The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-01 00:00:00

come a nation.

" To reinforce Piedmont is, we have said, ne-
cessary both for defence and for maintaining equi-
librium. That is not only trus as regards Italian
interests, but it is equally true as regards Euro-
pean interests. As long as Piedmont is not strong
enough to oppose serious resistance to Austria,
Austria will always be tempted to attack her. Re-
cent events cannot have failed to give more strength
to the sentiment of old hostility. Europe will con-
sequently be in constant apprehension of a new
conflict in Italy, and a conflict in Italy may again
compromise the peace of the world.
" As a condition of equilibrium for the sake of
Europe, the necessity of an increase
nacsoeisidntehr theefo asrceeoef
Piedmont appears manifest, if we

of the confederation projee ted at Villafranca being
realised. The tendencies of Rome and Naples are
known ; by an alliance with these two Govern
;
rnents, Austria, if Piedmont has not a great weight
to throw into the other scale, may one day become
mistress of the confederation, and, at a given Mei;
meut, dispose of all the forces of Italy in addition
to her own. Then it would be no longer a n
questio
of Italian, but of European, equilibrium. Can
_
France, Prussia, and the other European Powers
accept the probability of these dangers ?
Tus"
" After so much agitation and uncertainty,.
Her union
,
cany is most anxious for tranquillity.
with Piedmont is the most certain and substantial
guarantee of that tranquility. As it is henceforth
beyond all dispute that this union is ardently de-
sired by all or nearly all Tuscans, there can be no
doubt the universal satisfaction will render OP
thing like disorder impossible. That state of
.per-
petual agitation, more or less latent, which, in tn..e
.
different provinces of Italy, has existed and All!.
unfortunately exists in some of them, as the effect
of a deep-seated disaffection between the people and
the Governments, will entirely disappear in Tu
cany, as soon as the country sees its future secure
in the hands of an upright and powerful King'
possessing all its confidence and its gratitude in
common with all the people of Italy.
" It would neither be just nor wise to dePvilre
the Tuscans of the advantages they would find in
forming part of a great State. Experience has
now proved that, without large aggregations, a
nation can never attain that great moral and ma-
terial development which is one of the distinguish-
ing characteristics of modern civilisation.
Tuscany
.'has done enough for the civilisation of the world
to entitle her to a share in the enjoyment of its
benefits. To possess neither army, nor navy, nor
diplomacy, to have a languishing trade and manu
factures still worse, to be deprived of all scientific
or artistic movement, such is the fate of a small
country in the nineteenth century. With what
right and justice can Tuscany now be thus sub"
witted to such a Procrustean process ? We might
enumerate many other not inconsiderable advan-
tages that Tuscany may reasonably expect from
her union with an important State. It would be
an act of wisdom and good policy on the part of
Europe not to smother so many germs of moral
development and material prosperity, since that
beneficent solidarity of interests which the progress
of the times has everywhere created would certaiulY
make it advantageous to all nations.
" In giving these votes, the Tuscan Assembly,
after having expressed the special motives it has
for hoping, with regard to all the great Powers'
that its wishes will be sanctioned and seconded'
has confided to the Government the task of Qin'
ploying the most efficacious means for attaining
their accomplishment. And the Government, en-
couraged by the same considerations, has readily
accepted that difficult task.
"It feels confident, like the Assembly, that the
valorous and loyal King, who has done so much,
for Italy, and has protected Tuscany with special
kindness, will not repel the homage of gratitude
and fidelity which au entire nation conjures "lira°
accept, both for his own sake and for that of the
common country.
" It feels confidence in the justice and the wis-
dom of France, England, Russia, and Prussia.
" The magnanimous Emperor of the French,
who, with so much generosity, has taken in band
the defence of an oppressed nation, who has said'
and gloriously proved by acts, that wcald ,A
everywhere where there is a just cause to defend'
sage and liberal England; Russia, whose PnlieY'
elevated and full of grandeur, now excites the ad
miration of Europe; and valiant Prussia, which
r
so nobly represents in Germany the principle 0.1
nationality, will neither disregard nor trame
under foot the right of a quiet, united, and disci-
plined people, who do not demand anything else
than to provide for their own destiny in the man-
ner which they think best for their security and
happiness.
" If, however, human justice should fail us, we
will defend by all means our rights and the dignity
of country against any aggression. And if events
that
should turn out contrary to us, at least we shall
all, people,
have the consolation of thinking
Assembly, and Government, have done our duty
without weakness and without boasting. And then
public conscience and history will say on what side
were right, civil prudence, and moderation; and on
what side are injustice, blindness, and abuse of
force.
(Signed) RICASOLI, President of the Council
of Ministers, and Minister of In-
terior.

C. RODOLFI, Minister of Public lb'
struction, and ad iaterim of Foreign
Aflairs.
E. PUGGI, Minister of Justice and
Grace.
R. BUSACCA, Minister of Finance.
SALVAGNOLI, Minister of Ecclesiasti-
cal Affairs.
DE CAVERNO, Minister of War.
"Florence, 24th August, 1859."