The Sun.
London, England, 1857-07-14 00:00:00

LONDON, TUESDAY, JULY 14, 1867.

In another part of our impression will be found
full details of the progress of events in India.
Although not worse than might be expected, there
are unquestionably grave causes, we shall not say
for alarm—but for that prompt and vigorous
action which can alone quell the military insubor-
dination, that so extensively prevails throughout
the sepoys of the Bengal Army. We find whole
regiments rising en masse and turning their arms
against those by whom they were entrusted to their
hands, from whom they received pay and clothing,
and whose bread and salt they had eaten. In others
there are numerous desertions, men, who had
previously appeared faithful, abandoning their
colours on the most frivolous and insufficient pre.
text,,, probably going off to join the insur-
gents, and take service with the Mock King of
Delhi ; or, possibly, to carry on a guerilla war-
fare in various district.

It is manifest, from what has already come to
light, that the religious complaints have been
mere pretexts, paltry excuses, to give a different
colour to the real feelings ; and perhaps to gain
the co-operation of a few fanatics amongst the
troops and the Native population. We must, then,
strive to ascertain, so far as practicable, the true
state of affairs—to search out the causes that
have led to these calamitous results. This in-
quiry must be condUcted without fear or favour,
prejudice or affection. The matter is of such vast
importance to the welfare, prosperity, and security
of the Anglo-Indian Empire, that no man, or body
of men, can be screened or protected. Let us
seek the fountain and origin of the alleged griev-
ances, discover how far they are well-founded or
the reverse, and distribute strict justice to all
parties concerned.
So far as the mutineers are concerned, the
ringleaders must be brought to condign punish-
ment. Nothing could possibly justify the course
they have adopted—not only deserting from their
ranks, but, being guilty of the most heartless
and sanguinary atrocities, not merely against their
officers, but against every European, and sacrifi-
cing even helpless women and innocent children
to their insane wrath ! There can be no tempo-
rising, no compromise in such a case. The
mutiny must be suppressed at any cost, the spirit
of insubordination thoroughly and completely
crushed, and, as we have stated, the ringleaders
severely punished. Unless that be accomplished,
the prestige by which a handful of Europeans
have controlled 120,000,000 of Asiatics, will be
for ever destroyed, and our empire sapped at its
very foundation. The best means have been
adopted for that purpose. Sir CoLIN CAMPBELL
has shown that he is " ready, aye ready for the
field." The gallant veteran started at a moment's
notice, and his very name will be worth ten thou-
sand soldiers. He has exhibited the promp-
titude of brave : old CHARLIE NAPIER, and
will, we trust and believe, prove himself
a worthy successor to that renowned general ! Sir
PATRICK GRANT too, was as good a man as could
beprocured on the emergency, and with " the right
men in the tight places" we may draw the most
auspicious auguries as to the triumph of the good
cause.

But it is not merely generals, but European
soldiers that are required. Every effort must be
made ! Any petty economy in the present instance
would be wholly misplaced. It would indeed be
" a penny wise, and pound foolish policy." It
appears that 20,000 English troops are to be des-
patched to the scene of action, and that their
places are to be supplied by calling out the regi-
ments of militia so recently disembodied. What-
ever other troops can be spared should also be
sent, and a short act might be passed authorising
regiments of militia, who volunteer for the pur-
po4e of participating in the contest. We are
greatly mistaken if these gallant men will not
readily respond to the demands that may
be made, and prove themselves fully wor-
thy of the confidence that has been
reposed in their fidelity and bravery. There
will be no lack of transports. The Royal Navy
must bear its share in the struggle. Our leviathan
ships of war could carry out, with but little delay,
many thousand troops, and we are satisfied that
both officers and men would willingly sacrifice
every personal feeling, and rejoice to make them-
selves useful in any way that may be required fur
the national benefit.

We shall not now enter into the vexed ques-
tion of " who is t,) blame"--whether the regi-
mental officers, or the company's regulations.
There are, we fear, faults on both sides.
Very bitter feelings towards the regimental
officers have unquestionably been displayed, and
this would lead to the inference, that they had
not sufficiently cultivated the good wilt of those
placed under their command. It is said that
there has been too much of an exclusive feeling
displayed; that they have held aloof from the
native officers, and assumed the airs of a superior
race. These matters may, however, be fully and
clearly explained, and GOD forbid that we should
condemn, or even censure a gallant body of men,
our own brethren engaged in arduous and impor-
tant duties, without giving them ample opportunities
of being heard in their own defence.

On the other hand, it is boldly asserted that the
vexatious regulations of the Company are mainly re-
sponsible. We do not venture to prejudge the issue.
AU we demand is a stringent investigation, that
will place the responsibility on the right shoul-
ders, and such measures, as the results of that in-
vestigation may prove to be imperatively required.
No time can be lost. The first step may decide
the contest ; that step should be taken under the
sanction of Parliament. The nation has already
suffered sufficiently from the abdication of its legis-
lative functions, and short as is the period previous to
the prorogation, opinions may be ventilated, and
measures carried, that will place matters on a
right foundation, and en ible us to await patiently
the event, confident that we have done all
in our power to make it that which the honour,
welfare, and security of our Sovereign Lady the
QUEEN and her dominions, imperatively demand.

All honour to Mr. DILLWYN ! He has taken
the bull fairly by the horns, and met the vexa-
tious opposition of the hereditary branch of the
Legislature, to the just claims of Baron ROTHS-
CHILD, or rather of the Electors of the City of
London—for it is their privilege rather than his
that has been so long kept in abeyance—in the
only proper manner. The Honourable Gentle-
man has given notice that, on Friday next, he
will move a resolution to the effect that "whereas
the Act of the Ist and 2d of VICTORIA was passed
to allow persons to take oaths in the form which;

was most binding on their consciences, and
whereas Baron LIONEL DE ROTHSCHILD had been
returned as one of tha representatives of the city
of L'uldfm, but was precluded from taking his
seat and voting in consequence of the occurrence
in the Oath of Abjuration of the words on the
true faith of a Christiaty,' which he declared not
to be binding on his conscience,' the Clerk be in-
structed to omit those words in administering the
Oath of Abjuration to persons who objected to
take them as not being binding upon their con-

sciences."

This is as it should be. It is the course which
Lor JOHN RUSSELL should long since have adopted,
as we have repeatedly explained, and no later than
yesterday repeated. It is the best solution of the
difficulty that could be discovered, and we heartily
rejoice that even at the eleventh hour it has been
determined fairly to take the sense of the House
on the important and interesting question. It
now remains to be seen whether Lord JOHN
RUSSELL and his followers will have the man-
liness to confess and atone for the seri-
ous error into which they were betrayed. If so,
well ! If not, we cannot give them credit, neither
for magnanimity or sincerity. On such a point
the Commons House of Parliament ought to be,
and is the sole judge of its own privileges. Pro-
vided the substantial portion of the oaths be
taken—that is all that can be required. As we
have repeatedly proved, the adjuration "and this
I declare on the true faith of a Christian," is a
mere form which may, and can be, dispensed.
with, whenever the party declares it not to be
binding on his conscience. It is but the stamr,
while the promissory part, is the sterling metal,
that gives intrinsic value to the pledge.
The House has already gone much further in
the case of Quaker members. For Messrs. PEASE
and BRIGHT it dispensed not only with the form,
but with the oath itself, accepting a declaration,
as the substantial part, in place of a direct appeal
to the Deity. And why ? Simply because that
declaration was " binding on the conscience" of
the person who made it, and his religious feelings
forbade any further sanction. Here was a prece-
dent or rather a succession of precedents directly
in point. Here was the path indicated that
ought unhesitatingly to have been pursued. It
was Lord JOHN RUSSELL that raised the obstacle
that has ever since proved insuperable, and may
continue to resist the tide of public opinion,
for a succession of years. He it was
who, with honeyed words of liberality and good-
will, to our Hebrew fellow-citizens, prevented
Baron ROTHSCHILD and Alderman SALOMONS from
assuming the positions to which they were entitled
by the suffrages of large and influential consti-
tuencies. His intentions might have been good.
We have no doubt that he believed the opposi-
tion of the Lords could have been overcome ;
but in place of taking the simple, easy, and
straightforward course, he raised a needless im-
pediment which he could never subsequently
overcome. His was the fate of another FRANK-
ENSTEIN, who was haunted and baffled to the end
of his career by the monster he had himself
created.

It will be seen from an advertisement in ano-
ther part of our impression that many influential
members have requested a meeting of their brother
representatives, on Thursday, to take into consi-
deration fie rejection of the Parliamentary Oaths
Bill. If a suitable demonstration be made—if
the pressure be sufficiently stringent—Ministers
must succumb ! And there is the greater prospect
of such a proceeding, inasmuch as they are not,
in any degree, committed. It is " the calm JOHNNY
who upset the coach" that must bear the brunt
of the occasion ; and it has been proved,
beyond the possibility of a doubt, that
he can be surrendered without any extraordinary
degree of compunction, whenever the magnitude
of the crisis may demand such a sacrifice. The
best course for the ex-Premier would be to
yield with a good grace. Nay, more, he
could turn the tables, by confessing, and
taking a leading part in repairing the conse-
quences of his previous mistakes. At all events,.
let every really Liberal member come boldly for-
ward. Much will depend on his conduct at the pre-
sent moment, and the time has arrived when it be-
hoves every man to do his duty, and to act up
faithfully to his former professions, regardless of
consequences to himself or others.