The Sun.
London, England, 1861-03-21 00:00:00

London : Parker, Son, and Bourn, West Strand.

This Day, Second Edition, 65.,
SHE GOOD NEWS OF GOD. Sermons by
CHARLES KINGSLEY, Rector of Eversley.
By the same Author,
HYPATIA. Third Edition. es.
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BUSINESS LIFE; or, Some of the Experiences
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of the Word

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Just published, price One Shilling,
TSSAYS AND REVIEWS. A Protest
addressed to the Bishop of Salisbury. With a Letter
to the Rev. Rowland Williams, D.D. And an APPENDIX,
containing Extracts from each of the Seven Essays, exhibit-
ing the general character and spirit of the work.
By the Rev. R. B. KENNARD, M.A.,
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London : Robert Hardwicke, 192, Piccadilly.

THE COLLEEN B AWN QUAD RIT LE
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London : Robert Cocks and Co., New Burlington-street.

PRESENT DISTRESS IN TRADE
fully explained in J. GRO'',SIIIITIT'S
" GOVERNMENT UPON FIRST PRINCIPLES."
The cause is there predicated of the monetary difficulties cx
perienced in 1860. The Crisis is at hand. Anxiety in bus
ness has now become the grim torture. Purity of motive,
intelligently exercised, must animate all Governments, or all
is lost, All denominations of Constitutions are carefully
examined in J. Grossmith's "Government upon First Prin-
ciples."

Kent and Co., late Piper and Co., Paternoster-row.

SPERMATORRII CE A.
By F. B. COTENAY.,
And formerly Surgeon tott he Metropolitan,M.R.C.S.E Infirmary for the
Cure of Strictures of the Urethra.

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The aim of the author is to present a common-sense view
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GIVEN AWAY TO NERVOUS SUFFERERS.
HENRY SMITH. M.D., ef the University of
Jena, has just published, for the benefit of Nervous
Sufferers, a • FREE EDITION of his valuable work, THE
WARNING VOICE TO YOUNG MEN (120 pages). A
medical work on the cure of Nervous Debility, Loss of
Memory, Dimness of Sight, Lassitude, Indigestion, Dislike
to Society, Spermatorrluea, Local Weakness, Muscular Re-
laxation, Languor, Listlessness, Depression, &c., which, if
ne,lected, result in consumption, insanity, and premature
death ; with plain directions for perfect restoration to health
and vigour. The book will be sent, post free, secure from ob
servation, to any address, on receipt of a directed envelope
and two stamps. Address, HENRY SMITH, M.D., 8, Burton-
crescent, Tavistock-square, London, W.C.

PARLIAMENTARY DIVISIONS.

HOUSE OF LORDS-MARCH 19.
QUALIFICATION FOR OFFICES BILL.

Moved, that the bill be now read a second time. Objected
to. An amendment moved to leave out "now," and
insert "this day six months." On question that "now"
stand part of the motion—contents, 38 ; not-contents, 49.

CONTENTS-38.
LORD CHANCELLOR EARLS LORDS
Campbell Saint Germans Lyveden
DUKES Somers Manners
Newcastle Spencer Monteagle of Bran-
Somerset Wicklow ' don
➢IARQUISES VISCOUNTS Overstone
Ailesbury Sydney Ponsonby
Breadalbano Torrington Somerhill
EARLS LORDS Stanley of Alderley
Airlie Boyle Stratheden
Caithness Carew _
Teynham
Camperdown Cranworth ' Truro
Clarendon Dartrey Wodehouse
De Grey De Tabley TELLERS
Granville Harris Foley, Lord
Grey Hunsdon Taunton, Lord

NOT-CONTENTS-. 49.
ARCHBISHOP EARLS LORDS
Canterbury Portarlington Feversham
DUKE Verulam Gage
Marlborough VISCOUNTS Grinstead
MARQUISES Dungannon Kingsdown
Ailsa Exmouth Northwick
Normanby II ardinge Redesdale
____

Salisbury"
Winchester

Bianors Rollo
Carlisle Salteraford

EARLS Llandaff

Saltoun

Amherst London Silchester
Aylesford LORDS Sondes
Derby Berners Templemore
Ellenborough Calthorpe Tenterden
Erne Clifton Weitsleydale
Graham Clinton Wynford
Hardwicke Colchester TELLERS
Home De l'lsle &Dudley Chelmsford, Lord
Lanesborough Denman Colville of Culross,
Lucan Egerton Lord

HOUSE OF COMMONS-MARCH 20.
COUNTY RATES AND EXPENDITURE BILL.
Order for second reading read. Motion made and question
proposed, "That the bill be now read a second tirae.*
Amendment proposed, to leave out the word " now," and
at the end of the question to add the words " upon this
day six months." Question put, "That the word now'
stand part of the question." The house divided—Ayes,
126 ; Noes, 163.

AYES-125.
Adam,W. P. Glyn, G. C. Patten, J. W.
Antrobus, E. Goldsmid, Sir F. Paull, H.
Arnott, Sir J. Gower, F. L. Peel, Sir R.
Ayrton, A. S. Greenall, G. Peto, Sir M.
Bagwell, J. Greene, Capt. J. Pilkington, James
Baines, E. Gregson, S. Pollard Urquhart W
Baxter, W. E. Gray, William Rothschild,BarsnL.
Bazley, Thomas Gurdon, B. Roupell, W.
Beach, W. W. Hadfield, Geo. Russell, Hastings
Beale, Samuel Hanbury, R., jun. Russell, A. J. E.
Berkeley, H. Hanmer, Sir J. Russell, Sirffm.
Bethel', Sir R. Hardcastle, Jos. A. St. Aubyn, J.
Blake, J. A. Henley, Lord Salomons,Aldermall
Bonham-Carter, J. Hodgkinson, G. Seymour, Sir M.
Brand, H. B. Howard, Hon. C. Shafto, R. D.
Bright, J. Hutt, W. Shelley, Sir J. V.
Briscoe, J. I. Jackson, W. Sheridan, R. B.
Bristow, A. Jervoise, Sir J. Sheridan, li. B.
Bruce, H. A. Kershaw, J. Smith, J. B. .
Buller, J. W. Kinnaird, Hon. A.. Smith, Augustus
Butt, Isaac Knatchbull-Hugess Stacpoole, W.
Caird, James Langston, J. H. Steel, John
Churchill, Lord A. Lawson, W. Sykes, Col. W. H.
Clay, James Layard, A. H. Tite, Wm.
Clifford, C. C. Lennox, Lord G. G. Tomline, G.
Cobbett, J. M. Lewis, Sir G.C., Bt. Turner, J. A.
Colebrooke, Sir T.E. Lindsay W. S. Verney, Sir Harry
Coningham, Wm. Locke, John Villiers, Rt. Hon. C.
Craufurd, E. H. J Lysley, W. Vivian, H. H.
Davey. R. M'Cann, J. Watkins, J. L. V.
Davie, Col. F. Maguire, J. V. Western, T. S.
Dodson, John G. Martin,J. Westhead, B.
Douglas, Sir C. Matheson, A. Whalley, G. H.
Duff, M. E. Mildmay, 11. Whitbread, S.
Dunbar, Sir Wm. Miller, William White, Jas.
Egerton, A. F. Monson, W. J. Williams, W.
Enfield, Viscount Morris, D. Woods, Henry
Ewart, William Norris, J. T. Wyld, James
Ewart, J. C. North, F. Wyvill, M.
Fenwick, Henry Onslow, Guildford
Finlay, A. S. Osborne, Bernal TELLERS.
Forster, Charles Padmore, R. Trelawny, Sir J. S.
Forster, W. E. Paget, C. Barrow, W. H.

NOES, 163.
Astell, J. H. Grenfell, C. P. Newport, Vied.
Bailey, C. Griffith, C D. Nicol, William
Baillie, H. J. Grosvenor, Earl Noel, G. J.
Ball, E. Haliburton, Justice North, Col.
Baring, A. H. Hamilton, Lord C. Northeote, Sir S. H.
Barttelot, Major Hamilton, Major Packe, G. H.
Bathurst, F. H. Hamilton, Viscount Pakington, Sir J. S.
Beecroft, G. S. Hankey, Thomson Parker, Major W.
Bentinck, G. W. P. Hardy, Gathorne Pennant, Col.
Bernard, Thos. T. Hassard, M. D. Phillip' G. L.
Blackburn, P. Heneage, G. Pugh, D. (Carmar.)
Blencowe, J. G. Henley, J. Ricardo, 0.
Botfield, Beriah Hennessy, J. P. Rogers, John J.
Bouverie, P. P. Hervey, Lord A Rolt, J.
Bramston, T. W. Holford, R. S. Rowley, Hon. IL T.
Bridges, Sir 8., Bt. Hope, G. W. Salt, Thomas
Brooks, R. Hopwood, J. T. Sclater-Booth, G,
Bruce, C. L. C. Ho,. lA, T. B. Selwyn, C. J.
Buckley, Maj.-Gen. Howes, Edward Seymer, H. K
Burghley, Lord Hume, W. Shirley, E. P.
Cairns, Sir H., Hunt, G. W. Sibthorp, Major
Cecil, Lord R. Ingham, R. Smith, Abel
Clifford, H. M. Jermyn, Earl Smith, S. G.
Clive, H. G. W. Johnstone, Hon. H. Smyth, Col.
Codrington, Sir W. Johnstone, J. J. H. Smollett, P.
Collins, T., jun. Jones, D. Somerset, Col. E.
Cubitt, George Kekewich, S. Somes, Joseph
Dawson, IL P. Kennard, R. Spooner, R.
Deedes, Wm. Kingscote, Lt.-Col. Stanhope, J. B.
Disraeli, Benjamin Knatchbull, W Stanley, Lord
Drax, J. E. Knox, Lt.-C01.8.W Stirling, Wm.
Duncombe, A. Lacon, Sir E. Stewart, Sir M. R.
Duncombe, W. E. Langton, H. G. Stuart, Col.
Dunne, Col. Leeke, Sir H. Taylor, Colonel
Du Pre, C. G. Lefroy, A. Thynne, Lord E.
Edwards, Major H. Lee, W. Thynne, Lord H.
Egerton, Sir P. Legh, G. C. Tollemache, J. li.
Egerton, E. C. Legh, W. Torrens, R.
Egerton, W. Lennox, Lord H. G. Trefusis, Hon. C. H.
Ellice, Rt. Hon. E . Liddell, Hon. 11. G . Upton, Genes al
Elphinstmfe, Sir J Lindsay, Colonel Valetort, LOrd
Estcourt, S. Lyall, G. Vansittart, Wm.
Farquhar, Sir M. Macdonogh, F. Walcott, Adm. J. E.
Fellowes, Edward Malcolm, J. W. Walker, James R.
Fergusson, Sir J. Wins, R.. Watlington, J. W.
Filmer, Sir E. Manners, Lord J. Whitmore, H.
Forester, Col. G. C. Marjoribanks, D. C. Wickham, H. W.
French, Fitzstephen Maxwell, Col. Woodd, B. T.
Gallwey, Sir W: P. Miller, T. Wyndham, Hon. 11.
Gard, It. S. Mills, A. Wyndham, Hon. P.
Garnett, W. J. Moody, C. A. Yorke, Hon.E.
George, John Morgan, C. 0. S.
Getty, S. G. Mowbray, Rt. Hn. J. TELLERS.
Gladstone, Capt. 'Mure, David
Gordon, C. W. Murray, William Ridley, Sir M. W.
' erratical, Lord Wm. Newdogate, C. N. Parke, C. W.

THE _IONIAN ISLANDS.

The following letter details the history of the
short Session of the lonian Parliament just con-
cluded

•
" The Session of the lo"nCiaOnit
AFUss,emMbAlyit,califtler2.an
existence of .12 days, has come to an abrupt close.
Although the politics of this State doubtless offer
but little interest to the English public, it is as well
that you should possess the real history of an occur-
rence which may, perhaps, attract public attention.
" On the Ist inst., the day fixed by the Constitu-
tion, the Lord High Commissioner opened the pro-
ceedings of the Parliament with a mild speech, con-
taining nothing more than those unexciting gene-
ralities to which such discourses are very wisely
limited. Of this you have already received a copy.
This was met with apparent civility, and a com-
mittee was appointed, as customary, to prepare an
address in reply, Some days were consumed in
elaborating the draught, but last Saturday the
report was brought up, and was then found to con-
tain a tissue of calumnies and absurdities relative
to the protecting Power which bore on the face of
them a sufficient refutation. It begins by assert-
ing that the misfortunes of the lonian people have
now, attained their culminating, point; that the
origin of these evils is the system introduced in-
equitably
by the Treaty:of Paris of 1815, by which
I the protecting Power was enabled to absorb in
itself the chief functions of Government; and that
the result has been obstruction to progress, and the
substitution of despotism for liberty, depressed
finances, and imperfect education. The Assembly
declares that the country can only hope for a solu-
tion of those difficulties in a system worthy of its
origin, its struggles, and its claims; in other words,
in its union with Greece—a fate which it trusts to
see at no distant day.
"So far the Assembly had acted in conformity
with Parliamentary usage, and one would have
thought that sufficient had been done to express the
feelings of that most noble body. Up jumps, how-
ever, M. Pacomis, of Zante, an Albanian natu-
ralised in these islands. The Parliamentary form
of his proposal cannot be easily classified. Whether
it was an amendment on the address, a resolution,
or a thesis, is still a matter of doubt. The gist
of it, however, was a proposal for an appeal on the
part of the Assembly to 'the lonian people to
declare by universal suffrage the popular will for
annexation to Greece. Scarcely had he finished
when M. Lombardo, another Zanteote, presented
another proposal, being an appeal on the part of
the' Assembly to the representatives of the
people, to the Governments, and to the phi-
lanthropists of Christian Europe, in favour of
suffering Hellas, founding itself on Lord John Rus-
sell's despatch to Sir James Hudson, and demand-
ing the liberation of Turkish Greece and its an-
nexation to the Greek kingdom of the seven
Islands. After some discussion these three docu-
ments were placed, as subjects of debate, on the
order of the day for the next constitutional meeting
of the Assembly— e., this day; one or two legis-
lators at the same time announced their intention
of Presenting other propositions in the same sense.
Whatever may be thought of the first project
of address, the two latter proposals were eminently
and glaringly unconstitutional. By the lonian
Constitution the Assembly has no powers except in
conjunction with the other two branches of the
Legislature. An appeal to the people by one branch
alone is, consequently, in form and in substance
illegal. By the lonian Constitution, the adminis-
tration of foreign affairs is exclusively vested in the
Lord High Commissioner, and a form is laid down
for all communications on behalf of lonians to
foreign Governments. M. Lombardo's appeal was,
in consequence, equally unconstitutional.
" Public interest has naturally been much excited
for the last few days to know the course Sir Henry,
Storks would pursue. Shortly after the opening
of the Assembly this morning a message arrived
from his Excellency, requesting that the Assembly
would observe the forms and spirit of the Consti-
tution, devote their energies to the crying require-
ments of .the people, and abstain from a course of
illegality which the representative of the protecting
Power could neither tacitly acknowledge nor
directly sanction.
" On this M. Lombardo proposed the resigna-
tion en masse of the Assembly—a vote which, as
diminishing the incomes of the legislators, met with
favour and applause only from the public in the
galleries.
"After an adjournment a motion was about to
be made for an insulting address to the Lord High
Commissioner, and, the proposals of Messrs. Pacomis
and Lombardo not being withdrawn, his Excellency
sent a farther message in the shape of a prorogation.
" The Legislative Assembly is therefore pro-
rogued for six months, among the jeers of a people
who see that their interests are neglected by a body,
of whose purposes they have been made the tools."

PULA VD.

(From a Correspondent of the Times.)

WARSAW, MARCH 12.

Upwards of a week has passed since I closed my
last letter to you. The nation still maintains its
attitude of expectation, no answer having arrived
from the Emperor, and no confirmation of the con-
cessions granted having been received from St.
Petersburg. It is probable, however, that even
before I shall be obliged to despatch this letter
something important may transpire, a telegram
from St. Petersburg having announced that the
Emperor had sent off a special messenger with a
manifesto, said to be conciliatory. His arrival can-
not now be delayed beyond a few hours.
But you will like to hear how the week has been
passed. To a stranger the town has presented its
usual appearance. With the single exception of
universal mourning, the streets have betrayed no
popular feeling more than ordinary. Still, below
the surface, it has been in active existence, controlled
by a strong spirit of self-restraint, but only await-
ing an opportunity to show itself. Nor have such
opportunities been wanting. Oa an early day in
tha week the funeral of an old Polish officer took
place, when a large crowd joined the procession
and give the ceremony somewhat of a national
and political character. But on Saturday, the
event of the week occurred. The day was appointed
for special religious services in connection with the
state of the country. The Roman Catholic ritual
allowing prayers for the dead, in every church a
Mass was performed for the repose of thorn who
were buried on the previous Saturday. The Pro-
testant congregations, actuated by the same senti-
ments, assembled in their respective churches to
offer up prayers for the families of the departed ;
and Jews, bound to their fellow-countrymen by the
common tie of suffering and oppressed nationality,
in like manner gave their ordinary Sabbath ser-
vices a special national character. The hour fixed
was 10 o'clock. The shops were almost entirely
closed, the streets deserted ; the churches and syna-
gogues, hung in black, were crowded. Aware of
the intention to observe the day in this manner,
the Municipal Couneil, now augmented in numbers
and sitting daily in the Town-hall, recognized by
the Viceroy, thought it advisable to publish an ad-
dress to their fellow-townsmen on the day before,
requesting perfect order. Through their official
president, General Paulucci, they also begged the
Prince to withdraw all the military, in order to
prevent any danger of collision. At first the Prince
was much opposed both to the publication of the
address and also to the withdrawal of the military,
on the ground that it would compromise the Go-
vernment, who had force sufficient to quell any dis-
turbance. Yielding, however, to better influences,
he consented to both recommendations of the Muni-
cipal Council, who made, therefore, all necessary
provision for the preservation of the peace. Special
constables, appointed from the citizens, patrolled the
streets, and were in attendance at all places of wor-
ship to prevent disorder, and the day passed in per-
fect tranquillity. Such has been the attitude of the
Poles during the week ; expectant, orderly, but
yet giving their rulers unmistakeble indications
that they were not to be put off by vague promises,
or overawed by fear and force. -Perhaps nothing
better shows the state of public feeling than the
word that passes from mouth to mouth---,, Cot le
commencement de la fin."
And what has been the Russian feeling during
the same interval ? In some quarters it has been
one of shame that the Government has yielded to no
visible force. It is said that this feeling has spread
to a considerable extent among the officers of the
various regiments quartered here, many of whom
would not, therefore, be sorry to occasion, directly
or indirectly, a breach of the peace. But still the
dominant feeling is one of alarm and insecurity.
The exodus of Russian ladies continues, and during
the week several regiments have arrived to
strengthen the garrison. The military chest of the
kingdom has also been removed from the custody
of the Bank of Poland and taken to the citadel,
which has been placed in a state of perfect readi-
ness to bombard the town in case of need. The
order, the determination, the moral courage, the
self•control. displayed by the Poles have perfectly

surprised and bewildered the Russians. "To
think," they say, "that the Poles should have
arrived at such a degree of maturity, and we not
have known it !" The fear is lest, this surprise
and alarm having been allayed by the continued
absence of violence and resistance, they should
undervalue the moral power against them, and so
shoald be tempted to withdraw concessions or to
violate promises after the manner of Austria, To
provide against this a system of peaceable demon-
strations will be continued on all occasions; and
every month brings with it to the Pole several
anniversaries, with stirring memories of the past,
easily convertible into such occasions. If these are
attempted to be put down by force, the awful
responsibility of shedding blood will be thrown on
those who (as on the late occasion) massacred
unarmed citizens.

WEDNESDAY, March 13.
To-day M. Meyendorff,a special messenger from St.
Petersburg, has arrived with the Emperor's answer
to the address. It is couched in rather severe
language, but promises the three following import-
ant changes in the administration of the govern-
ment of Poland :—First, there is to be a kind of
Council of State in imitation of the Austrian
Reichsrath, the members of which are to be Poles,
but nominated by the Government. Next, in the
principal towns there are to be municipal councils.
And, thirdly, there is to be a complete reorganisa-
tion of the system of education in the country. M.
Karincki, who went to St. Petersburg to explain to
the Emperor the nature of the movement here, still
remains there, and will only return in 12 or 14 days,
when he will bring back with him the details of the
above changes. Of course, much depends on the
manner and the spirit in which these changes may
be carried out. They may be made to mean absolutely
nothing, or they may convey substantial benefits to
the nation. And this is what the Poles seem to feel ;
they have no guarantees for the sincerity of the Im-
perial Government, no warrant that what is con-
ceded is not simply to satisfy public opinion in
Europe. This morning the committee who drew up
the address were sent for by Prince Gortschakoff,
but I am not yet acquainted with the result of the
interview. I have little doubt that the nation will
accept what is given, but rather as an instalment
than as a settlement in full of their just demands.
There is not the least manifestation of joy at the
news M. Meyendorff has brought ; and in several
quarters, entirely unconnected except by the tie of
national sentiment, I have heard disappointment
expressed that no mention is made of a matter very
near a Pole's heart—l mean the employment of
Polish conscripts, raised for the Russian army, in
the kingdom itself. Hitherto the practice has been
to send Polish regiments, or rather regiments
chiefly composed of Poles, to the Caucasus, whence
they rarely return. The return of M. Karincki
will be looked for with great and increasing in-
terest.

THE FRENCH CHAMBERS AND THE

COMALERCIAL TREATY.

A topic of considerable interest, not only to
France but to England, has been just discussed with
much earnestness in the French Legislative Body.
The ninth paragraph of the Address to the Crown
gave expression to an apprehension which was not
unnatural, and to a resolution which was certainly
well founded. It spoke of the " trial" to which French
manufactures would be subjected under the competi-
tion introduced by the Commercial Treaty, and
recorded a " hope" that the ordeal would be
" triumphantly" endured ; but admitted that such
success was only to be expected on the condition that
raw materials were cheapened and the cost of con-
veyance reduced. This view of the case is perfectly
reasonable. We can readily conceive the uneasiness
felt by protected interests at the approach of Free
Trade, for we have passed through these misgivings
ourselves ; but we have learnt by experience that
the removalof restrictions and disabilities prove more
than an equivalent for the removal of Protection.
The text of the Address indicated the true policy in
such matters. Low freights and cheap material
would, undoubtedly, assist the French manufac-
turers in issuing triumphantly from the trial of an
open market, while the whole nation would gain by
the change. So far the principles embodied in the
next paragraph produced a singular inconsistency
of argument and conclusion.

In that clause it stood affirmed by way of pro-
viso, that industry of all kinds depended upoH con-
fidence, and that confidence could only be created
by a certain steadiness or fixity in commercial legis-
lation. To this doctrine also, if properly under-
stood, we might give our assent, but the interpre-
tation which was assigned to it went far to
contravene even the admissions which had preceded.
An amendment had been presented to the effect
that " an interest of the first order,"—viz., the
shipping interest, imperatively demanded the con-
tinuance of the protection it enjoyed; and upon
this proposition there ensued, not, indeed, a debate,
for there seemed to be no difference of opinion, but
a succession of speeches directed to one and the
same end. M. Arman, who supported the amend-
ment, argued that the French Marine was debarred
by natural inferiority from competition on equal
terms with the British Marine, and for this in-
feriority he said there were three causes. The first
was the dearness of shipping material produced
by the " just protection" still afforded in France to
manufactures, so that it cost considerably more to
build a ship in France than it did in England ; the
next was to be found in the obligations imposed on
all seagoing classes by the Maritime Inscription ;
while the third might be traced to the superior
institutions and resources of England. In this view
of the case M. Arman was not only followed by
other members, but was confirmed by the Ministers
themselves, and the amendment was only withdrawn
upon the distinct understanding that the proposi-
tion it contained was accepted by the Government,
and implied, if not expressed, in the terms of the
Address as already framed. It will be worth while
to observe the conclusions to which these doctrines
lead.

Of the causes assigned for the inferiority of the
French Marino to the English one only is natural.
It is undoubtedly truo that we, with our insular
position, our numerous colonies, and our national
predilections for the sea, possess "resources" beyond
those at the command of France or any other Con-
tinental State. This cannot be denied ; but the
most reasonable inference would seem to be that

the French should avail themselves of our aptitude
in this respect, as we do of theirs in others. If we
can build ships more cheaply than they can and
navigate them at a smaller charge, it follows that
we are most fit to be carriers, and that the best way
to secure that abundance of material and cheapness
of freight which the French manufacturers very
reasonably desire is to employ our agency in the
business. If our neighbours would do this, or, in
other words, if they would relax their Navigation
Laws, they would immediately be gainers at the
very points where they are most anxious for sup-
port, and English shipowners would presently place
them in the way of competing on the most favour-
able conditions with English manufacturers. To
this course, however, the French are in no wise in-
clined, and one of the speakers remarked, that
though the reduction in the price of commodities
was a very proper object for Government to con•
template, it " must not be realised at the expense
of the Marine." How it is to be realised otherwise
is a question which was not discussed.
But the contradictions of this protective policy are
still more remarkable in the other portions of the
argument. It will be seen that one of the disabili-
ties of the French Marine arises from the fact that
the materials for shipbuilding are kept at an unna-
turally high price by artificial laws maintained for
the protection of certain French manufactures.
This protection, too, is described as a "just pro-
tection ;" but, unfortunately, its operation is
directly against those for whose advantage it was
designed. The manufacturers of France require, it
is said, in order to place them on a footing with
those of England, cheap material and cheap freights.
English shipping would give them these cheap
freights, but it must not be employed because of the
protection due to French shipping, and the freights
charged by French shipping are necessarily dear
because of the protection given to French manufac-
turers. So runs the vicious principle in a circle,
and one French interest is prevented from helping
another French interest at a pinch by a restriction
previously devised for the assumed advantage of
the interest now complaining.
It was the principle, however, of the Maritime
Inscription which really governed the course of the
discussion. Ministers asserted—and no one denied
—that the Maritime Inscription was deserving of
all support " as the basis of the national Navy,"
though it had been described in this very debate as
one of the causes which rendered the French Mine
inferior to that of other countries. It appears that
this "organisation" of resources has not been ac-
complished without serious drawbacks. The French
Government can place its hands in an incredibly
short period upon all the seafaring population
within reach ; it can send these men on board
ships of war, and it can avail itself of their
services to take the sea with an imposing force
at a very brief notice. That, no doubt, is a

political advantage; but when we observe at what
a cost it is purchased we may be disposed to look
with less dissatisfaction on our own system at home.
In competing with the maritime power of England
France starts at a heavy disadvantage. She has not
got a population so nautically inclined, nor such
numerous colonies to encourage nautical adventure,
nor so favourable a position for turning such chances
to account. These being the original conditions of
the struggle, France aggravates them by her own
legislation. She makea the materials of shipbuild-
ing unnaturally dear, and places all seamen under
obligations calculated to obstruct the progress of a
mercantile marine. This she does by way of laying
the "basis" of a national navy, though it is now
thoroughly understood that a national navy—in the
sense here meant of a strong war fleet—can never
be based on any better foundations than those of a
marine naturally grown and spontaneously de-
veloped. " Ships, colonies, and commerce" fdrm
the true elements of naval power. The most com-
mercial nations have always been the nations most
formidable at sea. A commercial marine contains
the germ of a fighting fleet as a matter of course,
and the surest way to secure political power is to
give free development to mercantile adventure.
No one can be surprised at the intelligence that
the French merchant service is on the deeline. It
is sacrificed, on the one hand, to the exigencies of
the manufacturers, and on the other to those of the
State. One party takes care that ships shall be
dear, another that seamen shall have a divided
duty. Shipowners are embarrassed both ways, and
they. will find, we may be sure; but little indemnifi-
cation in the turn of protection with which it is
designed to encourage them. French shipping, in
fact, is sinking under the elaborate system of bur-
dens and equivalents devised for its encouragement.
It was declared in this debate that its depen-
dence was now on the fisheries alone, and
the mere diminution of the duties on salt fish was
fraught with peril to the Marine of France. We
should think such a state of things ought to carry
its own moral. The surest way to obtain a good
Mercantile Marine is to allow it to grow in its
natural proportions without protection or favour.
These proportions, in the case of a country like
France, would infallibly be large, but under the
system now maintained France has no means of
knowing what expansion her enterprise or her
resources might really receive.--Times.