The Sun.
London, England, 1857-11-09 00:00:00

rrilk SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 9, 1857.

tical economy under Makintosh and Malthus. The
Europeans are separated by wide intervals, but they I
are united by a common interest and a common in-
telligence ; and a free press is the only institutio- a
whereby each person can bring his information a- ad
reason into the common stock, so that, according 6. to
the Cornish motto, it may be " one and all," eac h
for all and all for each. Dais was felt so strong ly in
the good days of the press in India that we used t
call it the " Parliament of the Press," berAnse,
although the machinery was different, the s, Aiostan_
tial benefits of a Parliament were in a greP.t degree
obtained. The Europeans, however, will new become
much more numerous. The re-establishment of tran- '
quillity will be followed by an extensive resort of
persons of the professional and commercial classes
to India ; and, as the measures in progress for
the improvement of the army open its ranks to
better educated and more intelligent men, the

- ...
greatly increased European force will furnish a
good proportion of aspirants for the profits and
honours of civil life. Lastly, if we turn to the
natives, we find a public of 200,000,000 to be
guided and instructed by a free press. They will
be operated upon slowly by it, but the lever is too
powerful to be neglected by those who desire the
elevation of this great people.
It is true that the newspaper press at the Indian
Presidencies is for the most part in the hands of the
class which has always advocated one administra-
tion of criminal justice (if it could be so called) for
Europeans and another for natives, and now urges
the introduction of the English language and Eng-
lish lawyers into all the Indian courts, and the for-
mation of a Legislative Assembly, in which the
English only would be represented ; and that fre-
quent depreciation of the Government and its offi-
cers is one of the means used to this end. It is also
true that the Government abstains from defending
i:+self by the ordinary and legitimate means of ex-
pi, oration and argument.
s:his was not always so. During the long honey-
moon of the Indian press under Bentinek, Metcalfe,
and A uckland, the Government steadily held its
own. ll't knowledge of the country, habit of Eng-
lish composition, and identification of their inte-
rests with Viose of the natives, the officers of the
Government were as ten to one to the rest of the
European community, and they easily maintained
the field against all comers. Hard hits were occa-
sionally exchanged, but it was a fair game, and both
parties rejoiced in the wholesome exercise. The Go-
vernment maintained a dignified neutrality, and,
although full advantage was taken of the manner in
which public questions of all kinds were prepared
aed worked out by the press before a decision was
taken upon them, there was no disposition either
to yield to dictation or to be provoked to violence.
Tine state of things continued until the evil times
, which commenced with the Affghan war. Lord
Ellenborough's general order, and the disposition
which was shown to place a strict interpretation
upon it, effectually restrained the pens of the Com-
pany's servants, and the press at the Presidencies
was left in the hands of the class of English society
above described.
From the king to the coalheaver we all want
looking after. It is not good for any of us to be
left to our own devices. The consequences that ,
would ensue if the high Tories or ultra-Radicals had '
entirely their own way in England give only a faint
idea of the state of things in Bengal. The shep-
herds stood aloof while the British lion ranged at
pleasure over the pastare. But although silent.
the shepherds were not indifferent. They were fillel
with indignation, and were only watching an oppor-
tunity lot rendering the lion harmless. But, to
drop metaphor, if the ultra-English party had their
own way, an oligarchy would be established in
India, compared with which the domination of the
Normans in England and of the Orangemen in Ire-
laud was child's play, and quick and terrible would
be the reaction. The interests of this class, there-
fore, are not really at variance with those i.f the rest
of the community; but it is hard for individuals to
resist the temptation of present power and present
gain, and shortsight€ i views are acted upon. On
the other hand, the position of the Government is
most unfortunate. " One story is good till another
is told ;" but in this case not one, but thousands of
stories are told for a series of years together with
the same bias, the same colouring, the same aim
against the Government. It is useless to say,
" Thrice is he armed who has his quarrel just."
No Government could stand such pounding and
kicking, and bedaubing, and besmearing as this for
a period as long as tue memory of middle-aged
men can go back. People in general—and espe-
cially our Indian .fellow-subjects, who have no no-
tion of possessing power without exercising it—do
not believe in such superhuman meekness. The
Government of India, therefore, truly says
that it is brought into contempt. i'hy it submits
to be pilloried in this manner I never could dis-
cover. The only intelligible reason I have ever
heard is that, being responsible, not to the small..
European community of Calcutta, but to the Court
of Directors and to the Government and Parliament
of England, they cannot deliver themselves on the
spot. But if reasons are good for passing important
public measures, surely they will bear being men-
tioned in the country which is primarily and chiefly

. , .
affected by them. if the opposition of the local
English community is annoying and damaging, it
is worth while to neutralise it, or at least to temper
it and hold it in check, by furnishing explanations
which are likely to be assented to by every impar-
tial person. Great disquiet was caused in Raj-
pootana by a paragraph which went the round of
the newspapers, that it was intended to annex the
Rajpoot States. If this had been contradicted, and
the reasons had been explained which must always
make it our policy to protect the independence of
these states, our Rajpoot friends would have been
relieved from their tears, and new motives would
have bean suggested to them for remaining steady
to their allegiance. As the newspaper press at the
Pre6idencies is rarely conducted by persons who
have had practical experience in the interior of
India, its faults are owing in a greater degree than is
generally supposed to ignorance of facts and uncon-
sciousness of the mischievous tendency of muchthat
is put forth with an air of authority. The conduc-
tors of the Anglo-Indian press would be grateful for
correct information. They must feel that it would
increase their useful, and therefore just, influence.
The institution of the Baitish Indi in free press
ought either to be accepted, with its appropriate
compensations and safeguards, or to be rejected; but
of late years neither one thing nor the other has
been done. Persons commonly argue this question
as if there were no alternative between a licentious
free press, and a press bound hand and foot at the
feet of the authorities, and made to speak only what
they desire, and the consequence is, that after a
long course of neglect of the proper diet and treat-
ment, fever has supervened, and severe remedies
have been applied.

But there is a golden mean in this as in other
things. Besides unrestricted license and the absence
of all freedom, there is a third condition, which is
a well regulated freedem. The expedient dear to
the ordinary official mind is the establishment of a
semi-official newspaper—a Government organ, as it
is usually called. This was tried in the early dark
period of the Anglo-Indian press, when a paper
called the John Bull was set up to defend Lord
Amherst's Government. The commonest knowledge
of human nature ought to have prevented this
mistake. i;All the other game-chickens fell upon the
Government fighting-cock, and there was no peace
till he was deprived of his official cuaracter. Reason
and experience recommend a return to the practice
of the statesman who founded the Indian free
press, which was to have no favourites among the
local newspapers, and to permit everybody who had
anything to say to write to them. If this course
were consistently followed, there would rarely be
any occasion for the Government to defend itself,
every topic would have its objectors and defenders,
and as the Government would not necessarily be in
a state of antagonism with any class, there would
bo no heat except what would naturally arise out
of the subjects of discussion. Sedition ought,
of course, to be severely punished, and the knife
has been so near cur the oats that no difficulty
is to be expected in obtaining convictions.
The native press will require more particular
attention ; and we must not a second time
utterly neglect it through a long series of
years, and then come down upon it in great
wrath because it bad indulged in the license per-
mitted to it. Every copy of every native newspaper
should be examined by officers appointed fur the
purpose ; and while friendly advice and warning
should not be spared in reference to errors of igno-
rance or inadvertence, deliberate attempts to pro-
mote d:saffection ought to be suhjected to due pro-
cess ef law. It may, however, be hoped that, now
that the conscientious Christian people of this coun-
try have become aware of the existence of such a
field of influence as the native newspaper press,
they will apply the superior means at their disposal
to the cultivation of it, that it may produce
something better in future than an abundant crop
of noxious weeds.

anTa htehenedxotraistanding objectionr
318
atrhea
nag 0
mfrepea
tpi
breise:
because it must always be the duty of a free press
to deliver the country from a foreign yoke. I meet
this by a direct " negatur.” The first duty of a
free press is to promote the public good, and if
this can be worked out best under the prutectior. of a foreign Government, it is the duty of the press
to support and assist that Government. Jf ihere
had been a free press in this island at the time of
the Romans, the " Groans of the Britons," that
famous petition wherein they besought the Emperor
not to withdraw his legions, would have found ex-
pression in it. Our ancestors did not more sin-
cerely deprecate the removal of that Power under
the shadow of which they were learning to take

J eir place with eafetyand credit among the nations
of the earth, than those natives of India who have
had their minds opened to our civilisation would
be filled with dismayat theprospect of the destruc-
tion of our Government. No class has more uni-
formly stood by us in these troubles than the Angli-
cised Bengalees and other natives ; and well they
might, for they could expect no mercy from a pure
Brahminical or Mahomedan regime. At Delhi
everybody who spoke English was searched out and
put to death. At Cawnpore and elsewhere the
" Baboos" were considered proper subjects of plun-
der and persecution. The safety and success of our
Indian empire will be in proportion to the increase
of this class, and to the degree in which it is lea-
vened by Christian principles. The circumstances
of this outbreak furnish strong presumptive evi-
dence that some progress has been made, and when
our mastery shall have been established as it never
yet has been, by this desperate str'iggle with our
own army, and by the civil and military reorganis-
ation consequent upon it, and the people of this
country shall have begun to act upon their newly-
awakened sense of duty towards India, the develop-
ment of English civilisation among the natives of
India will proceed in a greatly accelerated ratio.
The Romans made Gaul, and Spain, and Africa
helpful and powerful members of their body politic,
and shall we be less successful with India, notwith-
standing the advantage of Christianity and of 1800
years' additional experience of human nature ?
The last objection usually urged is that a free
press is incompatible with a native army. Not
only this, but almost every other improvement
was incompatible with a native army like the late
Bengal army ; but the case Rill be altered when
the native army is auxiliary instead of principal—is
recruited from all castes and all parts of the country,
instead of from the high and privileged castes and
from one part of the country only, and when the
other arrangements deccribed in a previous letter
are made by which the native army may be held
safely in hand. A native army so regulated would
be quite compatible with a native press watched,
and checked, and improved, and influenced for
good in the manner I have recommended.
But we must not expect too much. Those who
criticise the newspaper press in this country often
appear to forget that it is a human institution, and
as such entitled to the allowance which ought al-
ways to be made for human infirmity. Everything
has a bad as well as a good side ; and it the good
decidedly preponderates, we ought for its sake to
tolerate the contingent evil. If those who pro-
nounce harsh judgments upon the press hail to pro-
vide every morning four columns of remarks upon
the most exciting topics of the day, and to guide
and influence the men who are capable of writing
such essays as we daily read in the Times and other
newspapers, they would have more sympathy for
occasional errors and inadvertencies. And yet we
may well be proud of our newspaper press, and
earnestly desire that its benefits may be extended
to the glorious Eastern empire which has been in-
trusted to us. The forbearance, the moderation,
the prevailing absence of mere personal and private
imputations on the part of the English press under
circumstances of great difficulty and temptation are
deserving of all praise ; and when this line is for
a moment departed from, it can always be set right
by a letter to the Times, or an article in that or
some other paper. Under all the circumstances,
the influence of the English press during the Par-
liamentary recess furnishes as satisfactory a model
as we could expect to have for the operation of the
Indian press. I am, dec.,
Nov. 5. INDOPHILLIS.

(From the Timos.)

Our correspondent " Indophilus" pursues his
addresses to the public this morning on a topic
which will not fail to arrest the attention of our
readers, and which was certainly not likely to
escape our •wu. What is to become of the Indian
Press ? In the reorganization of that marvellous
empire what use is to be made of an agency which,
wherever British dominion extends, has been
found the most powerful of known instruments in
the work of civilization and progress? Is India to
feel the influence of a Press ? and, if so, under
what conditions or regulations should this profes-
sion be exercised ? These are obviously questions
of no trifling import. The answer to them, as we
must needs be expected to say, is perfectly clear,
and we concur entirely with "Indophilus as to
the form it should take.

The inquiry thus brought before us is altogether
independent of the policy which, under the pres-
sure of a revolutionary crisis, the Government of
India lately found itself compelled to adopt. What
could be said in Lord Canning's justification our
readers have already seen. We shall easily be
believed when we express the reluctance which we
felt in assenting to the propriety of any measures
against the freedom of the Press, and the extreme

and most precarious advantages attending
any such course even in the severest emergencies,
have been sufficiently evinced by the course of
events. We trust that the security anticipated
from the repression of publications deliberately
seditious to shut our eyes to the embarrassments
and evils which the proceeding has inevitably en-
tailed. The Press of India is now animated with
so vindictive a spirit, and entertains against the
Government such a malignant and not unnatural
hostility, that we look in vain for any impartial
opinions or unbiassed reports concerning the policy
of tne Administration. Although, moreover, the
new censorship is freely exercised, it is utterly be-
yond the power of any authorities to escape damage
altogether. A direct invective may be stopped, a
particular article may provoke a warning, and
some journal less adroitly managed than others
may incur the penalty of suppression ; but all the
while attacks are covertly conducted through every
paragraph and in every page of the paper, till in
the end the effect produced upon the mind of the
reader is far more injurious to the Government
than the most open and determined opposition.
We do not say that of two evils Lord Canning
may not, at so unexampled a crisis, have chosen
the least, but the alternative was a very disastrous
one indeed.

We coincide, however, entirely with " Indoph i-
lus" iu thinking that no material difficulty need
attach to the substantial freedom of the Press in
India under ordinary conditions of government.
The embarrassments hitherto experienced have
arisen not so much from the characteristics of In-
dian society as from the impolicy of the views
adopted by the Administration. European, or, in
other words, English society in India, is divided
into two great elements, separated from each other
by a spacious gulf. First, there are the British
residents in the service of the Company, whether
military
.or civil ; and, secondly, there are the
British residents occupied in independent pursuits,
and unconnected with public employment. The
former of these classes is by far the more numerous,
and, without any disparagement of the latter, it
may be said by far the more intelligent. It compre-
hends indeed, all the intellect and ability which are
annually draughted off from these shores for Ber-
-1 vice in the East, and constitutes no inefficient re-
presentation of British character. The latter clans
comprises many enterprising, educated, and hon-
ourable men. It admits, in fact, as far as its num-
bers go, of being matched in these respects against
the former, but its position is unfavourable, and
its views exposed to strong and injurious bias. The
servants of the Company not only form a caste,
but a governing caste, and such privileges are natu-
rally irritating in the eyes of men who are English-
men as well as they. The two classes differ even
in the opinions with which they regard India and
its population. The governing class is content with
India as it is. Saving always its own prerogatives,
it is disposed to look with favour upon the claims
and even the prejudices of its subjects, and by no
means inclined to allow any advantages to the inde-
pendent European community. For the sake of
peace and quietness it would leave Hindooism un-
touched, would adapt its administration to a native
population exclusively, and would prefer, upon the
whole, that the points of contact between England
and India should be through the East India Com-
pany alone. The independent class rebels against
these principles, and thinks that Englishmen should
have equal rights.l In claiming, however, India
for the English it does not leave quite so much of
India for the Indians, and its views, perhaps, would
hardly be so immediately favourable to the native
population as those of the class which has got all it
wants, and, having only to exercise government,
and not submit to it, can afford to be serenely
impartial.
Under these circumstances, the Press, like other
British institutions, found an establishment in In-
dia, and for a certain period worked very service-
ably. In an evil moment, however, and by an
unhapyy thought, a notification was issued of wbich
the effect was to deb tr from any participation in
public writing the whole of that numerous and able
class through whose immediate in itruin.entality the
Government of India was conducted. No person
connected with the Government—in other words,
none of the many thousand F erva u ts of the Com-
pany—could carry either his information or his
talents to the work of newspaper discussion, and
the consequence was, that except for such evasions
of the rule as were unavoidable, the Indian press
entirelyfill into the hands of a class numerically
inferior, inimical to the ruling powers by the very
force of its positon, and necessarily, in comparison
with Government officers, but imperfectly informed.
Never could a policy have been more disastrous.
Government was deliberatf-ly placing itself and its
acts at the greatest possible disaavantage. It was
proscribing its own advocates and silencing its own
counsel. The proceeding represented a complete
inversion of the policy pursued in some absolute
States. Instead of attempting to inspire or control

the press for its own benefit, the Indian Govern-
ment actually made it over to its opponents for
their exclusive use ; while men who could have set
the Administration on its legs in a moment, cor-
rected errors, and diffused accurate knowledge,
were restrained by the enactments of their own
caste from taking up a pen.

It is really inßeisible to exaggerate the propor-
tions of this monstrous blunder. Half the value
and perhaps more than half the influence, of the
English Press is due to that universal practice of
correspondence, which literally brings a vast por-
tion of the British nation into co-operation with
the Times. Our columns are powerful, as express-
ing not merely what we think, but what everbody
thinks. There is not a public question started on
which we do not receive, either for publication or
otherwise, either for the instruction of the country
or our own information—communications of the
most varied and authentic character. Our readers
little dream of the very high authority occasionally
attaching, under some unobtrusive signature, to
the correspondence we place before them • and it is
by means of these aids—by this remarkable associa-
tion of knowledge and opinions—that truth is
brought to light. In our pages everybody finds a
hearing, and every policy an expression, until at
last the public discovers itself in possession of an
unexceptionable result. This might have been the
case in India even in a more striking degree, for
publics writing is there such a propensity, either of
the profession or the place, that every Indian offi-
cer would sit down to an article or a letter as the
most natural employment in the world—indeed the
only difficulty is to get them to stop. If this com-
municative disposition were but judiciously en-
couraged, what chance could any factious or wanton
opponents of the Government preserve in the face
of such able, such well-informed, and such inde-
fatigable writers f Little, indeed ; whereas, by
foolishly thinking to ignore an irrepressible
power, the Indian Administration left to the use of
its antagonists an agency which it might have em-
ployed for its own defence and the unquestionable
benefit of the country at large.

THE INDIAN MUTINIES.

(From the Daily Nezcs.)

A. new light has broken in upon the Times. It
has at last discovered that the revolt in Hindostan
is something more than a mere mutiny of the
soldiery. "The peasantry have not, indeed, joined
them, but it is more than probable that a rich and
influential class has not been unwilling to profit by
the misdeeds of the soldiery." The Times has also
become aware that the suppression of the revolt is
likely to be a somewhat expensive process, and that
the financial operations to which the magnates of
Leadenhall-street have found it necessary to resort
have contributed to aggravate the present monetary
crisis. " The cost of the Indian struggle bas no
doubt added to the difficulties of the present finan-
cial crisis. We are told that three or four millions
sterling in specie may be considered to have been
remitted to India since the outbreak." To the
general public there is not much of novelty in these
announcements, which we have culled from the
Times of Saturday last ; but it is somethine, new
to find such statements in the columns of that
journal, which has hitherto affected to pooh-pooh
the insurrection in Hindostan, and to ignore the
magnitude of the financial operations to which it
has led, and their disturbing influence on our
home money-market.

It is nothing new to witness the Times, when a
novel discussion is raised, adopting at first a view
of it equally irreconcileable with facts and with
common sense, and then, when compelled by the
pressure of public opinion to embrace the opposite
side, endeavouring by exaggerated emphasis to
efface the recallection of its original blunder. Such
a common occurrence would probably have been
passed without comment, but the " device" which
the Times would persuade Government to have re-
course to, with a view to meet the exigency, is so
utterly irreconcileable with justice or sound policy,
that in order to account for its being broached the
state of mind of the author requires to be noticed.
The Times, panic stricken on being suddenly
awakened to a sense of the full danger of the Indian
revolt, has recommended a measure which its own
sound judgment will denounce as soon as the dis-
turbing influence of terror has been allayed by
time.

To the Times, looking round for the means of de-
fraying the cost of the Indian revolt, it has occurred
that there are fortunes made in Hindostan
which would be considered immense even in
the City of London. 'The Baboo bargains
and speculates, and scrapes and saves, until he
has amassed millions of rupees." The Baba° there-
fore, because he has accumulated millions drupees,
may lawfully be plundered, according to the Times,
to obtain-the tneana of paying fx7r-they supprafitaion
of the revolt. Our contemporary appears to be
haunted by a dim consciousness that the proposal
is rather outrageous, for it not only begins by
working itself up into a passion at the Baboo, by
placing his accumulation of fortune in au odious
light through the application of dialogistic epithets
to the act, but it beats about for some plausible ar-
guments in favour of its plan. The taxes of the
Baboo, we are told " are next to nothing," while
the heavy taxes of the country " all fall upon the
unfortunate ryot." It is also insinuated that the
Baboos may have had something to do in getting
up the insurrection :—" It is more than probable
that a rich and influential class have not been un-
willing to profit by the misdeeds of the soldiery."
And, to remove any scruple that these imputations
and inuendoes may leave remaining, it is boldly
declared that "if the loyal suffer with the
treacherous, it will only be is accordance wilt the
inevitable law which links together for good or
evil all members of the community." The Times,
having thus silenced any faint whispers of con-
science that may have disturbed ire pruceeds to in-
dicate the modus operandi, the process by which
the Baboos—guilty of bargaining and speculating,
of scraping and saving—may be squeezed, and com-
pelled to disgorge a portion of their accumulated
wealth. " Perhaps a Property Tax, extending the
burden over a series of years, would be the simplest
and most equable device ;" or, it may be necessary
to suspend specie payments ;" or, lastly, " new ex-
pedients for raising money" may be required. The
Times is not particular. Provided that money can
be extorted from these villanous Babcos, who bays
been graceless enough to do in Calcutta what the
Times a few !days ago lauded the late Mr. Mor-
rison for doing in London, any means conducive to
that end will meet with the approbation of our con-
temporary.
Now, we would humbly submit to the favourers
of ties notable financial scheme, that in the first
place it is bad policy to teach men to regard taxa-
tion and punishment as synonymous terms. Taxes
are is a!1 points of view sufficiently disagreeable
without being presented in the character of a
penalty. If a more equitable system of taxation is
required in India—and we heartily believe that it
is—let it be adopted on its own merits, as an act of
justice, not inflicted as au act of vengeance. Then as
regards these " favourite aversions" of the Times—
the Baboos—we would further represent, in all
humility, that the charge of favouring the revolt is
not very clearly brought home to them. The syllo-
gism by which the Times seeks to establish !heir cul-
pability is nearly as follows : "It is not improbable
that a wealthy and influential class has not been
unwilling to profit by the misdeeds of the soldiery."
The Baboos are a wealthy and influential class.
Ergo—the Baboos have profited by the misdeeds of
the soldiery. The premises will scarcely bear out
the conclusion. Next, as to the subterfuge, that,
" if the loyal suffer with the treacherous, it will only
be in ace rdance with the inevitable law, ac.," we
humbly conceive that this is a fallacious application
of the doctrine of necessity. If the Baboos are to
be squeezed by a special act of the Government,
their suffering from it can scarcely be regarded an
unavoidable participation in the suffering entailed
upon society by the acts of the mutineers. The
Baboos will in that case have been
singled out to
undergo additional suffering. Now it must be borne
in mind that throughout India the capitalist class
have, with scarcely any exceptions, acted as our
friends on the present occasion.
Have we so few
enemies there that we can afford to add to their
number by injustice to a class whose wealth may
make them dangerous Nor is this all. The extor-
tion which it is proposed to practice on the B:> boos
cannot easily be restricted to them. Is the penal pro-
perty tax to be imposed upon native capitalistsalone ? Are European capitalists in fndia to be ex-
empted ? or are they (as was the case of the English
newspapers when the Gaging Act was passed)
to be subjected to the penal property tax, to show
the impartiality of Government ? Of the pro-
posal to suspend specie payments, in a country
wht re the circulating medium. c 'mists exclusively
Egiuurvoiptyea ;
n buto r wtehe ne: :,y
of specie, it is not easy to speak with bee 'ming
greater sufferers from a paper currency with a
forced circulation,
Mated value ? The scheme by which the Times
would meet the extraordinary charges entailed by
and tbi es: a
:lil'setiedn capitaliststr o,iy ask whether the
with a depre-
would be the
the revolt upon our India Government is unjusi,
because it would be de facto a confiscation of the
property of innocent natives and of European mer-
chants settled in India. It is impolitic in a finan-
cial point of view, because, being an arbitrary in-
t rference with thenaturat course of trade, it would
dry up Ihe sources of production in Hindostan. It
is impolitic in a political point of view, because it I
would convert into bitter enemies the most friendly,
wealthy, and intelligent class of the natives of
India.

The reklessrleis displayed by the writers in the

Times since the commencement of the Bengal mu-
tiny has been most lamentable. To serve the pur-
pose of the moment they have constantly said one
day what they have been compelled to unsay the
next. Till Saturday last we were told that disaf-
fection was confined to the military, and that the
neck of the mutiny was broken ; now we are asked
to believe that all the most w,althy commercialists
are accessory to the revolt, and that it will require
years to restore law and order. The deranging in-
fluence o f the Company's remittances of silver was
ignored till Saturday last ; now an exaggerated ac-
count of its effects is given to induce the English
public to sanction an act of gross injustice. The lan-
guage of the writers in the Times has almost the
appearance of being intended to create us enemies
in India. The insolent manner in which the confis-
cation of the Baboos is recommended now is quite
in keeping with the proposal made some time ago to
depose Seindiah and Holkar—if they joined the
insurgents, because they were enemies—if they
did not, because their inability to control the con-
tingents, raised, officered, and paid by England,
showed they were too powerless to do us any harm.
Whenever the Times attempts to grapple with In-
dian facts one is tempted to impute to it gross ig-
norance of India. But now, when it propounds
schemes of Indian finance, one is equally tempted
to attribute to it a profound study of the native
financ'ers. Any person who will take the trouble
to consult Wilks' " History of Mysore" will bo
compelled to acknowledge that the Times' plan for
raising the wind in the present Bengal difficulties is
a servile plagiarism of the method resorted to by
Hyder Ali.

PRICE'S OF 811 ARES.

Prom the Official LW.
PUBLISHED EVERY TUESDAY AND FRIDAY EVENIN

LONDON, FRIDAY, Nov. 6, 1857.
CANALS

Names of
Companies.

Divided
per
"i 3 Annum. I

, Price

Names of
Companies.

Dividend
per

A.shtn &Oldh
Birmingham
Coventry... •
Derby .. • • • • ,
GrandJunctn
Do,, 6 pr. Ct.
Grand Jnion
Kennt & Avb
Leeds &Livr p
Leicester .. • •
Leicstr & N-tb
Loug;o.orogh
Macclesfield.
Neath • •
Oxford..

93 7s. p. ct.
40 41.
190 111.
100 61. 15s.
100 V. pr. ct.
10 6'. pr. ct.
100 7s. 6d
40 63.
100 251.
,00 Si.
83 11.55.
113 701
100 2/. 10s.
100 161.
100

Name of Company.

Berlin .......
East London
Do. 4 per Cent Pref.

Do. 5 per Cent. Pref.
Grand Junction ......

Do. New •• .• ••
Kent.... •...........

Lambeth ........ ....
New River Company..
Southwark & Vauxhall
West Middlesex ......
Do. Do, .... ..

Rritish Provincial ...
Brighton •• •• • • .
City of London .... .
Equitab1e...........
European .... ..• • .
Great Central .......
Imperial

Ditto New

Ditto Debentures
Do. Continental I st Cap.
Do. Do. 2d Cap.
Do. Do. 3d Cap.
Do. Do. 4th Cap.
Indepen<ient
London Parl. Preferen.
Pho3nix .•• •• •• •• ••
Rateliff
Surrey Consumers
United General •
Westminster Chartered
Ditto, New
Western A. ...
Ditto B ......

Name of Company.

Elttnzerford.... •• .. •.
Southwark ...... ..

Ditto New of 7% p.c.
Waterloo ..... ........

Ditto Old Ann. of 8/.

Ditto Nw ditto of 71.
Vauxhall ............

Name of Company

Commercial .. • • •• ..••

Do. Preference
East and West India..
Grand •Inrry D. & Canal

Do. Loan Notes .. ..

Do. 5 per cent. Pref.
London .• • • ••••• • •
it. Katharine •.......
4outharnpton ........
Victoria .• •••. •• •...
Ditto New ........

Name of Company.

Albion .... • • .... • • ••
Alliance Brit. ar.3 For.

88%
19D

Peak Forest.l
,Regent's • • • •
IRochdale..•• ,
!Stflrd &Wor
Stourbridgt...'
Severn and t
Wye Rail.
iWarwick &
Birming. j
'Warwick & 1
Napton.. j
Worcstr &
Birming.
iWilts & BrkBl

51. per cnt.
61. per cnt.
4/. per cent.
51. per cent.
4c. per cnt.

Ditto Nfarine .......
Xthenmuna ..........
Atlas ..
Irgue Life ......
Ilritish Commercial
Church of England
City of London
Clericl.ged.Bc Gen. Life
County ..............
Crown ..............
Eagle
Equity and Law......
European Life
Family Endowment
General• • • • •• •• .• • • • •
Globe
Gresham Life

Do. D 0... ......
Guardian ............
Imperial Fire .....
Imperial Life .....
Indemnity Marine....
Law Fire..........••
Law Lite.— •• ......••
Legal and General Life
London . .
London & Prov. Law•
..
!sled. Lwlid & Gen Life
Minerva • • •
Monarch .. • • •.
New Equitable
Pelican .• •• •• •• .• 041
Phoenix
Professional Life.... ..
Provident Life.... ....

Rock Life.... •• .. • ..
Royal Exchange ......
Sun Fire

Ditto Life .....
United Kingdom ....
Universal Life
Victoria Life • • .... • •

SI. per ent.

:4!. peTcent.

M AND COKi

Dividend
per

Aniaum.

71. per cent.
5/. per cent.
121. per cent.
1 21.
61. per cent.
81. per cent
101. per cent,

31. 51.
41. 15s.
41. 10s.

61. per cent
sy, per cnt
5/.
AI. per cent.
I 6s Ocl per sh.
7 per cent.

lOs per cent!

11. 12s. Od.
11. Rs. Od.
28s.

DOCKS.

Dividend
per

Annum.

51. pr cent.

Amount
of
Share.

s. d.
10 0 0
stock.
25 0 0
25 0 0
20 0 0
25 0 0
100 0 0
100 0 0

61. pr cent.
V. per cent.

Name of Company.

100 0 0
GL G 0
5 I 8

:E COMP.

Amount
of
Share.

.£ 3. d.
20 0 0
20 0 0
150 0 0
50 0 0
29 0 0
10 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0

Stock
50 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
40 0 0
25 0 0
60 0 0
20 0 0
10 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
10 0 0
10 0 0

X a. d.
25 0 0
100 0 0
50 0 0
100 0 0
60 0 0
40 0 0
70 10 3

51. pr cent.

1404/. per cnt.
4 per cent.
1 54 Os per c.

71. per c.
71. 118.6 d.
4. p.c. & bs.

Amount
of
Share.

X s. d.
Stock.
stock.
Stock.
100 0 0
100 0 0
25 0 0
Stock.
Stock.
50 0 0
20 0 0
20 0 0

s. d.
500 0 0
100 0 0
100 0 0
1 0 0
50 0 I/
100 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
100 0 0
100 0 0
50 0 0
50 0 0
100 0 0
20 0 0
100 0 0
5 0 0
Stock.

Annum.

51. Os.
17;

281
121. 108.
11. 16x.

15s. Od. & bs
V. per cent.
71. 10s.
71. 10s.
51.
5 pr ct.& bs.
4/. per share

18s.
ss.
514 per cent.
1/.
41. per cent.
6 per cent.
51. per cent.

51. per cent
NI. per cent

10s.
7s. Od.

24 St 2s bons
.41. per oh.
43. per share
H.
3s.
188.5, bs.
4% per cent
51. per cent.
51. per cent.
,4 per cent
Si p. ct.
51. per cent.
Si. per cent.
124 per c.
7s.
'p c. & bs
p. c & bs

11. 14s.
41. & bonus.
51. & bonus.
51. & bonus

IINT-STOCIC

Dividend
per

Paid.

Annum.

X a. d.
100
All

Australasia...........
Bank of Egypt ......
Bank of London . .
British North American
Ch Bk. Ind. Aust & Ch,
City..... .....
Colonial • • • • • • •
Commercial of London.
Eng. Scot. & Aust. Ch.
Lond. C nal'. Bk. of Aua.

201. per cent.

51. per cent.
9 per cent.
4, per cent.
51. per cent.

Paid.

Z s. d.
All

20 0 0
100 0 0
500 0 0
100 0 0
100 0 0
too 0 0
100 0 0
50 0 0
25 0 0
50 0 0
100 0 0
50 0 0
20 0 0
5 0 0
10 O 0

71. p. c. & bs.
4'. per cent.
51. per cent.

6 5 0
►oo 0 0

Paid.

5 0 0
Stock.

20 0 0
100 0 0

X ■. d.

Paid.

Do. New . • • • ....
London and County
Lon & Eastn Biikg. C.
London Joint-Stock
Londn arid Westminatr
Vat. Provincial of Eng.
DIM, New
Ditto ditto
Natio•ml Bank

Amount
of
Share.

IV. per cent.
6;. per cent.
28 per cent.
18 per cent.
16pc.8cbs

.£ s. d.
Stock.

00 0 0
00 0 0
5 0 0
Btock.

50 0 0
20 0 0
14 0 0

Paid.

New • oath Wales
orieritui Bank Corpora.
Ottoman Bank ......
Provincial of Ireland..
Ditto, New.........
...... ....
South Australia .•
Union of Australia....
Union of Hamburg....
Union of L0nd0n......
Unity Mutual
Western Bank o, Londn.

X. d.
40 0
25 0
:00 0
50 0
20 0.
100 0
100 0
'lOO 0
1 20 0
120 0
20 0
50 0
,100 0
50 0
100 0
100 0
20, 0
20 0 1
50 0
20 0
25 0
20 0
100 0 '
10 0
25 0
25 0
25 0

ti
SV.per cent.'
20% per cent.
101. per cent.

p. ct.&bs.
81. per cent.
5/. per cent.
0/. per cent.
I/. per cent.

s. d.
50 0 0
11 0 0
25 6 0

all
5 15 0
25 0 0
5 0 0
2 0 0
2 0 0
10 0 0
10 0 0
5 0 0
5 0 0..
5 0 0
all

51. per cent.l

Price.

4 0 0
all

15 0 0
50 0 0
100 0 0
100 0 0 '

47 5 0
50 0 0
20 0 0
30 0 0
2 10 0
13 0 0
2 10 0
12 10 0
2 0 0
12 10 0
2 0 0
20 0 0
2 0 0
4 0 0
1 0 0
1 0 0

Price

Price.

- 0 10 0
10 0 0
0 10 0

5 10 0
10 0 0
5 Q 0

71i
277

Price.

LIST OF SCOTTISEI COMPANIES' PRICES.
-
• Dividend Amcuut
Name of COmpany• per of Paid. Price.
Annum. Share.
---- -- -- -
£ a. d. A s. d.
Sank of Scotland ...• 71. per cent. 100 C 0 100 0 0 188105
British Linen Company 81. per cent. 100 0 0 100 .0 0 216105
Caledonian Bank .. •• . 81. per cent. 10 0 0 210 031 173
City of Glasgow Bank 51. per cent. 10 0 0 10 0 0 11117 e,
Clydesdale Bank •• - 5%1. p cent. 20 '0 0 10 0 0 13, 5s
C mmercial Bank .. 71. per cent. 500 0 0 100 0 0 2401 0
Eastern Bank ........ 61. par cent. 25 0 0 10 0 0 141 Os
Edinb. & Glasgow.... 3541. p cent. 5 0 6 0 041 16s
National Bank •• •• •• 6% per cent. 100 0 0 100 0 0 1901 0
North of Scotland Bank 51. per cent 10 0 0 210 05/ 10e
Royal Bank ofScoti. .. 5/. per cent. 100 0 0 100 0 0 13111 s
Union Bank of Scot. .• 81. per cent. 100 0 0 50 0 0 1001 0
Western 8ank........ 71. per cent. 50 0 0 80 0 0 531 0
alliance Fire and Lice.. 8%1.pr cent. 100 0 0 11 0 0 17112 s
British Guarantee . .. 41. per cent. 10 0 0 2 0 0 11 lls
Caledonian Fire Insur. 10t.per cent. 100 0 0 10 0 0 241105
City of Glasgow Lite.. 61. per cent. 25 0 0 2 0 0 41 2s
Colonial Life ......... 51. per cent. 50 0 0 3 0 071 Os
Edinburgh Life Insur. 61. ear cent. 100 0 0 15 0 0 281 7a
Eng. & Scot, Law Life 51.0er cent. 50 0 0 3 6 0 4! 68
Life Assoc. of Scotland 61. per cent. 40 0 0 3 0 061 15s
National Fire and Life 61. per cent. 10 0 0 1 4 021 0 a
North British Insur... 71. per cent. 200 0 0 20 0 0 271 Os
Northern Assurance Co. 20 0 0 1 0 0 11 148
Scottish Provincial .... - 50 0 0 2 0 0 21 195
Scottish Union Insrnc. 73{,1. pr cent. 20 0 0 1 0 0 11 155
Standard Life ...• .. •• 5/. per cent 50 0 0 7 0 0 261 10.
MISCELLANEOUS.
Dividend Amount
Name of Company. per of Paid. Price.
Annum. Share.
X s. d. X a. d.
Acadian Charcoal Iron •• 10 0 0 2 0 0 -
African Steam Ship .. 2O 0 0 10 0 0 -
Assam iea .......... 61. percent. 50 0 0 20 0 0 -
Auctien Mart•• .. •• .. 2141 per cent 50 0 0 - -
Australian Agriculturl - 25 . 0 0 19 0 0 22%
Australian Trust •• .. 81. pr cent. 100 0 0 25 0 0 -
Austra/ian Royal Mall - 10 0 0 all -
Anglo-Mexican Mint.. 11. 10a. 10 0 0 all -
British A.merican Land Si. per cent 50 0 0 40 0 0 .....
1 Canada ... •• .... •• .. it. per ceet. 100 0 0 32 10 0 125
Do. 5 per cent Bonds 51. pet cent Stock 100 0 0 -
Ditto, 5 per cent bds 5/.per cent. Stock 100 D 0 -
Ditto, 6 per cent. .• 61. per cent. Stock 100 0 0 -
Ditto, 6p c. bds 1874 61. per cent. Stock 100 0 0 -
Ditto, 6p c. bds 1876 61. per sent. Stock 100 0 0 -.
Crystal Palace
Ditto Preference 7l pr. cent. 50 0 all
50 0 4
Crys. Palace of France - 40 0 all -
city Navigation Bonds 3%/. per cent -
Electric Telegraph -
Stock- 'OO -0
e 98%
Eng "c 1 us. Cop. Smelt. - 50 0 all
Eng.&lris. Mag. T. Co. - 50 0 0
-
Equitable Iteversionry 5f per all -
Ditte New . .... ,
Gen. Revers. B:lnvest. cent ,00 0 0 1)0 00 -
GGeenn..slt.eSacm.
NCtadv.i(2l.altrnio.n)
-,1 p c end 1/ ,00 0 0 00 0 0 -
50 0 0 22 10 0 -
London Gen. Omnibus ;21;11. 25 0 0 all -
aLlaundsgoernf'oeridlaz p-erct. &1500 14 0 0 233 t
Si. per cent 40 0 all
LI
vL
looent :
d. .
Reversi;ry .217.1'54c.ent. Stock Stock -
all -
mc
Comp..
-
00'
0 00
all
-
5/, per cent. 115 0 e
- 10 0 0 all -
Nat.- 25 0 0 50 0 3%
N.S.W. Gov.sp.c. Deb. 51, per cent. - 100 0 0 -
Nor. Bet. Australasian 6d. 1 0 0 all -
North of Europe, Stu,. 81. per cent. 20 0 0 17 10 0 -
Price'sPatentCand. Co - 21 0 0 all -
Peel River. Land &Min. - 5 0 0 all -
Pen. & Oriental Steam 71. per cent ,50 0 0 all 72
Ditto New - .50 0 0 10 0 0
all -
-
Reversionary Int. Soc. 4%1. pr cent .100 0 0
olCDn&le:eoB'Su.N,A:. M a us°.
Ditto New •• .• -
Royal \lan Steam it. p. share: 100 0 0 if 0 c 58%
Scottish Aus. Invest l5l. per cent. - 1 0 0 all ISi
South Australian Land 71. per cent. 25 0 0 all -
Trust and Loan Corns. i 54.. pr cent. 20 0 0 5 0 0 ....
VB.l Diemen's Land • • 101. 100 0 0 28 10 0 -
Goy. 6 per cent. rinds. 6 per cer:k - 4 ..... .....