The Sun.
London, England, 1861-04-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LoNDor,, FRIDAY EVENING, APRIL 5, 1861.

R.E.P0.R411 _DEMONSTRATION AT EXETER.

A large and influential meeting of tho Liberals of Exeter
was held on Tuesday evening at the Atheneum, the room
being crowded.
Mr. TREHANE presided, and before commencing the pro-
ceedings read two or three letters he had received excusing
the absence of certain gentlemen. The first was from Mr.
Divett, their member, who stated that he should have liked
to have been present, but his engagements put it quite out
of his power. Lord Poltimore's letter stated that he could
not attend the meeting because he chi not at that moment
take a sufficient active part in politics to warrant his so
doing. The chairman then said two years and a month
ago he occupied the position he now took, and the meeting
then was crowded. Their member, Mr. Divett, was pre-
sent, and all the leaders of the Whig party, and hundreds
of parties who attempted to get into the room were obliged
to go away disappointed. They met to endeavour to pre
vent the Reform Bill which the Tories had brought in
from being carried, as it was not an effective one. How-
ever, he exceedingly regretted now that they did not take
that bill, for he would rather have a half loaf than no bread
at all. (Hear, hear.) If they had accepted that bill, they
would have been far in advance of the position they then
held. (Applause.) The Government of that day were
turned out of office upon the question of reform, and the
Whigs went into office upon the full understanding that
they were to introduce a perfect Reform Bill. But he begged
to ask them where it was. He diel not know, and he be-
lieved neither Lord Palmerston nor any other member of
the House of Commons ever meant to bring in one. They
shifted office one from another—from Lord Palmerston to
Lord Derby. then from Lord Derby to Lord Palmerston;
then back again, and so this state of things continued. Mr.
Divett told them they would not get a reform bill, and he
(the chairman) believed the Government would rather see
the country excited to the greatest possible extent, than
give up one iota of the power they now possessed ; and it
became them as citizens and burgesses to look into the mat-
ter. Many of those present would be returned next Monday
in the schedule of the census as tax-payers of this country,
and he would tell them that the expenditure of the country
Was really a frightful one. They were taxed at something
like £72,000,000 or £75,000,000 per annum; that amounted
every month to £6,000,000, and every week to £1,500,000,
and every time they heard the clock strike, day or night,
there was £lO,OOO of their money gone, spent by the Go-
vernment. Some two months ago a gentleman in the House
of Commons moved for a special committee to look into the
navy estimates, and inquire into the mode of operation
adopted by the Admiralty. The report was brought up three
weeks ago, and it was a startling thing that no one in this
country, except those on the committee, knew what was
the cost of their navy. When a commission made inqui-
ries into the expense of maintaining the Woolwich dock-
yard, it was found that in six months no less than eight
thousand mistakes had occurred. It was a marvellous
thing that a country like this should allow Government to
spend money at the rate they were now doing ; by and bye,
instead of having £72,000,000 or £75,000,000 to pay—fifty
years ago they only had £52,000,000—in a few years they
would be taxed to the amount of £100,000,000. (Hear.)
The expenditure of this country, he again repeated, was
frightful, and it was quite time that the franchise should
be more extended ; that they should have populous
boroughs enfranchised where petty boroughs now existed—
(applause)—and that the people should have something
like an interest in the management of the affairs of the
country. There was Dartmouth (a marvellously fine town)
returned one member ; Totnes (my Lord Seymour's pocket
borough), two; Tavistock (Lord John Russell's pocket
borough), two ; and a lot of other small towns which con-
tained about 16.0•- 0 inhabitants were returning some six
or seven members, while other large towns returned none,
as for instance, Torquay, Birkenhead, and Chelsea. With
reference to the qualification of voters, why should not he
(the chairman), if he rented a house at Torquay at £45,
have a vote as well as the man who lived at Totness and
rented a house at £lO per annum? The Government
had refused them a reform bill out and out, and they
laughed at them—and laugh at them they would. Some
gentlemen said if they could not get a bill in a bulk
they would have it piecemeal, but the Government turned
round and said they could not give it to them piecemeal.
They told them they did not want reform, for they did not
kick up a row ; if they were to get into a semi-state of revo-
lution they would have it ; but not like the Emperor of
Russia who voluntarily emancipated his serfs—(applause)
—and this taught them to respect his government for its
paternal and kindly character—their Government were try- '
ing to keep them down and rob them. (Cheers.) It was
high time something should be done, and that as men they
should express their opinions honestly, and if they expressed
them freely and in all good nature, they would let the Go.
vernment know they were not their slaves, and that they
would not allow them to place their hands in their pockets.
The chairman then called upon
Mr. JERWOOD to move the first resolution, as follows :
" It having been admitted by the House of Commons and by
successive Governments that a reform of our representative
system was desirable and necessary, such a reform having
been recommended by her Majesty in her speech from the
throne, promised by her Ministers, and expected by the
people, this meeting regrets that the present Government
should have abandoned the measure." Mr. Jerwood said he
fully concurred in the desirability of having meetings like
the present, in order to make known the wishes of re-
formers. The chairman had made some very just stric-
tures upon what had and what had not been done by the
Government, but he, for one, should shift some of the
blame upon themselves. He was not exactly. sure that
they had worked for what they wanted—that they had
expressed themselves in such a way as that it was impos-
sible for them to be misunderstood, and he trusted that in
meetings like the present in future there should be no mis-
take in the matter. Let them consider the question of re-
form in all its bearings, for it had a great many. He believed,
and he had no doubt that all sincere reformers believed,
that each of those parts was out of order. For instance,
there was the number of voters who at present had the
elective franchise. Was that as it ought to be ? (No.) If
not, how should they make it ? They ought not to sit pas-
sively, but they should bring forward a measure that was
feasible. Had all the privilege to vote who ought? (No.)
He should say not—(A Voice : Not a hal f)—for there were
thousands and tens of thousands outside the range of voters,
who ought to possess the right fully as much as those who
had it. But had they asked for it ; had they, the reformers
of Exeter, petitioned and asked for it to a certain extent ?
No Government would come and ask them what they
wanted, and therefore it was better for them to express
themselves now in an unmistakeable manner. What
ought to be the qualification of voters ? Should it be an in-
dividual suffrage ? He was disposed to think there was no
chance of getting that, however theoretically true it might
be. By and bye, when education had spread, and had had
its proper effect upon the individual community, would be
the time to consider that question. But now there was a
vast number of men duly qualified by position, literary at-
tainments, &c,, to have the electoral franchise which they
were now shut out from. They ought to point out what
they wanted, and what they wished to have. [A Voice :
The ballot.] He believed that would enable the voter to
vote as he liked, but then there were many sincere re-
formers who objected to that part of the bill. What they
proposed was, that there should be an extension of some-
thing like electoral districts. Let them do away with
their pocket boroughs; for unless they did, they could
never expect to have a House of Commons that would
mind as they should the-monetary affairs of the kingdom.
As long as those little pocket boroughs existed they would
have a corrupt, and he might almost call it a base, House
of Commons. What they said was, that if these districts
had not less than five thousand voters, they need not be
afraid of bribery being carried on. He believed, and he
said it at once, he for one would not give a straw for the
ballot. (" Can't do without it 1") The question was,
did they wish to do away with these rascally rotten
boroughs ? As long as they were allowed to return mem-
bers, then government would squander away millions
without giving them an account of how the money was
spent. In order to have any effective reform, he was deci-
cidedly of opinion they must have meetings like these, at
which they should distinctly express their feelings. Thoy
must not blame the Government, however extravagant
they were, for it was the people of England who found the
tools to keep the Government corrupt. They, the re-
formers, had been exceedingly supine, and it was unjust

to blame any Government, whatever that Government

might be, if the reformers were so indifferent as not to ask
for anything themselves. If they pressed for any measure
and the Government did not attend to them, then they
would have reason to blame them ; but as long`as they sat
still and allowed the Government to go on they deserved
all they got. (Laughter.)
Mr. LATIMER, in seconding the resolution, said it was
very much to be regretted that Mr. Locke King's bill, for
giving a £lO franchise to counties, was not taken up in the
spirit it should have been. There was now, he said, a bill
before Parliament giving a £0 franchise to cities and
boroughs, which had not been supported by the public. as it
ought to have been. The £0 franchise would add to the
constituency of that city no less than 700 electors ; and
how many of that 700 who were now, shut out from the
representation were present that evening? (Hear.) He,
too, thought it was very idle to be throwing-all the blame
upon the Government, who were the ministering servants
of this country. (Hear, hear.) He thought they were
wrong in declaring that they would have particular mea-
sures, for they should remember they had got their liber-
ties thus far by taking them bit by bit, as they could get
it, always resolving that the p3wer they got to-day they
would use to get more to-morrow. (Hear.) It was said
that because the Government were not pursuing the ques-
tion of reform they were doing wrong, and they had
better have Lord Derby'e Ciovernment, He Agreed

with the chairman that his bill would have been
better than the state they were now in, but there were
many objections to it. The intention of Mr.
Disraeli in bringing in that bill was rather to present a
boon with one hand and withdraw it with the other.
He thought while they adopted this resolution, which he
had great pleasure in seconding, and which they might
adopt with all their hearts, They must not forget they had a
duty themselves to carry out, and that while they met there
to complain of the Government they ought also to complain
of themselies. Whatever they wanted they must plainly
utter, and declare they would have it. (Applause.)
The resolution, on being put, was cariied unanimously.

Mr. NORRINGTON then moved the following resolution :

" That this meeting considers a bill should be at once intro-
duced, having for its object a large extension of the fran-
chise, a fair distribution of seats, and the protection of the
voters."

Mr. WEBBER seconded the resolution, which was also
carried, as was another adopting a petition founded upon
the resolutions previously passed.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

BETTING AT MANCHESTER, THURSDAY.
Heretofore the only horse mentioned in the betting upon
the Metropolitan Stakes was Betts, but from Danae's per-
formance in the. Great Northamptonshire Stakes, that ani-
mal has now joined her, besides being made the favourite
at 9 to 2, an offer to lay 8 to 1 against Betts for the first-
named event meeting with no response. For the City and
Suburban the only change which took place was the sup-
port given to Physician and Gabrielle d'Estrees, the former
being backed at 100 to 8, and the latter at 20 to 1. For the
Two Thousand Guinea Stakes, Diophantus, with very
little outlay at 8 to 1, was placed in the front position, Ma-
tador was very firm, but 8 to 1 was declined, and the " of-
fered" division was represented by Kettledrum, Klarikoff,
and Sweet Hawthorn. Considering thatmany of the sub-
sc'ribers had' returned from Northampton, there was but
little doing.

CLOSING PRICES.
GREAT METROPOLITAN STUIES.
9to 2 agst Danae (taken and offered)
Sto 1 agst Betts (offered)

CITY AND SUBURBAN.
EP to 9 agst First Lord (offered)
12 to 1 agst Pancake (offered)
100 to 8 agst Thunderbolt (offered)
100 to 8 agst Physician (taken)
14 to 1 agst East Sheen (taken and offered)
20 to 1 agst Gabrielle d'Estrees (taken and offered)
25 to 1 agst Rising Sun (taken and offered)
TWO THOUSAND GUINEAS.
7to 1 agst Diophantus (offered-8 taken)
3to 1 agst Matador (offered)
3to 1 agst Kettledrum (offered)
10 to 1 agst Klarikoff (offered)
100 to 8 agst Sweet Hawthorn (offered)
100 to 6 agst Neighbour (taken)

CHESTER OUP.
it to lon the field (offered)
THE DERBY.
20 to 1 agst King of Kent (taken)

CATTERICK BRIDGE MEETING.—THIIRSDAT.
The Craven Handicap of 5 sous each, with 30 added. One

mile.

Mr. Osborne's Lopcatcher, 3 yrs, 6st 71b ..(Grimshawr 1
Mr. Damson's Malpas, 4 yrs, 7st 81b (Madden) 2
Mr. Thotaas'slMiss Dunstable, 3 yrs, Est 121 b (J Snowdon) 3

The fdlowing also ran :—Willie Wright, The Drone,
Maid of the Mist, Stockton, Trothplight, Jim, Bab at
the Bowster, and Longshot.

Betting-3 to 1 agst Lopcatcher, 4to 1 agst Willie
Wright, xnd 5 to 1 each agst Malpas and Miss Dunstable.
Won by a neck. A head separated Malpas and Miss
Dunstabh ; and Willie Wright was beaten the same dis •
tance by the latter.

TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPE.

(From La Presse.)
The legitimist and ultramontane party pretends
that the Roman question is not purely political,
but essentially religious, and that it is not the rights
of the Italians but the interests of the Catholic
world that are at stake ; is other words, that the
Pope has need of a temporal kingdom to be inde-
pendent in the spiritual one. Historically and
doctrinally this is a radical error.
There does not exist—there never has existed—a
theologian who has regarded the temporal power of
the Pope as a dogma, as an article of faith, as un
essential part of Catholicism. " Where Peter is,"
said St. Augustine, " there is the church ;" and the
Union, doubtless, is acquainted with the following
unanimous decision of the commentators of the
canon law :—" It is certain that God has founded
His church, not in one place in particular, but in
the person of Peter." Consequently, it is not
necessary that the Pope should reside at Rome ; he
might be transported to Jerusalem, to St. Helena,
to Oceania, without his displacement in the least
affecting the Catholic religion or the apostolic see.
Some days ago, the Monde having pretended that
before the French revolution nobody " had dared to
deny the temporal power of the Pope," we informed
it that Gelasius 1., in 493, and Nicholas 1., in 863,
two great Popes and two great saints, had formally
and implicitly declared that the simultaneous
exercise of the royal and sacerdotal power is "an
invention of the devil." We have asked how
Catholics could at this day treat those who wish to
strip the Pope of his temporal power as children of
the devil P We have not had any answer from the
Monde, and we are still waiting for one from the
Union.

The Popes of the first eight centuries—and they
are the best, the greatest, the most illustrious for
learning and sanctity—were subjects of the empire,
exercised no temporal power, and could not call a
rood of land their own; and Martin 1., for having
wished to make himself independent, was accused of
high treason, arrested, conducted to Constantinople,
tried, condemned, and banished to the Crimea,
where he died a year afterwards. Of two things,
one—either the Popes of the first eight centuries
exercised their apostolic ministry in its plenitude,
and accordingly the temporal power was absolutely
unnecessary to them ; or else, if the temporal inde-
pendence is an/ essential condition of spiritual inde-
pendence, the Popes for eight hundred years were
in a position incompatible with the government of
the universal church.

For thirty years the Roman States have been occu-
pied by the Austrians or by the French, and at
this day, without the protection of our soldiers, the
Papal Government would not live twenty-four
hours. Kept under the thumb, now of Austria, now
of France, has the Priest-King been independent P
These are the questions which we submitted to the
Union, and which that journal refuses to discuss,
a fact which does not withhold it from affirming
that its adversaries, seeking " the popularity of
numbers," play politics " without meditation and
without study." We don't care to insist on
the point. The Union pretends that the word
"stage," which it made use of, shocks us, and adds,
" let us call it, then, a platform." Since the Union
takes this tone, it compels us to tell it that what
revolts all the religious men in Europe, without
distinction of creed, is precisely the seeing brought
on a stage the religion which everyone respects in
its churches and venerates on its altars. The self-
styled Catholic journals, according to their wont,
have seized the occasion of the beautiful ceremonies
of the holy week to outrage their adversaries. They
have made the most touching memories an argu-
ment for the most detestable of causes. Religion,
in their hands, becomes a matter of business, and
in the forcible and expressive language of the poet,
they have taken the bloody nails of the cross and
hung them as a sign over their shop.