The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-11 00:00:00

Manchester, and Halifax, of which I enclose copies, will
show the feeling of the trade on the subject. —I have, &c.,
"THOS. HOLROYD.
" Right Hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer."
How the hon. member could after this say that there was
no precedent for such a thing as the Cunard arrangement,
seemed to him to be wonderful. (Hear, hear.) The hon.
member for Davenport charged the Government with un-
duly influencing the elections. He pronounced to the
house a jeremiad respecting the manner in which he had
been treated at Devonport, and he so depicted his griefs
that he (Captain Vernon) expected to see—
" The big tears rolling down his innocent nose."
(Laughter.) He (Captain Vernon) could have mingled his
tears in the same bottle, for he had in times gone by can-
vassed Chatham against the Government, and it might be
readily imagined that they had been tarred with the same
brush. .'(Laughter.) In reference to elections, it was the
easiest thing in the world to make charges in every possible
direction. The right hon. member fer Carlise gave
to understand that a large sum of money had been paid by
a nobleman on the Conservative side of the house with the
view of that money being employed for political purposes.
He said at first £20,000, then £lO,OOO, then £5,000, and he
did not know whether he had now " shadowed" it away
altogether, but at all events the statement left behind it a
sting. The right hon. member said that there was an im-
proper interference with the elections, but did he not know
that that which was charged against one side of the house
was also charged against the other. The hon. and learned
member for Cork (Mr. Sergeant Deasy) when speaking the
other night in his excitement " bonnetted" the noble lord
the member for London, and the right hon. member for
Carlisle was morally " bonnetted" when he charged the noble
earl with subscribing money for the elections. (Laughter.)
Similar things to those mid of the noble earl had been said
of gentlemen closely connected with the noble lord the
member for London. The hon. member for Birmingham
(Mr. Bright) gave then to understand that bribery ex-
tended among all sorts and conditions of men, but he did
not say Whether he left rut his own particular friends. The
bewitching goddess no doubt served out to him a certain
amount of poetic justice, and inspired him to a peti-
tion against two of 11;s own immediate relatives for bribery.
No doubt a more philanthropic man than the hon. member
for Birmingham did not exist, and no doubt the feeling ex-
tended to his family ; and doubtless when they contributed
their specie it was from purely philanthropic motives. The
hon. member for Birmingham must be connected with the
Humane Society, for he believed he had actually gone to the
extent of paying £2O for a cat—a tolerably large sum for a
four-legged:mousetrap. (Laughter.) They were all fresh from
the hustings,. and if ever there was a time when the consti-
tuencies of the kingdom compelled candidates to be explicit
and give things their right names, and call a spade a spade
it was now ; and doubtless the people of England expected
that they should carry out some straightforward measure.
He had been sitting for nights "like Patience on a monu-
ment smiling at Grier—listening, not to the great ques-
tion before the house, but to matters about Austria, Ger-
many, Sardinia, and France, interspersed with attacks and
challenges and throwing down of gauntlets, such as might
have characterised some Irish parliament when they talked
about pistols and paces an the Green. (A laugh.) What
was this amendment stripped of its disguise? Why, nothing
but a desperate determination on the part of certain gentle-
men, who had been coaling their heels in the rear of the
existing Government, in the hope of once more getting their
backs at the warm- Treasury fire. (Laughter.) That was
the be-all and the end-all of this amendment, the letter and
not the spirit of which they were called upon to delude
themselves into the belief that they were taking into their
serious consideration. They might deceive.themselves, but
they could not deceive the people. They had too fresh in
their recollection the unhappy motion of the member for
the city of Oxford, in which he suffered himself to be victi-
mised by his friends, and sent forward like a scapegoat
bleating in expiation of the sins of his party. (Cheers and
a laugh.) They had too fresh in their recollection the fac-
tious amendment of the member for the City of London.
They could not be deluded, but could see at once what must
be the plain and distinct object of the amendment. He be.
lieved the thinking part of the community—the intelli-
gence that guided the commerce and general business of
the country—were sick and tired of seeing the great inte-
rests of the country jeopardised, and, if not sacrificed, at
least postponed to the miserable question as to who or who
were not. to hold office, and be the distributors of patronage
(Hear, hear.) There wasa feeling growing up throughout
the land that England had a nobler destiny to fulfil than
to be the mere pasture ground of a political clique. (Hear,
hear.) The interests of England and of her people
would always be paramount when those names that had
flourished in the leading columns of newspapers, and who
fancied they were names for history, would be swept from
the face of the earth. (Hear, hear.) What was the plain
and unmistakeable object of this amendment ? Why, the
removal of Lord Derby from power. (Cheers from the Op-
position.) Was it, he would ask, because Lord Derby had
neglected reform, as did the administration of the two noble
lords, until it served their purpose to repjoduce it as a poli-
tical stalking-horse ? (Cheers.) Was it because he mis-
noble lord who suffered himself to be cajoled, and flattered,
managed the foreign relations of the country, as did the
and out-manoeuvred at Vienna, drifting the country into a
sanguinary and savage war, as did the administration to
which the noble lord belonged ? Was it because he plunged
them into a sanguinary war with China, as did the noble
viscount, that cost the country much money, and he (Cap-
tain Vernon)his seat ? (Laughter and applause.) Was it
because he submitted to national humiliatiou, as did the
noble viscount, and which, in his turn, cost him his seat ?
No, none of these circumstances and misdemeanours could
be laid to the charge of Lord Derby. Then what was his
crime ? Why, his crime was that he occupied the seat
coveted by the noble lord opposite, and which he sought to
possess by the filibustering operations of his party. (Cheers.)
And who was to be their future leader ? Who was to reign
upon the _Treasury bench ?
• " Under which king, Bezonian ?
yvu
Speak, or die." .
service to London, or ik,erkLeYrilf a itregfecte ihecl iLai II
sd
wheels and through the mud of Tiverton ? (Laughter.) Wbo
was to be egomet ipse, and who was to be rex meuB ? Or
was the Premier of England in future to be depicted in the
imperishable pages of Punch as the two Kings of Brent-
ford, amicably smelling at the same nosegay. (Renewed
laughter.) Or was a third member to be introduced in the
shape of the hon. member for Birmingham? And was the Pre-
mier of England in the good time coming to be as described
by the celebrated Mrs. Malaprop, like Mr. Cerberus—three
gentlemen all at once. (Loud laughter.) Poverty made
people acquainted with strange bed-fellows ; but was it an
impossible vision that would vouchsafe to them the proba
bility of seeing the noble lord the member for the City and
the noble viscount the member for Tiverton comfortably
tucked up under the blanket of coalition, with the hon.
member for Birmingham ensconced between them.
" Could such things be,
And overcome us, like a summer dream,
Without our special wonder ?"
What was the bond of union between this choice triumvi-
rate ? Was it place ? That was not the vocation of the noble
viscount. (A laugh.) Was it war ? That was against every
feeling of the hon member for Birmingham. But the noble
lord the member for the City of London might be said to
have a bias both ways— (laughter)—forwhereas he formerly
drifted this country into one of the bloodiest wars, he sud-
denly became peaceful and deserted his party on the motion
of the member for Sheffield. (Hear, hear.) What was the
bond of union ?—was it the ballot ? Why that was a stink in
the nostrils of the noble viscount, though it was a sweet
smelling savour to the nose of the hon. member for Bir-
mingham. (Laughter and cheers.) And here again the noble
lord the member for the City of London might be said to
have a bias both ways—(bear, and laughter)—for whereas
formerly he eschewed the ballot, latterly, under the pres
sure of a possible contest for the City of London, he had been
induced to look at-the momentous question with very modi-
fied feelings. What was the bond of union ? Was it reform ?
He believed that no power upon earth would induce the
noble viscount to go the whole length with the hon. mem-
ber for Birmingham ; and no power on earth would induce
'the hon. member for Birmingham to stop where the noble
viscount stopped, but where, again, he must do the noble
lord the member for the City of London the justice to
say that he had a bias both ways—(loud laughter)—
for whereas formerly the word finality was the prefix to
his patronymic, now he was pleased to dance on where
the hon. member for Birmingham was pleased to point
out, and pipe to him. (Renewed laughter.) He would
call on gentlqmen opposite, who .were Liberals at heart, and
not merely or mouth—who wore received throughout the
length and breadth of the land as the champions of honest
Liberalism, to destroy the proposed amendment, whioh
might be the means of bringing into power men whom they
"Have learned to know, and knowing to distrust."
He called on those gentlemen who at the last election ob-
tained their seats through the magic potency of the noble
viscount's name, and who, deserting him in his utmost
need, fled from him like quieksilver—he called on them to
recollect why they did so—and if they forgot he would not
forget—and to resist the proposed amendment that might
bring his strong indignation back into power. Ito called
on theist to band themselves together, and thrust out from
them the imp lord the member for the City of London ;
for if they f of it, he would not, and he would resist this
amendment, that would bring back his strop indignation
upon them, He called toed them to reee.lit the-terms in
which the hon, menibsie Birmixtght6vi,ifbeted these re-
markable proceeding Where did these conspirators
meet—was it ill a coal- eorin a sewer ? Truly a fit re-
ceptacle for so dirty a transaction." Ile called on them to
recover front-1M- ft clings with which they heard these
Words, and resist the amendment,lthat shouldbring back his
scorn and indknation to 13ower. He called on those on his
side of the hate, inatehulled under the Conservative ranks,
to recollect thanhe amendment was not made against the
Conservative Miiiistra,i alone, but against the Conservative
party altogether, and hot to listen to the flattering words
of the member for South Wilts, who said he did not find
fault with the patty, lint with those that led the party.
When, however, the leaders were attacked, the party was
attacked. (Loud cheers.) When, they were to be defended
theywere tc [Wend them froth the assault, net of policy,
but of party—not by fact, but by a faction. (Cheers.) Let
them, then, stand well together, without any hair-splitting
—no "letting I dare not wait upoa I would"—bat let them
band themselves together like one man, under the banner
of union, consistency, and Conservatism, and stand or fall
under its colours. ((Loud cheers.)
Mr. W. LEXIILA., te,..., ressed his intention of voting
for the amendlient.l : : h'inglati.th.e Government ought to,
have fair play, but he considered tEl'6s, had failed more par-
ticularly in finning a proper measure of reform. •
Sir C. LEWIS wished to state to the house his reasons
for giving support to the amendment. Ile admitted that
the amendment, involving an expression of want of confi-
dence in the Executive Government of the country, was of an
unusual and extraordinary character, and that persons who
were habitually in opposition to her Majesty's Government
would hesitate on common occasions in supporting a vote of
that description. But it seemed to him that any person who
had been in the habit-Of 411osing the existing Government
ought not to hesitate on the preset enee,;,----,
T.. -- - ' _,.;
the amendment.
--"' .......vu la supporting
fa... . -,-, . nat4mendment was not proposed spore
......eousi• ...c nail been forced upon the Opposition by the
Conduct of her Majesty's Government. When his noble
friend the member for the city of London made his mail=
Upon the Reform Bill in the last Parliament it did not, in
his opinion, involve- a censer's pll leer Majesty's Govern-
ment. It affirmed certain princ;ples With respect to the eon-
strtictien of the Reform- Bill, in whiCh the Oppo,sitiott side
of tha house were Unanimously agreed, in NVIITcia 14 large
via
number of gentlemen on the onnosite side of the Liense con-
curred, and to which it womkaave been competent for' her
Government to fifty° -Submitted, Mollifying their
measure accolingly. BUt they did not take that course.
They treated if, quite unneoessarily, as a vote of censure;
and they wont to the Nye on the understanding that the
amendment imported a vete of censure on the Government.
That rate was supported by a large majority of the late
Parliament. Her Majesty's advisers did not acquiesce in
that decision. They aPP.co,led to the couf&try ; but they did
not appeal on t measure 'ef the bill, .of reform. They ap-
pealed fo the co
.ry`fol. a vote of cr nfidence in themselves
as an Adminis on, and the elect ions did 114 turn =the
merits of the Le orm Billy/ They 'were uot decided by the