The Sun.
London, England, 1861-09-17 00:00:00

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

THIS DAY.—Morning, 12h. 46m.—Afternoon, lh. Bm.
To-monnow.-Morning, lh. 28m.—Afternoon. lh. 47m.

THE WEATHER....-SIIN OFFICE, SEPTEMBER 17, 1861,

THEEMOXETER, IN THE MUM
0 —highest since noon yesterday.'
45 —lowest this morning and during the night.
57—this day at noon.
Binommtnß-30.20 ; rising rapidly.
Warm—Northerly to N.-E. moderate; with dull,
cloudy weather. The Western and Irish coast were visited
last week by Equinoctial gales, as we anticipated.

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THE SUN.

LONDON, TUESDAY, SEPT. 17, 1861.

Mr. NEWDEGATE has thrown new light on the
position and prospects of America. We did not
know before, if the hon. member be right, the real
cause of the little expected strength of the South
in its resistance of the North. Mr. NEWDEGATE
can enlighten us. The South is strong because it
has respected the law of Primogeniture, the North
weak because it regards brothers and sisters as
having equal claims on paternal Providence. The
Sparkenhoe Farmers' Club meets at Market Bos-
worth, the place reminds the speaker of the decisive
battle once fought there. And the able man
who was vanquished and slain there--" one
endowed with all the qualities that should
make eminent the statesman, the soldier, and the
monarch"—deserved his fall because he was the
invader of all the sacred ties which the French
have comprehended under the name of family, and
we under that of home. Hence he proceeded to
glorify England at the expense of France and of
the Free States of America—" It was this love of
domestic life that had rendered England pre- emi-
nent among the nations of the world. For the
invasion of the sacred rights of the family in the
first revolution, France has paid the penalty of 70
years of proved incapacity for freedom. Why
have not the Northern States of America pre-
vailed over the South, possessing as the Northern
States do a majority of population, a vast prepon-
derance of means, and the command of the ocean
and the shores of America ? It is (and he spoke
from personal observation) because, however, pol-
luted by slavery, however degraded by the means
necessary to supply the slave-markets, still the
patriarchal principle of the family is stronger in
the South than in the North of the United States;
for, in the North, by the abolition of the law of
primogeniture, by casting their children too early
on the world, Americans have weakened family
ties, the connection of the family, and have thus
introduced elements of disorganisation, which have
hitherto rendered a necessary discipline of their
forces and success both impossible. Of such vital
national importance are the sacred principles which
England vindicated for herself at the Battle of
Bosworth, and which you recognise by the patri-
archal character of the meetings of this well-deserv-

log society."
The Southern chivalry will, we are sure,
transmit their politest bow, by telegraph if they
can, to the member for Warwickshire, and assure
him that no Englishman has adverted to American
affairs, especially to the South, with half the in.
teiligence which he has shown before the Sparken-
hoe Farmers. It is true that there are shades even
on the honours awarded by Mr....NEWDEGATE to the
Southern arisocracy and
primogeniture; and the
darkest shade of all, is its affinity•
with slavery. If
the hcnourable member had inquired why the
Southern States retained slavery while the Northern
had got rid of it, so far as this question is con-
corned, no one will deny the testimony f A •
Duncan
history. And that history teaches that it was
not merely that plantations were more numerous
in the South than in the North ; but that the
South was predominantly aristocratic—Royalist,
indeed, as long and as much as it could be—while
the North was Republican. These patriarchal
primogeniti found it quite natural to insist on the
unequal birth of men. If they, for purposes of
Federal defence, united under a constitution pros
claiming that all men were born free and equal, it
was with an implied reserve as to the colour of
their skin. From the position that the good luck
of being the first-born made a man the lord of his
brethren and sisters, it was natural to believe also
that '
ail men born white were lords of all born
black. We have never had the least doubt that to
the genuine aristocratical planter of the dominant
portion of the
ilc'utb—dominant not only over the
slaves but over the m
ean whites also—was due the
retention of slavery, and
e heartless logic which
culminates in the infernal dictum of the judge who,
, decided that %black
131 the highest court of America

man had no rights which a white man was bound to
respect. Mr. NEWDEGATE must, therefore, not
speak of slavery as a polluting accident :
primogeniture, the wicked degradation of the
negro race, and the connected degradation of the
non-slaveholding whites, are related as cause and
effect. Aristocracy and slavery, in America, are
parent and child.
It is a long stride to take from Warwickshire to
Missouri; also, we may be allowed to say, from Mr.
NEWDEGATE to General FREMONT ; yet thither
doth Mr. NEWDEGATE'S remarks and the news of the
day lead us; and with great relief. The proclama-
tion of General FREMONT, which we now have in
full, is worthy of the man. It suggests to us what
America lost when the sleek Pennsylvanians in-
stalled their oily-tongued, hard-hearted BUCHANAN,
as President, instead of the sound-hearted General.
Had he been elected then, before the conspirators
had had four years to conspire for Secession, in the
event of a Free-soiler being placed in the Pre-
sidential Chair, we should have had no
rebellion. The General would have been a second
JACKSON, and have told DAVIS at once that if
he moved against the Union he would hang him.
Had he now been in LINCOLN'S place he would not
for ever have harped upon legal and constitutional
technicalities. If the constitution itself were
threatened he would have dealt with facts, not with
fictic•ns. An American describes LINCOLN'S position
thus :—" It is a lamentable fact that the constitu-
tion of the United States does not unquestionably
recognise the right of American citizens to hold
slaves. Loyal and liberal-minded Americans feel
this ; but, looking upon the PRESIDENT as the
chief servant of the people, not their master, they
know that it is his duty to administer existing laws,
not to make new ones. Mr. LINCOLN cannot,
therefore, be expected to proclaim universal eman-
cipation; but he has done the next thing to it, viz.,
set his face against the further extension of slavery ;
and be is prepared to oppose it by all constitutional
means. Hence the hatred of those politicians who
seek to perpetuate slavery, to the name and Govern-
ment of Mr. LINCOLN.'
Now General FREMONT could not, more than
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, have acted otherwise while
there was no rebellion. What we believe of FRE-
MONT is, that when the South had organised and
armed itself, without the shadow of a constitutional
reason, against the Republic, he would not have
given them the benefit of the constitution while they
were in arms against it His language would have
been, " Gentlemen, while you are loyal to the consti-
tution I must acknowledge that I am bound by one
of its clauses, bad as I hold it to be, to respect your
claim to your slaves—but if you kick the constitution
overboard, we also kick slavery overboard, and
hence, therefore, we proclaim all your slaves to be
free.

In fact General FREMONT, far away in Missouri,
is doing pretty much as Sir JOHN LAWRENCE did
in the Punjaub, He is acting as pro-consul, and
doing what the situation requires. What cares
he, as CARLYLE would say, for " formulas," He
sees that slaveholders have thrown all things ihto
anarchy in Missouri, therefore, says he, no more
slaveholding. Forth comes a scheme of martial
law, drawn with admirable clearness ; each man
under it can clearly see the way to the bullet and
the halter, if he likes to risk it. "All persons," he
says," who shalt be taken with arms in their hands
within these lines shall be tried by court-martial, and
if found guilty will be shot. The property, real and
personal, of all persons in the State of Missouri who
shall take up arms against the United States, or
who shall be directly proven to have taken active
part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be
confiseated to the public use, and their slaves, if any
they have, are hereby declared free men."
This last clause has astounded all at Washington ;

(the timid quake for Kentucky and Tennessee; the
President would like to disown it, bat he dare not
quarrel with FREMONT, while all the bolder and
better spirits, the men of realities, the men
who want a cause worth fighting for, applaud
and rejoice. Instead of speculating ourselves, we
subjoin the remarks of an American New York
correspondent, expressing, as he does, with, we may
presume, better means of judging what we should
expect to be about the truth :—" To return," he
writes, "to FREMONT in Missouri, nearly all the
strength of the rebels is among the slaveholders,
with their relatives and dependants. Where slavery
is strong, there is the rebellion strong. Where
it is weak, the Union men are strong, and this is
the case all over Missouri. Mark how quick this
blow at slavery by FREMONT will subdue rebellion
in the State of Missouri, where at the last accounts
all is anarchy, and confusion, and danger of the
rebellion driving every Union man out of the State.
In Missouri the rebels will not listen to reason.
They will continue war to the knife, until slavery is
destroyed. Then they will be as submissive as they
are harmless. So it will be all through the slave
States. When the rebellion broke out there really
was no idea of interfering with slavery. We com-
menced war to restore the Union, the Constitution,

and our nationality. All this is changed. All

now wish to see the cause of the rebellion

exterminated. This sentiment will become

so powerful that in six months all who oppose

t will be crushed out. The South has made it

absolutely necessary to abolish slavery, in order to
save Union. This fact, now apparent, will make

millions of Abolitionists. An after question will
arise—what shall be done with the slaves ? One

half would find instant employment in the great
Free States. FREMONT has declared that the

slaves of rebels shall become fr°e. This covers
the whole ground. lam inclined to think that

every slaveholder is a rebel. FREMONT has given
the people a healthy electric shock. It will have

one good effect—it will bring the subject of
African slavery fairly before the people of the states

of Kentucky, Missouri, and Tenness.ee. The Union
men in those states will now conquer or be con-

quered by slaveowners. True, it will be but a

short contest. It will carry through with it the
most tremendous results. Slavery is doomed in
those states, and it is to be hoped that the state

legislatures will hurry it on to its destruction."

We suppose we must credit the story of Presi-
dent LINCOLN'S application to GARIBALDI to take
the lead of the American troops in some capacity,
though ;we confess the extreme absurdity of the
idea leaves us still half sceptical. It could not be,
however, for any unimportant mission that an
official servant of the Washington Government
hurried from Brussels and from thence to Caprera,
and we are therefore bound to suppose that there
must be something in it.
How President LINCOLN, however, could so
humble his country before all the world we can
hardly think. The command in chief he could
hardly dare to offer him; perhaps M'CLELLAN
would have felt it no dishonour to serve under the
older, and world renowned here, but we are by no
mcanssure that with his regular training M'CLELLAN
may not be even better qualified to superintend a
campaign than GARIBALDI. Possibly the President
might offer him his choice ofwork, well knowing
that the great Guerilla Captain wouldinstihniemtisvef.elly
and intelligently select the right post for
with not many And we must acknowledge that,

exceptions, the American officers who have had
separate commands have not shown themselves
very competent for their work. But, with
all the admiration which soldiers all over the
world feel for GARIBALDI, we cannot believe that
Americans would have given up their pride and
jealousy in favour of GARIBALDI himself, whtn
they found themselves required to obey and follow
him without question. Nor is it easy to sup-
pose that he could inspire them with the enthu-
siasm which Italians felt when fighting with the
most trusted of their fellow-countrymen for the
freedom of their native land.

Then the question of slavery. LINCOLN himself
hangs back as yet on that subject. Can it be ima-
gined for a moment that the first condition of GARI-
BALDI would not be, if he could accept the service,
that a proclamation of emancipation should precede
him. On that condition, did more sacred claims
not interfere, we have little doubt that GARIBALDI
would serve in the war in almost any capacity.
But his soul could tolerate no half measures on that
point. If he went to America, it would assuredly
be under the most stringent engagements thet he
should not sheath the sword till every coloured
man was as free as every white man.
But, even with that noble enterprise conceded
him, GARIBALDI could not leave Italy. He is its
soul. All the noble spirits in Italy are one
with him, and the fire of his patriotism
is felt throughout the entire movement, yet incom-
plete. While Rome and Venetia, we might add,
while Hungary too, are not free, Europe cannot
spare GARIBALDI. He is wanted as the inspiration
of the whole, and no mortal can say how soon he
may be needed again as the Leader of all. Ame-
rica may shift without him, Italy cannot. For
him to depart would be to leave her to scheming
politicians. She would become the subject of bar-
gains and of contracts, which they dare not ven-
ture on while her beloved and invincible hero
is at hand. We have no doubt that RICA-
SOLI is fully aware of the value of GARI-
BALDI. That Minister heartily desires the
noblest things for Italy, but well he knows that
the noble impulses which GARIBALDI alone can
sustain in their full energy in Italy, are ess matial to
his object. He may direct the flame of Italian
patriotism, but GARIBALDI alone can feed and fan
it. GARIBALDI cannot leave Europe. His loss
would be felt from Rome, through Venetia to
Vienna and Pesth, and even to Warsaw.

We see with satisfaction that the authorities of
the Admiralty and the Board of Trade have at
ength profited by the example of that excellent
association, the National Life Boat Institution, in
protecting the lives of those employed in their ser-
vice. The great risks run by the crews of the
coast guard stations on the exposed parts of our
shores have long attracted attention, and the immi-
nent peril .to which these brave men often expose
themselves in attempting to succour shipwrecked
persons, render their claims still more deserving of
notice. It is proposed to provide the men with cork
life belts on the same plan as those supplied by
the Life Boat Institution to its crews. At
certain stations, most exposed to danger, these
belts will be provided for use in the Coastguard
boats, while at others, where the need is less,
two belts will be allowed, with small buoyant
lines attached, for the purpose of rushing into
the surf to the rescue of drowning persons.
Doubtless, if these had. been provided earlier,
many lives might have been saved, for it often
happens that men swimming for their lives from
wrecks perish close to shore, their exhausted
energies being unable to struggle through
the breakers. We may therefore share
the hope, confidently expressed, that the
men employed at these stations will be able to
render still more effectual help to the distressed
mariners when provided with this means of safety
to themselves ; for, althongh we cannot quest ion
the ccurage of British sailors or their readiness to
lend a hand in succouring those in distress, it is
not every one that will expose his own life
to imminent peril for the uncertain chance
of assisting a total stranger. To reckon
upon this is to expect a crew of heroes in-
stead of ordinary seamen, and, indeed, many
a man who would willingly risk his own life might
justly hesitate before he ventured the sole support
of a whole family. These belts, which have been
found of such signal service by their original em-
ployers, will therefore be of the greatest utility in such
positions, and we trust the authorities will not be
too sparing in supplying them. The economy so much
recommended to governmental officials generally
shows itself in matters of absolute neceasity where
a liberal expenditure would be not only justifiable
but highly advisable. No one, we should imagine,
could cast their eye over the reports of the annual
shipwrecks on the coasts of Great Britain and
Ireland, without being startled by the list of brave
men and good ships paid as our annual sacrifice to
the sea we profess to rule. If another report could
be prepared stating how many men might have
been saved by the use of life belts, and how many
vessels might have escaped destruction by the
existence of more frequent harbours of refuge and

Ilife-boat stations, we apprehend that our
lauthorities would be somewhat startled and the
public somewhat indignant. The means to bring.
about some degree of improvement is, however, in
their own hands. Let them assist the efforts of
the admirable Institution we have alluded to, and
assist its exchequer now, we regret to say, greatly
in want of funds. Voluntary efforts, and societies
whose origin or organisation owes nothing to
Government, often work while Boards and Com-
mittees are dreaming. Ragged schools have given
the rudiments of mental and moral training to a
good many thousands of neglected children, before
the contending parties of theorists had settled
upon what foundations to raise their grand structure
of national education. Doubtless, on such weighty
matters grave deliberation is necessary ; but chil-
dren were growing up ignorant heathens mean-
while, and so when men's lives are at stake every

stormy day we grow somewhat impatient of official
routine and delay. Let us all, then, do what we

can, and u.e the means in our power, instead of
waiting for impossible improvements in matters out

of our reach. The National Lifeboat Institution is

one of the most deserving of our charitable asso-
ciations, and we hope that its influence with the
Government may increase as rapidly as its favour