The Sun.
London, England, 1861-10-15 00:00:00

THE REGENERATING LOZENGE.—
MEDICAL SCIENCE has brought to light a
new and successful mode of administering remedies
for spermatic regeneration, contained in a simple lozenge,
known in tropical climates and throughout the world
as THE TRIESMAR. The therapeutic properties of the re-
generating lozenge promote those albuminous and fibrinous
secretions, which have the well-known power of at ene,e re-
producing and enriching the fecundating fluid, when dete-
riorated from its natural consistency. In cases where ex-
cesses have been blindly yielded to, from almost uncontroll-
able impulse, a single course of this invaluable medicine will
at once restore the ebbing powers, and re-energise the whole
of the muscular and nervous system; there is no stage, how-
ever advanced, but immediate relief will be experienced, in-
suring health and manly vigour to the debilitated and ex-
hausted. The Triesmar can be taken at the will of the patient,
being a simple regenerating lozenge, agreeable to the palate,
and unattended with any personal inconvenience. Those
purchasing the above medicine will derive the additional ad-
vantage of medical advice, either personally or by letter
(without fee), from a member of the Royal College of Sur-
geons, England, and Licentiate of the Royal college of
Physicians, Edinburgh, who is registered under the new
Medical Act, has devoted his exclusive studies to the above
diseases, and is the discoverer of this great remedy. Post-
'office orders to be made payab'e to William Medicus, and ad-
dressed to No. 19, Berners-street, Oxford-street, London, W.
(next door to the Foreign Library), where the resident physi-
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4 o'clock. The medicine may be obtained, securely packed
and free from observation, as above. Prices lls. par case, or
four cases in one 335., effecting a saving of ns., and in £5
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1-IR. BRIGHT'S THREE DAYS' CURE.
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Prepared and sold only at the laboratory, 44A, Maddox-
street, Regent-street, W. (opposite the side of St. George's
Church), London, by RALPH BRIGHT, M,D., Member of the
Royal College of Surgeons, England, Licentiate of the Royal
College of Physicians, Edinburgh, 6:c., &c. ; author of

" NERVOUS EXHAUSTION,"
its cause and cure, with an Essay on Seminology, showing
the marvellous restontive powers of the newly-discovered
and wonderful remedy known universally as the Aphrodision.
"As phosphorus in a state of nature illumines the darkness,
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the author (i4A Maddox-street), where he may be daily con-
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which he has, for a lengthened period, devoted his eXCIUSiTC
attention.

GREAT MARLBOROUGH
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THE
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On Debili
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LOVE AND MARRIAGE :
rheir
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appiness, and Disappointments; Love
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TILE CASE BOOK':
10 Symptoms PERMATORBIDZA,
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Dr. Culverwell is the only legally qualified medical practi-
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.and can be oonsulted (only as
ADOTO

NEWCASTLE, OCT. 14.
The noble Earl Russell visited Newcastle-on-
Tyne to-day, and was the subject of the most enthu-
siastic reception. In the afternoon he was met by
a crowded meeting of the inhabitants in the Music-
hall, Nelson-street, and was there presented with an
address. Alderman Headlam, M.P., occupied the
chair, and Mr. Councillor W. Harle presented the
address, which congratulated Earl Russell on his
accession to the Peerage, thanked him for past ser-
vices in the cause of civil and religious liberty, and
prayed that he might be long spared to render in
the House of Peers further services to his country.
Earl RUSSELL on rising to respond was received
with rapturous applause. In the course of his re-
ply the noble earl said—" Those reforms in which
I have taken part were necessarily slow. The na-
ture of our institutions and the genius of our people,
while they sanction and promote the utmost free-
dom of discussion, are adverse to needless change,
and therefore it behoves every friend of progress to
wait with patience, and to argue with calmness till
public opinion is fully convinced, and the national
mind puts its seal on the measures introduced into
the Legislature. From this maturity of delibera-
tion, it fellows as a consequence that our steps in
the direction of popular privileges are seldom or
never retraced, and that path, which has been pain-
ful and arduous in the ascent, is easy and tranquil
on the summit. You must have seen this difficulty
in attainment, and this ease when the object is at-
tained, in the change from religious disability to
religious liberty, from protection to free trade, from
education neglected to education encouraged, from
the representation of decayed boroughs to the repre-
sentation of Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, Shef-
field, and other great seats of trade and manufacture.
These facts are encouraging to the friends of pro-
gress, and show the excellence of our Constitution,
which, while it represses every disorder, admits
every improvement, and, like a well built ship,
combines speed with safety, and buoyancy with
stability.
His Lordship resumed his seat amid renewed ap-
plause.
The Earl of DURHAM moved a vote of thanks to
the chairman, and on the signal from the Right
Hon. T. E. Headlam, three cheers were given for
Earl Russell.

The banquet, which took place in the evening,
was served in the new Town-hall, the ladies of
Newcastle occupying the side galleries after dinner.
The Earl of Durham occupied the chair, supported
on his right by the Right Hon. Earl Russell, the
Right Hon. T. E. Headlam, M.P., Mr. W. B. Beau-
mont, M.P., the Attorney-General (Sir IV. Ather-
ton), Mr. H. Pease, M.P., Mr. W. D. Seymour, Re-
corder of Newcastle : the Rev. E. C. Ogle, the Rev.
R. W. Goodenough, Major-Gen. Beckwith,' Hon. W.
Napier, and Sir H. Williamson, On the chairman's
left were the Right Hon. Lord Hastings, the Right
Hon. W. Hutt, M.P., Mr. R. D. Shafto, M.P., Mr.
Adams, M.P., Mr. H. C. Silvertop, Mr. H. B.
Barker, Mr. John Fawcett, Sir W. G. Armstrong,
Mr. E. Riddell, the Rev. Mr. Villiers, Gen. Hutt,
C. 8., Sce.

After disposing of the usual loyal and patriotic
toasts, the noble Chairman gave the " Health of
Earl Russell." (Prolonged cheers.)
Earl RUSSELL then rose amid a storm of applause.
When silence was restored his Lordship said—
Gentlemen, it is with feelings of the deepest grati-
tude that I rise to acknowledge the toast which has
now been drunk. It has been my fate to have taken
part in many political measures during a tolerably
long political life, and I take this approbation of
yours, of a set of men so enlightened, as a testimony
that I have not dishonoured those my principles—
that I have done nothing to impair the honour or
injure the interests of my country. (Cheers.) Gen-

tlemen, if I have been successful in any of the mea-
sures I have proposed it has been that I have pro-
posed in more fortunate times measures which had the
approbation of men who have gone before me, that I
have endeavoured to follow in the footsteps of Lord
Grey, Lord Holland, Sir Samuel Romilly, and Lord
Durham. (Loud cheers.) My noble friend near
me has justly and correctly alluded to that which
happened in 1830. Lord Grey at that time, being
of the councils of his Sovereign, resolved to intro-
duce a measure founded on those principles of re-
form of which he had through life been the advo-
cate. *And let me say that there can be no more
gratifying, no more noble spectacle in the history
of the public life of statesmen than to see Lord
Grey, who in adverse times had been content to
give his opinion and had then allowed rivals of
far less talent, of far less well-founded principles
than himself to carry on the government of the
country, and enjoy power without any envy on his
part—it was a great spectacle to see the behaviour
of this man when the opinions of the people came
round to him, and when he resumed without pas-
sion and without resentment those plans for the
benefit of his country of which he had always been
the distinguished advocate. (Applause.). Lord
Grey, as my noble friend has said, called to his
assistance his noble coadjutor, Lord Durham. (Lout
cheers.) It was my happiness to have been asso-
ciated in that work with Lord Durham. We

laboured together to the same end in perfect har-
mony and agreement as to the measures that we
thought necessary for the reform of the represen-
tation, (Loud cheers.) With us was joined a
statesman whose absence I deeply deplore to-day,
who would have been here to-day if his health had
allowed him, and whose talents have been of the
greatest service to this country—l mean Sir J.
Graham. (Cheers.) With these, too, was Lord
Dungannon, who was especially acquainted with
many parts of our representative system. We
planned the scheme of Reform—(cheers)—and
that Reform, as you all know, was not only car-
ried, but has now been nearly 30 years in operation ;
that it has operated beneficially I cannot doubt—
(cheers)—•that it has led the way to many
other great measures which never could have been
carried in an unreformed Parliament. (Cheers.)
And, gentlemen, let me say, when I embarked in
public life I embarked with the view of carrying
great measures into effect, and having great public
objects before me. It appeals to me that public
life is only honourable when it is directed to such
measures—(applause)—and that the pedlar who
sells his pins and pincushions for 6d., has a better,
because an honester, trade than the man who de-
votes his talents to public life merely for the sake
of seeking his own emolument. Gentlemen, many
of those measures which I have noticed have been
successful. We need not now refer to them, but
there is one point which, perhaps, I may refer to
because it respects a principle which I think runs
through many of our measures of later times, and
shows an improvement in the general principles of
government. What I mean is this, that a great part
of our task, for instance, all our measures in favour
of religious liberty, relieving first the Protestant

Dissenters, then the Roman Catholics, and lastly
and recently, the Jews, and all our measures with
ogdaurdeintog Fnreewe Tprlaadnes,, have
fobuenendemd euaspuornesslniolftuillny-
drtievised schemes, but have been merely unloosing
the fetters which statutes and laws had placed on
the due liberty of the subject. (Applause.) It is
the business of Government to maintain internal
peace, to settle the civil relations which should
prevail among the community, to defend the inde-
pendence of the country abroad, but Governments
have sought more than this ; they have sought to
lay down rules of faith to which they have asked
men, under pain and penalty of punishment,,to ad-
here, quite ignorant that they (the Government)
were utterly unable to frame rules of faith which
should fetter the conscience. (Applause.) To take
the other instance to which I am alluding—viz.,
that of free trade, what struggles we have had now
going on for nearly 40 years in order to enable men
to do that which is perfectly innocent in itself, to

extend:the products of their industry against the
products of the industry of others which were ob-
jects of use, of comfort, or of enjoyment! (Applause.)
I remember in the beginning of these contests, when
certainly the principles of free trade were not un-
derstood as they now are, a petition being presented
to the House of Commons, suggesting that your
petitioners made gloves, but they were gloves which
were very inferior to the gloves of France, and
they were very much dearer than the gloves of
France, and therefore they preyed,—what do you
suppose ?—not that people might be allowed to
wear the gloves of France which were cheaper and
better, but that the gloves of France might be utterly
excluded in order that they might furnish bad and
dear gloves. (Laughter.) Why, gentlemen, this
is the whole history of protection and free trade.
(Cheers.) Governments and legislatures have pre-
sumed that they should be profitable, by laying
down rules for the country at large, not seeing that
if you leave men to their freedom they would find out
themselves what were the occupations which would
be most profitable, what were the goods which they
thought they could manufacture, what was the article
of commerce which they could produce to the best
advantage. It is, therefore, not only that we have
pressed some very excellent measures, but that we
have enlarged and enlightened the whole machinery
of Government, when we say that there are certain
things in which Government ought not to interfere
—upon which the man himself, the subject, is the
best judge—and to him must be left the choice of
his occupation. (Cheers.) Above all, lam happy
to say we have it not in this country, but in many
countries people consider that it is a part of the
duty of Government to fetter and to bind the talents
and abilities of men ; and that upon no subject of
politics, upon no subject of morals, upon no subject
of literature even, should men use the talents with
them,
of the Government.
as endowed
the
officers
, 'without the control
(Cheers.) Such, gentlemen, then, have been the
and which
permissionGed
general principles upon which these measures to
which I allude have been passed. They have been
sound principles, and, as I have said, I trust they
will apply in future times to many other cases of a
similar kind. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, let me
allude to two questions in which, indeed, we are
now immediately concerned, and upon which the
whole of this country is naturally interested, because
they allude to cases in foreign countries which most
deeply affect the whole world. I will allude in a
few words to what has been my course since I have
been intrusted with the seals of the Foreign Depart-
ment ; that course has been to respect the indepen-
dence of foreign nations, and to endeavour to induce
others to do the same. There is one of those coun-
tries with which we have had much to do, and of
which we have heard much of late years—l mean
Italy. We have seen—we have all seen with plea-
sure—l see that a very distinguished man, Mr.
Henley, says there is no one in the country who
has not seen with pleasure—the Italians casting off
their old chains, and exercising the powers of go-
vernment for themselves, and putting themselves in
the way of gaining that distinction which of old
times belonged to it only. (Applause.) Weall rejoice
to see them assert that. independence. We shall
all rejoice if they establish a free government, and
thus effect the happiness, the self-respect, and ele-
vation of one of the finest countries and one of the
most talented nations of the globe. (Applause.) But,
gentlemen, of late a difficulty has arisen to which
great attention has been given. The Italians say,
and they say with great apparent justice, that the
independence of Italy cannot be fully consummated
unless Rome, the capital, is in their hands. (Loud
cheers.) I may say that I am sure they will be wil-
ling to found in that city an Italian Government,
and that in a part of Italy associated with ancient
glory and with ancient institutions ; but then, as
Italy has not Rome, they cannot make it a king-
dom. Well, on the other hand, the Roman Catho-
lics of Europe say that they require that the inde-
pendence of the Pope should be respected, and many
say that it cannot be respected without a territorial
Government. That is a discussion which has been
going on for some time, and I observed in what I
was reading this morning, an essay by one of the
most learned ecclesiastics of Italy, that the opinion
is now gaining ground that whether the temporal
power ought to become the right of the King of
Italy, the spiritual power will be more felt, will be
more respected, and will be exercised more fairly if
the spiritual was separated from the temporal. In
the conclusion of the discourse to which I have al-
luded he says that is what is wished by those in
Italy, and that is what is wished in most civilised
nations in the world. (Applause.) This, as I have
said, is not a question upon which we can take the
initiative, but this I will say, that I think that what
that learned ecclesiastic has proposed, and which is
in consonance with the opinions given by that
statesman now so much regretted, Count Cavour,
will furnish a solution to the Italian difficulty, and
that it will be a great means of securing the after
independence and happiness of Italy. Gentlemen,
let us look for a moment at another part of the,
world ; at another country, which, for my part
I have also observed with the greatest interest
—the United States of America. It appears to
me that it would be a great misfortune to the
world if that experiment in free government
-which, though not carried on in exactly the same
principles as those of our own, was conducted on
principles which had been devised with great wis-
dom—it would be, I say, a very great misfortune if
anything were to happen to that State. (Cheers.)
I am sorry to say that those events have happened,
and we now see two parties contending together,
not upon the question of slavery—though that, I
believe, is the original cause of the conflict—not
contending with respect to Free Trade and Protec-
tion, but contending as so many States of the Old
World have contended, the one side for empire and
the other for power. Far be it from us to set our-
selves up as judges in this matter, but I cannot help
asking myself, as affairs progress in the contest, to
what good end can it lead ? Supposing this con-
test ended, by the reunion of its different parts, and
that the South should agree to enter again with all
the rights of the constitution, should we not again
have that fatal subject of slavery brought in along
with them ? (Hurrah.) That subject of slavery
which caused, no doubt, the disruption, we all
agree, must sooner or later cease from the face of
the earth. (Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, as you
will see, if this quarrel could be made up, should we
not have those who differed from Mr. Lincoln at
the last election carried back into the Union, and
thus, sooner',or later, the quarrel would recommence,
and perhaps a long civil war follow ? On the other
hand, supposing the United States completely to
conquer and subdue the Southern States, supposing
that should be the result of a lone. military conflict,
supposing that should be the result of some years of
civil war, should we not have the material prospe-
rity of that country in a great degree destroyed,
should we see that respect for liberty which has so
long distinguished our North American brethren,
and should we not see those Southern men yielding
to force, and would not the North be necessitated to
keep in subjection those who had been conquered,
and would not that very materially interfere with
the freedom of nations ? And, if that should be the
unhappy result to which we at present look for-
ward, if by means such as these the reunion of
the States should be brought about, is it not the
duty of those men who have embraced the precepts
of Christianity to see whether this conflict cannot
be avoided ? Gentlemen, I have made these ob-
servations to you upon matters, as I have said,
deeply affecting us all, but not upon matters in
which the Government of this
country has any
immediate power, or, indeed, any immediate inte-
rest. Had they been cases of that kind would
not have been consistent with my duty as Foreign
Secretary to speak to you in detail upon such sub-
jects ; but with regard to these duties, I can only
point out to you—if it is at all necessary to point