The Sun.
London, England, 1861-07-18 00:00:00

After such an illustration, can we do otherwise than
acknowledge that this principle of free trade is one
which we all acknowledge as one of the ordinances
of the Creator; that, in fact, it is the international
common law of the Almighty ?"
As it was the French treaty which obtained Mr.
COBDEN the honour he was at that time receiving,
and which was the consummation of those labours
which his host commemorated in proposing his
health, he must of course advert to it. He dwelt
as usual on the adaptation of two countries
so near, and of such diverse industry and skill,
for a vast commercial intercourse, and in an
amusing strain on the effects of the two people's
ignorance of each other. It is but fair to give his
own view of his treaty, distinguished from former
commercial treaties :—" A treaty in the old signi-
ficance of the term meant two nations coming to-
gether and agreeing to a system of exclusive dealing
with each other, and entering into arrangements
from which all the rest of the world was to be
excluded—these two nations sitting down to make
that exclusive bargain with each other. Their nex
thought was how to cheat each other in the trans-
action, and it generally ended in each cheating him-
self. Now, this treaty with France was of a totally
different character. England sought from France
no exclusive privileges, and she offered no exclusive
advantages to France. All that we gave to her we
gave at the same time to the whole world. And we
asked nothing from France but what we cheerfully
allowed her at the same time to extend to all man-
kind. It was, in fact, two countries agreeing to do
for each other a great good, and to shake hands at
the same time and agree to do it together. There
are some people who are opposed to such a process.
I can only say that they must be very difficult to
please, and I think it would be very difficult to come
to an agreement with such people on any subject
whatever. I certainly should not like to be shut up
with any of them in a jury box at the Old Bailey
during the dog days."

A distinguished French Free-trader, M. CHEVA-
LIER, by a speech in French, exemplified both in
form and substance the cordiality which his friend
Mr. COBDEN desired to create between the two
countries. The Frenchman cleverly traced back
the traditional enmity between the two countries
to the coarse jest of the French PHILIPPE I. on the
protuberant figure of WILLIAM the CONQUEROR—
" a Royal jest gave us eight hundred years of hos-
tilities ;" and all Frenchmen think, M. CHEVALIER
tells us, that it is more than time to repudiate this
quarrel of the dark ages. Yet, how is it that we
hear such a noise of now plating ships of war, as well
as of maintaining an army of more than half a mil-
lion of men ready at any time, to ship on board them
M. CHEVALIER asks----" Must they hate one ano-
ther because the armaments of one necessarily give
umbrage to the other I' By no means ; for the
composition of their armaments is different. Both
possess an army and a navy; but the amount of
their forces, instead of corresponding, are in an in-
verse ratio to each other. In England the chief
element is the navy; in France it is the army.
I do not mean that England has not a brave and
reliable army, or that France does not possess a
considerable navy ; but England ought not to,
cannot, and will not, have an army equal to that of
France ; and France ought not to, cannot, and will
not, have a navy equal to that of England. Finan-
cial necessities, as well as the dictates of common
sense, require that the two:counties should preserve
this inverse proportion in their respective military
and naval armaments."

This is all very well, but it does accord with fact ?
Has not the Emperor of the FRENCH been carrying
on with extraordinary energy the system begun by
Prince DE JOINTILLE, and LOUIS PHILIPPE, of
endeavouring to rival England ? France had a
navy more than sufficient for a great military
power. Not content with that she changed the old
proportion, which was confessedly a fair one, and
compelled us to commence at an enormous, and but
for her, heedless cost, the work of building and re-
building a navy. Two things lie at the bottom
of the present extravagant expense to which all
Europe is now put in preparation for defence
—the ambition of France, and oppression of
nationalities. Russia, Prussia, and Austria must
keep large armies while they wrong Poland, Hun-
gary, and Venetia, in defiance of treaties, laws, or
reason. France will not see herself outdone by
them. She is determined to be the arbiter of Con-
tinental doings. The Despots fear their subjugated
peoples, and beggar themselves by vast armaments
to keep them down. France is determined to be
formidable to them all by an army powerful enough
to enable all the nationalities to look to her for aid.
But this does not content her ambition. Though
we have not, and never shall have, an army
large enough to enable us to invade France,
France is bent on constructing a navy large
enough with her prodigious army to invade
England when she pleases. M. CHEVALIER has
done much towards persuading his countrymen to
adopt free trade, he will do yet more if he persuade
them to cease the policy which can have no mean-
ing unless it be that of making free with the shores
of England. Cost what it may, England will not
permit such freedom; and the sooner all appearance
of attempting it is given up the better.

It is very seldom, indeed, that we can commend
the manner of the distribution of the little sum of
£1,200 annually set apart under the head of
additions to the Civil List Pensions for the benefit
of the cultivators of Art, Science, and Literature.
Often and often before now we have had occasion
to reprehend the unjustifiable way in which fifties
and hundreds have been frittered from the already
sufficiently small total, for the advantage of the
orphans and relicts of gallant officers both of the
naval and the military profession. Insomuch had
this become the system of distribution in regard to
the twelve hundred pounds sterling, that the little
prefix to the annual catalogue was for the most
part the veriest misnomer. Not so,however, is it just
for once, this year—the Civil List Pensions awarded
between the 20th day of June, 1860, and the 20th
day of June, 1861, pursuant to Act 1 Vict., c. 2,
being really and truly pensions suitable to be
charged upon the Civil List. With one single
exception the whole of the eighteen pensions
recently awarded are for service done to art, to
science, or to literature. That solitary exception,
however, is not in respect to any naval or military
officer's relict, but to the widow of a deserving
Civil servant of the Crown—namely, to Mrs.
BARBAR, " In consideration of the zeal and intelli-
gence evinced by her husband, the late Mr. L.
BARBAR, as Vice. Consul at Naples, especially
in obtaining the release of two British subjects
made prisoners on board the Cagliari." For the
which this lady is to receive an annual pension of
£5O. A pension that, surely, which no one will
have the heart for one instant to begrudge ! Saving
in that one instance the whole of the new List of
new pensions, to the number of seventeen, relate to
the persons, or more generally to the families :of
those who have in any way distinguished them-
selves in the cultivation of art, science, and letters.
To those not acquainted with the writings of Cap-
tain BRENTON it may seem a contradiction to this
statement to read on the list—" Dame HARRIET
IBABNION—In consideration of the late Sir JAR- t!