The Sun.
London, England, 1861-12-11 00:00:00

pendence." After tracing the struggle from the
commencement to the present time, he expressed
his opinion that it was not a question of the resto-
ration of the Union. It was rather a question as
to the terms of separation, as to the boundary to be
established. That was a question for arbitration,
that could be more easily carried out before more
blood is shed and more exasperation caused than
after a long, pernicious, and calamitous war.
(Hear.) He next came to the affair of the Trent,
and continued :—As to the character of that out-
rage I say nothing of it. It has been fully dis-
cussed. People have formed their own opinions,
and we need not go into any of the circumstances
of that transaction. This only we know, that in
the first instance it created great astonishment and
great indignation, which, however, in a most cre-
ditable manner was instantly crushed from the feel-
ing that the gravity of the occurrence compelled the
people to be active, and with one voice they asked the
question, What does the law officers of the crown say
as to the law of the case? And so determined were the
people of England not tobe incensed by the feeling or
sentiment, even under the violation of what they
considered the most sacred claim made by the English
nation—that of giving an asylum to political refu-
gees—the point of all others on which the English
nation has always been the most sensitive. So de-
termined were they not to set up any claim that
could not be vindicated by law, that I believe if the
law officers had stated it to be their opinion that
the conduct of Capt. Wilks was in conformity with
international law, and if that opinion had been en-
dorsed by the profession at large, the people would
have acquiesced, I will not say without a murmur,
but certainly without any outward signs of resist-
ance. (Hear.) Well, the law officers of the Crown
have advised her Majesty that the act complained of
is a breach of international law, and, according to
some semi-official statements which have been pub-
lished, the Government have sent a despatch to
Lord Lyons laying down the terms on which he is
instructed to demand reparation from the Cabinet
at Washington ; and I believe there are two charac-
teristics of that message which are generally accept-
able to Europe. The first is that the demand is said
to have been made with great firmness ; and the
second is, that it is said to be couched in terms the
most conciliatory, so as to give the American Go-
vernment every possible opening to recede with
honour, and not imposing upon them the slightest
humiliation. (Hear, hear.) I believe that the pro-
ceedings of the Government have been approved of
from one end of the kingdom to the other, and I
believe it is the consciousness of the people that the
right course has been pursued and steadily per-
sisted in that has produced the calm which pervades
the whole community. (Hear.) After some remarks
on the interest which the people of this country
must naturally feel, and the injury which the
manufacturers must suffer from the blockade,
the hon. member went on to say—So far as our
interests and sympathies are concerned they would
go with the South. But when the war first broke
out all our sympathies were ready to enlist them-
selves with the North, because we believed the
cause of the North was that of emancipation ;
and it was only when we found that they were
ready to compound with slavery, to perpetuate
slavery, to combine all the profits of slavery with
all the advantages of professed abolition, that the
reaction took place, and that the English public
determined to observe that strict neutrality which
to this moment has never been departed from. And
now let me say, although I cannot deny that there
are some causes of sympathy drawing us towards
the South, that there is that gulf placed between us,
between the English nation and any community
that subsists by slavery, that makes it impossible
that we can ally ourselves either by sympathy,
community of feeling, or affection with any nation
that exists upon that which I can call nothing else
but a disgrace to mankind. And there is also
this to be said, that even in the event of war, there
is great danger of our alliance with the South, in-
asmuch as whether we wished it or not we could not
help being occasionally participators in much of
what we should disapprove, and that we might do
something without intending it to strengthen an
institution against which the heart of every Eng-
lishman revolts. (Hear.) I have said that we have
observed neutrality; I believe that is understating
the case. I know not any man worth the name of
Englishman who would not make great sacrifices to
help America, both North and South, out of their
difficulty. (Hear.) One sympathy I have—the
warmest and strongest—one partisanship I am
ready to avow—it is a partisanship in which you
will all be ready to engage—that in this cruel, pur-
poseless, and wicked war my sympathies go with
the party that is most moderate, and the most
ready for the conclusion of an early peace. (Cheers.)
There is one plea the force of which we must all
admit. It has been said "Remember the weak-
ness of America—see what a difficulty she is in.
She has one arm tied up. Is the magnanimity and
the generosity of England to press upon a power
when she is comparatively powerless'" Now, if
we look at the two countries, it is a remarkable
fact that there never was a period when the North
was so weak; there never was a period since the
peace of 1815 when England was strong. But
we must remember that the weakness of the
North is not admitted ; on the contrary, they are
ready to push at the South, dispose of England, and
help themselves to Canada. (Laughter.) There is
this also to be considered, that while concession may
be right, we must take care that no concession is
made that may give rise to mischievous misrepre-
sentations and misconstructions. We must look to
some extent to what has taken place, We must
remember that the abuse of England—the menacing
of England, has not only been a habit but a profit-
able trade in America, The newspapers are sold by
it, the members of Congress get their elections byit,
the Secretaries of State are raised to office by it, the
Presidents mount the highest steps in the ladder by
it. It is the whole political capital on which men
thrive—perpetually reviling and challenging Eng-
land. We have disregarded it as we could well afford
to do, but in the interests of America itself—in the
interests of Europe, there-must come a time when
this must be checked. America has been treated by
England like a great headstrong schoolboy, who has
never travelled more than 10 miles from home, and
who has been so petted and pampered that he has
become a nuisance to the household around him.
America has passed the age of pupilage. Her ma-
jority is attained. It is our duty, in the interests of
America, as well as in the interests of Europe, to see
that she is brought to her senses, and we must teach
her that if she wishes to be respected that respect
must be founded on her own regard for international
obligations, her own respect for civilised law, and
that she is not to be respected in proportion to her
own menacing and bluster. (Cheers.) There is a
general apprehension of war, and everybody is ask-
ing what is to be the upshot of these proceedings.
I will tell you what I hope and believe will be the
upshot. It is my ardent and sincere belief that there
will be no war. I will give you the reasons for that
belief. In the first place, it is not the interest of the
Northern States to go to war. lam not saying any-
thing disrespectful of America or the Northern
States when I say that interest is an ingredient
which the American is too smart an individual to
lose sight of in his warlike and peaceful arrange-
ments. What are they to do if they go to war ? At
present they are occupied altogether in the South.
But they say, "We are dealing with the South.
We may lose territory there, but we shall compen-
sate ourselves by taking Canada." But what do the
Canadians say to that ? They say they live in too
great a proximity to the great republic, and have
formed a very correct notion of the value of its con-
nection. They think the English monarchy is far
more respectable; and there is another argument.
If the Americans are unwise enough to show them-
selves over the frontiers of Canada, they may pro-
bably meet with rather a hot reception, and they
will find some difference between a war with Canada
and a war with the Southern States. After an en-
gagement with Canadian regiments, when the
Northern heroes run away they will be followed
over the frontier, and instead of the States annexing
Canada, it may happen that Canada may annex a
goodly portion of the States themselves. (Cheers.)
Well, then, what are they to do by sea ? In the last
war the American privateer was a very dangerous
`element to be considered, and people say you will