The Sun.
London, England, 1859-01-05 00:00:00

THE B.R.THr 1-10 N. E. CARDWELL,
Al OXFORD.
4-

At an anratial meeting of the Loyal Order of
Druids, ho'al in the Town-hall,-Oxford, on Monday
evening, among other persons present were the
Right N.on. E. Cardwell and Mr. Langston, the
membes's for the city. There were also present
Mr. S crjeant Gaselee, the Mayor of Oxford, Mr.
Sheriff Stevens, and many of the leading citizens.
Mr. William Bacon presided.
The usual loyal toasts having been given,
The CLIAIRMAN proposed " The Health of the
City "Members," remarking that the merits of
those, gentlemen were so well known that it was
nceUless to dilate upon them, but he could only
wish that every other constituency was as ably
represented as the city of Oxford.
The toast was enthusiastically drunk.
Mr. LANGSTON, in responding, congratulated the
company upon the present aspect of public affairs
throughout the country, contrasted with the gloomy
state of things which existed at this period last
year. Having briefly adverted to events which had
occurred since that time, the hon. gentleman said—
The time was fast approaching when parliament
-would be called upon to direct its attention to a
subject of the greatest interest and importance—
he
meant a new reform bill. (Hear.) He had the
pleasure of attending a meeting at Banbury last
autumn, when a cabinet minister connected with
Oxfordshire (Mr. Henley) addressed his consti-
tuents upon the subject of reform, and it appeared
that all parties were now agreed that the time had
arrived when that question ought to be fully and
fairly considered. Twenty-five years had elapsed
since the passing of the Reform Bill, and it was
then said that that bill was to be a final measure.
He understood by the word " final," that the sub-
ject of reform was not to be unnecessarily brought
before the attention of the house, and under those
circumstances it became necessary, whenever it was
taken into consideration, that a measure should be
produced which should be of a satisfactory
character, and one that was calculated to meet
the wants and wishes of the country for at least
a quarter of a century to come. Cheers)( He
would not upon that occasion enter upon the con-
sideration of the details of a reform bill, because he
had no doubt that great differences of opinion existed
among them upon the subject; but it was, at all
event", agreed upon all hands that a large exten-
sion of the suffrage should take place, and that
many persons who were excluded by the first Re-
form Bill from a voice in the choice of their repre-
sentatives should be admitted _to the privilege.
(Cheers.) They were all aware that at the present
time persons residing in counties were not allowed
to vote unless they rented a house of the value of
£5O a year, and that those living in better houses
and paying a larger sum towards the taxation of
the country than the £lO householders in boroughs
were deprived of a vote. (Hear, hear.) There
were many small towns which now returned mem-
bers to Parliament which ought to be disfranchised,
and the members given to larger and more influen-
tial constituencie ; but, at the same time; he thought
that system might be -carried a great deal too far,
for he did not believe that thelargest constituencies
of the country always elected the best members.
(" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) The measure brought
forward by Lord John Russell several years ago
sought to disfranchise several small boroughs, and
to add, in some cases, additional villages and towns
to neighbouring boroughs ; but that was an
arrangement which he did not think would be
found to work well in practice, and he wouldmuch
rather disfranchise a place altogether than add a
country population to it.
Mr. CARDWELL, who was received with loud and
prolonged cheering, said—Adhering to that custom
which has always prevailed among us, and follow-
ing the example of my colleague, I will, with your
permission, give you, without any reserve on my
part, those observations which the present state of
affairs seems to me naturally to suggest. I rejoice
that we can now enter upon almost every question
with that freedom, and that frankness, which are
the natural result of the popular institutions under
which we live. We stand now at a period of pecu-
liar interest—we are measuring not by months, but
by weeks, the time when we shall be admitted into
the secrets of the Government—when we shall be
called upon to hear and to decide the proposals
which they, may make as to the settlement of a
great question. Now, to me, these are the considera-
tions which that proposal suggest. In the first place,
for the last ten years we have all been more or less
talking on this subject of reform. I quite agree
with my friend and colleague that the time is come
when, if possible, we should talk about it no more,
without doing something which may be satisfac-
tory. (Cheers.) Another observation which occurs
to me is this—l think there never was a time so
proper for doing something on the subject as at
present. (Hear.) The country is not excited in
reference to it, -but I do not suppose at all that
means the country is not alive to the subject, or
that the country is indifferent and not in earnest.
Ido not believe that it is " the torrent's smoothness
ere it dash below ;" and I do not believe that we
are going soon to enter upon a period of irrational
excitement on the matter. I believe there never
has been a period when the country was so pre-
pared carefully to consider, rationally to discuss,
and steadfastly to adopt honest and judicious pro-
posals on the subject of reform. Another conside-
ration of great importance is this—if we are to ac-
complish the benefits to which my friend has re-
ferred we shall have to pass through the House of
Commons a bill which will disfranchise many of
- our towns which now have a voice in the election
of their representatives. lam not at all afraid for
the city of Oxford. I don't believe that any Re-
former or any Conservative will propose any sche-
dule in which the city of Oxford will be in any
risk of finding a place. But the Minister who has
to carry a Reform Bill through the House of Com-
mons, in which so many members will find their
seats condemned, has an arduous task before him.
If the question is not to be a mere football for poli-
tical controversy from meeting to meeting, and
from one side of the house to the other, but if it is
to be of practical advantage to the people of Eng-
land and the well government of the world, we must
pass it through the House of Commons. We have
also to carry it through another assembly, which
has to review the proceedings of the House of Com-
mons. All this must happen before it receives the
consent of the Crown. It is time we did something.
Certainly within our experience there has never
been a better time foe doing something, while it is
a great advantage to have the authority and in-
fluence of the Crown on our side in the measure
we arc going to carry. Now we come to consi-
der a more difficult phase of the subject, and we
approach that Druidical circle, which it is contrary
to our rules to venture within. I shall show my
self so good a Druid that I have no doubt I shall
succeed in conforming to that regulation. One
thing we know, and that is, that the measure will
not be passed on what I call abstract principles, by
which I mean that it will not contemplate, like the
celebrated Declaration of Independence, a univer-
sality of suffrage, and a mathematical equalisation
of electoral districts. The question to be asked
first will be—are the persons whom the proposed
measure will include in the enfranchised to be
chosen upon some comprehensive principle, and for
a sincere and honest aim and purpose ? By com-
prehensive principle, I mean is it an ample mea-
sure, large in proportion to the magnitude of the
subject itself, to the interest of the country, to the
greatness of the people whose destinies it is to
sway, it may be, for a quarter of a century, and to
those ultimate interests it will affect perhaps for
the whole duration of the present generation ? By
sincere, I mean is it framed without reference to
any particular aspirations—is it designed and in-
tended to promote the welfare of the whole com-
munity ? The test of that will be—are the educa-
tion and intelligence of the persons selected for
enfranchisement to be the ground and cause of their
being selected ? Will it include those who are
qualified to add by their voice to the wisdom,
security, and strength of the counsels of this crown
and people ? I doubt not, with my honourable
friend and colleague that there will be a re-
distribution of seats caused by this measure.
My friend has referred to a bill brought in
four years ago by a government of which I my-
self had the honour to be a member. Four years
have elapsed, and, in the life we live, four years
is a long time. It may be that subsequent expe-
rience may suggest to those whose anxious duty
it will be to bring forward a Reform Bill, important
amendments and changes in the details of this mea-
sure; butleverybody who refers to that measure of
Lord J. Russell will see that whether its details
were right or wrong, at all events its object was to
add those individuals to the constituency who cor-
responded to the test of intelligence and education.
With regard to the redistribution of seats, disfran-
chisement was the order of that bill, for, if I recol-
lect right, about 60 or 70 seats would have fallen,
to he taken from small places and reapportioned to
the great scats of industry and commerce. It may
be that some other number is now more suited to
the exigencies of the time, and we shall hear the
reasons which dictate the change ; but this I say,
that if in the extension of the franchise there be no
arbitrary rule, but a sincere desire to make the
fitness of the elector the cause of this extension,
regardless of consequences to party or class—if in
the redistribution of seats the dcgire be to remove
manifest defects and give power to great combina-
tions of industry and intelligence, and to add
strength to the institutions of this country,- the bill,
whether it correspond to the details of the Bill of
1854, or differ from them, will deserve to be consi-
dered an ample and an honest bill; and come from