The Sun.
London, England, 1859-05-11 00:00:00

:MBER.

SEPT:

OCT,

NOVE:

Monmouth 22
Manchester Autumn .. 23
Newmarket F.O 27
TIER.

Newmarket S:0 10
Newmarket H 24
:MEER. •

Liverpool Autumn ' 9

THE WESTMEATH MURDER.

The announcement en Thnisday by some of the
Dublin papers of the death of Thomas lessop Was '
premature, as it was not until Friday that he
breathed his last. An inquest was held on Satur-
day by Mr. T. Fetherston, one of the coroners for.,
the county of Westmeath, when the facts respecting:
the assassination, which we have already publishoM
were fully detailed. The evidence of Mr; `r:'
' Claffy, one of the most respectable farmers of the
ck-i neighbouThoos kspeeiat y worthy of
,notice, as
depicting-the-stale"-of terrorism, which prevails in
his part of tle 'County. Ife 'deposed that he
left Kilbeggan in 'his tax-cart at half-past
three- O'clock on Saturday, the 31st ultimo;'
that he was immediately followed by another
farmer, Mr. Patrick Fay, on a jaunting-car; that
when they had proceeded about a mile and a half
from Kilbeggan they heard two shots in rapid
succession a short distance before them, and that
they saw the smoke of firearms ; that on arriving
nearer the spot they saw a man holding a horse
attached to a cart ; that Thomas Jessop advanced
towards them from behind the cart with a pistol in
his hand; that witness was at once struck with a
conviction that Jessop had been shot for taking,
Kelly's farm ; and that his (witness's) first
impulse was to turn back to Kilbeggazi
and give information to the police, but that
he was dissuaded by ray, who said it
would be better to acquaint the Ballinagore police
on their way home (Ballinapore being about the
same distance. as Kilbeggan) ; that meanwhile
Jessop continued to walk towards them, and,
having rested for a short time against a wall, he
sank on the roadside; that two women came from
an adjoining house and stood beside the wounded
man ; that witness and Fay drew up, the latter con-
versing for- some time with the women ; that they
(witness and Fay) then drove homewards, giving
notice to the police as they passed through the village
of Ballinagore. On being asked by the coroner why
he did not assist the wounded man to his own

house, Mr. Claffy replied that he thought he was
dead. " Why, then (said the coroner), did you not
call here (at the temporary barrack in which th•
inquest was held) and give information of the mur-
der to the police ?" The witness replied that he was
so confused in his mind that he did not know what
he was about. The other farmer, Patrick Fay, did
not appear, and consequently had no opportunity
of explaining his reasons for adopting the same
line of conduct as Claffy. The medical attendants,
Drs. Walsbe and Duigan, having made a post-
mortem examination of Jessop's body, gave evidence
as follows :—There were no fewer than six exter-
nal gunshot wounds situated on the right lumbar
region. Some of the shots penetrated to the
abdomen, and one pistol bullet traversed that ;
por-
tion of bone known as the " spine of the ilium,"
fractured the "tranverse process," of one of the
vertebrae, and lodged beside the navel. It is
needless to state that the wounds were neces-
sarily mortal. How the poor fellow was able to
walk home—a distance of upwards of half a mile
—without assistance, and how he lived six days
afterwards, are facts almost beyond comprehension.
One of the women alluded to above was produced as
mhjiat
nhei
afmesinformation.
rsowitness,rpandetaewttauoial
returning
flsnnb; teohsausahrhfutoeredasoshedmcwde.o
ouchlhFetdoehounamrgot
thathsato,
its.mktos
hhereeetew,
unexplainedawd.woi uadahlsodnns
inoootmaot take,
recognizenfgin
11;1 eeeniltakhsn oeoaynnnt
—probably because a meeting of magistrates was
held on the same day in Kilbeggan—the men who
have been arrested on suspicion were not produced
at the inquest, and the verdict of the jury was
accordingly " Wilful murder against some person
unknown." The Lord Lieutenant has offered £lOO
for the conviction of the murderer.—Dublin Post.

Commissioner of the City Police, has just issued the follow-
ingClTY STREET HAWKERS.—Mr. B. W. Harvey,
orders on this subject to the officers in charge of divi-
sions, viz. :—" The commissioner orders that the attention
of the officers and constables be directed to the number of
street hawkers daily to be observed obstructing the public
thoroughfares of the city. The commissioner directs that,
in the first instance, these offenders be cautioned that they
cannot be permitted to remain in the crowded streets, and
in the event of any one of them, after being so informed,
annoying passengers or impeding traffic during the busi-
ness hours of the day, that such persons so offending be
brought before the magistrates to be dealt with according to
law. The commissioner further orders that those inhabi-
tants who make complaint to the pollee of this class of offesnes-
ders be requested to attend before the magistrates in
e_
where it may be found necessary personsce,
whom they complain to a police court.—City Police-off
Mai 8."
LOSlON.—Another
FATAL BLAST-FURNACE
EXPunfrequent occurrence
of those explosions which are not of
at Kingssrinford on Sun-
to take thi
in South Staffordshire,occurred
the water which is made to run
is necessary to prevent
ter
casing of the tuyere from
blast-furnaces great vigilance
day. In the conducting o
round the inner and
theou
molten iron, and thus occa-
leakingass. In
dae
st ue
ny.
pe ret i 0 innho iaipe.
the generation of oxyhydrogen
explosioniwriy
If be remembered, are the hollow
gas. The tuYers, s through which the blast is made to
sjoning an
nt among 1:)
The lLuPe
's-hall blast-furnaces at Kinswinford bel
of the Corbyn , ong-
ing to and • .
yzotiiii e twhse, baulrneaiknaggem
pa was resealed unhappily by an explo • 'b.
sion, m ich
pen—' death of
has caused thetwo men, the expected death of a
third, and serious injuries to three others. The catastrophe
operate direwctl
occurred at a time when the consequences of an explosion
were likely to be most disastrous. The furnace was fully
charged, and its contents were ready to be run off
into moulds prepared to receive it. To effect this escape
of the molten iron, the workmen assembled at betweeen 9
and 10 on Sunday morning. They were about to commence
to tap the furnace when a portion of its front was blown out
with a loud report, and at the same instant many tons of the
molten iron and red-hot scoria were forced ouf upon them
with terrible velocity. The six men who were to have
engaged in the operation were in a moment enwrapped in
flames, or shockingly mutilated by the burning
mass.' The two deceased presented a horrifying spect-
ac'e, their flesh hanging in torn and blackened pieces
from their bones, yet they lingered till evening. Of the
other four, three, there is reason to hope, will recover. The
deceased are named Hugh Jones and James Wootton;
the survivor whose life is despaired of is Francis Briscoe.
The other throe are Joseph Wallet, Joseph Roberts, and
Job Hendell. The surrounding buildings bear evidence
of the excessive heat with which the explosion was at-
tended, as well as the extreme force with which the contents
._
of the furnace escaped. The place of the accident anni
abodes of the injured and the dead continue throngtonbenort_ ued with
by people curious to know every articular co
to suppose that
the sad event. There had been no reason
the tuyere in question or any other was daective before the
explosion revealed the circumstance.

~... .

SIR JAMES GRAHAM
AT CARLISLE.

A grand dinner, in celef
,ration of the success of
the Liberal candidates fo-
: Carlisle and East Cum-
berland, was held on Me
inday evening at the Coffee-
house Assembly -r00m.4 Carlisle. About 500 gentle-
men sat down. All %ZIG four members were present.
In responding j(l2. the toastof his health,

Sir 101 E", GRAHAM said—Mr. Chairman, vice-
chairmar„ ladies, and gentlemen, I rise with peculiar
satisfaction to return to you my cordial thanks on
the present occasion. The chairman has reminded
you of the advice of the late Mr. Steel to the Blue
party. He urged, and greatly urged, the import-
ance of union. The joy which I feel on the present
occasion arises from the practical adoption of that
salutary rule. (Cheers.) When I look to the right
and to the left, and before me, I see again cordially
united that great Blue party which, when united,
s irresi,l ible, both in the Eastern Division of Cum-

erland and in Carlisle. (Cheers.) There is union
in my p,...rson, in you, and in my colleague. It is
s aid that he is a vouth—(laughter)—though he is a
t olerably matured you th—(renewed laughter) —ap-
proaching the age of 30, with excellent experience,
-which upon him has not been thrown away. I
s hall not speak in his behalf in returning thanks as
one of your members. He will speak for himself,
and both here and elsewhere I am satisfied he will
give satisfaction and not disgrace you. Well, now,
it is said I am all for union. lam going to give
proof of some want of it by differing from my hon.
friend the member for the Eastern Division on
my left, who says that the obect of our meeting to-
day was principally to celebrate the election for
C arlisle. 1 differ from that altogether. I say it is
a triumph and an exultation at the gallant victory
both in the Eastern Division and in the city, that
we are met here to celebrate. (Cheers.) And I
cordially adopt—though I differed from my friend
on that point—l cordially adopt another sentiment
which fell from him. He said that it would be un-
generous in the extreme on this occasion to say one
word of disparagement of the gentleman with whom
in this city we recently had a struggle, and whom
with some difficulty we succeeded in beating. He
is an honourable gentleman. He has a spotless pri-
vate character. He fought the battle fairly, and I
have not one word to say against him. (Cheers.)
It was said it was desirable that the mantle of Mr.
Hodgson should fall upon Mr. Lawson in one par-
ticular—namely, in obtaining some augmentation
of the salaries of the poor clergy in the diocess.
Now, I would by no means advise my friend, Mr.
Lawson, not to do his utmost in that direction ; but
as it is said we may likely have another election, I
must put him on his guard not to make any pro-
mises in that direction. (Cheering and laughter,
which drowned the subsequent sentnce of the right
honourable baronet.) It will never do to buy
the support of the bishop and clergy of the diocess
by any promises whatever on that particular subject.
(Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Vice-President, there is
a gentleman sitting on your left hand (the Rev. J.
Halifax) who talked of half-starved clergy in rags.
(Laughter.) Now, if my friend Mr. Lawson is to
succeed with the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, I say
Mr. Halifax must not make his appearance. (Great
laughter.) If he is to be taken as a type of the clergy
of this diocess, they will not think there is a single
clergyman here who is half-starved and in rags.
(Renewed laughter.) This is not an opportunity for
adverse debate. I will not utter one word of dis-
paragement of Mr, Hodgson; but on the other hand
the principle is laid down by my friend on the right
(Mr. Marshall) that the majority in this country
must rule. Until the last year I thought that was
an axiom in politics, but that it has been attempted
with some success I shall Rot here discuss. That the
reverse should be the rule—that the minority should
govern and the majority agree to it—a more unsound
principle was never entertained. (Cheers.) What
does Mr. Hodgson say ? He says that one half of
the constituency is on his side. There are 1,100 elec-
tors for the city, 475 voted for Mr. Hodgson. Arith-
metic is a stubborn thing—(laughter)—and no rule
of arithmetic with which I am acquainted justifies
the assertion that 475 is the half of 1,100. (Cheers
and laughter.) But more than that. It is asserted
that one-half of the constituency was on his side,
and more than one-half of the inhabitants of Carlisle
were on his side also. (Laughter.) I could not think
that from the appearance of the market-place on the
day when the return was made. I did not see any
symptoms of more than one half the inhabitants of
Carlisle being on the side of Mr. Hodgson—(laughter)
—but I will only say this, if a substantial Reform
Bill passes—Mr. Hodgson wculd appear to have
household suffrage to make an appeal to all the inha-
bitants of Carlisle ; I don't go so far as that—l should
be satisfied with a £6 value instead of £lO, orrather
I should say the municipal franchise made the Par-
liamentary franchise, and let that good day come.
(Cheers.) I say if a substantial Reform Act passes,
let Mr. Hodgson appeal, not to the inhabitants
of Carlisle, but to a constituency doubled or trebled
—and I think he will find he was deceived when
he stated that the majority of the inhabitants of
Carlisle were desirous to see him again returned.
(Cheers.) But now, gentlemen, though I say we
should not make this the occasion of debate, yet '
there is a contest, not approaching, but a contest
now raging, which it is impossible for a meeting of
this kind to overlook. Mr. Marshall has dwelt
somewhat upon the conflicting statements with re-
gard to the course taken by Russia. The Chancel.
for of the Exchequer, from the hustings at Ayles-
bury, has given one account ; the Under Secretary
of State for Foreign Affairs, from the hustings at
orsham, has given another. Mr. Disraeli says
there is no convention. Mr. Fitzgerald points to a
telegraphic message from the First Minister of the
Emperor of Russia that there is a written under-
standing. Now, " a written understanding" and
" a convention"—is it a play upon words ? The
British Government may have been deceived. It
is highly possible. Mr. Howard, our chairman,
looks forward to the production of the despatches
when Parliament meets. He says we must learn
and read them. He little knows the difficulty of
inwardly digesting them. (Laughter and cheers.)
But on the present state of affairs, as to what may
have taken place previous to the unhappy advent of
a war in Europe, the Government may have been
deceived. I would much rather think that they
have than that they should have attempted to de-
ceive us. (Cheers.) But I am sorry to say that
the dilemma is this—either they have been grossly
deceived, or they have attempted to deceive us.
Well now, I say it is the most melancholy spectacle
that the world ever witnessed, in the state of ad-
vanced civilisation in which we now live, that the
passions of three or four men—uncontrolled by
popular assemblies, uncontrolled by a free press—
from mere wantonness and caprice and passion,
should involve the civilised world in war such as is
now taking place. (Cheers.) It is the most melan-
choly, the most degrading spectacle that ever was
presented to human power and human free-
dom in the advanced stage of civilisation in
which we now live. I have read the proclamations
of the Emperor of the French on the one hand,
and of the Emperor of Austria on the other. It is
vain to balance where the fault lies. I think the
whole fault arises on the part of the Emperor of
the French, but Austria abandoned her vantage
ground in not standing on the defensive, and not
becoming the assailant. But it is vain to adjudi-
cate between parties in a question of degree. The
question is, what is the policy of England? Her
policy is peace, and he will be the best Minister
who seeks effectually to keep this country out of
war so long as the, honour and safety of England is
secure. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Howard, in terms too
fine, has expressed an opinion with regard to the
navy. I, from long experience, am justified in
forming an opinion and giving some advice. In the
present state of affairs I hold it necessary for the
defence of the honour of England that her defen-
sive means should not be neglected, and I observe
with the utmost satisfaction that her Majesty's
Government have offered very considerable en-
couragements for an increased number of seamen,
and that t he whole naval preparations are advanced.
So far it is right and politic, but the use of those
means will require the utmost discretion. (Hear.)
Again I repeat that that Minister will best deserve
the confidence of the people of this country who,
while he maintains our honour and independence,
keeps us out of this fatal war. (Cheers.) Now,
just consider for a moment that we "live at home
at ease," and have never witnessed the horrors of
war. Just think of that beautiful and lovely coun-
try—that country which the Apennines divide and
the Alps and the sea surround—that seat of art and
industry ' • think what it is suffering at this moment,
suffering from the unjustifiable passions of three or
four men, sullied by lust of power, under the pre-
text of advancing the cause of liberty. (Loud
cheers.) Think what it is now enduring ; the har-
vest trodden underfoot, the fruitful vine up-
rooted—the vine which Providence has given
as the source of industry—the olive and mul-
berry tree cut down to make a fire for the wanton
soldier! Half a century of industry will not make
good the fatal effects of this one campaign ; and
surely it is the duty of every good and honest man
in this country, while he takes- precaution against
such evils—it is the
duty of every- statesman do
his utmost to check this fatal urge Europe
to peace—to the arts of peace, those springs of
commerce. (Cheers.) Mr. Howard quoted two
lines with regard to the yeomanry of Cumberland.
Just let me quote four lines which I always think
of great beauty :

" But reason frowns on War's unequal game,
Where thousands fall to raise a single e
And children their forefathers' deeds regret:
From age to age, in everlasting debt."

(Renewed applause.) Great as were the exploits
of our forefathers—great as was the gallantry
during the long French war of our soldiers and

sailors, still that fatal penalty of £800,000,000 of
debt is hung around our necks—what Lord
Brougham well expressed, I think, they are heavy
securities on our part for the maintenanc of peace;
end although in defence of our hono .r I do not
doubt even that load of debt would be treated as
insignificant, yet it is not to be regarded as the
most material condition of peace. N:,w, Mr. Law-
son, I think—l believe it was on th?, hustings, re-
ferred to what he thought was still a sound maxim
of policy—namely, peace, retrenchment, and re-
form. That was the motto under which we
fought in my Lord Grey's Administration. It is
a motto which I still hold to be sound. lam for
peace if possible ; and with peace you will have
retrenchment, and you will have reform. (Ap-
plause.) If you have not peace, instead of re-
trenchment you will have a boundless increase of
taxation ; and I warn you that with respect to
Reform it will be put off to some day so distant
that I cannot hope to live to see it. Therefore I hold
that peace, retrenchment, and Reform are still
sound maxims of British liberal policy; and with
him I am disposed to maintain that principle to the
last moment, consistent with honour. (Applause.)
Now, gentlemen, I will only glance at the question
of reform. It was said truly, and I repeat it, that
this is not an opportudity for debate, but still cer-
tain events have taken place in this last election
which are impossible to overlook. I do believe that
corrupting measures were never pushed to a greater
excess than in the election that has passed. I will
just particularize three boroughs. I will take one
in England, another, the good town of Berwick-
upon-Tweed, which is a border city ; and there
shall be the city of Galway in Ireland. Now, it is
impossible for me to speak with certainty ; but still
there are circumstances connected with these three
elections most suspicious. You are aware with
regard to Dover, when the first Lord of the Ad-
miralty asked Captain Carnegie, to go and stand
for Dover, Captain Carnegie, who had endeavoured
or promised to represent a borough in favour of Go-
vernment with a good prospect of success, informed
the First Lord of the Admiralty he had made in-
quiries at Dover, and he was satisfied success was
impossible without the use of means which as a
man of honour he could not use. (Hear.) The
First Lord of the Admiralty said, " There is no
option," and he intimated that he must go to Dover.
Captain Carnegie refused and resigned his seat at
the Admiralty. (Applause.) Now, the annual
expenditure of England for packet communication
approaches £1,000,000 annually, an enormous ex-
penditure. The packet establishment at Dover had
been conducted until very recently by contract.
The contract had expired. Before the election the
question of renewing it had been brought under the
consideration of Government. The Government
had declined to renew the contract ; and it is stated
(I cannot vouch for it) that immediately upon the
eve of the election the contract which had been
refused was entered into, and the fact of that new
contract for packet service at Dover turned the votes
of a very decisive number of voters. That is some-
thing against Dover. Now, Berwick-upon-Tweed.
Again I say I know not that these facts can be proved,
but there is an old castle at Berwick. Berwick has been
very anxious that the castle should be repaired, and
a barrack instituted there, which would be of ad-
vantage to the town by causing a considerable
expenditure. It is said that immediately before the
election a promise was given that the castle should
be improved, that a barrack should be established
there, and that the desire the town felt should, at a
considerable public expenditure, be gratified. Now,
what is the case of Galway, I can speak more posi-
tively. At a cost of £240,000 a year of public
money, intercourse is established between England
and America, through the medium of the Cunard
packets passing from Liverpool to North America;
and there is further, at the expense of the American
Government, a system of packets between New
York and Southampton, and any man with the
necessary means for the expense can pass from the
States to England, and from England to the United
States, with the certainty of the old mail coach,
once in a fortnight. Now, Government bethought
themselves, at the instance of a valuable body of
members in the west of Ireland, that it would be
desirable to add to this communication a communi-
cation by Galway, at a cost of £70,000 a year. I
say it would have been cheaper for the people of
England to give the Government £lOO,OOO capital
to be expended in secret service money in buying
up the Galway votes and debauching the voters
rather than £70,009 under contract for seven years.
(Loud applause.) But they made the contract, and
the consequence has been that Mr. Lever, the head
of the company, was returned at the head of the
poll an avowed supporter of Lord Derby. (Hear.)
I will go no further. I have given you three in-
stances. Well, now, it just occurs to me while
speaking, that you will be aware the publicans at
an election are a very influential body, extremely
desirous to consult the public; but they have
always complained of the small allowance for
billeting soldiers—only three halfpence a day.
At the very moment of the election, the War De-
partment, by an act of prerogative, Parliament not
sitting, increases the allowance to 4d. Are not
these matters, Sir, pregnant with the greatest of
meaning ? We shall see how this new House of
Commons deals with them. lam anxious to have
a Reform Bill as soon as possible; but I am de-
cidedly of opinion that a searching, impartial in-
quiry into the means of alleged corruption used at
this election is the preliminary step. It will lay
bare the plague-spots which require immediate ex-
cision, if not a healing cure, which I fear is im-
possible, for it will require a deep cutting with the
pruning knife, and a thorough probing of matter
to show to an honest Government the direction the
remedial measures should take. cApplause.) But,
Sir, is this all? If there be a subject more delicate,
more tender than another, it is the question of the
treatment of religious sects in this country. (Hear.)
Now, I am about to speak in the presence of a
valued, and, I had almost said, a much loved friend
of the Roman Catholic persuasion (referring to Mr.
Philip Howard). (Applause.) Mr. Bowyer, a
Roman Catholic, at Dundalk, stated on the hust-
ings that Lord Derby's Government had given
reason to the Roman Catholics in Ireland to believe
that they contemplated granting a charter of incor-
poration for a Roman Catholic University in Dub-
lin. (Hear.) I am utterly incredulous as to any
such intention. I do not believe that Lewd Derby's
Government, if it remain in power, will ever grant
the charter; but certainly Mr. Bowyer is a gen-
tleman on whom reliance can be placed, and he
stated reason to hope had been given that such a
charter should be granted. Now, that is what has
been done in Ireland. Has nothing of the same sort
been done in England ? lam afraid in a case at Not-
tingham, where the Roman Catholics had at repeat-
ed former elections done their very utmost to sup-
port Liberal ca:4d id ates, from communica-
tions made to the Roman Catholic priesthood, in
the shape of a confidential communication to them,
it was desired from authority the Roman Catholics
should vote for Mr. Paget, the Whig, and for
another gentleman who was a candidate in Lord
Derby's interest. The Roman Catholics there man-
fully repudiated any such advice. It was attempted
to seduce them from their former course, but man-
fully they voted as before. (Applause.) Now, there
is a stronger case I am really grieved to bring before
your notice. No event in the late elections has
excited my surprise and sorrow so much as the
defeat of the two Liberal candidates for South Lan-
cashire. Now, I hold in my hand a paper sent me
fraotmurLdaivy7p.myoaol yesterday. It is the Daily Post of
Saturday,
7, and I will read to you a letter
from Bishop Goss, Roman Catholic Bishop of
Liverpool, a confidential circular addressed to the
Roman Catholic priesthood in that county :
" Reverend and dear Sir —labamfodrirectin
directed by the bishop to
inform you that he has reliable
of Lord Derby's Government to matt toocof2tthheiles intention
sonable concession in regard to spiritual aid to Catholicarei
n-
mates of gaols, workhouses, &c.,r
This was a communication from the Roman Catholic
bishop at a critical moment for the election, and
now I will read you the statement in the paper '--
"Lord Derby has employed Lord Camden, son of Lord
Gainsborough, to exercise surreptitious influence over the
Catholic bishops of England and Ireland. Cardinal 'Wise-
man has lent his support, and the world will hardly believe
it when I tell them of this interference of the episcopacy.
Lord Camden owes his influence to his recent conversion.
He has been in Birmingham, he has been in Liverpool ; he
has called upon the Catholic bishop, and has brought there
a letter from Lord Derby; and in this letter he promises, on
condition that the Catholics support his Government,, to
put the Roman Catholics in power ? Not at all. o make
magistrates of the Catholics ? Not at all. To give office to
Catholics ? Not at all. But to place Catholic gaol chap-
lains in England upon the same footing as Catholic chap-
lains in Ireland."

(Laughter and applause.) Now, it is 40 years since
I first entered Parliament on the principle of reli-
gious liberty. I have constantly and uniformly
supported the claim of my Catholic brethren to a
perfect equality of civil rights. I was long a mem-
ber of the Opposition under Lord Grey, under Lord
Brougham, under Lord Althorpe, and under Lord
J. Russell, till 1830—for 20 years, by virtue of self-
denial, refused all access to power, rather than re-
linquish the claims of Roman Catholics to equal
participation. (Cheers.) Were the Roman Catholics
ungrateful ? I have never found them so. They have
invariably, wherever I have had an opportunity of
asking their support, given it freely and upon
principle. At this very last election here, notwith-
standing all that had been done to tamper with
Roman Catholics in the manner I have shown you,
Mr. Lawson and I had the uncompromising,
honest, and independent support of a Roman
Catholic priest, high in the respect of the congre-
gation here. (Applause.) Well, now, I may be
excused if I avail myself of this opportunity of
expressing to you the-feelings of my heart. In my
own immediate neighbourhood, from my earliest
youth, I have known a Roman Catholic family. I