I
shall say on that put of the subject is that I dislike the
policy which has brought us into constant war with the
Chinese from the date of the giving up the charter of the
East India Company down to the present time. (Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN next proposed ' the health of the High
Sheriff for the county," which was received with great ap-
plause, and the toast was acknowledged in appropriate terms
b Sir Robert Gerard.
The CHAIRMAN then rose to propose the toast of the
evening. He said,—My Lords and Gentlemen,—When I
look around this magnificent assembly and consider the
cause of its meeting I find that words are quite inadequate
to introduce to you the toast which it is my highest honour
and my best privilege to have at the present moment to pro-
pose—namely, " the health of the Right Hon. the Earl of
Derby"—(great cheering)—our great Conservative !mien
(Great cheering.) I am sure there is not one here who for-
gets the period of difficulty and anxiety at which the noble
earl was called upon by his Queen and country to take
charge of the destinies of England—(cheers)—or who does
not feel the greatest amount of respect and gratitude for
the skill and prudence with which ho conducted public
affairs. (Cheers.) But I regret that party spirit so over-
rules every impulse of generous sentiment that the success
which ought to have won for his lordship a triumph has
only been the cause, as in the case of Aristides for his jus-
tice, of his being deprived of power. (Cheers.) I know not
whether I ought to express a desire for his restoration to
office, because we have never seen him appealed to but in
cases of great difficulty, and then he has been treated with
gross ingratitude. I am confident; however, that he will
iiirthe highest post in this country when its safety requires
him to do so, and content myself withthe assurance that in
a period of anxiety we may again have the service of a
Derby Administration. (Loud cheers.)
The Earl of DERBY, on rising to acknowledge the toast,
was received with enthusiasm and prolonged cheering. He
said—Words would wholly fail me were I to attempt the
hopeless tasked expressing in adequate terms the sentiments
of deep gratification, I think I may venture to say of justi-
fiable pride, with which I rise to acknowledge the splendid
compliment which you have paid to me and to my late col-
leagues in office by your attendance this day, and by the
overwhelming reception which you have given to the toast
proposed by your worthy chairman. Next to the conscious-
ness in a man's own breast of having endeavoured faithfully
to discharge those duties and those obligations which his
station in life imposes upon him, the highest reward to
which a public man can look is the expression of the feelings
of bodies of his fellow countrymen such as that which I
have now the honour of addressing, proving to him that
his efforts have not been wholly thrown away, and that
he has acquired some claim and some title to their
past approval and to their future confidence. (Cheers )
If any circumstance could heighten the value of such a
compliment as that which you have been pleased to pay to
me this day, it would be that I receive this honour in the
centre of the great commercial metropolis of the country,
and in my own native county, where not only my public
but my private life from my earliest boyhood is open to the
criticism of all whom I see before me. (Cheers.) One
other gratifying circumstance I must mention—viz., that
in inviting me to this magnificent banquet you have asso-
ciated me with the great body of those colleagues in the late
Government by whose invaluable assistance and by whose
cordial co-operation a load of responsibility was lightened
to me which no single human being could have borne, with
whom I may say I never had a subject of difference or of
controversy (cheers), and who carried on with me the diffi-
cult and, sometimes, the anxious affairs of this great coun-
try with that spirit of union which is the best security for
the harmonious working of an Administration. (Continued
cheering.) But, gentlemen, deep as are my feelings of
personal gratification at this mark of your esteem and con-
fidence, they sink into nothing as compared with the poli-
tical importance which upon public grounds I attach to this
splendid assembly. I am willing to believe that all whom
I have now the honour of addressing are actuated by kindly
, personal feelings towards myself, but it is not as an indivi-
, vidual that you have received me, or asindividuals that you
have received my late colleagues. You have received us as
a bodily impeisonation of those Conservative principles
• which you all cherish in your hearts. (Cheers.) It is true,
gentlemen, we do not meet upon the present occasion for the
purpose of celebrating the full and entire triumph of those
principles. They have been overborne by the decision of the
present Parliament, but we do meet here—and this I take
to be the real meaning of your invitation to me—
to testify and declare our adherence to the principles
and doctrines of' true Conservatism. (Cheers.) I do not
mean of Conservatism falsely so-called, which would ob-
struct all useful changes, but I speak of that Conservatism
which is not obstructive, but which is the best promoter of
safe and gradual social improvements—of that Conserva-
tism which, strenuously adhering to the old machinery of
the constitution, adapts from time to time the various parts
of its mechanism to the real acquirements and capacities of
the age in which we live—of that Conservatism which
would give to all orders and degrees of men within these
realms their duo weight, authority, and preponderance—of
that Conservatism which loves the interests of the people
at large, but will not be led away by the noisy denuncia-
tions of violent and blustering demagogues either to shrink
at the voice of menace or timidly to concede rights and
privileges to largo bodies of men for the purpose of obtain-
ing some amount of temporary popularity, when in our
hearts we believe that the concession of those very coveted
boons would be injurious rather than beneficial to the
classes whom it is sought to benefit. (Cheers.) Such, gen-
tlemen, is the Conservatism to which you pledge yOurselves
by your attendance this day. Such is the principle which I
have ever advocated, upon which I have ever endeavoured
to act, and you are here this day not only to testify your
adoption of it, but to declare that you will shake off for the
future that apathy which has too long characterised your
proceedings—that not by mere acclamations or by enthu-
siasm, however great, but by sober, steady, and united
action, you will evoke the spirit of Conservatism which has
hitherto been allowed to lie latent in the country. (Cheers.)
Already, in spite of great discouragement and great difficul-
ties, you have achieved a gratifying victory in this coun-
ty, but I hold the striking merit of that victory to have
been, not the accession to the House of Commons of my two
hon. friends whom you have succeeded in returning, but
the proof which it afforded to you and to the coun-
try that you do not suspect your own inherent
strength or the root which your principles have in the
hearts of the constituencies at large. (Hear, hear, and
• cheers.) I am told that even at the lest election, when we
won the battle, not only had the registrations been so neg-
lected that several gentlemen who might have very properly
been asked to propose and second the Conservative candi-
dates were found not to have their names upon the regis-
ter, but some of the most devoted friends of the Conserva-
tive cause were in the same strange position. If I might
whisper a secret in the ear of so large an assembly I might
tell you that previous to the last registration the name of
my respected friend, the chairman of this meeting, was not
upon the county register. (A laugh.) At length, gentle-
men, you have put you shoulder to the wheel, but your
work is not half done. You have succeeded, it is true, in
returning two members for the southern division of the
county, and, if I am rightly informed, you have made upon
the present register an advance which renders future suc-
cess a matter of no doubt. (Cheers.) But something yet
remains to be accomplished. I wish to speak with all re-
spect of one of the late members for the county, whose wise
and judicious liberality has endeared him personally to all
the residents of this town, and I desire to speak with no
disrespect of one of the present members for the borough of
Liverpool. I know his high character, his business-like
habits, and the esteem in which he is held by those who
are his personal friends, but I say boldly that the political
opinions of Mr. Brown and Mr. Ewart are not those of the
constituencies of South Lancashire and Liverpool—(cheers)
—and that, as South Lancashire will not hereafter be satis-
fied without retaining its two Conservative members, so
Liverpool ought not to be satisfied without obtaining two.
(Great cheering.) Gentlemen, I have watched with the
deepest anxiety and I have seen with the highest grati-
fiuctilltiitoy, n the progressive improvement in strength, in
in everything which marks political power, of
tile Conservative party during the last fourteen year's.
%wish to speak in this assembly, as I have spoken upon all
oslsh tpltaaceskssi
statesman
arnolafsr:ntao:yilvlgn,
ashee
trnottugi s of the highest re se ect for the dis-
tinguished
whom
Peel.it
great
atndin,:
aatnnel
Indeed,i ctirnti pal:ciesrln:oi
recently
i ,jaci,olpont
uothcnil ley:
raahnrtnia:y, character tnobetc rout:
haoa :ft i
sotychnlNan%lt,hog,
moment
crhee
lament—thena couldltt
when a melancholy domestic calamity has p: ev ented the
attendance of his nearest relation—one of my most valued
c.aleagues in the late Government, who gave me most able
and admirable assistr.ntzeincit‘hile mmrgenieli.t of a difficult
department—namely,
dis-
respectful to the memory of a statesmaniratton of
.mrlitary
saying anything affairs. But, gentlemen, I am not
personal with
friendship,ene I had
the honour of many years of
believe of reciprocal esteem, when I state tlt the
which at the close of 1845 was taken by the late Sir Robertcorse
Peel completely and entirely for the moment shattered the
Conservative party in this country. (Hear, hear.) I am
' now about to state a fact which I believe is not known to
half-a-dozen individuals. Upon the failure of Lord John
Russell's endeavour to form a Government, I wrote con-
fidentially to the most eminent man in the country, the

late I Mire of Wellington, a warm and cordial admirer and
suppoester of Sir Robert Peel, a man who stood for many •
years the foremost• man in the world in the eyes of his .
count rymen. I wrote to consult him as to the position of
the Conservative party, and the best means of restoring
that unity which had been so lamentably destroyed. I re-
ceived a long letter from the Duke of Wellington, which I
need hardly say I have kept and deeply value, in which he
explained to me that, having accepted under the abortive
attempt of Lord John Russell- to form a Government the
duties of the neutral position of Commander-in-Chief, he
considered he had for ever broken off his political con-
nection with any party. Ile intimated, however, his
concurrence in the opinion which I had ventured
to express that the alienation of the Conservative
party from Sir Robert Peel was not a mere 'tempo-
rary feeling, but that it was impossible he should ever
again place himself at their head with any prospect of suc-
cess, and the Duke of Wellington, I will not say entreated,
but exhorted me, as a matter of duty to my Sovereign and
to my country, to throw aside all doubts and all hesitations,
and to assume at once the leadership of that great Conser-
vative party whose existence and whose power he deemed
to be essential to the well-being of the country in all its in-
stitutions, and he advised me if her Majesty should at any
time lay her commands upon me to attempt to form an ad-
ministration not to be discouraged by any difficulty, except
such as !might be absolutely insuperable, but to sacrifice
every other feeling to a desire of serving my Sovereign and
my country. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, for 14 years I have en-
deavoured to act in the spirit of that wise and patriotic ad •
vice, coming from so eminent a man, and I have been re-
warded by seeing the IConservative party fixing their roots
in the feeelings and hearts of the country, and, as our op-
ponents are compelled to acknowledge, though in doing so
their fears rather magnify our strength, forming at the
present moment an absolute majority in Parliament.
(Cheers.) It is also admitted, with a melancholy sense of
the painful contrast between the two sides, that the advan-
tage thus obtained is doubled by the fact that our majority
is that of a united party. (Cheers and laughter.) Gentle-
men, you may perhaps ask me—and it is a fair question on
the part of those before whom I appear, to justify the course
which I have pursued, and to whom I am prepared to speak
with entire and absolute frankness—what is the use which
I desire to make of that greatly increased Parliamentary
strength, or, as our opponents say, of that majority in the
House of Commons ? Perhaps I shall disappoint the ex-
pectations and wishes of some of the more enthusiastic,
and probably of most of the younger members of this as-
sembly, when I say that I have no desire for the imme-
diate overthrow of the present Administration. I should
hold the SAM language which I now do even if a mo-
mentary advantage might be so gained, but there are
considerations higher than those of party, which
have still greater weight with me—considerations of
what Is for the benefit of my Sovereign, for the reputation
of the country in the eyes of foreign nations, and for the
respect due to Parliament itself. All those considerations
militate against a succession of ephemeral Governments,
acquiring office by a bare majority, liable at any moment to
be displaced by the caprice of some half-dozen votes in the
House of Commons, and exposing the crown and the coun-
try to a perpetual change of persons and of principles,
which renders all steady legislation impossible, and which,
weakening their internal strength and their external power,
paralyses the hands of those to whom the duties of adminis-
tration may for the moment be entrusted. (Hear.) More-
over, gentlemen, it appears to me that the policy which is
dictated by a due consideration of the interests of the coun-
try at large is also recommended by the interests, well-
considered, of the party to which I have the honour to be-
long. It cannot be for the advantage of that party that for
the third time it should be prematurely called upon to form
a Government without sufficient strength to maintain itself
against all attacks and against all combinations. (Hear.)
What is required is the determination of the country itself,
or, at all events, of the conservative strength of the coun-
try, to prepare for future events. Let every man consider
that he has a duty to perform and a causeeto sustain. Re-
member that by the combination of small efforts great re-
sults are produced, and do not compel me or any one who
may represent the conservative party to accept office when
I can not.be confident of holding it, at least so long as I
honestly endeavour to discharge the duty which I owe to
my Sovereign and my country. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,
your worthy chairman has spoken of the period of difficulty
and of anxiety at which we acceded to office. I believe
that in some respects the difficulties and anxieties of the
present Government are fully as great as those to which
we were exposed. I know nothing beyond what I learn
from the public organs of intelligence ; but I am much
mistaken if our foreign relations at the present moment
are upon as satisfactory a footing, or are as generally
amicable ae they were a few months ago. The pre-
sent Government have difficulties to contend with in what
is commonly called the Italian question, with respect to
which I hope and trust they will be steady in their purpose
not to entangle themselves in the negotiations of any con-
gress that may be proposed. (Cheers.) They have difficul-
ties in China. They have difficulties upon the Coast of
Africa—difficulties which may seriously threaten us unless
a decided tone be taken, and unless this country is disposed
to maintain rights which are absolutely essential to its wel-
fare. They have difficulties in the North Pacific, where our
Transatlantic brethren appear, if I may use a familiar ex-
pression, to be " trying it on." (A laugh.) They are con-
tending with difficulties in various quarters, but they are
not difficulties which may not be surmounted by a mixture
of firmness and good temper, and at the same time by a de-
termination to maintain the rights and the honour of Eng-
land. (Cheers.) Ministers have, on the other hand, great
advantages in their favour. They preside over the destinies
of a nation which never at any time was so abounding in
material resources, in wealth and in prosperity, as it is at
the present moment. They preside over a nation in which
commerce is flourishing and active almost beyond precedent,
and at the same time, as I believe, free from all undue spe-
culation. They preside over a country in which labour is
abundantly employed, and the population is generally con-
tented. They have the consciousness that within a certain
number if months—l shall not say how many—the military
and naval resources of the country have been greatly im-
provel, and that,li f our nati nal defences era not altogether
what we would desire them to be, our great fortifications of
Gibi altar and Malt s La -e received from the labours of the
late Government an amount of reinforcements which has
placed them in a far better position of defence than they
have enjoyed for the last 20 years. Moreover, they know
they preside over a country the population of which are
I again alive to the necessity of maintaining adequate defen-
sive armaments, in which our military ardour has been
again awakened, and in which private and personal efforts
will not be spared for the vindication of the national
honour.. Of. one thing, at least, they may feel assured, that
while the country and while Parliament will not readily
forgive a Ministry which hastily embroils us in an mine-
, essary war, they will, without regard to party or any other
consideration, bring forward the whole weight of public
opinion in support of any Minister who shall steadily resist,
from whatever quarter it may proceed, any attack upon the
independence, the honour, or the interests of the country.
(Cheers.) Above all, gentlemen, the present Government
had this great advantage over their predecessors, that they
will not have to contend with an Opposition which will de-
scend to any factious combination, nor need they fear that
we shall seek to eject them from office without regard to the
interests of the country or to the probability of being able to
succeed them. (Cheers.) It may be that the present Go-
vernment may fall by their own internal dissensions. In-
deed, looking to the composition of that Government, I can
feel no great confidence that such may not unhappily be the
case (a laugh) ; but honestly and sincerely I say that I de-
sire that their differences may be made up. (Hear, hear )
Among the members of the Government, and still more
among those who support them, there are men who in their
heart4are as sincerely Conservative as any of those whom
I now have the honour of addressing ; there are others who
most unwillingly submit to a power which they feel to be
too strong for them; while a third section, though the
loudest in chance Ling fur certain measures, and ready to
place themselves at the head of a movement which they feel
unable to resist, would, I believe, deplore and deprecate the
success of their own . schemes. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, the
present is not a fitting opportunity for entering upon the
consgeration of individual questions ; but I can say in all
sincerity of heart that I earnestly desire that the present
Government may be enabled to bring forward such a measure
of 'Parliamentary reform as may be honestly supported by
the great body of Conservatives. I think it is of the highest
importance that this question should be finally and speedily
settled; and if the Government of which I was a member
undertook to attempt a settlement of it, we did so not
because we admitted a bill was called for by imperative ne-
cessity, but because it had been repeatedly promised in
speeches from the Throne and in declarations of Ministers,
and because we felt it was of the most vital consequence
that a question of so much importance should not bo left in
suspense. We therefore honestly and fairly introduced a
measure which we thought might conciliate the support of
all moderate men. You all know how it was dealt with. I
do not intend to enter now into a defence of that measure.
We certainly considered that an extension of the franchise
founded upon the principle of uniformity between counties
and boroughs was likely, as it largely increased the consti-
tuencies, to satisfy the claims of justice, and at the same
time hold out the best hope, I will not say of a final, but, at
least of a durable settlement of the question; but the Pons°
of Commons repudiated that principle, and I presume that
whatever measure may be introduced by the present Go-
vernment will contain some extension of the borough fran-
chise. I am not prepared to say that no such reduction may
be attempted without danger, but I do say that it is neces-
sary, before adopting such a measure, to exercise the greatest
caution, and to enter into the most minute calculations as to
the practical effects of whatever extension of the franchise
may be so proposed. I am not jealous—the Conservative
party are not jealous—of the working classes. I desire to
see their interests fully and fairly represented, but I confess
that, looking to the revelations at Gloucester, Wakefield,
and other places, I doubt whether any great reduction of
the franchise would not tend largely to extend that corrup-
tion which is the bane of our electoral system, while, if I
look to the manner in which even the most intelligent work-
men have been misled by false and delusive advisers, I think
it is at least a subject for serious consideration how far, in
the interests of the lower classes themselves, it would be de-
sirable to give a preponderating power to men who, if legis-
lation were thrown into their hands, would probably intro-
duce and pass measures which would be absolutely fatal to
themselves. (Cheers.) I say, therefore, that while the
Reform Bill introduced by the present Government shall
meet with no factious opposition from the Conservative party,
I hold it to be the duty of any Ministry who are responsible
to their sovereign and their country not to be led away by
mere popular clamour upon a subject which may be of such
vital importance, but seriously to consider the effect of their
proposed legislation ; and God grant that the present Go-
vernment may have wisdom and prudence enough to intro-
duce such a measure as may pass with the approbation of a
united Parliament. (Cheers.) Before I sit down I desire to
say a few words upon a subject of some delicacy, because
the greatest possible misrepresentations have been made
With respect to it. Among other inseentions which were air-
culated_to calumniate the policy of the late Government and
to produce prejudice against us was one that we had entered
into a corrupt alliance with the Roman Catholic body of
this country for the purpose of obtaining their support by
concessions dangerous to Protestant interests. I need not
say, gentlemen, that that imputation was as baseless as ono
to which I have seen great currency given, viz., that I had
countersigned a paper containing stipulations with regard
to a reform bill, upon the faith of which I was to obtain the
support of certain Liberal members. All I can say is, that,
until I saw that matter dealt with a few days ago in the
newspaper, not only I had never countersigned but I had
neither seen nor heard of such a document—(cheers) ; and
upon writing to the gentleman wlexe reported speech had
given rise to this imputation, he most candidly and hon-
ourably assured me that his language had been whet y
misrepresented, adding that such a document indeed had
been'signed by himself and others and had been intended
to be presented to, and by them expected to be signed by,
Lord Derby. (Cheers and laughter.) To revert to the other
topic to which I wished to call your attention, I am happy
to say that with regard to the great body of the intelligent
Roman Catholics of this country I have for some time past
observed a growing tendency to alienate themselves from
the so-called Liberal party, and to unite themselves with
those who are their natural allies, the Conservatives. I
have many personal friends omong the Roman Catholics ;
among others I may mention my hon. friend the high
sheriff of this county, than whom no stancher Conservative
sits at this table, and whose reception to-night
.83tiiiled Sue

that you concurred with me in thinking that no difference in
religious belief ought to prejudice political connexion, far
less to interfere with the obligations of private friendship.
(Cheers.) I have Roman Catholic tenants, I have Roman
Catholic labourers in my employment, and I should be
ashamed of myself if there could be detected the slightest
difference between my treatment of them and that of these
of my own persuasion. Igo further—l say that I cordially
and earnestly sympathised and concurred with the endea-
vours which were made, so much to his own credit, by my
gallant friend General Peel to afford to our Roman Catholic
soldier, greater opportunities than they had previously en-
joyed for exercising the rites of their religion. But, gentle-
men, I think I may appeal to the whole course of a somewhat
long political life, whether, though always ready to maintain
the principles of entire toleration and religious liberty, I am
a man who would ever voluntarily yield to any of the en-
croachments of the Roman Catholic Church as a political
body, whether I would sacrifice one jot or iota of the rights
and privileges of that church to which I myself belong,
whether I would diminish its means of public usefulness, or
whether I would depreciate it as a great portion of our po-
litical institutions by lowering its position or lessening its
influence in the country. (Cheers.) To that church I
have always been sincerely attached ; for that church I
have made many sacrifices ; for that church, even against
the opinion of its members, I have introduced measures
the value of which has been subsequently acknowledged ;
and you may depend upon it that there are few things
dearer to my heart—few principles which I am more
determined to uphold than the maintenance of the
dignity, the rights, and the privileges of the Estab-
lished Church of these realms. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,
I know I have detained you longer than would have been
consistent with my duty upon an ordinary occasion ; but
this, while a most gratifying, is a most extraordinary
occasion. lam called here to receive your approval of my
past conduct ; and you are entitled to know what arc the
principles upon which I have acted, and what is the course
which, if your confidence be continued to me, it is my in-
tention, with God'sblcssing, to pursue. I speak to you in
entire openness, and I say that the fate of that great party
which now honours me with its confidence—l may say, in-
deed, the fate of this country, because I consider the fate of
the country to be involved in the power and prosperity of
the Conservative party—is in your hands, depends upon
your energies, upon your confidence in your leaders, upon
your united action, upon your shaking off that apathy which
has hitherto paralysed your exertions. What you have to
do is to determine that there shall be a Conservative Go-
vernment in this country, and to act upon that resolution
in such a manner as by your own efforts to render that pos-
sible which, without those endeavours, will be wholly hope-
less—namely, the permanence of Conservative principles
in the administration of public affairs. (Great and pro-
tracted cheering.)
The CHAIRMAN then proposed " The Health of the Earl
of Malmesbury," bearing his testimony to the able manner
in which that noble lord had conducted the foreign affairs
of the country.
The toast having been duly honoured,
The Earl of MALMESBURY, on rising to respond, was
loudly cheered. He said—l feel it a very great difficulty
and a very hard task to express to you my gratitude and all
the feelings which move me at this moment in consequence
of the compliment you have just paid me. I have
not the advantage, like my noble friend, of having
through a long life served my country with distinction,
or of being, like him, personally known to many of you
here. I have come from the farthest part of the king-
dom to attend the present peat Conservative meeting.
(Cheers.) It is with no object of self-laudation that I admit
the truth stated several times this evening, that when her
Majesty called my noble friend to office I found the foreign
affairs of this country in the most alarming and anxious
state. (Hear. I found the country to whose cordial alli-
ance we principally look as being of the utmost importance
to this empire in a state of feeling towards us most dan-
gerous, which caused the greatest anxiety in the minds
both of the statesmen and the people of this country. Thank
God, those days have passed away, and I hope we shall
never again be so near a rupture with our near neighbours.
(Hear.) It is inipoisible for any .one living in this great
emporium of trade and commerce, and acquainted with the
transactions of business, not to understand the unspeakable
value of a cordial alliance with France. (Applause.) On
the first occasion when my noble friend was called upon to
be Prime Minister of this country,. we found France at that
time likewise in a very anxious position. She had deter-
mined to alter the form of her Government, and even to
change the dynasty of her Sovereign. My noble friend
and I, acting under him; saw at once the only course to
pursue consistent with the feelings both of the English and
French people. We at once, and without hesitation, recog-
nised that Prince whom France had chosen to rule over her,
and though other countries did not follow our steps and
hesitated to take the same course, we nevertheless cordially
acknowledged Louis Napoleon as the Emperor of the French.
(Hear,' hear.) It so happened that it was my fortune in
early life to be intimately acquainted with that Prince even
before he was an exile in this oountry, and I assure you
that I deeply and completely appreciated, from the moment
I first knew him, his great qualities and abilities, and
there arc many now who can bear witness of my having
constantly and publicly stated what I thought of those
abilitie and qualities, when very few Englishmen had
the same opportunity of forming a judgment on the sub-
ject like myself. It will be satisfactory to you, and
. right for the sake of truth, that, speaking on this occasion
of that Prince, I should say that whenever I had conver-
sations with him on political matters long ago, and since,
and even to the last time that I had the honour of any
conversation with his Majesty, he has always held the
same language, expressing his belief not only that it was the
best policy f,r France itself, but that his earnest personal
wish was to maintain a cordial alliance with this country.
(Cheers.) That is a fact which ought to be known and pon-
dered on by statesmen in this country; but, notwithstand-
ing the feelings of the Emperor of the French, we have
again, since the occasion I just now referred to, been under
considerable apprehension as to the sentiments of the French
nation and Government towards us—(hear, hear)—and if I
may be permitted from my experience of foreign affairs in
reference to the feelings and policy of the French Govern-
ment, I would say that, however earnest the French Mini-
sters might be to maintain a friendly alliance with us, I do
not think they could understand the policy and nature of
this country. It uppcars to me that we could with, perfect
L ease maintain a courteous friendship and complete alliance
with France, and she with England, without being obliged
to go hand in hand, foot by foot, and step by step, in a
policy she probably may feel consistent with her political
interests ; and it is unreasonable because there may be cer-
, tain principles we cannot agree with her in policy, and
which we cannot in prudence follow, because the policies of
two countries are different, to turn round, as the French
press has often done, and say that we are no longer a faith-
ful and cordial ally. Igo further, and say that it is not to
the interest of our alliance with France that we should go
hand in hand, arm in arm, foot by foot with her, because if
by any chance it should not be seen by the world at any
time that we were joining France in that intimate manner,
the suspicion is immediately raised that our cordial alliance
has ceased. (Hear, hear.) I maintain that the policy of
England is entirely different on many points from that of
France. The writers in the French press taunt us now
with having lost our former power, with being.- isolated from
tho other nations of Europe, and taking up the position of
a second-rate Power, because we do not interfere with the
affairs of Italy. I accept that word isolation in its origi-
nal sense, from its Latin derivation, and I say that on
our geographical isolation frequently depend our isolation
from foreign politics and our safety also. We may be a
warlike, but may not be a military nation. We may be an
industrious and commercial people, but that does not pre-
vent us from defending our own rights and country, but it es-
sentially prevents, or ought to present us, from meddling in
the internal affairs of other States. (Hear, hear.) I regret
that at this moment the horizon of foreign politics should be
so cloudy, but will say nothing on the subject touched on to -
night—that of China—because I am very incompletely in-
formed respecting it. The instructions sent by the late Go-
' vernment, and written by, me, were not, I may say for the
sake of truth, written in any hostility to China, and never
contemplated the events which have taken place. But it is
fair to Mr. Bruce to say that in sending a public servant to
that great distance, where he could not at once appeal to the
Government at home
,on a sudden emergency, I left a
wide discretion to his jnelgment, in, which I great con-
fidence. Until we know more of his reasons for acting as
ho did, I think it would be unfair to form any opinion, or,
at all events, to express any on a public occasion in refer-
ence to that matter. (Hear, hear.) Having filled a depart-
ment peculiarly interesting to a great commercial town like
thi3,influencing, as it must, its interests, according to the
manner in which it may be conducted, it would not have
been respectful for me to have remained altogether silent on
the subject of foreign affairs. I can now only allude in a,
few words to what has been said by my noble friend witn
respect to myself and the rest of my late colleagues. He
has been kind enough to say that we were of material as-
sistance to him in conducting the affairs of the country. I
can only say, ou my own part, that if the Conservative Go-
vernment had anything to boast of more than another it
was that which must add materially to the strength of any
Government, the entire cordiality and unanimity which
existed among its members. (Cheers.) That cordiality
and unanimity were created by the private character and
straightforwardness of the noble earl at the head of it, and
by his demeanour to all his colleagues. In all his views
and instructions we each and all of us had complete confi-
dence, and we felt the conviction that under any circum-
stances of difficulty, if we inadvertently made a mistake, he
would stand by us. His generosity of tomper endeared all
to him, and never was there a Minister that mon could with
more plbasure and pride support, follow, and serve. (Loud
cheers.).
The CHAIRMAN next proposed " The Health of Lord
Chelmsford."

Lord CHELMSPOIID rose amid loud cheering, and said—
My Lord,
" As in a theatre, the eyes of men,
After a well-;raced actor leaves the stage,
Are idly bent on him who follows next,
Thinking his prattle to be tedious,"
so I feel, after the powerful and eloquent speech of
my noble friend Lord Derby, that all who succeed him
must be listened to with impatience, yet in such an as-
sembly as this, and among so many eminent men, he
must be cold and insensible indeed who does not deeply
feel the honour of being selected as an object of ap-
proval. lam aware I am not shining hero by any light
of my own. The lustre which I may have upon this occa-
sion in your eyes is reflected from my noble friend, and I
may add, from those distinguished colleagues with whom
it was my pleasure and my honour to be associated in the
late Government, Tho high office which I had the honour
to fill did not appear to have that immediate and direct in-
fluence upon the public interests which belonged to other
departments, which were presided over by my colleagues.
I may allude, for example, to the affairs of the army and
yseo t:oe hfde
navy, which were so admirably condu:ted by _my right
very
s
hon. friend Sir John Pakington and General Peel, whose
absence we all so much regret upon the present occasion.
But, although conversant with individual subjects and in-
dividual rights and interests, yet the operation of the office
which I had the honour to occupy was as important in a
public sense as that of those great bulwarks of our national
security, and a perverse administration of justice on the
part 'of the Lord Chancellor would have been as prejudicial
as the neglect of our naval and military armaments, as an
internal cancer is more fatal to the constitution than the
loss of a limb. When I undertook the responsibility of the
Chancellorship I might well have shrunk from the duties
it
Itltovrhuhi:oti,
uaepl which
calledegl lishnu ehademstopfuttt
predecessorsiopoo
onpt:he rcet
claim
aol
isro a:ustb•
thmiliee,thaut
slohtlefhei
ahllookeddtdeetfivhmloalette
devotion
oibacktnitehri
oeeff
fifi
wuct
chair
eiansnrr
something
nnhiy
merit,
tviichtlhul:uilnctsshygo-
which was
sacrifice
iaiveciihanirfi:t,,ehavlea,osvfpaa everys:ic:h taotr:vg
aret ranee
towards
:tptehici.eroionffs intellect,eokeremNlv.
ahiae r
oeNfvfariutteihpr
ez
duties an l
which
lewl4
Th
posed to have done their best in the service of their( QCQIII e
ti-sr
far to have attended to the duties of in

and as it has been ordained by Providence that the esteem
of our fellow-men should accompany our good actions, so
where that esteem is not the end and the object of those
actions, but where it follows upon them, it is undoubtedly
the highest reward for public services. That reward my
noble friend has obtained, as witness this great assembly;
but there is to me something peculiarly striking in the pre-
sent demonstration. It is said that a great man appears less
the nearer you approach him ; but, as my noble friend has
remarked, you are his neighbours, you are in immediate
contact with him, and yet you have formed the same esti-
mation of his pulkc character, and, as my noble friend has
touchingly observed, of what may be called his local and
domestic character, as has been formed by those who ad-
mire him at a distance. (Cheers.) I cannot but feel deeply
grateful that you should for a moment have turned aside
from the great object of this meeting to bestow your kind-
ness upon me. I know when the heart is full it is vain to
labour for expression, and, in return for all your kindness,
all I can say is, I thank you. (Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN next proposed "The health of Mr. Dis-
raeli," characterizing him as the great and eloquent leader
of the House of Commons under the Government of Lord
Derby, and justifying the financial measures he had
proposed. (The toast was drunk with loud and repeated
cheers.)

Mr. DISRAEtit, in returning thanks, said,—Your illus-
trious guest to-day, and others of my colleagues who have
preceded me, have touched on the conduct of their offices,
and in doing so, I am sure, have not only excited great in-
terest in your minds, but also great sympathy on your part ;
but I may be allowed to remind you that it was my privilege
to fill an office of which the possessor on all public occasions
has been allowed to be silent except upon one memorable
day in the year, and therefore I am sure you will excuse
me either from vindicating the oourse I theught it my duty
to recommend Parliament to pursue, or from attempting to
foresee the course which will be adopted by my eminent
successor. (Laughter.) I can only say in reference to the
-remarks of your chairman, that in recommending that re-
duction of taxation which was adopted and sanctioned
by Parliament I recommended a course which, had
it not become an imperative duty to make a consider-
able increase in the armaments of this country, would
still, notwithstanding that reduction, have left a large
surplus in the exchequer. (Cheers.) As through your
chairman, and the generous manner in which you have been
pleased to receive the proposition of my health, you have
been pleased to refer to my conduct in the House of Cora;
mons, and to my attempts to conduct the affairs of that as-
sembly, perhaps you will permit me to remind you that it
fell to my lot--that which, I believe, has fallen to the lot of
no other man—to be suddenly and unexpectedly called on
to attempt the conduct of the affairs of that great assembly.
I can assure you that no individual in this room could have
been more sensible than myself of my inefficiency for the
discharge of such a duty, but I think that there are emer-
gencies when it is the duty of every public man not to
shrink from exertion and responsibility—(cheers)—and I
undertook that office because I felt that I should have the
advantage of the constant counsel and admirable advice of
your principal guest this day, who in the same Ho-sse of
Parliament had for a long period of years obtained a great,
a various, and a distinguished experience. (Applause.) It
was under these circumstances, and with these advantages,
that I undertook to conduct the affairs of the Conservative
party in the House of Commons now 10 years ago. They
have been 10 years of great difficulty, and permit me to add
of great exertion ; but, gentlemen, though I know that, as
far as I myself individually am concerned, much may have
been done which ought not to have been done, and much
may have been omitted which ought to have been accom-
plished, I think I may be allowed, when I consider what
was the position of the Conservative party, as far as the
House of Commons is concerned, 10 years ago, to say, whe-
ther I look at its numbers, its intelligence, its influence in
the country, or its power in debate, its position at this mo-
meat need not shrink from any comparison with what it
was at that previous period. (Hear.) Therefore I trust that
even under n.y humble guidance it has not suffered in pub-
lic estimation or lost in public position. (Cheers.) I ven-
ture to say that those have been 10 years of great difficulty
and great exertion; but I may be allowed to add, that dur-
ing that period, however various may have for the moment
appeared the vicissitudes, and however capricious the
changes, we ourselves have always had a main object in the
course which we have pursued, and in the purpose which we
at length have achieved. It has been our wish to put an
end to that which I may describe as " the monopoly of
Liberalism" (loud cheers), which in our opinion has exer-
cised a very pernicious influence on the course of public
proceedings and on the character of public men. (Applause.)
Now, for more than a quarter of a century, by this theory of
a monopoly of Liberalism, half the public men in England
have been held up as individuals incapable and unqualified
to attempt any measures which might improve the institu-
tions or administration of the country; while on the other
hand, the other half were, in order to sustain this monopoly,
perpetually pledging themselves to changes and alterations
injudicious in almost every case, and in many utterly im-
practicable, and when they were in power they expended all
their resources in inventing evasions by which they might
extricate themselves from the fulfilment of their previous
promises. (Loud cheers and laughter.) Now, I believe,
and all my colleagues believe, that that state of affairs was
a principal cause of that insincerity in public life which of
late years has so frequently been attributed to the conduct
of public men ; but I believe that that is now completely
terminated. (Hear.) I believe we have brought about a
healthy state of political parties. Men will now be judged of
by the policy wluchthey recommend, and the measures they
bring forward, not by traditions, which are generally false—
not by promises, which are seldom fulfilled. (Great cheer-
ing.) I know we are now told that this "monopoly of Libe-
ralism" is extirpated—that it is at length shown that no sin-
gle party is to have a peculiar privilege of governing by right
the country. Now, we are told, gentlemen, that party has no
importance whatever, because there are no longer any public
questions to settle. he would, in my opinion, be an arrogant
and not a very far-seeing statesman who, in dealing with the
affairs of a mighty empire, would presume to say that great
questions would not often occur ; but let that pass. I main-
lain that it is an error, a pernicious error, to associate
the existence in England of great Parliamentary
parties solely, with the existence of great political
questions. Great political questions should be rare, and will
be rare, in communities which enjoy so salutary a poli-
tical state as, on the whole, England has long enjoyed. The
luties of Opposition are not to be confined merely to emer-
gencies; they are duties which perpetually exist and ought to
be constantly fulfilled. Theyare duties of vigilance and criti-
cism, and it is only on great emergencies that the Opposi-
tion is called on to propose and to initiate. I therefore hold
that our duties as a great Conservative party, though there
may not at this moment be questions which concern the
existence of the principal institutions of the State, are still
duties which are urgent, which cannot be neglected, and
which must be fulfilled ; and it is a doctrine which I trust
will never be popular in this country, that political party is
a constitutional arrangement which ought to be obsolete.
If Parliamentary government be, as I believe it is, and as 1
cannot doubt you and the great majority. of Englishmen
must believe it is, the best guarantee for public liberty—
(applause)—then rely on it, political party must be acknow-
ledged as a salutary influence in the State, because Parlia-
mentary government is impossible except on the condition
that there should be political parties. What is the House
of Commons ? What is the House of Lords ? What is the
proudest Parliament in the world, though it may be com-
posed in the one house of men like your noble guest, and
in the other of the most distinguished commoners that ever
existed—what aro they all but two crowds of individuals,
if there is uo sympathy of principle, no similarity of senti-
ment, and no combination of action to guide them? (Cheers.)
Such a senate, whatever its elements, must be the slave of the
Minister, and would deserve to be so ; and if that were the
condition of the representative body in Parliament generally,
what must be the condition of the nation of which it should
be the type and guardian ? (Hear, hear.) I say this in
vindication of the character of our Parliamentary govern-
ment, and in proof of the necessity of political parties, not
in the view of differing from the tone adopted and the coun-
sel offered to you to-day by your distinguished guest, the
chief of the Conservative party, under whom I have laboured
in terms of confidence and trust which probably were never
exceeded before between two public men. (Applause.) I say
this not to contravene, but to substantiate the advice he
has given you, because there are duties of great political
parties other than those of vigilance and criticism, other
even than those of advancing at emergencies to propose a
policy or initiate a measure. There are duties more im-
portant and, I would say, more solemn. There are moments
when a party like the great Conservative party of a power-
ful and ancient nation like England have not to oppose the
Government, but, if necessary, have even to support it
and, if they deem the requirements of the moment demand
such a course, to give strength to their rivals, and even to
support those whose success in their political course might,
under ordinary circumstances, bo to them a source of dis-
appointment and mortification. lam not one of those who
scatter ambiguous voices in the market-place. That has
never been my custom. I have ever been the supporter of
a peaceful policy. I have ever believed that peace might
be maintained with a good understanding with our allies,
and that we should look on their conduct not in a suspi-
cious or litigious spirit, but should always give to their
conduct and to their proceedings a fair, and even a gene-
rous interpretation. (Hear, hear.) But I should, indeed;
be blind to the signs of the times—l should, indeed, be
insensible to the feelings that aro now universally ex-
pressed—l should be treating them with a haughty negli-
gence if I did not recognise what is the anxiety of a great
people. I know not whether it be true or not that designs
. upon the independence of our empire are cherished by any
Go vernments or potentates in other countries. I presume
not to read State socrets, nor is it for me in the irrespon-
sible position in which I and my colleagues have been
placed—it is not for us, I say, to presume to pretend that
we can communicate to you any intelligence of which you
are not already masters; but this I will say with respect
to the form of our Constitution, and especially with respect
to the House in which I have the honour to sit, that if
there be any foreign Government or foreign potentate
who, in the supposed distractions and political dissensions
of our form of government, believes that he has found
elements on which he may calculate for pursuing with suc-
cess any scheme of aggressive or of violent ambition, then
I can assure that Government and that ruler that they mis-
take the character and the genius of the La' Iglish people and
the English constitution. (Prolonged cheering.) And if
they count on our dissensions, and on the noble rivalries of
our public life as the means for the successful prosecution
of those designs, they will count on them to their Qonfusion.
(Cheers.) They will find, if ever the time should come
when the independence of this country or the empire of our
Sovereign should indeed be menaced, that the Sovereign of
these realms rules over a devoted people and a united Par-
liament. (Loud and continued cheering, in the midst of
which the right hon. gentleman sat down.) •
The CHAIRMAN next proposed " the health of Lord Eg-
linton," who, he said, had conducted the affairs of ' Ireland
in a highly successful manner.

The Earl of EGLINTON.—I need hardly tell you that the
honour you have just paid me is most gratifying to my feel-
ings, but I assure you it is doubly pleasing to me because I
owe it to my connection with the neighbouring kingdom of
Ireland. I should, indeed, be wanting in every good feeling
if I did net takq the deepest interest in the couni:ry which
has been upon two occasions committed to my charge. I
should be guilty of the basest ingratitude if I did not feel
the warmest affection for a people who on both those occa-
sions treated me with a kindness and a confidence which

have been rarely accorded to a public man. (Cheers.)
Your chairman has told you that Ireland is progressing
and is keeping at least an equal pace with the rest of the
united kingdom. I assure you that the most gratifying
thing which ever happened to me in my life was to find tho
improvement that had taken place and that was going on
in Ireland when I returned to it upon the last occasion.
(Cheers.) That improvement was beyond my hopes—
infinitely beyond ray expectations. I found agriculture
of every sort advancing; I found rents paid, I found

general crime diminished, I found tho poorhouses nearly
empty. There was, and there is, but one plague-spot left
—that horrid secret combination of blood which retards
the progress of Ireland, occasionally pollutes the
country by the murder of innocent and worthy individuals,
and would be a disgrace to any civilised people. (Cheers.)
That, gentlemen, is the only plague-spot remaining in Ire-
land, and I believe it would soon be put an end to if every
Christian, whether layman or churchman, were to put his
shoulder to the wheel, and like my noble friend, the guest
of this evening, were not only to do his utmost to convict
and punish the assassin, but to refuse to have any commu-
nion with those who aro abettors and aiders of assassina-
tion. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, leaving that painful topic, I
may mention ene fact which I am sure you will be delighted
to hear, namely, that in the division upon which the fate of
the late Government depended Ireland sent 68 out of her
105 members to the support of my noble friend and his
colleagues. (Cheers.) I wish I could say the same of the
country to which I as an individual belong, but I have
hopes of that country yet, because I come here with the
news of the triumph of a Conservative candidate in my
native :county of Ayr. (Cheers.) I am glad to be able
to communicate to you such gratifying intelligence,
and I trust that what has just taken place in Ayrshire may
be regarded as a happy omen for future elections in Scot-
land. (Cheers.). I cannot sit down without expressing
the extreme pleasure I feel in being present at this magni •
ficent demonstration. I rejoice that I have been allowed to
join in this tribute of respect to one whom I regard as my
most valued friend, my greatest benefactor, and my political
chief. (Cheers.) I have never, like many gentlemen present,
been 'a home Minister under my noble friend, but I can bear
my testimony to the character which he bears among
those who have been placed under his command, and to
the great kindness and confidence with which he treated
those who, though young in office, were anxious to perform
to the best ortheir ability the duties which he imposed upon
them. (Cheers.) My noble friend is not more distinguished
by that eloquence which is unsurpassed, by those talents
which are universally acknowledged, than by the up-
rightness of his character and the integrity of his
political views. With such a leader, and with such a
phalanx as I see before me, I feel assured that the Conser-
vative cause will triumph, and that the present magnificent
demonstration is but the prelude to greater energy on the
part not only of those whom I am now addressing, but of
the multitudes of whom they are merely the representatives.
(Cheers.)
The CHAIRMAN then proposed "The Health of Sir J.
Pakington," who, he said, had proved himself a practical
reformer in bringing up the navy from a low condition to a
state of efficiency. (Cheers.)
Sir J. PAKINOTON rose to return thanks, and was received
with great cheering. He said—l really know not in what
terms to express the gratitude I feel for the kindness with
which you have received my name. This is not the first
occasion on which I have been received with hospitality and
kindness by the gentlemen of Liverpool, but never have I
been received by you on any occasion so deeply gratifying to
my own feelings as now, when wo are assembled mainly to
pay this noble tribute to the public merits of Lord Derby.
(Cheers.) Throughout my public life I have invariably
looked with confidence and respect to my noble friend Lord
Derby for guidance and advice. For many years of my
public life I have been closely and intimately connected
with my noble friend, and nothing could occur in relation
to public affairs of a party nature more delightful to me
than to be allowed to participate in this noble tribute to
the merits of that distinguished man. (Cheers.) But, gen-
tlemen, you will allow me to say, as I had the honour dur-
ing the last Administration of my noble friend of holding
the office of First Lord of the Admiralty, that I did derive
the greatest gratification from hearing the terms in
which the improvement of our national defences and
of our naval strength was referred to in the address which
was presented to my noble friend this morning. (Loud
applause.) But let me take this occasion to say, em-
phatically and distinctly, that I assume no exclusive merit
to myself for that improvement of our national defences.
Whatever exertions I made it was as the organ of the
united Administration that I made them, and on no
point was that Administration more unanimous (and no
member of the Administration was stronger and more de-
cided in his opinion than Lord Derby) than on the absolute
necessity of improving our national defences, and above all
of giving increased and proper strength to our naval force.
(Cheers.) Let me acknowledge at the same time that our
political opponents have, I must say, generously and fairly,
recognised that the late Administration did exert them-
selves to improve the defences of the country, but I think
you will feel with me that in proportion to the generosity
with which they made this acknowledgment was the in-
consistency of passing a vote of want of confidence against
the late Administration. (Hear.) Let me remind you that
in the last session we proposed estimates of unprecedented
extent for the increase of our naval strength. They were
submitted in the usual manner to Parliament and Parlia •
ment sanctioned and adopted them, and the country, too,
I believe, approved what we did. But that was not all.
During the period of the general election, when no Parlia-
ment was sitting, when there was no House ot Commons to
appeal to, the war broke out between France and Austria,
and the late Government felt that the honour, the power,
and, I may say, the safety of England required that no
time should bo lost in increasing our armaments. That was
not the decision of an individual Minister; it was the deci-
sion of the unanimous Government. (Cheers.) We ad-
vised the Queen to add 10,000 men to our navy and ma-
rines. (Applause.) We advised the offer of a
bounty for 'sailors of unprecedented amount, and
we strengthened the workmen in our dock-
yards. We advised the commissioning, without loss of
time, of those ships which now constitute our Channel and
Mediterranean fleets. (Cheers.) I have before taken occa-
sion in the House of Commons to touch on this subject, but
I trust you will allow mo to allude to it again. If Parliament
and the country had disapproved what we did, this would
have been fair ground for attack and fair ground for a vote
of censure. We had taken a most unusual course. We
had taken a course that neither the House of Commons nor
the country could regard with indifference. On the one
hand we were open to the severest reprehension for acting
with diaregura to constitutional propriety, or, on the other,
we were entitled to public gratitude for having adopted a
wise, vigorous, and timely policy. With strange inconsis-
tency, the Rouse of Commons, I was going to say, adopted
neither of these views ; but I believe I ought to say it adopted
both. It declared that it approved our policy, and, in the
same breath, also declared that it had no confidence in the
men who devised that policy. (Hear, and a laugh.) I hope
my hon. friend at the other end of the table (Mr. S. Fitz-
gerald) will. forgive me if I say we might almost have
thought this was the decision of an Irish House of Com-
mons, sitting in Dublin, rather than an English House of
Commons, sitting in London. (Laughter.) I have always
felt—and the splendid scene I now see around me confirms
me in the conviction—that that vote of want of confidence
was not sanctioned by the enlightened opinion of the people
of this country. (Loud cheers.) I believe that the general
voice of the enlightened classes of this country was op-
posed to that decision as being a factious and unfair one.
(Renewed cheers.) I believe the country does appreciate
as much as ever—l balieve I may say more thr:r ever—
the pure and patriotic public character of Lord Derby
—(great applause)—and that Lord Derblr Stands now as
high or even higher than ever in the pnolic estimation.
(Cheers.) I cannot sit down without expressing my entire
approbation of the liberal and patrintic efforts now being
made in this great city of LiverporA for the improvement of
the commercial marine of this country. I believe that to
be a subject of first-rate importance for our national inte-
rests, and it is being dealt with in Liverpool at the present
moment in the most wise and liberal spirit. I trust that
the example now set by Liverpool will spread, and that the
efforts new being made here will be adopted in other ports.
I am deeply convinced that whatever tends to elevate our
commercial marine, and to draw closer the connection be-
tween our merchant service and the Royal navy, will
greatly conduce to strengthen our national defences and
promote our commercial prosperity.
.(Cheers.) The right
hon. baronet concluded by expressing a hope that the
prosperity of Liverpool might be great, growing, and con-
tinual.
The CHAIRMAN, in proposing "The Health of Lord
Stanley," alluded in terms of praise to the admirable ability
and industry displayed by that noble lord in tho administra-
tion of Indian affairs at a time of unexampled difficulty.
The toast was received with great applause.
Lord STANLEY, who was received with prolonged cheer-
ing, said—Our remaining time is, unfortunately, limited,
and, however tempted to do otherwise, I think I shall best
consult both your wishes and your convenience if I content
myself with expressing, in a few plain words, the gratitude
which I cannot but feel for a reception so singularly cordial
as that which you have given me to-night. In any place
and upon any occasion such a reception would have been to
me deeply gratifying, but it is doubly so—l am compelled to
repeat my father's words, because I share my father's feelings
—when offered in a county and in a town with which those
who have borne my name have for some centuries past been
connected. (Cheers.) It is likewise doubly gratifying when
offered in tho presence of that band of colleagues and friends
who with me have shared the uncertain fortunes of Parlia-

mentary war. It is aboVe all gratifying when foremost
among those colleagues, and foremost among thoseto whom
you are met to do honour to-night, I see one to whom I am
personally bound by ties earlier and closer than even those
ties of political sympathy and connection upon which Mr.
Disraeli has so eloquently enlarged. (Cheers.) Gentlemen,
the state of public affairs has been so often mentioned to-
night that I shall not trespass further upon that ground.
This, however, I will say, that I think it is impossible for
any ono who has watched the public events of the last 15
or 20 years not to see that a groat change has come over the
feelings and ideas of this country. There never was a time
when extreme opinions both fu Parliament and out of it
were more thoroughly discountenanced than they are at
the present moment. There never was a time when all
Parliamentary parties were more thoroughly united in de-
siring to carry, or, what is sometimes harder to do, in de-
siring to see carried by others, measures of practical and
useful reform. The grievances, real or supposed, which
formed the battle-cries of the last generation have for the
mos* part died away, and I do not see that a new crop has
risen up to take their place. The old breach between the
landed and the mercantile and manufacturing interests has
been effectually and finally closed, and I believe that those
two great interests are more thoropghly identified in sym-
pathy and feeling than at any previous period of our his
tory. (Cheers.) The masses are Conservative, because
they are contented, and they will remain Conservative, for
without them political agitation is only a symptom and an
effect of social uneasiness ; they will remain Conservative
so long as the governing classes shall bear in mind, as I be-
lieve they will, that the true Conservative policy consists,
not merely in checking agitation when it has arisen, but in
anticipating agitatien by removing its causes. (Cheers.)
Gentlemen, your chairmam has made some reference to
the circumstances under which I became connected with
the home administration of Indian affairs. 'When I teak
that office in the May of last year it was an office of con-
siderable labour and of very great responsibility. I may
frankly say now that when I accepted it I did so with no
sanguine feeling, so far as my personal interests were con •
cerned, but I accepted the office without hesitation or doubt,
because it seemed to me that circumstanced as the Govern-
ment and the country were at that time I had not in honour
the option or the right to refuse. (Cheers.) After twelve
mtnths of intimate connexion with Indian affairs I venture
to say, although it is not now the fashion to be sanguine
upon the subject, that I am sanguine as to the future pros-
pects of British India. (Cheers.) Asiatic are not so un-
like Europeans as some people aro apt to suppose. Treat
them justly and you will govern them easily. If we do
that, which I fear we have not done at all former periods of
our history, if we treat native Princes and independent
States with striot justice, and if we abstain from rash and
foolish intermeddliug with native customs and ideas, if we
offer to native industry and talent opportunities for a
higher career than they have hitherto enjoyed in the ser-
vice of the British Government. and if we carry out that
policy which has Won initiated of late years—the policy of

opening up the country to British enterpri3e, and capit3l—i
am confident that in a very few years we shall see the en"
of those financial difficulties which at present prove so for-
midable in India. (Cheers.) Recollect that the one cause
which deranges the finances of India is the enormous
tary expenditure, and ,the amount of that expenditure in
future years, so far as the internal defence and protection of
the country is concerned, will mainly depend upon whether
you determine to catty out a policy of coercion and force.
Pardon me, gentlemen, for touching upon a subject which
is a little out of the track of our ordinary domestic affairs 4
but it is a subject which I cannot help feeling deeply, an
it is one which in its ultimate results involves little less than
the prosperity or the misfortune of the entire British em-
pire. (Cheers.)
The Earl of DERBY next rose and said,—l claim perluis.
sion to propose to you the only toast which can be mere
appropriately proposed by me than by the chairman, an
when I name it I feel satisfied that it will be received wit.'
universal approbation. But before I propose the toast alloy/
me to advert to a subject alluded to by the late Lord-Lieu-
tenant of Ireland. lam not fond of introducing into go-
lie controversy anything relatihg to the private manage-
meat of my property or my dealings with my tenants
whether in England or Ireland. I believe I may trust bid
general character both here and there—(cheers)---of
known for not a harsh landlord, and not vindictive or ii i
forgiving. (Cheers.) I believe that both in England and in
Ireland it is universally acknowledged, at least by all vita
know anything of the circumstances, that I have never ill-
terfered with the exercise of the politiaal franchise of a 1 74.
;
gle tenant of mine, though I make my opinions known
them. In proof of this I may mention one case. A total'
of mine in Ireland for the last 36 years, who has been
ar ee
ks of
nisant of all my principles, who has received many m
favour from me, and who—to use his own expression
would walk through fire and water to serve me, 110 voted;
against my opinions on every election, and yet we nevi
disagreed. (Hear, hear.) This tenant-farmer in Ireian
named Michael Ryan, most nobly and honourably came,
forward to bear testimony to these facts in a letter publish
in the newspapers. But I have seen charges made agaile
me as a general exterminator and oppressor of the peoP.o.
and a tyrant landlord, because I have used every Ineall2dßin,
ni
my power co bring to justice the authors of a vile a`;l
(Cheers.) Permitme to say on this subject that the euleo.
passed on me'on the one side and the calumnies with wine6,s
on the other I have been assailed are equally void of founof
dation, because they rest on an enre misapprehonsicn,
the facts. I have never thought it worthmy while to Tr;
tradict them, but, adverted to as they havebeen on. a PnLita.,.
occasion like the present, I must state the simple circrlo.
stances of the case. In a small outlying property to,
tick, worth £7OO a-year, I have about 11 or 12 ten
en_
three of whom hold by lease, the remainder as tenants fre_r..,
year to year. The man who was murdered on that prope34
was a Roman Catholic, the son of every old tenant, whcrto
whose ramily occupied the property long before I came
possession of it. He, was the first man I ever met whei;er
visited that property. He was in connection with a ilalnof
of very disorderly persons—he was, in fact, the leader,,,„
club. Gradually I reclaimed that man, and reformedJr;
into a respectable and useful tenant. His son suceeedlie
him, and hecame the tenant of another small farm.
_.4„e
was from earliest life an industrious, active, steady y°l7,ri
man. Ho managed to a great extent his father's InwThs
and also managed with geeat industry the small faro
which I placed him, when, on account of his father's '074;4
riage, there was a separation in the family. Th9foll;,,g
from no fault of his own, but in consequence of VA 115,;"
by the order of my agent ejected a sub-tenant -older 1;2
whom I had no means of ejecting without his conserker
who had rather deteriorated the little promty than °P:ice,
wise, was brutally murdered in noon-day in the preseirot
as I know, of a number of the populatlin. He "'tool
shot through the heart, his body was 'then brutally In=o,)
and his head was knocked in with 'stones. (Cries of Sn'irtbe
I have never been able to obta**,n the legal evidence ?_...aa
witnesses of this brutal murd'sir, but I had and have 'O., •
to believe that more than one of the small nuraber9,—ot-
eight or nine persons,
will were parties to Pao conspiracy. I gave notice Those
Vito held under me as tenanery
fore at Michaelma's--the latest time I could—to
ight
persons who hol?, on that tenure, in order that Idineree,
be enabled, 5.1. I should obtain satisfactory elline, of
if not sufficinnt to satisfy a jury, at least to sattsfY
_dor
the moral guilt of any person in concealing the rrini.,,ould
to eject such person on Lady-day, for otherwise I 6;4
not brave been able to remove him from the propertY_tinoe
the following Lady-day. The whole-of the served Ilf,Bo
have been on some eight or ten persons, being all th:oo' of
under the tenure I have mentioned, and the inter
serving the notices was to give me the power of earn
into execution the removal of persons with respect to oo;
I might find moral evidence justifying me ill such a it Si
(Hear, hear.) But it by no means follows, nor wea,o4,,
any time my intention to be the wholesale and india°7-oet
nating exterminator of those eight or ten tenants, anur 'tea
this declaration and service of notice on eiPtt° beast
tenants holding some eight or ten acres eacb,°llaLins-
represented in the public papers as a wholesale ea out on
tion, " the doom of Doon," and the turning being
the wide world hundreds of families, the fagmt. no,
that there is not one of these families unti:l or
tice that has not received at my hands, and in ono wo the
another, more than the full value of the fee-sirePleded
land they hold. (Cheers.) I have never condeseen
ort rae,
fore to reply to any of the anonymous attacks made boar),
and I shall never condescend to do so again. (11cardoneo!
I have stated the plain facts, and I say that in lige.; thin
it is the duty of a landlord, if he has reason to heee'.-00 of
persons on his proporty are conniving at the supPreelig-atsl
evidence or the concealment of facts with respect to a ilh
murder—not, indeed, to punish the innocent for the gog
—but to sag, to those per sons, " You and I—you Btailt the
under this grave suspicion, and I being responsible +OOll
interests and happiness of this district—you and n 6 t''
not hereafter stand in tho relation of landlord and ten---00
(Cheers.) I beg pardon for obtruding this subject clod,
notice, which I never thought would be brought for „obis
and I will now proceed to a more grateful task. Thary
earl then concluded by proposing " The Health of the 'Jo.
man," observing that he was one of the oldestonestfuei dr'
tbmernao
ean nudp universallyfa ietahrfuml
rensisupporters,pgehctt.ed . at times and under oar
curastances,- of the Conservative interests, and a go
The CHAIRMAN briefly returned thanks and the cone°
it Tho entertainment was enlivened by vocal and ted °
mental music, and Mr. Harker, of London, eu•c-
toastmaster with his accustomed ability.
FOREIGN MAIL PACKET _as

tehed
En the following table E signifies that letters are deslia;-,.
by evening mails from London, and M by morning lan'

by evening mails from London, and M by naorn t
.---
Ne'c
Mel
DESTINATIONS. Despatch Port of due.
of Mails. Despatc
______----
Australia and Mauritius, via NOV• i°
Southampton N0v.12, M Southanill• No. 4
Ditto, via Marseilles
Bahamas and Havana via New NoV• 4
York Oct. —, E Liverpool•• Noy. g
Canada, &c. (by Canadn. pckt ) Nov. 1, E Liverpool..
Cape ot Good Hope, Ascen- Dee* 2
sion, and St. Helena Nov 5, E Devonport
China, Penang, and Singa- SO. 21
pore, via Southampton
Ditto, via Marseilles
_.,erdoe
Gibraltar, via Southampton
Honduras and Blewfields ..„ N0v.17, M SouthanlP• ''
India (Calcutta) and Ceylon, Sov• 2
via Southampton '
India (Bombay), via Nov. 4, M Southamp. _,Auf
Ditto, via Marseilles
overdoc
South-
ampton Nov.l2, M SoutharoP.
•„zof.
Ditto, via Marseilles
Lisbon, Brazils,Buenos Ayres, ov•
and F. Islands
Lisbon, Vigo, and Oporto Nov. 7, M Southamp.
llalta, Egypt, and Aden, via oVerdUe
Southampton Nov.lo, E ............ ovc.-
Nov. 4, M Southarap. °Verde
Ditto, via Marseilles Nov. 3, E ......... NOV. -
Mexico and Havana Nov. 2, M Southamp. ....„
Newfoundland Nov. 4, E Galway •• • •
United States and British N
America (by British packet) Oct. —, E Liverpool. • No_f:.2
Ditto (by U. S. packet)
West Coast of Africa, Ma-
.. NO.
deira, and Teneriffe Nov. 23 E Liverpool
West India, California, Vene-
zuela, Chili, Peru, Grey- Sol% I
town, New Granada, &c.
•-., Me'

fie.
LADvEnnsumENT].—The possibility of abandonigino,
dicme altogether is shown by the numerous ail Ililepeir
cures without medicine of indigestion (dyspepsia), °a'
constipation, nervous. bilious, and liver complaints, c°,4it
asthma, consumption, and debility, effected by Dtt_f—lbe
delicious Health-restoring Revalenta Arabica Fouu'a 2/0•
following are not the least remarkable :—Cure No. 'II 30
Mr. James Roberts, timber merchant, of FrialloY, ent,
years' diseased lungs, spitting of blood, liver derangeTlol
partial deafness.—Cure No. 56,816. Mrs. Holze, a,geu .nd
years, of dyspepsia (indigestion), debility, irritabilitY,,7o.o
nervousness which had tormented her for 70 years.
No. 46,814. Mr. Samuel Lazton, Leicester, of two Iv""of
diarrhoea.—Cure No. 52,612. The Dowager Count
Castle Stuart of many years' nervous irritability, bile, lc;
indigestion.—Cure No. 54,812. Miss Virginia Zegto.
cured of consumption, after her medical adviser had a..,0
doned all hopes of recovery.—Cure No. 180. "
debu N
s
years' nervousness, constipation, indigestion, and
from which I have suffered great raiser'',
which no medicine could remove or relieve,
_a.„,"
been effectually cured by Du Barry's food in a ;Yr!,
short time.—W. B. Reeves, 181, Fleet-street, LoncrA.,
Piccadilly; fiord'
In tins, at ls. Gd. ; 1113., 3s. ; 21b., ss. 9d. ;
265. The 101 b. and 121 b. tins carriage free, on reeeiPt4"ls-,-A•
office order. Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street, Len gn.
Fortnum, Mason, and Co., 182,
Gracechurch-street ; 4, Cheapside ; 63, an 150, 011"_1,;,
street ; 330 and 451, Strand ; 49 and 60, Bishorgbi6,
street ; 85, Tottenham-court-road. Also at -I" CO.;
Bewley and Draper ; at Edinburgh, Raimes an' std
aa
at Scott;ponßandall
at Liverpool,y rkand Son.
Nixonx
ioina i
nandis ,Thew
Blanchard,
at
Manchester,and
c o.; Shan' th.
at Sou

BIRTHS. ~,rd oil,
GORDON.—On the 25th inst., at Bembridge, Mrs. `" ri--
of a daugter. 10 of
lIALE. —Onh the 26th inst., at Bridlington-quay, the
Bernard Hale, Esq., of Doncaster, of a son.
HOWARTII.—On the 27th inst.' at the Recto, St. GO nvf •
Hanover-square, tho wife ofAhe Rev. H. HoWarthf
daughter.
PARKER.—On the 25th inst ,at Blacklands, Co"—
alibi
Suffolk, the wife of Sir. William Parker, Bart.'
daughter.

MARRIAGES. -cr with
GAISFORD—ST. LAWRENCE.—On the 26th inst., at -0.0 (Iv
Thos. Gaisford, Esq., of Offington, Sussex, to the 1,3
Emily St. Lawrence. n•efor
ITAL DIDAY—LUDLOW.—On the 29th inst., at St. ueorvirk
Hanover-square, John Halliday, Esq Mulloek,
-.•-•
cudbrightshire, N. 8., to Marian, widow of the late P

W. A.-Ludlow, of th'e Bengal Ai-my.
DEATHS. , freet,
BALFOUR.—On the 28th inst., at 12, Maltlana4- -
Edinburgh, James Balfour, Esq. 0 C.
CRAEB.—On the 25th inst., at Bushey, Herts, JAW'
Crabb, aged 43. ;,
CURREY.—On the 13th ult., drowned, in fording the %ill*
Knysna, Cape of Good Hope, Charles Currey, Escl',ol,
second son of the late Robt. Currey, Esq., of Herne'
DulwiCh, aged 3G.
FOSTER —On the 27th inst., aT Seaforth, near Liver
Francis Foster, Esq., aged 70.
liErrir.—On the 27th inst., at Haverstock-hill, Thos.
11.
Keith, Esq., aged 66.
KENT. —On the 25th inst. at Blackheath, suddenly, MP
Benjamin Kent, formerly of Radley Hall, aged 76'
REECE.—On the 25th inst., at Oak Mount, Edgbastoll,
Reece, Esq., aged 87.

LONDON : Printed and Published by 1111JRDO Y°lil;l2,
of No. 112, Strand, Printer, at The San Office, 144)1:-01
Strand, in the Precinct of the Savoy, in the O°'
-
Middloaexi Monday, October 31, 1861).