The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-28 00:00:00

SAXONY.

The Minister of Foreign Affairs of Saxony has
addressed the following despatch to M. de Kcen-
neritz, Saxon Minister at St. Petersburg, in reply
to the circular of Prince Gortschakoff:—
" Dresden, June 15.

" Prince Volkonsky has read to me a despatch
addressed to him by Prince Gortschakoff, for the
purpose of setting forth the attitud6of the Imperial
Government in presence of the complications which
have arisen in Italy, and of the war which has re-
sulted therefrom, as also the manner in which the
Cabinet of St. Petersburg thinks right to judge the
position of the Governments of Germany in the
midst of these events.

" The King's Government, placing entire confi-
dence in the noble and elevated sentiments of
H.X. the Emperor of All the Russias, has no doubt
as to the benevolent and equitable character of
the dispositions by which the Government of
H.I.X. is animated towards Germany and the
different Governments of the Germanic Confedera-
tion ; it is therefore with gratitude that we have
received this important communication, and I beg
of you, sir, to express it to Prince Gortschakoff.
"Wo think that we shall give the Imperial
Government the best proof of the sincerity of these
sentiments by replying with equal frankness to the
different observations which have been made to us.

" The despatch of Prince Gortschakoff consists
of two distinct parts. The first, which is retro-
spective, passes in review the negotiations which
preceded the commencement of hostilities, and
recalls to mind the Congress proposed by Russia to
prevent them ; the second, which occupies itself
with the present and the future, states the views
of the Imperial Government as to the task now
reserved to the Germanic Confederation.
" As to the first part, Prince Gortschakoff will
know how to appreciate the considerations which
induce us to manifest a certain reserve on entering
on the subject. He will not consider a German
Government less excusable for permiting itself not
to share the severe judgment passed on the conduct
of the Austrian Government, which, according to
the despatch of Prince Gortschakoff, is alone re-
sponsible for the calamities of the war. The
King's Government at the time did full justice to
the efforts made by the St. Petersburg Cabinet to
prevent those calamities by means of a European
Congress; but unless we fail in the duty of impar-
tiality towards a confederate Government, it would
be impossible for us to dwell on the episode of a
congress, which was a mere phase, and not on the
circumstances which preceded and brought about
the war. If, instead of so doing, we regard the
origin of the complications which caused the war
to break out, we cannot forget that the Austrian
Government, having done nothing which could
give offence to its neighbours or to any power
whatever in Europe, was first of all disquieted and
afterwards menaced in the peaceable exercise of
its rights of sovereignty. It is still difficult for
us not to entertain the conviction that if such
enterprises, instead of encountering the sympa-
thies, had incurred the unequivocal blame of
Europe, the scourge of war would very probably
have been averted from humanity even before the
question of a congress was raised.
" We shall be more explicit on the questions
connected with the position and attitude of the
German governments. In this matter we have a
mission to fulfil, and we owe sincere thanks to
Prince Gortschakoff for having afforded us the
opportunity of entering into some explanations
calculated to enlighten foreign Governments as to
what is now taking place in Germany.
" The despatch of the Minister of Foreign Affairs
expresses regret on the subject of the excitement
which prevails in some part of Germany ; it ex-
presses the fear that this agitation arises from a
misunderstanding ; and that misunderstanding it
sees in the tendency of some States of the Ger-
manic Confederation to occupy themselves with an
imaginary danger, and to cause real ones to arise
from it, not only by not resisting passions the
development of which may place in peril the se-
curity and internal force of governments, but by
giving serious grievances to a neighbouring and
powerful State at the very moment at which it
makes reassuring declarations.
" There is evidently a misunderstanding, but it
is not on the side of the German Governments that
we must seek for it.
" Prince Gortschakoff is kind enough to remind
us, further on, that the Confederation is a combi-
nation purely and exclusively defensive ; and that

if it were now to engage in acts hostile to France,
it would falsify the object of its institution, and

disregard the spirit of the treaties which have con-
secrated its existence. On this subject we must
make a slight reserve. Without stopping to ex-

amine to what extent the word coombination can

be applied to a union of independent States re-
cognised as indissoluble, and counting amongst
its members two great European Powers, we will
permit ourselves to remark that, though the Ger-
manic Confederation, by its organisation, has a
character principally and essentially defensive, it
cannot be pretended that it is a combination ex-
clusively defensive. The treaties on the basis of
which it entered into the public European law—l
use the very words of Prince Gortschakoff—and to
which Russia has attached her signature, admit
that it has the right of peace and war. The Ger-
man States have always shown themselves very
anxious to conform to the fundamental laws of the
Confederation, but for that very reason they are en.

titled to maintain that those laws shall be preserved
intact. We, however, beg Prince Gortschakoff
not to lose sight of the fact that in our opinion
there is no intention of disregarding this defensive
character par excellence, nor of abandoning the
circle of the defensive dispositions of the funda-
mental laws.

" Art. 47 of the Final Act of • Vienna, which
has latterly been so often referred to that it is
not necessary to cite the text, has foreseen the
eventuality which is now a fait accompli ; and in
order that the German Governments may prepare
to fulfil the duties it imposes on them, they need
neither cede to passions which compromise their
security nor occupy themselves with a danger to
come. We may besides here state that the Con-
federation has not yet taken the decisions which
excite the solicitude of Prince Gortschakoff, and
inspire him with fears for the solidity of our in-
ternal situation ; but, far from raising a question of
opportuneness, we prefer to give him an additional
proof of our confidence in the friendly dispositions
of the Imperial Government by accepting an anti-
cipated discussion.
" This is not the first time that the Diet of Frank-
fort has been called on to discuss the extent of the
federal obligations of Germany to the two great
powers which form part of the Confederation. It
is not without utility to recall precedents of a very
recent date; they will prove in what manner its
defensive character has hitherto been understood
without giving rise to any objection on the part of
the great Powers which signed the treaties on the
basis of which Germany entered into public Eu-
ropean law.

" Some years ago Russia, owing to a difference
with the Ottoman Empire, caused her troops to oc-
cupy the Danubian Principalities. The interven-
tion of the great Powers having for its object to
bring about an understanding remained frualess,
in consequence of the refusal of the Ottoman Porte
to accept purely and simply the arbitration of the
conference of Vienna, and Turkey then declared
war on Russia. She had for allies England and
France. At that epoch the Germanic Confedera-
tion, on the proposition of Austria and Prussia,
took a resolution that any act of aggression against
the non-German possessions of Austria and Prussia
should be considered as equivalent to an attack on
the Federal territory, and when some months after
the Austrian troops occupied the Danubian Prin-
cipalities, the Confederation amplified the said re-
solution to the effect that an attack on that armed
force, which was not only out of the Federal but
even of the Austrian territory, should be considered
as an aggression against the Confederation.
" I am not aware that these decisions drew
forth protests or remonstrances from Paris or Lon-
don or even from St. Petersburg ; and yet the Im-
perial Government of Russia would certainly have
found cause for opposing them if the attitude of the
Confederation had been contrary to treaties. But
if the Confederation then remained within the
limits of its rights and its duties, why should it
now falsify the object of its institution, and disre-
gard the spirit of treaties, by taking similar resolu-
tions? Or is there no analogy between present
circumstances and those which then existed ? There
is in truth a difference to be noted. In 1854 the
Confederation had in view the cl:cntuality of an
aggression coming from the east, and it now turns
its regards towards the west. But at that epoch
the intervention of the Diet was not preceded by
any act or demonstration tending to menace the
Austrian or Prussian territory; but now, on the
contrary, the intervention has not yet taken place,
but the Austrian territory is already invaded.
" Will it be objected to us at St. Petersburg that
at that epoch Germany had more to dread from
Russia than she now has from France ? The de-
spatch of Prince Gortschakoff reminds us that the
French government has solemnly proclaimed that
it has no hostile intention towards Germany. It
at the same time informs us that this declaration
was received with ready assent by the majority of
the great Powers. We, however, remember a ma-
nifesto proclaiming the intention of delivering Italy
from the Alps to the Adriatic. Has this declara-
tion also obtained the ready assent of the great
Powers ?
" The despatch of Prince Gortschakoff states once
more the intention of the Imperial Government to
watch over the maintenance of the European equi-
librium. We are profoundly impressed with the
reassuring character of this manifestation as re-
gards the future of Europe., We can appreciate in
the same degree the importance of the interest which
the Imperial Government professes to attach to the
integrity of Germany. We flatter ourselves with
the persuasion that if Russia has made sacrifices in
favour of Germany, she does not regret them, for,
as stated in the despatch of M. de Gortschakoff,
Russia acts in accordance with her own interests,
and circumstances have arisen in which Russia, in
her turn, has had reason to be satisfied that Ger-
many was equally inspired by her own interests.
Germany at present calls for no sacrifices ; she only
claims her independence in the accomplishment of
her federal duties. In thus speaking we have no
pretension to be the organ of Germany; but in
matters concerning federal affairs and the mainte-
nance of the rights as well as the obligations of
the Confederation, we think each of the German
Governments is called upon to speak, and, on our
part, we do not fear any contradiction from our
confederates. You will please to read the present
despatch to Prince Gortschakoff.

ct BEUST,7