The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-04 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON,' FIiIDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 4, 1859.

BANK OF DEPOSIT,
Established A.D. 1844,
No. 3, PALL MALL EAST, LONDON, S.W.
Capital Stock £lOO,OOO.
Parties desirous of ingesting money are requested to ex-
amine the plan of the Bank of Deposit, by which a high rate
of interest may be obtained with ample security.
Deposits made by special agreement may bo withdrawn
without notice.
The interest is payable in January and July.!
PETER MOB nisoN, Managing Director.
Forms for opening accounts sent free on application.

THE ROYAL STATION HOTEL, Paragon-
street, Hull, requires only to be visited to he pronounced
one of the most splendid hotels in England. The situation is
open and healthful, a tew minutes' walk from all the public
buildings and places of business, and being connected with
the Railway Station, affords railway passengers arriving or
departing by every train day or night, the advantage of being
on the spot, and having their wants and wishes immediately
attended to.
The public should know that under the present manage-
ment they will find every comfort and convenience at the
same charges they are paying at the minor hotels. It has
accommodation for upwards of one hundred and fifty visitors,
is fitted up with every luxury an hotel can command, and is
so arranged for the advantage of every class of visitor, that
Beds can be had from Is. to 2s. ; Private Rooms, from 2s. to
Is. ; Breakfasts, from ls. 6d. to 2s. ; Dinners, from 2s. ; and
all other charges of that moderate character which will give
satisfaction to every class of visitor who may pay the hotel a
visit.

The hotel contains Gentlemen and Ladies' Coffee Rooms ;
a special Room set apart for Commercial Gentlemen ; fourteen
Pirate suites of Rooms ; large spacious Rooms for Dinner
Parties, Public Meetings, &c., &c. ; two first-class Refresh-
ment Rooms ; two Smoke Rooms ; Bath and Billiard Rooms..

A Night Porter in attendance.
EDWIN TAYLOR,

Proprietor of th• Royal Station Hotel, Hull, and Crescent
Hotel, Filey.

N.B.—TAYLOR'S CRESCENT HOTEL, fronting the sea,
for Families and Gentlemen. It has accommodation for up-
wards of one hundred and fifty visitors. Table D'HOte at
tire o'clock. Omnibuses and Cabs from the hotel meet all the
trains. Good stabling and coach•houses. Moderate terms.

THORLEY'S FOOD FOR CATTLE.—Every
person having an interest in domestic or farm animals
should obtain a supply of this celebrated and economiedl
food, which will prove invaluable during the approaching
season. For keeping horses in good condition it is unequal-
:ed. Pigs fatten with surprising rapidity upon it, and their
rleah increases in flavour and value. Cowkeepers will find
zreat advantage in the increased quantity and improved qua-
lity of the milk during its use. All animals are benefited by
it. A pamphlet on this interesting subject, accompanied
Testimonials from the principal Nobility, Gentry, and Agri
atlturists, forwarded on applfcation. In casks containing
148 feeds (measures enclosed), price 505., carriage paid to any
Railway Station in the United Kingdom. Post-office orders
oayable to Joseph Thorley, 77, Newgate-street, London.
N.B.—The public arecautioned against being imposed upon
by worthless imitations.

GLENFIELD PATENT STARCH,
USED IN THE ROYAL LAUNDRY,
&ND PRONOUNCED AY HER MAJESTY'S LAUNDRESS to bs
THE FINEST STARCH SHE EVER USED.
WHEN YOU ARE FOR
GLENFIELD PATENT STARCH,
SEE THAT YOU GET IT,
As inferior kinds are often substituted.
Sold by all Chandlers, Grocers, &c., &a
WOTHERSPOON k CO.. GLASGOW AND LONDON:

be worth it a hundred times over. (Loud cheers.) But effi-
ciency might be had without sacrificing economy, and when
he compared the total cost of the French army and navy
with ours he could come to no other conclusion than that in
these great public departments in this country there was
monstrous waste and extravagance. (Rear, hear.) We had
an army of 122,000 men (not counting these in India, for
they were paid there) and 50,000 militia, while the French
had 500,000 men, and the navies of the two countries were
said to be now too nearly equal, and yot cur army and navy
cost us nearly a third more altogether than the Fr nch force
cost them. lie drew these facts from returns laid before
Parliament, and he believed thLt an instance which he
found in these returns would bo conclusive evidence of the
defective state of our military and naval administra-
tion. During the last two years of the war with Russia,

when both countries were putting forth their strength,
though in numbers of soldiers the French greatly exceeded
us, the total charge for our armaments was £39,000,000,
while that of the French at the same time was only

£36,0)0,000. (Hear.) Now, if in two years we absolutely
threw away £50,000,000 more than the French in doing

much the same work, it seemed reasonable to conclude that

this was the branch of the national expenditure in which
a great saving might be made. (Mar, hear.) But we
must not shut our eyes to the difficulty of effecting a reduc-
tion. The adoption of every modern improvement neces-
sitated constant progress and therefore Change in our arma-
ments. Beyond all considerations of economy we must
make the country secure from the risk of invasion, the ad-
♦antages of our insular position having been greatly

impaired by steam. He was opposed to a large standing
army in this country, the existence of 'which in all history
had been found incompatible with a free constitution.
(Hear, hear.) The most competent military officers as-
put ed us that if we had a regular army large enough to
withstand the first shock of invasion there would be time
enough for the whole country to rise_like one man in its
defence, and shoild that time ever come,
" Wha would fill a coward's grave,
Wha sae base as be a slave ?"

(Loud cheers.) He, for one, had felt it his duty to enrol
himself as a volunteer, and he thought if we had a ♦olun-
teer force of 300,000 practised rifle shots in the British
islands no foreigners would dare to trouble us. (Loud
cheers) For his part, ho did not believe that
invasion would be attempted. Exactly 100 years ago
there was an invasion panic in this country, and
we actually imported foreign mercenaries to help to defend
us. But, small comparatively though our army was, no
man in this country for a moment now dreamt that we could
not defend ourselves. (Cheers.) Though he believed
Napoleon was far too wise to quarrel with us, he looked
with great suspicion on the continued increase of the French
navy, and would never be content that the safety of our
country should depend on the friendship of any foreign
Power whatever, be he Emperor or President. (Loud
cheers.) The question of peace or war with France had a
' European aspect as well as an English one. It was not
more the difficulty of taking the Italian fortresses held by
Austria than the menacing aspect of Germany that deter-
' mined the French Emperor to conclude a peace before coin-
' plating the programme with which he started. Unlike
Britain, France had neighbours on both sides of her, and
those on her northern and eastern borders were all living
under free constitutional Governments, naturally jealous of
military despotism. In numbers they exceeded the French
nation, and in military force were at least their equal. If
the French Emperor had already found it unsafe to disre-
gard the threats of Germany, he would probably picture to
himself the condition of his undefended frontier while en-
gaged in a life and death struggle with England. (Hear,
hear.) But if this did not teach him caution, could it be
believed that at this time of day he could be so mad for
"glory" as to break up the peaceful intercourse between
two of the most populous and industrious nations on the
globe ? For the mere money value to France of England,
as her beat customer, was enormous. We figured in the
exports and imports of France to the extent of £30,000,000,
or nearly one-third of the whole business she did with
Europe. (Hear.) He had lately met with a speech of
Louis Philippe in 1813, from which he would read an ex-
tract, that might well be studied by the French Emperor :
" War appears to me a malediction ; and war in Europe
between civilized nations I regard as an absurdity. If the
smaller States should desire it, we should prevent them ;
and as peace between the great Powers become daily more
consolidated, I hope, if I live a few years longer, that a
general war in Europe will have become impossible."
Events, however, had dissipated this dream, and so mysteri-
ous was the policy of the present ruler of France that we
must be prepared to trust to ourselves, and not to him.
(Cheers,) But we must also be able to maintain our power
in all quarters of the globe to which our dominion or our
commerce extended. It was the business of the Govern-
ment and of Parliament to take care that our intercourse in
foreign countries was regulated by justice ; but it was our
duty, also, to protect our officers and men, and to see that
justice could be enforced. With regard to tho unfortu-
nate China defeat, he desired to reserve his opinion
until they knew more clearly our position when the
British Minister reached the Peiho. He had read Lord
Elgin's correspondence and transactions with the ut•
most can, and could not do otherwise than regret
the rupture of a peace which that noble lord had con-
cluded with so much success. But our position in the
Enst, bo it for good or ill, was such that we dared not
accept a defeat. The existence of our Indian empire and
our prestige in the East depended on a knowledge of the
paramount power of our arms. If that belief should be
shaken, our Indian empire would be again imperilled, our
power in the Eastern Archipelago would be loosened, and
the progress of civilisation through our commercial inter-
course would be obstructed, and might possibly be destroyed
(Hear, hoar.) And not in the East only, but in the ex-
treme West we had interests to defend. We could not sub
mit to a filibustering occupation of territory which had
been referred to amicable arbitration. He had some confi-
dence in the good sense of the American President, and
hoped that the filibustering general would be disavowed,
and the peace between this country and the United States
remain undisturbed. But with such various interests to
protect and defend, it was clear that we must maintain a
powerful force always at our disposal. Could we afford the
cost? He maintained we could. Within the last 1.5 years
the annual income from property and trade in England
and Scotland alone had increased £28,000,000, which was
equivalent in capital value to the amount of the na-

tional debt. (Hear, hear.) If capitalised, the property
and income of the three kingdoms, independent of our
Indian empire and our colonies, amounted to the enor-
mous sum of £8,400,000,000. A tax of only ss. per cent.
On that, for insurance, would raise £21,000,000, which
was equal to the whole cost of our armaments. It was
trifling, therefore, with interests of such magnitude
either to talk despondingly of the resources of this
country or to hesitate a moment about their defence
on a question of cost. (Loud cheers.) He now came
to the subject of raising therevenue, and the much disputed
point of direct and indirect taxation. Direct taxes, as they
were aware, included income and assessed taxes, land-tax,
stamp, legacy, and succession duties. The indirect taxes
were raised by the Customs and Excise, and, being paid by
the importer or wholesale producer, and added to the price,
were levied from us without our knowing it directly. The
direct taxes might be said to be borne exclusively bz the
upper and middle classes ; the indirect by the whole com-
munity. Both modes of taxation were in use in all coun-
tries with which we were acquainted, but the relative pro-
portions of the two varied in different countries. In no
other country but ours had there probably ever been so
large a proportion of the revenue raised by indirect taxa-
tion. (Hear, hear.) In no country in the world was pro-
perty so well protected or so lightly taxed. (Hear.) He
had been able, from the papers laid before Parliament, to
obtain accurate information on this point in regard to our
own country and our two nearest neighbours, France and
Belgium. While we raised one-third of our revenue from
direct and two thirds from indirect taxes, France raised
it in nearly equal proportions, and IBelgium in grbatly
the largest proportinn from property. He would not
detain them by going into details, but it could easily be
shown that under our mode of taxation the man who lived

by labour paid a much larger percentage of his earnings
in taxes than ho who lived by income from property.
(Hear, hear.) It was no answer to this to say that a man
might, if he chose, live all his life and go to his grave with-
out being forced to pay a farthing of indirect taxes. Flour
and oatmeal were untaxed—potatoes, salt, and water were
untaxed. True, but of what use was our commerce if the
people were to have no share of the comforts which it
brought ? (Cheers.) How long would trade prosper if the
people, the great consumers, were unable to buy ? If, then
we should follow the example of our continental neighbours
and adopt the principle that direct and indirect taxes should
be levied in nearly equal proportions, we could at once take
the second great step in free trade by abolishing the duties
on tea and sugar—(cheers)—a boon to the mass of the
people inferior only to'that of untaxed bread. (Loud cheers.)
Every man, woman, and child in the- country would feel
the benefit of the change in an immediate reduction of half
the price. Nor would this be all, for freedom of trade in
these great articles of consumption wont I at once diminish
the cost of our revenue establishments by half a million
a-year, while it would immensely promote our commerce,
and thus give a new impetus to trade. (Cheers.) He had
been elected by them to support the extension of liberal
principles and a free-trade policy. He had now endeavoured
to explain his views of our present position and prospects.
It would be his duty as their representative to promote in
every way in his power their public and local. interests, and
to do what he could honestly to retain the confidence with
which they had been pleased to intrust him. (Loud and
continued cheering.)
A unanimous vote of thanks was accorded to Mr. Caird
at the conclusion of the proceedings, and an expreeei‘'n of
the continued confidence of the cmtituency.

?HE lIARPE.R'S FERRY OUTBREAK.

Accounts from Washington respecting the Har-
per's Ferry outbreak state that Brown and the

other prisoners had been sent to Charleston, where

they would be indicted and tried. Brown had
made a confession to Governor Wise. Papers
that have been found in his possession impli-
cated Gerrit Smith, Joshua Giddings, a•id other
abolitionists who furnished money. Brown, whose
wounds were not serious, says he had contem-
plated this movement since 1836. All his party
were either killed or captured, except one. It

is said that the papers do not show that the
negroes at Harper's Ferry were partakers beforo
the fact in the conspiracy. It had been thought
proper not to publish yet the names of the con-
spirators, but it appears the whole affair was

organised with considerable care. A constitution

and code of rules were drawn up, to which
the conspirators were bound to accede. A mani-

festo by Gerrit Smith, directed in August last
to the chairman of the Jerry rescuers, curiously

foreshadows the outbreak and its attendant circum-
stances. Brown had provided arms sufficient for
1,500 men, and on search being made at his house
a number of letters and other documents were found,
among which was one from Frederick Douglass, and
another from a lady containing the dollars "for the
cause." The result of the engagement at the Ferry
appears to have been six citizens and 15 insurgents
killed, three insurgents wounded and five prisoners.
The news of the outbreak caused great excitement
and alarm in Washington, and precautions were
taken in case of an outbreak occurring in that city.
In the meantime, apprAhensions of further skir-
mishes were current in the neighbourhood of Har-
per's Ferry, and the citizens were arming. Colonel
Lee went with a company of Marines to Harper's
Ferry, but found, all quiet. On withdrawing the
consternation of the people increased, and they were
endeavouring to organise companies, for general
defence when the last accounts left.

The following are the " Provisional Constitution
and Ordinances for the people of the United States"
proposed by the rebels :
" Whereas, slavery throughout its-entire exist-.
ence in the United States is none other than the
most barbarous, unprovoked and unjustifiable war
of one portion of its citizens against another por-
tion, the only conditions of which are perpetual
imprisonment and hopeless servitude, or absolute
extermination, in utter disregard and violation of
those eternal and self-evident truths set forth in our
declaration of independence :
" Therefore, we the citizens of the United States
and the oppressed people, who, by a recent decision
of the Supreme Court, are declared to have no
rights which the white man is bound to respect,
together with all the other people degraded by the
laws thereof, do for the time being ordain and
establish for ourselves the following provisional
constitution and ordinances, the better to protect
our people, property, lives, and liberties, and to
govern our actions :
" ART. I.—QUALIFICATIONS FOR MEMBERSHIP.—
All persons of mature age, whether proscribed, op-
pressed, and enslaved citizens, or of proscribed and
oppressed races of the United States, who shall
agree to sustain and enforce the provisional consti-
tution and ordinances of organisation, together with
all minor children of such persons, shall be held to
be fully entitled to protection under the same.
"ART. 2.—BRANCHES OF GOVERNMENT.—The
provisional Government of this organisation shall
consist of three branches—viz., the legislative, exe-
cutive, and judicial.
" ART. 3.—The LEGISLATIVE.—The Legislative
branch shall be a Congress or House of Represen-
tatives, composed of not less than five nor more than
10 members, who shall be elected by all the citizens
of mature age and of sound mind connected with
this organisation, and who shall remain in office for
three years, unless sooner removed for misconduct
or inability, or by death. A majority of such
members shall constitute a quorum.
" ART. 4.—RXECUTIVE.—Thei executive branch
of this organisation shall consist of a president and
vice-president, who shall be chosen by the citizens
or members of this organisation, and each of whom
shall hold his office for three years, unless sooner
removed by death, or for inability or misconduct.
"ART. S.—JUDICIAT..—The judicial branch shall
consist of one chief justice of the Supreme Court
and four associate judges of the said Court, each of
them constituting a Circuit Court. They shall
each be chosen in the same manner as the Irresident,
and shall continue in offico until their places have
been filled in the same manner by an election of
citizens.
" ARTS. 13 to 25 provide for the trial of the Pre-
sident and other officers and members of Congress,
the impeachment of judges, the duties of the Presi-
dent and Vice-President, the punishment of crimes,
army appointments, salaries. &c. These articles
are not of special interest, and are therefore
omitted.
" ART. 2G.—TREATIES OF PEACE—Before any
treaty of peace shall take full effect it shall
be signed by the President, Vice-President,
Commander-in-Chief, a majority of the House of
Representatives, a majority of the Supreme Court,
and a majority of all the general officers of the
army.
" ART. 27.—DUTY OF TIIE MILITARY. —lt shall
be the duty of the Commander-in -Chief and all the
officers and soldiers of the army, to afford special
protection, when needed, to Congress, or any mem-
ber thereof ; to the Supreme Court, or any member
thereof ; to the President, Vice-President, Trea-
surer, and Secretary of War, and to afford general
protection to all civil officers or other persons has-

ing a right to the same.
" ART. 28.--PROPERTY.—AII captured or con-
fiscated property, and all property the product of
the labour of those belonginc, to this organisation
and of their families, shall be held as the property
of the whole equally, without distinction, and may
be used for the common benefit •r disposed of for
the same object. And any person, officer, or other-
wise, who shall improperly retain, secrete, use, or
needlessly destroy such property, or property
found, captured, or confiscated belonging to the
enemy, or shall wilfully neglect to render a full
and fair statement of such property by him so taken
or held, shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour,
and on conviction shall be punished accordingly.
" ART. 29.—SAFETY OR INTELLIGENCE FUND.

—All money, plate, watches, or jewellery captured
by honouruble warfare, taken, or confiscated, be-
longing to the enemy, shall be held sacred to con-
stitute a liberal safety or intelligence fund, and
any person wholhall improperly retain, dispose of,
hide, use, or destroy such money or other articles
above-named, contrary to the provisions and spirit
of this article, shall be deemed guilty of theft, and
on conviction thereof shall be punished accordingly.
The treasurer shall furnish tho Commander-in-
Chief at all times with a full statement of the con-
dition of such fund and its nature.
" ART. 30.—COMMANDER-IN-CIIIEF AND TILE
TREASURY.—The Commander-in-Chief shall have
power to draw from the treasury the money and
other property of tho fund provided for in article
29. but his orders shall be signed also by the Se-
cretary of War, who shall keep a strict account of
the same, subject to examination by any member
of Congress or general officer.
" ART. 31.—SURPLUS OF THE SAFETY OR INTEL-
LIGENCE FUND.—It shall be the duty of the Com-
mander-in-Chief to advise the President of any sur-
plus of tho safety and intelligence fund, okildhe
shall have power to draw the same, his order being
also signed by the Secretary of State, to enable him
to carry out the provisions of Art. 17.
" ART 32.—PRISONERS.—No person, after having
surrendered himself a prisoner, and who shall pro-
perly demean himself or herself as such to any offi-
cer or private connected with this organization,
shall afterwards be put to death or be subjected to
any corporeal punishment without first having had
with
the benefit of a fair and impartial trial. Nor shall
prisoners
female,
every shall
any prisoners be treated with any kind of cruelty,
b the dutydisrespect,to o
itnrsef.ial ltat
ll eneedlesssiusochnr,malen severityer and
; bhu et\ite
all
r
con-
nected
herewith, at all times and. under all
de-
greecircum-
stances,
of respect and kindness that the nature of the
circumstances will admit of, and insist on a like
course of conduct from all others, as in fear
of the
Almighty God, to whose care and k • eeping we com-
mit our cause.
" ART. 33.—VOLUNTARIES.—All persons who may
come forward, and shall voluntarily delive • up
slaves, and have their names registered on the books
of this organization, shall, so long as they continue
at peace, be entitled to the fullest protection in per-
son and property, though not connected with this
organization, and shall be treated as friends, and
not merely as persons neutral.
" ART. 34.—NEUTRALS%—the persons and pro-
perty of all non-alaveholders who shall remain ab-