The Sun.
London, England, 1861-08-13 00:00:00

- -.
TILE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the CorrespontleTtt of the Daily News.)
BOSTON, U.S., JULY 29.

The battle at Bull's Run, near Manassas Junc-
tion, has been fought, and now, as the result is
more correctly understood, it proves to be very
different from what was first supposed. The early
reports which reached Washington were the exag-
gerations of those who painted facts with the dark
hues of their own affrighted feelings, and this pic-
ture was daguerreotyped by the telegraph. Now,
however, as the smoke has rolled away, and we
draw near to the truth, the whole affair is some-
what altered in the features it appeared to have a
week ago. The facts are these :—The Federal
troops were repulsed after a severe and exhausting
fight with an enemy superior in numbers, constantly
reinforced, and to a great extent entrenched behind
batteries laid with careful skill and worked with
terrible effect. The personal bravery of the assail-
ants, their gallant charges under the most galling
fire, abundantly prove that it requires more than
personal bravery to gain a victory over a skilful
foe, who has the advantage of numbers, position,
and entrenched fortifications. The Federal army
lacked a directing head and an organising mind,
and some of its regiments were badly officered. The
latter fact will account in some degree for the confu-
sion which characterised the retreat. The panic
was also increased, if it did not originate, by the
spectators and waggoners, who had passed too near,
and were within
,the line of battle. The broken
and woody country, by confining the range of
view of one regiment, and keeping it in ignorance
of its neighbours, made all things uncertain, and
heightened the confusion. But in this also the first
reports were an exaggeration. The panic was not
so general as the fugitives supposed. Besides a large
reserve force of 16,000, a portion of the contending
forces halted at Centreville and remained there
until eight o'clock the next morning, and in the
meantime secured several of the cannon left in the
field and saved a large amount of baggage.

On the other hand it is evident from the move-
ments of the Secessionists that they regarded the
result of the battle as a repulse of their enemy, fer
their main body, instead of making pursuit imme-
diately fell back. The evidence comes to us from
several independent sources that the loss of the
rebels was the greater of the two, but of this I can-
not speak with certainty. Had they been assured
of victory they certainly would have gone forth to
gather its fruits. They had, as already stated, the
superiority of numbers and the advantage of posi-
tion. Their men fought with bravery, yet they
showed in this case as in every contest thus far a
great liking to their batteries, and did not in any
great numbers venture out after they had repulsed
their foe, and the picture is presented of two armies
after a hard-fought battle—the one flying in con-
fusion and haste, and the other falling back upon
the main body, thus distancing each other by an
opposite divergence.
Leaving details, there are a few general conside-
rations to be presented. The first great mis-
take, and the real cause of the disaster to the
Federal troops, was in fighting at all. The nature
of the ground, the junction formed by General
Johnston with Beauregard, and the strength of the
defences, were such as to make it impossible for
the assailing party to carry the day. Had General
Scott been left alone, he would not have moved at
all until he had made more ample preparations.
But the Americans are in a hurry ; it is difficult
for them to wait ; hence they became impatient at
the slowness of his movements. Some of the lead-
ing New York republican journals goaded the ad-
ministration on, and when Congress assembled the
pressure became so great that General Scott yielded
and the command was given to advance. The result
of this mistake has become a part of history.
The battle has but little strategic importance
beyond the delay it will cause, and possibly a
change in the plans of the campaign. It has not in
.the least crippled the resources of the Northern
army, but has revealed its weak points. The in-
efficiency, and in some cases the cowardice of its
officers, the lack of unity and organization of the
different parts into one grand whole, are now more
'Sully known, and steps will be taken at once for a
thorough organization and much greater enlarge-
ment of numbers. An excellent opportunity will
be given for those officers of experience who are
of foreign birth and ardent friends of freedom
to enter into the service. A number from Prussia,
it is said, have just reached Washington, and will
probably be accepted with cheerfulness. Civilians,
for a time at least, will leave the management of
the army to educated and efficient military men,
while the people, rising with the necessities of the
occasion, will do their part with renewed zeal and
energy. The ardent and sanguine hope of success
which had so generally taken hold of the North
served to deepen the gloom and disappointment
with which the news of the disaster was first re-
ceived. But this has passed away, leaving a sober-
ing influence, and giving place to more resolute and
renewed vigour. Both sides, undoubtedly, begin to
see the mistake each has made in undervaluing his
foe. If this should open the minds of Northern
statesmen to the real magnitude of the struggle,
and a full perception of the real strength of the
secession movement, an important point will have
-been gained, and the North will be saved from a
repetition of the disasters of last week. Reinforce-
ments of Federal troops are now moving by the
thousand towards Washington, and Gen. M'Clellan
has been called from Western Virginia to the capi-
tal, and assumed the command of the army on the
Potomac.
Another result of this battle will be to show the
People of the North that this war will not be so
port EIS many have supposed. The hurry to make
it brief has served to lengthen it. I have always
thought that even some of the most prominent
American statesmen mere mistaken in the opinion
they have entertained that the war would soon be
ended. The contest in which the people are now
engaged is too great and serious in its consequences,
and involves considerations too vast and solemn in
their character to be decidd without a tremendous
struggle. I will briefly give, my reasons for this

opinion.
The slave power in this country represents an
interest valued at a thousand million of dollars.
This interest, based on servile labour, has given
rise to a peculiar t7pe of society, ideas, and insti-
tutions. If slavery has not increased in the rapid
ratio of free labour, it has certainly largely in-
creased. Upon this ireatitution of slavery there has
arisen an oligarchy made up of a dominant class
which rules the South with the unity and force of
a fixed and permanent despotism. Whatever is not
in the interest of this institution, either in opinion
or action, is at once suppressed or driven out. This
it does from the instinct and necessity of self-pre-
servation. Besides thus moving as a unit at home,
this power has ruled this country. It has directed
legislation, bullied in Congress, pressed the judi-
ciary into its service, dictated treaties, declared
war, guided the foreign policy of the nation, and
elected Presidents. All this it has done, keeping
in mind the interests of slavery. By this long exer-
cise of power it has grown self-reliant and proud,
and looks down upon the North with an air of arro-
gant superiority. As it gained in strength it has
increased in its demands. This is true of every
dominant class always and everywhere. These de-
mands of the South have been growing more and
more, until, after many fruitless attempts at resist•
ance, the North in the Last Presidential contest in-
augurated a change, and the South for the first time
saw
itself defeated at the ballot-box. The sagacious
and far-seeing statesmen of the South have been
aware that thisresoi would sooner or later come and have
yea to break up this Union and form a new con-
federacy. The oligarchy which for a generation has
made and unmade Presidents will never willingly
aims at the etrattrhoe, second place in the Republic. It
expalnafi •
Holding in its hands
the half continent. It dreams
of unlimited
the production of one of the woold's great staples,
which affects the immediatean wel fare of millions, it
has reached to, such
extravagant estimate of its
importance as to suppose that the great cotton
manufacturing interests of both the old and the
new world are its subjects. Lowell send Laurence,
Manchester and Leeds, are the dependents of this
great king. He rides alike in New York and Liver-
pool. Exaggerated as this feeling, may be, it has 4

real existence in the South. Even in the last °
speech of Mr. Davis on his return from Manassas
Junction, he tells the people of Richmond that the
enemy, with the taxes they have imposed for 20
years, had fitted an army on a magnificent scale.
This has been the prevailing tone of Southern men
in Congress. To such a height has this reached,
that to hold a secondary place in the Union is to
keep them in subjection, for this is their meaning
of the word. To prevent the expansion of slavery
they regard as an infringement of their liberties.
Now, I ask any intelligent and reflective man, if
he thinks it reasonable or probable that a ruling
class with this history, these opinions, interests, and
aims, will yield without a terrible struggle ? Taking
this view of the subject, I am not sanguine of a
speedy settlement of the contest, and look for the
final solution of the problem only to the time when
the slave power shall be struck to death. A re-
petition of the disasters of last week would rapidly
hasten this. But sooner or later it must come, or
this North American continent mast be given over
to slavery. If the South had consented to remain
in the Union, and permitted its servile institutions
to be hemmed in, then the power would gradually
have fallen from its hands and a peaceable solution
of the question accomplished. But such is not the
way these changes are brought about. No class of
men who hold power ever willingly see it pass out
of their hands, especially if this power is connected
with their interests entwined around all their in-
stincts and their traditions. But the arrogance and
persistency with which they urge their claims has-
ten the event they deprecate. The precise point I
would bring out here is, that in view of all the facts
in the case these is little ground for hope at present
of a wide-spread reaction at the South; and it seems
to me the sooner Northern statesmen give up this
delusion the sooner they will initiate those bold and
decisive measures which meet the exigencies of this
great emergency. This movement of the slave
power has not had its origin in a momentary
passion, but is the result of a gradually increasing
opinion and a fixed purpose. Now if anyone sup-
poses that a power like this, so long dominant, will
easily or readily yield, it seems to me he has read
history and observed men to little practical purpose.
In this connexion a recent debate in the United
States Senate on the war and its relation to slavery
is significant. Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, offered an
amendment to the resolution then under dis-
cussion, " that no part of the army or navy shall
be used to subjugate or hold as conquered pro-
vinces any sovereign state lately one of the United
States, nor to interfere in any way with African
slavery." The conservative republicans repelled
the insinuation that it was intended to subjugate
the South or to abolish slavery. Still, even this
class of politicians took the ground that rather than
one inch of the country be torn away by traitors
they would have the slaves liberated. This, bear
in mind, is the opinion not simply of such decided
anti-slavery men as Mr. Sumner, bat also of such
conservative statesmen as Mr. Sherman. Events
are fast approaching the point where the North
must either yield the ground or move in the direc-
tion of emancipation. This, I think, is the logic of
history. From 10,000 to 20,000 slaves were em-
ployed in making formidable entrenchments at
Manassas Junction. Will the Government of the
United States permit this to go on without holding
out to all the promise of freedom ? If so, they
give aid and succour to the enemy, and neglect to
use the means of defence which is placed in their
hands. Soon, however, the necessities of the case
will demand a more vigorous policy on the part of
the Federal authorities, and the scruples which now
haunt short-sighted or timid minds will be scat-
tered by the approaching storm. That it may
hasten the approach of this second declaration of
American independence, when the principles of
universal liberty shall be proclaimed, is the earnest
desire and prayer of all true freedom-loving men
of the North.

(From the Special Correspondent of the Times)
WASHINGTON, JULY 29.

On this day week the Confederates could have
marched into the capital of the United States. They
took no immediate steps to follow up their unex-
pected success. To this moment their movements
have betrayed no fixity of purpose or settled plan
to pursue an aggressive war, or even " to liberate
Maryland if they have the means of doing so."
And, indeed, their success was, as I suspected, not
known to them in its full proportions, and their
loss, combined, perhaps, with the condition of their
army, as much as political and prudential motives
actuating their leaders, may have had a fair share
in producing the state of inactivity with which the
Federalists have no reason to be dissatisfied. Let
us look around, now that the smoke of battle has
cleared away, and try to examine the condition
of the ground. First as regards foreign relations.
The personal good feeling and perfect understand-
ing which exist between the representatives of the
great European Powers directly interested in Ame-
rica are founded on an appreciation of the exact de-
mands of the interests they represent, and on the
necessities of a common honourable policy. Eng-
land, having a vast commerce directly involved in
the contest, has naturally been the first to provide
for its safety in American waters, and has also felt
it desirable, in the face of the desperate counsels
which have been given on this side of the Atlantic,
to furnish a trifling reinforcement to her small mili-
tary establishment in Canada. The fleet at present
in observation is neither powerful nor offensively
disposed, and no exception can be taken to the mode
in which it has acted by the most sensitive Ameri-
cans, although attempts have been made to arouse
vulgar prejudices by erroneous statements respect-
ing the views and declarations of Admiral Milne.
The authoritative assertions on that subject in some
of the journals here are destitute of authority, ex-
cept that of the writer. What is of more consequence,
perhaps, in respect to the preservation of friendly
relations between England and the United States is
the fact that a great change has come over the
views of the members or member of the Cabinet
who was supposed to seek the reconstruction of the
Union in a war with Great Britain, and that the
most favourable disposition is evinced to cultivate
our good graces, not by any sacrifice of pfinciples,
but by the adoption of a tone at once calm, just,
and dignified, which will be appreciated by the
Foreign-office. It is not probable either that we
shall hoar much more about the immediate annexa-
tion of Canada, and the fury of the 750,000 " bet-
ter than French" soldiers with which we were
relations. there
threatened will be for a time averted. But if there
are such pleasant changes in the diplomatic and
press
commercial world
nothingln
the s
a t allen a
tlike
tt them
pro-
posed m
rion.
posed to clap a round ten per cent. on all
the duties to be levied under the Morrill Tariff,
and Mr. Simmons, the aged father
of this wicked
little bit of political economy, declares he will
thereby raise 45,000,000 dols. of
additional re-
' venue. The House of Representatives, on the con-
trary, propose to raise revenue by taxes on coffee,
tea, sugar, pepper, spices, and articles of the sort,
not of necessity nor of luxury, but in the interme-
diate position, so that every one who uses them now
will continue to do so, notwithstanding the tax, and
no one will be the worse for it. On these plans it
is probable there will be a conference between the
which the two branches of the Legislature, in
' or amalgamated.
con-
tending systems may be adjusted
The income-tax to be adopted will give some
40,000,000 dols. according to the calculations of
"
the designers, and the people fondly believe it will
be at once removed as soon as the war is over. If the
increase of ten per cent. on the Morrill Tariff be
actually passed, it is difficult to see how France can
continue to regard with friendly feelings such a
direct attack on her great article of exportation.
England is accustomed to bear these things from
the United States, but France cannot afford any
meddling or mischief in her wine trade and her
tobacco monopoly-. Mr. Mercier, the energetic and
able representative of our ally, is said to entertain
strong notions that the contest now waging cannot
terminate in the success of the North in what it
proposes to itself. M. de Stoeckl, the Russian
Minister, who has lived long in America, knows her
statesmen and the genius of her people and insti-
tution, and is a man of sagacity and vigorous intel-
lect, is believed to hold similar views. Perhaps the
only Minister who has really been neutral, observ-
bag faithfully all engagements to actually existing

Powers, and sedulously avoiding %all occasion of 1
offence or irritability to an irritable people, rendered
more than usually so by the evil days which have
fallen upon them, is the discreet and loyal noble-
man who represents Great Britain, and who is the
only one threatened with a withdrawal of passports
and all sorts of pains and penalties for the pre-
sumed hostility of his Government to the United
States. The world sees that the North has not
treated the Southerners as rebels—we will not say it
has not dared to do so. But the Federalists have
treated the Confederates up to this moment as belli-
gerents. Rebels are hanged, imprisoned, and shot at
discretion. Their flags are not received ; the ex-
change of prisoners with rebels is ridiculous. A re-
gular " blockade" of rebel ports is quite anomalous.
It remains to be seen, after Mr.llavis's recent hints,
what the Government dares to do in the case of
the " pirates" whom its cruisers caught in the act,
red-handed, of privateering piracy. Meantime the
arm raised to chastise and subdue has been struck
down, and the attitude of the North is just now de-
fensive. There will be on the part of the one
people whom the American press has most in-
sulted and abused every disposition to give fair
play and to listen to the call for " time." But
the quarrel must have its limits—the time must be
fixed, and the sponge must be thrown up if one or
other of the combatants cannot " come up" to it ;
nor does it seem a case in which any amount of
"judicious bottleholding" can prolong the fight.
Now, at the present moment, the North is less
able to go into the contest than she was a month
ago. She has suffered a defeat, she has lost
morale and materiel. Besides killed, wounded,
and prisoners, cannon, arms, baggage, she has lost
an army of three-months men, who have marched
away to their homes at the very moment the capital
was in the greatest danger. Up to this period the
reinforcements received do not bring up the Fede-
ralists to the strength they had before the fight.
No one can or will tell how many have strayed away
and gone off from their regiments 3inoo Choy roturnPri
to the camps here, but the actual number of men
who have come here are less than those who have
gone away home by fully 3,000 rank and file. And
the change has been by no means for the better.
The three-months men at least had been three
months under arms. They were probably at least
as martial and as ready to fight as the rest of their
people. Just as they are most required and likely
not to be quite unserviceable, they retire to receive
ill-deserved and ridiculous ovations, as though they
had been glorious conquerors and patriots, instead
of being broken and routed fugitives, who marched
off from Washington when it might be expected the
enemy were advancing against it. In their place
come levies who have not had even the three months'
training, and who are not as well equipped, so far
as I can see, as their predecessors, to face men who
are elated with success and the prestige of the first
battle gained, and to be associated with regiments
cowed, probably, and certainly in some instances
demoralized, by defeat.
The artillerymen who cut the traces of their
horses from caisson and carriage at least knew more
about guns than the men who will be put to the
new field batteries, which Government are getting
up as fast as they can ; and the muskets, of the best
description, left on the field or taken, cannot be re-
placed for a long time to come. In fact, much of
this army must be reorganized in face of an
enemy. That enemy is either incompetent or
artful ; it is quite certain he is not actuated by
clemency or a generous pity. Engineers are hard
at work strengthening the position on the south
bank of the river ; but forts do not constitute safety.
Without stout hearts behind their lines and breast-
works, abattis and redoubts avail nothing. It
must be that the Confederates are deficient in
the means of transport, or in actual force to make
an attack which is so obvious, if they desire to
show the North it is not possible to subdue them.
The corps which went from Winchester to Manassas
under Johnston is put by the Federalists at 40,000.
Let us take it at half the number. Beauregard and
Lee are said to have had 60,000 at Manassas, in-
cluding, I presume, the forces between it and Rich-
mond. Divide that again. There were certainly
20,000 between Monroe, the Court, and Richmond,
of whom 10.000 could be spared ; and on the west-
' ern side of the capital of the Confederation States
there was available at least another corps of 10,000,
which could have been readily strengthened by
10,000 or 15,000 more from the South in case of a
supreme effort. There seems no reason, not con-
nected with transport, equipment, or discipline,
why the Confederates should not have been able
last week to take the field with 75,000 men, in two
corps ; one quite strong enough to menace the force
on the right bank of the Potomac, and to hold it
in check ; or to prevent it going over to the other
side; the other to cross into Maryland, which is now
in parts only kept quiet by force, and to advance
down on Washington from the west and north. In
the event of success the political advantages would
be very great at home and abroad, and there would
be 'a new base of operations gained close to the
enemy's lines, while the advantages of holding the
Potomac and Chesapeake Bay would be much neu-
tralised and finally destroyed. The navy-yard would
fall into the enemy's hands. Fort Washington
would probably soon follow. Fortress Monroe would
be condemned to greater isolation. Philadelphia
itself would be in imminent danger should the Con-
federates attempt greater aggression. But, for one,
Gen. Beauregard will consent to no plan of opera-
tions in which success is not rendered as certain as
may be by all possible precautions, and he might
not favour a proposal which would lead to dividing
an army into two parts, with a river between them
and an enemy on each side. Monroe and Hampton,
which are the true basis of operations against Rich-
mond, have been weakened to reinforce the army
covering Washington and Harper's Ferry, and yet
I doubt if there are on the south bank of the Pots-
mac at this mcment 40,000 men all along the lines
who could move out and offer an enemy battle,
leaving any adequate guards in the trenches and
garrisons in the tete-du-pont and works. The Con-
federates, as you were informed from the South,
have enlisted men to serve for the war, and take no
others. The staple of their army will undergo no
change, and as it grows older it ought to get better,
unless it be beaten. You will pardon me for refer-
ring to a remark in one of my previous letters, that
there might be fierce skirmishes, and even sangui-
nary engagements, between the two armies, but
that these would be followed by no decisive results,
owing to the want of cavalry. Strange to say,though
the panic and very discreditable rout was caused by
alarms of, and might have been prevented by the
presence of cavalry, no steps are taken to remedy
that great deficiency. The volunteers who were at
Manassas will never stand the man on horseback
again, and I believe the Confederates are aware of
their advantage, though they may have had to mourn
the loss of many gentlemen who fell during the day.
The Northern papers are increasing the amount of
butter in proportion as they decrease the losses of
their loaves, and they do not appear to perceive
that the smaller the latter were the less should be
the layer of the former—for it is no credit to an
army to lose its guns, abandon its positions, throw
away its muskets, leave its wounded in the hands of
the, enemy, and run some 30 and odd miles from
front of Centreville, not merely to Arlington, but to
Washington, without any cause at all ; for without
loss there was no cause of retreat, and therefore no
excuse for panic and rout. Again, they say there
was only a portion of their army engaged. The
greater shame for those who were not engaged to
run, then. But before the battle, when M'Dowell's
force was enumerated in terrorem at 50,000, it was
said 15 regiments had subsequently joined. Now,
it is averred only 15,000, 18,000, or 20,000 were in
action. What on earth were the rest about? And
I am obliged to say that Mr. Davis's statements are
quitefor, while
astonishes
us by assertinghe declares the enemy
wereas a
35 , startling; tl ing f
strong,;
he
that of all his host only 15,000 took part in the
battle. As to losses, of course it is beyond anything
but imagination to give an estimate. Regiments re-
ported
quite h
atloe
ahna
dv eh
ebaeretny , annihilatedp ohr
taevde,
otnu rtnheedd ua
yp
of marching home—and fond parents, wives, and
relatives will be spared many pangs and a great deal
of mourning. I think my estimate of killed and
wounded was nearly correct. The prisoners may
amount to more than 900 or 1000, but the Fede-