The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-17 00:00:00

that that patty LA3 done rauch which has tended to pro-
duce'the danger of a disruption of the church, that it has
done much to create and foster a spirit of alienation in
many of the community from thedoctrines and teaching of
the oburch,aud that th ey have gone fin. to produce a kind of
reaction in the church itself which is almost as dangerous on
the other side. They have assume] a tone with regard to
ecclesiastical power and authority which is ro t suited to
the genius and the temper of the present day—which,
however suited to the feelings and the habits of times
long past, are considered and treated as unwarrantable
and intractab'e in_ the present time. They have, in my
belief, fel!en into a grievous error in introducing into the
cereinoniale of the church practices and forms which are
either immaterial in thenaselvee, and if so, to be avoided
as calculated to raise question and controversy, or which,
if they are more than forms and ceremonials have a lean-
ing and tendency to that creed which—with all personal
re-pact fir the very ex :client an] cerrcientioue adhe-
rents of the church which profess that creel—l, as a
Protestant, look upon as religiously corrupt and politi-
cally dangerous. (Hear.) I, therefore, have no sym-
pathy with the Tractarian party, and I believe that no-
thing can be more dangerous than the existence of that
party in the church. But at the same time Ido not
nece,sirily eympathise with those who profess a kind of
pseudo-liberalism and latitudinarianism of ('pinions as
regards the doctrines and diecipline of the Eitablished
Church. I haze the greatest respect fer the energy and
labour in the cause of religion which is displayed by
many classes of Dissenters. Toere is room enough, Gcd
knows 1 for them and the Church of England t o engage
in a common combat against vice and irreligion ; and,
as those who are not against US must be-with us, I wish
them God speed in the good work in which they labour.
But r.O.ir sympathies and affections are with that great
body of tee clergy of the church, the members of a Ifoh
are, I believe, the moat numeroute whii, preferring the
religion of the closet to the demonstration of the plat-
form, with the Bible for their guide, and with the an-
cient fathers and learned commentaeors of the church for
their assistants, are most desirou t of inculcating the
practical truths of religion ; and who, while they have
every desire to maintain the bonds of union and peace
with every denomiration of their Christian brethren, are
yet not ready to compliment away any of the doctrines
of the church which in their hearts and their con-
sciences they believe to be fundamental and essential.
It is because these are my opinions, and I believe them
to be the opinions of many, very many, of the sound-
thinking men of England, that I ;egret that the Go-
vernment should have thrown, or appeared to bare
thro en, the whole weight of their influence and autho-
rity into that end of the scale in which the wide latitude
of the Church of England allows freedoni of opinion to
be weighed. These topics are not exactly such as are fit-
ting to be dealt with by your 1 ndehips, even although
we approach them with every feeling of veneration ard
re-pact ; and if that be so, how much less fit are such
topics for the bitter political contests of the hustings—
how much less fit are they to be mixed up with the heats
and bickerings of election contests, and the coarse and
ribald jests which are ever the attendants of the s,tur
nalia of an election.! For the sake of the church, for the
sake of the Government, and for the sake of the coun-
try, it would be most unfortunate for the Government
to go to the country and to enter on an election on a
question of the leaning of the Government to one side cr
other of the different sections into which, unhappily, the
Church .of England is divided. I cannot conceive a more
unhappy subject on which the fortunes of an election
should turn, or one fraught with mere unmitigated Jae-
ger to the church itself. I will now, my lords, turn to
topics which are more usually the objects of discussion in
your lordships' houae.. The real question is, has the noble
viscount at the head of the Government the confiderns of
the country 9 Before I answer that question I must look
to what has been and what is supposed to be the" pelicy
of the noble viscount. Aud first, as regards the foreign
policy of the noble viscount. (Hear.) On that point I am
afraid I must repeat much of that which I have eaid be-
fore in expressing my want of confidence in the conduct
of the foreign affairs of this country by the noble vis-
count. I cannot f ,rget the affair of 1848; I cannot for-
get the affair of 1850 ; but I will look only to the situa-
tion of affairs at the present moment, and I shall find an
unchanged con,inuance in that mischievous system of
interference in the affairs and concerns of *foreign coun-
tries which I have eo constantly and earnestly depre-
cated. I give, the noble viscount full credit for many
things. I give him full credit for the courage with which
in 1855 he accepted the arduous duties cast upon the
Mini-try.
.I give him full credit, with his colleagues, for
the efforts which lie made to bring the war to a tucceee-
ful issue. But as regards the ends and of of the
war, I cannot say that I give my unqualified assent to
the terms on which that war was concluded, or for the
conduct of some part of the negotiations which led to
the treaty of peace. At the conferences at Paris, the
noble viscount, and those who acted with him, were
parties to a grievous injury which was inflicted on the
maritime influence of this country. I allude to the con-
cession of that which has for ages been one of the chief
rights of this country as a maritime power ; and I need
hardly add, that without our maritime supremacy this
country will be nothing as a power of Europe. I be-
lieve that to have been a most unfortunate concession,
and the more unfortunate as it was made entirely gra-
tuitously. (Hear) Again, look at the mischievous ail
wholly unjustifiable interference of the Government of
this country in the affairs of Nap':es. (Hear.) We have
had before us papers which purported to contain expla-
nations of the cause of that interference ; but anything
eo meagre, anythit•g throwing so little light, or rather
throwing so much darkness, en the transactions in ques-
tion, I never raw. Of the 45 pages of which those
papers consisted, there were hut three which oentained
anything bearing on the Subject. on whiA we desired to
know anything. They referred principally to trials
which had token place, and to mem )rands, mostly
anonymous, to internal matters which had taken place
in Naples, but they did not contain anything which
could show the right of our country to interfere itythe
internal affairs of another country. Your lordships opal
not find one single thing iu these papers which pie a
shadow of a pretext for saying that any European inte-
rest peas in danger, that there were any Europzan griev-
ances to complain of; and the only question with the
King of Naples was a complaint of the French and Eng-
lish Gevernmente that he would not adopt a new course
of international 'Jolley which they recommended. Tacir
advice and remonstrance were rejected by the King of
Naples, as it would have been by any independent sove-
reign who had the slightest regard for his own dignity. It
was recommended by our Government that the wing of
Naples should grant au amnesty to cernain persons. To
whom I Were they ounsubjects, and was there anything
unreasonable, if, in answer to such an app:ication, we
received for an answer, " What business is it of yours I"
Suppose that before Mr. Smith O'Brien and some other
persons had received that pardon from her Majesty which
Mr. Smith O'Brieit's subsequent conduct has fuly justi-
fied ; suppose that before that pardon was granted, the
representative of the Government of any other country
had °eine to us and reported officially that it would be a
great gratification to the people of Ireland if a free par-
don were granted to Mr. Smith O'Rien and his col-
leagues—l wil. not call them by any other name—and
entreated our Governineet for its own sake to x.end a
pardon to these political cffendere. Can there be any
doubt that the answer of our minister -would not be
half as civil as that which we received from the King
*f Naples Y and most probably the minister of the foreign
country in question would have been requested to take
the document he had brought with him away, and most
likely then he would have been asked to walk out of the
house, and not to give himself the trouble to walk in
again. What did the King of Naples do I He writes
a letter, in which, atter giving every credit to the
Government of this country for the feelings which they
espreseed, he calmly stated that he did not see what
right they had to interfere. Some time passed, and
then another communication was made to the King of
Naples, in which a complaint was made that his letter
was not altogether courteous. To this the King of Na-
ples replied, and he stated in the fullest terms his readi-
ness and his anxiety to keep on a friendly footing with
England, and his regret that his sense of the indepen-
deuce of his country did not permit him to accept the
advice tendered to him by France and England. The
only answer to that communication was the recall of our
minister from Naples. What was there in all this to
justify the breaking off of diplomatic relations with a
power which had expressed itself so anxious and ready
to maintain friendly relations with us I What was
the consequence The retirement of our minister
was treated as a matter of indifference, and in
the face of Europe the minister of England was allowed
to leave Naples in contemptuous silence; while, at the
same time, an assurance was given by the Government
of Naples tbat there need be no fear for the safety of
the subjects of England and France, notwithstanding the
withdrawal of the ministers of those countries. Do you
think that under such circumstances England stands in
a dignified position before the world ? I could under-
stand if the noble viscount had had some scheme of na-
tional policy for Naples, however unjustifiable such a
course might be, which he attempted to carry out. That
might be something. But what shall we say to that
course which employed the language of menace and inti-
midation ; which threatened Naples with the presence of
our fleet ; and stimulated the hopes and passions of the
discontented people to the very verge of insurrection,
when, if such an insurrection had broken out, I am con-
fident that from England the parties , who had been pro-
ioked into it by the conduct of the British Government,
would have received neither support, countenance, nor
commiseration, but would have been left to bear all its
miserable and disastrous consequences unaided and
(Hear.) I then, so far as the foreign policy of
the noble viscount is concerned, cannot say that I have
any confidence in him. (}sear, hear.) But lam still
more doubtful with regard to the domestic policy of the
noble viscount ; for, strange so say, notwithstanding the
long period during which toe noble viscount and I have
been in public hie, I am utterly at a loss to say what his
policy is. At any rate, before he asks us to give hint
our confidence, let him make known to us what is his
pol cy. Shakspere says that " Each man in his turn
plays many parts," but the noble viscount in politics has
played every part. (Hear.) He is not merely a Janus
Biceps, but a Janus Centiceps ; be is the very chame-
ldon of politics, and no one can say to what line of poli-
tics he pledges himself when he undertakes to follow the
political lead of the noble viscount. (Hear, hear.)
Let us know to what course of policy we are pledging
ourselves when we give our confidence to the noble
viscount Some of the cries with which be is said to
be going to the country would; I should think, rather
astonish the noble viscount. It is now, "Palmerston"
—it is all along Palmerston, and not the Government—
" Palmerston and Liberalism," "Palmerston and Pro-
testantism," "Palmerston and the abolition of purchase
in the army," "Palmerston, and down with Maynooth,"
"Palmerston, the only Christian Premier." And it has
even bean hilspheineusly said "Palmerston, the man of
God." (Hear, hear, and laughter) Yes, my lords, it
has been announced in a clerical paper that Palmerston
is the man of God. (Hear, hear' - Some of your lord-
ships may perhaps remember a caricature which was iu

fees I am not able to trace any connection between the
fact of the Government having made excellent ecclesias-
tical Appoiu ttnents and the justification of all that has
been done by Sir 3. Bowring. (Laughter.) I do not
question the motives of the gentlemen who so voted,
But if the argument is good on one side, it ought to be
good on the other—
" Damns bane vediam petimnsqus vicissian"
If they are entitled to sav, on the part of the Government,
"the case was so strong that your own supporters came
to aid us," is it not right to say on the other side, " the
case was so clear, its merits wort, such, that parties dif-
fering from ourselves 1 It it too strong for the conscien CO;
and could not swallow it." What do we see in the ad-
dresses now going forth to the ceuntly ? There is
hardly one which does net say that the circumstances
which occurred at Canton were very much to be re-
gretttd—that it would have been much better if our
plenipotentiary had waited for instructions from home—
that hie conduct was not justifiable. But then comes the
" infamous coalition aed combination," which overbears
every other consideration. This cry of combination is n -
th:rig new, and let me read to your lordships the language
used by a very eminent statesmen some years ago, when
a gimlet. cry was raised in the House of Commons :
"The bon. and learned gentleman the member for Seuth•
awpton, has demanded a full exolsaation of the circum•
stances under which my vote will be given. S!r, he shall
have that explanation. I have no reserve. Lie hon, and
learned member has stated that there is a dishonouralls
conspiracy formed against her
Majesty's Government.
Se-, a more unfounded charge never was preferred.
(Hear, hear.) He presumes that there has been some
base compromise between gentlemen sitting on this
side of the house, but holding different opinions upon
matters of vital interest, He is wholly mistaken. There
has been no such compromise. He talks of there
being three courses to put 5120. He tells us there are
three cembinations by which office may
be obtained., He
says, demand to know which of these threeo courses
you contemplate.' Now, is it not possible for the hon.
and learned gentleman to suppose that there may be
.a
fourth? Is it not possible for him to speculate upon the
possibility that men in this house may intend to give
their votes without reference to political combinations I
Does he exclude the possibility of that fourth course of
action which arises from a conscientious conviction as to
the truth ? Is that excluded from his contemplation ?
May it not be possible that men cannot subscribe to a re-
solution which asserts that a certain course has been
best calculated to preserve peace, and to support the
honour and dignity of this country ? Is it possible that,
without reference to party or personal interests, men may
decline to affirm a resolution which deals with principles
of greater importaoce to the welfare of this country,
for good or for evil, than have ever been under the
consideration of the house ?" Now, my lords, who
were the parties By a singular coincidence it hap-
pens that the speech in the House of Commons
was delivered in consequence of a motion made by myself
in your lordship's house censuring the conduct of the Ge•
vernuaent, and which was carried by a maj irity, Who
was the defendant in that ease I The noble viscount at
the hoed of her Majesty's Government He was the re.
whose conduct, censured by the House of Lords, was
made the subject of appeal in the House of Commons.
Ho considered there was so much doubt as to the judg-
ment which the house might give, that then, as now, be
did not think it unworthy of him to raise the cry of com•
bination and conspiracy, and to abuse the judgment of
the house,and divert them from the merits of the case by
the same cry which his followers are raising with the
same truth as at this moment. The accuser, if I may use
the term, was the same. The defeopiant was the same.
And who were the parties involved in the guilt of that
conspiracy 1 I need hardly tell you that the eminent
statesman whose indignant repudiation I have cited,
was charged with a combination and conspiracy against.
the Government, was one who for four years before had
given them his unvarying and disinterested support, for-
getful of all previous causes of insult. That statesman
was Sir R. Peel, and that speech was the last speech
which he delivered in Parliament, only a few hours be-
fore that unhappy occurrence which deprived the coun-
try of his eminent services. Who was the man who pat
himself forward as the chivalrous defender of the noble
viscount on that occasion? Who was the man who
.brought for ward the exculpatory resolutions in the House
of Comment? That man was Mr. Roebuck, one of he
present conspirators and accomplice' in this base nombi.!
nation. My lords, I have given you facts to prove the
improbability, I would say the impossibility, of each a
coalition. The very notion of it ie too absurd to be alval..
lowed down by the veriest gobesaeuche reading the last
canard. in the newspaper. It is more absurd tl.ii the
wholesale railway massacre in America, of which the
most egregious dupe was the leading journal of this
country. (Laughter.) Itis more absurd and incredible
than any stretch of imagination or fiction, My lords, I
know well the ease with which, as has been somewhere
said—

The barefaced lie, launched with malignant force,
Unheard by thousands, is believed of course.
I know the Antaes-like power with which calumny, re•
futed a dozen times, springs from the ground with addi-
tional strength, and; notwithstanding ttio solemn asser-
tions which I have made, and the faat4 which I have
stated; nothin will surprise me less than to see the daily
press to-morrow teeming with a repetition of this base
and infamous calumny, and to find it made the subject,
the stock-in-trade of addresses and electioneering speeches
for the ep toe of the neat three weeks. My lords, I say
—of course without personal offence to any one—but by
whomsoever that shall henceforth be said, written, or
printed, I-solemnly daelare that tho statement bears pre•
cisely that relation to truth which w-as expressed in the
very pithy language used in the first line which I just
quoted. (letughter ) My lords, let me adt how long it is
since her AL,jesty's Government came to the conclusion
that the votes of parties not concurrin4 in general poli-
tical- principles, but joining together on some political
occasion, must necessarily be given from factious motives?
I will go back to the earlier history of the life of the
noble viscount now at the head of the Government. No
man certainly is bettor qualified to speak of combinations
than the noble viscount, who has been engaged in so many
such transactions. I will not go back even to the com-
mencement of the present session of Parliament. I will
recal your lordships' recoelectien to a certain motion
Which was brought forward in the House of Commons by
a supporter of the Gevcoment —3 gentleman named Mr.
Lecke King. That motion was in favour of reform and
an extension of the franchise. It was opposed by the
noble lord at the head of the Government, and to sup•
port his opposition to the motion of his own supporters
and adherents the noble lord brought into the field the
magnificent sum of cue and thirty members, of whom one
and twenty were persons holding official situations.
Against him, of his own supporters, were arrayed 179.
(Hear.) 179 to 31 was the majority against the Go-
vernment, left by themselves,' to their own re/sources
and that of their supporters.. Oa that occasion of
combination was the combination repudiated with scorn?
No. The Conservative party, true to their principles,
and casting aside all question of whom to support and
whom to defend, came to the rescue, and they placed
that miserable 31 of the Government in a majority of
IP2 to 170 ; 'and" that act of the Conservative party saved
the Government front-defeat ; saved thorn from being de-
voured by their own hounds, (IC Hear, hoar," and laugh-
ter.) One fortnight after that time, the party who had
thus, regardless of political consideration, and,looking
only t principle, defended and supported the noble vis-
count against hie own adherents—when, in conjunction
with some of those adherents, they passed their deliber-
ate judgment upon the papers submitted to their consi-
deration—that party, who saved the noble viscount
from annihilation, are charged by hiss with a disgrace-
ful coalition for the purpose of getting him out of office.
(Hear, hear. I able your lordships to put the two cir-
cumstances together, and tell me if the charge of faction
is brought against either party, to which party that
charge of faction is attributable I (Hear.) My noble
and learned friend (Lord Brougham) in his speech on the
address, expressed a hope that in the matter of China our
officials abroad were not seeking for a pretext for picking
a quarrel for their own advantage. I may venture to
parody the expression of any noble and learned friend,
and to express my hope that in this matter her relajesty's
Government were not seeking a pretext to pick a quarrel
with their own supporters. (Hear.) I think it possible
that the Government, not finding themselves quite com-
fortable with regard to some questions about to be sub-
mitted to Parliament, Were not sorry to avail themselves
of what they thought a favourable opportunity of going
to the country, not upon any consideration of the ques
tion of China, but upon the question of the general sup.
port and confidence of the country iu the noble lord. I
believe that this Chinese question will have no influence
whatever, and was not intended to have any influence,
except so far as it is connected with the cry of combina-
tion. The real question put to the country by the noble
viscount is this—have I your Confidence ? (Hear.) I
mention emphatically the noble viscount at the head of
the Government, because I must, with all possible
respect for the noble lords opposite, and right hon.
gentleman in the other house, express my convic-
tion- that, s except myself, there is not a man in the
country who does not consider the whole of the colleagues
of the noble viscount as mere appendages of the noble
viscount, and as utterly unsubstantial as cyphers. Some
of them may be useful and very ornamental appendages,
but they are appendages alone, and the question is not
one of confidence in the Government, but one of confi-
dence in the head of the Government. I have already
adverted to one subject which was rather out of place in
the discussion on the China question—l mean the.eocle-
siastical appointments of the noble viscount. That
question I know has been and wilt be prominently put
forward at the coming elections. lam quite aware of
the benefit of bringing questions of that kind before the
public, especially at the present moment., Nevertheless,
I I feel it my duty to express my opinion on that question,
which has excited, and continues to excite, public in-
terest. I trust I than be able so to express myself as to
give no offence to any human being, and least of all is it
my duty to say a single word in derogation of the four
prelates of the church who, by a very unusual number
osp foo
ivnfaatcreadfnr
uponcoime o r s
saying
taee u
rrineao ogs
mi
single
the s
l ngt
lee nword
aotrai
domne inotf
the noble
gnhaoatbivoleen beenvoisf
co
thosesntp.
right teverend prelates—l have not the honour of the
personal acqnaintance of any of them; but I know with
regard to some, and I believe with regard to others, that
thy have been distinguished as men laborious, diligent,
earnest, and zealous in the sacred profession to which
they belong, and that some of them have energetically
laboured in the discharge of their parochial duty in some
of the largest parishes in the kingdom, and therefore I
am not a single word in derogation of
their appointments. to saynts. B lit there is nothipg which they
themselves must more regret than that a party use should
be made of their names; that they should be placed in
invidious contrast with their right reverend brethren, and
that, ttmir appointments shoal i be leuded, loot on accouut
of their acknowledged titntos for their offices, but because
they aresupposed to typify and represent one of the ex-
treme sections of the Church of England into which it ie
unhappily divided. Let me not be misunderstood. I
6 have no sympathy with the Tractarian party. I belleY

- irculation during the time of the Reform Bill, in which lordships will think that at such a time as this we are
King William the 4:h is represented as tearing down bound to utter a frank expression of our opinions ; that
certain papers bearing the words " Reform Bill" up n . wo should be guilty of no electioneering mystery • but
them, and the words put into his Mej-sty'a mouth were that wo should openly state what our coarse has'been
—"Can this be me ?" (Great laughter, and cheers.) : and what our course will be. (Hear, hear.) In the
Your lordships wispalto remember a story of older date, I assertion of my opinionsl may expose myself to obloquy,
which tolls the history of an unfortunate lady whose I to calumny,
and misrepresentation, as has before hap-
cress
eress was somewhat unwarrantatly interfered with in I pened to me, and I hope I know how to meet them ;
her sleep, and who, when she awoke, leonecl down on but lam sure at least of this—that no man can say that
herself and exclaimed, "Sate, this can never he I." I ever shrank from the expression of my political feel-
(Laug'attr.) lam aura that when the noble viscount ings—that I ever sank a principle for the sake of a pon-
gees some of the cries that are attached no his name, he tical advantage, or that I ever deceived the trust re-
will be bound to say, "This never can be me." (Hear, posed in me by those friends who have honoured one
and laughter.) It is eiot a little remarkable that amongst with the it political confidence. (Loud cheers.)
the various watchwords which have been attached to the Earl GRANVILLE said that the noble earl had stated
came of the nob'e viscount there are three Which I have
two occasions last week:lie
. vete much emphasis on •
intantem to cad the attection of the house to the ci
never heard associated with it. They are not unimpor- • •
tent words, and have often been watchwords of the Libe-
r-
ral party. I have not seen or heard the cries of "Pal- c irns'ancet under which an appeal was about to be made
merstoa and Peace," "Palmerston and Retrenchment," to the country, and that in doing So on the second read-
" "Palmerston atd Reform." (Hear, hear, rind cheers.) kg of the bill now before the house it appeared to him
Probably the noble viecaunt having been with me a sup-
that the noble earl was taking a natural and proper
porter of the Reform Bel, thinks that constitutional re-
form has gone far enough ; that reform was a question ccur e. Considering the assertions which had been put
of the day, and it is quite consistent for aoy one who was forth by some of the noble lord's own supporters, it was
a supporter of the Reform MI now to say, I vial go no natural that the noble earl should make a statement
further. But peace and retiencheient are questions for which was calculated to influence and as it were to afford
all times; and I fear that if we have no peace, we shad a model for the electioneering addresses of kis party. The
have no retrehchment, and that we can have no aosocia-
noble earl had now made that appeal, with every admen
tion of peace with the name of Paenereion. (Hear)
tage surroending it which was calculated to produce the
Now, my lords, I happened to see the other day in a
newspaper (The Sun), which warmly supports the noble greatest effect on the country. The noble earl bad said of
viscount and asserts his claims to the confidence of him, and some others of his colleagues, that they were
the country, a statement of the opinions to which mere cyphers, that they were " the appendages" of his
every man professing to be a Liberal ought to adhere.
noble friend (Lord Palmerston). He could assure the
It said—" No man deserving the name of Liberal
ought to wince while catechised upon each of these noble earl that be did not feel any irritation on that
subjects : ground, but he might ask the noble earl what the coun-
,
" The Ballot ; try thought, and what he himself thought, of those
" The Extension of the Suffrage, and in particular whom he appended to himself during his short period of
Mr. Locke Ring's motion ; office as Prime Minister, and afterwards whether in his
" The Bank Monopoly ;
"eGburch Rates ; unsuccessful attempt to form an administration,, when
" Abolition of Purchase in the Army, and Promotion Le. sought the co-operation of a noble colleague of his
by Merit ; (Earl Granville'e), not Lord Palmerston, whether he re-
" A. graduated Income Tax."
no writer of garded him as a cypher 1 If he did, it was probably as
T. iter of the article objects, he says, upon principle the cypher added to the unit, giving to that-unit ten
to exacting pledges from candidates upon the hustings •
but these are the A. B C of Liberalism, and no man' times its value. (Hear.)
ought to hesitate for a single moment while being cate- The Earl of DERBY—When be spoke of appendages
chised upon them. I should like to see, for the amuse- he had not, referred to the noble earl Or hie noble col-
, meat of the thing, the noble viscount, who is said to lei
be at the head of a Liberal Government, just at the me- gue.
E.ri GRANVILLE bad then misunderstood the noble
mept that he is going through this catechism, (Hear.)
Tae the Ballot I Why, there is net a man in Eng- earl, but he certaiely thought the noble earl spoke of all
land who so strongly objects to the badot as the noble the members of Lord Parnlerston's Government except
viscount. (Hear.) I should like to know what be would that noble lord himself, as appendages and cyphers.
bey° to say on the subject of Mr. Locke King's motion. ("No, no," from Lord Derby.) And he therefore felt
Teen, as regards the Bank monopoly ;it is true that the justified. in reminding the noble earl what be appeared to
Government has referred the question of the Back Char- have forgotten—of how desirous he was, when endea-
ter to a select committee, bat with a distinct intimation vowing to form a Government himself, to obtain their
that they contemplate, if any at all, the very least pos. assistance and co-operation. With the exception of these •
sible, alteration is the constity ion of the Bank, and no- jokes, the whole tone of the noble earl's speech was so
thing whatever as regards the monopoly of banking. supplicatory, so apologetic and defensive, that it was quite
Then, as to Church rates, I believe the nolle viscount obvious thathe spoke under the consciousness that he was
has expressed himself as strongly with rogare to that on the losing side, and he (Earl Granville), therefore'
question. Nor do I believe that he has pledged himself feeling that he was upon the winning side, might be ex-
to the abolition of purchase in the army ; but it is to be cased, and certainly he could make no claim whatever to
i
assumed that if the Government bad come to'such a de- magnanimity, if he alrtainedirom making any observe-
termination that they would have tea le sonic mention of tions savouring of party bitterness or pereonal ani-
it. Then, as to a graduated income tax, there is not mocity. (Hear, bear.) The noble earl in speaking of the
any who bas given to it any decided opinion, as that financial policy of the Government, and the bill then be-
which has been given by the Government, one and all, fete their Lordships, expressed his regret that they had
against a differential, that is a graduated income tax. I determined to deal with the income tax instead of l •ar-
do not say that the Government have not supported !nee- ing it to be settled by the new Parliament. He would
sures on these subjects, but in the sense of their being Lot say a word of what the country would have thoueht,
tests of liberalism there is not one of them but has met if, after tledging themselves as they lied done to aban-
with opposition, from the Government, so far as their don the ear Li x, Ministers hal left that matter as it
own views are concerned. There is hardly one of these was, and plezeed such an excuse as that suggested by
subjects with regard to which, in the event of their the r01.,1e earl ; but be might be allowed to state one
being brought forward in the new Parliament, the Go- thing, and that was, that if the bill had not been intro-
cernenent will not be compelled, if they oppose them, to duce I and pressed through before the dissolution, the
have ceceurse to a combination with that Conservative country, whatever the decision of the next Parliament,
party which they no w abuse and vilify, but of the sup- must have been f addled with the war income tie, if not
port of which, in a moment of difficulty, they are hut for .it months, at all events for three months beyond
too glad to avail themselves. (Hear.) But. I may be April luxe when, according to the provisiens of the bill
asked if the noble viscount is so much of a Ceieervative, then under consideration, it would expire. The noble
why not support him as a Conservative ITo that I reply, earl, forgetting what was antecedent wi;h regard to
in the first place, that Ido not know what are the present himself, and therefore more natural to have occurred to
opinions of the noble viscount ; secondly, that if he it a him, said that he had always indulged in a confident
Conservative, he is in a Was prninon as the avowed head hope :al expectation that the income tax woull be put
of the Liberal party; and lastly, that if the principles of an end to altogether at the end of a certain period of
the noble viscount aka Conservative, I have yet no confi- years. If the noble earl had refreshed his memory by a
deuce that he will al ways support his own principles, or reference to his own previously expressed opinions upon
that ho will in the moment of danger boldly stand up in this question, he would have found that when ridiculing
defence of his own principles and opinions. (Bean) I Mr. Glad tone's budget in 1853, be said, in speaking of
fully acknowledge the high qualities of thenoble viscount the proposition of maintaining certain duties in order
—no one is more alive to the charms of his conversation that the income tax might be taken off in 1860, " that
or more willing to concede his readiness and resource, either the noble lord (teen at the head of the Govern-
and the adroitness with which he manages a popular a-. men!) or himself would live to see the day when that
seinbly ; but if lam asked whether I believe that ho is tax eoul.l be taken off he did not expect." (Cheers) -
guided by fixed principles, or that he is imbued with So that, whether the prophecy of the noble earl were
those high principles wl'ich ought to characterise aa i- right or wrong, it was clear that he had not the same
tith mbreter, Ido not think I can venture to say that I confident hopo and expectation in 1853 "of the early
can place confidence in the noble viscount. (flea.r,,pear,) expiration of the tax as he now stated. (Cheers.) The
What has happened in this very session ! On the intro- noble earl then enumerated various topics of national
dnction of the budget wo were told that it was indispens- policy, and, drawing his conclusions from the course
ably necessary to the requirements of the revenue that which the Government had taken with regard to
the duties on tea should be raised to is. 7d. in the pound. them, said they were about to appal tei the country
An opposition to this impost was threatened, Mr. Glad- without any intelligiele principle. Before saying
stone gave notice of an amendineet to fix the duty at a word upon this part of the quettion, he might be
ls. 3'1., and Lord J. Russell gave n aice of another to fix allowed to ask their lordships whether they thought
it at ls. 4,1. What happened 1 In the face of the declare. there was any peculiar fitness in bringing such a charge
tion which bad been made shortly before that it was indis- in the eloquent peroration with which, dealing with
penally necessary to the revenue that the duty should generalities in the widest possible manner, the noble earl
be that which the Government proposed, the Clioncellornf concluded his speech, without giving them the slightest
the Exchequer, when threatened with a supp,sed conthi- information cf what Its own principles were ! (sear,
nation of parties, gave way on a point which he said was hear.) Wben the nofL, earl to ked of disunion he might
absolutely essential to the public service. (lear, hear ) retort that there were many amongst the noble earl's
'But there is another and a more striking instance. If own supporters who did not feel any great confidence in
thee, is one thing which more than another is the his leadership, -or•any very accurate knowledge of his
bounden duty of a Minister cf the Cro wn' wi th reference' principles. (" Hear," and cheers.) The noble earl
to the ex gcite of that prerogative of the Crown, it is might say that he was not bound to txplain befnrehand
that the advice which he gives to the Crown, in the die- the principles upon which, if he were in (Mee, he would
trlbution of honours emanating from the Crown, should carry on the government of the country; but they could
be seven irrespective of Parliamentary influence. (Hear, not forget that the noble earl was once-at the head of a
hear.) Ido not mean to express my opinion on the Government —for a very Ebert time it was true—(hear)
particular case to which I am about to allude, —but which he endeavoured.to prolong by postponing
but it it is quite certain test the noble vise mot, with to the very last moment the dissolution which be had
the sanction of the noble boron opposite (Lord Pannaure) promised as soon as he found himself in a minority in
sent letters to seer J. M'Ne.ll and Col. Talc:pole containing the bell =.e, and under circumstances not, as now, when
a pecuniary gift, which, he said, was the form of reward no large or great question of ploy was agitating the
for their services which appeared to her Majesty's Go- pnhlic mind ; but when a question of vital importance to
vernment to be the fitting and appropriate one. The the country was involved in the issue of the appeal to
noble viscount was asked in the House of Commons if it the decteral body, and when the interests of a great
was intended to confer any mark of honour emanating party were wrapped up in the result, he continued to sit
from the Crown on those gentlemen. He replied that it there as first minister, showing the greatest patience,
was not his intention—that their services were not of and, he must add, the greatest dexterity, in fencing the
that nature which entitled them to receive such marked' question which was put to him, night after night, whe-
honour, and it was not proposed to advise the Crovvii to ther he was going to tte country in favour of protection
confer on them such marks of honour. A. notice of rive or of free trade. (Hear, hear.) The noble earl, he
tion on the subject was given, but before the motion wits thought, was not then the person who who was in a po- •
brought on the question was repeat( d, and the noble sition to accuse the Government of appealing to the
viscount repeated his answer that he did not think it con- Country without having ary defined principle of policy to
sistent with his duty to advise the Crown to confer any go u :on. (Hear.) The noble earl twitted Ministers with
mark of honour on those gentlemen. When the motion having in the division in the Commons, on Me Locke
was brought on, it was opposed by the noble viscount ; King's bill, been found in the carne lobby with the oppot
but there came a pressure upon him; and in a matter ' nents of that measure. He (E al Granville) admitted
which concerned the distribution of honours by the that that was an "unfortunate contingency"—(" hear,
Crown, he consented to give advice to the Sovereign hear," and laughter from the Opposition)—but if the
which 20 minutes before he said it was inconsistent with house would allow him, he would explain that circum-
his duty to offer. Can I have confidence in a Minister stance in a few words. When the bill was
who so readily gives way to pressure I And I suppose first introduced, the Gorernmen'n after due deli•
that if, cn that occasion, there had been a division, and beration, determined that it should be supported, with
the Government, as was moat probable, had been de- the view Of introducing such modifications in cc sa :lit-
feated, we should have heard of factious combinations ; tee as they thought would effect a useful and prudent
and if so, it was owing to the pressure of a combination extension of the county franchise ; and it was only when
that the noble viscount acted in a manner which he de- on a close examination of the bill itself, it was found to
eared to be inconsistent with the duty ho owed to the be so drafted as not to admit of those atnendments, and
dignity of the Crown. I have, my lords, trespassed it was felt it would be a waste of the time of the house to
grievously on the time and patience of the house— attempt to amend it, that the Government decided upon
(cheers)—and I shall do so but fora short time longer, opposing the second reading. (Hear, hear.) But if
If lam asked what is the course which I think it de- Lord Derby wished it to lie inferred that because they
sirable to be pursued in the next Parliament by those could not support the bill in question in the shape in
with whom I have the honour to act, I say that it is which it was presented to Parliament, that therefore
their bounden duty to adhere to their own principles and they considered the reforms which had been effected
their own opinions, irrespective of the quattersfromwhich final, and that the electoral system, as it at present stood,
they come. If the noble viscount—avoiding all danger- was susceptible of so further improvement, he was wholly '
ous organic changes in the great institutions of the in error. In that respect, as in all others, Lord Pal-
country—makes only such reforms in our sce'al institu- inerston's Government pledged themselves to progressive
tions as are calculated to combine the exertions of all improvement and reform in every department of the
lovers of their country, I can assure the noble viscount state. - (Hear.) Then upon the subject of education,
that from the Conservative party he will meet with no the noble earl said that Lord Palmerston was prepared
factious opposition. He need dread no unprincipled to take any course that might suit their purposes at the
combinations against him ; but, on the contrary, he will moment. To that charge he replied that the Govern-
find us ready to assist him against all attempts at hasty went bad expressed their views clearly upon the educe-
innovation, and ready to join cordially with him in pro- tion questron, on a bill brought forward by a member of
moting the progress of those social improvements which the nuble earl's own Government, and which he might
would afford abundant room for the labours of any mi- be allowed to say, would, L• believed, be most uuob-
alstry. lit everything which tends to the simplification jectionable, and would have been the most useful, had it
and the revision of the law, or the better adaptation of passed, that had been presented to Parliament. Be that
our present system, and the better disposal of our convict however as it might, the Government had shown them-
population; in the better provision of meansfor correcting selves in no way indifferent to the subject ; but, as in the
the steps of those who are on the verge of crime ; and in case of the Scotch bill in that house, and the English bill
stimulating the voluntary efforts of the country towards in the other, it was found impossible to obtain that con-
the establishment of a system of religious and moral edu- currence of opinion which was necessary to pass a mea-
cation in everything that may tend to the physical and sure of that kind, and even if they could pass it through
moral purification of the great mass of contagion which Parliament, he believed, looking at the strong objections
is fermenting our towns and cities—the noble viscount, entertained to any such measure by a large portion of the
if he enters on such a career, will receive the assistance community, that it would do harm rather than good. But
of the Conservative party. But if, sacrificing his own the noble earl, when he said he was in favour of a large
have gone somewhat
convictions, be gives way before the advances of undue measure of education, ought to
innovation, I trust he will find the Conservative further—and remembering. that the noble earl's late
party still sufficiently numerous, and sufficiently Colonial Secretary brought a hill into the house of
powerful, to save him from his own supporters, and able Commons in one year embodying a proposition tending
to oppose to them such a steadfast resistance as will pre- to a system of rtl gious education, and in the purely
vent him from inflicting serious injury on the country: bill whose tendency was to establish a system of
11 am satisfied that whether in or out of office, it is essen- secular instruction the to state
noble earl ought
tial to the interests of the country that the Conservative which of the two he
approved. ( e , ~, vi : %
(cur. ....erne) I
party should be numerous and strong. I say without his late
President of the Board of Trade •
the slightest hesitation, that I wish that all those who rose up in the other house and laid
his hands harshly
were once banded together by the tie of those Censer- upon Sir and crushed the
John Pakington's scheme,
vative opinions to which I still adhere were again once whole fabricinto dust, the noble earl ought to say whe-
-1 more re-united in one band, and actuated by a principle thatwith his sanction and appro-
of united action. But I say with no more hesitation or not that was done
bation. (Hear.) The
oe
fe
that foundoi
,egt e py
granting
inter-
thattinic any such union must be founded on unanimity of
and principle, and not on any
inionthteo
presenttheir odffiayces. services, and referring to the
opinion . base attempt to honours for meritorious noble
form a combination to overthrow a Government, and to
disorganisedm ay uot
be popularsuccess ference with the prerogative
debate in the
io
My
and the partyTulloCh, had declared that for himself
vbe of t'hlebCadrowsin)okienn
M‘Neilland
with whom be acted they would always
ofoprimnioansuse of Commons on the case of bit. J.
have adhered to them for no inconsiderable period; butf
1 intend ey will re-supporting existing institutions. Was it a proof
life. lam too old to change them now and the will myrmination that one of the noble earl's princi-
main the same to the end of my life.ues almost led the atteck which induced the
tain to the utmost of my ability the institutions main-he kfolucse of Commons to interfere with the prerogative of
to
of
pa
country ; I will support the prerogative of the Crown.t the Crown on that occasion ? (Hear ) A. great portion
I will support the hereditary rights and • d de ceof of the noble earl'aspeech embraced various topics relat-
your lordships' house, I will sup ott tihn fa:to opt' the ing to foreign affairs, in commenting upon which he used
people, and I will support thep rights and the pro- various epithetseeome of which he might possibly, had
s
perty of the Established Church, -of which I have his noble friend Edell Fitzwilliam been by
thisosseidee atpithets
always been an attached member. I desire to see time, havoeulsdpoa
jrte t Soh numeroussowere h
far as to enumerate
her weak places strengthened, and her defects repaired, that at
lc, but he believedaxis m,,etmheozetatoria
,„
~
1 the used-
so that she should be held firmly in the affections
singleo themdiin g,,,
~
the unjustifiable" spirit of interference which
people ; but I will never consent to withdrawo
Whichl look characteri,led then noble lord (Palmerbt .n) wf.rn amongst
Acme from the fabric of the church, (Pr, hear.) I them. The Only instance which the, unble end ado need.
with filial reverence and affection. (Hear~
for obtruaiug on you to justify these epithets was
trust your lordships will pardon me
so much of My own feeling and
opinions. We do not regard to Naples their lordships need.not be reminded
form an assembly which i; answerable to constituents, that one of the ablest and most experienced members of
and we but express our own opinionser ; nevertheless, we that house—one whose eloquence they all admired, and
1
do not incur the less responsibility • and lam sure your whose authority they looked upon with respect, even
I ,