The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-16 00:00:00

SATU

41ATHER TEMP'S OLD FOLKS' CONCERT
-I- COMPANY from AMERICA, consisting of
THIRTY LADIES and GENTLEMEN,
with their New England Orchestra, all of whom will appear in
COSTUMES of ONE HUNDRED. YEARS AGO,
and render in their unique, peculiar, and popular style, gems
of Ancient, Sacred, and National Airs. Enthusias is
r eecep-
tion of Emma J. Nichols, the favourite youug re ea
Vocalist.
ST. JAMES'S HALL, Piczadilly, every Night during the
week at S

MORNING PERFORMANCES
on WEDNESDAY and SATURDAY, at Three o'Clock.
Admission—Stalls, 3s. ; Area, 2s. ; Gallery, ls. Tickets may
be had of the principal Musicsellers and Librarians, and at
Austin's Ticket Office, 28, Piccadilly.

Id R. W. S. WOODIN'S NEW ENTERTAIN-
171L MENT, the CABINET of CURIOSITIES, POLY-
GRAPHIC HALL, King Wil lam-street, Charing-cross,
TO-NIGHT, and EVERY EVENING (except Saturday), at
Eight. Private boxes, £1 is. ; Stalls and box stalls, 3s. ;
area, 2s. ; amphitheatre, ls. - A plan of the stall they be
Feb.
seen, and seats secured (without extra charge), at Box-
office, from 10 till 4. Morning Performance, Saturday,

A RGYLL ROOMS. - GRAND MUSICAL
ENTERTAINMENT,
with the Celebrated BAND, Forty in number (established
eleven years), chosen from the Philharmonic Concerts, Royal
Italian Operas, and the Household Troops. Conducted by
Mons. Lamotte. Cornet-a-piston, M. Boulcourt.—Dancing
at Nine o'clock.-Is. admission.

MITE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ROOMS,
1 High Holborn.—The most elegant entertainment in
the world. The dancing area is most extensive. The reading
and smoking rooms on either side of the spacious galleries are
replete with every comfort, and the refreshment rooms at-
tached to the ball room are unrivalled even by Oriental
beauty. The wines, ,SLc., are of the highest quality. The
band, directed by Mr. Packer, stands alone for its excellence.
Admission, ls.
N.B.—Mr. W. M. PACKER'S Annual
MASQUE is fixed for THURSDAY, 28th FebBENEFIT BAL.

PURSUANT to. an Oider of the High Court of
Chancery, made in a cause between John Salmon and
others, plaintiffs, and Alicia Margaret Caroline Dunn, defen-
dant, all Persons claiming to be Creditors of John Dunn, the
younger, late of Threadneedle-stret, in the city of London,
merchant, who died in or about the month of August, 1860,
are, by their solicitors, on or before the Bth day of March,
1861, to come in and prove their debts at the Chambers of the
Vice-Chancellor, Sir Richard Torin Kindersley, No. 3, Stone-
buildings, Lincoln's-inn, Middlesex ; or, in default thereof,
they will be peremptorily excluded from the benefit of the
said Order.
Saturday, the 16th day of March, 1861, at one o'clock in the
afternoon, at the said Chambers, is appointed for hearing and
adjudicating upon the Claims.
Dated this 25th day of January 1861.
CHAS. PUGH, Chief Clerk.

bill laid on the table on the previous night by the
Home Secretary,to appropriate the forfeited seats
of Sudbury and 3t. Albans. This was a small con-
cession of the ,rinciple they desired to see ex-
tended, and it wis for the people of. Southwark to
strengthen their representatives to fight this battle
of reform, and y other constituencies would only
act with them, in this, they must ultimately suc-
ceed. (Cheers.)
Mr L AYARD, M.P., who was received with
vociferous cheering, said the Government, through
Lord John Russell, had invited the Liberal mem-
bers of this country to hold indignation meetings.
(Cheers and laughter.) It had been the good for-
tune of Southwark to respond first to the invita-
tion, but he confessed that he had seen very little of
indignation here, and he should rather call it a con-
tempt meeting. He supposed they had come there
that evening, not merely to make and listen to
vapouring speeches and to draw up and pass unani-
mously vapouring resolutions, but to do business—
to make the Government' understand what they
wanted and how they wanted it. Ho was elected
to represent that borough chiefly through the exer-
tions of the working men—(cheers)—and he was
not afraid to lower the franchise in boroughs. They
were called upon to hold indignation meetings.
What was meant by that ? Were they to re-
peat the scenes of 1831 and 1832 ? Were they
to burn houses and sack peaceable dwellings ?
If that was meant, there would be disappoint-
ment ; and if they were to wait for a Reform
Bill till such indignittion meetings were
held, they would have to wait for many and many
a long year. Because there were no indignation
meetings, and because they had not the scenes of
1831 and 1832, the working classes showed them-
selves entitled to the franchise. He yielded to no
man in the desire he had to see the working man
admitted to the franchise. An unscrupulous press,
or part of the press he would rather say, opposed as
it was to the liberties of the great mass of the people
accused him of recklessly giving pledges when he
was returned for that borough. He never gave
pledges, nor were any pledges asked from him.
They knew his opinions, and if he were base enough
to desert those opinions he should not be less
scrupulous iu keeping a pledge. He was sent to
Parliament because the constituency of Southwark
had confidence in his convictions, and thought he
would maintain in the House of Commons the
principles enunciated upon the hustings. (Hear.
hear.) Let him then speak boldly, and tell them
what he thought upon this question. The Govern-
ment was scarcely to be blamed in this matter. Did
any one suppose that this Government would have
given them a reform bill ? There might be some of
its members in favour of reform, but did any one
suspect the others of being reformers ? It was
known that they would not give a reform bill if
they could help it, and small blame to them, for
there were many of the members of the present
Government who would not be long there if a
reform bill were passed. It was the Liberal party
and the constituencies who were to blame. If the
Liberal party would only be true to themselves,
and if the constituencies sent men to Parliament
properly to represent their views, they might have
a reform bill, but not else. At the last general
election be stood against a Conservative, and as to
the statement that the country was indifferent
to the question, there was not a single candidate,
Whig or Conservative, Tory or radical, who did
not profess at least that he was in favour of
reform. At that election he found himself upon
the hustings, a conservative bidding against him for
a reduction of the franchise, a sort of Dutch auction
—(laughter)--and as one of the papers described it,
they had got down so low that the Conservative
offered no qualification, and he (Mr. LayaL d) went
even lower than that. (Renewed laughter.) The
bill of last session had been referred to. There were
mistakes in tnat bill, and no doubt it was not a
perfect measure, but it had the sanction of a man, of
whom he would venture to say that no other man in
the country had his knowledge of what were the
wants of the people, and what should be done to
supply those wants—he meant John Bright. (Great
cheering.) John Bright was of opinion, and rightly,
that if Parliament had passed that bill, imperfect
as it was, it would have improved the electoral list,
and a Parliament would have been returned which
would in all probability have passed such a measure
as would satisfy the country. If a better bill could
have been passed he would have been glad to see it,
but he felt, O'Connell felt after years of bitter
experience, that it was well to " Ask for all you cast,
and take all you can get." (Cheers and laughter.)
He was not there as the censor of Parliament, but
he would say that there were members representing
constituencies not 100 miles from Southwark who,
had they chosen heartily to support that bill, could
have carried it. (Cheers.) Would any one then
believe, after what passed last session, that the pre-
sent Government would bring in a reform bill ? Any
one who had entertained that opinion must be an
idiot. When the Queen's Speech was debated there
were only found 48 men in the House of Commons
to vote in favour of reform. (Cries of" Shame.")
He was for a reform bill upon broad and compre.
pensive principles ; but could they get such a mea-
sure ? He believed not. But a bill was brought
in on Thursday night which would give them four
more seats. He took these four seats, and he would
undertake to say that Chelsea and Kensington,
South Lancashire, North Yorkshire, and Birken-
head would, if not deluded, send men who were
true reformers to the house, and instead of forty-
eight there would be fifty-two of them ; and thus
they might go on increasing their strength one by
one till they could command a majority in the House
of Commons to pass a bill. Ho would rather see
anything happen than that a Tory Government
should again come into power. When he found Mr.
Disraeli and Lord Derby condemning the Italian
people, denouncing that great hero who fought the
battles of his country, and then retired to his'plough
without a shilling in his pocket, as a villain who
ought to be hung, and expressing sympathy with
Austria, he could not support these men or help
them in any way to power. (Cheers.) But setting
aside sympathy with the cause of Italy, and taking
the general political principles of Lord Derby and
Mr. Disraeli, he should regard their return to office
as one of the greatest misfortunes that could happen
to the country, and the people might depend upon
it that, were they again called into power, war and
increased taxation would serve to set aside any idea
that might be entertained of passing a measure of
reform. As long as the liberal party was divided
and without a leader, so long would they have no
reform bill, but let them choose a leader, Mr. Bright
if they would—(cheers)—and if they were only true
to each other and to their leader, and placed confi-
dence in the people, the liberal party would go on
increasing in strength, till ultimately it would
carry a reform bill. (Cheers.) Therefore, he
said, let the liberal party be true to itself, and let
the country be true to itself, and before long they
would have a reform bill that would satisfy the
wants of the people, and enable them to send
men to Parliament who would look properly
after their interests. The most important obstacle
to this was the expense of elections. He wanted
to see Parliament open to every class, but to obtain
that result they must send men into Parliament
who would work to reduce the election expenses,
and not send in sham Libetheralshavens Reform
they did
this, and not till then, y would have
Bill.
Mr. WASHINGTON WILKS next addressed the
meeting, expressing his surprise and disappoint-
ment that no measure of reform was to be brought
in by the present Government, and that Lord John.
Russell had betrayed the confidence the country
reposed in him. He objected to point by point
legislation ; and taking the unsatisfactory appro-
priation of the four seats of Sudbury and St. Albans
as an instance of this kind of legislation, he said the

Mr. FAWCETT, who was loudly cheered, then
briefly addressed the meeting. He dismissed the
historical part of the question as well known and
Uninteresting, and directed his remarks to the
practical point, how were the views of the people
upon the question of reform to be carried out ? He
could not expect that the Liberal party would for
the future be more true to their colours than they
had been hitherto, and he did not think that any
legislation upon this important subject could be
expected until after another dissolution. What
had tended to destroy the efficiency of our present
electoral system, and had been an obstacle in the
way of the passing of a Reform Bill, had been. the
weight of election expenses, to check which some
step must be taken before the people could be pro-
perly represented.
The resolution was carried.

A vote of thanks was, upon the motion of Mr.
DAY, accorded to the chairman, and the meeting
then separated.

THE UNITED STATES.

We have received New York papers of January
31 and February 1. A telegraphic summary of
their intelligence appeared in our paper yesterday.
The United States ship of war Brooklyn had
been despatched to land supplies at Fort Pickens,
Pensacola. The captain's orders were, that after
doing this he should remain off the harbour and
watch the movements of the volunteer troops in
possession of the Navy-yard and other points.
Should he perceive any indication of an intention
to make an attack on Fort Pickens, he was to take
all needful measures to aid in the defence of the
post.

At the latest date it was believed at New York
that a collision at Pensacola had been avoided.

On January 31st General Scott was before the
Special House Committee appointed to investigate
the matter of the threatened attack upon the capi-
tal. He testified that, although there was no posi-
tive information of any conspiracy for that pur-
pose, there was sufficient knowledge in possession
of the Government to warrant the precautionary
steps which had been taken.
The representatives of Bremen, Great Britain,
and Spain respectively have addressed communi-
cations to the State department relative to the con-
dition of affairs at Charleston, S.C., as regards the
customs and Federal Courts, asking what the
course of the Government will be in certain con-

tingencies.
The following despatch, dated Washington, Jan,
31, gives a summary of the negotiations that had
taken place on this subject :
Lord Lyons, December 31, acquaints Secretary Black
that he has received a letter from the British consul at
Charleston, in which it is stated that South Carolina has
passed an ordinance declaring, in effect, that the custom-
houses of the United States in South Carolina are con-
verted into custom-houses of that State; and the revenue
laws adopted show how the duties are to be collected on
the account of that State. The consul calls attention to
several practical difficulties connected with the entry and
clearance of British vessels, which may arrive at any mo-
ment. Lord Lyons requests the. Government to furnish him
without delay such information respecting its wishes and
intentions as may enable him to give definite instructions
to the consul, and to reratve any apprehension which may
exist that the abolition of the de facto United. States case
tom-houses will be allowed to subject British vessels for
commerce to loss, injury, or inconvenience.
The Secretary is informed by Lord Lyons that the South
Carolina authorities have removed the buoys, withdrawn
the light ship, &c., and requests that the lights and beacons
be replaced, or some moans adopted to warn vessels of their
danger,.and, in conclusion, desires such information as will
allay the anxiety of British subjects.
Mr. Tassara, the Spanish Minister, Dec. 31, calls Secre-
tary Black's attention to a letter from the Spanish consul
at Charleston, relative to the customs matter at that city.
Among the documents is a letter from Judge Magrath,
dated Executive Department, saying the activity of the
pilots will prevent any serious injury or inconvenience to
commerce.
On the 30th inst. Secretary Floyd replied to Lord Lyons,
and sent a copy of his letter to Messrs.. Schleiden and Tes-
sera. 11e said he laid Lord Lyon's communication before
the President, who would deeply regret that any injury
should happen to the commerce of foreign or frientdly
nations, and especially that the British subjects at Charles-
ton should suffer by the anomalous state of things existing
there. Secretary Black quotes from the law to show that
the jurisdiction of the Federal Government to impose duties
on goods imported into the United States and collect the
duties is exclusive. Whether the state of things now
existing at Charleston will or will not be regarded as a
sufficient reason for nOJ executing the penalties incurred by
the British subjects, is a question Lord Lyons will see no
necessity for raising until it practically arises. Each case
will no doubt have its peculiarities. Secretary Black regrets
that this consideration compels him to decline giving any
assurances on the point presented. The Treasury Depart-
ment, he says, will give public information as to the condi-
tion in which South Carolina has put the coast.
A volunteer battalion for the defence of the
Federal Government was being organised in New
York.
On the 31st ult. Mr. Seward gave another ex-
pression to his views in regard to the condition of
the country, on the occasion of the presentation by
him to the Senate of the monster petition from the
citizens of New York, praying for some adjustment
of the present difficulties. The petition is signed
by 63,000 persons, and would, Mr. Seward stated,
reach three times across the Senate Chamber. Mr.
Seward said :
A great many and various interests and elements are
brought into conflict in this sudden crisis—a great many
personal ambitions, and a great many sectional interests—
and it would be strange if they would all be accommodated,
arranged, and harmonised so as to admit and give full effect
to the one profoundest and most enduring sentiment or
passion of the United States, that of devotion to the Union.
These, whether you call them secession or revolution on the
one side, or coercion or defiance on the other, are all to sub-
side and pass away before Union, which is to become the
grand absorbing object of interest, affection, and duty upon
the part of the citizens of the United States. A great many
partisan interests are to be repressed and suppressed to give
place to the partisan interests expressed by the Charleston
platform, the Baltimore platform, the Chicago platform, by
the Poplar Sovereignty platform, if indeed the Union is
in danger and is to be saved. 'With these interests and these
platforms, everybody standing upon them or connected with
them, is to pass away if the Union is in danger and is to be
saved. But it will require a very short time if this Union
is in danger and does require to be saved for all these inte-
rests, all these platforms, and all these men to disappear.
You,way of theeverybpordesye,rwvahtoion of this Union,shalloppose,reswisilt,l
appearorstan dasimn
o:he
on a summer's eve, when the whirlwind of popular indigna
tion arises that shall be excited at the full discovery that
this Union is endangered through faction and even imprac-
ticability on the one part. I have hope and confidence that
this is to come around just as I have said, and quite soon.
enough, because I perceive, although we may shut our eyes
to it, that the country and mankind cannot shut their eyes
to the true nature of this crisis. There has been a real, a
vital question in this country for twelve years at least—a
question of slavery in the territories of the United States.
It was strongest in its development in 1850, when all the
Pacific coast and all the territory intervening between it
and the Louisiana purchase was thrown upon our hands all
of a sudden, for the purpose of our organising in them free
and independent republican government as a basis of
future states, and it has been an earnest, and I regret to
say, an angry controversy; but the admission of Kansas
into the Union yesterday settled at least all that
was vital or important in the vestion, leaving behind
nothing but the passions which the contest had engendered.
Kansas is iu the Union. California and Oregon are in the
Union, and now the same contest divides and distracts this
union for freedom and slavery in the territories of the United
States, just as before. What is the extent of the territories
which remain after the admission of Minesota, Odrefigvoeniianun-
wweYntoyr-kiouthresinacrhgeSsttaotfetsfhho:sostotlrohdefmisaining
Kansas ? One million sixty-three thousand an
that of the
dred square miles—an area twenty-four that.
Newy York are
territories
accepted by the
statesy etattteoso f
beNTe fully
of the United States. Now,v en:nuke:est
d
of
a judicial decree,
nt
uels l
slave d
territoryve j
g')
pperation by it, every inch
I speak of that decision
but as it is accepted and enforced by the
not as I accept it,
upheld by it, and put in practicalterritory
organised within
der
is
has South Carolina. Over a eoFilderable portion
88 pouch administration
existing
territorya i
administration.snds l atvhee
very