The Sun.
London, England, 1861-01-29 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVENING, JANUARY 29, 1861.

NOTICE.—BUCKLEYS' SERENADERS.—
LAsr WEEK but TWO of the Season, owing to
several Provincial Engagements entered into previous to
their appearance in London. The Programme will be changed
every week so as to enable them to produce all their most
Popular Novelties, the ilurlesoue Operatic Selections will be
varied, including " Lucrezia Borgia," " Cenerentola," " Tro-
vatore," and "La Sonnambula." Doors open every night at
half-past Seven. A Day Performance every Wednesday and
Saturday. Doors open at half-past Two. Stalls, 3s. ; Arca,
2s. ; Gallery, Is.
St. James's Hall, Piccadilly,
19th January, 18(11.

MR. W. S. WOOI)IN'S NEW I'?,NTERTAIN-
MENT, the CABINET of CURIOSITIES, POLY-
GRAPHIC HALL, Ring Wit lam-street, Charing-cross,
TO-NIGHT, and EVERY EVENING (except Saturday), at
Eight. Private boxes, £1 Is. ; Stalls and box stalls, 3s. ;
area, 2s. ; amphitheatre, is, ,-A. plan of the stalls may be
seen, and seats secured (without extra charge), at the Box-
office, from 10 till 4. Morning Performance, Saturday, Jan.
19.

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at Nine o'clock,—Ss. admission.

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its excellence. Admission, ls.

LAW LIFE ASSURANCE OFFICE,
Fleet-street, London, Fd January, 1861.

NOTICE IS HEREBY GIVEN. That a GENERAL
MEETING of Proprietors of the Law Life Assurance Society
will be held at the Society's Office, Fleet-street, London, on
SATURDAY, the 2d day of February next, at twelve o'clock
at noon precisely, pursuant to the provisions of the Society's
Deed of Settlement, for the purpose of receiving theAudit,,rs'
Annual Report of the Accounts of the Society up to the 31st
day of December, 1830 ; to elect a Trustee in the room of John
Henry Cancellor, Esq., deceased ; and a Director in the room
of Richard Richards, Esq., deceased; and for general pur-
poses.
The Director to be chosen in the room of Richard Richards,
Esq., deceased, will remain in office until the 2fth day of
June next.

By order of the Directors.
WILLIAM SAMUEL DOWNES, Actuary.

India Office, Victoria-street, Westminster,
28th January, 1861.
THE SECRETARY of STATE for INDIA in
Council gives notice that he will be prepared to receive,
on Friday, the Bth February, at or before One o'Clock, Ten-
ders for a Loan of £3,000,000, on security of Stock to be created
under the provisions of an Act of the last Session of Parlia-
ment, and to bear Interest at the rate of Five per cent, per
annum, payable half-yearly at the Bank of England, on the
sth January and sth July in each year.
The Stock not to be redeemable until sth July, 1870, but to
be redeemable at par on or after that day, upon one year's
previous notice having been given in " The London Gazette"
by the Secretary of State for India in Council.
The Books of the Stock will be kept at the Bank of England,
where all Assignments and Transfers will be made. No
Stamp Duties whatsoever will be charged on the Transfers.
The Tenders to be for the whole or any part of such Loan,
but not for sums of less than £5OO stock, and to state What
amount of money will be given for every £lOO of the said
stock. The Tenders are to be delivered in, sealed, at the
Accountant-General's Department, at this Office.

A deposit of 2 per cent. upon the amount of stock tendered
for must at the same time be ped at the Accountant General's
Department, to be returned in the event of the tenders not
being accepted ; and parties tendering- must be careful not to
enclose the deposit in the sealed tender.
So much of the amount tendered and accepted to be paid at
the Bank of England, on account of the Secretary of State for
India in Council, on Friday, the 15th of February, 1861, as,
when added to the deposit paid on the tenders being delivered,
will leave eighty pounds for each hundred pounds of stock, to
be paid as under, viz.:—
£2O per cent. on Tuesday, the 12th of March. X 661;
£3O per cent. on Tuesday, the oth of 1.861
£.30 per cent. on Friday, the 10f'; of may, 1861; ;
but parties who so desire rdY
allowed a discount at pay up in full, and will be
the anticipated p^- -
11. e rate of 5 per cent. per annum upon
...y-ments. •
The divideLfd,payable on the sth of July, 1861, to be a six
for dividend upon the capital amount or stock contracted
'AT on the said Bth February.
In the event of the receipt of fenders (at or above the mini-
mum price to be fixed by the Secretary of State for India in
Council on the Bth February) for a larger amount than that
proposed to be raised, the tenders, at the lowest prix: accepted,
will be subject to a pro rata diminution.
Due notice will be given when the Scrip Receipts are ready,
and these will be delivered only to the parties entitled, or to
their ord,LT, at the Chief Cashier's Office at the Bank of Eng-
lam4., in exchange for the receipt for the first instalment.
For each instalment after the payment of the first, which
is due on the 15th of February, 1861, a proportional amount
of Stock will be created for the contributors. The Stock for
the first instalment, including the Deposit, to be created at
the same time with that which will be due on the last. _ _

No Tender will be received after One o'clock on the said
Bth day of February, nor unless upon a printed Form, which
must not be enclosed in an envelope.
This Form may be obtained at the Accountant General's
Department of this Office, or of Mr. Henry Scott, the Broker
to the Secretary 01 6tate for India in Council, 16, Throgmor-
ton-street, London, E.C.

J. COSMO MELVILL,

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should you be a smoker, leave it off, it renders your hand un-
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The smoke equal= Oriental pastules. Sold in square, green
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TO THE WEEKLY BOARD,
ST. GEORGE'S HOSPITAL.
tri- LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,
The Office of Solicitor to your Hospital having become
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I am, my Lords and Gentlemen,
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F.S. A., F.R.G, S., Gc.
32, Cannon-street West, London, E:C.,
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into distinct confederacies, those confederacies must
become enemies. Each would view the growth of
the other with distrust, out of which wars would
inevitably grow. The fruitful source of European
wars, the question of the balance of power, would
be introduced on this continent, and these contro-
versies would terminate in military despotisms.
Foreign intervention would be sought for or prof-
fered uninvited. Indeed, it was already meditated,
although the disunion movement was not yet GO
days old. Slavery, too, must be destroyed. Can a
civil war rage and the slaves remain idle P The love
of liberty is natural to all men. Will it be possible
to prevent an uprising of the gross and brutal Afri-
cans ? Europe has set its face against the practice
of slavery. The European anti-slavery sentiment
is abolitionism—pure, simple, uncompensating. The
American anti-slavery sentiment, restrained by the
constitution and the Union, manifests itself in an
opposition to the African slave trade, and hostility
to the extension of slavery over territory now free.
Remove the restraints of the Union, and incite civil
war, and you hate no guarantee that the Northern
anti-slavery sentiment will not be as nneompromis-
ing as the European. Let dissolution cone, and
industry will be checked, labour go without its
reward, the Prattler given up to the savage, the
national prosperity turned into iiiiii, and liberty,
freedom of speech, thought, and action be lost in
the face of petty confederacies seeking protection
under military despotisms. Even the Times, not
Crally too friendly to America, Says it is pro-
bable that Democratic Government will fall from
the selfishness and folly of those who cannot
appreciate its excellence. " Why, then," Mr.
Seward proceeds, "are .we threatened with
a disruption that is to produce such re-
sults ? a President unacceptable
to a portion of the people had been elected. Was
the election illegal ? No. Was the candidate per-
sonally exceptionable ? No. Does anybody wish
to dispense with the form of anelection P No. Yet
the Gulf States were seceding with no other cause."
A withdrawal of the Gulf States Mr. Seward be-

lieved impossible. If revolution were invoked to
effect it, he was for preserving the Union. He
would do this peaceably, if possible, by conciliation,
and in the exercise of charity. Although a Repub-
lican, his republicanism should be subordinate to
the Union. He was willing to support the follow-
ing measures :-1. As to the Fugitive Slave Laws
he conceded that while, by the
.Constitution, ,;; is
left to each State to determine whether th:xe can
be property in man within its borders,
obligation to restore a fugitive slay) and he would
advocate,,the repeal of State laws txere was an
interfering with
Fugitive Slave Law. At the same time, he thought
that the objectionable provisions of that law should
be repealed. 2. He we willing to vote for an
amendment of the Constitution, declaring that Con-
gress shall never have the power to alter or abolish
slavery within the States. 3. He was willing to
vote for what is called an " Enabling Act," to ena-
ble the existing territory to be immediately organ-
ised into two States, with a power to each, if it can
be done constitutionally, to be hereafter subdivided.
4. He would rote for an Act to prevent invasions
of,,the slave States from the free States. 5. He
wipld vote for a Pacific Railway as a peace mea-
sure ; and ,lastly, when the eccentric disunion
movements are over he would support a Convention
to see what amendments might be desired in the
constitution.

Thus imperfectly I have sketched the outlines of
this speech—perhaps the most important one ever
delivered in the Senate of the United States—one
of' the most important ones ever delivered in any
deliberative body. On it hangs the future of the
Republic. It is understood to be Mr. Seward's own
child—not the result of conference with his party
or his friends. When he rose, not one of the
Republican members of the Senate knew what he
would say. As he spoke friends and foes in the
Senate alike gathered about him, drawing their
chairs as near as possible to the desk at which he
stood, forming a semi-circle of upturned faces. As
soon as he sat down there was a slight applause in
the galleries, which was immediately hushed, and
the Senate at once adjourned. I joined the groups
of senators on the floor, gathered into knots dis-
cussing the speech. The extreme Southerners were
loud in their denunciations. One said, "It is a
declaration of war ;" another, "It amounts to
nothing—it is all talk ;" another, "We shall never
approve of that." The moderate men from the
Border slave States with Whig antecedents were
pleased with it. One said, "It is beyond what I
expected from Mr. Seward, though not so much as
I could have wished ;" another, " It gives us some-
thing to stand upon at home." The ultra-Repub-
lican's disavowed the sentiments of Mr. Seward.
" The 12th of January will be written as the day of
the death of the Republican party," said one
violent member : but the moderate Republicans,
who really guide the party, approve it. " I see
nothing there that we cannot stand upon," said one
of the leading Republican Senators to me. These
views, expressed at the moment, may be taken as
fair exponents of public sentiment since developed.
The concessions made by Mr. Seward on behalf of
the Republicans cover the whole grounds of com-
plaint. They divide the existing.territory between
North and South, give new guarantees to the slave
States for the protection of their property within
the States, protect them against Personal Liberty
Bills, guard them against the renewal of John
Brown's invasions, and promise to bind the two
shores of the country together by links of iron. But
they do not touch 'certain other points, which are
deemed essential by the Cotton States, and may be
deemed so by the Border States. They do not make

any provision about slavery in the district of Co•
lumbia. This may, perhaps, be added, if its absence
alone stand in the way of settlement. They do not
make any provision for slaves in transitu in free
States ; because that will not, in all probability, be
conceded. They do not make any provision for
future acquired territory, which Mr. Breckenridge

says is a sine qua non. The slaveholders say they
must have room to expand. This want will be met
to-morrow by amove from the South, that territory
may be acquired hereafter either by a concurrent
vote of two-thirds of each House, or by treaty
which requires a two-third's vote in the Senate ;
and I think that such a settlement would be ac-
quiesced in by the Republicans, if the Border States
will be satisfied with the rest of their programme ?
Will they be satisfied ? I frankly say, I cannot
tell, nor can any man, in these days of
rapid revolution, foresee the result of such offers.
The planting States are irretrievably gone, seduced
by the hope of direct trade with Europe, and com-
mercial greatness at home. They have declared
themselves out of the Union, and, for the present at
least, it is regarded as the part of wisdom to let
them alone, if they will consent to let the Federal
Government alone, and stop firing into vessels
bearing its flag. The border States have not the
same commercial temptations, but, on the other
hand, they have an identity of interest in the pos-
session of slaves,',and a:common hatred of " the Abo-
litionists," as every anti-slavery man is called. The
pressure now making upon these States to carry
them out of the Union before the 4th March is in-
conceivable. It is the opinion here that Delaware
and Maryland will not go—that Kentucky, Ten-
nessee, and Virginia will go, unless the speech of
yesterday and the action of the coming week shall
be potent to prevent it, and that Missouri is doubt-
ful. The Legislature of Virginia have already called
a Convention for the purpose ; but have also pro-
vided, in spite of violent opposition from the seces-
sionists, that the vote of the people shall be taken
upon the question.
My own impressions upon Mr. Seward's proposi-
tions are—and I give them only as impressions ga.
thered from contact with a great variety of men here
—that they will not be satisfactory to the Border
States, and that there is great mann to apprehend