The Sun.
London, England, 1861-03-08 00:00:00

The republication of Parliamentary Speeches in
a - plonphlet-form, as separate avehures, apart
from Hansard, apart from the columns of the daily
newspaper, we take to be conspicuous among the
number of those our political habitudes not, we
deliberately say it, NOT " more honoured in the
breach than in the observance."
Ocoitsionally the advantages accruing from it
are, Peculiarly those resulting from Aparely
leeial enjoyment. Occasionally, that is—now-a-
days it must be allowed very rarely—it places alone
'in the hands of•the public some masterpiece of ore-
toriLi2' which., all the unintentional, klunilers.and
Nweii elisions incidental to the mere precipi-
tation of rapid stenography have been 5crup..L.,..17
„corrected by .* the Lanas of the orator
from whose mouth the speech has emanated. It
was thus, for example, with reference to that
resplendent burst of eloquence which was the
"bright particular star" of the last Session of Par-
liament—that masterly oration upon Reform in
which the doom of Lord Joux's Poor Little Bill
yeas definitively pronounced by the lips of the
right hon. Baronet, the late Colonial Secretary.
Occasionally the reprint of a Ministerial decla-
ration, having reference to some vital theme affect-
ing in the most intimate manner the whole sub-
stance and structure of the national polity, consti-
tutes, for the multitude at large, nothing less than
a boon, the value of which is, in a measure, beyond
.the reach of computation. It has very recently
been thus in regard to those two speeches delivered
at'two consecutive sittings of the House of Com-
mottb, by the noble lord her MAJESTY'S Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs, those two most im-
portant and remarkable harangues, in which the
noble lord defined the tendency of the entire foreign
policy of the Government, and elucidated with
especial particularity the significance of the
root'. principle of that policy, namely, what
is now 'popularly known as the principle of non-
intervention.
Occasionally, moreover, it so happens that some
harangue of great intrinsic importance, some speech
that might otherwise have been allowed to pass by
unnoticed, is opportunely recalled, almost upon the
morrow of its delivery either in the Lords or Com-
mons, to the general recollection, is thrust vividly
and visibly in its printed form upon the national
consideration. It is precisely in this way, it is
thus happily and thus opportunely that a speech
which might otherwise have been allowed to evade
popular observation, has been forced anew in the
shape of a distinct brochure upon the attention of the
more thoughtful part of the community. Those who
may either have listened to this speech—the speech
of Lord STRATHEDEN upon the policy of Occasional
Reforms as compared with that of Final Measures—
those who may have listened to it at the time of its
delivery in the House of Lords upon the evening of
Thursday, the 21st of February, dr those, again,
who may have merely glanced down the epitomized
report of it as given in the public journals of the
day following, will hardly have appreciated the
real value of its argument, as it may now be very
readily and agreeably appreciated in its revised and
corrected form as a distinct publication. A
sixpenny pamphlet of RIDGEWAY'S, extending in
all to scarcely 19 octavo pages, may readily enough
be obtained and read by those amongst our
reformers who are really and earnestly solicitous
that the much talked-of, but now seemingly
abandoned cause of Reform shall be furthered
and advanced instead of being quietly shelved
and cushioned. They will find in every sentence
almost of this thoughtful argument of Lord
STBATEEDEN'S, reasons enow and to spare why
Reformers generally should not allow themselves,
even now in this second month of the session, under
all the enervating and debilitating influences of a
Cabinet not in earnest in the cause of Parliamen-
tary Reform —(the very cause for the triumph of
which they were called into existence as a Cabinet!)
—to be disheartened. The gist of the argument of
this speech, as the very title-page of its reprint in

BOW TO CATCH THE ADMIRAL.

If the Admiralty be in earnest in their wish
to " cut off" or catch Sir Baldwin Walker,
they might have telegraphed to Cork, some
three: hundred miles further west, to send one
or more vessels out—or they might even tele-
graph to our Naval Authority at Lisbon
to send a vessel on a cruise for the same purpose.
But "where there's a will there's a way," and none
are so blind as those who wont see. Still the Admiral
may turn up, through stress of weather—unless he
have "a bee in his bonnet," for the good of the hive.
In any case., his absence now will be far more
damaging than his presence.

the shape of a substantial pamphlet clearly
enough indicates, is demonstrative of the

superior advantages of the policy of Occasional
Reforms, as compared with the now unhappily

: -
patent and notorious disadvantages of the policy of
Final Measures. During twenty years, as Lord
STRATFIEDEN argues, namely, from 1832 to 1652, it
was presumed by the majority of our statesmen that
there was no further necessity for any comprehen-
sive or root and branch scheme-of innovation in the
great system of popular representation. Occa-
sional Reforms had meanwhile been carried out
now and then, at rare intervals, with the i
happiest results. But then, in 1852, the policy
of Final Measures, the policy which had for
a whole score of years been dropped or allowed to
fall into abeyance, was again evoked—the alluring
and even enthralling policy of great and compre-
, hellsive measure 4 ok Reform iu karliaratnt, Four

a purely spiritual Sovereign. Superstition, how- times, says the noble lord--Four times a recon-
ever, is blind. structive settlement in this way has been attempted,
Between Mr. LATARD, Sir It. PEEL, Mr., GLAD- "with unifornl reproach to all the Governments
STONE, and Lord JOHN RUSSELL the cause of Italy who ventured upon it !" The Government
of 1852—abandoning its scheme because no
was well sustained enough, and the old horrid plc-
sooner was it explained than it was an
tures of misgovernment, that of Naples especially, object of all but universal opprobium. The
revarnished. The novelty of the debate was the Government of 1854 " being forced," as Lord
speech of JOHN ARTHUR ROEBUCK. We have all STRATHEDEN remarks, "by a concurrence of all
of us thought Lord JOHN RUSSELL always quite parties to withdraw their measure of Reform, on
Austrian enough, especially since his unlucky visit the eve of the Russian war, and never regaining
to Vienna at the time of the Russian war. But the credit which they lost by this unfortunate and
ill-timed proposition !" The Government of 1859
Mr. ROEBUCK has also lately paid a visit to Vienna, being " outvoted on the second reading of their
and the hon. member for Sheffield comes back far measure, and in vain appealing to a'general election
more in love with Austria than our Foreign Minister to:reverse the judgment of the House of Commons !"
now is. Mr. ROEBUCK wishes to see Italy free The Government of 1860—but surely the retro-
and united—up to the Dlincio ! Free, except spect in that instance •relates to a period
Venetia! Free, except from Austria! Free, except so very recent and to a disappointment
from the threats of a Quadrilateral, garrisoned of all reasonable expectations so very flagrant that
by 150,000 Austrian soldiers ! This, from JOHN it needs needs no detailed particularisation. Referring to
allthese notorious failures, Lord STRATHEDEN has
ARTHUR ROEBUCK ! What does it all mean ? Was remarked (in his speech in the House of Lords on
it really because, as Mr. WHITE said, it had been the 21st of February, p. 7) very shrewdly, and it
proclaimed in the city that the honourable member might even be said philosophically " The
for Sheffield would return to this country the reception by which these new settlements of Reform
were strangled in their cradles, cannot be ascribed Eulogist of Austria, because he was received in
gilded salons by archdukes and archduchesses ; and to want of talent in the Cabinets which framed
because it was rumoured that the honourable mem- them. It cannot be ascribed to any temporarycauses. The more their failure is examined, the
ber had come back from Vienna with a very lucre- more it will be traced to causes which survive,
tive contract in his pocket ? Be the cause what it and of which, whenever such attempts are made,
may, Mr. ROEBUCK now pleads for Austria as our the operation may be confidently reckoned on. At
any time they must array against them the hostility
natural continental ally in thwarting French and
of Parliament, because they threaten dissolution. At
Russian ambition. She is now a constitutional Go.
vernment, he tells us, and even her little children are any time they must excite the Opposition of the dayinto activity, because on projects so ambitious and
learning to prattle the English language, and her so vulnerable, far more than on any other, the Go•
bigger Ones to appreciate and " love" the beauties vernment advancing them may he successfully at-
of English literature; of MILTON'S prose works, no tacked. They must, also, to some extent, create
doubt, among them. In short, to save Italy from disunion in the Cabinet which forms them ; be-
being the vassal of France, she must be so far as cause, unless there is an object to pursue, and
the strength of the Quadrilateral goes, the vassal a principle to go upon, as there was in 1831,
does not seem to be at present, no twelve
of Austria. One would have supposed, if Mr.
statesmen can entirely agree on what ought
ROEBUCK had not been blinded by Vienna to be the nature of the settlement." Ia illustration
dust, he must see that nothing could tend of the truth of this last-mentioned source of weak-
more to liberate Italy from vassalage to France, ness, and consequently of failure in the projeot of
than to have such a strong line of defence to fall these Final Measures, of these large and compre-
hensive measures of Parliamentary Reform, the back on as that of the Mincio. Were Piedmont
and its fortresses carried by the French, then the noble lord contents himself with reminding thereaders of his reprinted argument in a footnote
four famous fortresses, defended by freemen fight- (p.B), that the disunion caused in the Cabinet of that
ing for their fatherland, would be a Torres Vedras time by the Bill of 1852, was eight years afterwards
indeed to the armies of the invader. disclosed quite incidentally by Lord GEET--(April,
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, it is gratifying to see, 1860) in his speech upon his Committee ! Observ-
i
will not sacrifice Venetia to Mr. ROEBUCK and ing that the division caused in Lord DERBY'S
Austria. He stands by applying his principle Cabinet by the Bill of 1859 was revealed to the
there of letting the Venetians decide for them-
recognition of all at the very time by the simul-
taneous resignation of Mr. HENLEY and Mr. WAL-
selves. He does not think it for the interest of
POLE! " And yet, perhaps," adds Lord STRATH-
Austria herself to make the heavy sacrifices which EDEN in his footnote, " its application—[z.e. the
she is now compelled to do, merely to garrison the application of this remark of his in re-
country. And, he seems to hope that the New ference to the divisions caused in Cabi-
Austrian Constitution will enable the Venetians nets by these great and final Measures]—
to express their opinions in a way which shall its application to the bills of 1854 and 1860 is still
permit Austria to part with the country without more generally felt, although not resting upon
dishonour. Such a bloodless solution would be proofs so easy to refer to." A significant intimation,
; the force oflwhiteli every one feels as might be said
indeed, a happy one, one which England would instinctively—significant from any one, but espe-
cordially welcome. Come what will, however, cially so (for reasons most will upon the instant
Italian unity must be completed, and Rome and
appreciate), coming from the lips of Lord STRATH-
Venetia share, adorn, and strengthen their country's EDEN.
ffeedom. Contrasted with the utter failure of these four
great measures of Reform, of Parliamentary Re-
forms attempted thus comprehensively, has been
the success attendant, time and again, upon the
various occasional Reforms upon which different
Cabinets have adventured. " The policy of occa-
sional Reforms," Lord STRATHEDEN argues, with
manifest force, " has been already sanctioned by the
Legislature." Adding, " On this principle the Irish
franchise Was. extended in 1850 by the influence of
one Goverikmen.t.; the qualification of members was
in 1858 aboltelikt with the sanction of aliegier;!
And as ta_the Xac.ility of carrying out this tame
policy of octoidaatßeforms, the noble lord reminds
his hearers in the House-,of Lords, and-sincetheril
through this ,reprint of his speech in a pamphlet
form, his -readers throughout the country, that
—TL.. 13111 of lszcn
year with an Act as grave and as much controverted
as any which had passed since 1833—the Act for
giving institutions to Australia." Observing
with equal power of argument that " The Bill of
1858, already referred to, was carried in the same
year in which India was transferred /by legislation
to the Crown, night after night being spent in
arduous battles on that subject." Whereas how
truly and forcibly does not the noble lord immediately
afterwards remark in broad contrast to this—" The 11
comprehensive Bill of 1860, although it never
passed into committee, throw out every other mea-
sure except those relating to the Budget, along with
which it was proposed." We are precluded only
by a want of space and time from submitting here
to our readers mere than these purely fragmentary
portions of the well• considered argument addressed
by Lord STRATHEDEN on the 21st of February to
the House .of Lords, and since then (by means of
his pamphlet) through the House of Lords to the
country, in demonstration of the superiority, as a
policy of Occasional Reforms, compared :with
that other and more ambitious policy, which has
four times failed so very flagrantly—in 1852,
in 1854, in 1859; in 1860—the policy of great
and comprehensive measures for the Reform of
Parliament. ...Eva by means of these fragmentary
passages, however, we have displayed enough of the
sound ability, and of the rational tendency of the
argument in its entirety, to commend reformers
generally throughout the country to the examina-
tion of the Speech itself, as originally delivered and
subsequently revised by Lord STRATHEDEN.