The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-06 00:00:00

!tug Atil44: LONDON, VirEDNESDAY EVENING; FEBRUARY `‘ 6, 1861

at the effects it would produce 911 tee mainifactures of this
country. its first effects, at all e'iehts, would be moat dis-
astrous to one great branch of our industry. Unfortunately
it does so happen—I trust it will not be long so—that we
have been almost exclusively dependent on the cotton of
Amerita. It will be of the highest adeartegat if the
threatened disruption should teed those who are most
deeply interested-=I de het think the tiovetstuent can in-
terfere with. their individual exertion—to turn. their seri-
oils tonsideration to the best means of averting the dan-
ger involved in a failure of the supply of cotton from
the United State. by promoting an increased supply
from other sources. Such a supply can be had in many
parts of the world, provided means be taken for encou-
raging its growth and import. (Hear, hear.) Her Ma •
jeety goes on to state that the interest she takes in the
well-being of the people of the United States can-
not but be increased by the kind and cordial recep-
tion given by them to the Prince of Wales during his recent
visit to the continent of America. With the exception,
perhaps, of one little unpleasantness we may congratulate
her Majesty upon the loyalty and good feeling which were
displayed towards the Prince of Wales by our fellow-sub-
jeets in Canada, as well as by the people of the neighbour-
ing Republic. (Hear, hear.) But there is one point which,
although ft must have afforded the utmost satisfaction to
the country, could not, perhaps, have been introduced by
her Majesty into her gracious speech. I allude, of course,
to the perfect manner in which the Prince of Wales him-
self, by his personal conduct, justified therespect and good
feeling which were manifested towards him in Canada and
the United State's, (Cheers.) There is not one young man
in ten thousand who would be able, in so difficult a position
a(Ctlheoenrst.h)eTshpautir of the moment, to show the saute amount
will
nurse,nagirse
agree
tahs subject etcht
that our
of self-possession, the same tact) and the same dignity.
any
Isure your lordships formal address can be presented to her Majesty, but I am
atu-
ations, instead of being limited to the reception given to
the ?tines of Wales, should include, in addition, the perfect
manner in which his Royal Highness justified all the enthu-
siasm and good fooling which his visit called forth. (Cheers )
It is not nay intention, ray lords, to comment upon the next
Wellonteglir
two topics dealt with in the Speech from the Throne. One
is the insurrection of a portion of the natives of New Zea-
land ; the other and more important Is the state of our
dian territories. We are not called upon for any expression
of opinion with respect to the first, and even if we were, we
are not in a position to form a correct judgment in regard
to it. I hope it may turn out not only that we have acted
according to the strict letter of the law, but that in our treat-
ment of native rights and usuages—which are most com-
plicated in their character, which are difficult to be under-
stood by Europeans, which, indeed, are hardly understood
by thenatives themselves, but to which they are earnestly
attached—we have not afforded any pretext for the armed
rebellion which has occurred. (Hear, hear.) The state of
India is, of course, too large and important a question to be
dealt with incidentally upon such an occasion as the present.
I rejoice to hear that the Government are able to express
the hope that the finances of India will gralually partake
of the general amendment, for I confess that, in my opinion,
the prospect at the present moment is not one of the most
favourable character. (Hear, hear.) Nor, my lords, am I
about to enter into any discussion of the origin of our re-
cent dispute with China. The disaster at the mouth of the
Peiho, which led to the late expedition, might, perhaps,
have been avoided ; but when that disaster occurred there
was obviously only one course which could be taken. We
were bound by a display of energy to enforce compliance
with our terms, and at the same time to show to the world,
by the moderation of those terms, that we were not using
our military and naval power for an improper purpose. I
am glad to be able fairly and honestly to congratulate the
Government upon the manner in which their intentions
have been carried out, upon the admirable arrangements
made by the naval and military authorities, and upon the
intelligence and activity displayed by both services in the
accomplishment of a most difficult and arduous task.
(Cheers.) I need not say, my lords, that *at is called the
Italian question is the moat important subject dealt with in
the Speech from the Throne. Even upon the present oc-
casion I cannot refrain from offering a few observations
upon the general state of our foreign relations. nut the
point upon which I desire more especially to have a full and
unreserved explanation from the Government is the state of
our relations—l do not mean our ostensible and avowed re-
lations, but our real, true, and genuine relations—with our
great and powerful neighbour on the other side of the
Channel. (Hear, hear.) Two important questions are re-
ferred to in the Speech from the Throne. One is the pre-
sence of a French force in Syria, the other is the state of Italy.
We are told that the French expedition to Syria was intended
for a specific and temporary purpose, and we know that the
troops were to be withdrawn at the expiration of a certain
period of time. The moment for their withdrawal, accord-
ing to the terms of the convention, is now drawing near. I
believe the six months assigned for the occupation will•ex-
pire on the sth of March, and I should be glad to hoar from
the Government that they have reason to believe and expect
that the French Government are determined to withdraw
their troops at the appointed time, and not to seek to obtain
the renewal of an occupation which is eortainly of an ano-
malous character, calculated to create uneasiness and anx-
iety. (Hear.) But, my lords, however important may be
the affairs of Syria, those of Italy are of more importance
still. I think it will be necessary, in expressing any opinion
upon the affairs of Italy, to distinguish between the results
which might probably be attained, and the means and
agencies employed for that purpose. (Hear, hear.) For my
own part, I have nothing to say in vindication of the system
of government which was carried on in the kingdom of
Naples, although I think Francis 11. has had a hard mea-
sure dealt out to him, inasmuch as he has been exposed to
the long pent-up indignation of his people before he had an
opportunity of showing what his principles and policy really
were. (Hear, hear.) However, my lords, I say not a single
word in vindication of the frequent violations of law, and of
the cruel punishments which were undoubtedly practised in
Naples ; I say nothing of the right of the people to break
out in open revolt, nor do I express an opinion whether
the dream or vision of Italian unity can ever be realised, a
matter upon which I confess I entertain very serious doubts;
but I do say that if that dream can be realised I will look
upon the establishment of a great and united Italy without
any feeling of jealousy whatever, provided it is not only
great and united, but really and truly independent of
foreign Power. (Cheers.) I have no fear of a great and
united Italy provided it is true to itself, and carefully ex-
cludes from its affairs the intervention and influence of other
States. (Hear, hear.) But, my lords, when I pass from the
question of the merits of the Neapolitan revolt to the
manner in whi,;h that revolt has been encouraged and pro-
moted, I must say I take a very different view. lam not
going to say a single word in derogation of that brave, and
I believe, excellent man, General Garibaldi. He has dis-
played the highest qualities of a soldier—great personal
courage, great personal skill, great personal forethought.
As a military man he is entitled to the highest praise; but
it may also be said to his honour, that he is an honest
politician, with no arriere passes whatever, no personal
interest to subserve, giving the whole energies of his mind
and body to the accomplishment of what he believes to be
for the good of his country. (Cheers.) Therefore, any lords,
not a single word disrespectful to Gene: al Garibaldi shall
pass my lips upon the present or any future occasion; but
if I look to the expedition to Naples, and to the position
in which he stood with regard to international law, I am
compelled to say, however upright his motives, that ,if he
had been unsuccessful, and if the King of Naples had
taken him prisoner, he could not have claimed any of the
rights of a belligerent power, and even if he had been put
summarily to death, the King would not have violated any
international law. (Hear, hear.) But Garibaldi would not
have done so much if he had not been supported and up-
held by a greater Power. That Power I need not say was
the power of the King of Sardinia. I believe that the
course pursued by the King of Sardinia, whatever excuses
he may make to himself or to his countrymen, whatever
palliations there may be, was a flagrant violation of inter-
national law. (Hear, hear.) There could not, in fact, be a
greater violation of international law than that committed

by the King of Sardinia when he invaded the Papal and
Neapolitan States. Iler Majesty has been advised to say,
using a rather colloquial expression, "believing that the
Italians ought to be left to settle their own affairs, I
have not thought it right to exercise any active interfe-
rence in those matters." There is a very palpable fallacy
in the expression about the Italians settling their own

affairs. If we admit the doctrine of the noble lord at
the head of the Foreign-office—and within certain limits

I am not disposed to dispute it—that every country ha;;
right to deal with its own government according to its

own disposition and judgment, free from the intervention of
any foreign Power, it is impossible that the noble lord can

contend, as he must, in order to vindicate this paragraph,
that Sardinia was justified in interfering with the inhabi-

tants of the kingdom:of Naples, without declaration of war,

without cause of war, without any ground of complaint

whatever for such intervention. (Hear, hear.) No man can
_ _

doubt that it is the rightof Frenchmen to deal with French
affairs, but I apprehend that if the large body of Frenchmen
who inhabit France were disposed to interfere with the
affairs of the small body of Frenchmen who inhabit Lower
Canada or the Mauritius, the noble lord would find good
reasons for objecting to such intervention on the part of this
country. Shakapearo makes Macbeth, in reply to the two
murderers, say :

nti
water
.tshrruee
gyegha,
ot a
iatneFet ee
uy
.nwggoor
lefvloserlms
aperaneniels, e
cdu r s
As
itsohuogunh"sdA, sw,y
clep
All by the name of dogs,"
and proceeds to describe the various qualities by which the
various descriptions of dogs are distinguished. The same
idea may with justice be applied to the difference which ex ; sts
between thepopulationoccupying the several States of Italy.
It may be that the feeling of Italian unity may be strong
enough to bring the various Italian States into active co-
operation with the King of Sardinia, and at such a
I,consum-
mmation x
eforhiobnitee,d amshouolndg therejo variousice. The hitherto,porehpauslations o
I.tzl;
it, been
great moderation, and it would seem as if they were disposed

rather to submit to the rule of a constitutional Sovereign
than to indulge in any wild and excited notions of
general democracy and unrestrained republicanism. But
that which I desire to impress upon your lordships' atten-

bike is not so much the merits or demerits of the King of

Sardinia, or General Garibaldi, or of the Government of

Naples ; not so much, I may add, the prospect of the ulti-
mate Coflsolldatiott of the whole Italian territory under the
one head of Italian unity, as ttc tene which her Majesty's
Government mean to assume with respect to the present
state of Italy, and the views which they entertain as to her
future position. We are, indeed, told that papers upon
this subjett still be laid before us ; but my complaint is not
that the made has not spoken, or that it has spoken in
ambigtions terms. I am aware that certain papers have
obtained publicity hat C-Ven before they were published
abroad in the quarters to which they Were directed. I may
add that I am, in speaking upon this eubjeet, reminded ofes
somewhat extraordinary performance of the noble lord the
present Secretary for Foreign Affairs, who some years ago,
when he was First Lord of the Treasury, took the un-
usual course of reading in the House of Commons a let-
ter which had reference to the mode in which it was the
duty of his noble friend now at the head of the *Govern-
ment to conduct the foreign correspondence of the country,
and which dwelt upon the necessity that existed to submit
for the approval of her Majesty previous to their being sent
abroad all despatches which were about to emanate from
the foreign department. I thought at the time that that
was a strong step for one colleague to take towards another,
and I cannot now help being of opinion that the noble lord
the Secretary for Foreign Affairs appears to have been in
the course which he took iu the case crf hie own despatch
of the 27th of October somewhat oblivious of the wise
counsel which he gave on the occasion to which I am re.
ferring ; for I cannot believe that that despatch was sent
out without having received that which in accordance with
constitutional usage it Was essential it should receive—the
approval and sanction of the Sovereign. (Hear, hear.)
Now, as I have already said, I do not complain that the
oraclehat
Id haso toneootsppiain of is that oken, or that it
it hashasspokneont
ed u
aemnabbilguous tosly.
What
form any satisfactory opinion with regard to the policy of
the Government, for its enunciations span two occasions
are in distinct contradiction to one another. (Hear, hear.)
I make this charge against the noble lord the Secretary for
Foreign Affairs, bemuse I find that he has written two
despatches to Sir J. Hudson—one dated the 31st of August,
1860, and one the 27th of October following, embodying
two principles totally distinct. Now, what I wish
to know is to which of those principles is it that
her Majesty's Ministers have obtained the assent
of the Emperor of the French, and by which
of them do they themselves mean to abide ? (Hear,
hear.) I have here, of course, no right to ask the Govern-
ment in what the policy of the French Emperor consists ;
but I have a right to know from them whether their own
policy has been systematically connected with him, and
whether they have been assenting parties to the various
steps which have been taken by France with regard to the
affairs of Italy. The first despatch of the noble lord the
Secretary for Foreign Affairs to which I have alluded—that
dated the 31st August last—very strongly deprecates not
only on the ground of prudence, but principle, any interfer-
ence upon the part of Sardinia with the territories of Naples
or Venice. The noble lord there says that her Majesty's
Government conceive in substance that the Government of
Sardinia disavowsany intention of attacking the territories
of the King of Naples or those of Austria. The design of
invading Naples therefore was one which was then repu-
diated by the noble lord ; but on the 27th of October, when
the invasion of Naples had already taken place, the language
which he uses undergoes a thorough change, and that, too,
upon a very remarkable occasion, because it was at that time
that all the Governments of Europe found it necessary to
disapprove the course which Sardinia had just taken.
(Hear, hear.) Prussia and France had withdrawn their
Ministers from Turin. The former had signified her ex-
treme dissatisfactim with the proceedings of Victor Em-
manuel, and this, my lords, was the moment which the
Secretary for Foreign Affairs chose to signify his dissent
from those epinioes,—no doubt, with the view of showing
how successful ho was likely to be in obtaining the good-
will of those States with whose alliance he in a moment of
petulance last year threatened France. (Hear, hear.) That
statement made with characteristic prudence and judgment,
the noble lord proceeded to enter into a discussion of the
most difficult and delicate points of international law, and
wholly without necessity to lay down principles which, if
acted upon, must be acted upon with the utmost caution
and reserve, but which he proceeds to apply in the broadest
and most sweeping fashion. Now, I have known the noble
lord many years, and I am well aware how great the temp-
tation is to him to rush into print on the subject of a great
revolution (" hear, hear," and a laugh) ; but, at the same
time I think he acted with even more than his usual want
of caution in quoting high authority for the principles
which he advocated. The noble lord was delighted to find
a passage in Vattel which he thought would indicate the
course which Sardinia ought to pursue. Now, the noble
lord's reference to Vattel induced me also to look into the
same authority, and I find that ho lays down principles as
different from those which the noble lord has advanced as
light is from darkness. Vattel, in the first place, says that
it is no part of the duty of any Sovereign to constitute him-
self a judge of the merits of the government of any other
Sovereign, although that government may be oppressive,
and he goes on to state that when a civil war breaks out in a
country then foreign nations may take any course which may
be in accordance with their interests or feelings in lend ing as-
sistance to either of the contendingparties. He however adds
that lentil insurrection has actually taken place, and until
civil war actually becomes flagrant, there is no justification
for the interference of foreign Powers in the internal affairs
of a State, no matter to what extent its subjects may be op-
pressed, or to what degree they may remonstrate against
the acts of their rulers; nay, more, that if the principle of
intervention is to take effect it may be just as legitimately
acted on on one side as upon the ether. Now, if Austria had
actively exerted herself for the purpose of protecting the
King, we should have had, I apprehend, a great deal of vir-
tuous indignation exhibited by the noble lord the Secretary
for Foreign Affairs, while we should have heard much about
its being perfectly legitimate to support the efforts of a
people struggling for freedom. But the argument of Vattel
applies exactly as lunch to the one case as the other, and
he further states—a doctrine which I would advise the
noble lord the Foreign Secretary to bear in mind—that any
Power whatsoever which by means of its emissaries insti-
gates or foments discontent in a neighbouring country, is
guilty of a fihgrant offence of which that country has a right
to complain. (Hear.) But in his despatch of Aug. 31 the
noble lord, passing from the question of Naples, dwells upon
the possibility of an attack being made by Sardinia onVenice,
and says it is obvious that no such attack can be made with-
out a violation of the treaty of Zurich. He adds that success
in such a contest could result to Sardinia only by bringing
France into the field, and kindling a general war in Europe,
and intimates to Count Cavour that the Great Powers of
Europe are bound to maintain peace, and that Great
Britain had interests in the Adriatic over which it was the
duty of her Majesty's Government to watch. I shall be
glad to hear from her Majesty's Government that they en-
tertain now the same hope, confidence, and belief, that no
sanction will be given on the part of France to any attack
by Sardinia, on the dominions of Venice, and I should hope
also that they will be able to assure your lordships that
their feelings have not changed since the period when

this statement v 4 as made. (Hear.) I need not apologise for
asking the Government for an explanation on these sub-
jects, and, in the presence of two documents so absolutely
and entirely contradictory with each other, for a distinct
and clear enunciation of their views with respect to their
future policy ; because your lordships will not fail to observe
that every argument introduced in favour of the right of
Sardinia to interfere in the case of Naples, in defence of a
people groaning under oppression, would be applicable in the
case of Venice, where, no doubt, there is great discontent
against the Austrian rule, and the fact of a people complain-
ing of its Government does exist. I ask this the more, be-
cause in the Royal Speech her Majesty says she " trusts
that the moderation of the Powers of Europe will prevent
any interruption of the general peace." There is no use in
blinking this question. It is quite right to speak openly and
say that the preservation of peace or the calamity of war
depends wholly and entirely on the attitude taken by the
Emperor of the French—(hear, hear)—and I must confess
that I am not very favourably impressed with the prospects
of peace by the language used in the speech delivered by
the Emperor of the French. (Hear, hear.) At this time

last year I undertook to express my earnest hope that the
Emperor of the French would not commit so great an error
and so great a political fault as to persist in the annexation

of Savoy and Nice; and I expressed that hope, not only on
account of the effect which the actual transfer of those pro-
vinces would have on the relations of the countries in Eu-

rope, but more particularly so on account of the effect

would produce in shaking the confidence of Europe in the
good faith of the Emperor of the French. In this country
people are only too ready to state openly, clearly, and dis-
tinctly what their views and objects are. They go straight
forward to their mark, sometimes indiscreetly, perhaps, but
they expect to see in explanations of objects and intentions

on the part of other Powers the same straightforwardness.

They are, therefore, very easily duped by speciouspro-
mises and declarations ; but, onto duped, thoy are not so
easily duped a second time, and confidence once forfeited is
not so easily restored to the same person. (Hear, hear.)
But even were I disposed to place in the good faith of the

declarations of France, or rather of the Emperor of the
French, the same confidence as I was prepared to repose in
them 14 or 16 months ago, I do not think that the expres-
sions in the Emperor's speech aro such as, to ensure great
confidence. I take it that there could not be a greater
calamity for this country and for Europe than the rupture
or dissolution of the friendly alliance between the two

countries. (Hear.) There are many reasons which ought
to bring us closely together, and an amicable intimacy is as
important to the one as to the other, and is equally impor-
tant to the general peace of Europe. (Hear, hear.) But if the
alliance is to be anything real and satisfactory, it is obvious
that there must exist mutual confidence between the Go-

vernments, and a clear understanding as to their intentions

and policy. It is impossible to overlook the fact that danger
of disturbance in Europe would arise only from the attitude
assumed by France, and at the present moment there pre-
vails a degree of apprehension, anxiety, and uncertainty
with respect to the future course of that Power. At the
same time that the Emperor of the French makes use of
peacAil professions, he is at the head of 400,000 men, and
the amount could easily be raised to 600,000. That army, if
I am rightly informed, being sick of idleness) is demanding
occupation, and exhibits impatience at thy; inactivity- to
which it is condemned; and the nation to which it belongs

would go through great suffering, and sustain a great
weight of taxation, merely for the sake of what it deems
military glory. Such being the army, and such the nation,
with the Emperor of the French at their head, it is net
satisfactory to see that potenate at present exerting himself
to increase the powers of France, more especially in
that particular department in which it is abso-
lutely necessary that we should maintain a superiority
if we mean to maintain our independence. (Cheers.)
When I see the efforts made to raise the navy in France I
cannot, though I do not suppose that the Emperor would
do anything to bring himself in collision with this country,
but, on the contrary, I believe that his earnest desire is to
continue on good terms with England, yet I cannot, I repeat,
disconnect them) efforts from the great exertions also made
in this country against possible aggression, or help saying
that we seem to be running a race of military preparations—
with this difference, however, that those in France must be
for aggression, while those in England are only for those
defences which are essential for the existence of the nation.
(Hear.) What do I find in the Emperor of the French's
speech ? He says, " I certainly do not ignore the fact that
this system has the inconvenience of appearing to authorise
a good deal of needless trouble, and extreme opinions would
prefer the one that France should take cause with all kinds
of revolutions, the other that she should put herself at the
head of a general reactionary movement. I shall net allow
myself to be turned aside from my course by either of these
opposing influences. It is enough for the grandeur of the
country to maintain its right where it is indispensable, to
defend its honour.where it is attacked, to lend its assistance
where it may be invoked in favour of a just cause." Now,
I ask what possible contingency might not be included
under these three exceptions to the general peaceful policy
of France? (Hear.) With regard to maintaining the indis-
pensable rights of France the Emperor gives an instance
of what he means by that expression, and what is it ?
The maintenance of the indispensable rights of
France consists "in causing the acceptance of the cession
of Savoy and Nice, which are now irrevocably united to
France." If that be an explanation of what is meant by
the maintenance of the indispensable rights of France,
what possible limit to any direct increase of power or an-
nexation could be discovered under thoseterms ? Therefore,
I am anxious to learn whether they have still the same
confidence in the peaceful intentions of the French Empe-
ror. Ido not ask the noble earl opposite to reconcile the
two despatches to which I have referred ; but I ask by
which of the two principles the Government are to be
guided. This is not an unimportant question, either as
respects the future or the present, for unquestionably it is
a state of doubt, and apprehension, and uncerta!nty that
places on the people of this country an amount of taxation
vi hich is absolutely unprecedented in time of peace, which
is perfectly intolerable, and which is only made more
intolerable by the financial freaks of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) How long
is this state of things to continue, and when is the
country to be relieved from the pressure of this heavy
taxation ? (Hear, hear.) We are, in point of fact, at a time
of profound peace suffering from almost a war taxation, and
we want to know how long the nation is to remain in this
position, how long these excessive armaments are to con-
tinue necessary, and how long, under the guise of peace, and
while apparently in cordial and friendly alliance with our
neighbours across the Channel, we are to maintain these
preparations for immediate war? (Hear.) We want to
know, further, whether her Majesty's Government aro at
this moment acting, with regard to European politics, in
concert with the Emperor of the French, or whether we
are with him merely on the footing upon which we stand
towards Russia or any other country ? It is of great import-
ance to know our real position on these points, and it is for
the purpose of enabling the Government to give explanations
—and I hope satisfactory explanations—of their views,
their feelings, their intentions, and their principles, that I
have trespassed upon your lordships with some observa-
tions respecting a speech upon which I am happy to say
that I do not see any occasion to move an amendment
(Cheers.)
Earl GRANVILLE (who was indistinctly heard through-
out his speech) said he was sure the noble lords on that side
of the house were fully as anxious as the noble earl who
moved the address to express their feeling with regard to
the noble earl who had just sat down being restored to per-
fect health. (Hear, hear.) He knew that he (the Earl of
Sefton) did justice to his (Earl Granville's) own feelings on
the subject; and, though it might appear somewhat mag-
nanimous on his part to say so, no one entered more sin-
cerely into the gratification expressed by the noble mover
than he did. (Hear, hear.) A maxim was once laid down
by the noble earl opposite (the Earl of Derby) that it was
the positive duty of the leader of the Opposition to find
every fault ho possibly could with the Government during
the discussion upon the address; and when the noble earl
began his remarks by compliments upon the royal speech,
and the practical character of tho measures about to be
introduced by the Government to Parliament, he (Ea%
Granville) thought the, noble earl had abandoned his own
rule, and that his noble friend behind him had been slightly
misinformed as to the state of the noble earl's health ; for
not only from his personal appearance, but by the same
habit of lively pleasantry which he at times indulged in,
and the somewhat severe censure which fell from him at
others, it was quite clear that the noble ear/ had been re-
stored to that pristine health which he had invariably en-
joyed. (Laughter and cheers.) That part of the Speech
which the noble earl, naturally enough, dealt with in the
shortest time, was that relating to the colonies. With re-
gard to India, the noble earl expressed his opinion so briefly
and without giving any reasons for that opinion, which was
in opposition to that of her Majesty's advisers, that he (Earl
Granville) did not think it necessary to go into so momen-
tous a question until he had laid upon their lordships'
table all the information upon it which they possessed. That
information certainly led them to form a most favourable
estimate of the results which were likely to flow from the
measures which they had adopted. The noble earl also
alluded to the present state of affairs in New Zealand.
Upon that subject the noble Secretary of state for the Colo •
nies was not able to give their lordships any additional in-
formation. The last accounts showed an improved state of
things, but it was quite clear that the first duty of the Go-
vernment was to restore order, and then it would be their
duty to deal with this complicated and difficult question
between the natives and the English settlers. The noble
earl likewise referred to the visit of the Prince of Wales to,
America, and said that the reception which his royal high-
ness met with in Canada was a satisfactory proof of the
loyalty of that important colony. Without wishing to
weaken anything the noble earl had said as to the compli-
ments paid to the Prince, he must observe, in corroboration
of what had fallen from the noble earl, that it must be
satisfactory to this country to know that, loyal as the people
of Canada had shown themselves with regard to the sove-
reign, the care which leer Majesty had bestowed on the edu-
cation of her children had, even before they had arrived at
manhood or womanhood, been attended by such successful
results as to add something to cement the connection be •
tween our colonies and the mother country, and to bring
more distinctly before the world a knowledge of the virtues
of the Sovereign. (Hear.) Not only in Canada was a recep-
tion of a peculiar character given to the Prince of Wales,
going in his royal character, with a Secretary of State and
other officers of state accompanying him, but in South
Africa, on the mere casual visit of another son in his pri-
vate capacity, a midshipman on board one of her Majesty's
ships, the loyalty of that colony was fully shown in the
same way to the mother country as it had been evinced to•

wards the eldest son in Canada and elsewhere. (Hear.) But
the greater part of the noble earl's speech, as might natu •
rally have been expected—and indeed it is a topic of every
day discussion—related to foreign affairs. With respect to
China, it was also satisfactory to hear the testimony borne
by the noble earl to the ability of our soldiers. No ono
ever entertained a doubt of their fighting qualities, but
there was a doubt as to our organisation for a foreign mili-
tary expedition. The Chinese expedition had, however,
been organised and carried out in the most satisfactory
manner, and with the greatest success. (Hear.) With
respect to the unfortunate discussion now going on in the
. . .

United States, the only feeling that could-be entertained
in this country must be one of deep regret. On the visit

of the Princo of Wales to that country the Americans

hibited feelings of the deepest attachment to the country
from whence they sprang, and anything calculated to im-

pede their social and political progress must be a source of
regret to every right-minded Englishman. (Hear.) The
deficiency in the cotton crop had also been alluded to, and
the advice of the noble earl that we should not depend for
our supply of that article on one country alone would not
be thrown away. There could be no doubt that our own
colonies could, in a short time, supply the article in suffi-
cient quantities, and the present disturbance in America

would probably have the effect of directing the attention of
manufacturers to this important point. The noble earl
made a charge against the Foreign Secretary on account of
his foreign policy with respect to Italy, but when the papers
on this subject were laid before the house—and this would

soon be done—when tho whole case, and not an isolated

portion of it, was before the house, he trusted the noble
lord's (Lord John Russell's) policy would be vindicated,

not on mere matters of verbal criticism, but on the tub-

stantial parts of the case. IV hen a question of this kind,
affecting the whole policy of the Government, was con-
_

corned, it should not be judged of by the technical details

of international law, but a large and comprehensive view

of the subject should bo taken.

With respect to the

King of Sardinia, it was not for him (Earl Granville) to
defend him any more than the speech of the Emperor
of the French delivered yesterday. The noble earl asked
" what are our relations with France ?" Our relations with
Frence were founded on proper principles. They were not

founded on blind distrust on the one hand, nor blind confi

dente on the other. England and France were acting in
concert together for the good of Europe, and when they
ceased to act for the good of Europe, there must be a fault
on one side or the other. The noble lord sneered at the

treaty passed with France last year; Lat he (Earl Gran-
ville) believed that treaty would be of great use, and that
_ _

although it did not come up to the sanguine wishes of Mr.

Cobdon, the general expectations of commercial men have

been more than realised by it, and he felt confident that it

would lead to large commercial relations with France, whilst

the " most favoured nation clause" would procure us great
advantages with regard to other countries. The noble earl,

in speaking of the financial state of the country, had wholly
onrlooked the fact that they had hardly any summer last

year—that they had a deficient harvest, and a most severe
winter. The noble earl regretted that allusion had not been
made to the distress that had fallen on the working classes,
but this could not have been done without going into details
which would have been inconvenient. The noble earl then
referred to the fact that, notwithstanding the distress that
had existed, there was no feeling of discontent in this coun-
try. He attributed this result to the legislation of past years,
which had for its object the improvement of the people of
this country. The noble earl (the Earl of Derby) scented to
take exception as regarded the amount of legislation last
year. He (Earl Granville), however, thought that a neat
deal bad been done for the simplification of the tariff, for th.:3
improvement of the national defences of the country, and in
passing bills intimately affecting the interests of Ireland.
It was true, however, that legislation did not go on satis-
factorily in the other house of Parliament last year. That
charge could not apply to this house, and hefkas willing to
accede to the suggestion of the noble earl, my moving for
the appointment of a committee to consider how legislation
might be accelerated. (Hear, hear.) He hardly liked clos-
ing his observations on that the first night of the session
without alluding to a particular hiss which that house had
recently sustained. It would ill become him, having
served under the late Earl of Aberdeen's Government, to
remain silent as to the character and general merits of that
deceased nobleman. He never knew in public life a more just
or honourable man than Lord Aberdeen. (Cheers.) In
foreign politics, in which the late noble lord took the greatest
interest, it might be said that his views were of a somew hat
Conservative character, but with regard to questions of
peace Lord Aberdeen had learnt on some of the great batde
fields of this country to prize peace for its own sake, and to
show a love of peace, which, perhaps, was exhibited some-
times rather too strongly. With regard to all I.:Acme]:
legislation—to all measures affecting the interests of the
country at home—he thought the liberality displayed by
the noble lord upon those points was quite peculiar. (Hear,
hear.) He remembered the late Lord Aberdeen, upon the
occasion of some frivolous charge being made against him
out of doors, saying " he thanked God that character was
something in this world." He (Earl Granville) believed
now that all party and political feeling had gone, that their
lordships would agree there was no man in that house who
could appeal with greater force to his own character and his
own example. His straightforward conduct and fairness of
purpose was a lesson for them all. (Hear, hear.) The noble
earl, in conclusion, expressed the happiness which he felt at
observing the unanimity which influenced their lordships
that evening—a unanimity which was calculated to uphold
the honour of Parliament and the happiness of the people.
(Hear, hear.)
The motion for the Address was then agreed to, and
their lordships adjourned at twenty minutes to 8 o'clock.