The Sun.
London, England, 1857-04-01 00:00:00

throughout the country. He is therefore in the exact pe-
salon which would leaf a Sovereign to be desirous of con-
ciliating foreign Powers. Fifty years ago, when China was
perfectly undisturbed and tranquil—when the authority of
the Tartar dynasty was never impugned, bat was regarded
by the great bulk of the population with superstitious re-
verence, the Emperor might have received overtures from
us with haughty superciliousness ; but in the present de-
serted and distressed condition, engaged in a severe domes-
tic struggle, nothing could be more contrary to his policy
than to enter into a contest with the greatest naval Power
in the world. I believe the present Government, had they
made the attempt, would have been as successful with the
Emperor of China as we formerly were with the Shah of
Persia. It is curious that at tho very time when the Minis-
ter of this country was describing the Eastern potentates
as barb diens, and impressing upon the people that other
than diplomatic interference would be required to bring
them to their senses, be was actually negotiating with a
representative of the Shah of Persia, and has entered into
a treaty with that representative, which, we are taught to
believe, is quite satisfactory to her Majesty's Government,
and will settle every question of difference between the
two Powers. I say, then, if you want to reduce the
taxation of the country-- and all persons at the present
day profess a desire to do so—if you want to get rid of
war taxation, and to fulfil the contract between the
Government, the Parliament, and the people with regard
to the income tax, you must impress upon the Adminis-
tration of this country that their perpetual and unneces-
sary interference with foreign States, and especially with
weak States, is a policy which you will not sanction.
(Cheers.) But if, on the other hand, you like the excite-
ment of it—if you like to get up in the morning and hear
that Canton is-in flames, or that a sanguinary battle has
taken place between the cavalry of our army and the Per-
sian cavalry—if such excitement as this is necessary for
the satisfaction of the English people, he consistent.
Don't complain of your expenditure ; don't complain of
your taxes. Understand that you must pay war prices
for the necessaries of life if you adopt such a policy. Agree
that you will have a perpetual income tax if you want all
this glory which arises from vanquishing what wo are told
are barbarian potentates; but don't say, " We will have
fireworks and illuminations for constant victories," and at
the same time complain if the Government and Parliament
call upon you for-increased taxes or for the continuance of
war imposts. (Cheers.) I have now touched upon some
of the principal circumstances which have occurred during
the interval that has elapsed since I stood upon these hust-
ings. I have said elsewhere that the Chinese question was
a protest for the dissolution of Parliament. I believed it
was a pretext, and I believe so still, and for this reason,—
on the evening when Lord Palmerston announced his in-
tention to dissolve Parliament, and to recur to the sense of
the people, I thought it my duty to rise after him in the
House of Commons and to express my sincere conviction
that he had taken a wise. bourse; because the issue then
was clear. The House of Cominons had censured the
policy which her Majesty's Government had pursued iu
China, and if the Minister felt that the country was
with him, that it entirely approved his policy, and a as
rea.iy to back np Sir John Bowring and all the agents
of the Government whose conduct I think has been un-
justly assailed in the House of Commons, became I be-
lieve they acted entirely upon the instructions they hod
received,—if that was Lord Palmerston's opinion, I
thought the dissolution was a wise and necessary course.
3ut at the end of that night's debate Lord Palmerston,
pressed by Weer members, announced that those very agents
whose conduct was in question were virtually superseded,
and that he was going to send out a very eminent man to
China. (A. voice—" They ought to have told yon that be-
fore.") They ought. If they had done so there would have
been no division against the Government. I say, therefore,
that it was a pretext, becausetheissue that had been placed
before the people of England—whether they approve l the
policy of Sir J. Bowring, which was the policy of the Go-
vernment—no longer existed, the Government having
themselves virtually disapproved his proceedings. At the
same time I tell you fairly L don't regret that the dissolu-
tion took place. (A. v ice—" You won't like the result
though." Laughter.) Well, I consider I am as good a judge
of the results of the dissolution as my friend. (Cheers.) Ile
may possess better information on many subjects than I
do, and he may be able to do many things which I cannot
do; but, as I have been in Parliament fur 20 years, and as
the principal object of my life has been to study the course
of political events, I think the result of an election is one
of those matters upon which I may suppose, without vanity,
that I am as competent to form an opinion as the gentle
elan who interrupted me. (A, voice--" Do you like the
result as fir as it is known ? Give an answer, and don't
chaff." Laughter.) I will tell you why I am extremely
glad there has been a dissolution, and why I shall be very
well satisfied with the result. I think the tendency
of this dissolution will be to bring back whet is ne-
cessary for the good government of this country—two
great political parties with definite opinions. My friend
,'ready nods alp oval. (Laughter and cheering.) I think
there is-nothit g more disadvantageous than that the opi-
nions of the foremost man in the country, as the Prime
elinister of England must, no doubt, always be—upon all
vital questions of English politics should be unknown—
(hear)—that they should be ambiguous, and that no two
area in a country so essentially political should be swam
what are the opinions of the highest political authority
'Tett the most important political questions. (Hear.) I
hink this system, which prevailed :a the last Parliament,
would have continued fora very considerable period if the
lissolution had not taken place, but I do not believe that
ambiguity can now long exist. (Cheers.) About a month
ago Lord John Russell, who, I take it, is a very close and
accurate observer of public ife, said there was very great
apathy in the country on the subject of Parliamentary re-
form. I agreed, and I do agree, with Lord John Russell on
that point, because, although we have heard a great deal of
Pareamentery reform during the last fortnight, and opi-
nions in favour of Parliamentary reform have been ex-
pressed in quarters from which they could not have been
expected, they appear to me to be attributable to the mo-
ment cry excitement of the hustings rather than to a fair ra-
present ation of the feelings of any groat body of the people.
I have often seen that questions in which the people did not
take much interest, although the interests of the country
were deeply involved, have, by the restlessness of a party or
by the manoeuvres of a statesman, suddenly become sub-
jects of very great excitement, and the country has been
caled to decide upon them without any preparation or pre-
con3tderation. The passions of the people have been ex-
cited; they have taken a course which they have after-
wards reglatted ; and then they have complained that they
have gained so little from measures from which they ex-
pected so much. I think, therefore, as persons of great
anthoteity have dwelt on the question of Parliamentary
reform, it would hardly become me, if you wish it, to
shrink from touching upon it on this occ sion. (Cheers.)
It is of the greatest importance that, if this ques-
tion should assume any magnitude, the people of Bucking-
hamshire should not be taken by surprise, and be led to
oppose what would be advantageous or to support what
could only lead to disappointment. Now, there are two
aspects in which what is called Parliamentary reform may
be regarded. Thera are Parliamentary reformers, who are
what are called moderate men. They are in favour of
what is termed " b,t, by bit reform." Then there is an-
ether class of men who describe themselves as real an
earnest reformers, in favour of what are called "compre-
hensive measures." I will make one or two brief observa-
tions upon these two classes, not to dictate my opinion to
you, but to offer some suggestions of which you may chew
the cud - (laughtfe)—during the time that will probably
elape3 before I have the honour of meeting you again. I
confess, myself, that I am riot a " bit by bit " reformer.
There are, I think, many measures of Parliamentary change
of a very moderate std partial character, which appear
vary plausible when deed i ued in newspapers and speeches;
~rut I hive invariably found that a "bit by bit reform"
as regards Parliament always ends in a job. (Laughter, and
het; hear.) Some years ago an immense outcry was made
by —I don't mean the term offensively—the great Liberal
party—or, in deference to my hon. colleague (Mr. Caven-
ii3l3),'l will say the Whigs—(a laugh)--against the close
boroughs of the Tories,. and the people, acting with the
Whigs, said, "This is a roost infamous system, and we
will put an end to it." Well, they put an end to the close
boroughs of the Tories, but they quite forgot to put an
end to the close boroughs of the Whigs---(cheers and
laughter)—and ever since I have not found that the Whigs
were at all inclined to reform in that respect. (Renewed
laughter.) After this great change had taken place, in
the course of events the power of what is called the don-
servative party—the party opposed to further changes of
Parliamentary reform—was chiefly shown in the coun-
ties. The great demonstration of Conservative influ-
ence in the counties may be accounted for upon vations
;murls. Many years ago measures menacing the church
were brought forward, and no doubt the clergy took g: eat
interest in the principles which were then obsessed. Sub-
sequently there occurred a great industrial coutrover.sy,
which is now happily settled, and the great body of the
middle class, the largest employers of labour—the farmers
of England—believing that the source of their profit was
menaced by the proposed changes, resented the intended
legislation, and another great Conservative demonstration
took place in the counties. The roice of the counties on
hat occasion was against the Whigs, or the great Lib nil
party, and another ‘‘ bit by bit reform" was proposed,
tampering with the county franchise. I don't give any
opinion as to any particular schemes which have been
brow ht forward upon that subject, but the instant the
close boroughs were against the Whigs they wanted to de-
teroy them, and the iaetantthe couture] were against the
Whigs they proppsed a " bit by bit reform"—a " moderate
rneasure"—in order to affect the seats in the counties. In
both these c-tees you will find that a-party object was really
at the bottom of the measures, which were not brought
forward after deep consideration for the general benefit of
the community; and, therefore, I ars entirely opposed to
" bit by bit reforms," however plausible they may appear
on paper. Let u 3 look at what are called comprehensive
measures. It is well for you to consider how they will suit
your interest. I have myself no superstitious reverence
for the Reform Act, of 1832. I believe that whenever
British statesmen bring forward a measure of that impor-
tance their primary consideration is the interest of their
country, whether they be Whigs, Tories, or Radicals
(Hear, hear.) That no doubt was the primary consieer-
ation of the authors of the Reform Bill; but there was a
tt
ou
rnma loyd, t
o s o
strong second consideration in the minds of the framers Whigs
of that Act. The
long out of office—(laughter)—that )
gesherad b—theuetn'thenynrdoer
frame the constituencies of the country in a spirit which
might prAibly insure their own continuance in power.
(Cries of "Hear, he ,r," and laughter.) I believe there
opposition to the party with which I sym-
Patbiae, and great injustice was done by those details
as they affected the Tory or Conservative party, in respect
to the disposition of
al power. I think it very pro-
bable that, if a large political
reform bill were brought forward by
the Tories, much of that evil might be reuedied ; but it
the two great parties com
would be the greatest stisadva t g to the country to have
each other on that, of all • in powerto which the
subj totsreference
considered. (Hear, hear
general and permanent, interests • ontry should be
petinne for by outbidding
of the cu
schemes
might be devised by soy party
Because, whatever
Y party to establish and continue
i
their power, the prescience of man a
stB. limited, and is
evet, o
fre-
quently falsified by the course oflmprudent
sures are often passed for the purpose f
cular object, and afterwards the result
exeffaeeeeetaiangeapart .s
r
realised. Therefore, as far as I am concerned,
ing the great partiality and injustice er remember-
-1832, I should look to any great change id theeruespehrteamentoat-
tion with no prejudice, because I believe that m
injustice and partiality might be remedied. I•.litof that
you come to these comprehensive schemes, there e :here
or two points on which you should form your ‘:r
opinions.
The earnest reformers—those who were in favour of
great
measures—were particularly attached to two.- Upon i,ae;,;
as they may be brought forward on any day, it is desir-
able thatethe people of Buckinghamshire should hive ma-
tured opinions—l mean the subjects of what aro called
electoral districts and the ballot. [A Voice—" Ayo, that
is the most important—that is real reform."] Weil, that
gentleman wants electoral districts. [A. Voice—" Together
with the ballot."] I will deal with both subjects, but
first with electoral districts. The proposition for electoral
districts is founded on this principle—that representation
should depend on population. (Hear, hear.) A great
many say that population and property are two different
things; and, to s mplify the argument, I will admit that

population and property go together. Butthe seal point to
consider is that population end representation should go
toeethor, and to effect that end it is proposed to have electoral
districts. Now, consider the condition of the country divided
and cut up into different electoral districts. llernemb,,r,
there is no longer to be a county of Buckingham. (A Voice
—" Quite right ") Buckinghamshire is to be blotted out
of the political map, and probably you would have depart-
ments, as in Fra, ice, taking their names from the nearest
rivers. There would be the departments of the Upper and
Lower Thames, and are you prepared to have votes in the
department of the Upper Thames, and not to be electors of
Buckinghamshire? (Cries of "Yes !" and " Nor)
There is an elector so false to the glory of Buckinghamshire
and to the glory of his own position (cheers, and cries of
" Nonsense") that he is prepared to set the Thames on
fire. (Laughter, and an ironical cry of " That's sublime.")
No, it is not sublime, it is funny. I have beard of a step
from the sublime to the ridiculous, but my friend takes a
step from the ridiculous to the sublime. (Cheers and
laughter.) But, let us no longer exchange jokes, and let
us try to resume the calm discunion in which we were en-
gaged. Now, I cannot believe that the great majority of
the inhabitants of this county do wish that such a geogra-
phical, political, and social change should take place as the
blotting out and erasing the county of Buckingham from
political existence. (A Voice—" Why not ?") I will tell
you why not. My opinion is that the traditions of the peo-
ple form part of their national character, and that a man
cannot see the tut fen road of Hampden, along which the
great patriot went with his Petition of Rights ; cannot be-
hold the temple dedicated to the eloquence of Chatham at
Stowe, or the oak at Beaconsfield under which Burke me-
ditated his reflections on the French revolution, without
feeling proud of the country which was adorned by such
distinguished characters. (Cheers.) I want you to con-
sider the question whether you would put an end to Buck-
inghamshire altogether. (A Voice—"l would disfranchise
it altogether.") (Laughter.) Ido not think you are one
of the electors of Buckinghamshire. (The Voice—" Yes, I
am !") Then you ought not to be. (Cheers and laugh-
ter.) I contend that, if you pursue this policy you put an
end not ()alp to Buckinghamshire, but to the country, for
the country does not consist of mere animals having a vote
and living on a territory, but of men proud of the pa.t
and hopeful of the future—men who are animated to do
their duty because they are the successors of men who have
done their duty. (Cheers.) Therefore the policy which
the hon. gentleman who has just interrupted me professes
and adheres to is a selfish policy, which never can make
the country great or keep it famous. (Great cheering.)
Well, all I can say is that I am entirely opposed to any
change of that kind, and that T hpiiAva it i, . polioy which
would end in the degradation of England. (Cheers.) I wish
to impress particularly on the dwellers in the south that if
this new scheme should find favour you will sink in politi-
cal and social importance. This, instead of being a county
which had acted a great part in history and produced fa-
mous men and passed great measures, would only he a por-
tion of an insignificant district, and you, the inhabitants,
never would enjoy that conscious feeling of pride and su-
periority which, as electors of the county of Buckingham,
you have a right now to feel. (Cheers.) I think the feel-
in; of this meeting is not in favour of electoral districts,
but Ido not wish to force or elicit any opinion. Let me
make one or two observations en the ballot. I know there
are many persons, for whose opinions I feel great respect,
in favour of the ballot, but it is of the utmost importance
that we should calmly consider the conditions on which the
ballot is to be established. In the first place, I think all
must agree that the ballot without a very great extension
of the suffrage is impossible. It would be a tyranny un-
supportable that the electors of this country, who now
under the law enjoy, and for centuries have enjoyed,
,the
privilege of voting —for the power of voting is a privilege,
and not a right or trust—l say it would be intolerablethat
the electors should exercise this privilege in secrecy, with-
out being subject to that fair criticism and control which
all possessors of public privileges ought to experience.
(Groat applause.) Her Majesty has privileges; her pre-
rogatives are privileges, but they are not privileges ex-
ercised in secret, and it must b 3 an infinitely small mi-
nority who would for a moment entertain the idea that
with the present electoral body the ballot is justifiable
or endurable. (Hear, hear.) I assume, therefore, that if
the ballot were introduced it must be introduced together
with a great extension of the suffrage. Well, you will
have to consider that which is an important question, but
which the supporters of the ballot like to evade- -whether
the ballot, if introduced, must not be accompanied with
plurality of voting. Understard, you are to have in con-
nection with the ballot, a very extensive suffrage, say
household suffrage, exercised in secret. Well, do you mean
to say that a son!-lieutenant of a county is to have no more
influence on the legislation and government of the country
than some man, per'aaps, in his se:vice, and receiving
weekly wages, brt in consequence of the tenure of a house
exercising the franchise ? There must, thee, be plurality
of voting; but hew are you to fix the limit and the degree?
Is the working man who gets in manufactories 11. or 255,
a-week to have one vote, and the man with 50,03:`/. to have
50,000 votes? (Cries of "No !') Then, where is the
limit? (" He is only a man," and laughter.) I for one
say I would rather have an equal and open vote than a
secret vote and be subjected to plurality of voting. (Hear,
hear.) [An Elector—" I want the voters to be protected,"]
Do you mean that every man is to have a vote and to exer-
cise it in secret? Do you mean that property is to have
no influence on the election of members of Parliament?
The experiment had been tried in other counlries, and
what had been the result ? The French are not inferior—
perhaps,they are superior—to us in intelligence, and only
a short time back they elected their Parliament by ballot
and universal suffrage. They elected a body of men who
exercised no control or influerce upon opinion. Depend
upon it the reason why the Parliament of England, with
all its faults, las'.ed so long is that it consists of men to
whom, on account of their family, intelligence, property,
or character, the great body of the country has always
lo ,ked up. You may have a fleeting and vagabond popu-
letiou in Parliament. Men may come in and go out at a
general election by accident; but if a man is a coasiderable
time in Parliament you may be sure that, whatever his
deficiency, and however little any party may sympathise
with him, as has some root in the sympathies of his coun-
try. (Applause.) The very first moment that this Parlia-
ment in France did rot do exactly what the people wanted
they naturally said, " Who are you ? We are as good as
you." And when the French Parliament was in danger
from another authority the people never rallied round it,
and it was instantly swept away, and a military despotism
established. I believe that to be the only government
suitable to that spirited and intelligent people. I believe
ea
an and
thing
hchangingatyyoouti
yourselves
oPthuooar
wsit• lehilamevnesausebetwhii
ltiootutf;
Intdathidnal
and
at last
the same thing would happen in this country. You would
itgo w°oLluel dh changing
great-
ness(Appolfa 'Ls is. ) country ieniswaetrtrairnbteicatabbeler
fide-
lity of the Parliaments of England, I think that an insti-
tution so venerable and so influential ought not to be
spoken of in a light and superficial spirit. (Loud cheers.)
The right hon. gentleman concluded by thanking the elec-
tors for the kindness and good temper with which they had
listened to him, and expressing his deep sense of the hon-
our they had done him in again choosing him as their re-
presentative.

A vote of thanks to the High Sheriff, proposed by Mr,
Du Pre and seconded by Mr. Cavendish, concluded the pro-
ceedings.

THE AUSTRALIAN HOMEWARD MAIL.

When the Austrian Lloyd's steamer left Alexandria for
Trieste, on the 24th ultimo, neither the Oneida nor Simla
had arrived at Suez with the Australian mails, though the
Simla was due, and the Oneida considerably overdue there
on that day. Great disappointment will be felt if the next
news from Egypt brings no account of the arrival of the
Simla at Suez, as confident expectations were entertained
that she would bring home the Australian mails at the ap-
pointed time. She ought to bring news from New South
Wales up to the 11th, and from Melbourne to the 13th of
Feb. The Oneida is now overdue eleven days, but she is not
under contract on her homeward voyage, so that the European
and Australian Company are not liable to any penalty on
account of her non arrival. Her arrival, however, at Suez is
required, because the contract for conveying the outward
Australian mail from that port commenced on the 11th ult.,
so that she is at least 13 days overdue, as far as the outward
mail to Australia is concerned ; and if none of that time can
be made up from Suez to Australia, ri penalty of 4,5501. will
already have been virtually incurred, which is more than half
the Government pay for the whole voyage. The Australian
mail taken out by the Jura from Englaad on the 12th ult,
should have arrived at Suez on the 27th nit., so that it is not
improbable that there will be two mails from England for the
Oneida or Simla to take ou to Australia, and which consist of
at least 850 boxes of letters and papers, each weighing about
three-quarters of a hundredweight, the largest mail that was
ever carried in one ship to any part of the world. The arrival
of the Oneida out at Australia from England by way of the
Cape of Good Hope has never yet been announced, so that it
cannot be- ascertained where she has been delayed, whether
from the Cape of Good Hope to Sydney, or from Sydney to
Suez. The Simla is a crack ship of the Peninsular and Ori-
ental Company, and was chartered by the European and
Australian Company. She is one of the fastest ships in the
world, and was believed to be admirably a lapted both in size
and power for the Australian mail service, She left Eng-
land three weeks after the Oneida, and iu the race to Sydney
.and,from thence to Suez, a distance of 23,000 miles, many
considered that she would overtake the Oneida, a circum-
stance which has probably by this time happened. The-
Jura, with the second outward overland Australian mail was
due at Alexandria on the 54th ult. As soon as she arrived
there the Etna would leave that port for England to take out
the third overland Australian mail from England on the I.2th
of this month. As far as regards the homeward Australian
mail, the European and Australian Company's steamers are
not under mail contract until the 11th of this mouth, on
which day one of them will leave Sydney and be due here on
6th June. It is assumed that the Aden and Ceylon mails sent
out by the Australian Mail steamer Etna on 24th February last,
have been taken on from Suez by the Indian mail steamers,
which left the latter port about the 19th of last month. If
the Etna has left Alexandria without the Oneida's mails,
which is now almost certain to be the case, the Jura will pro-
bably bring home an enormous double nail, consisting of one
from the Oneida and one from the Simla. Up to the latest
dates from Suez the Oneida had been out from England 156
days, and the Simla 132 days,

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