The Sun.
London, England, 1861-10-15 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDWT, TUESDAY EVENING, OCTOBER 15, 186 L

EARL RUSSELL AT NETVCASTLE.

NEWCASTLE, OCT. 14.

The noble Earl Russell visited Newcastle-on-
Tyne to-day, and was the subject of the most enthu-
siastic reception. In the afternoon he was met by
a crowded meeting of the inhabitants in the Music-
hall, Nelson-street, and was there presented with an
address. Alderman Headlam, M.P., occupied the
chair, and Mr. Councillor w. Harle presented the
address, which congratulated Earl Russell on his
accession to the Peerage, thanked him for past ser-
vices in the cause of civil and religious liberty, and
prayed that he might be long spared to render in
the House of Peers further services to his country.
Earl RUSSELL on rising to respond was received
with rapturous applause. In the course of his re-
ply the noble earl said—" Those reforms in which
I have taken part were necessarily slow. The na-
ture of our institutions and the genius of our people,
while they sanction and promote the utmost free-
dom of discussion, are adverse to needless change,
and therefore it behoves every friend of progress to
wait with patience, and to argue with calmness till
public opinion is fully convinced, and the national
mind puts its seal on the measures introduced into
the Legislature. From this maturity of delibera-
tion, it fellows as a consequence that our steps in
the direction of popular privileges are seldom or
never retraced, and that path, which has been pain-
ful and arduous in the ascent, is easy and tranquil
on the summit. You must have seen this difficulty
in attainment, and this ease when the object is at-
tained, in the change from religious disability to
religious liberty, from protection to free trade, from
education neglected to education encouraged, from
the representation of decayed boroughs to the repre-
sentation of Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, Shef-
field, and other great seats of trade and, manufacture.
These facts are encouraging to the friends of pro-
gress, and show the excellence of our Constitution,
which, while it represses every disorder, admits
every improvement, and, like a well built ship,
combines speed with safety, and buoyancy with
stability.

His Lordship resumed his seat amid renewed ap-
plause.

The Earl of DURHAM moved a vote of thanks to
the chairman, and on the signal from the Right
Hon. T. E. Headlam, three cheers were given for
Earl Russell.

The banquet, which took place in the evening,
was served in the new Town-hall, the ladies of
Newcastle occupying the side galleries after dinner.
The Earl of Durham occupied the chair, supported
on his right by the Right Hon. Earl Russell, the
Right Hon. T. E. lleadlam, MX., Mr. W. B. Beau-
mont, MT., the Attorney-General (Sir W. Ather-
ton), Mr. H. Pease, M.P., Mr. W. D. Seymour, Re-
corder of Newcastle : the Rev. E. C. Ogle, the Rev.
R. W. Goodenough, Major-Gen. Beckwith, Hon. W.
Napier, and Sir H. Williamson. On the chairman's
left were the Right Hon. Lord Hastings, the Right
Hon. W. Hutt, M.P., Mr, R. D. Shafto, M.P., Mr.
Adams, M.P., Mr. H. C. Silvertop, Mr. H. B.
Barker, Mr. John Fawcett, Sir W. G. Armstrong,
Mr. E. Riddell, the Rev. Mr. Villiers, Gen. Hutt,
C. 8., &c.

After disposing of the usual loyal and patriotic
toasts, the noble Chairman gave the " Health of
Earl Russell." (Prolonged cheers.)
Earl RUSSELL then rose amid a storm of applause.
When silence was restored his Lordship said—
Gentlemen, it is with feelings of the deepest grati-
tude that I rise to acknowledge the toast which has
now been drunk. It has been my fate to have taken
part in many political measures during a tolerably
long political life, and I take this approbation of
yours, of a set of men so enlightened, as a testimony
that I have not dishonoured those my principles—
that I have done nothing to impair the honour or
injure the interests of my country. (Cheers.) Gen-
tlemen, if I have been successful in any of the mea-
sures I have proposed it has been that I have pro-
posed in more fortunate times measures which had the
approbation of men who have gone before me, that I
have endeavoured to follow in the footsteps of Lord
Grey, Lord Holland, Sir Samuel Romilly, and Lord
Durham. (Loud cheers.) My noble friend near
me has justly and correctly alluded to that which
happened in 1830. Lord Grey at that time, being
of the councils of his Sovereign, resolved to intro-
duce a measure founded on those principles of re-
form of which he had through life been the advo-
cate. And let me say that there can be no more
gratifying, no more noble spectacle in the history
of the public life of statesmen than to see Lord
Grey, who in adverse times had been content to
give his opinion and had then allowed rivals of
far less talent, of far less well-founded principles
than himself to carry on the government of the
country, and enjoy power without any envy on his
part—it was a great spectacle to see the behaviour
of this man when the opinions of the people came
round to him, and when he resumed without pas-
sion and without resentment those plans for the
benefit of his country of which he had always been
the distinguished advocate. (Applause.) Lord
Grey, as my noble friend has said, called to his
assistance his noble coadjutor, Lord Durham. (Loud
cheers.) It was my happiness to have been asso-
ciated in that work with Lord Durham. We
laboured together to the same end in perfect har-
mony and agreement as to the measures that we
thought necessary for the reform of the represen-
tation, (Loud cheers.) With us was joined a
statesman whose absence I deeply deplore to-day,
who would have been here to-day if his health had
allowed him, and whose talents have been of the
greatest service to this country—l mean Sir J.
Graham. (Cheers.) With these, too, was Lord
Dungannon, who was especially acquainted with
many parts of our representative system. We
planned the scheme of Reform—(cheers)—and
that Reform, as you all know, was not only car-
ried, but has now been nearly 30 years in operation ;
that it has operated beneficially I cannot doubt—
(cheers)—that it has led the way to many
other great measures which never could have been
carried in an unreformed Parliament. (Cheers.)
And, gentlemen, let me say, when I embarked in
public life I embarked with the view of carrying
great measures into effect, and having great public
objects before me. It appeals to me that public
life is only honourable when it is directed to such
measures—(applause)—and that the pedlar who
sells his pins and pincushions for 6d., has a better,
because an honester, trade than the man who de-
votes his talents to public life merely for the sake
of seeking his own emolument. Gentlemen, many
of those measures which I have noticed have been
successful. We need not now refer to them, but

there is one point which, perhaps, I may refer to
because it respects a principle which I think runs
through many of our measures of later times, and

shows an improvement in the general principles of
government. What I mean is this, that a great part
of our task, for instance, all our measures in favour
of religious liberty, relieving first the Protestant
Dissenters, then the Ile an Oatholics, and lastly
and reently, the Jews, and all or measures with.
regard to Free Trade, have been measures not in-
troducing new plans, not founded upon bkilfully
devised schemes, but have been merely unloosing
the fetters which statutes and laws had placed on
the due liberty of the subject. (Applause.) It is
the business of Government to maintain internal

peace, to settle the civil relations which should
prevail among the community, to defend the inde.,
pendence of the country abroad, but Governments
have sought more tout this ; they have sought to
lay down rules of faith to which they have asked
men, under pain and penalty of punishment, to ad-
here, quite ignorant that they (the Government)
were utterly unable to frame rules of faith which
should fetter the conscience. (Applause.) To take
the other instance to which I am alluding—viz.,
that of free trade, what struggles we have had now
going on for nearly 40 years in order to enable men
to 4o that which i§ perfectly innocent in itself, to

extend:the products of their industry against the
products of the industry of others which were ob-

jects of use, of comfort, or of enjoyment! (Applause.)

'remember in the beginning of these contests, when

certainly the principles of free trade were not un-
derstood as they now are, a petition being presented
to the House of Commons, suggesting that your
petitioners made gloves, but they were gloves which
were very inferior to the gloves of France, and
they were very much dearer than the gloves of
France, and therefore they preyed,—what do you
suppose 9—not that people might he allowed to
wear the gloves of France which were cheaper and
better, but that the gloves of France might be utterly
excluded in order that they might furnish bad and
dear gloves. (Laughter.) Why, gentlemen, this
is the whole history of protection and free trade.
(Cheers.) Governments and legislatures have pre-

sutned that they should be profitable, by laying
down rules for the country at large, not seeing that
if you leave men to their freedom they would find out

themselves what were the occupations which would
be most profitable, what were the goods which they
thought they could manufacture, what was the article
of commerce which they could produce to the best
advantage. It is, therefore, not only that we have

pressed some very excellent measures, but that we

have enlarged and enlightened the whole machinery
of Government, when we say that there are certain
things in which Government ought not to interfere
—upon which the man himself, the subject, is the
best judge—and to him must be left the choice of
his occupation. (Cheers.) A.bOve all, lam happy
to say we have it not in this country, but in many

countries people consider that it is a part of the
duty of Government to fetter and to bind the talents
and abilities of men ; and that upon no subject of
politics, upon no subject of morals, upon no subject
of literature even, should men use the talents with
which God has endowed them, without the control

and permission of the officers of the Government.
then, have been the
(Cheers.) Such, gentlemen,

general principles upon which these measures to
which I allude have been pr.ssed. They have been
u apply in
t,
uarned as I have said, I trust they
willo n d
f ,
times
to
many
other cases of a
similar kind. (Cheers.)
Now, gentlemen, let me
s
allude to two questions in which, indeed, we are
now immediately concerned, and upon which the
whole of this country is naturally interested, because
they allude to cases in foreign countries which most
deeply affect the whole world. I will allude in a
few words to what has been my course since I have
been intrusted with the seals of the Foreign Depart-
ment ; that course has been to respect the indepen-
dence of foreign nations, and to endeavour to induce
others to do the same. There is one of those coun-
tries with which we have had much to do, and of
which we have heard much of late years—l mean
Italy. We have seen—we have all seen with plea-
sure—l see that a very distinguished man, Mr.
Henley, says there is no one in the country who
has not seen with pleasure—the Italians casting off
their old chains, and exercising the powers of go-
vernment for themselves, and putting themselves in
the way of gaining that distinction which of old
times belonged to it only. (Applause.) We all rejoice
to see them assert that independence. We shall
all rejoice if they establish a free government, and
thus effect the happiness, the self-respect, and ele-
vation of one of the finest countries and one of the
most talented nations of the globe. (Applause.) But,
gentlemen, of late a difficulty has arisen to which
great attention has been given. The Italians say,
and they say with great apparent justice, that the
independence of Italy cannot be fully consummated
unless Rome, the capital, is in their hands. (Loud
cheers.) I may say that I am sure they will be wil-
ling to found in that city an Italian Government,
and that in a part of Italy associated with ancient
glory and with ancient institutions.; but then, as
Italy has not Rome, they cannot make it a king-
dom. Well, on the other hand, the Roman Catho-
lics of Europe say that they require that the inde-
pendence of the Pope should be respected, and many
say that it cannot be respected without a territorial
Government. That is a discussion which has been
going on for some time, and I observed in what I
was reading this morning, an essay by one of the
most learned ecclesiastics of Italy, that the opinion
is now gaining ground that whether the temporal
power ought to become the right of the King of
Italy, the spiritual power will be more felt, will be
more respected, and will b, exercised more fairly if
the spiritual was separated from the temporal. In
the conclusion of the discourse to which I have al-

luded he says that is what is wished by those in
Italy, and that is what is wished in most civilised
nations in the world, (Applause.) This, as I have
said, is not a question upon which we can take the
initiative, but this I will say, that I think that what
that learned ecclesiastic has proposed, and which is
in consonance with the opinions given by that
statesman now so much regretted, Count Cavour,
will furnish a solution to the Italian difficulty, and
that it will be a great means of securing the after
independence and happiness of Italy. Gentlemen,
let us look for a moment at another part of the,
world ; at another country, which, for my part
I have also observed with the greatest interest
—the United States of America. It appears to
me that it would be a great misfortune to the
world if that experiment in free government
which, though not carried on in exactly the same
principles as those of our own, was conducted on
principles which had been devised with great wis-
dom—it would be, I say, a very great misfortune if
anything were to happen to that State. (Cheers.)
I am sorry to say that those events have happened,
and we now see two parties contending together,
not upon the question of slavery—though that, I
believe, is the original cause of the conflict—not
contending with respect to Free Trado and Protec-
tion, but contending as so many States of the Old
World have contended, the one side for empire and
the other for power. Par be it from us to set our-
selves up as judges in this matter, but I cannot help
asking myself, as affairs progress in the contest, to
what good end can it lead ? Supposing this con-
test ended, by the reunion of its different parts, and
that the South should agree to enter again with all
the rights of the constitution, should we not again
have that fatal subject of slavery brought in along
with them ? (Hurrah.) That subject of slavery
which caused, no doubt, the disruption, we all
agree, must sooner or later cease from the face of
the earth. (Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, as you
will see, if this quarrel could be made up, should we

not have those who differed from Mr. Lincoln at
the last election carried' back into the Union, and
thus, sooner:or later, the quarrel would recommence,
and perhaps a long civil war follow ? On the other
hand, supposing the United States completely to
conquer and subdue the Southern States, supposing
that should be the result of a long military conflict,
supposing that should be the result of some years of
civil war, should we not have the material prospe-
rity of that country in a great degree destroyed,
should we see that respect for liberty which has so
long distinguished our North American brethren,
should we not see those Southern men yielding
to force, and W0111(1
4 il t the North be necessitated to
conquered,
and in subjection those who had been
and would not that very materially interfere with
t)
the freedom of nations ? And, If that should be the
unhappy result to which INT. at
present look for-
ward, if by means such as these the* ,
reunion of
the States should be brought about, is it not .the
duty of those men who have embraced the precepts
of Christianity to see whether this conflict cannot
be avoided a Gentlemen, I have made these ob-
servations to you upon matters, as I have said,
deeply affecting us all, but not upon matters in
which the Government of this country has any
immediate power, or, indeed, any immediate inte-
rest. Had they been cases of that kind it would
not have been consistent with my duty as Foreign
Secretary to speak to you in detail upon such sub-
jects; but with regard to these duties, I can only
point out to you--if it is at all necessary to pint

out—that the world is disturbed by assertions of
nationality, by assertions of authority on the other
side, by conflicts and disturbances occurring almost
daily in some part of Europe as well as in Ame-
rica--(cheers)—in these cases it is the duty of the
Foreign Minister of thie country, it is the duty of
the head of the Government of this country, to
watch closely as to what happens ; to respect the
independence of all foreign nations, but not to
let go any part of that prudence and vigilance
which becomes Ministers of England at this time;
not to impair any part of the influence of this coun-
try, because that influence may be used in the cause
of freedom and of humanity—(hear, hear, and
cheers)—not to lower in any respect the power of
this country, because that power may be absolutely
necessary to preserve the freedom of Europe, to
vindicate the independence of nations, and to guard
her own dignity and freedom. (Cheers.) Much
has been said on the Continent of Europe in dispa-
ragement of my noble friend who is now at the
head of the Government ; but on examining those
strictures I have never been able to make out more
than this, that he was reckoned to be too suscepti-
ble with regard to the interests of his country.
(Cheers.) I shall be at little pains to vindicate
him from such an attack. (Hear, hear.) On the
contrary, I own that my noble friend has con-
stantly devoted his attention to keep clear and un-
sullied the honour of England—(applause)—to keep
uninjured, unimpaired, the interests of England
—(cheers)—and it is my privilege to help him
in that great task. (Cheers.). I do feel that
to be thus intrusted with such a task by the
people of so great and so free a country as this is
something that makes public life worth having
(cheers), that relieves its labour (cheers), that
lightens its anxieties (cheers), and I may add, that
while that task is thus rendered honourable, while
it is one which a man may be proud to undertake, ,
it is no small addition that if he has acted, upon
the whole, for the benefit of 'his country, whatever
errors and mistakes he may have made at times, he
will meet from such an assembly as the present a
kind and indulgent acceptance of his efforts; and
that, at all events, they will give him credit for the
firm intention to do for " Old England" all that he
could.

vV
His Lordship then resumed his seat amidst loud
and prolonged applause.
A great many other toasts were given, and the
meeting broke up about 10 p.m.

THE WARRIO.R OFF THE WIGHT.

In accordance with previously announced ar-

rangements, the Warrior, 40, screw, Captain the
Hon. A. A. Cochrane, C. 8., weighed her anchor at

Spithead yesterday morning, and made a trip out-
side the Wight, preliminary to her trial of speed at

he measured mile on Thursday next. The corn-

pang on board, official and otherwise, included
Rear-Admiral Robinson, Controller of the Navy;
Rear-Admiral Charles Eden, C. 8., Vice-Admiral
Sir Michael Seymour, K.C,8., Rear-Admiral the
Hon. George Grey, Rear-Admiral J. E. Erskine,
Captain Moore, R.N., Private Secretary to
the First Lord, Captain 11. Broadhead, command-

ing the Steam Reserve, Captain R. S. Hewlett,
C. 8., R. Harris, R. Coote, &c., Messrs. Murray and

Miller, heads of the engineering department of the

dockyard, &c. Messrs. Mathews and Halliday

represented the builders of the ship's machinery,

Messrs. Penn and Sons.

The strong gales and heavy seas of the three pre-
ceding days had subsided yesterday into light

breezes from S.S.W., with smooth water, the latter
attended clear of the land with a slight swell from
the westward, the results of the previous rough

weather. The weather was too fine, in facr, for the
occasion, for, although it was pre-eminently calcu-
lated to develope the ship's favourable qualities, it

was not so likely to develope any unfavourable
points she might possess when steaming at sea. At
10.30 a.m. the frigate had her anchor out of the

ground, and in obedience to the Eignal on the face

of the engine-room telegraph the engines were
turned ahead at "slow," the ship's head being out

:o the southward, and so, with the engines at 22

revolutions, she proceeded on her way for the Bon-

bridge lightship, the operation of catting and
securing the anchor being in the meanwhile carried
out. On passing the light vessel with the engines
still going slow at 30 revolutions, the common log
gave the ship a speed of six knots. The swell in
the Channel began to be felt as the Warrior stood
over with her head S.S.W. on clearing the Isle of
Wight, and the ship exhibited a decided inclination
to be lively at times as the swell caught her star-
board side. It was, however, as yet more with an
inclination to lift to the swell than to roll in it. The
revolutions of the engines were gradually increased
until at noon they reached 491, the temperature in
the engine-room being now 88. In the stokeholes
the maximum was 136, minimum 95. Pressure of
steam on boilers 20; vacuum 52. Standing now
well into the Channel, the force of the swell was
more fully felt, and she rolled as any other vessel
would, but not exceeding five degrees as yet to
starboard and three to port. The engines were
doing their work beautifully, and with but little
noise. Vibration was felt to a certain de-
gree at the extreme ends of the vessel, but it
was of a totally distinct character from what is ex-
perienced in a wooden steamship-of-war. The spars
and gear aloft had no perceptible vibration what-
ever, and afforded a remarkable contrast to the
Mersey's rigging on her trial trips, where it was
apparent to an extraordinary degree. The huge
frigate was now fairly clear of land,. with the Isle
of Wight fast lessening to the view astern, and,
alone as she was upon the water, she appeared to
diminish to the eye from her known colossal size,
and to assume more of the appearance of an ordinary
frigate. At 40 minutes past 12 the engines were
making 52 revolutions, which was the maximum of
their rate during the trip, and continued working,
as indeed they did throughout with great smooth-
ness and regularity, never requiring to be stopped
for a moment for any purpose, except when experi-
ments were made to test the ship's qualities in cer-
tain positions, as in making a circle, or their own
efficiency in noting the time it took to stop them,
start them to full speed from a state of repose, turn
ahead again to full speed, &e. At 1 p.m. the patent
log, which had been overboard 41 minutes, was
hauled on board, and gave the ship a speed of 121
knots. At half-past one the greatest offing was
reached, and her helm was placed hard a-port to
test the time in which she could make a complete
circle at full speed, which she accomplished in 11
minutes 4 seconds. The helm being next shifted
over to starboard she performed the same feat in
9 minutes and 7 seconds. In a third trial with the
helm to starboard she completed the circle in 8
minutes and 30 seconds. The Mersey on her trial
made the circle in as near as can be quoted from
memory—maximum time 13 minutes, minimum
time 9 minutes. The Warrior, therefore, from her
greater length and displacement, contrasts in a very
favourable manner with our largest wooden frigate.
From a dead stop, with an interval of time, the en-
gines were started ahead to full speed in 11 seconds,
and from full speed were stopped dead in 31 seconds.
When going full speed ahead they were stopped and
put on at full speed astern in 49 seconds. All this
was accomplished with wonderful ease—wonderful it
may fairly be said when the ponderous nature of
^chinery is considered. In making the circles
the m...., swell was, of course, very different
the effect of ti::
„ -ding to the position she was
upon the vessel, “ecu,.
somas
s under her quarter
in ; thus, when taking the
her movements became sufficiently- lively to promise
a fair roll on some future occasion. But it was
when the engines were stopped as she st();.'a back
towards the land, and the following sea caught her, j
on her port quarter, that she displayed her greatest 1
extent of rolling power, going over to starboard
deg,
by the pendulum on the yfheel §tandard, 13 .?