The Sun.
London, England, 1861-06-03 00:00:00

and dale, intercepted by occasional dense forests,
which more than realised all I had imagined of
" La Belle France." But what shall I say of Paris ?

—her spacious and elegant streets, her grand old
classic structures, her beautiful parks, her galleries
of art—the fine and the useful—her monuments of
dramatic history, and above all, her development of

progress and civilization? For I must say that I
have not seen a beggar, a ragged man, or a drunkard
in France. (Hear, hear.) A manly sympathy with
the cause of liberty in '76 has not, by the eternal
1 laws, been lost upon her people. Does any man

venture to say that the French of to-day have paid

too much in treasure and blood for the liberties
they now enjoy, which this great people and the
great chief of their choice equally recognise ? (Loud
cheers.) The political empyric only is impatient—
waiting upon nature, and following upon the fading
footprints of the ages—the world-wide statesman

and philanthropist withholds the hand of rash pro-

pagandism. With hopeful aspirations for the
future—with all my heart, I say, " Vive la France,

vive 1 'Ameriper (Applause.) Yes, gentlemen,
my country shall live. She sacrifices property, and
life, and kindred to justice. She suffers all things
for the whole race—not forgetting the language of
Lafayette.ankall the martyrs of '76 she draws her
sword once more in " defence of the rights of
human nature." Yes, our Union, our Constitu-
tion, and our liberties shall live. That is
why I have said elsewhere, this rebellion shall
go down. " Cotton is King !" No ; " Grass is
King," for the United States produce more dollars
worth of grass than cotton. Let the South send
400,000,000 dols. worth of cotton to the nations ; if
she pays it out, all out for clothes and food, and
mules and cotton-gins, and farming utensils, what
_ _ _ _

does it matter? She finds herself at the end of the

year indebted in advance of her income. Her banks
are exhausted of their coin to pay for food, her
notes are not redeemed, her currency ceases to cir-
culate, her stocks are nothing, her credit is gone.
Does the Times understand me ? Therefore I say,
of course, we can conquer her. lam accused of
threatening England. I am not in the habit of
casting about me to see how I may make truth most
palatable. Let those who stand in the way of truth
look out. (Hear.) If England, after all she has
said against slavery, shall draw her sword in its
defence, then I say, great as she is, she " shall
perish by the sword." For then not only France,
but all the world shall cry out, "Perfide Albion!"
When she mingles the red crosses of the Union
Jack with the piratical black flag of the " Confede-
rate States of America "—will not just as certainly
the Tricolor and the Stars and Stripes float once
more in fraternal folds. (Hear, hear.) Can France
forget who has doggedly hedged in all the fields of
her glory P Can Napoleon forget St. Helena ? Will
he at her bidding turn his back upon the East ?
Shall "Partant pour la Syrie" be heard no more
in France for ever ? Russia strengthens herself by
giving up slave labour for the omnipotent powers
of nature ; which by steam, and electricity, and
water, and the mechanical forces share with man
the creative omnipotence. Shall England cross
half the globe to check the Eastern march
of her new-born civilisation ? I have spoken
to England not as an enemy, but a friend.
For her own sake, I would have her
be true to herself. If England would
preserve cotton for her millions of opera-
tives, let her join in putting down the rebellion.
Her interference in defence of the rebels of the South
will force us to do that which would be a calamity
to us as well as to them—at a blow to destroy
slavery for ever. The interest of England and
France lie in the same direction—in the preserva-
tion of the Union, and the making successful rebel-
lion impossible. (Loud applause.) Especially
does France find safety in our unity and prosperity
—for between us there is no antagonism whatever.
We want her silks, her brandies, her wines, her
porcelains, her cloths, her finer cottons ; her thou-
sand articles of unequalled taste. She wants our
tobacco, our meats, our grains, and all that ; while
she will not envy us the prosperity of our ruder
manufactures, which put money in our purse, and
make us able to purchase all she has to sell us. Let
England, and France, and Russia, and Spain, and
Mexico, and all the nations join with us—the
Union—it shall be preserved. (Tremendous cheer-
ing.) Planting myself upon the broad principles
of natural law, which it was the glory of Lord
Chatham to introduce into modern diplomacy, I
most heartily respond to your resolutions; I join
the old Romans in the purity of my patriotism; of
our nationality, my undying aspiration is " Esto
perpetua," of slavery " Delenda est Carthago."
(Long continued cheers.)
The PRESIDENT then said that a telegraphic
despatch had been received, giving news from the
United States to the 18th, which could not fail to
interest the meeting. (A gentleman near then read
the despatch in question, which was loudly cheered.
The Hon. A. BURLINGAME, American Minister
to the Court of Vienna, next rose and spoke as fol-
lows :—Mr. President, ladies, and gentlemen,—l
respond to your call with all my heart in the spirit
of that patriotism which gleams in every eye and
swells in every breast. I hold it fit that the chil-
dren of the land of Washington should, in the land
of Lafayette, renew their vows to the great princi-
ples for which those men struggled. (Applause.)
And we accordingly do here and now renew
them, and swear, by the over-living God that we
will sustain that Great Government which resulted
from their blended efforts, and breathe the exultant
hope that, like their holy memories, it will endure
for ever. (Applause.) It seems to me, since I have
been hue; that I have received the impression—l
cannot tell whence or why—certainly not from any-
thing I have read or heard—surely not from any-
thing derived from the reticent ruler of this gallant
people—that the feeling which swayed the French
and our fathers still survives. It seems to me that
they do not mock at us in our supposed calamity,
that they do not misrepresent us in their press—
that their statesmen do not compare us to Turks and
our enemies to Greeks—(laughter)----that they do
not speak of " belligerent rights" in such a way as
to leave us to infer that they would make merchan-
dise of our misfortunes, and open all their ports to
the pirates' prize. (Applause.) I malKe not these
distant allusions to deepen your regards on the one
hand, or to rouse your resentment against a kin-
dred people on the other. I accuse not the Saxon
heart. (Dr. M'Clintock—" That is right.") My
friend says that is right ; yes, I know the heart of
old England is sound. But, as an American, I can-
not be indifferent to the language of a portion of
the English press, nor to the language of a few of
England's statesmen. I know, as my friend Mr.
Clay has said, that we have derived our language,
literature, and laws from her. No man bends lower
than I to her majestic antecedents, but I must be
permitted to regret the attitude in which she has
been placed by those who assume to give expression
to her sentiments. This I will say—ever mindful
of the ties of consanguinity which others have seem
to have forgotten—that when a generous people has
blotted from its memory the resentful recollections
of two wars, it is neither kind nor wise to rouse
them again with tenfold rancour. And this I will
further say, that, whoever is for or against us, we
w;irll., iDn
ayt htoen
sgeut at
lgee o f
ouro uorwdistinguished friend,
o urwn
soil, and shall reserve a
heart for whoever, for
way'" We put downciwuii
ac
cart ehebvaeenlrldi oacnan
cause,
so
aen
do
shallauurn owndauntless
found in complicity with the most causeless revolt
that ever lifted its audacious hand against a noble
Government and a generous civilisation. (Continued
Ia pdpi
sl adua se. )Ido n
i nt
plead
witho quarrel
those with
who
amen'sre opinions
I disdain to plead with those who are intentionallyintentionally
against us, but I would be glad to bring those
whose good opinion, for my country's sake,
into views touching our affairs identical with my
own, those who have been and still are our friends.
I have met such since I have been here, who have
fallen into the fatal fallacy of Calhoun, and believe
that our Government is a comprct between States,
and that as these did accede to it they have, there-
fore, a right to secede from it. But in our theory of
government, Wales would have as much right to
secede from England, and Normandy from France,
as South Carolina and Alabama from the United
States. (Hear.) Ours is not a compact or league
in that sense—all that went down with the Con-
federation—but it is a government of the people,