The Sun.
London, England, 1859-08-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THUIZSDAIir EVENING, AUGUST 18, 1859.

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

Voitg. AU-GUST MEETING.--WEDNESDAY.

The Zetland Stakes of 50 sovs (Handicap), added to a
Sweepstakes of 5 Boys each. One mile. 16 subs.

Captain Christie's Kestrel, by Tearaway, 6 yrs, Est 71b
(L. Snowden) 1
Mr. Stephenson's Springwell, 2 yrs,"sst 81b .. (Bottom) 2
Mr.. J. Dawson's Lady Kingston, 3 yrs, sst 91b
(Edwards) 3
The following also ran :—Caliph, llesperithusa, Cox-
wood, Tom King, Raspberry, Uralian, Aristodemus,
Maggie, Gibside Fairy, Charlotte, SeUorita filly, Rosary
filly.

Betting-4 to 1 agst Kestrel, 7to 1 each agst Gibside
Fairy and Aristodemus, Bto 1 agst Springwell, 10 to 1
each agst Uralian and Caliph, 100 to 8 agst Raspberry.
Won by a neck ; a length and a half between the second
and third; bad fourth; Raspberry was fifth, and Gibside
Fairy sixth. •
The Yorkshire Oaks of 10 soya each, sft, with 100 added,
for three-yr .old fillies, Bst 71b each. Allowances and
penalties. The second to receive 50 sovs out of the
stakes, and the third to save her stake. One mile and a
quarter. 55 subs.
Capt. Gray's Bilberry, Bst 31b (Withington) 1
Lord Portsmouth's Olympias, Bst 71b (Fordham) 2
Mr. Harland's Maid of the Mist, Bst (Challoner) 3
Thefollowing also ran:—Archduchess, Mrs. Stowe, Qui
Vive, and Prelude.
Betting-7 to 4 agst Prelude, 4to 1 agst Archduchess,

5 to 1 agst Maid of the Mist.
Bilberry was first off, but was soon pulled back, and the
running was made alternately by Qui Vive and Olympias.
Opposite the stand, Bilberry came with a rush, and beat
Olympias-1)y a neck ; same distance between the second
and third ; bad fourth. The favourite never showed'pro-
minently in the race„
The Juvenile Stakes of 100 sovs. each, 30 ft., for two-yr-
colts, Bst 71b, fillies, Bst 51b. The second to save his
stake. Three-quarters of a mile. 7 subs.
Mr. Merry's Trovatore, Bst 71b
Lord Glasgow's Makeless filly, Bst 51b (Alderoft) 2
Sir C. Monck's Grenadier, Bst 71b (J. Osborne) 3
Betting-2 to lon Trovatore, who made all the running,
and won by two lengths ; Grenadier was beaten off.
Second Year of the Third North of England Biennial
Stakes of 10 sovs each, h.ft., with 100 added, for three-
yr-olds ; colts, Bst 71b ; fillies, Bst 21b. Certain penalties
and allowances. The second to receive a sum equal to
10 per cent. on the whole stake, and the third to save his
stake. Two miles over the Old Course. 49 subs.
Lord Zetland's Volatile, 7st 111 b (Challoner) 1
Sir C. Monck's Gamester, Bst 71b (Alderoft) 2
Mr. Johnson na. Willie Wright, Bst 71b (Bumby) 3
The following also ran :—Layton, Ticket-of• Leave,
Eller, Black Eagle, and Vigo.
Her Majesty's Plate of 100 guineas ; for three yr-olds, 7st
71b ; four, Bst 121 b ; five, 9st 41b ; six and aged, 9st 71b
Two miles.
Lord Stamford's Newcastle, by Newminster, 3 years
(Fordham) 1
Mr. F. Higgins's Fisherman, 6 years (Wells) 2
Mr. Rider's Punch, 3 years (Charlton) 3
Four others also ran.—Won by half a length.

The Convivial Stakes of 10 sovs each, with 100 added, for
two-year-olds ; colts, Bst 61b ; fillies, Bst 21b ; 31b allowed.
Five furlongs 44 yards.
Mr. I'Anson's Cramond, by Andover (31b) (L. Snowden) 1
Mr. Hobson's Restes (31b) 21b extra (Wells) 2
Mr. Plummer's Thormanby, 21b extra (Plumb) 3
The following also ran :—Homeward Bound, Viatka,
Leprochaun, Emily, Sutton, High Treason, Sparrow
Hawk, Miss Agnes, Lord Milton, The Prophet.
Betting-7 to 4 agst Thormanby, sto 1 each agst High
Treason and Restes, 7 to 1 agst Leprechaun, 10 to 1 agst
Cramond, 100 to 8 agst Sparrow Hawk, and 100 to 7 agst
Emily.
Thormanby, Emily, and Restos got away nearly in a
line, the others lying well up. No change took place till
the half distance, when the leading trio began to drawaway
from their horses. A fine race ensued from just below the
enclosure, when Cramond and Viatka joined the leaders
and Cramond, answering very gamely to Snowden's call,
won a good race by half a neck. There was a neck be-
tween the second and third, and half a length between the
third and fourth. Emily was fourth, and Viatka fifth.
The Selling Stakes of 5 sovs each, with 25 added. T.Y.C.
Mr. Catton's General Havelock, 3 yrs (£3O) ..... (Little 1
Mr. Cliff's Babbler, 3 yrs (£3O) . (Gardiner 2
Mr. Dawson's Sir Joseph, 3 yrs (£3O) (Challoner 3
Mr. Taylor's Rough Bob, 4 yrs (Ashman) 4

THE NIAVE 110U1?S' MOV,EMENT.

• TO VIIE-EDITOR OF THE SUN.
SM,-Will y -oil kindly insert the enclosed in your
next paper ?
Yours respc ctfully, on behalf of the United
Trades, GEORGE POTTER, Sec.
Paviours' Arms, Johnson-street,
Westminster, Aug. 17.

"-TO THE BUILDING TRADES OF THE

UNITED KINGDOM.
"Fellow Workmen,—The public press and our
communications with your different societies have
made you acquainted with the nature of our de-
mand for a reaction of the working day to nine
hours, agitated by us in a calm, peaceful, and legal
manner during 20 months. By the same means
you have also been informed that having failed to
induce our employers to grant us an interview or
give the slightest consideration to our appeal, and
having exhausted every moral probability of gain-
ing our desires, we had no other alternative left
than the workman's last resource. Accordingly,
the men in the Messrs. Trollope's employ deter-
mined to cease:working until the nine hours should
be conceded them as a day's work. You are aware
that the employers of London immediately deter-
mined on closing the whole of their establishments
and casting their men in idleness on the streets,
with a determination of keeping them there in
idleness and misery unless they consent to give up
the benefits of their benevolent societies, and de-
clare themselves slaves by agreeing to the follow-
ing declaration :
" 'No. .

" G. Trollope and Sons.
" I declare lam not now, nor will I during the conti-
nuance. of m.y engagement with you becom6,* Mettle fir'
support any society which, directly or indirectly, interferes
with the arrangements of this or any other establishment,
or the hours or terms of labour, and that I recognise the
right of employees and employed individually to make any
trade engagements on which they may choose to agree.
" Datemd of 18 .

"' London, August, 1859.'
" The stump counter of this is left in the book,
with the name of the applicant attached. To make
such an agreement would be to give up our free-
dom, and to IA us of those benefits which our thrift
has provided for sickness and old age. This we are
determined not to do, and we call upon you to as-
sist us in opposing the infliction of this slavery
which the employers are seeking to impose on us.
" The employers are sending their agents among
you for the purpose of inducing you to come to Lon-
don to supply our places. Recollect that it is they.
who have forced us out of work, who have endea-
voured, by robbing us of the means of living, to
rob us through our necessities of our liberty as men.
Will you play the parts of Cains and Esaus ? Can
you not see that if you enable them by the assist-
ance of yOur labour to crush us you will be rivet-
ting their fetters more closely on yourselves ?
"Our cause is your cause; our cause is the cause
of truth—our request is founded on justice.
"Rally round us, then, and byresisting the temp-
tations of our employers' agents ~.Inable us to gain
this boon both for ourselves and you.
" Signed on behalf of the United Building Trades.
"R. W. GRAY, Mason.
" HY. NOBLE, Bricklayer.
"w. 'ITIVAmARA, Plasterer.
" THOS, G. FACEY, Painter.
" PETER CRESIIIII, Labourer.
" GEORGE POTTER, Secretary."

(Ftom the Daily News.)
The Reply put forth by the United Building
Trades Conference to the Address of the Master
Builders must have been read with deep and melan-
choly interest by a large number of persons. It is
a document which supplies ample material for com-
ment; but onepoint of this strange manifesto stands
out so conspicuously as to throw all the rest into
the shade. We cannot tell whether the authors

are aware of this. We know not whether they
are sensible that they have committed their cause
to two or three sentences of this declaration, so that
by the accuracy of these few lines of their reply it
must stand or fall. If they can be made to see
what a mistake they have fallen into they must do
one of two things—admit their error and go to
work again, or make themselves subject to the re-
proach of continuing the Strike in defiance of rea-
son and justice, and therefore under the imputation
of bad feelings. We own ourselves fairly puzzled
as to whether the leaders of such a multitude as
are now out on strike can be so utterly ignorant of
what it is most important for them to know, as
would appear by the concluding paragraph of the
Reply to the Masters, or whether they are trying
to practise on the ignorance of their followers. It
is not necessary for us to determinethis point. But
it is necessary for us, as for all sincere friends of
the working classes, to expose the ignorance, real
or pretended, which brings such fearful conse-
quences after it.

The masters believed they were saying something
" trite" when they said, "As for the Nine Hours
Movement, it is a mere device for compelling other
trades to toil more that the builders may labour
less—for raising the rent of the poor man's cottage
and reducing his wages, by enabling the bricklayer
to abstract from the common labour-fund more than

s share." The authors of the Reply have disin-
genuously stopped at the word " wages," omitting
the rest of the sentence, and going on to answer the
first part in a different sense from that which we
here see that it bears. The meaning is plain enough.
If the men who build the cottage were to work
only nine hours in ten, of course a tenth man, or a
tenth day, must be added to every nine to do the
former amount of work. This is the express pur-
pose of the strike—or one of the several express
purposes avowed by Mr. G. Potter. The tenth
man's or day's wages are a new cost added to the
expense of building a house; the occupant must
pay a higher rent in consequence ; and he must
toil the harder to earn the means of paying it. Thus
would the part-idle builders be the oppressors of
other labourers, if they could carry their point ;
and thus do they make it the duty of every just
person in society to oppose their encroachment for
the sake of other classes of working men.
And how do the spokesmen of the strike answer
this plain statement of the masters ? They say
(stopping short at the words quoted) : " Wherever
the hours of labour in one great branch of industry
have been reduced, a corresponding reduction has
followed in others; and a rise in the wages of the
building trade will as surely be followed by in-
creased value and increased wages in other trades
as a rise in the price of bread leads to a correspond-
ing increase in the price of t .e other necessaries of
life. Thus, the common value of all things would
become increased, and the wealth of the nation
greater." Such is the paragraph which professes
to deal with " fallacy" on the part of the masters,
but which is itself so charged with confusion and
mistake as to require to be set up as a warning to
all who are committing their fortunes to this des-
perate strike.
In the first place, the reduction of the hours of
labour, in factories and elsewhere, is rendered prac-
ticable only by the same amount of work being done
in the shorter time, or by the wages being reduced
in proportion to the shortening of the time. In fac-
tories, where the people used to work far too long,
they became languid and exhausted ; and when
offered an earlier dismissal they found they could
do as much work in eleven hours as in twelve ;
and they did it. The other argument in favour of
the shorter hours was, that smaller wages went
further, from the strength, and spirit, and time of
the worker being greater at the close of' the day.
It was on these grounds that shorter hours were
found to be practicable and good, and that the good
spread from one employment to another. But it
never was, and never can be, possible for one trade
after another to employ workmen for a shorter
time at the same wages, and without increased
briskness to make up for the time remitted. If we
could for a moment suppose such an arrangement
made, we should see how the plan would lead to
the ruin of the country, and of every trade in it.
We have seen how the rent of the workman's
cottage would be raised—and the cost of the noble-
man's mansion would be increased in proportion--
by the reduction of the hours of labour, or (what
the Reply very properly treats as the same thing)
the raising of the builders' wages. If the process
spread through other employments, as the Reply
suggests, everything produced by them would be-
come dearer. There Mr. Potter and his comrades
agree with the rest of the world. But, unlike
other people, they speak of this added costliness as
a t
good thin,
as a gain, as wealth ! Let any poor
man say what he thinks on this question. Had
o
the agricultural labourer rather have 12s. a week
when wheat is 80s. a quarter, and other provisions
are dear in proportion, or 10s. with wheat at 40s. ?
In the one case, his entire earnings must go in
food for his family, who are otherwise destitute ;
whereas in the other case he can feed his children
better, and yet have money over for clothes, rent,
and LI. Ask the bricklayer whether he had
rather work ten hours a-day for 30s. a-week, and
pay as usual for everything he buys and uses, or
have one-tenth more pay or less work, and pay
higher to the same amount all round for his rent,
his clothes, his fuel, his food, his furniture, and

whatevever he needs. In the former case he may
live comfortably ; in the latter, he must go to ruin.
Yet Mr. Potter and his comrades actually speak of
this increased dearness as a good thing—an an in-
crease of what they call "value"—as an increase of
wealth in the country ! It is when the wealth of
the country is small that people have to pay high ;
not when. it is great. When labour is dear, so
that the farmers of a country cannot produce all
the corn and beef that they would if labour were
cheap, there is less wealth of bread and beef in the
country ; the price is higher, and more people must
go without. People have been in the habit of
thinking that the wealth lay in the other direc-
tion ; that the moderate cost of labour, and the
plentiful production of food— the existence of a
great wealth of food in the country—was a good
thing for everybody, and especially for the
labourer.
We suspect Mr. Potter and his comrades have
been misled by the word " value "—strange as it
seems that they should be in so plain a case.
" Value" is one thing when it means convenience,
and another when it means the money price of a
thing. Air and water are valuable to everybody ;
but they bear no price, and do not, as the Reply
says, make " the wealth of the, nation greater." By
value, then, they mean the money-price of things ;
but how can the wealth of the nation be increased
by dearness of price, any more than the welfare of
individuals ? • The high prices are an effect of
scarcity, not of wealth—a consequence of poverty;
and we need not explain that they are also a cause
of poverty to purchasers. If other trades followed
the course of the builders in making their labour
dearer,•builders and all would presently be sinking
into poverty, and " the nation" with them. So
much for the increase .of value:" We trust the
nten on strike will not be misled by such gross j
error.

It appears, however, that there is yet a further
delusion in the Painds, or snare in the statement of
the authors of the Reply. They seem to suppose
that there is some unlimited source of wages in the
country from which any quantity can be got, as
men could get water from the sea. Let their fol-
lowers consider for a moment, and they will see
that this is not true, and never can be true. The
masters have a certain amount of capital. A large
proportion of it is invested in shops, machinery,
and the material of their works ; and the rest is em-

ployed in paying for labour. If the employer can
buy with it sufficient labour to build what will

yield him a profit, besides replacing all expenses,
he can live on that profit, and go ou to new con-
tracts ; but if the labour is dear, so as to yield him
no profit to live upon, he cannot go on building
more. So far is the masters' capital from being a
fund that will answer any calls upon it ! The
Reply says that the capitalist who can employ
1,000 men is as powerful as those 1,000 men, who
must therefore combine against him. Here is the
same misuse of the word " power." :The capi-
talist has the power of paying 1,000 men if
they chooso to work for him ; that is all. If they
do not choose it he will probably obtain others,
with reluctance and at great inconvenience, from
some other neighbourhood. The end of such
" power," " wealth," and " value" is, that capital is
wanted, employment lessened, commodities are
made dearer, and wages permanently reduced by
the introduction of new competitors into the labour
market. Such is the dreary prospect of the build-
ing trades, while the leaders of the strike are talk-
ing about the dearness of houses, clothes, and food,
being a way to wealth instead of poverty. Their
followers had better:see whether this is what they
mean their spokesmen to say on their behalf.