The Sun.
London, England, 1861-04-22 00:00:00

to such emergencies as the present, it really could
have done little, except precipitate a civil war, in
which the Border States would have arranged
themselves by the side of the Cotton States. A
considerable portion of the North would have been
hostile to coercion and the theories which have been
propounded with much apparent approbation re•
specting the actual uses of Gc,vernraent, its powers,
and jurisdiction, show that European doctrines on
such points aro not at all accepted by statesmen,
politicians, and jurists in North America. Without
the means of enforcing an authority which many of
its own adherents, and most of the neutral parties,
denied to it, Mr. Lincoln's Administration finds
itself called upon to propound a policy and to pro-
ceed to vigorous action. The demand is scarcely
reasonable. The policy of such men suddenly lifted
to the head of affairs, which they cannot attempt
to guide, must be to wait and watch, and their
action must be simply tentative, as they have no
power to put forth with moderate hope of success
any aggressive force.
Be satisfied of this—the United States Govern-
ment will give up no power or possession which it
has at present got. By its voluntary act it will
surrender nothing whatever. No matter what re-
ports may appear in the papers or in letters distrust
them if they would lead you to believe that Mr.
Lincoln is preparing either to abandon what he has
now or to recover that which he has not.
The United States Government is in an attitude
of protest ; it cannot strike an offensive blow. But
if any attack is made upon it, the Government
hopes it will be strengthened by the indignation
of the North and West to such an extent that it can
not only repel the aggression, but possibly give a
stimulus to a great reaction in its favour.
On these principles Fort Sumter and Fort Pickens
are held, They are claimed as Federal fortresses.
The Stars and Stripes still float over them. What-
ever may be said to the contrary, they will remain
there till they arc removed by the action of the Con-
federated States. The Commissioners of Mr. Jeffer-
son Davis's Government "have reason to say that
if any attemp tbe made to throw reinforcements into
Fort Pickens, unless they receive previous notice of
it as promised, it will be a breach of good faith."
From all I can learn no intention of strengthening
the fort is at present entertained, but it may be
doubted if the attempt would :not be made should
any favourable opportunity of doing so present
itself. All " the movements of troops," of which you
will see accounts, are preparations against—not for
—aggression. At most they amount to the march of
a few companies and guns to various forts, now all
but undefended. Fort Washington, of which I shall
have a few words to say hereafter, was till lately
held by a very inadequate force. As a member of
the Cabinet said to me, " I could have taken it last
week
.with a little whisky," that potent artillery
being applied to the weak defences of the aged Irish
artillerymen who constitute "the garrison." The
" formidable military force concentrated in Wash-
ington," of which you may read in the American
journals, consists of about 700 men of all arms, as
far as I can see, and four brass field guns. There is
a good deal of drumming, fifing, marching,and music
going on daily. I look on and see a small band in gay
uniform, a small body of men in sombre uniforms,
varying from 15 to 30 rank and file, armed, how-
ever, with excellent rifles, and a very large standard
pass by, and next day I read that such and such a
company had a parade, and " attracted much ad-
miration by their efficient and soldierly appearance
and the manner in which," &c. But these military
companies have no intention of fighting for the
Government. Their sympathies are quite undeter-
mined. Formidable as they would be in skirmish-
ing in the open country, they would be of compara-
tively little use against regular troops at the outset
of the contest, as they have never learnt to act
together, and. do not aspire to form even battalions.
But their existence indicates the strong military
tendencies of the people, and the danger of doing
anything which might turn them against the Go-
vernment. Mr. Lincoln has no power to make war
against the South ; the Congress alone could give
it to him ; and that is not likely to be given, be-
caase Congress will not be assembled before the usual
time unless under the pressure of an imperious ne-
cessity.
Why, then, hold these forts at all ? Why not give
them up ? Why not withdraw the garrisons, strike
the flag, and cease to keep up a useless source of
rritation in the midst of the Southern Confedera-
tion? The answer to these questions is :—These
forts are Federal property. The Government does
not acknowledge the existence of any right on the
part of the people of the States to seize them as
appertaining to the individual States. The forts are
protests against the acts of violence to which the
Federal authority has yielded elsewhere. They are,
moreover, the points crappui, small as they are, on
which the Federal Government can rest its resist-
ance to the claims of the Southern Confederation to
be acknowledged as an independent Republic. If
they were surrendered without attack, or without
the existence of any pressure arising from the refusal
of the Southern authorities to permit them to get
supplies, which is an act of war, the case of the
United States Government would be, they consider,
materially weakened. If it be observed that these
forts have no strategic value, it may readily be re-
plied that their political value is very great. But,
serious as these considerations may be, or may be
thought to be with respect to foreign relations, there
are in reference to domestic politics still more weighty
inducements to hold them. The effect produced in
the North and North-West by an attack on the forts
while the United States flan. is floating :over them
would be as useful to the Government at Washing-
ton as the effect of abandoning the forts or tamely
surrendering them would be hurtful to them in the
estimation of the extreme Republicans. A despe-
rate attack, a gallant defence, the shedding of the
blood of gallant men, whose duty it was to defend
that intrusted to their keeping, and who yielded
only to numbers— the outrage on the United States
flag—would create an excitement in the Union which
the South with all its determination and courage is
unwilling to provoke, but Which the Government
would be forced to use in its own service. Such an
event must lead to war--a very terrible and mer-
ciless war; and both parties pause before they
resort to that court of arms. Unless the Border
States join the South, Mr. Jefferson Davis could

scarcely hope to carry out the grand projects which
are attributed to his military genius of marching
northwards and dictating terms on their own soil
to the Republicans. He could scarcely venture to
leave the negro population unguarded in his rear,
and his flanks menaced by the sea-borne Northerners
on one side, and such operations as the water-sheds
insignificantly indicate on the other. It is idle to

speculate on the incidents of that which may never
occur, and which, occurring, may assume insignifi-
cant aspect of border skirmishes or the tremendous
proportions of a war of races and creeds intensi-

fled by the worst elements of servile and civil con-

flict. The Government of Mr. Lincoln hope and
believe that the contest may be averted. The Com-
missioners of the South are inclined to think, also,
there will be a peaceful solution—obtained of course

by full concession and recognition. But inaction
cannot last on the part of the South. Already
they have begun the system of coercion. The sup-
plies of the garrison at Sumter will be cut off

henceforth, if they are not already forbidden.
They do not fear the moral effect of this act, for
some of their leading meu actually believe that

nothing can stop the progress of a movement which

will, theyfondlythini, absorb all the other States

of the Union, and leave the New England States to
form an insignificant Republic of its own, with a

possible larger destiny in Canada. Their opponents
in the North are as fully satisfied that the direct

Nemesis 1-vi!l fall on the Montgomery Government
in the utter ruin of all their States the moment they
are left to themselves.
The Government is elated at the success of the
loan, and Mr. Chase has taken high ground in re-
fusing offers made to him yesterday, and in resolving
to issue Government Securities for the balance of

,he amount required to complete the amount. Mr.

Forsyth, one of the Southern Commissioners, who
has jnst returned from New York here, is equally

satisfied with the temper of parties in that city,

and seems to think that the New Yorkers are pre-

paring for a secession. But, though States may be
s9yereigial it ties never been asserted that eitie4 or