The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-09 00:00:00

quer stated that he and his colleagues had advised her Ma-
jesty to dissolve Parliament, and he accompanied that state-
ment by an announcement to the effect, that it was the in-
tention of the Government that the dissolution should take
place at the earliest possible moment. The assistance of the
house in enabling the right hon. gentleman to carry out
that intention was liberally accorded. Hon. members in
whose names notices stood upon the paper of the house waved
their claims to press them, and we agreed to a resolution in
accordance with which Government orders of the day are to
have precedence of other business during the remainder of
the session. The consequence has been that the business of
the house has progressed so rapidly that the votes in Com-
mittee of Supply have been closed, that the report has been
brought up, and that it is now competent for any hon. gen-
tleman to count the remaining days of the session. Indeed,
it may be safely predicted that, unless some unexpected
source of delay should arise, the prorogation of Parliament
may take place—if we should sit on Saturdays, which I be-
lieve is not intended—on the 16th inst., and, in any case, on
the Monday following. It was understood that a dissolution
would at once follow the prorogation, in accordance with the
usual practice under similar circumstances. During the last
20 years Parliament has been dissolved on five different oc •
canons, the dissolution, on four of those occasions, having
taken place on the same day as, and, on the fifth, on the day
following, the prorogation. But not only has this been the
usual practice, but it has always been felt that to allow a
long interval to elapse between the prorogation and dissolu-
tion of Parliament, when the latter was in contemplation,
was productive of the greatest possible public as well as
personal inconvenience. When, therefore, I first heard it
mentioned by a member of this house that that which
has of recent years been the course invariably pursued in
this respect was about to be departed from in the present
instance, I at once discredited the report; but since then,
and within the last three or four days, I have heard, on
authority to which I felt bound to attach weight, that it is
proposed by the Government that the dissolution should
not take place for some days after the prorogation. Now,
if the dissolution were in accordance with the usual prac-
tice to take place on the sane day, it is obvious that the
elections for boroughs might be proceeded with in Easter
week, and that the nominations in counties might take place
in the week following—(hear, hear)—while if a different
course be pursued, and the dissolution be delayed for a
week, the result will be that the borough elections cannot
be proceeded with until the week following Easter week,
and that the county elections will be proportionately later.
Now, every one who has experienced, as I have done, the
inconvenience and expense attendant upon a contested elec-
tion in counties and boroughs, must be aware how much
both are increased by an additional canvass of four or five
days. (Hear.) Every candidate must, therefore, be desirous
of having his canvass brought to a termination at the
earliest possible moment. I have been told, however, that
the reason alleged to justify a departure from the ordinary
course, on the present occasion, is that it is not deemed
right that the writs for a new election should issue in Pas-
sion week. For my own part, I cannot understand the force
of that objection. If, indeed, it were a question as to whether
the elections should take place in Passion week, there might
be some reason—although such a circumstance is by no
means unprecedented--for the delay which I understand is
contemplated. That, however, is not the question, and I
contend that Easter week is about the best possible time at
which the elections can be held, because the early days of
the week are holydays of the working classes, who, in those
cases in which they possess a right of exercising the fran-
chise, would thus be enabled to vote for a borough without
interference with their daily earnings. (Hear, hear.) I
hope under these circumstances that the right honourable
gentleman the, hancellor of the Exchequer will be enabled
to assur sC'that it is the intention of the Govern-
ment tO ad :re.to who I am bound to say was the distinct
unders . # part of the House of Commons—
namely, ta P. .:ndinocr
„1„4 dissolution should take place at
the earliest ". moment. (Hear, hear.)
AttFtA OR of the E X CHEQUER—Whatever
inforihati n • h respect to the subject of his observations
may have reached the' right hon. gentleman, I can only say
that it is information which rests on no good authority, and
I must beg to object to be called on to account for statements
which are founded merely on common rumour. (Hear,
hear.) The calculation which I made when I addressed the
house originally on this subject was that, using our best ex-

ertions, we should have brought the necessary public busi-
ness to a conclusion on the Monday or Tuesday in Passion
week, and I took occasion to inform the house that the dis-
solution would take place as soon as possible—certainly
towards the end of Ale month. [Sir G:Grey--It might
take place on the 16th inst., which is about the middle of
the month.] I think it would be very objectionable to have
the elections in Passion week, and representations to that
effect were strongly urged upon me by gentlemen on
the same side of the house as that on which the right hon.
baronet sits. I cannot at this moment fix a precise day for
the dissolution of Parliament, but it will of course take
place as soon as is convenient after the prorogation, there
being no wish on the part of the Government to delay it
beyond that time. I may now, perhaps, be permitted to
take this opportunity of noticing a subject to the
inquiries of hon. gentlemen in respect to which I
have not hitherto been enabled to reply. If the house
wishes to change the whole system under which
contracts for the public service are entered into by the
Government, the question is of course a very fair one for
discussion, and I should, I trust, be found prepared to give
due consideration to any suggestion which may be made on
the subject. I would now, however, merely observe that
her Majesty's Government, in the course which they have
taken in reference to this question of the Galway line, have
simply followed in the footsteps of previous Administra-
tions. (Hear, hear.) It is for the house, if it disapproves
the system under which those contracts are made, to come
to some definite resolution with respect to them. If the
executive is not to be entrusted with the power of entering
into a contract for a packet service, I should like to know
with what functions it can be entrusted ? (Hear.) When
we came into office we found a contract concluded of a most
important character, but the contract was not brought be-
fore the house. I am perfectly astonished that any hon.
gentleman should maintain that it is desirable to appoint a
select committee to inquire into the propriety of any new
contract relating to the packet service which the Executive
Government may think to be advantageous for the public
interests. Then it is said there is an important principle
involved, because we have decided upon this case not after
public tender, but according to our own views, and upon
our own responsibility. I apprehend we had the power
of doing that if we thought fit. It is not the first time that
such a thing has occurred, and I find upon the paper of this
evening a question to be put by an hon. member to the
Secretary to the Treasury, " Whether any renewal of the
subsisting mail contracts to the Royal Mail Steam Packet
Company for the West Indian and Brazilian mail service
has been granted or promised to that company without ad-
vertising for competitive tenders," &c. Now, what are
really the facts of the case in regard to the Galway con-
tract ? Here are some enterprising persons who develope a
means of communication which no one had previously
thought of, and which it would be of immense advantage to
establish. We investigate the circumstances. We find that
they offer a rate of speed exceeding that of any service at
present existing.. I think we shall gain by this arrange-
ment two days in point of time in the communication be-
tween Ireland and America, and we shall save £4OO upon
each voyage. (Hear.) They also offer advantageous con-
ditions for the transport of troops from Athlone—a great
military station—to America, and the transmission of tele-
graphic communications under circumstances peculiarly
advantageous to the Government. We had' to consider
whether persons of such enterprise should be encouraged
and supported by the Government or not, and we had also
to consider whether,:if that encouragement was not given,
there would not be a chance that the promised advantages
would be lost to the country. Believing that it would be
of great advantage to the country if this enterprise should be
established, finding that the rate of cost was so much lower
than was paid for the Cunard service, that the speed offered
was greater, and that there were many other advantages
offered, we have acted upon our own responsibility, and, as I
believe, for the public good, in determining that it was de-
sirable the contract should be entered into. I shall be per-
fectly ready at any time, upon a proper opportunity, and
not in this desultory manner, to vindicate that policy as one
-highly ad vantageousto the United Kingdom, and one which
we were justified in adopting. I may say that it was our
duty to adopt it. The right hon. gentleman opposite is anx-
ious that there should be a proper Parliamentary control
over these contracts by the estimates being laid before the
house. Why, sir, of course the estimate will be laid before
the house. How are wo to carry it into effect, except with
the consent of Parliament ?
Mr. LABOUCHERE—WiII it be in the votes this year?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—It cannot
be, because no vote is necessary, but before Governmen
pays a shilling there will be a vote laid before Parliamen

It was necessary to enter into a contract, because the pre
parations required to carry out this service would take con.
ssiderable time—(hear)--but when the first estimate is sub•

mitted—l believe before a single shilling has been paid by
the Government—the House of Commons will have the
same opportunities of dealing with it as they have
now in respect of Sir S. Cunard's contract. If the
house will not give the money there is an end of the
service, but the house may do that every year with respect
to the Cunard service. I believe the Government in this

matter have acted wisely and for the public benefit. If
they have not acted wisely nor for the public advantage,
they have acted upon full precedent, and have not taken a
single step which is not Justified by the course taken by •
preceding Governments in similar circumstances. I trust,.
therefore, the house will not think it necessary to interfere
with an • arrangement which I believe is greatly for the
public benefit. (Hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON—I merely wish to call the atten-
tion of the right hon. gentleman to the answer he has
given to the question of my right hon. friend as to the pe-
riod of dissolution. That answer was anything but satis-
factory. (Hear.) The right hon. gentleman appears to
contend that the dissolution should not take place until the
end of the month.
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—Towards
the end of the month.
-Lord PALMERSTON—Towards-the end of the month.
(A laugh.) My
right hon. friend urged that in accordance
with the declaration of the Government, that the dissolu-
7ion should take place as soon as possible; the writs should
issue the day after the prorogation. The dissolution could
take place the day after the prorogation; and it is possible for'
it to take place on the same day. I can't imagine what

purpose the Government can have in view in postponing
the dissolution apparently until " towards the end of the
month." The house feels the graat inconvenience of such
a course. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen sitting behind the
Treasury bench must feel it to be as inconvenient to them

, --
as it is to gentlemen upon this side, and therefore I entreat
the Government to reconsider their- intentions upon this
point. The dissolution might take place with perfect conve-
nience upon the very day of the prorogation, or the day
after; the elections could take place in Ealdor week, and
Parliament could meet at the earliest possible period. But
we were told just now that Government would not under-
take to bring in a Reform Bill in Juno or July, and are we
to understand that Parliament will not meet until June or
July ? (Hear, hear.) When the Government with which
I had the honour of being connected dissolved Parliament in
1857, the right hon. gentleman reproached us with
endea-
vouring to waste a year. I am sure we vindicated ourselves
from that reproach, because when Parliament met, at the
earliest possible moment measures of s very important cha-
racter were considered and carried. But if the dissolution
is to be postponed in the mariner indicated by what has
fallen from the right hon. gentleman. , and the meeting of
the new Parliament is not to take place until late in June or
the beginning of July, the reproach of wasting a year may, I
think, be Justly applied to the present Government. (Hear.)
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER—I talked
of a motion, not of the house. I did not suppose that a Re-
form Bill should be introduced upon the very day that Par-
liament met. (Hear, hear.) I can only say again, we have
no intention of postponing the dissolution. I cannot con-
ceive how it could be to the advantage of the Government