The Sun.
London, England, 1861-04-15 00:00:00

ANOTHER " OATH CASE."

On Thursday, at the Wigan County Court, before
J. S. T. Greene, Esq., judge, was heard a ease
in which was involved a question very similar to'
that raised in the Rochdale oath case.—Mr. Stephen-
son M. Struthers, reporter of Wigan, sued Charles
Bradlaugh, a secularist lecturer, who has assumed
the title of " Iconoclast," for £ll 16s, the balance of
an account which plaintiff alleged was due to him
for a report of a debate which took place in Wigan
in February last, between Mr. Hutchings and the
defendant, on " Whether is Christianity or Secu-
larism best calculated to promote human happiness."
The case for the plaintiff having closed, Mr. Brad-
laugh took the book in hand to be sworn. Mr.
Mayhew said : Mr. Bradlaugh, I ask you, if you
believe in the religious obligations of an oath ?
Mr. Bradlaugh : I object to that before lam sworn.
The Judge said that no objection could be taken to
the question. After the oath was taken no objec-
tion could be made.—After some further discussion,
Mr. Bradlaugh said : I state in the words of one of
the decisions that I consider the oath binding upon
me.—The Judge : Do you believe in a future state
of rewards and punishments? M. Bradlaugh : I
state in the words of a case decided.—The Judge :
Do you believe in a future state of rewards and
punishments ? Mr. Bradhaugh : According to the
legal opinion of the law of the thing. The Judge :
It is not arguable. Mr. Bradhaugh : Permit me
to refer you to the case in which it was de-
cided, it was sufficient if there was a belief in
a future state of rewards and punishments
in this life, The Judge : It is absurd to
talk of a future state in this life. Do you
believe in a state of future rewards and punish-
ments ? . Mr. Bradlaugh : I still object—l am not
bound to answer the question.—The Judge : You
won't answer the question. Mr. Bradlaugh : lam
ready to be sworn. The Judge : That is not the
objection. Mr. Mayhew read the following extract
from " Taylor on Evidence," " Persons insensible
to the obligations of an oath from defect of religious
sentiment and belief are also incompetent to tes-
tify as witnesses, because the very nature of an oath
presupposes the belief in the existence of an omnis-
cient, supreme Being who is the rewarder of
truth and punisher of falsehood ; without
this belief the person cannot be subject
to that sanction which the law deems an
indispensable test of truth."—The Judge: I have
so much reverence for the name of what I consider
the Supreme Deity that I do not like to put the
question. "Do you believe in the existence of a
God ?" because to me whether by education, or
whatever it may be, I always think that to use the
name at any time, except there is an extreme neces-
cessity, is to use it in vain ; and there is a command
which, according to my belief, tells me not to do it.
instance.
Mr. did not wish to put it so strongly in the first stance.
Mr. Bradlaugh: I will then ask you, under the Com-
mon Law Procedure Act 0f1854, which admits affir-
mation, to permit me to affirm.—The Judge : It is
given to Separatists, and some persons who have
a religion, but do not like. to
.take an oath as ad-
ministered in courts of pstice, to affirm. Mr.
Bradlaugh : I think you wi ll find it extends to those
persons who have conscientious scruples—. The
Judge. Conscientious scruples to taking the oath !
There are persons who say " yea" and " nay" are
quite sufficient. They have conscientious scru-
ples. In this same way the Jew has a con-
scientious scruple to taking the oath as ad-
ministered in a Christian court of justices. He
is permitted to take his oath in a peculiar man-
ner ; but it is because he acknowledges, the
existance of a Supreme Deity. If the Jew was
allowed to do so after having acknowledged whether
he was a Sadducee or a Pharisee, it would be dif-
ferent. You are not a Separatist, Jew, or a foreigner
taking the oath in a particular manner—as the
Chinese, Persians, or Japanese. Mr. Bradlaugh :
Well, your Honour, I object. The Judge

22

,x 4 E SPAPER

C.---
- -
. . __ _
-..7.,A --z---.--,- : .-'; 0
U,. ,_-_: \se,
You will not answer my quo iiiiii:Ytr.Bo r, ;
.„I,ep,,
believe in the existence of a rgitticriz,..d . . 4
Mr. Bradlaugh : I object that ..,t,hp3itiicier?-' -4 Pik;
in the negative, would subject m tCf-'arititi .
prosecution.—The Judge :Do you te've-" ' -,-'9
state of future rewards and punishmehis ? Air. S
Bradlaugh: I object that The Judge :
Then I shall not permit you to give any.evidence
at all, and I think you escape very well in not
being sent to gaol.—His Honour, in summing up,
said Mr. Bradlaugh would meet with the same
measure of justice as any other individual, but he
was bound to measure out justice according to the
legal standard. He (the Judge) was obliged to
treat this as an undefended case, and the verdict
would be for the plaintiff with full amount.

THE COMING EUROPEAN STRUGGLE.

Events make it every day more plain that the
conflict between dynasties and peoples which has
begun in Italy must last with intervals of repose
or exhaustion until one party is conquered.
Which party this will be it is not difficult to
predict. The courts, the nobles, and the func-
tionaries of Europe are endeavouring to avert an
inevitable future. What alliances may be formed,
what battles may be fought, whathawhtesrtoaetsesmmeaya
rise from among the multitude
may lose their reputation, place, or life, in the
chances of the struggle, may be hid in darkness,
but the issue is as clear as noonday. In spite of
Pope and Emperor, Rome will become the capi-
tal of the Italian kingdom, and Venice one of
its cities. The Hungarians and Slaves will ob-
tain independence, at least in administration ;
even the Poles will extort further concessions,
and rid themselves of pedantic governors and
martinet commandants. But this victory is not
to be had without exertions, in which we, though
we look on the contest from a distance, must
have our share. It will be asked why, as these
things are sure to happen, we should interfere.
Can we delay or hurry the feet of fate ? What
is to be will come to pass without our assistance
and in spite of our hindrance. Such fatalism,
however, is not likely to find favour with men of
action. When we believe that the Liberal party
in Europe is destined to prevail it is because we
see that the forces acting in its favour- are far
greater than any which serve the interests of its
opponents. Even should England cast in her lot
with the latter, it could alter very little the course
of events. But by energetic and consistent action
in accordance with the principles held by the
great mass of the people the British Govern-
ment will, no doubt, succeed in making more
easy the inevitable transition. Although we
may not place an army in the field, or direct
our fleets to blockade the ports of any obsti-
nate Sovereign, yet there is a part which may
be worthily played by this country. By using
the influence which it possesses as a strong
wealthy, independent, and Conservative power,
suspected of no sinister designs, and plainly
anxious only for the peace of Europe, the British.
Government may prevail on the German powers,
and even upon Russia, to act with prudence at the
present conjuncture. By a vast outlay in money,
and by an equally important sacrifice of time and
ease, the people of England have not only placed
their country in a state of defence, but shown the
continent that their weight would be decisive of the
result in a European war. We are on terms of
amity with Prance which are only possible to a
state which fears and desires nothing. We are
united to the people of Germany by ties of religion
and similarities of intellect and character; even the
rulers of Austria know that we desire nothing
better than that she should receive new strength
by the contentment of her provinces. But to effect
these objects England must be united. The Go-
vernment must not only be at one with the people,
but it must act with such unity and promptitude
as to give the reactionary party no hopes of a future
change. Strange as it may seem, the policy of
England is even now a matter of doubt in many
quarters abroad. Sovereigns and Camarillas are
flow to learn; at home they will hardly believe in
discontent until they are dethroned or expelled,
and even afterwards they look upon every petty
disturbance as the sign of a speedy restoration. In
their judgment of foreign countries they are equally
optimists. They cannot conceive a Government
existing which does not share their own views and
instincts, which does not think them the most ill-
used and their opponents the most execrable of
mankind. Perhaps by this time the Courts of
Vienna and Berlin may be convinced that the Eng-
lish people are steady in their sympathy with the
Italian cause, but they have a secret hope that this
sympathywill notpermanently influencethe policyof
the state. The Austrians count much on our jealousy
of France; on our fear that united Italy would be a
powerful ally of France ; on our desire to thwart Napo-
leon's ambitious views of an increase of territory.
Such notions are not wholly false ; they have a basis
in:the actual opinions of the English people, and are
justified both by some despatches of our Ministers
and by some speeches of our independent members.
But the German courts and the pretenders to the
Italian crowns rely on these rivalries to an extent
which leads to most inaccurate conclusions. We
in England know that were Austria to march into
Lombardy, Napoleon, in attacking her, would have
the good will of our public so long as he abstained
from the aggrandisement of his own dominions.
But Austria still believes that in such a case Eng-
land would be on her side. Popular opinion, she
thinks, is fickle, and she fancies that there is a more
permanent element of British society attached to
her by an enduring alliance. Hence she is re-
solved to hold out ; she pours troops into Venetia
encourages the obstinacy of the Pope, and smiles on
the hopes of the Neapolitan pretenders. That such
hopes should be destroyed is in the interest of this
country, of Europe, and of Austria herself. As for
ourselves, it is clear enough that as long as the pre-
sent state of Italy continues our seventy millions of
taxation will know little diminution. To prolong
the agony of Rome and Venice is a crime which
will most certainly be dearly expiated by Vienna
and the Legitimist courts. It is therefore, we
think, the duty of every authority in this country
to press on Austria the necessity of yielding.
That the Cabinet and the House of Commons fully
represent the country in this matter is beyond a
doubt. What we must all desire is that Lord Pal-
merston and Lord John Russell should be able to
convince foreign powers that in no quarter is there
any antipathy to the Italian cause. As long as
statesmen are unable to conceal from the diploma-
tists with whom they deal that they maintain their
policy only through the support given them by the
im
possible
for feeling of the people, it will be
for England to have her just weight in European
affairs. The country has a right to expect that
neither Vienna nor Berlin shall have reason to
cherish expectations in disaccord with the warn-
ings of the Crown's responsible Ministers. Such
encouragements can do no good to the disor-
ganised empire which they are intended to benefit.
They may increase the difficulties of the Italians,
but they can only lure the two German powers into
a policy which may be their ruin.—Times.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

TATTERSALL'S-SATURDAY.

In consequence of The Craven meeting at Newmarket
commencing on this day, the Subscription Room was opened
on Saturday for the convenience of the members for the ad-
justment of the heavy balances. of the past week's racing,
which occupied the greater part of the afternoon. The
room was densely crowded. The business "on hand" appa-
rently passed off satisfactorily, which might have been anti-
cipated from the strong " run" that set in in favour of the
ffelders. On the resumption of business on the forthcom-
ing events,

The Newmarket Handicap was introduced by the "rush
.to get on" the Metropolitan winner Parmesan, whose clos-
ing price was, as near as we could collect, 3 to 1; a point
more would have insured a host of supporters. Sawcutter
also was in request at 6 to 1; Zaretan at 7 to 1.
• THE CHESTER CllP.—Chere Arnie had an upward ten-
dency, 7 to 11 being the highest offered; at the same time
Light sprang from the outside division to 25 to 1 taken to
upwards of £3OO, evidently from his recent race at Epsom.
Mr. Day's mare Schism was also touched upon, but with
extreme caution, 30 to 1 being quietly booked, but at the
close 25 to 1 was the best price. Wallace was nominally
at 20 to 1, Butterfly, who for some time has floated in.
the " sunshine" of favour, suddenly receded to 1000 to 10.
which was currently offered, but without meeting with a
response. . _

THE DERBY.—Dandee was asked after, 9 to 2 being
offered ; half a point more would have been taken to money.
The others returned in our "price current" were supported,
but for nominal amounts.

The following is the latest return of the betting :
NEWMARKET HANDICAP.
3to 1 agst Parmesan (offered—take 4to 1)
6to 1 agst Sawcutter (taken)
7to 1 agst Zaretan (taken)
CHESTER CUP.
7to 1 agst Chere Ataie (taken)
20 to 1 agst Wallace (offered)
25 to 1 agst Light (taken freely)
25 to 1 agst Schism (taken)
1000 to 10 agst Butterfly (taken)
DERBY.
9 to 2 agst Dundee (offered—take 6to 1)
16 to 1 agst Big Ben (offered)
20 to 1 agst King of Kent (taken)
25 to 1 agst Neighbour (taken)
25 to 1 agst Kettledrum (offered)
40 to 1 agst Diophantus (taken)
1 05 0
tt
oo agst
Janus t Robinus (Htakool(effered)
0

THEATRE-ROYAL LYCEUM.
Soie Lessee and Directress, Madame CELESTE.
Last Week of the Season.
THIS EVENING, THE SECRET.
Atter which, a new original comic drama, written by Sam!.
Lover, Esq., entitled MAC CARTHY MORE ; or, Possession
Niue Points of the Law. John Drew, J. Johnston, Forrester,
J. Rouse, Medlin ; Misses Rawlings, Hudspeth, &a
To concinde with THE IRISH EMIGRANT. Patrick
O'Brein, Mr. John Drew.

YAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.-
Lessee and Manager, Mr. A. Harris,
THIS EVENING, THRICE MARRIED. Messrs. Shore,
Meadows, Garden, and Miss C. Leclereq.
Followed by HAMLET. Hamlet, Mr. Fechter. Sup-
ported by Messrs. Ryder, Hermann Vezin, Graham, Shore,
Meadows, Ice. ; Misses Heath, R. Leclerc% and Elsworthy.

NEW THEATRE-ROYAL, ADELPHI,
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. B. Webster.
THIS EVENING, the new drama, MAGLIORE, THE
FRESTIDIGITA2OR. Messrs. B. Webster, J. L. Toole,
D. Fisher, Ac.; Miss K. Kelly, Miss H. Simms, &C.
To be followed by a new apropos Sketch, THE CENSUS.
Messrs. J. L. Toole, Ebnrne, Romer, C. J. Smith ; Miss
Kate Kelly, Miss E. thorne, and Mrs. Chatterley.
After which, THE FOOL OF THE FAMILY. Miss
Julia Daly, Mr. P. Bedford.
Doors open at halt past 6—Commence at 7.

CANTERBURY-HALL CONCERTS!!
Westminster-road.
Proprietor ...... ~C. Merton.
A Grand Selection from Verdi's new Opera,
IL CORSARO,
(This opera has never been produced in this or any other
country, except at these Concerts), having met with that de-
cided suocess which charactisei the most popular works of
this great Master, will be performed EVERY EVENING ;
together with a Selection from LA FIGLIA DEL REGGI-
AMNTO, by Donizetti,
Principal Artistes—Miss Russell, Madame Maria, Miss
Tyrrell, Mr. H. Herbert, Signor Tivoli, H. Drummond, and
c. W. Bernard. Director, Mr. F. Jonghmans.
The Comic Department comprises Messrs. E. Marshall, A.
B. Hollingsworth, J. Blanchard, F. Bell, W. H. Welland, and
the Brothers Conrad.
John Martin's Three celebrated Pictures will remain on
view a short time longer in the Fine Arts Gallery of the
Establishment

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.
T DAY.—Morning, 4h. 40 m.—Afternoon, 4h. 56 m.
T o-tet ouliOW. -Morning, sh. 14m.—Afternoon, sh. 34m.

rHE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, Arun. 14, 1861.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE,
51—highest since noon yesterday.
42—lowest this morning and during the night.
46—this day at noon.

BAROMETER-30.30.
WlND—North-East—light ; with fine weather.
APRIL 15.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE,
47—highest since noon yesterday.
40—lowest this morning and during the night.
49—this day at noon.

BAROMETER-30.34.
WlND—North-Easterly—fresh ; with dull cold weather.

" To be, or not to be ?"—a moderate reduction of
the Income Tax, say from tenpence to ninepence,
or even eightpence—or an increase of the Income
Tax frotia the last year's rate of tenpence in the
pound to that round sum Mr. GLADSTONE was
hankering after last session, the sum his fingers
were burning to grasp at on the 10th of February,
1860—an Income Tax of A SHILLING !
" That is the Question !" That is the alterna-
tive. Those are the horns of the dilemma with
which the Chancellor of the Exchequer will have
to grapple this evening in the course of his Finan-
cial Statement. " The bane and antidote" are
both before him. There is a talk whispered about
at the clubs just now of a hocus-pocus juggling of
figures by our great National Accountant, a hocus-
pocus juggling of figures by which he will
manifest with something like the clearness of
two and two making four, that instead of hav-
ing another melancholy deficit to deal with, he
actually has somewhere about a million say a
million--to spare. Hence that delightful hypo-
thetical, almost, one might call it, purely suppo.
sitious ghost of a rumour afloat in some quar-
ters, that the Income Tax, in lieu of being in-
creased, will be—to however small an extent, say
to the extent of twopence, of a penny, of even a
halfpenny—modified. It is a beautiful, halcyon
vision. Let us indulge in it—if only for an hour
or two—if only to the bitter enhancement of our
after disappointment. But then, alas. there are those
dreadful returns for the past quarter, for the last Fi-
nancial Twelvemonth. There is that undeniable
declension in the Customs Revenue, there is that
falling off in the Income Tax returns, there is that
deplorable absence of those dear little unlooked for
windfalls (like the paid up arrears from Spain)
that helped, upon the occasion of the last Budget, to
mitigate the horrors unfolded to view by the pre-
amble of Mr. GLADSTONE'S Budget Speech of 1860.
Those frightful revelations of an apparently
inevitable deficiency, amounting upon the whole to
something very nearly approaching, in round num-
bers, to Ten Millions sterling. That, we take it.
is about Mr. GLADSTONE'S strongest point in the
concoction of his financial statements. To
exaggerate the actual deficit into one of so wholly
appalling a magnitude, that when the more reason-
able probability comes out at last, just prior to the
explanation of his scheme of taxes for the year—
people are dieposed somehow to forgive a deficit in
itself so comparatively moderate in its dimensions.
Contrasted with the imaginary deficit with which
the House has been frightened, in the first instanc,
the real deficit, afterwards brought to light as a
modification of the other, a modification, the House
is told by Mr. GLADSTONE himself, due entirely
and absolutely to his exceptional skill as a Financier
—contrasted with the imaginary deficit, we say
the real one eventually thus introduced to the
notice of the House comes quite as a relief in its
way. So that what seemed threatening in the first

Mr. THACKERAY'S Cornhill Magazine, while
has proved very brilliant as a medium for the dif-
fusion of light literature, has already rather blun-
dered occasionally as a social censor and a political
instructor. It was only very recently, indeed,
that the unfair comments, or they ought, perhaps
more correctly, to be called diatribes, indulged in
anent certain of the Eton authorities and much of
the Eton discipline, by a clever writer enough,
signing himself, for the nonce, " Paterfamilias,"
called forth from a competent witness upon
the matter then and there under dispute,
what can only be accurately designated as an
overwhel:ning disclosure. It has now de-
volved upon General Sir JOSHUA JEBB, the dis-
tinguished Inspector-General of our Convict
Establishments, to point out (not we are satisfied
without very natural feelings of scorn and indig-
nation) one of the shabbiest little misstatements or
perversions of the truth that could well have been
adventured upon even by the least scrupulous critic
while viewing the organisation and the average
results of the organisation of that large and singu-
larly responsible department of the public service
over which Sir JOSHUA /EBB has himself indivi-
dually, during so many years past, presided.
The misstatement referred to occurs inciden-
tally in the course of an article in an otherwise ad-
mirable and interesting—certainly, upon the whole,
a most impressive—article in the April number of
the Cornhill, a paper entitled " The Irish Convict
System : why:it has succeeded." Sir JOSHUA, in
his very frank and manly exposure of the erroneous
calculation which the writer of that argument has
therein attempted to foist upon the general public
as an estimate of undeniable accuracy, gives,
before pointing out its fallacy, the exact words
of the parliamentary return, from which the Corn-
hill contributor has drawn his truly extraordinary
deductions. Deductions, by the way, either based
upon the grossest ignorance, the most flagrant in-
sincerity, or—supposing the mistatementto the
result neither of ignorance nor of duplicity—the
most unjubtitiable carelessness. The return alluded
to by the writer in the Cornhill, and now quoted
by Sir Jos. JEBB in his exceedingly temperate and
perfectly conclusive letter to the chief of our morning
contemporaries, was no other than the "Return to

instance, to be nothing less than distressing

and even (considering that we are at peace,

and that we are as an industrious race sin-

gularly prosperous) actually dreadful under the

circumstances becomes, when the way has
been thus adroitly prepared for the disclosures,

something almost in itself delightful. Therefore

people, listening to Mr. GLADSTONE's Budget last
year, for example—shuddering at its commence-
ment, consoled 'towards its conclusion—rose, under
the influence of the witchery and glamour of our
Oratorical Financier, sighing to themselves with a
deluded sense of satisfaction—Not so Bad as
we Expected Upon one only condition, however,
will the generality consent now, once more, to
yield themselves up unresisting slaves to the
wizardry of the Master Rhetorician of the Age.
Upon one condition only, we repeat, after last year's
national experience of his financial policy, its re-
&lilts and cons °i
one singly condition
alone, after that, will the House and the country
s
Mr. GLADSTONE'
bow to genius as a Financial
Rhetorician—that condition
being the reduction,
by however small a degree, of the abhorred and
detested Income Tax.

We now understand, perhaps as well
shell
ever do, the real character of the sad affair at
War:4lw on the Bth. Full accounts appear in the
French papers, and we have also the proclamation
of Prince GORTSCHAKOFF subsequent to the military

THEATRE-ROYAL, HAY M ARK ET. ' slaughter, and the laws which he has resolved to
Lessee, Mr. J. B. Baokstone.
enforce,
THIS EVENING, the pertormances will commence with
A. DUKE IN OIFFICULTIES. Mrs. Stirling, Miss F. The proclamation itself appears to show one
Xayion, Mrs. Wilkins, Miss Fanny Stirling, Mr. Ruckstone,
Kr. Compton, Mr. Howe, Ao. thing at least—that even the Government of the
.After which, will be revived, with entirely new scenery
'aid effects, CZ AP has and all the original, music by the late Sir Henry • as given up reliance on brute force alone,
iishop, the melodrama of THh MILLER AND HIS MEN.
Commence at 7. he case is stated and argued with the citizens in
as conciliatory language as could be looked for; and
unless we can suppose it a mere bait to ensnare the
inhabitants, which is not our impression, it reads
rather like an apology than otherwise, although it
throws the blame in severe language on the mis-
guided leaders of the multitude. The Prince
speaks of " yesterday as a day of mourning for both
of us," and proceeds to give the details. On the
previous day there had been demonstrations by
great numbers " who would not listen to his words."
On the Bth, when they assembled again, the crowd
had three police orders,:at intervals of ten minutes
each, to disperse, but would not do so till charged
by the soldiers. After the crowd had been dis-
persed in one street, however, it returned, attacked
the soldiers with stones and bricks, and at the same
time an attempt was made to construct barricades,
so that "after a renewed shower of stones the
military commandant was obliged to order his
men to fire." The Prince says that only ten per-
sons have been killed, besides two soldiers.
Seventy persons have been arrested. These,
however, he premises shall be tried by
the laws which he publishes, and not
by a Court Martial. If, however, as
is :probable, the judges are either Russians, or,
what would be worse, Russianised Poles, the
accused may be as severely dealt with as they
would be by a court of soldiers. The Prince appeals
to them " in the name of GOD and of the respect
due- to the SOVEREIGN, to public order, to the
welfare and honour of the country to consider ;" if
the new law now promulgated does not calm the
madness of those who are leading the multitude to
destruction, he will be obliged to proclaim the state
of siege, for which these madmen will alone be
responsible.

The law which follows is in the name of the
King of Poland, as well as that of the autocrat of
all the Russias, and it sets forth in the preamble,
that the late disturbances "impede the free develop-
ment of the constitution granted by his Majesty."
No unauthorised assemblies may therefore congre-
gate in the public squares and streets—the civil
authorities are to disperse them—the military, if
necessary, to support them—all persons not dis-
persing or resisting the authorities are to be liable
various terms of imprisonment—and inciting to
such assemblies as are prohibited is to be
severely punished—regulations, which differ little
from those in force here, in cases in which magi-
strates pronounce an assembly riotous. The chief
difference is that the assemblage itself, however
quiet, is treated like a riot.
It is to be observed that the accounts of violence
on the part of the people are from the pen of Prince
GORTSCHAKOFF. Letters from Warsaw do not
confirm his representations in this respect ; the
people had, on the day before, theselletters tell us,
assembled in large numbers, but without violence ;
had only demanded a promise on honour, that
their wishes should be transmitted to the EMPEROR,
and when this was given had quietly dispersed.
They stated, however, that they should renew their
demand on the following day. They did so; then
the story runs, that while there assembled a post-
boy crossing the square with his carriage, played
on his horn the national air of DOMBROWSKI,
" Poland has not yet perished"—the multitude
became excited, and, though unarmed, attempted
to force their way into the Court-yard of the Palace.
Then the cavalry charged and the infantry fired.
Still large numbers collected round, and prayed to
a statue of the Virgin, and would not desperse.
At night all retired. The question from which
side the provocation. rose is therefore still to be
settled. We strongly suspect that a General
CHRULEFF was the mover in the savage part of the
business. Prince GORTSCHAKOFF himself, so far
as he has acted on his own advice, appeared to
lean strongly to conciliation. We can only hope
the Poles will follow the example of the Hun-
garians will restrain themselves from the
folly of entering unarmed into a conflict of phy-
sical force with the master of the army, but will
firmly continue to assert their rights. In this
case England has a right, by the Treaty of Vienna
and the agreements and promises in connection
with it, to plead the cause of the Poles, and, despite
the grumbling of Prussia, we hope our Ministers
will do it. We can render efficient moral
support to the Poles. Louts NAPOLEON
will certainly be willing to join us, and
in the present position of the Russian Empire
and of Europe, the advice would not be without its
weight. Besides, though we do not forget some
harsh words of his to Poland, we are willing to
cherish the hope that the present CZAR is desirous
to govern with the good will of his subjects—he
does not adopt his father's motto, " Let them hate,
provided they fear."

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THE SUN,
LO;v1)0N, MONDAY, APRIL 15. 1861.