The Sun.
London, England, 1859-02-05 00:00:00

" IL

" There are two elements quite distinct in the question of
Italy. The revolutionary element, which corresponds to
subversive theories and violent passions, alike incompatible
with order in Europe, the laws of civilization, the religious
interest and political independence of the Papacy. The
national element, which has its origin in the history and
traditions of Italy, and which answers to all that is most
imperative and most legitimate in the aspirations of the
populations of the Peninsula, and in the very condition of
the duration and consolidation of Governments.

" Revolution would this day be but a powerless and de-
structive party in Italy. Isolated in Europe, where the
spirit of order happily predominates everywhere. Isolated
even in Italy, where it would rouse against it conservative
and religious interests, it would find support nowhere. It
would be reduced to its own resources. Condemned by
opinion, vanquished by force, its attempt would be merely
an adventure ; it would retreat, it would succumb, it would
once more saturate with blood the soil of Italy, and would
only render the condition of that noble country still more
melancholy.
" The national element represents all that is most vital in
Italy.. It answers to the common hopes of the population
and the Governments of the Peninsula ; far from menacing
thrones, it exalts them. It opens to the Papacy an impor-
tant and glorious part which seduced for a moment the
noble heart of Pius IL, and in 1847 it even combined ii
one common feeling of patriotism the King of Sardinia and
the King of Naples. Moreover, the national element finds
in Europe certain sympathies, for it attaches itself to the
principles of justice, which are henceforth the objects of the
policy of all the Governments. It finds in them the moral
support of the Anglo-French alliance formed between two
great States, precisely with the object of preventing Euro-
pean complications, of settling the differences between na-
tions, and of supporting everywhere the cause of the law of
nations and of civilisation.

" England, in fact, cannot abandon Italy, for it is she,
her Government, her statesmen, her tribune, her journals,
that have constantly encouraged and supported her even
before 1848. We remember the change effected in the policy
of the last regime in consequence of the Spanish marriages.
The Government of King Louis Philippe had Committed
the fault of sacrificing the Anglo-French Alliance to a
family interest. Its isolation in Europe was the consequence
of it, and as M. Thiers declared in a memorable debate, 'lt
was found at the instant even dependent on Austria, and
obliged to follow her inspirations in Italy and Switzerland.'
At that moment what did England? She took the part which
belonged to France; she took it even in exaggerating it.
"Lord Minto fulfilled the mission with which he had
been charged by Lord Palmerston with an ardour which
went beyond the mark, by exciting impatience and illusion
when it was above all necessary to inspire moderation and
support firmness. The promise of that protectorate of the
Cabinet of London, conveyed to the Peninsula at the very
moment the Cabinet of the Tuileries seemed to abdicate
that which history and geography gave her, must neces-
sarily have overthrown our influence on the other side of
the Alps ; but it should also have maintained the national
impulsion which manifested itself after the accession of
Pius IX., and which was so soon imperilled by the revolu-
tionary spirit. Italy believed no longer in France, and it
was to England that she gave all her confidence.

" It must be admitted that that confidence was not de-
ceived. England, as a maritime Power, could not take part
in a continental struggle between Piedmont and Austria;
but when the revolution of the 24th Feb. caused to prevail
in France a policy which ought to be supposed favourable
to Italian independence. England did not hesitate tide
Clare herself against Austrian domination. Tho entire
policy of England on this point was summed up in a docu-
ment of high importance. On the 29th Oct., 1848, Lord
Palmerston addressed to Lord Ponsonby, Ambassador of
the Queen of Great Britain at Vienna, a despatch in which
he declares that there was no chance that Austria could
keep, in a useful and permanent manner, Upper Italy, the
whole of whose inhabitants are profoundly imbued with an
invincible hatred to the Austrian army.' He adds, that
it would certainly be more prudent on the part of the Aus-
trian Government, more useful to the real and proper force
of that empire, to free the population from its domination,
which they would ever consider as a yoke.'
" Lord Palmerston thinks that that yoke cannot be
maintained but by a great display of force, at considerable
cost, and he foresees that foreign aid ought to be implored
and accorded. What would happen in such case ? Here
the Cabinet of London does not leave to the Cabinet of
Vienna any illusion as to the feeling of Europe and the
conduct of England. We quote the words of the despatch :
" Even though the war should become European by the
participation of other Powers who might find themselves
drawninto it, yet there is no reason to believe that the final
result would leave Austria in possession of any territory
beyond the Alps. But Austria must consider, moreover,
that however disposed the Powers her allies and friends
may be to succour her if she was menaced in her own pro-
per and legitimate existence in Germany, there exists on
the subject of her pretensions to impose her yoke on the
Italians a feeling so universal of their injustice that this
feeling might well have for effect to leave her with very
little aid in case of a war such as that I have spoken of.'
"Is this clear ? Is it possible, we ask, to disinterest
more precisely England, and to isolate more completely
Austria, by raising between her and Europe the universal
sentiments of the injustice of her pretensions ?
" Lord Palmerston does not even admit that, in case of

war, Austria could count upon Germany. Is the Austrian
Government,' he says, quite certain that even the sym-
pathy of Germany would follsvi it in its efforts to impose
her yoke still more heavily on the Italian nation ?"
" This doubt is not expressed lightly, and the eminent
statesman accounts for it at once by a reason so politic, so
evident and just, that it may be considered as decisive. The
reason is, The principle of nationalities, now the rallying
cry of all Germany, would it not protest loudly against
Austria in such a struggle ?"
" The acts of England were in accordance with her
words. Her diplomacy so powerful had supported Italy in
her pretensions, as it had encouraged her in h'r impulse.
There was perhaps a moment of fortune for the Italian na-
tionality. It was that moment, too rapid, when the Pied -
montese, conquerors on the Adige, were masters of almost
the whole of Lombardy; when Austria, dismayed at the
general rising which forced her to fall back, disquieted at
her reverses, and not wishing to play to the endthat terrible
game with the despair and heroism of a people, fearing on
one hand the revolution in Germany, offered the sacrifice of
the final act of the Congress of Vienna as the price of vic-
tory, and a concession to the re-establishment of peace.
Austria proposed the independence of Lombardy, and a se-
parate Gsvernment for Venetia, on the sole condition of her
suzerainty. These proposals were carried directly to Len-
doit----they were only known in France. It was then be-
lieved in Louden that Italy might obtain better terms, and
the English Oabinq did not use its great and legitimate
authority to prevent the refusal which was made to these
overtures at Milan. The discouragement of Austria did not
last long. In the month of May, 1848, she was disposed to
treat on the bases just stated. At the end of July Pied-
mont was already
exhausted in that unequal struggle,
where her courage alone was inexhaustible. It then made
an appeal to the invervention of France. The Government
of General Cavaignac replied by an offer of mediation in
which England was to join. England and France, com-
pletely united in the same idea, assumed for their starting
Point of the new negotiations the bases which had been re-
jected at Milan, but Austria, victorious, declared peremp'
torily that she was no longer disposed to admit that which
she had been reduced to propose. Nevertheless, it was
decided that a congress should take place at Brussels,
where France was to be represented by M. de Tocqueville,
and England by Sir Henry Ellis. Everybody knows what
happened—the Congress of Brussels was a mere plan—the

the French and English armies. In fine, at the Congress
of Paris the plenipotentiaries of the King of Sardinia came
to take their seats besides those of the first Powers in
. Europe, and to. cencur with them in the regulation- of the
greatest interests in the world. This rank, which Sar-
dinia vanquished at Novara in 1849, was able' te conquer
in 1856, in the midst of the great Powers, she owes no
doubt to herself, but she owes it likewise to the moral
and _direct support of the. Anglo-French alliance; she
owes it particularly—and nobody in the diplomatic re-
gions will deny this fact—to the perseyering and marked
tendency of England to aggrandise and constitute
her importance. The English policy_ has consequently not
varied since 1847 with respect to Italy. - It even anticipated
us ; -while the diplomacy of the King Louis Philippe sup-
ported the Austrian policy, thediplomacy of Queen Victoria
encouraged
,the Italian policy. The influence of England
dianot cease to be felt for a single day during these 11 years
in the affairs of the Peninsula. It is to be fouhd in the first
burst of nationality which hailed the accession ofPius IX.
as well as in the efforts, of independence which at a later
period concentrated themselves_ under the Sardinian flag.
Her hand is seen in the pretensions inspired by victory, as
wellas hi the negotiations which followed defeats. In fine,
when at the Congress at Paris Count Walewski thought it
his • duty to call to the interior state of Italy the solicitude
and-attention-of the plenipotentiaries assembled to settle the
conditions of peace, Lora Oarennon, with-autt authority ad"--
guired by his rank and his lofty experience, energetically
supported the wishes expressed by the Minister of the Em-
peror of the French. It is &Lie that since that period the di-
rection of the English policy, has changed hands, but the
English feeling is not changed. England is a liberal nation
and her great aristocracy has maintained itself through all
our social crises and transformations only because it has
always marched at the head of civilisation and progress.
There is not a statesman—not a minister—not a parliament,
in Great Britain which could support any other cause in
Italy than that of which the 'Queen's Government has been
for the last 11 years the firm support. This cause responds
to everything that England respects, to all that she has a
mission to propagate throughout the world. She cannot
make fault in it without belying her history and her nature.
Ina word, the Italian question cannot but be one of national
interest for the English Government as for the French. It is
an Italian question—it cannot be anything else. It could not
become French without ceasing to be European, but in re-
maining in its proper character it is certain to find in England
the sympathies of a liberal nation and of an enlightened Go-
vernment. As for England, she responds to true principles
to which she is bound by one of those alliances which have
their foundatian in the morals of a peOple, and their
sanction in its conscience.