The Sun.
London, England, 1861-09-04 00:00:00

AUSTRIA AND LIUNGARY.

A letter from Vienna, dated August 31, says :
The topic of the day is the speech of the Minister

of State in yesterday afternoon's sitting of the
Chamber of Deputies. It is considered of decided
importance, and has had the greater effect that M.
con Schmerling was not expected to speak on this

occasion. The Government papers are of course
enraptured by it, and declare it to be the greatest
speech that has yet been made in that Chamber.

Without inquiring whether this be or be not ex-
aggerated laudation, we may admit that the speech
was important in its substance, as comprising the
Ministerial programme and the distinct pledge of
Government to a constitutional policy, and also in

its effect, as consolidating the German party in the
Chamber, united fractions, and smoothing away

small differences. M. von Schmerling began by
saying that the Government would have desired not
to prolong a discussion which had already lasted
three full days, but that the importance of the
question and the repeated attacks made upon the
Ministry compelled him to rise. He defended the

form (that, namely, of a message from the Crown)

in which the communication of the acts of the Go-
vernment with respect to Hungary had been made
to
usages
aceoculsatriitnugitn countries. t°al ebeo—e'l4formable thetrien. The Emieror,
he said, is the holder of the executive power, which
he exercises without restriction, availing himself of
the advice of his responsible Ministers. (This decla-
ration of Ministerial responsibility was received
with cheers by the Left and Centre of. the House.)
The Ministers had to deliberate what circumstances

rendered it necessary to dissolve the Hungarian
Diet. Their deliberations, however, could result
only in advice. To be t ffective their views must
become the personal views of the Emperor. Not the
Ministry, then, but his Majesty had decided upon
the dissolution of the Diet, according to the advice
and judgment of his Ministers, and when he had
become personally convinced of the importance of
such a step, While establishing the Emperor's
position as chief of the Executive the Government
in no way declined the responsibility of the advice
they had given. " I frankly declare," said M. -ion
Schmerling, " that the whole Ministry accepts the
full responsibility of the advice which it gave to
his Majesty in this weighty and complicated
affair." (Bravo.) if it was reproached to the
Government that it shielded itself for its acts
behind the person of the Sovereign, the same
buckler was practically availed of by the Opposi-
tion in the very decided blame they had so plainly
expressed, thereby implying that the Sovereign
was personally unassailable and the Ministers re-
sponsible for all measures. It had been reproached
to the Government that the object of the Message
was to extort a vote of confidence. " Gentlemen, if
we succeed in obtaining a vote of confidence we shall
he proud of it. (' Bravo from Left and Centre.)
We know that, under a constitutional regime, the
country's welfare is to be found only in agreement
between the legislative power and the Government."
He and his colleagues would ever attach the greatest
importance to the reconciliation of their views with
those of Parliament. But it was not only on that
account that the recent communication had been
made to the Reichsrath. He considered it indispen-
sable that a measure such as had been taken with re-
spect to the Hungarian Diet should be communicated
to the highest political body in Austria. The most
important reason for so doing was that the Hunga-
rian Diet had been called together to elect deputies
to the Reichsrath in conformity with the Constitu-
tution. To do this it had been not only invited, but
summoned. The House must be officially informed
the summons had not been complied with by the Diet,
whose absolute rejection of the Constitution it was
that had chiefly moved his Majesty to dissolve it.
On these grounds had the communication been made
to the House, and if in the course of the debate the
question had come to be made one of confidence or
want of confidence in the Ministry, he (M. von
Schmerling) solemnly declared, for himself and his
colleagues, that this had been by no means projected
by them.
Few of M. von Schmerling's statements will meet
acceptance in Hungary. With respect to the refu-
sal of that country to send members to the Reinhs-
rath, he said that although in former days there was
was a difference in the form of Government between
Hungary and the provinces not belonging to the
Hungarian Crown, that afforded no sufficient rea-
son for refusing to take share in the deliberations
at Vienna. As long as Hungary had her free Con-
stitution while the other dominions were absolutely
governed, he could understand her keeping aloof,
but now circumstances were completely altered, and
the same forms of Government which Hungary
had for three centuries possessed were now, by
his Majesty's grace, extended to all the realms
and races under his sceptre. The Hudgarians
will hardly admit this ; but it is unnecessary
here to renew a discussion in which agreement is
hopeless, and probably M. von Schmerling thought
so too, for he did not dwell much upon the often
debated question which has lately been at such
great length exposed in addresses and rescripts.
IHe applied himself to prove that Hungary had by
no means reason to complain of Austria's conduct to
her during the 12 years that followed her subjuga-
tion in 1849. He disputed the reality of the suffer-
ings alleged in the Hungarian Diet, and also in the
speeches of that section of the Reichsrath which
sympathises with her. He and his colleagues were
not called upon to repel such imputations, because
they were rot in power at the period to which they
referred, but regard to truth and justice made him
feel it his duty to combat attacks unjustly directed
against a fallen system. He could not, he said,
sufficiently lay stress upon the attachment of him-
self and colleagues to the constitutional form of
Government—an attachment arising from inner-
most conviction. He thought he might claim for
himself the right to have it acknowledged that his
whole political life served as proof of the truth and
sincerity of this conviction. This earnestly-made
declaration of determined adherence to the Consti-
tution was received with much cheering by the Left
and Centre of the Chamber. While preferring Con-
stitutional Government, M. von Schmerling con-
tinued, and while insisting on its necessity in
Austria, he, nevertheless, must admit that it was
possible for a country to be well governed in the
absolute form. And he cited examples of what he
believed to have been good absolute Govcruments.
In Austria there had been many good ones. Under
absolute rule, he maintained, Hungary had greatly
benefited. He contrasted the state of the country
when, after the catastrophes of Temesvar, Komorn,
and Vilagos, it fell into the hands of Austria, with
its state when, on the 20th of October last year, a
great portion of the functionaries who had. adminis-
tered it left their poste in accordance the change
of system. If Hungary, which had fear centuries en-
joyed a Constitution, had felt unhappy at its loss,
on the other hand, he insisted, the country had, in
a material point of view, greatly gained under
the despotic regimen. He went into eonsiderable
detail to show what the benefits received had been
—instancing chiefly the improved administration of
justice, progress of education, and carrying out of
public works, the making of roads, and the reclaim-
ing of lands. After reviewing all these matters,
with the object of proving that the • Austrian Go-
vernment, while ruling despotically, had not
governed badly or disregarded the interests and
happiness of the Hungarian nation, he expressed
his belief that the time was not far off when those
millions of industrious and laborious .people who
knew how to prize the, value of labour, the burgher