The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-14 00:00:00

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international duties, and shall consider the measures
to be taken to avoid the return of the present com-
plications." There is no concession here on the
part of FRANCIS JOSEPH—VICTOR EMMANUEL is
the only delinquent. He is to be placed on trial,
and duly castigated in the presence of all nations,
in order to satisfy the vindictive malevolence of

his opponents.
Austria kindly consents that the evacuation o
the R oman States may be discussed, and likewise
the question of administrative reforms, but the
details and their definitive adoption must remain
subordinate to the decision of the States directly
interested. In other words, Austria will listen to,
but not be bound by, any decision that may be
arrived at. She will take the chance of a favourable
judgment, but will totally repudiate any that does
not meet with her entire approval. There is no
reciprocity, no abandonment of any objectionable
regulation in her propositions, and therefore they
must necessarily fall to the ground.
In respect to the treaties into which she
has entered with minor Italian States, Aus
tria declares that their validity cannot be ques-
tioned, but if all the Powers represented at the
Congress agree to produce their political treaties
with the Italian States, Austria will do the same.
This is pure humbug, for there never has been a
charge preferred against any other nation of
meddling with the internal affairs of the States
of Italy, save that France unfortunately occupied
Rome, in order to restore the sacerdotal regime, a
matter which Louis NAPOLEON is now believed to

sincerely regret.
Count Brom, is not contented with the proposi-
tion that the territorial arrangements, or the
treaties of 1815 shall not be touched, but he wishes
to include those entered into, in execution of those
acts. Until they are known and considered in
Congress, it is perfectly absurd to suppose
that any such engagement can be entered
into. As to a general or simultaneous disarming of
:lie great Powers, the demand is absolutely ridicu-
le, s. It is Austria that has endangered the peace
and t:Tanquillity of Europe, and she seeks to ride
off on a taigh horse, placing those who should really
be her jut iges on their trial. This won't do—as
she will fin to her cost ere many weeks have
elapsed, shoului she continue as perversely obstinate
as she has hither to shown herself to be.

It is a melancholj spectacle, the mass of useful
legislation which is now swept aside for at least
another session by real
.on of the perverse and fac-
nlked and utterly futile
tious, but egregiously ba
struggle for power of the riv. Al chiefs of the Opposi-
tion. Measures down for aSi ,cond reading—mea-
sures ready for deliberation in c ommittee—mea-
sures upon the eve of a third is...ading, all but
passed intolaw, within an ace of being' transformed
by the magical la Reine le veut into substantial
enactments—they are all swept aside ntiw ruth-
lessly by retail and wholesale. Gone for at: other
year the hope of many a most desirable and ven
urgently required sanitary improvement ! Go'Ve
the prospect of toll bridges opened to the public, of
turnpike barriers all over the kingdom finally
abolished ! Gone the expectations recently kindled
of a multitude of most anxiously-looked-for legal
reforms—those affecting bankrupt and insolvent
debtors—those relating to the transfer and regis-
tration of landed property ! Gone some another
twelvemonth the greatest reform of all, and the one
latterly counted upon the most securely, the com- ,
prehensive and vast reform in the system of popular
representation. JOHN BULL is left mourning,
like MACDtiFF—but little comforted by that true
Malcolm, that arch-indifferentest of all Reformers,

the noble lord the member for Tiverton.
" He has no children.—All my pretty little ones ?
Did you say all?—Oh, hell-kite I—All?
What, all my pretty chickens and their dam
At one fell swoop ?"
It is the premature massacre of the innocents in
April—the anticipation by four months of the
general butchery, restricted in ordinary times to
the dawn of August, as a sort of preliminary
battue to prepare the way among Parliamen-
tary marksmen for the autumnal sports
of grouse shooting and deer-stalking. And for all
this waste of time the nation is indebted to the
greed of power indulged in to no purpose by the
noble lord the member for the City of London. It
is a monstrous perversion of the truth to maintain
that unon Ministers devolves in any way the re-
sponsibility of the dissolution. That responsibility
rests entirely and exclusively with the Opposition.
By the rival leaders of that factious Opposition the
end of the existing Parliament has been wilfully

precipitated. Whatever Mr. SPEAKER, in the
plenitude of his wisdom, may say about the course
recently pursued by Lord JOHN being strictly con-
stitutional and strictly Parliamentary, there can-
not be one instant's doubt of the fact that it was
literary a course all but unprecedented. The
precedent, indeed, as Lord DERBY insists, is in
reality one of Lord JOHN'S own making. But for
this Destroyer of Cabinets having some years since
been permitted to do the very same thing, he has
just been allowed to do all over again—namely, to
move an abstract resolution by way of amendment
to a bill upon the motion for the second reading,
and consequently before it could be taken in any
way into detailed consideration in committee—the
course here specified would be altogether, we
believe, without any precedent whatever. As
recently as Saturday last, according to the fashion-
able intelligence in the columns of our contem-
porary, the Morning Post, "Lord JOHN RUSSELL
was busily engaged at the British Museum making
researches in the Library." This was exactly
midway between the division upon his resolutions
at the end of the seven nights' debate and the
sequel to that division in the twofold Ministerial
statements. What may have been those re-
searches of the noble lord in the library
of the British Museum ? Were they re-
searches for the discovery of some precedent
anterior to the one of his own creation ? If so,
they must have been researches fruitless of any
satisfactory result whatever judging from the noble
lord's silence upon the matter in the course of his
remarks, on Monday evening, at the close of the
official declaration of the Ministerial intentions by
the right hon. gentleman the Chancellor of the
Exchequer. The remarks of Lord JOHN RUSSELL
were of a very different character indeed to any-
thing so purely abstract and antiquarian. They
were remarks full of painful significance. They
revealed an ambition smarting under the wounds of
a very poignant and a very recent disappointment.
For example, Lord JOAN said plainly, in so many
[ words, at the outset of those remarks of his on
Monday, " I have said before, I thought it very
doubtful whether Lord DERBY ought to have oceu-
Pied office last year :" adding even—" My own
opinionis, that he ought to have refused"—where-
upon, and no w onder,there was audible " a laugh.'
Again, latEr
of feeling on in these extraordinary revelations
by Lord JOHN, we find him saying—
"N°w' Sir, I was much taunted during the late
debate
ilium the
vagueness with which I spoke of
any future
measure of reform which I should be
disposed to
lord, with
Support. Sir," exclaimed the noble
o
outburst at once of the most sur-
prisingrd,
candall our and virtuous indignation, " Sir, I
was `'ague advisedly:, Not a doubt about it ! No

..--
l.
ma`
.4hat this declare ,tion was greeted, as the
report int:')s us, with ironical cheers from the
Ministerial li' aches. N, )t a moment's question that
Lord JOHN was, as he ti 211 S u. 4, vague advisedly. It
is only what one afte r another of accusers said
throughout the progress of -that long discussion.
Lord Jon s was vague advised ly—but was his being
so fair to the cause of Refor ra, fair either to his
political friends or to his political antagonists, fair
and above board within the motley ranks of her
MAJESTY'S Opposition, or to the compact phalanx
of her MAJESTY'S Governme ait ?
Finally, at the close of the ,se, and other equally
naive remarks of Lord JoH) 7 on Monday evening,
it will have been remarked w ith interest by many
earnest reformers throughout b the country, how—
,' [The noble lord being about to resume his seat,
there were loud cries from the Ministerial side of
the house of THE BALLOT. 3" Observe—" On the
Ministerial side of the house." And then note
what followed :—" On that subject," said Lord
JOHN, " I can only say, that if the present Ministry
introduce a new Reform Bill, and that bill contains
a clause for establishing vote by Ballot, I shall
consider it my duty to oppose that clause." We
hope the Liberal electors of London will not lose
sight of that important declaration. Lord JOHN
RUSSELL is now positively and absolutely pledged
to oppose The Ballot, without which no reform
whatever in the representation will be of the
slightest importance whatever. Without the
Ballot there is really but little difference of im-
portance between a Reform Bill passedby one party
or a reform bill passed by another. What is the
vahle of increasing—much or little—the diffusion
of the electoral franchise among the population,
unless you first of all so protect the vote of the
humble elector that you really enable him to use it
without imperilling his honour or jeopardising his
lowly fortunes. Unprotected by the Ballot, the
electoral franchise is to the humble possessors of it
a curse instead of a blessing. .We all know
perfectly well, for example, that while there
are, according to existing arrangements,
as many as 20,000 registeredelectors in Marylebone,
not above half that number went to the poll upon
I the oceasion of the late contest for its representa-
tion. Before you increase that aggregate of 20,000
renistereJ electors to one of 30,000—in reason's
b
name so shield the poor man's vote that you enable
the actual possess'Ors of the franchise there to use
their at present neglected votes honestly and inde-
pendently! But Lord *SONN is against doing
this—he is against conceding the Ballot. There-
fore his Reform Bill we maintain to be intrinsically
valueless. He is pledged against the Ballot. His
name, as well as the name of Lord PALMERSTON,
was down in that last division against the Ballot upon
the burked, or, what is synonymous, the Berkeleyed
motion of the hon. member for Bodmin ! Not so
the name of the Chancellor of the Exchequer ! Not
so the name of her MAJESTY'S Secretary for the
Colonies! Not so the names of the other leading
members of the present Ministry in the loWer house
of Parliament. They are not pledged against the
Ballot. If they would but recognise this golden
)...nportunity ! It is only a question of time. It is
on .ty a question of a little sooner or a little later.
Let Om but go to the country for the Ballot, and
they
wri.l.l inevitably secure for themselves an over-
whelmin majority in the new Parliament. And
3
in that new-
Parliament we might count confidently
upon witnessllng
at length the realisation of a
genuine and w•f;olesome reform in the system of
entation.
our national reprOs,

IEATII OF .LNADAME BOSI,

tBY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.]
Madame Bosio is just dead in Russia.

THE BALLOT.

----,--_
Twelve Liberal Members voted in the majority against
the Ballot. The names of these gentlemen are :
Akroyd, E. (Huddersfield) I Beaumont, W. B. (Northum-
Butler, J. W. (Devon, N.) berland)
Codrington, Gen. (Greenwich) I Cavendish, W. (Bucks)
Elliot, J. E. (Roxburg,hshire) Davey, R. (Cornwall, W.)
Palmerston, Lord (Tiverton) rilyn, G. C. (Shaftesbury)
Russell, Lord Jehn (London) r:iller, C. W. G. (Herts)
St. Aubyn, J. (Cornwall, W.)
----,

TO SOME BONOURS ARE GI
OTHERS HONOUR.

" One of the Million" writes to a contemporary as fol-
lows :—When an empire was reeling to its fall, a mighty
man kept his head clear, and his arm strong ; thus was
India steadied—saved. I am speaking of John Laird Mair
Lawrence. For his pre-eminent share in the quenching
the terriblest conflagration of modern times, Lord Derby
dubbed the ruler of the Punjaub, Baronet and G.C.B.
More peers are to grace the " gilded chamber." Lord
Derby ennobles three very rich Tories, most respectable
squires, very ardent fox-hunters ; but about whose public
services, native talents, and intellectual acquirements, even
flunkeydem is mute. Where is the justice of all this ? Is
the salvation of English dominion in the East a small
matter compared with the accidental heritage of "consi-
derable borough interest," much lucre, and exceeding many
broad acres ? Answer me this, my Lord Derby.