The Sun.
London, England, 1861-01-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY EVENHVG, JANUARY 16, 1861.

to those things which it was known at the time
both parties regarded as such. This single considera-
tion to our minds is decisive. Lord ASHBURTON
never dreamed of anything done by a fugitive from
slavery, 'necessary to his escape, as being a crime.
The American negotiators well,knew this. Murder,
therefore, in the treaty could only mean what both
sides considered t obe murder, and we question whe-
ther even the Government of Missouri would have
the hardihood to say that our Plenipotentiary would
have regarded ANDERSON'S act as murder ; and, if
so, there is an end of the matter. But, even if this
were disputed, it would be only a case of ambiguous
language in a treaty to be settled by a fresh con-
vention. There is, however, no ambiguity. Ac-
cording to the laws of Canada, killing a kidnapper
is not murder, it is justifiable homicide—the desert
of every kidnapper; and ANDERSON deserves the
Victoria Cross, not the kidnappers' slow fire.

Sir FRANCIS BARING, it will be perceived, has

written a very sensible communication to his con-
stituents at Portsmouth, in reference to the prospects
of Reform in this now rapidly on-coming session
of Parliament. His views upon the subject, we
repeat, are eminently sensible throughout ; they
are admirably well considered ; and—alas ! that,
having said this, we should be compelled to add, as
we nevertheless can alone add in logical sequence
—they are views fraught with anything rather
than with encouragement. What occurred in
regard to Reform in 1860, he candidly
avows that he anticipates will be repeated
now in 1861. The indifference manifested in
the House of Commons last year to the insisting
upon any grand and comprehensive measure for the
rearrangement of our representative system from
its foundations upwards, he believes to have been
entertained upon the same question out of it. Not
that either within or w ithoutParliament he conceives,
for an instant, that there is discernible anywhere
the slightest evidence of antagonism to that cause
which it has long since been matter of noto-
riety that almost every man of any note whatever
has more or less earnestly advocated. Nay, Sir
FRANCIS observes very admirably, because with
the fullest reason, that " Public Men" generally
have, upon this Reform question, in a truly remark-
able manner "concurred" (that is the cant phrase of
the hour politically—a phrase surely without which
Parliamentary debate must altogether cease and
determine) have in a most exceptional way, we
might even go so far as to say. in a wholly
unparalleled way, " concurred"—namely, in recog-
nising, if not its necessity, at any rate its expedi-
ency. As far back as 1848, he reminds the electors
of Portsmouth, and through them the electors of
all the other constituencies throughout the.
United Kingdom, Lord JOHN, himself one
of the Dii majores of Reform, if not its
recognised JUPITER TONANS, had admitted the
necessity of a new and sweeping alteration. But
the mere mention of the year in which Lord
JOHN thus broke away at last from the temporary
trammels of Finality, is a vivid reminder enough
of the inopportuneness, so to speak, of his ac-
knowledgment.
" The Times were out of joint.
0 cursed spite I"
not that

" Ever he was born to set it right"—

but that Anybody was called upon to do so, at that
period of turmoil and revolution all over Christen-
dom. " Sir ROBERT," adds the right hon. mem-
ber for Portsmouth, "concurred [concurred again !]
in that view "—so that Lord JOHN, as leader
of the Liberals, saw the " chiefest " man
upon the side of the Conservatives (though
one no longer their Leader, Friend, Guide,
and Philosopher) coinciding entirely with him
upon this vital part of the policy of the
noble lord's Government. " The Administrations,"
adds Sir FRANCIS BARING, summing up the whole
coincidence of all the different parties and sections
of parties together, in respect to the universally
admitted necessity of Reform, "the Administrations
of Lord JOHN RUSSELL, of Lord ABERDEEN, of,
Lord DERBY, of Lord PALMERSTON, have, in turn,
proposed Bills, differing, indeed, the one from the
other, but all calculated to effect a large increase
in the number of electors." Nay, the right hon.
baronet says further, upon the subject of this
extraordinary unanimity—" I do not recollect a
single leading member of the House of Commons
who has recorded his dissent from this view"—or
who, in other words, he might have said, has re-
frained from avowing his formal recognition of its
perfect reasonableness. Yet in spite of all this
apparently auspicious unanimity, there was, as
Sir FRANCIS intimates with painful truth, a
general disinclination—there has been this dis-
inclination—there is this disinclination still—to
face the question manfully, to argue it out into
a perfected enactment. This—with the Govern-
ment all Reformers ! This—with the Opposition
all Reformers ! With Reformers below the gang-
way, to the right and to the left of Mr. Speaker !
And with Reformers all over the land, in every
shire, in every town, in every parish—electors and
non-electors, all Reformers ! " Is it necessary," asks
Sir FRANCIS BARING, within view of this ano-
malous unanimity, in advocating reform, and yet
also in treating it with obvious indifference—" Is
it necessary, then, that all action and improve-
ment shall cease ? Are we to wait until
pressure in a moment of excitement shall
force the question on the decision of the
House ? " And he answers his own query
immediately, and in the manner following :—" I
think not, and shall be prepared to support such
partial extensions of the suffrage as may not
be inconsistent with a fair representation
of the different interests, not as a settle-
ment, but as steps in the right road, appa-
rently slower, but less likely to create alarm."
"I may be told," says the member for Portsmouth
in continuation, " that this is bit-by bit reform,'
and probably those who are most anxious fore. great
change will be most hostile to such a course. But
a nickname is not an argument." Admirably put
—" a nickname is not an argument !" Would that
the truth of this wise apophthegm could but have
been recognised two or three years ago, when one
ofthe very best portions of Mr.DisRAELI's elastic and
expansive Reform Bill was foolishly and most frivo-
louslyset aside because somebody,with a shall° waffec-
tation of wit, dubbed that portion of it the section of
the " Fancy Franchises." Let the House of Com-
mons—let the English people, be wiser in future.
And if we cannot contrive, somehow or another, to
obtain a large and comprehensive measure of
Reform, let us, in the name of common sense, con-
tent ourselves with getting it piecemeal or—Bit-
by-bit !

Elsewhere will be found a portentous document
addressed to the Earl of ELGIN by " LEE, the
Faithful King Chung Wang and Commander-in-
Chief of the Imperial Forces of the Taeping Teen
Kok Dynasty." This communication having been
addressed to her MAJESTY'S Ambassador Extra-
ordinary out in China immediately after the
conclusion of peace between the Allies and
the Emperor HEIN FUN G, head of the Tartar
Dynasty! Between the Tartars and the Taqings,
as between the two stools of the proverb, it will be
well if European diplomacy does not in the lapse of

the future, if not actually "fall to the ground," at
any rate meet with some disastrous interruption to
the recently restored tranquility. The very docu-
ment published in our columns this evening, Ow
very document the heading of which we have hei
but just now specified, is a reminder, and a ver 3
vivid and startling reminder it is, moreover, o
the difficulties not only likely but absolutely
certain to impede the path of Air. BRUCE
in his future dealings with the Chinese
Government. His position under the happiest
circumstances could not possibly be other than one
of peculiar difficulty out in China—namely,
as the representative of the British Go-
vernment at the Court of a Prince ruling
a race hitherto, in all past ages, found to have
been so wholly impracticable. But how much
must not that difficulty be enhanced when it is
borne in mind that the QUEEN'S Ambassador is
accreditted there to the Court of China—to. the
Court of the Chinese—while there are two

RICHARDS not merely in the field, but also in the
Palace ! When there are ; the powers that
be," it is true, at Pekin ! But when there are also
none the less indubitably " the powers that be" at
Nankin in like manner ! ! There is the Tartar
dynasty enstalled in the person of HIEN TUNG
in the former. And there is the Taeping
Dynasty installed in the latter (that
is in Nankin), in the person of the redoubtable
leader of the Revolution. Between the two, who is
to decide? Not Europeans certainly. The decision
pending now for a dozen years past, and still
altogether unsettled--rests principally with the
Chinese themselves. While the Western Powers
are insisting, as they have been insisting now for
a good many months past, upon the loyal adhe-
rence of Europe to the principles of non- interven-
tion—it were hardly reasonable to expect them to
violate those same identical principles in the far-off
land of that great Chinese Empire where the Tartars
and the Taepings have been, during years and years
past, struggling fiercely for the mastery. It would be
a monstrous inconsistency if we allowed ourselves in
any way whatever to be dragged into this gigantic
internecine conflict. And far more even than that
—it would be a monstrous folly into the bargain
if we permitted our diplomacy or our armaments
to be lured into a course so wholly and entirely
preposterous. True, doubtless, that we have
but just now entered into a pacific agreement
with the representative of the ancient, or at
any rate, the so-called ancient dynasty, that of
the intruding Tartars. But then it cannot at the
same time but be borne also in mind that there
are something like sympathetic chords vibrating
(however faintly and obscurely—still vibrating)
between the Taeping rebels (also, it should be said,
so-called) who—no matter (for the argument now
before us) how partially—have certainly obtained
in some mysterious manner, to say the very least
of it, dim glimmerings and vague scintillations of
a belief in Christianity. Our policy under these
really extraordinary circumstances, ought obviously
to be what we cannot but rest assured they will
be, if a diplomatist of such sagacity as Lord ELGIN
is to be allowed any voice in the future regulation
of our proceedings out in that quarter of the
globe—a policy holding us entirely aloof from
the civil war yet waging between the so-called
Usurping Dynasty and the so-called Ancient
Dynasty, between the Tartars and the Taepings,
between the Imperial forces directed from Pekin
and from Nankin, the Chinese Moscow and the
Chinese St. Petersburg.

LAME T NEW S.

(REUTER'S TELEGRAMS.)
PARIS, WEDNESDAY.

The Moniteur, in its bulletin of to day, says
" The report of the formation of a fourth regi-
ment of Grenadiers of the Imperial Guard is an-

nounced."

MADRID, JAN. 15.

The Prince of Asturias is suffering from a severe

sore throat.

The Correspondencia A tavrafa denies the
reports current of a dissolution of the Cortes, and
of a modification of the Ministry.

COPENHAGEN, JAN. 15.

The Berlingske Tidende states that the works
in the navy yard are being carried on as energeti-
cally as the state of the weather will permit.

The same journal states that Government is
about to publish a provisional law calling out 4,000

sailors.

TURIN, JAN. 16.

Another French vessel will leave Gaeta imme-
diately, and one single vessel of the French fleet is
to remain there until the expiration of the

SIR FRANCIS BARING ON PARMA
.111ENTAR Y REFORM:

lie following address has been issued by the
Right Hon. Sir Francis Baring to the electors of
the borough of Portsmouth :
" The meeting of Parliament is near at hand,
and I am anxious to communicate with you on the
present state of the reform question. I have adopted
this mode as the most direct and the most conve-
nient. With many others in 1859 I entertained a
sanguine expectation that an effective measure of
reform would have passed last session. We all
know how entirely these expectations have been
disappointed. The failure has not been occasioned
by any combined or violent opposition. Far from
it. Public men concur in a remarkable degree as
to the expediency of a considerable alteration of
the franchise. In 1848 Lord J. Russell admitted
the necessity of a change. The late Sir Robert
Peel, it is known, concurred in that view. The ad-
ministrations of Lord John Russell, of Lord Aber-
deen, of Lord Derby, of Lord Palmerston, have, in
turn, proposed bills, differing, indeed, the one from
the other, but all calculated to effect a large increase
in the number of electors. I do not recollect a single
loading member of the House of Commons who has
recorded his dissent from this view. But though
there was no active opposition, there appeared in
the majority of the house the greatest disinclina-
tion to face the question—a determination to post-
pone any decision—and doubts and hesitation which
even party ties could not overcome. This, I know,
is attributed to the fear of the dissolution which
would follow the passing of a Reform Bill. In all
human affairs there will be an admixture of per-
sonal considerations. I am not a disciple of the
school which attributes every action of public men
to mean and selfish motives. But were these feel-
ings confined to the House of Commons ? It is
difficult to estimate correctly public opinion, but, as
far as my opportunities enable me to judge, I
believe the opinion ' out of doors' is not very
different from that ' within' There exists, I should
say, no hostility to all reform—no unwillingness to
relax the provisions of the Reform Bill of Lord
Grey, but among large classes a strong disinclina-
tion to any sudden and great change—serious alarm
at the effect of any sweeping measure. I recognise
no general approbation of any of the plans proposed
either by Government or others ; and I believe the
withdrawal of the bill last session was as accept-
able to the general public as it was to the majority
of the House of Commons. The public mind, I
speak it with regret, is not prepared for any exten-
sive measure. I shall gladly find that lam mis-
taken in this opinion ; for no man is more persuaded
that the change must ultimately take place—no
man is more convinced of the risk of leaving the
settlement to a time of struggle and excitement.
But we have to deal with the circumstances as they
are. The Government have the best means of
ascertaining what prospect there is of carrying a
Reform Bill next session. 1 am, as you will sup-
pose, utterly ignorant of their intentions. If
they expect to succeed and bring forward a
measure I shall give it, as before, a general sup-
port. But my hopes of its passing are not san-
guine. The result of 1861 will, I fear, be
similar to that of 1860. If there is no .fair
prospect of success I hope no proposal will be
made. A repetition of what passed last
year will neither be creditable to the legis-
lature, beneficial to the general interests of
the country, nor favourable to the cause of
reform itself. Is it necessary, then, that all action
and improvement should cease ? Are we to wait
until pressure in a , moment of excitement shall
force the question on the decision of the house ? I
think not, and shall be prepared to support such
partial extensions of the suffrage as may not be
inconsistent with a fair representation of the diffe-
rent interests, not as a settlement, but as steps in
the right road, apparently slower, but less likely to
create alarm. I may be told that this is bit by bit
reform,' and probably those who are most anxious
for great change will be most hostile to such a
course. But a nickname is not an argument, and
we must not be led astray by the precedent of 1830.
At that time a large measure was absolutely neces-
say, and its boldness contributed to its safety. It
was wise, too, when the measure was passed, to
refuse for a time to re-open the question by partial
alterations. But great changes are not in them-
selves good, and, looking back, I think the refusal
to amend was enforced too long. It would have
been more fortunate if Parliament had earlier con-
sented to extend the franchise, and had done it
gradually. 'lt were good that men, in their inno-
vations, would follow the example of time itself,
which, indeed, innovateth greatly, but quietly, and
by degrees scarcely to be perceived.' I will trouble
you no further. Had I seen among the numerous
speeches delivered since the close of the session any
which took a view in which I agreed, I should
gladly have been silent ; but as this has not been
the case, I must ask you to bear with this explana-
tion, for you have a right to know my opinions, and
I am as anxious as ever to retain your confidence."

THE BRUTAL _MURDER AT DURD_RE

Yesterday Mr. Bruges Fry, the eoronerfor Nprth
Somerset, resumed his inquest at Dundry on the
body of Sarah Waterman, an aged woman, who met
her death by violence in a lonely cottage at Dundry
on the 9th inst., when her husband was murderously
assaulted.

At the late inquest evidence was tendered to show
that the murder was committed by two brothers
named Charles and Matthew Wedmore, and various
articles which had been stolen from the cottage
were traced to their possession. At the present
hearing some new and interesting evidence was
tendered. No doubt the fellows' object in commit-
ting the crime was to possess themselves of the
savings of the unfortunate old pair, and which were
supposed to be considerable. The only booty, how-
ever, was ss. or 6s. in money and some trifling
articles.
Yesterday Mr. Thomas Waterman said—l am a
farmer at Glastonbury. Deceased was my aunt.
On hearing of the murder I came to Dundry, and
received from my uncle, Geo. Waterman, a parcel
containing, as he informed me, nearly 100 sove•
reigns, which I will see invested for him.
Mr. Shorland, the surgeon, gave the result of his
post mortem examination.
Mr. T. Waterman was recalled, and said the
money was found under a stone, and not under
lock. George Waterman's Peninsular medal, with
three bars, was found in a small book in a drawer.
John eevil was called to trace the movements
of the prisoner Charles previous to the commission
of the crime. He said on the Ist of January
Charles Wedmore came to him dressed as a soldier
belonging to the Marine Artillery, and said " I
am a stranger about here, and I have missed my
way, and seeing a light here I thought I would
make my way to it • do you know any one about
here by the name of George Waterman, and an-
other by the name of Wedmore ? Witness said
" I know them very well, for Wedmore works
occasionally as a gardener for my master, the Rev.
Mr. Boutflower." The prisoner was then in liquor,
but witness took him to old Waterman's cottage.
The witness knocked at the door, which was fas-
tened, and the deceased from within asked, " Who's
there ?" and witness replied, " It is John, the old
policeman." The old people knew him well, as he
had often called upon them. The old lady said, " I
know your voice, or I should not open the door."
Charles Wedmore and witness then went in, and
the latter said, " Mrs. Waterman, here's a soldier
come to see you." She replied, " I don't know him."
Then the witness said, "I believe he is a relation of
yours." She gave then cider and bread and cheese,
and subsequently told prisoner that his uncle,
George Waterman, was not at home, but that pri-
soner must come again and spend a day with them
before he returned to his regiment, which he said
was lying at Portsmouth. Witness next brought
prisoner's brother to him. In conversation witness
told the prisoner Charles that his brother William
had bought a house of his uncle some time previously.
It appeared that the prisoners, obtained admit-
tance to Waterman's cottage by using the same
sentence that Keevil used on the occasion above
alludod to.
Other witnesses having deposed that on the night
of the murder both prisoners were seen at an inn
within 250 yards of the cottage, and that the shirts
worn by the prisoners a day after the murder were
stained with blood,
The Coroner carefully summed up all the evi-
dence, and

The Jury immediately returned an unanimous
verdict of " Wilful murder against Matthew and
Charles Wedmore," and the coroner made out his
warrant accordingly:
Matthew Wedmore is a lumper on the Bristol
Quay.

THE ITALIAN NAVY.—Letters from Naples state
that a fusion of the Sardinian and Neapolitan marine set.
vice has at length begun to take place. The frigate Gari-
baldi, hitherto entirely officered and manned by Neapoli-
tans, has received on board 100 Sardinian marines, under
the command of Signor Luigi, an officer in the North
Italian service, and is to proceed to Dlola di Gaeta to join
the rest of the fleet there.

THE RECENT MURDERS IN IRELAND.—lnquests
have been commenced on the recent murders in Sligo and
Monaghan. In the former case three persons, against whom
there are understood to be very slight grounds of suspicion,
have been arrested in addition to the man Phibbs. The
evidence, as far as we have received it, has not as yet seri-
ously inculpated the latter. Three persons have been
arrested for the murder of the brothers Shaw in Monaghan,
and, melancholy to relate, two of them are very near rela-
tions of the murdered men—one being their brother, and
the other their nephew.