The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-10 00:00:00

the papers had been produced, showed that disco sion
did not always follow the production of papers.
Lord J. RUSSELL—I do nut km:e that this is a very
convenient course to discuss the state of foreign politics
on the second reading of the Income Tax Bill; but the
house has now entered on the subject, and, therefore, I
shall not refrain from making such observations as appear
to me fitting to the subject. First, with regard to the
proposal of the " ways and means" this year before the
as supplies," I quite agree with several hon. members,
that it is contrary to our practice and the usual course of
our proceedings in this house. But I think, in the pre-
sent year, if the country had not known what the senti-
ments of Government and the house were with regard to
the. income tax—if it had been left in uncertainty for
weeks whether it was to be reimposed for one or for three
years, the inconvenience resulting from that course would
have been felt as greater than that from bringing forward
the Government proposal so early. I believe that there
will be another opportunity in the course of another
Parliament of discussing the finances for three years, and
therefore that it will be quite unnecessary to follow
the hon. and learned member for Wallineforcl in the
statements which he has made on the subject. With
respect to the other subject—of foreign politics—l have
a few words to address to the house on the subject of
Naples. We have had from the hon. and learned gentle-
man another remarkable testimony of ,the inconvenience
of the course which has been pursued by Government
with regard to that country. It appears .to be more
and more undesirable to raise hopes among a people
who are suffering, and impatient, and who look
to foreign assistance for relief—to raise these hopes, and
hot to fulfil them. I regret, therefore that those two
great ships—the Wellington and the Cressy—names
which are redolent of ancient and modern glory, should
have been sent to the Mediterranean to go to the Bay of
Naples, only in order to go back again to Gibraltar.
But;to the proposal that we should resume our diplomatic
connection with that country I have this objection—
that the only measure which has been taken by the Go-
vernment of this country is the severing of this connec-
tion—that it was understood as merelsqa protest against
the conduct of the King of Naples with regard to his
Own subjects; and that our reason for resuming that con-
nection ought to be that the King of Naples has ceased
from those acts of rigour which he is in the habit of in-
flicting, and that either an amnesty or an act of clemency
on his part has showed that determination to change his
policy. But the King of Naples by no amnesty or act of
clemency has shown his desire to change his mode of go-
vernment. That act of transporting his political prison-
ers is not to be regarded as an exercise of mercy— it
shows rather a determination to continue the same po-
licy which he has been pursuing. I should therefore be
sorry to see a Minister sent there by our Government,
as though we thereby meant to declare our approval of
the course which the King has pursued. I do not say
that we were quite right in withdrawing our Minister at
all ; but it is a very different thing now that he- is with-
drawn to send him back whilst the policy that occasion-
ed his withdrawal continued unchanged at his return.
As regards the other subjects, what has happened last
year and in the present confirms me in the opinion that
no advantage will accrue to the public from the discussion
of matters which are the subject of negotiation between
our Government and foreign Governments Lastyear much
was said with regard to the Foreign Enlistment Act, the
course pursued by our Minister in America regarding it,
and the question touching the Island of Ruatan. I took
the liberty at the time to say that if Mr. Dallas were net to
be sent away when Mr. Crampton received his credentials,
any expression of opinion on the part of this house upon
the subject ought for the time being to be suspended.
The effect of that has been that a treaty has been signed
which, I believe, we are about to ratify, and which, I
think, will turn out for the advantage of the two coun-
tries, and no angry feeling on either side remains. I
thought also that it was not desirable to raise a discus-
sion on the subject of the Persian war while negotiations
were going on ; and now we have seen that, without any
interruption on our pit, negotiations have proceeded,
and a treaty has been signed. We have there another
instance of the wisdom of refraining on the part of this
house from any discussion on matters which are the sub-
ject of negotiation. As to the merits of that war Ido
not subscribe implicitly to the opinions of the right hon.
gentleman opposite (Mr. Disraeli), and I beg likewise
not to be precluded from the assertion made on the Trea-
sury benches from hereafter stating my opinion on that
subject. In order to justify the course which you have
pursued towards Persia it is necessary not only to say
that, contrary to treaty stipulations, Herat had been at-
tacked and taken, but also that the emissaries of Herat
had given no provocation to Persia, and that no attempt
bad been made to assassinate envoys which had been
sent by Persia to that city, and that no means short of
hostilities, short of sending an expedition to the Persian
Gulf, could induce Persia to surrender Herat on terms
which were satisfact )ry. But I think there was cause
sufficient to justify any delay in the production of the
papers. lam glad to see that in the treaty which re-
news our peaceful relations with that power there is no
tech article as that which was given by an organ of the
Government--the Edinburgh Review—requiring that the
Prime Minister should be dismissed. I am glad that that
Was not insisted on. There are other articles which.
'while We retain the objects upon which we insisted, ought
tone satisfactory to Persia, asshowing that we do not wish
to interfere with her Government. Tnereis another ques-
tion that has been touched upon which is not at alt in the
same category. I have said that while matters are under
negotiation it, is most undesirable that this house should
interfere. But when the negotiations are such as to lead
to the carrying on of hostilities, and papers are laid on
the table giving an account of these hostilities, it is im-
possible for the house nut to signify cidser by its silence
its approval of that course, or, if it does not approve,
then by expression of opinion to disapprove of it. It is
impossible, without abandoning; our duty, when papers
are laid on the table showing that hostilities are going
on in China, not to express our opinion—it is inevitalYe,
without shrinking from our duty. What was proposed
in very moderate terms by the hon. member for the
West Riding merely amounted to this—that in the opi-
nion of this house the British authorities at Canton were
not justified in entering upon hostilities. It was not
that the Government was wrong in ordering these hos-
tilities, of which they knew nothing till they had been
cominenced, but that these hoetilitiea were not justified
in the opinion of this house ; and had her Majesty's Go-
verreneet expressed a different opinion themselves than
they have done, there would have been an end of it. But
it is clear, whatever our jadginent might Lave been upon
measures involving hostilities and the lives of rca!y
thousands, that the expression of approval on the part
of the Government af these measures does not preclude
this house from giving an adverse opinion ; and I think
that this house was fully justified in giving that opinion.
Now, sir, the course pursued by Sir J. Downing and the
other British authorities being approved of, and that
being the final and ultimate deci- lon of the Government,
when the question was asked what the intention of the
Government was on the subject, my noble friend at the
head of the Government stated, I think, that their in-
tention was not to supersede Sir J. Bu ?ring, but cer
tainly to send out a chief authority, a commissioner
superior to Sir J. Bowring and the rest; entru-ted with
certain powers to neeotiate. I consider that declara-
tion of the utmost importance. I understood him to say
that that person, being a person of character and consi-
deration, should take measures for the protection of the
lives and property of British subjects—a step which
aught to have been taken by any Government which
possessed the confidence of her Majesty. The next pur-
pose for which it is said he should be sent out is to ob-
tain the fulfilment of our rights under prior treaties. As
regards that object, I have only to say that in the course
of a former debate I expressed an opinion "hat if the Go-
vernment thought it necessary that stipulations which
bad been made by the Emperor of China should be ful-
filled, they ought to have gone about that in a diploma-
tic manner, and to have opened communication, not
with the Chief Commissioner at Canton, but with the
Court at Pekin. (Hear, hear.) But the treaty imposes
duties as well as rights ; and if we insist on the stipula•
. tions which we have obtained being fulfilled because they
were advantageous to us, we should be ready to perform
those obligations which we have undertaken in favour of
the people of China. This appears to me nothing but
plain justice, and I am sorry to use the word prestige
again, as it has been noticed by my right hon. friend
(Mr. V. Smith). I will say that that prestige of our
empire is not sustained unless it be by justice and truth.
(Cheers.) I was glad to hear something about the im-
provement of our commercial relations with that coun-
try ; and my noble friend laid stress upon the words—
"by negotiation." Nothing is more important or more
desirable than that, by negotiation, these commercial
relations might be improved ; and I shall hope that an
attempt will be made to do so, by a person of character,
"who has gone there dispassionately, and has not mixed
in these scenes of blood, by the proposal of such wise
and moderate terms as are most likely to improve our
commercial relations. I trust that that will be done in
association with the Government of the Emperor of
France and the Government of the United States. One
word
, more. If these despatches of the 3d of January
had received from the Government a full and fair con-
sideration, and if in their answer they had expressed
heir belief that everything done had been done by the
British authorities Canton with the best inten-
tions ; but furthetiara,:i
ef insteada of giving their en-
tire approval to
they had required the
suspension of hostilities acts, they
etkaptehrson of character was
being despatched immediate]
and if that
answer so framed had been laid befoeresepenaerliament et the
commencement of the session, I am satisfied there would
not have been much difference of
opinion,
I T dso hope that the result of thee (Cries of
" Oh, oh.")
on
inesteziroceefid-
hostilities itn-
ings may be that instead of carrying
able and disastrous hostilities with China--
which we are on the one hand putting forth
our great
powers as a civilised nation, and the Chinese are resoit-
the
ins to the most barbarous modes of assassination en
other—that the resift of theSe debates will lead to the
whole matter being taken up in a different tone andspirit
by some efficient person quite new to the subject; and,
with such results in view, I see no reason to regret that
these debates have taken place, and that the motion of
the hon. gentleman the member for the West Riding
(Mr. Cobden) has been carried. Now, sir, much foreign
policy has been introduced into the consideration of the
subject before us, and there is another point upon which
I am anxious to say a few words, and which, although
connected with our home affairs, is one of the greatest
consequence as affecting our foreign relations. The house
is well aware that the naval superiority of this country
has been in a great degree based upon certain powers
which we have always exercised, and which, I believe,
are in conformity with the law of nations—I allude to
those powers which we exercised during the tremendous
contest with the Emperor of the French, and which,
though severe upon neutrals, were absolutely destructive
to the commerce of belligerents. During the late war, in
which we were in alliance with France, we Were EA.