The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-28 00:00:00

the ability of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but we are
now deliberating under extraordinary circumstances.
There is a feeling of uneasiness abroad, both in military
circles and ju.the public mind generally. I don't speak,
like the hon. member for Birmingham, of " Gorgons or
hydras," or things I never saw—(laughter)—but of what
we all know and can perceive. There is a feeling of un-
easiness on the continent of Europe—our national security
no longer depends on the character of our councils or our
diplomatic prestige. We are not only spending enormous
sums on our army and navy, but we are positively impo-
verishing the country by a vast warlike expenditure at a
moment when we are assured by the Government that we
are on terms of perfect amity and friendship with all the
nations of the world. (Hear, hear.) More than that, we
are engaged on a system of fortifications the rough estimate
for which is £11,000,000, but which when completed will
cost many millions more, and which if not completed tho-
roughly will be of no use whatever. (Hear.) For these
reasons I am inclined to question the conclusions anived at
by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. T hope the house will
not be led away with the idea that this is a question of free
trade in the ordinary acceptation of the term. (Hear, hear.)
Of course I never would give a vote which could even by
implication contravene that policy which was inaugurated
in 1841, and has since been universally adopted. This is
not a question of free trade in the ordinary acceptation of
the term, but it is a question of whether we are prepared to
remit taxes in favour of a limited interest without any cor-
responding advantage which would justify such a course.
(Hear, hear.) lam ready to admit that if the state of Eu-
rope permitted it I should be perfectly ready to consider a
remission of taxation in a fair, liberal, and popular spirit,
but to put on an eightpenny income-tax and then add
another penny to it, making it 9d., in order to gratify a
limited interest, is a thing I could never approve. (Hear,
hear.) The hon. baronet who spoke last bade us consider
how the different interests of the country are threatened at
the present moment. The industry of Lancashire is
threatened with a falling off of the raw material. You have
disputes and strikes at Burslem and Wolverhampton ; you
have suffering in the coal trade, and suffering in the iron
trade ; and is this a moment to make these reductions of
taxation without any corresponding advantage ? (Hear.)
Look abroad, and wherever you turn your glance the
horizon is dark and forbidding, and I ask the house and
the country is this a moment to indulge in these speculative
arrangements of the finance ? (Cheers.) Look at France
in the occupation of Syria against the wish of England, in
the occupation of
.Rome against the wish of Italy, in the
occupation of the southern slopes of the Alps, not only
against the wishes of Europe but to the infringement of
treaties. Look at Spain, slaveholdh4 bucaneering Spain,
which has just siezed hold of a part of the Island of St. Do-
mingo at the instigation of France. Look at Hungary and
Poland. Wherever you look you find a state of affairs which
makes it necessary that a Minister should deeply consider
before he makes any hazardous experiments. (Hear, hear.)
Often has the Chancellor of the Exchequer taunted this
house with his reckless expenditure, and if we were ever
open to that charge surely this is the time and place when
we should show that we know how to husband our resources
and to preserve that immense wealth which Providence has
placed within our grasp, in order to be ready to meet the
eventualities which may any day imperil the trade and
the commercial interests of the country. (Hear, hear.) It
has been said that this is a diminishing tax, and therefore
we may remit it. I maintain the contrary—(cheers)—thai
in the years 1859, 1860, and 1861 it has been rapidly in-
creasing. In 1859 the net produce was £1,142,000, in 1860
£1,291,000, and in 1861 £1,305,000. (Hear, hear.) If you
repeal this productive tax, you cannot reimpose it, and I be-
lieve that you are repealing a tax which presses less upon
the people than almost any other tax Which you can men-
tion. (Opposition cheers.) It certainly is very little inju-
rious to manufactures. It is easily collected, and it is in-
creasing in amount. (Hear.) These reasons will induce
me to go into the lobby with the Opposition. There is one
right hen, friend of mine who spoke last year whose opin-
ions I adopt. I shall go into the same lobby with him, un-
less he contravenes the opit ions which he then stated, and
that right hon. gentleman is the member for Coventry.
(Opposition cheers.) My right hon. friend has not spoken
on this question, but, taking the words which he used last
year to represent his present views, he is bound to vote the
same way as I do. The right hon. member for Coventry
said last year that he thought it would be better to wait for
a more favourable opportunity than to repeal a tax and raise
a large deficit, which might render it necessary to impose
other taxes to meet sudden emergencies and unforeseen ex-
penditure. That was a wise expression of opinion on the
part of my right hon. friend, and until I hear him get up
and state reasons which have induced him to change that
opinion I must believe that he will vote on this occasion
with the Opposition. (Cheers.) The hon. gentleman oppo-
site, in a discursive speech, alluded to the volunteers. I am
not going to make myself the apologist for the volunteers;
but we undentand that they are coming to this house for
a vote of money. What a capital opportunity to keep on
the paper duty, in order to gratify them with £2 or £3 a-
head, for which we should have the money in hand. (Laugh-
ter.) I regret very much that lam induced by these
reasons to take the course which I am about to take, but I
think it more honourable and more straightforward than
not to vote at all, (Hear, hear.) lam inclined to support
the amendment of the hon. gentleman—(cries of " Divide !"
and " Bar I")—the more so that I think we are unnecessa-
rily dragging this house into a quarrel with the other house,
not for the benefit of the country generally, but for the
benefit of a set of persons who will reap nearly 9-10ths of
the advantage which will be derived from a remission of
this taxation. (Cheers.) We have heard all kinds of abuse
heaped on the House of Lords. (Cries of " Bar I") I know
the house is impatient. At the same time lam anxious to
qualify the vote which lam about to give. I say that last
year, quite against my wish, the House of Lords were grossly
abused for their conduct in this matter. They were told
that they were unpatriotic, that they were selfish, that they
had not the interest of the public at heart. We must feel,
and most of the working classes do feel, that it was said by
men who only trade in keeping things in confusion that
they themselves may profit by discontent. (Loud Opposi-
tion cheers.) I, for one, would have no part or parcel in
that matter. I supported the resolutions of the noble
lord last year. I thought it wise, I thought it judicious.
But I think the conduct of the Chancellor of the Exchequer
is not what I should have desired. (Oh, oh.) I have been
several years in this house. I have always given to my
noble friend a cordial and warm support. Such has been my
confidence in his ability justly to interpret the sense of the
country and the drift of public opinion that I can safely say
that on every occasion save one I have given my noble friend
my cordial and hearty support. Acting as his subordinate,
I have entertained the warmest personal respect and affec-
tion for the noble lord, and nothing but a stern sense of
duty and a deep-root:if conviction that I was right would
ever induce me to give a vote which could be considered in
opposition to the sentiments which he advocated, and which
fie deemed necessary for the interests of the country.
(Cheers.) Again, I may say with regard to the Chancellor
of the Exchequer that no man entertains a higher opinion
of his personal character and brilliant political abilities,
and it is with extreme caution, with extreme hesitation,
and with many doubts that I place my humble judgment
in opposition to opinions which he has emphatically advo-
cated. (Hear, hear.) But, as an independent member, I
have no alternative. We are here to serve the public good
and the interests of the country to the best of our ability.
In great political discussions I place considerations of that
character above any other, and therefore it is that I am in-
duced, though with great pain and reluctance, neverthe-
less, from a conviction of the rectitude of the feelings which
influence me, to decline to give my vote in support of the
measure of her Majesty's Government and the Chancellor
of the Exchequer, believing the repeal of the paper duty to
be neither wise, expedient, nor politic in a financial point
of view, nor just nor equitable to the great body of tax-
payers in this country. (Cheers.)
Mr. MELLOR moved that the Chairman report progress
amid loud calls fora division from the Opposition benches.
Mr, DISRAELI said, —lt appears to me that if ever
there was a night this is the night when we might come to
a decision. (Cheers.) But as far as lam concerned lam
unwilling to be au obstacle to free discussion. I trust, how-
ever, t hat if this adjournment is sanctioned by her Majesty's
Government—(cheers)—we shall hear no more reproaches
from that quarter of placing obstacles to the progress of
public business, or of encouraging discussions when there
is really nothing on which discussion is necessary. (Loud
cheers.) We have really had the advantage of many nights'
previous debate incidentally, and often directly upon this
very question. The debate to-night has been conducted in
a tone distinguished by its moderation, and it does appear
to me that the house could with great convenience at once
come to a decision. (Cheers.) If the hon. gentleman who
has moved that you, sir, report progress wishes to address
the house I think I car answer for his receiving a patient
hearing from a silent and admiring audience. (Laughter
and cheers.) If the only object of the adjournment is
to hear his observations we shall be most happy to
consider them. (Cheers.) It does appear to me that we
might come to a decision upon this question to-night, but
if the leader of the house has sanctioned or suggested
the motion of the hon. gentleman, why then I have too
much sympathy for free discussion to use any influence
which I may possess to induce the house to come to a deci-
sion. I trust, however, that from this moment we shall
bear no more those frequent reproaches which have been
very unjustly and very injudiciously urged by three who
sit on the Treasury benches when we have requested occa-
sions to offer our opinions upon subjects of very great im-
portance. (Cheers.)
Lord PALMERSTON—I certainly do not object to the
motion of the hon. gentleman—(derisive cheers from the
Opposition)—which I think has been very distinctly sug-
gested by the silence of those gentlemen who sit on the
opposite benches, (Oh, oh.) This, undoubtedly, is a subject
of considerable importance—(laughter)--and one on which
there are many members anxious to speak. The promise of
the right hon.
gentleman that they shall be listened to with
silent admiration, however encouraging at the moment,
might not altogether be made good, if it were tested. (Hear,
hear.) I therefore cordially agree to the adjournment. I
will not undertake so largely as the right hon. gentleman
wishes to abstain in future from any remarks upon future
attempts to procrastinate debates ; but, no doubt, the same
attempts will not be displayed, and there will be no occasion
to make the objection.

The queNtio4 that thti chain:a' report progrm was put.