The Sun.
London, England, 1857-04-01 00:00:00

t experienced statesman of this country in the manage-
ment of foreign affairs would refrain at so critical an emer-
gency fromperforming such a duty. Well, it so hap-
pened that, although these proceedings were very secret,
some communications were made to me of the terms upon
which peace was about to be negotiated—(hear)—and they
appeared to me to be terms which would prove most unsa-
tisfactory to the people of England and most injurious to
the interests and honour of the country. My Information,
although accurate, was not complete, and I was in such a
position that I could not make so frank a use of it as I can
do at the present day. I brought forward a notion in the
House of Commons—on the eve, I think, of the Whitsun
holidays—asking the house on the statement I made to re-
solve that the ambiguous language and uncertain conduct
of our Plenipotentiary at Vienna were sources of great dis-
trust and anxiety to Parliament. That was as much as I
could do, but it was sufficient to warn the house as to the
state of affairs, and to check the Government. The resolu-
tion which I brought forward, on the eve, I think, of the
Whitson holidays, was defeated by a large majority—a
majority of 100 ; and it was defeated bemuse Lord John
Russell had at that time returned from Vienna and made
a most warlike speech, in which he appealed to the spirit of
*the house and the country. He was supported by the Prime
Minister with so much apparent sympathy and cordiality
that the house could not believe the impression I wished to
convey was justifiable, and a majority was in favour of the
Government. Now, it co happened, that the French Pleni-
potentiary, who worked with Lord J. Russell at Vienna,
and who had counselled those terms which I considered
ignominious, was very much annoyed that the negotiations
failed, and that his own Government had not supported him
as they promised to do, and as according to his instructions
they were bound to do. He was no less distinguished an in-
dividual than M. Drouyn de Lhuys, a Secretary of State
for France, and who had been Ambassador in England. He
resigned his office, and not only did he do that, hot revealed
in his own vindication all that had occurred. It happened,
therefore, when Parliament met again, after the holidays.
that these transactions were matters of notoriety, and
several of the most distinguished members who had
spoken and voted against my motion—some privately
and others publicly in their places in Parliament—
expressed deep regret for the course they had adopted.
In consequence, I asked a friend of mine—a very dis-
tinguished member of the House of Commons, the repre-
sentative of a neighbouring county. who I hops will be a
member of the next Parliament-- Sir Bulwer Lytton—to
bring before the house the whole subject of the Vienna
negotiations. He gave notice of a motion with that ob-
ject, and what was the consequence? The existence of the
Government was at stake. An indignant House of Com-
mons would have terminated the existence of the Palmer-
ston Cabinet as it terminated the existence of Lord Aber-
deen's Cabinet, and the Government were only saved by
Lord J. Russell coming forward and making himself their
voluntary scapegoat. lam bound to say that Lord Pal-
merston offered to stand or fall by Lord J. Russell; but,
as the majority against Lord Palmerston's Government
would have ben overwhelming, Lord J. Russell himself
offered to be the scapegoat, and I must say in justice to
that noble lord, who has incurred so much unpopularity,
that I think such unpopularity undeserved, because al-
though the terms of peace contemplated were, in my opi-
nion, unsatisfactory and ignominious, Lord J. Russell as
al individual was not responsible for those terms, but the
responsibility rested upon the Cabinet which he repre-
sented, and upon the Prime Minister of that Cabinet. It
is necessary that sound ideas should prevail as to the con-
duct of public men, and it appears to me necessary to
enter into these details in order that you may not suppose
that I deviated from what I maintain was the patriotic
course of the Opposition in supporting the Government in
their conduct of the war by counselling that the resolu-
tion to which I have referred should be brought forward.
I say, then, when we are told of the energetic manner
in which the war was carried on, that something is due to
the earliamentary Opposition of England during both the
Governments of Lord Aberdeen and of Lord Palmer.
ston. (Loud cheers.) At last we had peace. My hen.
colleague has given great credit to Lord Palmerston
for th manner in which he insisted that the terms on
which peace was negotiated should be carried out in their
tree spirit. I have also given Lord Palmerston credit in
the House of Consumes for that conduit ; but allow me to
tell you that there never would have been a question about
the terms of peace if our negotiator at Paris had not com-
mitted one of the greatest blunders probably recorded in
the history of diplomacy, for he agreed to a treaty of peace
in which the priucipal object for which we went to war—
namely, the freedom of the Danube--was entirely omitted.
What Lord Palmerston, therefore, deserves every credit
for is this, that, having discovered that we made a very
great blunder, and that the country was deprived of the
very object for which such great sacrifices of blood and
treasure had been made, he determined, like a true Eng-
lishman, not to shriek from his demand, but to fight out
of the blunder, feeling sure the country would back him ;
and at last we got what we might have obtained without
all this bluster and disturbance. In carrying through these
details I feel that I am only doing my duty. We meet very
rarely, and you naturally wish that those whom you send
to the House of Commons, and especially those who, from
circumstances, take an active part in public affairs, should,
when they meet you on such occasions as the present, com-
municate with you without reserve. (Cheers.) I have now
given you an account of my stewardship as ono of the Mi-
nisters of the Crowe, and as one of the representatives dur-
ing the great war in which this country has recently been
engaged. Allow me next to inform you what, when peace
was at last accomplished, I considered to be my duty to
the country, and more especially to yon. I suppose, gentle.
mon, you must all be aware from sad experience that the
taxes of this country have necessarily been greatly increased
during the late struggle. You must all be painfully con-
scious that the burdens upon your industry and your pro-
perty have been greatly augmented of late years, and it
appears to me that, peace having been concluded, the duty
of the House ef Coin •.s was calmly to survey the financial
condition of the country, and to cocci ler by what prudent
and proper means we could alleviate the burclensof the people
and obtain what are the great blessings of puce—lighter
taxation and a freer course for capital and industry. Well,
gentlemen, it was with that object that I have expressed,
and that my friends have expressed, our opinion that con-
siderable reduction should be effected in the public expen-
diture. The present Government claims very great credit
for taking oft the income tax which is called the 'war nine-
pence," which might have been continued for another
year. I am gratified, gentlemen, that you are relieved from
that "war ninepence," but I am not perfectly sure if a
certain notice had not been given in the House of Commons
on the first night of the last session that you would have
got rid of that taxation. (Cheers.) All I know is that the
estimates of this country —as I have the highest authority
for stating—were reduced I believe within 48 hours by the
amount of 3,000,000/ , and you have upon records which
anybody may consult evidence that those estimates which
we afterwards had to consider were originally of much
higher amount, for many lords-lieutenant of counties re-
ceived instructions with regard to the militia which were
subsequently suddenly revoked in consequence of the ex-
penditure which the maintenance of that force would have
occasioned. lam not at all quarrelling with or carping at
the Government for making these reductions. Unless the
Opposition sometimes performs such services to the people
I don't see what the use of an Opposition is. One of the
duties of an Opposition is to perform the part of a consti-
tutional critic upon the Government, and if we succeed in
the object of our criticism I don't think we ought to "look
a gift horse isa the mouths!' With reference to the income
tax, the question whether theconatant complaints which are
made of its inquisitorial character and of its unequal, un-
just, and unsatisfactory nature can be remedied by schemes
which any statesman can devise has been frequently dis-
cussed. Almost all public men agree that auy scheme of
that kind is quite impossible, arid there has been a general
accord in the country that at the expiration of a certain
period the income tax shall cease. Allow me to remind you
that that period is now rapidly approaching, anti it is for
you to consider, if you wish to get rid of that tax, whether
you should support a policy which has a tendency to the
reduction of the public expenditure, and therefore to the
consequent probability of getting rid of the income tax
!together. You have also in a time of peace war taxes
upon your tea and upon your sugar, and therefore we have
not yet returned to the position iu which we had a right to
expect that eve should find ourselves after the lapse of more
than a year since peace was concluded. In looking to the
means by which a reduction of taxation may be effected—
by which we may carry out the adopted policy of Parlia-
ment by getting rid of the war taxes on tea and sugar, and
ultimately, iu 1860 altogether abolishing the lc mie tax,
we have to consider the expenditure of the country, not
only aeon upon the xnEtary arid naval, but upon the civil
establishments, and we have also to consider the general
policy of the country as it affects expenditure. It is a fact
that the public expenditure has increased to an enormous
amount during the last few years. The expenditure at the
present moment shows, I believe, an increase of 6,000,0001,
above the expenditure of lOoe-3, when the Goverument of
Lord Derby was in office. When, therefore, we talk of
reductions it is, after all, of reductions to the scale of a
period when the estimates were very much increased, and
when the public establishments of .the country were in a
very efficient state. Without dwelling too much Upon
this point, I may say I consider the general policy of the
country, as I have described to be, one which entails con-
sidereble expense. It is a policy which lam told is airy
popular it is a policy of perpetual meddling in every part
of the world—(hear) —occasioning disturbances whichcause
expense, and consequently lead to increased estimates.
am told that this is a very spirited policy, that there is
nothing like making the influence of England felt, and that
there is nothing of which an Englishman should be more
proud than to feel that he is like a itoman citizen in every
pert of the world. But I must say I generally find that
this spirit. which I have described as " turbulent and ag-
gressive," is always exhibited to weak and rot to power-
ful States. (Hear) I find that Greece and Perr.ira and China
are perpetually the mew,s by which the glory of British
arms is to be established and illustrated— (" hear," all
laugh) —but that we receive insults from Russia and Aus-
tria, aid that two or three years ago vreeven.recsived in-
sults from France, which are pasaed over lin ' ' *le nee batwhich, which, if theta States had been weak, would h 'yaL re-
sented by the presence of edmirals ant goueornarls'ex Te,;,i'prac-
tical effect of this policy is t add to y
two or three millionsa-year, end you must remember, itlisiere
you consider whether the income tax shall be reducedw to
7d. or 5d., that the difference of 2,001,000/. between the
sums rased by those rates of duty is srehehly the emeu4
oF expenditure occasioned by the expeditions and inter-
f gences resulting from yourpresent policy. I have refereed.
to the case of Persia, and I have shown you that, utitwr
difficulties analogous to those which have recently tike
place, we settled the Persian question without the expen-
diture of a single shilling. W hat will the course adopted
by the present Government of Lord Palmerston cost the
country ? Will your hill bo loss than 1,000 0001., or Id. in
the pound of tho income tax? How, then, cal ;see, loots
feeweri". to getting rid of the income tax unless you exercise
stria caetr d over the conduct of the Govsrnruent with re-
spect to interfunince in foreirn countries? (lie r.) This
brings me to the qua tion which it is said led to the disso-
lution Parliament —our interference in China. lam told
the news which has just arrived from China is itself a ju—
tificetion of the course adopted by her Majesty's Govern:
rent. In the first place, however, I sin by no means sure
that news is true; but supposing for the sake of argument
that it is true, I draw a totally different inference. I draw
the inference that if the present Government had taken
means to act upon the Emperor of China similar to those
adopted by the Government of Lord Derby with regard to
the Shah of Persia, we should probably have gained
all the redress we required without resorting to
the extreme, the wanton, and, I must say, the
cruel proceedings to which we have had recourse, which
have already involved us in great expenditure, and
which may lead to increased expenditure. It is the fashion
—the fashion at least of the present Prime Minister —to
call all Oriental Sovereigns barbarians—(a laugh)—but if
they are barbarians I don't see why we should send Minis-
ters to their Courts. (" Hear," and laughter.) I don't
suppose tho Emperor of China is a greater barbarian than
the Shah of Persia. Indeed I have always understood
that as contrasted with the Shah the Emperor of China is
infinitely more civilised. (A. laugh.) The Emperor of
China is at this moment the bead of a very weak Govern-
• ruent, because his vast empire is torn by it-destine disturb-
encee, and rt civil Tsar which has lasted a COD siderable time,
and way still continue for a lug poi iod, is being waged