The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-26 00:00:00

he hag small reliance upon the efficiency of that
system of piecemeal economy, that at the very
best and under the very happiest auspices can
do no more than carry out the advice
of the old adage—looking after the pence while
leaving the pounds to take care of themselves ! In
Mr. BRIGHT'S choice there cannot surely be recog-
nised any inconsistency. That wholesale Economist
and wholesale Reformer leaves the little fribbling
retail emendations and retrenchments to fragmen-
tary innovators like Mr. WILLIAMS, or, for that
matter, Mr. ADDERLLY himself. The member for
Birmingham meditating the while far grander
Reforms, and a more comprehensive system of
Retrenchment.

" Trust in VICTOR EMMANUEL and keep your
powder dry." Such is the advice of the retiring
hero of Italy ; and we must trust in GARIBALDI
and keep our governors right. We say, keep them
right ; for we have no reason to think they have,
as yet, gone wrong on the Italian question ; but we
all know how easily England may be outwitted in
diplomacy ; whether it be with a Chinese Mandarin
or a French or an Austrian Count, we are generally
worsted in the conflict of give and take. Who
would have believed that an English nobleman
would, at the instigation of Count WALEWSRI'
have sacrificed the press of Belgium ? or that
England would ever, indeed, have left Russia at
all in the position she now occupies in the Black
Sea ; to say nothing of bolder and higher views,
which the fickleness of the Emperor, who repeated
the same fickleness at Villafranca, pre vented us

from asserting.
GARIBALDI himself is the only light in this dark
affair of his withdrawal from his military command
in the Romagna. we are perfectly certain that
he would not do either a cowardly or an unpa-
triotic act: He thinks that, to use his own word,
"tortuous" as diplomacy is now becoming, he, a
frank soldier, is not the man to twist and twine
with it, or to bow and cringe to even the master of
700,000 bayonets. He felt himself pledged to fight
if he continued in command ; and the King him-
self seems to have felt that he could not succeed in
Congress while GARIBALDI was beyond the fron-
tiers of the Bolognese. This, we may say, we
more than suspect to be the real state of the case.
While some of the friends of Italian liberty trem-
bled for it, if GARIBALDI should draw upon him
the forces of Rome and Naples, GARIBALDI himself
had no such fear. He well knew that he could
thrash to chaff all the mercenaries of the POPE and
the BOURBON, and that the Italians of their
armies would desert to him on the day of battle.
He cared not for the POPE or BOMBA, junior; the
inspiration of his cause, and of his own military
genius, assured him that the pseudo•ltalian armies
of these despots would, as those of the Austrians
did, " run like rabbits before his young recruits.'
He would have beaten them, because he felt able
to beat them.

Yes, but VICTOR. EMMANUEL whispers in his ear
" You may flog them both—l believe you would—
but what would the occupant of Rome do ? He
holds himself to be the defender of the POPE, and
of all who invade his territories. Your skill and
courage could not perform impossibilities ; they
could not vanquish the French army, which my
Imperial cousin tells me he must move against you."
GARIBALDI looks grave, but he has no alternative.
If he stirs against Rome or Naples, he knows that
victory is sure, and revolution would follow; but
he now knows that revolution would be crushed—
that the people would not be suffered to do what
they will with their own. Louis NAPOLEON has
sold himself—not to a certain nameless personage
—but to those who, in this matter, are certainly
doing, his work on earth, the Roman Catholic clergy.
Italy must not be free, because Louis NAPO-
LEON desires to bribe the French clergy, and per-
haps the Univers too, could anything rea-
sonable but satisfy the demands of Ultramontanists
So GARIBLADI yields to the necessity of the hour.
But he retires ready for a spring, if his cause be
sold or trifled with. His word at any time will
raise all the four States to deadly conflict for liberty ;
and though we must regret that such a creator of
soldiers should leave his colours, we may, we will,
hope that he knows what he is doing.
To us it almost looks as if his retreat at the pre-
sent time was a part of the bargain in the affair of
tho Carignan Regency. We have now the Sardi-
nian statement of what Europe may be told about
that affair. Of the real motives for all, we are, of
course, yet as much in the dark as ever ; but the
Courts of Europe may be told that the vote was as
spontaneous and universal as that for annexation to
Piedmont—a fresh proof of the attachment of the
States to the monarchical principle—of their re-
solve to adhere to the vote of annexation—and of
their hostility to restitution. That his Majesty
could not see with indifference either their desire
for the order and good administration to which a
noaarchy is essential, or their determination to
unite with Piedmont, but that he did not wish to
appear to " encroach upon the liberty of examina-
tion and deliberation of the approaching Congress."
Then his Majesty proceeds to urge the necessity
of his taking precautions against dangers to order
from the turbulence of factions, and therefore of
his sanctioning some central authority to preserve
the general peace. He warns the Courts, however,
in rather strong language, that all this can be but
provisional. He says—

" We cannot conceal the fact that this measure, owing to
its essentially provisional character, would not completely
reassure you, if too long protracted. It is urgent that the
Congress should meet as early as possible ; as it is most
necessary that the solution it may in its wisdom adopt shall
be such as, in satisfying the wants and wishes of the Italian
population, may put an end for ever to the danger of inter-
nal revolutions and foreign interventions. Long delays
would be fatal ; any solution not guaranteering the inde-
pendence of Italy would only be a source of new calamities
for the Italians, of uneasiness and conflicts for Europe."

At present, on the whole, the language of VICTOR
EMMANUEL is as firm as could be hoped, after the
concessions he has made. He was wrong at the
beginning, and so far wrong still, in wishing to
tllow any " liberty of examination " at all to a Con-
gress. They have, by international law, confessedly
no right to deliberate as to what the States of Cen-
tral Italy shall do, any more than those States have
to deliberate as to how the powers that meet shall
be governed. Surely Vic ron EMMANUEL will never
tolerate the Congress entertaining the question of
the Dukes' return ! He may, of course, give up his
own personal rights, if he be so ignominiously
minded; but, we should add, he is sacrificing the
lignity of the Piedmontese monarchy if he permits
Congress to forbid his acceptance of the offered
Crown. IL may take counsel with the powers
here as friendly advisers ; he may show himself
oerfeetly willing to hear all their arguments ; but,
f he have my self-respect, he must say the decision
rests with me, and with no one else, and having
icard all you have said-1 pronounce for the free-
tom of Italy, and therefore accept the offer which
they have made in behalf of its freedom ; the Icing-
lora of Northern Italy is therefore inaugurated.

A company has been formed at Konigsberg for
constructing a line of railway between that place and Thorn,
the expense of which is estimated at 10 million thalcrs (31.
75c. each).
According to accounts from Cairo, the Nile this
season has risen to such a height that the inhabitants have
been able to inundate the fields several times at regular in-
tervals. The consequence is that wheat, barley, and other
;raja will this year be most abundant.