The Sun.
London, England, 1861-08-20 00:00:00

CONTRACT FOR PROVISIONS.

ROYAL HOSPITAL, CHELSEA, 17th Aug., 1861.
THE Right Honourable the LORDS and
OTHERS, COMMISSIONERS of this HOSPITAL,
Do Hereby Give Notice, That they are ready to receive
TENDERS from and to treat with such persons as may be
willing to Contract fbr Victualling the In-Pensioners of the
said Hospital, from the Ist of October, 1861, to the 30th of
September, 1862, both days inclusive, with the following
Articles of PROVISIONS, &c., viz. : —Beef and Mutton,
Bread, Cheese, Butter, Potatoes, Salt, Oatmeal, Barley or
Rice, Pepper, Flour, Suet, Cocoa, Black Tea. Sugar, Milk,
Onions or Leeks, Carrots, Celery, Thyme, Marjoram, Winter
Savoury and Parsley, daily, at per head per diem for the
whole ration, according to the established allowances of the
House, as specified In the form of Tender, which may be oh-
taineri at the office of the Secretary any day, between the hours
of Ten and Three o'clock, which tender must be filled up and
delivered, sealed, at the Board Room of the said Hospital, by
the party or parties tendering, or by an agent appointed on
his or their behalf, on TUESDAY, the 3d of September, at 12
o'clock, at which time their Lordships will be prepared to
take the same into consideration.

It is to be observed that the Contractor will be required to
find security to the Crown fbr the due performance of the
contract, and that no tender will be received alter the day
and hour above mentioned.

The Commissioners do not pledge themselves to accept the
Lowest tender.

A. J. MOORIIEAD, Secretary and Registrar.

8, GROSVENOR-STREET, GR OSVENOR - S QUARE.—
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Yesterday morning a solemn requiem mass was
celebrated by the Very Rev. Dr. Maguire, Canon
Theologian, at St. Patrick's Catholic Chapel, Sutton-
street, Soho-square, for the repose of the soul of
Prince Adam Czartoryski, wbo died, at the Chateau
Montfermeil, near Paris, on the 15th of last month.
A superb catafalque was erected in the middle of
the chapel, and ornamented with the arms of the
Prince, on which appeared the Polish motto,
" Come what may." The service was attended by
a large number of Polish exiles, and the chapel
was filled with other persons, friends of the Polish
cause, generally attired in black.
Later in the day a meeting of the Polish His-
torical Society (of which the lamented Prince was
a patron) was held at Sussex Chambers, Duke-street,
St. James's. In the absence from London of Colonel
Szyrma, the President, the chair was occupied by
the Vice-President, Major Szulczewski, who thus
addressed his countrymen :
But a few years ago we met in this very place to pay the
last tribute of gratitude to the memory of the most generous
friend Poland ever possessed, the lamented Lord Dudley
Coutts Stuart; to-day we are assembled to deplore in com-
mon the loss of a fellow exile and a most illustrious coun-
tryman, Prince Adam Czartoryski, who departed this life
on the 15th of July last, at the Chateau de Montfermeil,
near Paris, in the ninety-second year of his age.
'Words are unequal to describe the feelings with
which I address you on this occasion. The affectionate
sorrow of a son blends in my heart with the grief of the
patriot ; for it is not only a great statesman we have lost,
who was the mainstay of our cause, who lent it dignity in
the eyes of the world, who represented, as it were, its entire
history, but a patriarch around whom we used to gather to
listen to the words of wisdom that dropped from his lips—
a fatherly friend, whose heart was ever open to the griefs of
others, and whose sympathy was never barren.
However, the juncture at which our revered chief has
been called away from among us is so significant, that it
gives the blessed hope that the object for which he laboured
during his long life has been consummated, that the faithful
servant has been allowed to go to rest, because his work
can, and will, now be finished by others.
The career of Prince Adam Czartoryski represents the
history of Poland during the last 73 years. The first time
he entered upon public life, it was to take up arms in de-
fence of the constitution of May 3, 1791, by framing which
the Poles gave such striking evidence of their power of self-
reform, that their spoliators, who had planned their ulti-
mate destruction, strained every nerve to complete it ; feel-
ing that if this constitution were once firmly established in
the country, the Polish nation, rescued from those dissen-
sions which, growing out of its former most defective orga-
nisation, had placed it at the mercy of its enemies, would
soon become strong enough to defy all their efforts. And
now, when having attained an age far beyond that generally
allotted to man—when, after a career of honour and useful-
ness, chequered by much sorrow, much bitter disappoint-
ment, but unsullied by a single stain, he passes away from
us, it is at the very moment when Poland, after long years
of silence and apparent death, has once more arisen, and
proclaimed by the voice of the people at home, not only by
that of the emigration, that her vitality is not extinct, that
her nationality is not absorbed, that she still looks to a
future of liberty and independence, and at the mo-
ment when her name is once more heard and
her rights re-asserted in the councils of Europe.
In the interval between the two epochs to which I have
just alluded Prince Adam Czartoryski's name was not only
mixed up with every effort that was made to keep alive
the nationality of the Poles and for the restoration of our
country, but he was the chief promoter of whatever was
accomplished in that direction.
The family of Prince Adam was descended from a younger
branch of the lagelions, Dukes of Lithuania and afterwards
Kings of Poland. The name of the Czartoryskis is of fre-
qn ent occurrence in the history of Poland, in the 15th and
lGth centuries more especially in connection with the efforts
that eventually resulted in the incorporation of Ruthenia
and Lithuania with Poland, and in the 18th century with
lab ours greater even than these, and which, carried out by
them with unrelenting perseverance from generation to
gez teration, have been denominated in Polish history " The
sys tern of the Czartoryskis."
'1 he ends which this system held in view were, as we all
know, externally to identity the interests of Poland with
the interests of Western Europe generally, and internally
to pread enlightenment by the encouragement of education
and the development of industry and commerce; gradually
to a ffranchise the peasantry and to make them proprietors
of the soil they occupied ; to establish religious equality,
to r educe the undue power of the aristocracy, to encourage
the growth of a middle class, and while maintaining the
rept •esentative form of government and other free institu-
tion s, which the nation had always possessed, to eradicate
front these the elements of licence, such as the liberuna veto
and the custom of electing kings, and to transform the
Steno from an elective into a constitutional monarchy,
The consummation of this system was the Constitution of
3d Il[ay, which Prince Adam Czartoryski was called to deli-
berat e upon in the famous diet of 1788, on his first entrance
into public life, and in defence of which he subsequently
shed his blood. But, although our country was doomed,
and with it perished the Constitution of the 3d May, the
address to their fellow-countrymen recently issued by the
inhabitants of Warsaw, proves to demonstration that the
system of the Czartoryskis has not to this day been aban-
doned.
Having been forced by circumstances after the final par-
tition of his country to enter the service of Russia, we
know how Prince Adam Czartoryski availed himself of
the ascendancy he gained over the Emperor Alexander's
mind, to inspire that monarch with friendly feelings
and generous intentions towards the Poles, and how, while
awaiting an opportunity for realising those intentions, the
Prince, following out the traditionary policy of his family,
sowed the seeds of good citizenship among the inhabitants
of the Polish provinces which had fallen to the share of
Russia, by means of the national educational institutions
which, as Director of Public Instruction, he founded and
prom ted among them. And when England, Russia, and
Austria, determined to make a vigorous effort to stop
the usurpations of the French conqueror, entered into the
alliance which led to the war of 1805, Prince Czartoryski,
in his capacity of Foreign Minister of Russia, conceived
the bold idea of connecting the glory of the Emperor Alex-
ander, to whom he owed affection and gratitude, with the
restoration and future welfare of his own country. At
that decisive crisis the tortuous and vacillating policy of
Prussia for a long time refused to the Russian armies a 1
passage through her territories, and, seizing this opportu-
nity, Prince Czartoryski proposed to the Emperor Alexan-
der
to deal a decisive blow against Prussia by im-
mediately proclaiming the restoration of Poland, as-
suming the title of King of that country, and rousing
an insurrection in the Polish provinces which, at the par-
tition, had fallen to the lot of Prussia. The project was
approved, and overtures were mad. to Prince Joseph
Poniatowski, then residing in Warsaw, which at that
time was held by Prussia. Poniatowski acceded, and pro-
mised co-operation, while the Russian army was marching
to the rescue of Vienna; but the indecision of Alexander,
together with the intrigues of some members of his cabi-
net, frustrated the design. •
The disasters of Austerlitz completed the destruction of
the hopes thus raised in the Poles; but the efforts of Prince
Czartoryski, nevertheless, born fruits, for they undoubtedly
served to point out to Napoleon the advantages to be
derived, for his own policy, from this idea of the recon -
struction of an independent Polish state ; and, in conse-
quence, shortly afterwards Europe heard the name of Poland
pronounced again, for the first time, since the last
partition. Prince Adam Czartoryski, however, retired
from the conflict in 1806, as soon as a provisional govern-
ment was established in Warsaw under the auspices of
Napoleon, Resigning his portfolio of Foreign Affairs in
spite of the Emperor Alexander's urgent entreaties,
but retaining his post as Director of Public
Instruction in the Polish provinces, comprising eight mil-
lions of Poles, he thenceforward devoted himself exclusively
to the promotion of education among these, the conflicting
feelings and duties which bound him to Alexander as well
as to his country having forced him to remain neutral even
during the great struggle of 1812, when his countrymen in
the armies of Napoleon were fighting for the restoration of
Poland. After the struggle was over, however, and Alex-
ander having defeated Napoleon, had become again the
arbiter of the fate of the Poles, Prince Czartoryski reaped
the reward of the painful neutrality he had imposed upon
himself ; for, re-entering then the councils of Alexander, he
resumed the plan of inducing that monarch to gather toge-
ther under his sceptre, and to restore to a certain degree of
political independence, the dissevered members of Poland.
Accompanying the Emperor to the Congress of Vienna,
though in a non-official character, he there also made him-
self the advocate of the rights of his country ; and
although the jealous distrust of Alexander entertained
by the other European Powers, prevented Prince Czar-
toryski's projects from being accomplished, he never-
theless succeeded in establishing, through the mediation
of Alexander, over whose mind he continued to exercise
h eee t erection e t libertyi
inl l
great influence, a kind of moral unity among the Poles by
the national and representative institutions secured by the
o lyantdh
;e
throughout
bpyer ft
Congress to the Polish provinces of the three partitioning
oo
ff
thetcommercehedisjointeducDuchy
y aonf dlpvna
Warsaw,
rtvssi
ag
wao
ancientoo nw er Powers
established;Poland;
b
constituted by Napoleon into an independent kingdom,
under the sovereignty of Alexander; and by the erection
of the city of Cracow (the ancient capital of Poland) and
its territories into an independent republic. Unfortunately
for us, however, Alexander's character was as weak and
vacillating as it was open to generous impulses, and no
sooner had he signed the act of Congress that guaranteed
to the kingdom a separate national and representative
administration, than he began a series of retrograde steps
towards the former oppressive system of government, for
the introduction of which he found but too willing instru-
ments in his brother Constantine and his Minister Novo-
siltzoff, two men whose very names freeze the blood of every
Pole, and whose atrocities have earned for them the execra-
tion of every civilised nation.
Hackneyed as is the subject of the deliberations during
the Congress of Vienna, the memoirs which Prince Czar-
toryski leaves behind him are, nevertheless, destined, if
ever given to the world, which we trust they may be, to
throw new light upon many of the transactions during that
famous meeting of Sovereigns.
Again Prince Czartoryski exerted himself as mediator
between the nation and the Government, and in a series of
letters, which, if ever given to the world, will still further
enhance the fame of the revered chief whom we have just
lost, he placed before the Emperor the abuses and excesses
of which the unhappy country had become the theatre.
But finding that these truths fell on listless ears, he severed
for over the ties which bound him to Meander; and re.

signing his seat in the Executive Council, thencefccward
took part in public life only as a member of the Senate, in
which he defended the rights of his country with furless
zeal, and continued his exertions in favour of national edu-
cation, in which direction he was so successful that the
ruffianly Novosiitzoff declared that he had retarded for a
century the amalgamation of Poland with Russia. How-
ever, dispairing of effectinc, any amelioration in the unhappy
condition of things which the change in Alexander's feel-
ings and the ruthless disposition of his brother had intro-
duced, Prince Czartoryski soon withdrew entirely into pri-
vate life, and for a considerable period &voted himself ex-
clusively to those literary studies which had ever been his
solace and delight, and to which he owed the rich stores of
knowledge which excited the admiration of all those who
knew him intimately.
The prosecutions commenced against a number of Poles
in 1825 in connection with the disturbances in Russia,
which immediately preceded the accessbn of Nicholas, once
more called Prince Czartoryski back into the arena of pub-
lic life. Hastening from Italy, where le was then staying,
to take his seat in the Senate, convoked to deliberate on the
fate of the political prisoners accused of high treason, he
proved himself during the year of the Cal the soul of that
assembly, which distinguished itself by the independence
and moderation of its dliberations, atd the dignity with
which it vindicated the constitutional rights of the nation.
The report drawn up on this occasion by Prince Czarto-
ryski, and addressed to the Emperor as King of Poland,
would in itself have sufficed to secure to the Prince the
attachment and esteem of his fellow-citzens •' but the sen-
timents of confidence and affection with vb ich he was looked
up to were further increased by the speech which, very soon
after, he delivered at the grave of the venerable Count
Bielinski, the President of the Senate, and in which he gave
such full expression, though in veiled and guarded terms,
to the hopes and feelings that pervaded the nation, that he
was at once pointed out as one of the probable leaders of
the insurrection, the approach of which was indicated by
many unmistakeable signs.
What that • insurrection was, and what its results, we all
know but too well. Polish allow- ones more shone forth
in all its brilliancy, and once more succumbed to overwhelm-
ing numbers, but also, in some measure, to that want of
union which, on so many previous occasions, had proved
the bane of the nation. Prince Czartoryski, though dis-
approving the premature outbreak, at once submitted to
the will of the people and assumed his share in the heavy
responsibilities of the Government, thus lending to the
movement the immense moral support of his name and posi-
tion ; but though seeing the necessity for the moment of
the concentration of power in the hands of a dictator, he
was too disinterested and too unambitious to seize upon this
power for himself, and his noblest virtues in this one in-
stance thus militated against the cause to which his life had
keen devoted.

After the fall of Warsaw, however, when driven into
[ exile, when condemned to a dishonourable death by
a special tribunal erected by the Emperor Nicholas,
and deprived of all his property, he no longer
hesitated to make himself the centre of exertions, which
could then only.fix the martyr's crown more firmly on his
brow. The name of his family, which had for ages been
known to Europe in connection with the foreign policy
.of
Poland, as also the position which he had himself held
there, and the part which he had taken in many of the
most important transactions in European politics, lent to
his opinions, even in exile, a weight of which ho availed
himself again and again to remind the Governments and
representative bodies of Europe of the rights of his country,
guaranteed by treaties; while to his countrymen he, in
speech and writing, ever recommended patience, modera-
tion, and perseverance, adding to these recommendations
lessons full of deep and practical wisdom. The two last
public acts of his life—the discourse pronounced by him on
the 3d of May last, and the answer given by him to the
address of the Literary Association of the Friends of Po-
land in London—fully characterise the double activity of his
life during his protracted exile, and the recent noble atti-
tude assumed by our countrymen at home, bears witness
to the fruits which his activity has borne.
His private life was adorned by the most refined quali-
ties of mind and heart. An affectionate father, a loving
husband, accessible to all who approached him, ever ready
to listen to a tale of sorrow and to assuage every pain ;
exercising, as far as his means allowed, a truly Polish hos-
pitality in the Hotel Lambert, the departed Prince added
to his great political worth all those domestic virtues that
render life happy and agreeable.
Of all the sons of whom Poland is justly proud, none
have sacrificed more in her cause then he. Of no patriot
of whom history makes honourable mention can it be said
with greater truth than of Adam Czartoryski, that he lived
for his country alone; and, with his mental gaze still fixed
upon her, he died. When his eye was already glazed in
death, and he could no longer distinguish the sorrowing
group that stood around him, his last words, addressed to
his nephew, General Zamoyski, who had hastened from
London to take the last sad farewell of his uncle, were—
" What hopes for Poland do you bring from England ?"
What solace to that grand and devoted spirit that was pass-
ing for ever from this life of travail, to hear that the great
British heart was again beginning to stir in sympathy with
the land of sorrow, for which his last prayer was breathed.
He is gone, aad his mission was accomplished ; but we
have still duties to perform, and in no way can we prove
ourselves more faithful to his memory than by following
the example of untiring zeal and never failing moderation,
which he always set us—by discarding all dissensions, and
by endeavouring in every way to build up that union in
which resides the strength of nations, whether to retain or
to reconquer their independence.

After a vote of thanks to the chairman, the mee

ing Beparated.

THE CIVIL WAIF IN AMP,RICA.

(From the Special Correspondent of the Times.)
WASHINGTON, AUG, 5.

" Let us only hold on till October and we are
safe." That, or something like it, was said to me
over and over again in the South by men who play
no inconsiderable part in the mystery drama of the
Confederates. And when I asked one of these
gentlemen, more than two months ago, what chance
t
there was of the North giving the South all thatime, I was answered almost in these words, " We
are bound to go to the assistance of Virginia. The
whole of the northern frontier abounds in good posi-
tions, which can be fed by the rail from the South.
The Abolitionists will come and give us battle. We
are certain to whip them if they attack us, and the
North will then learn it can't at once overrun us as
it fancied. The leaders will pause. There will be a
reaction up there. We will work all the harder and
all the better for our victory, drilling our men and
consolidating our resources. The northern cities
will become discontented. Foreign nations will ask
when the cotton ports are to be open. The North
will have no reply. We shall be better able to fight
in November than we shall be to fight in June.
Every week's delay will add to the complications
and weakness of the North, and the end of the year
will find them further from their aim than ever—
divisions in their councils, even disturbances in their
populations, while we, inspired by the approach of
success, will exhibit increased energy and unani-
mity." A part of the programme has been already
accomplished, but it does not follow that the remain-
der of the prophecy will be fulfilled with so much
nicety. So far the result of the action of the 21st
has been the prolongation of the war in America.
The effect it may have abroad will be known in a
few days more. It is now plain that the Con-
federates were not only really unable to pursue
their advantage, but that they were not at first
aware of its extent. They suffer from deficient
transport, and are better prepared for defence than
for attack. Their army was almost as much
" scared," to use an English word in an Ameriean
Way, as the Federalists, if the reports are to be be-
lieved of confusion, wavering, and retreat in their
ranks—and of the passionate exertions of the offi-
cers, as well as of their losses. InYact, the Confede-
rates stand before the world stripped of a good deal
of the strength of which they bdasted in actual
only a small por-
numbers ; and it is a poor cover to their weakness
tt
ioo
nput f
theirforceforward t h
wase assertion
en gag
e engaged,
whin it is notoriousa t
that they had sent to all quarters for reinforcements,
and above all when it is considered that, by using
all the men at their disposal, they could have forced
the mass of the Federalist army to surrender pri-
soners of war, and have occupied the capital. Their
operations up to this time indicate hesitation and
want of vigour, but it is just possible they may be
preparing to strike some great blow. It is given
out that General Beauregard has gone for a short
time to Charleston. General Johnston has not
shown in any force in front of his old positions
about Harper's Ferry, nor has he threatened the
Federalists under Gen. Banks, who are covering
the passage of the river from the Maryland side.
Before Hampton and Fortress Monroe there is an
equal absence of offensive demonstrations. The Se-
cession cavalry and picketsoccupy the Alexandria-
road, and the communications leading by Vienna
and Fairfax Court House, towards Manassas, at a
considerable distance from thnsratposts and lines of
the Federalists, and there is less of that wild,
guerilla sort of work between the two armies than
was formerly the case, but the attitude of the Con-
federates is not that of a confident or aggressive
force. One does not hear either of the vigorous ad-
vices to drive the enemy from the sacred soil of Vir-
ginia, which were so rife, nor of the het menaces to
take Washington, nor even of the earnest promises
to liberate Maryland and other afflicted portions of
the slaveholding sisterhood. There may be policy in
this, and notwithstanding the growing opposition
of one or two papers in the South to the men and
measures of the war, the influence of Mr. Jefferson

Davis is quite sufficient to induce the press to keep
its peace, or adopt any tone he may suggest in fur-
therance of the common cause. They can organise
a transport corps in time. There are plenty of
excellent mules in the South if the planters can in
their patriotism submit to ruin and send them from
the fields. Horses in abundance can no doubt be
procured from the south-west and smuggled out of
Kentucky. Twenty-five brass field-pieces, one rifled
gun throwing Olb. shot and shell from a small bore,
and perhaps several other guns not enumerated,
captured at Manassas, will go some way to make up
for the want of field artillery, under which the Con-
federates were labouring, and the quantity of am•
munition of all sorts which fell into their hands must
strengthen them in their weakest point. The thou-
sands of muskets left on the field will be no indif-
ferent acquisition, and they have been already ap-
plied to arm men who were not well provided pre-
viously with small arms, while whole regiments are
made happy by the blankets, overcoats, canteens,
knacksacks, and accoutrements of all kinds dis-
tributed among them, to the great relief of the
Confederate Treasury. Meanwhile, the army
of the United States is undergoing a complete reor-
ganization in the face of the enemy. The old army
cf volunteers and three months' men may be looked
upon as annihilated, or, at all events, dissolved. It
would be curious to ascertain how many of them
will re-enlist, even under different officers. The affair
at Manassas not only destroyed M'Doweli's army,
but it gave a heavy blow and great discouragement
to the very spirit of the American system, by which
men were placed in positions they had no fitness
for, and large masses of armed men were assembled
whom it were delusion to consider as an army.
Mr. Davis saw the mischief long ago, and by special
act of Congress of the Confederate States at Mont-
gomery he seized the power of appointing officers.
It may seem strange that the soldiery should not
feel proper respect for the men they had selected to
command them, but the fact is that such a mode of
selection, particularly in the lower grades, was in-
jurious to all real discipline. If an officer insisted
on obeying the rules and regulations of the army,
he was regarded by his nominators as an ungrate-
ful fellow, who was using the power they had
given him to vex and harass them, and he, too
often, in spirit of retaliation and in ignorance of the
proper means of enforcing a respect to which, per-
sonally, perhaps, he had little claims, resorted to
gross language, abuse, and harsh treatment, and in-
curred the positive contempt and hatred of men
who took little care to conceal their feelings. It
is hard to teach Americans discipline. Their regu-
lar army has been for the most part composed of
Germans and Irish. The people are averse to
obedience on principle ; and even children, as I
have observed particularly in the North, are less
managable—" biddable," as mothers say, than in
the old fashioned country where the fifth com-
mandment is held in respect. Master Pickle and
Miss Pert are fond enough of saying " I won't"
all over the world, but the breed is unusually
large in America, and disobedience seems to pass
current for independence. And, as the child is
the father of the man, so Sovereign Smith on prin-
ciple rebels against obeying the order of Sove-
reign Brown ; kicks in his inner man, recalcitrates
morally and even physically, and only succeeds by
the pressure of a self-applied duresse. " Sergeant,
will you come and look at this man's pass," called
out a sentry at the Long-bridge the other day ;
" do you think I'm going to shout myself hoarse
for you ?" And when the sergeant did arrive the
sentry, who had been slain? down when I cameup,
used bad language and threatened to report him !
Yesterday evAing, as I was riding through George-
.town, I saw an officer " fall in" his men to go on
some patrol or relief. They were drawn up by the
side of the street. " What have you got in that
bottle ?" said the officer to one of his men.
" Whisky." " Let's have a drain," quoth the affable
subaltern. " Don't take it all then," responded
the proprietor, producing from his haversack the
black bottle, which had been detected by the eagle
eye of his superior. The officer held it up to the
light, gauged the contents, smelt the mouth, and
then took a long pull, which was followed by a
sounding smack of the lips, and a " Fust rate" of
great intensity. The bottle was restored, and then
" Shoulder arms—by the right—wheel—quick
march," and away went bottle, officer, and men. It
would be very unfair to assert that such officers are
common, and such practices usual ; but that there
is on questions of discipline an extraordinary
deviation in principle, sentiment, and practice in
the American people from those of any other
military people requires no proof when we see Col.
Richardson, in an official document respecting the
conduct of his troops at Manassas, accusing his
senior officer, Colonel Miles, who was in command
of a brigade, of being drunk and incapable on the
field,und Colonel Miles in reply pablishing a state-
ment, which appears in all the newspapers, in which
he says he was not drunk, and prays God to forgive
his accuser. They will be taught by experience, and
the sweet uses of adversity—bitter to them, will
force them to bend to discipline in order that they
may conquer ; and if they desire to carry on the
campaign, and escape the Caudine Forks, they
must stoop, as people free, intelligent, and brave as
they are have done, to the thrall of order and obedi-
ence. That much can be done by the judicious exer-
cise of authority in enforcing military rules and regu-
lations among them, as among the rest of mankind,
is conclusively shown by the great changes and im-
provements effected in the army of Washington, and
above all in the city itself, by young General
M'Clellan, who bids fair to be the next President,
if his success is at all commensurate with the enor-
mous praise and flattery which, much against his
will, are forced down his throat. Before his nomi-
nation the streets of the capital presented a spectacle
the like of which was probably never seen in any
civilized city. A routed, demoralised army, with just
sufficient equipment to enable them to be a terror to
civilians, and to inflict death and wounds in their
drunken quarrels, crowded the thoroughfares, for-
midable only to those whom they were intended to
protect. The hotels and bars were filled with
officers whose regiments were in a state of complete
disorganisation. The small tradespeople trembled
for their little stores, Suddenly out comes an order,
which I give entire, lest it might be said the words
I have used exaggerate the condition of affairs at
the period in question :

" GENERAL ORDERS (No. 2).
" Head-quarters, Division of the Potomac,
" Washington, July 30.
"The General commanding the Division has, with much
regret, observed that large numbers of officers and men
stationed in the vicinity of Washington are in the habit of
frequenting the streets and hotels of the City.
" This practice is eminently prejudicial to good order and
military discipline, and must at once be discontinued.
" The time and services of all persons connected with this
division should be devoted to their appropriate duties with
their respective commands. It is therefore directed that
hereafter no officer or soldier be allowed to absent himself
from his camp and visit Washington, except for the pur-
formance of some public duty, er for the transaction of im-
portant private business, for which purposes written permits
will be given by the commanders of brigades. The permit
will state the object of the visit.

" Brigade commanders will be held responsible for the
strict execution of this order.

" Col. Andrew Porter, 15th United States' Infantry, is
detailed for temporary duty as Provost-Marshal in Wash-
ington, and will be obeyed and respected accordingly.
" Col, Porter will report in person at these headquarters
for instructions.--By command of Major-Gen. M'Clellan,
" S. WILLIAMS, Assistant Adjutant-General.
Col. Porter, an active officer of the regular army,
and a man of great determination and vigour, at
once organised his patrols, and, though the guard-
houses may be full the streets are empty. He set
to work with such speed that Washington, which
went to bad in very poor spirits one night, found
that the evil had vanished in 24 hours, and that
next night she could sleep in peace. That the steps
taken were vigorous, and that they were requisite,

"In pursuance to instructions from Major-General
M'Clellan, it is directed that all officers frequenting the
streets or hotels of the city without written permits to be
absent from their regiments or stations, setting forth the
object of the visit, approved by their brigade commanders,
shall be arrested and sent to their regiments or stations by
any officer commanding a patrol who may observe them.
"Any soldier found absent from his company without a
written permit from the commander of his brigade, and
all soldiers found in the streets, hotels, or other places in
the city after 9 o'clock p.m., shall be arrested and confined
for trial and punishment. All prisoners will be taken to
the central guardhouse of the city, where they will be
turned over to the officer commanding the guard at that
station, who shall detain them in custody until otherwise
(ordered.
" It shall be the constant purpose of all officers command-
ing guards or patrols to keep the city under vigilant obser-
vation, day and night, to the end that the public peace may
not
their be in any way disturbed, nor the citizens molested in
persons or property by any person in the service of
the 'United States.
"Reports containing the time and places of all arrest.,
with the names of persons arrested, together with such
other information as may be deemed important to the pa'.
lie service, will be made and handed in to this office at 9
o'clock a.m. daily.
"A, PORTER, Colonel 16th Infantry, United
"States' Army, Provost-Marshal."
The citizen soldiery were astonished and were
indignant, but they were nevertheless arrested and
" blackholed," and I confess it gave me infinite
satisfaction to observe the very salutary results
of the process. The Sanitary Commission, with
considerable boldness, publish certain recommenda-
tions for the improvement of the discipline of
the army, which is indeed in need of change for
the better. They ascribe the difficulties which they
meet in carrying out reforms to lack of discipline,
which thus injures the health of the army. General
Lana, who commands the Spanish troops in Cuba,
has been over here on a tour, and he expressed to me
his profound astonishment at the state of things
visible in the camps at the other side of the Poto-
mac. He was here, however, at a bad time—just
after the flight from Manassas. His criticisms, how-
ever, on lazy sentries, on slovenly and ill-equipped
troops, on dirty arms and accoutrements, were just.
Above all, he was amazed that in an army of re-
cruits there was no drill or exercise to be seen.
Company drill is not much attended to; the batta-
lion drill is of the most elementary character; and
indeed, with the exception of the skirmishing at
Cairo, I have never seen anything but ordinary ad-
vance in line, or marching past at slow time, or at
the double in columns of companies or of subdivi-
sions, and such common movements. This generally
results from the ignorance of the officers as much
as from the incompetency of the rank and file.
General M'Clellan is talking about brigade drills
and field days, and there is some nonsense attri-
buted to him about drilling by trumpet, which
means, I presume, that be is about to have more at-
tention paid to bugle notes in giving orders than is
at present the case. The new levies, as far as I can
judge, are not equal to the departed three-months
men, and the camps are certainly not as well filled.
There are about 24 battalions of infantry of all
sorts, and eight squadrons of cavalry in the capital,
and around it on the left bank of the Potomac, up to
the chain bridge. There are some 30 battalions
across the river and some 700 sabres, the whole force
being probably under 45,000 men, not including
Banks's column at Harper's Ferry, or the commands
of Gen. Butler and of Gen. Dix, at Baltimore. Of
the 49 guns which M'Dowell's army took into the
field, 25 remain in the hands of the enemy, and
there is some deficiency in artillery, which Govern-
ment is doing its best to supply. Gen. M'Dowell,
I am glad to say, remains in command of the troops
at Arlington, although serious accusations have been
made against him in the papers, most, if not all, of
which were quite unfounded. What could
he do with the materials he had, except, as the Pre•
sident said, " drive the locomotive as he found it ?"
Granted bravery, heroism, devotion, and all that
kind of thing, what could be expected of a regiment
thus described in a New York paper ?
" In one of our regiments, while the Colonel was on trial
for drunkenness, the Major lay drunk in his tent, and the
Lieut.-Colonel was so intoxicated at evening drill that he
had to stagger up to the Adjutant, and request him to give
the orders."

The President is now vested with most extraordi-
nary powers, such as were never heard of before,
except under a virtual despotism, because by a re-
cent bill he is enabled to dismiss officers at pleasure,
without giving a Court of Inquiry. But the evil
was enormous. Every where is the same story. At
Newport the troops have been in a state of
mutiny ; officers have shot soldiers in self-defence.
Demoralisation prevailed largely in Butler's force,
and the men have burned down part of the pretty
village of Hampton. The day before yesterday a
soldier shot a comrade in the street, close to the
spot where I was standing—one of many similar
cases. The officers may not be responsible for all
this, but they are to be blamed fur a good deal of
the disorder. As a treat for Prince Napoleon, who
is passing his time here very quietly, the Wash-
ington papers propose that he should be invited
to review the army by General 111‘Clellan, but I do
not think he will be asked to do anything of the
kind. A few months hence the suggestion would
be less distasteful. Apropos of the Prince, it may
be worth mentioning that when the President en-
tertained him the other evening at the White House
the band treated him no less than twice to the
" Marseillaise." Lord Lyons, M. Mercier, and all
the Ministers were present, but, owing to some un-
explained reason, the Chevalier Bertinatti, Minister
of the King of Italy, was not invited, which is all
the more curious on account of the Prince's con-
nexion with the House of Savoy. On Sunday the
French Minister, M. Mercier, gave a dinner at his
house, where the Prince is residing, to the Cabinet
Ministers, at which Lord Lyons and the foreign re-
presentatives were present, as well as Mr. Sumner
and other distinguished persons. The vapid air of
the capital is scarcely ruffled by the Prince's presence.
As a proof of the grand fibs which are manufactured
here, and of the way in which they succeed, it may
be mentioned that Gen. Scott was deceived by the
statement that Confederate troops had desecrated
Mount Vernon so far that he issued an order, not
remarkable for excellence of composition, though
full of feeling, calling on the United States troops
to respect the place in case they should be called
on to occupy the grounds. The Confederates were
never there at all, and Lady Georgina Fane and a
lady who is travelling with her had no difficulty in
going and returning recently under the escort of a
British subject. The tendency, or rather the habit,
of saying the thing which is not, and of putting
out of all proportion to the truththeatt onehing of
that is,the
has been so developed by the war that
most respectable journals in the citygirtasv
elyand,
seriously lectures the whole nation on
indiffer-
ence to truth and its inveterate love of exaggera-
tion in language which would be resented with
acrimony if it were used by a strange. Criticism
is always resented by the criticised unless it be all
sugar and treacle, and of all people the most diffi-
cult to please are those who are vain, irritable, um_
fortunate, and conceited. The voices which Come
from the other side of the Atlantic cannot be agree-
able to a race above all thing emulous of military
prestige. " Optat ephippia bos." He will get
them and have to pay for them presently, but in
what will President M'Clellan differ from Napoleon
111. except in tenure of office ? The United States
army and navy will be made worthy of the young
Republic, and in their hearts men rejoice at the
prospects of a strong Government, which must come,
though they cannot see how, out of the present
conflict. lam not quite certain that the silence

that which Americans regard 'as the greatest.con-
test the world . has ever ~seen. No ene can be
honestly indifferent to the- results, for they must
affect Europe, just its any great disturbance in any
State mast produce an impression on the rest of
the world. his useless to say that we are not jea-
lous of the grandeur and glory of the United States,
for the national %anity would regard the thing as
impossible. It is, indeed, impossible to regard with
indifference the fight which has such enormous in-
terests and great principles involved in the issue,
but it is unfortunate for the United States that it
has by turns affronted nearly every Government in
Europe, and left to itself only the natural sympa-
thies of the peoples for those who appear bet'ore
them as the friends of liberty. There is one thief;
to be said about civil wars—they do not last long.
It is probable that the " exceptionalism," if one
may use the word, on which the Americans rather
pride themselves, will not prevail iu the case of the
struggle between North and South. Each of the
contending parties, however, believes it .is sure to
win. The voices from the South are, to be sure,
rather deadened, and those of the North are swollen
and blown out through penny trumpets and brass
whistles, but there is still reason to think that both
are bent on "` having it out." And, indeed, the
North must do so, even if separation comes, for
there would not and could not be an honourable
peace if it followed an unavenged defeat in a con-
test wherein the victors had announced beforehand
that their opponents were destitute of courage and
manhood. It would not be possible for the North
to live on terms of decent amity with the South if
Ipciders on both sides were to agree to a peace
to-morrow. The violence and triumphant jubila-
tion of the conquerors would render it a mere ar-
mistice of short duration. Those who can see the
reconstruction of the great Republic in the warring
elements of this great convulsion must believe in
some new atomic theory, and in some novel che-
mistry of political affinities.

A I passed the State Department the other day,
I observed on the ground great columns of marble
in wooden coffin-like cases lying by the road side ;
near the White House there was similar food for
ruins. Above the unfinished dome of the Capitol
rises a great machinery of saffoldage and leverage,
motionless and lifeless, and around the very build-
ing in which Senator and Representative keep high
debate, lie the vast fragments which at some future
day are
.meant to supplement arch and dome—the
idea of a conception not yet brought into being.
There are, then, two sorts of ruins—those of the
thing which has been, and those of the thing which
is not yet, and may never be at all. It was strange
to see that all the effect of the work of years could
be produced by the materials of work unaccom-
Publitchebyuialdre completed by the ings of Washington are
surroundedli
shed'
The
before p
evi-
dences of what they must be when they shall have
been destroyed. Before the Republic has finished

its temples the worship'of the deities to whom they
_ . .

are erected is assailed by terrible heresies. The
Capitol can never see within its dome the Senators

and Deputies of the Union, of which it seems no

inapt type in its aspiring incompleteness. Can any
even of the Powers most menaced and affronted by
the Republic rejoice in its researches among the
fragments ? Certainly England has not by word
or deed within her borders exhibited a trace of the
passions attributed to her by many bitter enemies.
The reports industriously circulated in some
American journals that Great Britain has de-
manded, or solicited, the establishment of a free
port for the exit of cotton are untrue. There is no
foundation whatever for such statements, which are

prepared by the same people who originate the
stories of Admiral Milne's despatches and views in
reference to the blockade. The indifference to
foreign politics which has marked the proceedings
of the Congress has been a suitable commentary on
the mode in which American affairs have been,
treated in Europe. Mr. Sumner was severely re-
buked for alluding to the probable effects of the

increase of the Morrill Tariff on the sentiments of
France and England; as if the Senate regarded
such an allusion as a confession of weakness or an
indecent introduction of an unsuitable element or

consideration. The bill confiscating the property
of rebels passed after a division of 60 to 48, not-

withstanding the energetic and argumentative op-
position of Mr. Breckinridge and others ; and I send

e:sewhere some reflections on the mode in which it

will be carried into effect. Congress adjourns to-

morrow till the sth of December, unless summoned

by the President at an earlier day. Members of
Congress are the first to touch the nice new paper
money. On receiving their salaries they were pre-
sented with 50 dollars in gold and with 250 dollars
in the Treasury notes as payment for the month
They did not like it. The brokers charge 5 per
cent. discount, although the Government pays G
per cent. interest on the two-year notes, so that
there is a loss to the original holder of 81 per cent.
per annum if he submits to the discount. These,
however, are very trifling matters in consideration
of that which is to come. There is a rumour of an
attack on Cairo. It can only succeed in consequence
of incapacity and cowardice on the part of the de-
fenders.