The Sun.
London, England, 1861-01-09 00:00:00

Acting' Manager—Mr. Wm. Smith.

THEATRE-ROYAL LYCEUM.
Soie Lessee and Directress, Madame CELESTE.
THIS EVENING, a new Drama, entitled THE IRISH
EMIGRANT. Messrs. G. Vininfr. Johnstone, T. Lyon.
Forrester, and John Drew; Miss Kate Saville, Miss Stuart,
and Mrs. Rouse.
After which, the Lyceum Christmas Comic Rxtravaaanza,
CRYSTABELLFI ; or, The Rose without a Thorn, showine:
THE VISIOV OF A ROSE. ITS FADING AT EVE,
AND THE MAY-BLOOM OF THE WILD BRIAR.
To conclude with T FIE OMNIBUS. Pat Rooney, Mr.
John Drew.

4 STLEY'S ROYAL AMP HI THE ATRE.-
Proprietor and Manager. Mr. WM. BATTY.
By particular desire, a Grand .Ttryenile Fete on Friday, the
11th, commencing at 2 o'clock with the Pantomime.
This Evening:, a new Spectacle, entitled THE LION
CONQUEROR; or, The Death Jungle, expressly for the
introduction of the Wonders of the World, " The Groupe
of Performing Lions." The Lion Conqueror, Mr. J. Crockett.
To be succeeded by scenes in the Arena, supported by
talented Parisian and Bri' ish Artistes.
Concluding with Batty's Prize Equestian Comic Panto-
mime, for Good Little Boys and Girls, by T. L. Greenwood,
entitled HARLEQUIN AND THE WONDERFUL
TIOR SE ; or, Percinet and Grociosa, the Ugly Duchess and
the Greedy King, produced with Gorgeous Scenery. by Mr.
Cuthbert, new Costumes and Appointments, and introducing
in the comic scenes Batty's Prize Equestrian Harleouinade,
and the celebrated Old Bob Ridley, and Brandon Ledger.
Doors open at half-Fast 6, pertormance commence at 7.
Box-office open daily from 11 till 4
Stage Manager—Mr. W. WERT.
Director of the Arena—Mr. Pearson.

HALL.

CANTERBURY
Open Every Evening at Seven.
GRAND SELECTIONS from LA FIGTJA DEL REGI-
MENT° (Donizetti), NORMA, SONNAMBULA and
MARTHA.
Principal Artistes Miss RussELL, Madame MARTA, Miss
TYRRELL, MISS WILLIAMS, Mr. HENRY HERBERT, C.
W BERNARD. and Signor TIVOLI.
Musical Director..., Mr. F. JON G 1/31 AN S.
The Comic Department compri.es Messrs. J. BLANCHARD,
A. B. HOLLINGSWORTH, Master BARRY, and E. MARSHALL.
The Fine Arts Gallery has been enriched by the addition of
the late John Martin's three Grand Pictures—viz., " THE
GREAT DAY of HIS WRATH." "THE PLAINS of
HEAVEN," and "THE LAST JUDGMENT," on view
until 12 o'clock at Night.
CHRISTMAS HOLIDAYS.
OPERA, DRAMA. BURLESQUE, and PANTOMIME.
EVERY EVENING.
Clowti
Columbine Mr. E. MARSHALL.
Harlequin...
Pantaloon Mr. F. BELL.
SPRITES, by the celebrated BROTHERS CONRAD.

HIGH WATER AT LONDON BRIDGE.

THIS DAY.—Morning, 12h. Bm.—Afternoon, 12h. 38m.
To-MORROW.-Morning, lh. 9m.—Afternoon, lh. 36m.

TILT& WEATHER.—STN OFFICE, JAN. 9, 1661.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
32—highest since noon yesterday.
21--lowest this morning and during the night.
29—this day at noon.

BAROMETER---30.34.
WlND—Southerly—light ; with fine frosty weather.

,
11:01
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THE SUN.

LONDON, WEDNESDAY, JAN. 9, 1881.

Our private information from America suggests
difficulties from all sides in forming any safe con-
clusion as to the probable result of the crisis which
has just arrived. It may yet take some time
before the various passions and interests stirred
by the Presidential election and the Secession
movement have effervesced and fermented, cooled
and settled, into some permanent result. A corre-
spondent from the border State of Pennsylvania,
describes the city population there as prepared
almost to re-enact slavery in the State, in order to
save, as they suppos9, their commercial inte-
rests. In the cities of the North, it is to be
feared, the dollar view of the whole question of

slavery reigns supreme, and immense meetings
can be convened to promote the most unworthy
compromises. The country districts are, however,
collectively, much the more populous, and they
appear to be sound. They retain more of the
feelings of early settlers—all the love of liberty
which led them across the Atlantic ; they hate
slavery with a deadly hatred, and their vote it is,
chiefly, which has given the victory to the Repub-
licans, and to the limitation of slavery to its present
boundaries—boundaries indeed only far too large,
too fertile, and too fair to be blighted with sughla

curse.

It is this anti-slavery sentiment among the yeo-
manry of the North, indeed, among all that portion
which city counting-houses do not influence, that
slaveholders regard as render-
the more far-seeing
ing permanent union between the North and the
South hopeless. We have been specially struck
with this in reading the speech of the Democratic
Senator for Georgia, Mr. ITERSON, on forming a
committee of thirteen to consider and report on the
present state of things. We see here a full and
candid statement of a respectable Southerner's
views on the whole question, and they all tend to
the conclusion that sincere coalition between the
North and the South is no longer possible. That
the two sets of States are so diametrically op-
posed in their conceptions of slavery that they
cannot agree to differ on it ; one aide being devoted
to it as to a blessing from Heaven, the other detest-
ing it as the offspring of Hell.
He asks, what can Congress do which it has not
done? It has given us a Fugitive Slave Law of
which the South does not complain—no better
Fugitive Slave Law could be devised, he says, by this
Congress, or by any other; the defect is not in the
law, " but it is in the fact, rip which no man can shut
his eyes, that a vitiated public sentiment in the
Northern States is so strong against Slavery that
no enactment can ever be carried out while this
state of public sentiment lasts. It is true that
now and then a slave is reclaimed. But it has
been done at the point of the bayonet, and at an
expense of ten times the value of the slave." We
on this side the water are certainly gratified to
hear that the public sentiment is so much better
in the community at large, than amongst the
legislators who passed and do not repeal this
infernal law.

Some of the Southerners have:complained much

of the Personal Liberty Acts of some of the I
Northern States. Mr. IVERSON does not. He
says, describing in a way which is very satisfac-
tory as regards public sentiment in the North,
" Nor do I charge the failure of the execution of
this law upon these Personal Liberty bills. No,
sir, they have never operated to prevent the exe-
cution of the Fugitive Slave law. It is, as I said,
mob law, in all circumstances, which has produced
these results; and will, as long as the Union and
Slavery last together. Whenever a fugitive slave
shill be discovered in one of the Free States, and
the owner goes in pursuance of law and the Con-
stitution to reclaim him, what follows They ob-
tain the arrest of the slave, but before the case
comes before a justice, or before judgment can be
rendered, there is a mob of free negroes, and whites,
who are only one degree removed from their coloured
brothers in brutality and ignorance. They assemble
and wrest the negro from the possession of the
owner, while the conservative masses, the "gentle-
men," those who are in favour of justice, who
believe the owner is entitled, under the Constitu-
tion and the law, to reclaim the slave, what do they
do ? They stand with folded arms, and look upon
these mobs, and laugh to scorn these Southern
people." He then adverts.to the proposal which has
been made to enact as a remedy that the Free States,
who secrete and refuse to bring bask our slaves,
will be liable in damages. In the first place, what
would such a law be worth ? You can't sue a State.
A State in its sovereign capacity cannot be brought
into Court. If a thousand slaves were received by
Massachusetts, and refused to be returned, how can
you sue the State of Massachusetts ? That would be
impracticable and impossible. Besides, you would
have to sue in a Court of Massachusetts. The jury
who was to decide on your rights would be a jury
of Abolitionists. The defendants who are to be
mulcted and the parties who compose the Jury,
and the Judges who decide on the claim of
owners. All such propositions as that are mere
mockery, and no man can suppose that such a
remedy as that would be worth a dollar or a cent.
As to the protection of slavery in the territories by
Congress, that he considers now hopeless. The
South will never be satisfied with anything less, but
the North will never concede it. He shows how
the result of this policy wiil be the rapid forcing
all the slaves into the cotton States, and here is
a Southern senator's view of the final consequences.
" Now, sir, look at the process. We have now in
the United States four millions and a half of
slaves. They increase, according to the last Census
Bill, at the rate of about thirty-two per cent. every
ten years. If you precipitate all this population
into 8 or 10 Gulf States, we will have, in ten years,
6,000,000, in twenty years we shall have 8,000,000
or 9,000,000, and in thirty years 12,000,000
to 15,000,000. In less than twenty years the
slave population of the South will largely prepon-
derate over the white. Then will come universal
emancipation by the Federal Government, and such
scenes of murder between the two races as has
never been seen or heard of in the whole world's
history. Such, in my opinion, is the inevitable
result, and such is the policy of the Free States."
And, allowing a little for rhetorical exaggeration,
Republicans would agree with him on the main
point, that limitation of the territory of slavery
will, under the circumstances of the States, lead to
its ultimate extinction.

Throughout his very long speech Mr. IVERSON
reasons on the assumption that the sentiments of the
North are so perverse, and corrupted, that no trans-
action with them could be of any binding value.
Thus, on the question of " guarantees from the
North to the South," he says, "of what value
would they be, granted in a state of fear ? Ido
not use this word in any offensive sense. But the
North, if it yields at all, yields to the fear that the
South is going to dissolve the Union. What value
would such concessions be to the South ? Nay,
I want to know what value any pledges
or guarantees would be from the Northern
States ? None, sir, as long as a vitiated public
sentiment of Abolition exists. And when is that
going to decay? Never, so long as the Union
lasts. It is a part of their political creed. It
enters into all their ramifications of society, into
the pulpit, the schoolhouse. All teach this doc-
trine of the irrepressible conflict ;' and how many
arguments in favour of Slavery, its morality, its
social blessings, ever reach the Northern ear ? How
are you going to reach this feeling ? There is but
one way. That is, to let the South go out of the
Union; and when the North sees its folly, then the
feeling may recoil, and a sound state of feeling may
arise, but not till then."
From the letter and speech we have referred to,
it is evident that the South cannot trust the North,
and that the Republican majority, there, never can
be reconciled to the vile institution of the South.
It is, at the same time, plain that there is a large
party in the North which, from pecuniary motives
chiefly, would be glad to compromise with the
South, while in the South, again, especially in the
border States, there is a numerous party, if it
dared but speak out, opposed to Secession. We
hope the Republicans will remain true to their
very moderate principles, but we confess we are
not without fear of base and, possibly, successful
attempts by the men of the dollsr to bring back
again the Southern seceders.

Although quite incidentally, and in the most
unostentatious way imaginable, Lord PALMERSTON
availed himself yesterday right well of an
admirable opportunity for reviewing the situation
of affairs generally prior to the re-assembling of
the Legislature.

Parliament will have met upon Thursday the sth
of February—that is exactly four weeks from to-
morrow. And on Wednesday, the Bth January--
that is yesterday—the Prime Minister found the
platform from which, and the audience through
which, to address a few words to the nation at
large upon some of the most important events of
recent occurrence—more particularly, upon three
of the most extraordinary incidents that have.
taken place in our generation.

The occasion upon which the Chief Minister
of the Crown spoke thus directly to the point
and to the purpose upon matters of the
most vital import to England, to Europe,
to both hemispheres, it will be seen, from
the deeply interesting report of the proceedings
given in another part
nre orfemoaurrkaimblpereisnsiiotnseloff
than
more evening, was no ---
the laying of the foundation-stoneofaliterar
literary
and scientific edifice, to be called the Hartley
Insti-
tution, down at Southampton. For Lord PALMERSTON
himself this incident not unnaturally possessed an
interest of a peculiar character. His connection
with the locality which was the scene of it, being,
as he himself remarked, not merely personal but in
a manner hereditary—Lord PALMERSTON'S father
having in his time represented the borough of
Southampton in Parliament. Added to which the
veteran Premier, besides having been some years
back one of the representatives of the southern di-
vision of the county, is himself by residence and
by sympathy a Hampshire man to the backbone.
Beyond even this—there is that fact full of
interest both to Lord PALMERSTON and to the
i people of Southampton, the fact that upwards