The Sun.
London, England, 1857-02-14 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATUR DAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 14, 185 7

beyond all, to the earnest and unflinching resolu-
tion of the People, in every district, that they
would not submit to the " pettifogging quibble,"
that excited equal disgust and indignation amongst
members of all classes and parties—of every shade
and variety of political opinion.
Sir G. C. LEWIS now declares that the differ-
ence between the wording of the Income-Tax Acts
of 1854 and 1855 was purely accidental. It
is, however, strange that different verbi-
age should have been used, by which
the Exchequer would have profited to the
extent of 11,000,000/. sterling, at the expense of
the contributors. Had it followed the Income-
Tax Act of 1844, and only differed from those
relating to indirect taxation, we could easily have
understood that a mistake might have occurred :
Ibut in relation to the same impost, where the
language is, as nearly as possible, identical—that
" the ratification of the Treaty" should have been
unintentionally substituted for " the date of a
definitive Treaty," seems very extraordinary in•
deed. Nor are we induced to yield more easy
credence to the explanation, in consequence of the
elaborate efforts made by the Right Honourable
Baronet to prove to the deputation from the
Income-tax Association that " the ratification of
the Treaty" was the proper form. The story
may do very well for that gallant although pro-
verbially credulous body—the Marines—but, ac-
cording to the old proverb, the sailors may be a
little more sceptical.
The Right Honourable Gentleman also now
declares that, " although, in answer to a question
put by the Honourable Member for Wallingford,
he stated what was the legal effect of the acci-
dental and undesigned phraseology (!) of the
Income-Tax Act, he never for a moment enter-
tained the idea of asking the House to continue
the tax longer than the exigencies of the
public service would require it 1" Why, of
course he did not 1 No tax is maintained for its
own sake ; it is simply because "the exigencies
of the public service require it." But we may
feel that " calm conviction that approximates to
perfect certainty" that the " exigencies of the
public service " would have required it, and that
the Right Hon. Gentleman would have adduced
abundant reasons, quite satisfactory to himself, to
prove that such was the case, had it not been for
the zealcus and determined agitation on the sub-
ject—an agitation to which the people are in-
debted for the saving of 9d. in the pound, or
9,000,000/. sterling during the year 1857-8.
Let us now consider what the Right Hon.
Gentleman proposes in the shape of reduction—
or what ho is pleased to term reduction—of
taxation, although it really is a bona
fide increase of what would be paid in
the-ensuing year if the "pettifogging quibble"
had been honestly repudiated. Ho proposes to
strike off 9d. in the pound from the charge on in-
comes exceeding 1501., and Gid. from those be-
tween 1001. and 1501. In other words, to reduce
the charges to 7d. and sd. respectively. In so
doing, he unequivocally repudiates what has been
termed " the GLADSTONE compromise," or arrange-
ment, adducing cogent reasons why the financial
arrangements of a single session could not, and
ought not to be of a permanent character. Now
this was precisely what we stated iu 1853 would
be the case. No Financial Minister can presume
to bind his successors ; circumstances must arise
that will completely alter the feelings of Parliament
and of the people. The GLADSTONE compact was
all bosh—a very artful project to fling dust in the
eyes of the people, but nothing more, and it is
therefore absurd to look forward to the total
abolition of the tax in 1860. We shall then be
gravely told that the Minister—we hope not Sir
G. C. LEWIS-would be very happy to make the
concession if " the exigencies of the public service
permitted it." This, at all events, ought to
teach the people what they have to expect, and
convince them that there is no use in delaying
the modification of the tax, in the vain hope that
it will be consigned to a dishonoured grave in
1860.

In place, then, of a reduction of 2d. in the
pound, Sir G. C. LEwis asks for an increase of
2d. for the next three years on all incomes
above 1001. This will amount to 2,000,0001.
per annum, and is to be applied not to the main-
tenance of the National Establishments in a full
state of efficiency, but to the liquidation of the
Exchequer Bonds falling due at the rate of
2,000,0001. a year up to 1860. If those were
not paid off at once, the Times tells us that " the
whole beauty of the invention would be lost."
The circumstances that led to the creation of those
Bonds are now completely ignored. They were
occasioned not by the exigencies of the war, but
by the GLADSTONE abortion, that denuded the
Exchequer of its balances— for the liquidation
of more than 8,000,0001. of the public debt, for
which there was not the slightest necessity,
but which the Times declared was " a valuable
financial demonstration," showing how little we
thought of Russia. There is certainly no reason
why the People, exhausted by the enormous bur-
dens of the war, should liquidate their debts ; nor
would the renewal of the Bonds, as they fall due,
be regarded as a " borrowing in time of peace,"
which might justly he deprecated. According to
the proposition we shall pay off 3,250,0001., and
3,500,000/. every successive year. We say
3,250,0001. this year, because the Sardinian loan
of 1,000,000/. is practically putting by money in
the Exchequer, inasmuch as VICTOR EMMANUEL
has honourably discharged, not only the interest,
but the stipulated payment on account of the sinking
fund. It is therefore only for the purpose of paying ofl
the bonds that the additional 2d. in the pound
required, and we cannot see that in a year,
which we are told is one of heavy expenditure,
that payment should be made, especially when
the liquidation of more than 8,000,0001. took
place in 1854—the year that these Bonds were
created under the GLADSTONE abortion.
The Right Hon. Gentleman also increases the
charges on tea, coffee, and sugar, while he keeps
the charge on spirits at the war rate--thus foster-
ing and stimulating the, demoralising traffic in illicit
spirits. All is for t 1 le purpose of paying offd
ebt;
and although w', do not complain of the gradual
liquidation W. 1,000,000/. per annum, on account
of tire war debt, we do most emphatically of
k)eing called on for 3,500,0001. per annum before
we have recruited our severely taxed resources.
We are rejoiced to find that no discussion
was taken, or resolution passed, last night. On
mature consideration it will be seen that Sir G.
C. LEWIS offers no boon to the community. It is
nut him that we have to thank for the reduction of
the 9d., and in every other respect his budget is
unjust and oppressive—meriting the unequivocal
qundemnation rather than the support of the
nation.

The Financial Statement list night was pre-
ceded by a great pother about England's war
with the SuAn, and the Paris negotiations at
this moment pending with the Persian Plenipo-
tentiary. All to no purpose. Not a glimmer
of information found its way through the chinks
of the discussion. To imprave slightly upon a
small SIIAKSPEREAN joke, indulged in ou Saturday
s-:en.uight, upon an entirely different subject, by

one of our weekly contemporaries, Lord PAL-
MERSTON decidedly said " Mum," though the Chan-
cellor of the Exchequer said " Budget I" Vainly
,lid the Hon. Member for Aylesbury appeal to
the Prime Minister, through the pathetic medium
of the old argumentum ad hominern ! Vainly
did the Hon. Member for Inverness-shire employ
to the same end the hardly less persuasive argu-
mentum ad judicium / Vainly—the Hon. Mem-
ber for Sheffield the argumentum ad verecundiam!
Vainly—Mr. GLADSTONE and Mr. Disnamr, and
my Lord Jour RUSSELL, the strongest argument
of all, the argumenturn, ad ignarantiam ! An
appeal, this last, usually as potent in the
House of Commons as ever the old Club
Law, orargumentunt baculinum,was wont to prove,
in the Days of the Mohawks—applied, as it was
applied last night by the three eminent debaters
just mentioned, to the ignorance practically
evinced (in regard to this new war with Persia)
by her MAJESTY'S Ministers—their glaring and
undeniable ignorance as to what, in reference to
the great problem of War and Peace, has hitherto,
among British Statesmen, been regarded as alone
Constitutional. Everything was alike fruitless
of any satisfactory explanation from the Govern-
ment, of any explanation, in point of fact, at all
—good, bad, or indifferent. Mr. LAYARD'S
pointed inquiry, indeed, failed to elicit from the
Prime Minister anything whatever beyond the
portentous platitude that—" It was impossible for
any person to say what will necessarily be the re-
sult of anything that is going to happen Mr.
BAILLIE'S subsequent enforcement of that same in-
quiry a little differently expressed, resulted only
in inducing the Noble Lord to reiterate his ex-
pression of regret that circumstances would pre-
clude him from making a statement in regard to
matters now the subject of diplomatic negotiations.
Mr. ROEBUCK'S taunt immediately tkereupon—
"lt would seem then, Sir, that the boasted su-
pervision of this House i 3 a Farce" (a remark
which drew forth the applause of a very crowded
gathering of representatives), failed even in ex-
tracting from the lips of the Premier either an
empty apology or a frivolous platitude. Not a syl-
lable further upon th 3 subject of the Persian War
or on the subject of the Paris negotiations did
Viscount PALMERSTON condescend to articulate.
Although—as we have seen—the appeal of the
member for Aylesbury was rather powerfully
sustained by the almost coincident remarks of an
ex-Premier, of an ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer,
and of the Right Hon. Gentleman the Leader of
her MAJESTY'S Opposition. Although, finally,
another Right Hon. Gentleman, the Member for
Manchester—referring to Lord PALMIRSTON'S
previous declaration that this country is to pay
half the expense of the war with Persia—ob-
served, " Now, seeiag that the Government have
pledged the industry of England to pay for the
Persian campaign, I think they ought, when the
war commenced, to have given some little infor-
mation to Parliament with respect to the origin
and cause of the war." Not so, however, think
the Members of Her MAJESTY'S Government. On
the contrary, they seem to look upon the matter
quite differently. Not a syllable further even in
the way of evasion is vouchsafed. And so the
matter terminated yesterday.
In point of fact—not only is the supervision
of the House (as Mr. ROEBUCK described it last
evening) a farce, but the Foreign Affairs of this
country actually appear to be conducted as affairs
generally used to be conducted under the Vene-
tian Oligarchy by some unseen and irresponsible
Council—of Ton, or of a Dozen, or—in fact we are
left to guess at the number of the Dread and. Occult
Conclave. Hence the Secret Convention, but
very recently dragged into half-light by Mr.
DISRAELI, in spite of the denials and prevari-
catioira of the Government ! Hence a war with
Persia actually commenced before the propriety
of entering into it had been submitted to the
consideration of the Legislature ! Hence the
perverse and obstinate resistance by Ministers of
any attempt to elicit from them anything at all
bearing the resemblance of an explanation as to
the origin of this war, or as to the probability of
its being soon healed by negotiations ! All which
is very fine no doubt, and wonderfully ingenious,
and marvellously clever. But all which, at the
same time, is decidedly, we repeat, uncon-
stitutional

It has not fallen to the lot of every statesman,
but very few, indeed, in the past century, have
been able, towards the close of their political
career, to look back with such legitimate grounds
of satisfaction at the triumphs they have achieved,
or effectively aided in achieving, as Lord
BROUGEIAIIt And this is not altogether owing to
the brilliance of his parts, or the unflagging per-
severance for which he is distinguishes. The
fields of labour in which his energies have been
expended have contributed largely to this result.
The strife of parties, and the exigencies of debate,
have opened an arena in which many a splendid
triumph has been achieved. The victor's wreath,
however, has soon been found to wither, and the
triumph has been speedily forgot. These things,
in their very nature, are ephemeral. Not so the
laurels won in the fields of humanity and justice.
They survive for many generations, and will bear the
rigid scrutiny declining years cause most men to
institute. Lord BROUGITADI has been emphatically
a philanthropist, healthy in sentiment, with
the "noblest of causes to contend for, and the
least surmountable of surmountable obstacles to
overcome. How be has contended, and with what
success, is written on the brightest pages of our
annals, and is alike testified by " Hansard," an
ameliorated statute-book, the voices of emancipated
British citizens, the gratitude of the liberated
slave, and the impending downfall of slavery in
every part of the world.
The origin of these remarks will be found in
his speech of last evening in the House of Lords,
a perusal of which will show how amply they are
Justified, if not peremptorily called fer. The
rights of property of married women, it will be
seen, was the subject of his advocacy, and the
occasion of reflections which stir up pleasant
memories, if tinged a little with the melancholy
of regret. The position of married women in
this country is confessedly anomalous, insecure,
and devoid of reasonable protection. They have
but feeble safeguards against violence none
against other ill-usage—and, if separated by legal
process or desertion from the tyrants who oppress
them, no legal right to what, in justice, is their
own. Their very earnings, when thus separated,
may bo swept away from them, the fruits of their
industry expended in the pothouse or worse
places, and themselves turned shivering to the
doors ! Instances are to be met with—the Noble
Lord adduces a few—where, after having for-
saken their wives and children and gone abroad,
scoundrels have been known to return and pounce
on the property the poor creatures have acquired
by their industry, break up their establishments
and turn them adrift, to begin life a third time
worn and broken-hearted. Others not so deserted,
instead of being supported, have to labour for the
sustenance of themselves and families, and the
riotous enjoyment of their drunken husbands, who
in many cases "are not very careful to leave them
ttnpillaged of their weekly entire earnings. Aud all

this is permitted by law I It is against a state of
things like this 2,000 individuals, including the
most distinguished and eminent men in the coun-
try, have protested in a recent memorable peti-
tion. It is to reform this iniquitous state of
the law that Lord BROUGHA.M has addressed him-
self ; and, in relation to the difficulties he may
have to contend against, has not unbecomingly
reverted to the successes of his past career. What
may be the best way to secure the required ob-
ject—whether that adopted in America or that in
France, or some other—we do not now undertake
to pronounce. We have the Noble Lord's
promise to bring in a bill on the subject,
and in the meantime to express our general assent
to the three propositions which he brought before
the House—first, that the law requires amend-
ment ; second, that the woman ought to have her
entire property ; and, third, if this be impossible,
that some other remedy should be given. The
Noble Lord, no doubt, will do the subject full
justice, and have the aid of many supplications.
The law will certainly be amended—let us hope
his Lordship will not fail of his old success, and
that he may live to see the married women of
England as well protected in the possession of
their inalienable rights as the women of France
or America.

The benevolent sympathy evinced for some
time past in behalf of the relict and orphans of
the late ingenious scholar, Mr. JOSEPH H AYDN,
the compiler of the " Dictionary of Dates," and
the " Book of Dignities," has at length proved
happily successful. As many as 292 votes being
given to one of his children at the meeting (held
yesterday at the London Tavern, under the chair-
manship of the Lord MAYOR) of the Governors
and Friends of the Royal Asylum of St. Ann's
Society. Very little short of 300 votes placing this
child second upon the list of the nine successful boy
candidates I We are gratified to know from this cir-
cumstance that we have not pleaded iu vain for
one at least of Mr. HAYDN'S orphan children.
Under the care of the benevolent institution into
which he has been now admitted, it is to be hoped
that he will be trained up into a good Citizen of
an Empire to whose literature his father did some
service in his time--a service all the more com-
mendable because in itself laborious and uninvit-
ing.

Honour, and the officer 3 not belonging to the Impe-
rial household; will enter by the staircase of the
Pavilion de Floro ; and the mernber3 of the Senate,
of the Legislative Body, and of the Council of State
by the staircase of the Pavillon de l'Horloge. The
persons who are to be present at tliii ceremony must
be at the Palace of the Tuileries at half-past twelve
at the latest. Salvoes of artillery will announce
the commencement and the conclusion of the cere-
mony.

The Moniteur says :—" The mission confided to
the Count de Morny, in quality of ambassador ex-
traordinary to the Emperor of Russia, being about
to be extended, the functions of President of the
Legislative Body will during the approaching ses-
sion be filled by M. Schneider, Vice-President,
who will enjoy all the prerogatives attached to that
high position.

BOURSE, Feb. 13.—The following were the last
quotations :

- Cub. ft. c End of Month.
4i per Cents
3_per Cents 6B 40 68 65

New Loan

Bank Shares 4,125 Roman
Credit Mobilier 1,367 50 Austrian 90
Belgian Fives ...... .. Spanish Threes 3oi
Piedmontese (5) 9O 50 Home Debt
RAILWAYS—FOR CASH.

tr. c. tr c
Orleans 1,382 50 Western
Northern 930 Strasburg
Lyons 1,355 New Ditto
Mediterranean 1,765 Grand Central
Lyons Geneva -
Cette