The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-19 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, FE b'RUARY 19, 1861.

I P RUDENTIAL murr UAL ASSURANCE,
-11- INVESTMENT, AND LOAN ASSOCIATION,
35, Ludgate-hill, E.C.; Veil 18,1861.
NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN„ That SPECIAL
GENERAL MEETING of
,tht SHAREHOLDERS of this
ASSOCIATION Will be held at the Offices, 35, Ludgate-hill,
in the City of tOn'doir, oh WEDNESDAY, the Oth day of
March next at Obit o'clock in the Afternoon precisely, to
amend and alter' elapse 24 of the Deed of Settlement, by the
insertion bf the words " The British Prudential Assurance
Company, or" after the word " to" in the 18th line of clause
24, and also, if need be, in other restrctr, also (Pursuant to
the Resolutions come to by the Special denerallileetings of
this Association, held. the 24th and 26th days of November
last), to consider and determine upon re-constituting this
Association under the name of "The British Prudential
Assurance Company," and for that purpose to conss'l"r
Resolution of the Court of Directors in rotiftmlitty with
clause 24 of the Deed of Settlerrwat, AA if approved to take
such steps and pass such Resolution or Resolutions for carry-
ing the same into effect, and otherwise in relation thereto
respectively, as such Meeting may deem expedient or ad-
ViS able.

And Notice is further Hereby Given, that a Second ,Seelftl
General Meeting of the Shareholders will be held At the stitie
place and hour, on Thursday, the 7th day of March, 18'61,
confirm or otherwise the Resolutions to be passed at bitch
first mentioned Meeting.
By order of the btrectors,
HENRY HARBEN, Secretary.

MEXICO.

apology for having Tared to seize it while in the possession
of the British Consil, and a reprimand to be administered
to Garita. Until th3se tetras ate complied *ith he declines
returning to the capital. With the last two there will be no
difficulty in complying, but with the first it is to be feared
that there will.
There is at this m►ment a crisis in the Cabinet, brought
on by the t acillatingconduct ofharcz. It most
bably, end in the appointment of a fresh Cabinet, of which
it is more than likely that Senor Lerdo y Tgada will be the
head.

The election for the PreFiclenc3i: comes on in April next.
The vegiat 6atididais driega,\ Juarez, ahci LetdO.

711 E V.NI:TED STATES,

Pi 46771 tAt ebrr4imdciii.
NEW YORK., FEB. 5.
Disunion has new reached its second stage—re-
construction. A convention Of delegates froth the
secedieg States net yesterday at Milledgeville,
with a VieW to form a federal slaveholding Union,
with the present federal Constitution as its basis,

altered or modified to suit the case. I have as yet
no information a, to the doings of this body beyond
the election or Mr. Cobb as the presiding officer.
1 understand that the programme is—The adoption

of the present Constitution without a reserved right
of secession ; the choice of a provisional Executive ;
the creation of an army, over which Mr. Sefferson
Davis is to be placed as commander-in-chief; and
the adoption of the present revenue system of the
United States until a better can be framed. Envoys

are to be sent to Europe to secure the recognition of
the new nation, and pr,#itions are to be made for

-the admission into the coufederacy of the other
slaveholding States. From to-day forward, there-
fore, the controversy assumes new proportions. In-

stead of the great Federal Government mated

against individual States, it is the remains of 'the
old federation, strong indeed in wealth, power, and
historic associations, but reeling under the shocks of

rebellion against the confederacy of the Gulf States,

elate with unexpected success, and hoping for the
immediate accession of the whole slaveholding States.
The States that have actually gone into the move-
ment show no signs of receding. South Carolina is

still in arms against Fort Sumter, her business pros-
trated, and her people soldiers. She is straining every
nerve to maintain herself by taxation. Her slaves

are to be taxed I dol. 60e. a head, and even the profits

of her savings banks are to pay to the Government

75c. on the 100 dols. Georgia is, with more prudence
than her neighbour, gradually shaping her policy
for independence. In order to avoid a collision, the

collector at Charleston was directed temporarily to
acknowledge the authority of the Federal Govern-

went, and account to it. This is now to cease, and

the collector is hereafter to account to the State Go-

vernment.

The Convention of this State has put

keh a declaration of the grievances which induced

the State to secede. The hostile policy of the North
on the subject of slavery, of protection, and of spe-
cial privileges is represented as the main moving
cause. The two evils of anti-slavery and protection
are skilfully combined. The hostility to slavery
is represented as subordinate to the hostility in
commercial policy. Then the evils, dangers, and
injustice of the Republican platform in regard to
slavery are dwelt upon. Recollecting the political
antecedents of Georgia, I thought that the address
was adroitly composed for two communities, In
the one, where hostility to protection and monopoly
is well established in the popular mind, the anti-

slavery grievances will appear subordinate to corn-
plaints against the supporters of a protective tariff,

which, though just in principle, will hardly be

deemed to be a sufficient cause for revolution. -Bu

at home, where a tariff for protection' has been for-
gotten since it was laid upon the shelf in 1846,
partly by the vote of Georgia, the only charges that
seize upon the popular mind are those against the
North and the Republicans as aggressors upon
slavery. " For 20 years past," they say,

" Tho Abolitionists and their allies in the Northern States
have been engaged in constant efforts to subvert our institu •

tions, and to excite insurrection and servile war among us.
They have sent emissaries among us for the accomplishment
of their purposes. Some of these efforts have received the
sanction of a majority of the leading men of the Republican
party in the national councils—the same men who are now
proposed as our rulers. These efforts have in one instance
led to the actual invasion of one of the slaveholding States,

and those of the murderers and incendiaries who escaped
public justice by flight found fraternal protection among our
Northern confederates."

This single sentence—which contains as rc any
mis-statements, direct and implied, as could well be
put in the same space—is intended for home con-
sumption, and has more effect than columns about
a tariff and protection. The latter is entirely on
foreign account. The same body, after consulta-
tion has adopted the following ordinance in re-

ference to the African slave trade :
" The people of Georgia, in Convention assembled, do
hereby declare and ordain that all the laws passed by the
Congress of the late United States of America, and in force
in this State prior to the 19th day of January, 1861, in re -
ference to the African slave trade, except the fifth section
of the Act of 10th of May, 1800, be, and the same are here-
by declared to be, in full force in this State; and also so
much of the Act of the 15th of May, 1820, as declares the
offences therein specified to be piracy ; and in lieu of the
penalty of death therein specified there shall be substituted
imprisonment in the penitentiary for a term of years not
less than five nor exceeding 20, in the discretion of the
court ; provided the same shall not be construed to extend
to the importation of negro slaves from any one of the slave-
holding States of the late United States of America, or from
either of the independent republics of South Carolina,
Alabama, Florida, or Mississippi ; provided further the
slaves so introduced from the slaveholding States of North
America shall not' have been imported from beyond seas
into such State since the 20th day of December, 1860.
"Be it further ordained and declared that the Governor
of Georgia shall discharge all the duties required by said
laws of the President of the United States,and the Attorney
or Solicitor-General of the judicial district where the case
arises shall discharge all the duties required of the district
attorney, and the Sheriff of the county all the duties re-
quired by the Marshal.
"Be it further ordained that the State of Georgia shall
be substituted for the United States in every portion of said
laws where the substitution is required by the present con-
dition of the said State."
The laws thus continued in force provide that
"citizens of the United States" shall not engage in
the slave trade under pain of being convicted as
pirates, with penalty of death. In view of the
well-known sentiment prevailing in some parts of
Georgia on this subject it will not be hypercritical
in Englishmen to inquire whether the Convention
of Georgia means to prohibit the slave trade as
against citizens of Georgia after they cease to be
citizens of the " late United States of America."
In Alabama I judge that the leaders of secession
have some fear of a reaction of sentiment. A pro-
position was made to submit the action of the Con-
vention to the people. Mr. Yancey, who may be
called the leader of the movement in that State,
met the proposition thus :--
"But, it is said, why not call another Convention to ra.
tify the permanent Government to bo adopted.? I answer
because it is unnecessary. A permanent Government for a
Southern Confederacy was looked for by the friends of se-
cession—was spoken of and entered into all the discussions
in the latecanvass. It was a part of the plan of secession,
and when the people decided for secession they decided for
a Southern Confederacy. Therefore, on that point, we al-
ready know the views of the people, and no new expression
of opinion is needed. Neither is such expression needed as
to the character of the permanent Government. That cha-
racter the people have indicated and it is pxpressed in the
report—it must be a Government as nearly similar as pos-
sible to the Federal Constitution. We need no discussion
before the people, nor other expression of their views on that
point. Besides these views, in themselves conclusive to any
mind, no statesman would willingly throw such grave
issues before the people after once receiving their decision,
until the irritations and prejudices and passions of the
previous contest had cooled. It is eminently wise, be-
fore throwing off upon the people the responsibilities which
attach to us, to consider the condition of the public mind.
Gentlemen here have told us of an excited and unhealthy
state of pulic feeling in some sections of the State, and have
asked time for reflection in order to its correction. Who is
not aware that it was a great misfortune that the elm •
tion for delegates to this body came off so soon after the
heated Presidential contest ? Who is not aware that in one
section of the State the angry passions and prejudices of
that contest entered very largely and almost exclusively in

that section into the election for delegates ? And is it wise
—is it not eminently unwise—to throw till? whole question
again before such a people, to blow off the ashes and reVi4te
once again the glowing embers of that bitter strife ? There
is another reason why I oppose the election of another Con-
vention. Such a proposition has a tendenc:,), te' re-open the
question of secession by bringing up the issue of a re;::att.
etraction of the Federal Government. It allows such an
issue to be rriaeic--::-it itrvitem it, in fact. And under. what
circumstances ? From the signs 31 tltc tipes it would
seem as if coercive measures were to be adopieC;
about the time of such an election the people will be
bearing the burdens of auch a contest. Commercial and
agricultural interests be iiebts will be hard
to pay. Provisions will be scarce. Perhalisentlt et the

hands of th 6 oneliii 11' have come to the doors of MA'S;

ftt*nfliem. *en's minds thus surrounded and affected by
strong personal and siiirish otoiderations will not be in that
calm and well balanced condition which Is faTourable to a
correct and patriotic judgment of the question.'
In Louisiana the State authorities have seized
the Mint and public treasure and all the other
public property. By this etiap de main they get
about 350,000 dots. in cash, an article ulna ne,eded
just now among both seceding and remaining Go-
Vernments. Mr. Benjamin and Mr. Slidell took
leave of the Senate yesterday.

Thus much for the seceded States. The Northern
Slave States are more and more agitated as the day
for the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln approaches",
The Governor of Maryland stands firm to his deter-
mination that a Convention shall not be called there;
but the Legislature, which is of secession sym-
pathies, calls an illegal body to meet on the 12th
and assume the powers of a convention. This
move against the constituted State authorities is,
you will observe, a direct violation of the principle
of States' rights on which the revolution has thus
far been conducted, and if persisted in must lead to
civil conflict between the citizens of different parties

in Maryland itself. Tennessee is, I believe, to have
a convention. I apprehend that this State will
secede, unless a compromise is soon made. If,
however, it is wise enough to stay in the old
confederacy, Memphis, its priucipal port on the
Mississippi, must become, while the settlement of
this question is pending, what New Orleans has
been to the cotton trade, it being an excellent depot
for the receipt of cotton to be forwarded northerly
by the river and rail to the eastern ports. Ken-
tucky has resolved to have no convention of its
own, and to go into no Southern convention, but
to ask Congress to convene a national convention to
consider the whole question at issue—a determina-
tion worthy the practical common sense of that
State. Virginia is to have a convention, as I wrote
you some time since; The voters were yesterday
to elect delegates to this body, and also to decide
whether they would have their doings submitted
to them. The whole country looks anxiously for
the results of these votings ; for if Virginia goes it
is felt that Maryland will have great temptation to
follow suite, in which case an immediate struggle
for the possession of Washington is certain.
This hasty sketch will, I trust, put you au
courant with the events of the week in the
Southern States. In the North people do little ;
in fact, up to this time they have been able to do
nothing but rest on their oars and let the boat
drift. Meetings have been held in favour of Union
in the various large towns, some favouring this
project of settlement and others that, and many
of the retired statesmen and politicians have re-
appeared and been sent to Washington as special
messengers of peace. But all this is felt to be of
little importance unless the Convention that is to
meet at Washington this week can contrive some
way to reconcile the Border States to go with the

North rather than with the South. This Conven-
tion is now in session. It consists of members from
the border States, on both sides of the line, and from
most of the other Northern States. The Democratic
politicians in this part of the country and the border
State Union men have great hopes from its action.
I must confess that I do not quite share their hopes,

although I believe that there is a disposition among

the border State leaders to take up with much less
than there was when I was in Washington a fort-

night since.
While the Union is splitting asunder, Congress,
in a spirit of insanity, is forcing through both
Houses of Congress a protective tariff, the very pro-
posal of which gives a vital force to parts of the
Georgia demonstration that would be otherwise
harmless. There is great reason to fear that it will
become a law, as the President, I am told, will not
probably wish to veto a measure of this kind just as
he is going out of office. The Federal Treasury is in
a lamentable condition. Congress has authorised a
loan of £25,000,000, but who is to take it ? In
ordinary times Wall-street will absorb almost any
loan that a needy Secretary of the Treasury may
put-upon it. But in the present emergency it is no
longer a sponge. 'Both the late loans were taken
by moneyed institutions. These institutions have
taken all they want, and it will not be easy, with a
civil war threatening, to borrow elsewhere. It is
not impossible that the necessities of the Govern-
ment may force a settlement which otherwise would
be impossible. The estimates for the last six months
of the present fiscal year, ending June 30, are as
follows (made before the passing of the bill autho-
rising the new loan) :

Dol.
From Customs
From public lands
From miscellaneous sources

Total 17,400,000
Add these to the balance of the Treasury notes

authorised by Act of December, 1860

Make tho amount of means far the half year.... 22,400,000
The estimated demands on the Treasury, under
existing laws during the half-year as above
stated, including the redemption of 9,211,400
dols. of Treasury notes, is

The amount required inadditionto the 5,000,000
dols. of Treasury notes and the current re-
venue to pay outstanding current and accruing
dues before the close of the present fiscal year
is, therefore 21,677,524
This amount may be reduced 7,689,624, if the balance of
the loan authorised by the Act of • June 22, 1860 (being
13,978,000) be made available to the Treasury.
Since the date of my last letter Kansas has been
admitted into the Union as a State, with a constitu-
tion prohibiting slavery. Many Republicans are
preparing to accept this as the real victory, and to
yield compromise on the territorial question. You
will perhaps remember that the admission of Kansas
was the first step in Mr. Seward's plan of settle-
ment. During the last week, Kansas having been
admitted, there has been a great change in the
views of the Republican members of Congress. Mr.
Seward, as representing the incoming Government,
favours compromise. He regards the slavery issue
as ended with the admission of Kansas. Slavery
in New Mexico is not worth fighting about, and
the duty of preserving the Union and con-
tinuing the Government is the chief duty
now devolving on the Republican party. The
border States must be kept back, and the
cotton States regained, if possible. The Chicago
platform must be surrendered, because the Govern-
ment must have office-holders in the South, and no
man can take office there who stands upon that
platform. The dead issue of slavery must be sur-
rendered for the live issue of Union. Can the
Republican party be induced to abandon the Chi-
cago platform? Up to this time I have supposed
not. Until now no count has been made strong
enough to insure success to such views. I under-
stand that now the friends of union have great
confidence in carrying by the necessary two-thirds
majority either the border State propositions or
Mr. Adam's plan. This will not be done without
great resistance from the Free-soil part of the Re-
publican party, who maintain that disunion is ine-
vitable, and that the only remaining question is
where shall the boundary be. They do not yet
publicly avow these ideas, but I have the best
reason to believe that they are entertained
the
with the Republican leaders of this wing of
party all idea of coercion is abandoned, or, as o.ne
of the party writes me, t, is passing away with
other discarded lumber." Thus, whatever may be
determined, there is some reason to hope for peace,
unless the South precipitates war by attacking the
6 forts over which the national flag still floats.