The Sun.
London, England, 1861-06-18 00:00:00

The battle indeed is no longer one of argument
but of votes. The decision might just as well be
taken to-morrow without a single speech. Every
one knows what every one will say ; the only thing
uncertain is how the few will vote who may turn
the scale either way ; and the votes of these parties
are influenced by some consideration quite aside
from the real issue, a Royal Ocean Mail contract
or something in the political world, something it
may be in Paris or Rome, and having nothing more
to do with Church-rates than the Galway Contract
with the Paper Duties. A contemporary, we ob-
serve this morning, gives us a long leader to show
that the Establishment is at stake—that the battle
is really for its existence. Can the writer
seriously think so? Can any one at this
time of day, seeing what the Voluntary
principle is doing, both within and outside
the Church, believe that the subtraction of Church-
rates can injure a hair of the Establishment.
Wherever a new church is wanted, if it be but made
known, either the neighbourhood, or some wealthy
person far off, soon furnishes the sum. And here,
within sight of our own windows we see non-
conformists erect and pay ready money for a chapel
which cost £30,000. It is really absurd to tell men
living with their eyes open, who see the Free Church
creatinga new voluntary Church for all Scotland—

who see the Methodists supporting a vast Church
throughout England, who see the Roman Catholics
and sects of all kinds maintaining their ministers
and places of worship without difficulty—who
know, too, that considerably more than half the
worshippers, at the date of the Religious Census,
worshipped in all respects at t heir own expense—
it is absurd to tell those
what is before who just look on
them, that the Established
Church can lose anything by undertaking a
part only of those charges which poorer bodies so
easily defray. Let Churchmen but be straightforward.
lvesay, we have not only no fear for the Church,
but the most absolute confidence that the change
will greatly invigorate her, as well as relieve her

from national hostility. But let those who would

maintain compulsory powers for the Church of

England tell the truth. They really want to retain
an unrighteous domination over other sects. They
cannot think, more than we do, that Churchmen
would not freely subscribe more than they and Dis-

senters together are now forced to pay. We hold

,hat it is high time for English Churchmen to ge

rid of the feeling of hauteur which, adopting the

national, that is the nationally endowed creed, is too

apt to inspire and to acknowledge the equal reli

gious position of all Christian sects.

The Appropriation of Seats Bill, if not as
momentous a subject for discussion in the House
of Commons as that renowned Appropriation
Clause which, a generation back, involved the
Fate of a Ministry and the existence of a Go-
vernment, has certainly proved quite as interest-
ing a theme for debate between the respective sup-
porters of the Coalition Cabinet and the Tory
,Opposition. The Times, for once just, we will

den enlistment, we have forbidden privateers and
prizes to enter our home and colonial ports.
Touchy as Americans now are, we may fairly
ask them to look back a little, and they will see
that they have not done much to conciliate our good-
will under their present difficulties. They freely
accept British subjects, but they most captiously
resented our acceptance of American volunteers
during the Crimean war. They falsely accuse us
of sympathy with slaveholders, but they ostenta-
tiously proclaimed their sympathy with that brutal
despot NICHOLAS, the man who crushed Hungarian
liberties, and those of the Principalities, and who
aimed to appropriate Turkey. When we wanted
to bring our soldiers from Canada, under protest of
neutrality, they prevented their coming to Portland
by railway, because part of our line to Quebec was
through their territory; and the St. Lawrence being
frozen, the troops had to be brought on sledges by
a rough and circuitous route to the British port
of Halifax. There was no unkindness they could
show us in that perfectly disinterested war, which
they did not; yet they seem angry because we
do not fight for them in a war which is simply and
purely a war to make the Union again a great sla-
very republic. They are fighting not for liberty,
but rather against it. They will liberate slaves
only when compelled by circumstances, they wish
on the contrary to return to the hateful regime of
subjection to the Fugitive Slave law—little indeed
have these objects to interest us, except that they
are non-slave-holders fighting against slave-holders;
but it is to re-enter into partnership with slave-
holders, not to compel them to liberate their slaves.
Of the Morrill Tariff we need not speak—but the
simple fact was, that as soon as they were able by
the withdrawal of Southern Members to do it with-
out hindrance, they immediately attacked the indus-
try and trade of England! Verily we think it is
England not America which has a right to com-
plain.

To-morrow is to be another Wednesday battle
of no slight importance. The Conservatives intend,
at least, to do their part. They assembled yester-
day and discussed their plans, but have not made
them public. With so many divisions in their
own camp, the consultation was quite needful,
but we strongly suspect they could agree on one
point only—to resist Abolition. What should be
done, if Sir JOHN TRELAWNY were defeated, was a
very different question. It is just possible that,
well drilled as Conservatives are, they may have
resolved on combined action for one of the rival
schemes—the Mends of rejected proposals agreeing,
for party's sake, to forego their own preferences ;
but we should think it more likely the meeting only
resolved on the most effective possible whip for
to-morrow to get if but a small majority against
Sir JOHN TRELAWNY. Mr. DISARELI boasts of
these Wednesday battles against Religious Liberty
and Equality, the country clergy have aided him
politically with wonderful energy, and the result
is that the Conservative party has made Church
Rates and other religious grievances their battle
horse. They fight, as they have avowed, for the
" dominancy of the Established Church."
The Liberal party is, therefore, now bound not
only by its principles, bat by its party necessities,
to accept the battle ground chosen by their oppo-
nents:.They cannot run off to the shelter of a Select
Committee on Church Rates. The responsibility
lies on them of successfully defending a post which
their party has gained, and which, if surrendered,
will prove the signal for its speedy disruption. If
the Liberals cannot,even in this Parliament,maintain
their position on Church Rates, they are undone as
a party. The country will not trust them. It will
remember that it could gain majorities, and large
ones, on this subject under a Tory Government, and
the old cry will be raised that the advanced Liberals
succeed best when Tories are in office. The prin-
cipal members of the Government have all com-
mitted themselves to abolition ; and though they
have not made it a Cabinet measure, and cannot
while the religious protectionist, Mr. GLADSTONE,
holds a prominent place among them, their reputa-
tion as a Liberal Ministry will be ruined if they
desert their colours ; and if they cannot gain the
victory under them, their supporters will soon desert
them