The Sun.
London, England, 1859-05-04 00:00:00

But they have a far better opportunity for modify-
ing their Reform programme. They were justified
in listening to a committee of the House of Com-
mons, • but they will be justified much more in
listening to a committee of the whole country.
They have heard the voice of the people from every
hustings ; for promises and speeches there, are but
the interpretation of the wishes of the electors, and
almost never in excess of their wishes ; on the con-
trary, the most offered is generally below what the
majority of a constituency would like to obtain.
To the voice of the constituencies, on a question so
almost exclusively affecting themselves, Ministers
ought to listen, and may therefore listen without
just fear of reproach. If so many of their own
friends maintained that they could honourably and
materially have altered their Reform Bill to the
general sense of the House, who can deny that
they may modify their next bill—for a bill they
must produce—to the general sense of the country?
If they honestly believe that they can superintend
the general affairs of the country better than their
opponents, it can be nothing discreditable to them
to refuse to turn themselves out by flying in the
face of members fresh from the " Baptism of a
general election," and perhaps smarting under the
cost and provocation of a penal dissolution.
It will assuredly be on Reform that their op-
ponents will endeavour to eject them. It will not
be tolerated that a war, in Which we are to take no
part, should divert us from domestic business.
Reform has been the universal topic ; members
have taken their instructions ; they will be eager
to redeem their pledges, and it will be in vain,
when they ask for Reform at-home, to give them an
Italian war. Why, then,
.should not the present
Government fairly look the political demands of
the nation in the face, and frankly concede them ?
They now see what parts of their late bill were
universally repudiated by the country ; what was
pretty generally objected to, and what more was
demanded. Their county franchise was universally
accepted ; their disfranchisement of the freeholders
hardly found, that we remember, a supporter, and
there was a very general demand for a more de-
finite enfranchisement of the working classes. And,
though owing to local squabbles, one or two sup-
porters of the Ballot lost their election, yet others
have gained it, and:the subject has been strongly
pressed on many men whose other merits would
have obtained them a seat. The great Liberal party
will return to the House somewhat diminished in
numbers, but having lost none of its influential
men—unless their late entertaining member for
Dover could be so regarded—but it:will return im-
proved in tone, more decided, and its memory re-
freshed as to the real desires of its supporters. In
regaining Mr. COBDEN alone the popular party
have regained a man who will certainly be worth
more to them than several votes; and, just now,
his aversion to foreign war chimes in with the
general sentiment.

For ourselves, we advise in all honesty. We
told Mr. DISRAELI at the time that his bill was too
clever by half. Its franchises were approved, but
the attempt to subtract votes from the counties we
predicted would be fatal to it. He now sees that
that point he can never carry ; he sees, too, that the
ten-pound county franchise cannot be withdrawn,
and he must be content to give it without any
ingenious and half-neutralising expedients. He
must have seen also that Mr. WALPOLE and Mr.
HENLEY were right in their principle; right at
least in this, that it is the one which the country
prefers. Let Mr. DISRAELI then boldly adopt Lord
JOHN RUSSELL'S borough franchise ; and, so far as
the noble lord is concerned—and he is at present
his only formidable antagonist--he may walk the
course in the new House of Commons. If, in ad-
dition to all this, Mr. DISRAELI could return to his
first love, if he could summon the courage to return
to the Ballot, his lease of power might be long
indeed. The people of England would not soon
forget the Minister that first conferred upon them
unequivocal freedom of election. Every victim of
old oppression, every one for a generation to co me,
who felt himself in the power of any one h e dared
not offend, would bless the Minister who gave him
a vote which he was not afraid to use, or which he
must give with a deep sense of degradation to the
candidate which his better judgment rejected.

We believe that the course we have indicated
would even prove a Conservative one. Reform of
Parliament is not a subject on which the demands
' grow less by discussion. Every year something
more is demanded. If a £6 franchise bG refused
this year, it may be household suffrage next year,
and universal suffrage, if our governors hold out a
year or two further. Probably, just now, a ballot,
permissive to constituencies, in which a small por-
tion of the electors, or a majority on a ballot, de-
mand it, would almost make a Minister; in a very
few years the Ballot universally will probably be
the irresistible demand. If Reform be staved off a
year or two, or even for three or four, by the opposi-
tion or fault of the Government of the day—this is
just the very thing Mr. BRIGHT desires. He is in
no haste. He evidently is confident—we are sure
rightly so—that the demand for Reform is like a
snowball, increasing the more it is tossed about.
A sagaciously anti-democratic Minister would give
more than he was expected to give ; he might then
go to sleep awhile, while men were finding out,
what he ought to know would be the case, that all
things would run very much in the old ruts, while
he would be comparatively released from the re-
sponsibility for what opposition critics censured.
Your own democratised Parliament has done it all,
would be his answer ; while, in point of fact, the
sons of the aristocracy would, as now, enjoy the
preference in half the constituencies. We repeat it,
a liberal Reform Bill in 1859 would be a conserva-
tive proposal.

The panic on the Stock Exchange has to some
extent subsided. " The settlement " has been
effected at the expense of some fifty-five victims,
and there is a temporary rest for those involved in
difficulties until the next day of arrangement
comes on with its terrors ! Those who have been
mere gamblers can receive but little if any sym-
pathy. They entered into wild speculations, and
should be prepared for the result, whatever it
might be. But it is far otherwise with those who
trusted to others, whom they had reason to believe
to be perfectly solvent, and who have only fallen
in consequence of reposing undue confidence in
persons previously of unimpeachable credit.
The holders of all descriptions of securities have
also suffered to a'certain extent. This may not be a
matter of very great consequence to those who
only require the payment of their annual dividends
or interest. The Turkish Six per Cents., old or
new, will still be provided for. There will be no
failure on the part of the French, Russian, or
Austrian Governments. One and all, they fully
appreciate the necessity of maintaining their
credit, and avoid what is not merely the crime, but
the great mistake, of repudiation.

All those, however, who have made but tempo-
rary investments, in the belief that they could be
made available at any moment required, must
make up their minds to serious losses. They must
suffer for the criminal ambition of foreign
despots, and it would be well if they were the
only parties implicated.
,But, unfortunately, an
" armed neutrality" is a costly luxury, which must