The Sun.
London, England, 1861-08-03 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY FNENING, AUGUST 3, 1861.

THE SUN.

LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 3, 1881.

In Lord HERBERT—better known among his
contemporaries as the Right Hon. SIDNEY HER-
BERT—England has without doubt lost one of her
leading statesmen. No orator—but a speaker en-
dowed with admirable debating powers. No genius
—but a man gifted with very rare abilities, and
those natural abilities enhanced by the acquisition of '
various refined and, potential accomplishments. For
many reasons this deceased servant of the Crown stood
forth conspicuously among the most eminent men of
his time. A Patrician by birth, he was at the same
time one of the wealthiest of British Commoners.
Possessing intellectual powers of more than ordinary
capacity, he was personally noticeable even in his
bodily form and features as one of the most hand-
some men of his generation. Every one admired
him, every one liked him—more or less accordingly
as people had the opportunity of know-
ing • and appreciating his excellencies. Added
to all which, lie possessed, over and above his
natural and acquired gifts, that amiable source of
popularity, a desire to please. When we have said
this—adding that SIDNEY Lord HERBERT was
in his nature the very soul of honour, and through-
out his career the very incarnation of industry—
w6 have said everything.
It is the merest exaggeration of paneygric in Lord
HERBERT'S regard to maintain, as some have main-
tained ever since his illness heel so increased upon him
as to compel him to resign his War Secretaryship,
es some are insisting upon it now that this lamented
statesman has been snatched from us prema-
turely to the grief of us all—that in SIDNEY
Lord HERBERT we have lost one who was
almost safe to he Prime Minister of England.
That he had very many of the qualifications re-
quisite to make a good administrator— to make a
first-rate administrator—there is not one amongst
114, we suppose, who would care for one instant
to deny. But as to Lord HERBERT being all but
as. a matter of absolute certainty a Future Pre-
mier, why
nobody ever dreamt of such a notion
until the late War Secretary's retirement from
office was known to have been rendered inevitable
by the breaking down (by reason of overwork)
of his fine and even appa-%'ently vigorous con-
stitution. To reason, as
some reasoned, in
that way while Lord HERBERT'S
strength
was rapidly fading out, was, as
we thought
at the time, the veriest extravagance.
Seriously to maintain the fact to have
been thus, now that this accomplished administra-
tor has passed from the world's scene altogether is
the merest posthumous adulation. Besides the sole
reason adduced for thus looking upon SIDNEY HER-
BERT as—if only bis health had been spared to him
a few years longer—the inevitable Prime Minister
of England in the hereafter, is a reason to that end
that as such is absolutely no reason whatever. It is
argued gravely that he had the manifest "making"
of a Prime Minister about him, for inasmuch as he
exercised over all who approached him such a
glamour of personal fascination We have yet to
learn that the possession of this peculiar attribute
is one of the essentials, is one of the distinguishing
marks of a First Lord of the Treasury. Viscount
)1 ELBotraNE, we believe to be the only in-
qarec, in modorn times in which the possession

of this particular fascination was in any way re-
cognizable—and in that aspect we take Lord
MELBOI'ENE'S instance to be entirely exceptional.
Remembering at the same moment that the most
enthusiastic and infatuated members of the
late lamented Lord HERBERT could r.ever
(117'am of claiming for the latter more than a
merest tithe by comparison of the witching.
charms and splendid abilities latent in the heart
and brain of Lord AIELBOURNE. As for the rest
of our modern Premiers, we don't know that there
is much that can be said about any one of them
in the way' of exciting. sentiments of personal
affection among thocie who approached them.
Even with the present Premier, one of the most
popular of our Prime Ministers, one of the most
generally admired, it is certaiulY not thus. It
cannot for one instant be pretend,a
to have been
thus, again, with that dreary•entity known in Air.
D/SRAELIN
political novels as the
MArch-
Mediocrity. r.
PITT'S refrigerating hauteur
•
and isolation _ are matters of history. Bo

indeed, may we say, have already become the
phlematic coolness andinstruNnce of Lord JOHN,

henceforth to be rightly designated only as Earl
RUSSELL. As to the late Sir ROBERT PEEL, the
great Sir ROBERT, it was a subject of general
remark throughout the chief part of his
public life, how lonely the man was even amongst
his colleagues, how devoid he appeared to be of those
alluring charms that win for their possessor the
solace of intimate personal friendships. It was only
eventually when this political PROSPERO had
broken his wand and descended from
supreme power voluntarily—it was only to-
wards the close of his remarkable life
that the ice seemed to be broken through in his
regard, and that even the great masses seemed to
be suddenly inspired towards him with feelings of
almost personal affection, certainly of the very
liveliest, of the most grateful and ardent admira-
tion. But—as Prime Minister—Sir ROBERT PEEL
had never at any time been known to exercise upon
those who approached him this strange personal
fascination that is now being so preposterously
talked of, as evidencing, in Lord HERBEB,T'S in-
stance, such an especial aptitude for the
acquisition of the post of the Premiership!
That Lord HERBERT was an able and laborious,
a patriotic and a devoted Administrator, not one
Englishman amongst us all is there but will ad-
mit. But that he had about him the making of
a Prime Minister, that had he lived he must cer-
tainly have become Prime Minister, we for one
have never for one instant recognised. And—
simply out of a feeling of complaisance while
listening to those hyperboles of eulogium—we are
certainly not going now to affect to recognise it.

The death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM recalls
vividly the days of the Reform Bill struggle. The
name of CHANDOS is almost as much associated
with it as that of RUSSELL. The latter gave to the
counties the vast increase of members they then ob-
tained; but the former converted that increase into
the means of landlord ascendancy. Up to the time
of the Reform Bill no class of electors had been
more independent, on the whole, than the county
freeholders. The Reform Ministry, by dividing
counties, thus creating eighty-two instead of fifty-
two
constituencies, and increasing the members re-
turned by counties, from ninety-four to one hundred
and fifty-nine, intended to increase the number of
Liberal aristocratic members. They were sure of
preference for aristocracy by freeholders, and they
equally hoped to secure many more members re-
turned by really " Free and Independent Electors"
—they expected that Whig liberalism would be
strong in the counties.
It was the Duke just deceased, then Marquis of
CHANDOS, who changed all this. His celebrated
" Chandos Clause," gave over all the expected
liberal county members bound band and foot to the
Tories. Whether even he fully realised at the time
the greatness of the Tory victory he had achieved,
may be doubted. Lord ALTHORP did, and predicted
that the increase of the county representation, com-
bined with the CIIANDGS constituency, would ren-
der the bill the most aristocratic measure which
bad ever passed the House of Commons. Lord
JOHN RUSSELL himself declared that he intended
by the Reform Bill to secure the ascendancy to
the landed aristocracy. But he had meant it for
the Whig aristocracy—the Marquis of CHANDOS
handed over its aristocratic benefits to the Tories.
Even worthy JOSEPH HUME was deceived by the idea
of increasing the number of electors ; so were many
liberals with him ; and despite Lord ALTHORP'S
warnings, joined with the Tories in handing over
the counties to the latter.

At first the zeal of Reformers was sufficient to

give a large working liberal majority. But as early
as the Parliament which was assembled in 1835,
under the auspices of WELLINGTON and PEEL the
mischievous effect of the CHANDOS clause became
apparent. Lord JOHN RUSSELL himself, though re-
turned in 1832 at the head of the poll for North Devon
by more than 500 votes, and not having been op-
posed at the general election, at the single election
consequent on his accepting the Home Secretary-
ship was rejected for an insignificant Tory by a
majority of more than 600. Lord PALMERSTON, in
like manner, who in South Hants was in 1832
nearly 400 ahead of the Tory candidate, in January
1835 was 240 below him. In fact it has been recog-
nised since that election, that with the rare excep-
tion of Liberal landlords having the ascendancy, or
of manufacturers predominating in the district, the
Reform Bill placed the counties with their 159
members in the hands of the Tories. It has been
equally acknowledged that the Duke's clause was
the deed of transfer.

We have come indeed now to regard this fact as
not only an accepted one, but a hopeless one. In
the counties the Tories are to walk the course with
the fifty pounds tenants-at-will as their body guard.
A very efficient one too. In round numbers they
are just about a third of the county con-
stituency—about one hundred, out of three hundred
thousand. As there was before, of course, a large
Tory constituency, the addition of one-third all
well in hand on the Conservative side, settled the
question. Every English county is, in fact, a
close borough. The number of electors is indeed
paraded by Mr. DistALLI, and those who talk
after him, as a reason why yet more members
should be assigned them. It would seem to re-
quire the honourable gentleman's imperturbable
gravity not to laugh outright while making such
a demand. No one better knows what indeed his
chief has confessed, that to predict the result of a
county election it is necessary only to know the
politics of the landlords. They command, directly,
one-third
of the voters, and can naturally influence
a large number of
willth shoulderest, a
be
ndndoiosonbeeysued.pposes it
possible that their
The CIIANDOS clause extends their power in the
most barefaced way; it
gives a vote to but very
small occupiers, and does
not even require the
slight independence created by a long lease—Xso
TENANTS AT WILL. The words seem intended to
describe agricultural ignorance and serfdom. Of
majority of the tenants have larger hold-
ings,course the
and great many,
many of them, not a
long leases. But it is a great mistake
to suppose that even a larger occupation and
a lease of ordinary length confer anything
like independence on the voter. The peculiar
position of every agricultural tenant is such that he
cannot afford to differ from his landlord at the
polling-booth. it is wholly unlike that of a tenant
or a house in a town ; the farmer's land,
improved
generally by him, and warmly competed for by
others, he must retain if he can, or make large
sacrifices. And to leave his farm because he has
acted independently is about the worst recommen-
dation he can have in seeking a new tenancy. It
really is not the fault of the farmer that he is poli-
tically subservient. To cherish the game which
devours his crops, and to vote as his landlord does,
is each of them as much a sine qua non as to be a
good farmer and a good ratepayer.

For this most melancholy corruption of the
counties we never heard more than one remedy
suggested. No liberation from the landed incubus
is possible but through the Ballot. The political
slaveholders resist it just as American. slaveholders
►now resist the limitation of slavery. The power,

unworthy as it is, is yet sweet to them. But we
hesitate not to say that it is the bane of national pro-
gress and the greatest political curse of the day. It
reduces to political nonentities our fine race of
modern yeomen. They never venture to think.
Reflection with them would be remorse. In taking
a farm they subscribed, by' compulsion, to all the
articles of their landlord's faith ; and the man
whose status and livelihood depend on sub-
scription, religious or political, dares not inquire.
It would be fatal to his peace, The
man is just departed from us who gave the first
great blow to the Reform Bill, who, in fact, maimed
it in its passage through the House; but we fear
the mischief he did will long survive him. Were
the Reformers of England awake their first effort
would be to bring the CHANDOS clause beneath the
Ballot. The working of that clause has compelled
many a disappointed Liberal candidate to point
with threats to the known remedy—and the adop-
tion of that remedy 'would be infinitely better than
the repeal of the clause, even were that possible.
We do not, indeed, desire to lessen the number of
voters, but we desire, as the foundation of political
liberty, that every man should not merely have a
vote, but should—" do his own voting."

From such different points of view may the
same facts, the same persons, the same events be
regarded ! Sir GEORGE BOWYER wished to know
last evening in the House of Commons from Lord
PALMERSTON " whether he (the Premier) would
use his influence to obtain for the people of Naples
fair play—deliverance from the tyranny under
which they were placed, and the opportunity of
deciding for themselves, without the interference
of Piedmontese soldiers, whether they would be
under the Piedmontese government or not ?"
Whereto Lord PALMERSON quite as frankly replied,
" I can assure the hon. baronet, with great satis-
faction, that the English Government will do
no such thing." The noble Viscount adding,
"We hope that the vigour of CIALDINI and
PINELLI will succeed in restoring security in the
disturbed districts, where alone these outrages are
committed ; that the wretches who perpetrate them
will receive their proper punishment, in the course
of no great length of time ; and that the population
will be relieved from the misfortunes that have
been brought on them from Rome. And I have no
doubt this is the general feeling in the Neapolitan
territory. lam convinced they are fully sensible
of the benefits that have accrued to them by having
exchanged their own Government for that of Sar-
dinia, instead of continuing subjected to the
ruinous despotism under which they have so long
groaned." In the estimation of Sir GEORGE BOWYER
and of a " select few" in this country the insur-
gents who are in arms in the north of Italy in
opposition to the Government of VICTOR EM-
MANUEL are the loyal champions of FRANCIS IL,
the " rightful" Sovereign. In the estimation of
Lord PALMERSTON and of considerably more than a
"select few" in this country, these same insurgents
are lawless wretches and infamous brigands. Sir
GEORGE wants to know, as we* have seen,
whether Her Britannic MAJESTY'S Government
will interfere in any way between the Neapolitans
and the Piedmontese. And Lord PALMERSTON an-
swers just as plainly as he is asked the question
—Certainly not : her MAJESTY'S Government in-
tend to do nothing whatever of the kind. They
only hope CIALDINI and PINELLI will succeed in
putting down the " brigands," and that those
wretches " themselves will meet in the end with
an adequate amount of punishment. And so forth.
Surely, if anything further were required to that
end—the very discrepancy of these opinions
(opinions arrived at here in a foreign
country in regard to the self-same facts, events, and
individuals when regarded front totally different
points of view), the startling contrast, we say, pre-
sented to our notice by these diametrically opposite
opinions must serve to demonstrate once more and
conclusively the wisdom latent in the principle of
Non Intervention.

THE " MONITEUR" ON ENGLISH

ARMAMENTS.

The ilionilettr,in its so-called London correspon-

dence, says :
" The disapprobation which the late speech of Lord John
Russell has met with in England generally is in some de-
gree reflected in the observations presented by Mr. Disraeli
during the debate on the demand of Ministers for a sup.
plementary credit for the augmentation of the number of
iron cased ships. Mr. Disraeli declared that he by no
means believed in the design attributed to France
of aiming at naval supremacy ; and he expressed the desire
that, by maintaining relations of a more intimate nature
with this Power, the Governments of the two countries
might come to an understanding on their respective mari-
time establishments, so as to put an end to the feeling of
disquietude whichis constantly revived, and which occasions
so much expenditure. The country and the House of
Commons share largely in this respect the desire and the
sentiments of the hon. orator."

APPROACHING MARRIAGES.—The Lady Evelyn
Stanhope, only daughter of the Earl and Countess of Ches-
terfield, is about to marry the Earl of Carnarvon.—A mar-
riage is also arranged to take place between Sir John Acton,
Bart., and Miss Augusta Ellis, youngest daughter of the
late Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. Augustus Frederick Ellis,
and niece of the present Lord Howard de Walden.
The Q'ieen will hold a Privy Council at Osborne
on Monday nest.

His Excellency the Danish Minister will leave
town in a few days for Denmark on leave of absence. Cap-
tain Falbe will act as charge d'affairesuntilhis Excellency's
return.

The Earl and Countess of Cawdor have left town
for Stackpole Court, Pembrokeshire.

The Earl of Hopetoun has arrived at Long's

The Countess Dowager of Cawdor has left town
on a visit to Lady Grenville at Dropmore, near Maiden•
bead.

Lord and Lady Worsley have left Portman-
square for a tour on the continent.
Viscount and Viscountess Palmerston will leave
Cambridge House on or about the Bth instant for Broad-
lands.

Lord and Lady Norreys arrived in town on
Wednesday from visiting Countess Frances Waldegravo
and Mr. llarcourt, MX., at Dudbrook House, Essex, and
have since left town ou a visit to Sir Robert anti. Lady
Throckmorton at Coughton Court, Warwickshire.
Colonel the Hon. F. H. and Lady Emily Caven-
dish leave town early next week for Stackpole Court,
Pembrokeshire, on a visit to the Earl and Countess of
Cawci or.

Colleen fir. Dionßawn
)B, oauncdi ca
Airs.ult
B(ot
uhcei
epaoupi authortu,laanrd family, oa fri
are
sTtthal;[s.
i: la g:s
real,: theE c
CAMBRIDGE
AlbionlDG E
mu Hotel,R D
E R ._ Brighton....i,
he
was renew ed yesterday. Sarah Ann inquiry in
of 12, the daughter of Mrs. Chapman, the principal wit-
ness against the prisoner Pilson, gave evidence which con-
nfreoiv
con-
flicted with that of her mother. It was evident, however,
weightlightli e r
couldo n bi obtusenessohe circumstances attached an itoeaonn a girl
Vari-
ous other witness followed, buytthe
fuosfifon of dates, that little
hitrhecerelviltdpnaemutneracmdneeertanh.
as ono
:A
nvesoolfitthtiell
little
person, however, was put under surveillance during the
day, he being pointed out by Mrs.
men who were ill-using the deceased on the common.
was the friend of the girl Coe, who, it may be rno'
remembered
He
threatened " to set some one on" to the deceased for accus
ing her of robbing him. Pilson was again remanded.
THE HOP PLANTATIONS.—ROCIIESTER, Aug. 2.
A marked. improvement has taken place in most of the gar.
dens. On the more favoured grounds the bine is daily
getting stronger and giving promise of a better yield,
although the crop will be considerably below that of average
years. With the exception of the low, and consequently cold
and wet plantations, the plant is doing much better, and is
rapidly coming into burr. Much will depend upon the
weather for the next month. Shoulfl the next few weeks
be hot a great deal of the past mischief may be remedied,
the hop being essentially an autumn plant, and rejoicing
in plenty of sunshine. Already, however, the worst fears
are entertained that the crop will not exceed that of last
year, many growers complaining that the bine is fading
away from the combined attacks of vermin, rain, and cold
The duty, which bad been quoted at £120,000, has now re•
ceded to £lOO,OOO, and it is even thought it will not reach
the latter figure. 1

DEATH OF LORD ILEBBE.RT.

Death yesterday cut off in Lord Herbert one
whom nature had intended for a Prime Minister.
It is quite certain that, had he lived, he would be-
fore long have attained that honour, if not by virtue
of extraordinary intellectual qualities, yet by force
of character, by charms of manner, and by aptitude
for business. He was one of the most winning
statesmen of his time, and, by the aid of a great
social quality, rose above men who were on other
grounds superior to him. What was most remark-
able in him was his anxiety to do everything well.
His labours were unceasing; he never spared him-
self; he gave up life and luxury for toil and trouble ;
and if he did not die in harness, it was in harness
that he earned bis death. It was not merely in
the fulfilment of duty that he was thus self-sacri-
ficing; he was equally unsparing of himself in the
discharge of those social observances which men
usually bend to the convenience or humour of the
moment. With great manliness of character there
was curiously intermingled an extraordinary desire
to please. He studied and strove to please, and
heightened by all the arts of style the natural at-
tractiveness of his character. He had in his favour
every social advantage—high birth, a great estate,
a happy home, a handsome person, irresistible man-
ners, many accomplishments, a ready address. He
made the most of all this, so that his good nature
seemed to be always overflowing, his frankness to
be always unbounded, and his power of pleasing to
be always undivided. So he won upon all comers,
and won most upon those who knew him best.
Men would give up to Sidney Herbert what they
would grant to no one !else. He inspired no jea-
lousy; for his superiority was less the result of bril-
liant parts than of that indefinable charm from
which there is no appeal. Add his power of work
and of public speaking to his rare power of making
friends, and you have the possible Prime Minis-
ter. That power and love of work, we grieve to
say, has killed him, as it has killed many another
statesman, before his time. He gave up the en-
joyments of wealth and a brilliant home for the
great game of politics, and has been known to pass
a whole summer and autumn in London with only
perhaps a day and a night at Wilton. He drove a
good constitution too hard, and at Christmas last
began to feel that sentence of death had been passed
upon him. There is some reason to think that even
then, had he given up all work, he might have re-
covered. All that he did was to leave the House of
Commons and to try the comparative repose of the
peerage, still :retaining his office as Minister for
War. The consequence has been fatal. He dies
of overwork at the age of 51—a great loss to so-
ciety, a still greater loss to his party.
Sidney Herbert was born at Richmond in 1810,
the second son of the eleventh Earl of Pembroke,
whose title he would have inherited had he lived.
His mother was the only daughter of Simon, Count
Woronzow, so that in blood he was half Russian.
He was educated at Harrow and at Oriel College,
Oxford, where he took his degree with honours in
1831. In the following year he entered the House of
Commons as member for South Wilts, which con-
stituency he represented from the date of the Re-
form Bill to the present session, when he passed to
the Upper House. He began as a Conservative,
and his maiden speech was delivered in 1834, against
the second reading of a bill to admit Dissenters to
the Universities. Four years later we find him take
the lead in opposing Mr. Grote and the ballot ; and
from this period to 1841, he took an active part,
under Sir Robert Peel, in battering the lame Go-
vernment of the Whigs. When Peel entered upon
office Mr. Herbert was appointed Secretary to the
Admiralty, and so remained until, in 1845, he was
made Secretary for War, with a seat in the Cabinet.

Thus it was under Peel that he had the first train-
ing as a Minister in military affairs. But his con
nexion with Sir Robert Peel's Cabinet was chiefly
interesting for its influence on his conduct as a
disciple of Free Trade. The doctrine of Free Trade
was the Peelite bond of Union. They opposed it
hand-in-hand, and they were converted in a lump.
Theoretically, indeed, the principles of Free Trade
had long been accepted by our statesmen, and Mr.
Sidney Herbert even before Peel's rise to power
could taunt the Whigs for their presumption in
claiming to be the original discoverers and owners

of Free Trade principles—" those principles having
been enunciated years ago by a Cabinet of which

Mr. Huskisson and Mr. Peel were prominent mem

bus." But the policy which was allowed in theory
was in practice qualified with exceptions; Mr.
Herbert refused to accept Free Trade as an in-
flexible mathematical rule, and practically Protec-
tion was the order of the day. Towards the close
of 1845 came the new order of things. Slowly, but
surely, the light had been breaking in upon Peel.
The commercial reforms which he had introduced
forced him on, during a season of groat distress, to
the total abandonment of Protection. The point
is worth notice in this article, because, in the
spring of 1845, Mr. Herbert was put forward
by Sir Robert Peel to oppose Mr. Cobden's
motion for a select committee to inquire into the
effects of the corn laws on the farmers. When
that motion was made, the usual speakers of the
Treasury bench were silent. Peel never opened
his mouth, but laid the burden of reply on the
Secretary for War. The doubt had then entered into
Peel's mind, and instead of taking the responsibility
of reply upon himself he laid it on a young Minister
—a member of his Cabinet—whom he had not yet
admitted into his innermost confidence. Some ten
months afterwards Mr. Sidney Herbert had to eat
his own words, to declare that Mr. Cobden was

right, that he himself was wrong, and that Free
Trade in corn is the only wise policy. Nor did he
find any reason to repent the course he then took.
When taunted long afterwards with the suddenness
of his conversion, he said,—" To Vie latest day of
my life I shall feel a pride in the course I then took.
It is true, that we were exposed to much obloquy;
it is true that we were exposed to much misrepre-
sentation, and that we had to make a choice,—a
difficult one at any time, and a bitter option to
take—a choice between party ties and the feelings
of personal honour, as wrapped up in party ties, on
the one hand, and the welfare of the country on the
other ; and if those principles for which we then
sacrificed office, and have undergone since what I
admit to have been a necessary political ostracism,
are to be attacked, no effort shall be wanting on
my part to do my utmost to maintain those princi-
ples, and to preserve unimpaired, unreversed, un-
revised, and unmodified the blessings which T
believe to have been given by those measures to
the great body of my fellow countrymen."
The ostracism of the Peelites ceased when Lord
Aberdeen's Government was formed. In that Ad-
ministration Mr. Sidney Herbert returned to his
old post as Secretary for War. Hew the War De-
partment broke down under the pressure of the
Russian campaign is an old story which need not
now be revived. Mr. Sidney Herbert's reputation
has survived that disaster. Whatever his faults or
the faults of the system which he administered no
one has ever accused him of deficient industry
or a lack of sympathy. While the Crimean
disaster was still the subject of controversy Mr.
Herbert was for a few weeks Colonial Secretary in
Lord Palmerston's first Administration, but when
two years ago Lord Palmerston had to construct a
Cabinet for the second time the War Department
was handed over to undoubtedly the best man for
the post, the lNlinister whcse loss we are deploring,
and whose conduct as Secretary for War, a few
years back, gave rise to much angry criticism. It is
an unwieldy, haltor,,anised department, but Lord
Herbert, so far as his ii,ealth would permit, was
getting it into a little order. His term of office has
been signalised by three great events—by the crea-
tion of an imposing Volunteer force, which he has
had to organise and control ; by the amalgamation
of the Indian with the Royal army, which he has
is net. likely that, for
also had to superintend; and by the ascertained
pre-eminence in the field of our rifled cannon. It
fully alive to
brought to bear
zeal. Lord Herbert
tary WUr will, years to come, another Secre-
in time of peace, have to deal with
anywas changes that can be compared to these. He
1846, Elizabeth,
which he had to decide, the magnitude of the questions
Charles on
thee, andno.Mtiniii.s..ter could. have
married
more intelligence or more
on thel2th of August,
daughter of the late Lieutenant-
Generalsix children, Ash; a'Court, by whom he leaves
four sons and two daughters, his
eldest son, George Robert Charles (now Lord Her-
bert), having
completed his eleventh year last
month.

1 r
LATEST N ER b.

TUMN, AUG. 3.
The Hationalites of to day says :—" It is said
;hat Signor Scialoja is about to resign."

NAPLES, AUG. 2.
The Archbishop of Naples has left for Civita
Vecchia.
Bonrbonites continue to be arrested here.

PARIS, Au°. 2.

The Temps of this evening publishes a despatch
from Rome announcing that the resignation of
Mgr. de Merode is certain and imminent.
The King of Sweden will arrrive at Havre on
Monday next.

PRAGUE, AUG. 2.

Last night the Jewish quarter of this city was
the scene of fresh disturbances, in which several
persons were wounded. The synagogues and some
houses were damaged, and much property was
carried off.
Forty-five persons were arrested.

VIENNA, AUG. 2.

The conference between the European commis-
sioners and the chiefs of the insurgents at Suttorin a
has led to no result. Nevertheless, hopes are enter-
tained that a conflict will be prevented, and that a
peaceful settlement will be arrived.