The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-08 00:00:00

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CORRESPONDENCE _RELATING TO

CHIIVESE AFFAIRS.

Yesterday a blue-book of 280 pages, containing
correspondence respecting recont events in China,
was issued from the Parliamentary Printing-office.
The more important of these documents have been
published from time to time in the Gazette. The
following despatch of Lord John Russell to the
Earl of Elgin, dated the 16th ultimo, is, however,
new :

pi an 4D. STAMPED, SD.

PRUSSLCIV CHAMBER.

" Foreign Office, Jan. 16, 1861.
"My Lord,—l have received and laid before the
Queen your Excellency's despatches to that of the
17th of November inclusive, reporting your pro-
ceedings at Pekin subsequently to the restoration
of peace ; and I am to acquaint y.ou that her
Majesty entirely approves of your eon duct as ex-
plained in these despatches.
"Her Majesty's Government trust till t the per-
sonal intercourse which you have had with Vac,
Prince Kung will have a salutary effect •on the
future relations between this country and' China;
and they greatly commend the measures wb ich you
took on introducing Mr. Bruce to the Pri uc e, to
impress the Prince with a due sense of the 'n ipor.
tent functions which that gentleman will 'Fence-
forth have to discharge in China.
" The publication of the treaty and convent ion,
in the formal manner described by your Excellet icy,
was a well .devised measure to ensure the ',real
state of the case being generally known by .the
population of Pekin, so that no question way
hereafter arise as to the circumstances under
which those engagements were concluded, or as to
the nature of the obligations contracted by the Em-
peror of China.
"Her Majesty's Government further consider
that you rightly advised:Mr. Bruce to defer fixing
his residence at Pekin until the spring ; but there
is no reason why a British Ambassador ehould not •
reside in the Chinese capital as free from molests.. 5:444,1-',.'
tion, and in the enjoyment of the same honour,
privileges, and facilities, as an ambassador of the
Emperor of Russia; and while her Majesty's Go-
vernment do not anticipate that any inconvenience
will result from the temporary delay in the esta-
blishment of the British mission within the walls
of Pekin, neither do they apprehend that when the
season arrives for Mr. Bruce's residence in the
capital he will be subject to any hindrance on the
part of the Chinese authorities.
" I am glad to take this opportunity to
instruct your Excellency to convey to Mr.
Wade, to Mr. Parkes, and to all the gentle-
men, whether belonging to your own imme-
diate establishment or to those under the supervi-
sion of Mr. Bruce, whose talents and exertions have
been called into action during the late events in
China, her Majesty's Government's entire approval
of their conduct in the several capacities in which
your excellency has seen occasion to employ them,
and their hearty acknowledgment of the zealousl
and able manner in which they appear uniformly
to have executed your Excellency's instructions,
regardless of any danger or inconvenience to which,
in doing so, they might be exposed.
" I am, &c.,
" J. RUSSELL!'

An event has taken place which may, perhaps,
change the whole course of German policy. the
Prussian Chamber has, by a majority of 159 to 146,
resolved that " it is not in the interest of Prussia or
Germany to place obstacles in the way of the con-
solidation of the unity of Italy." In spite of the
opposition of Baron Schleinitz and the retrograde
party, which voted with him on this occasion, the
first deliberative body in Germany has given a check
to the warlike inclinations of the Courts, great and
small, Such an incident at the beginning of a new
reign cannot be without its effect. It shows that
the Sovereigns have to deal with something more
than the feeble discontent which vents itself in
sneers and epigrams. Germany has begun to feel
that representative institutions have not been given
to her in vain, and that by a due use of them she
may gain the direction of her own affairs and insure
the public honour and prosperity.
Prussia has been so long reproached with vacil-
lation that one may well fancy a spirited Prince
anxious to assert his vigour of mind by taking
resolutions without waiting to prove their wisdom.
King William I. may be subject to the dangerous
fear of being thought afraid. Daring the late
King's life Prussian statesmen always.fancied there
was a good reason against every possible course of
action, and the result was that the State remained
inactive when there were the best opportunities of
asserting a high position in Europe. It would
almost seem as if the new King, smarting under the
censures which had been cast on his brother's policy,
was determined to do something which should
convince . Europe -that %Prisfielft,: $r at P9I er,
and has a Prince capable of directing,its strength.
Scarcely was he seated on the Throne than the
question of Schleswig and Holstein was reopened,
and a little State filling a most useful part in the
economy of Europe has been so rudely threatened
that the Danish people are preparing for the worst,
and the capital echoes with an " impress of ship-
wrights," making the still respectable navy of Den-
mark ready for sea. We should be glad, however, to
think that an onslaught on Denmark is the greatest
error of which King William is capable. Although
nothing can be more visionary than the grievances
of the Germans, and nothing more extravagant than
their claims on the Danish monarchy, yet in mak-
ing himself their spokesman the King of Prussia
is at least acting a national part. His subjects have
been persuaded that they have fellow-countrymen
beyond the Eider, and that those fellow-countrymen
are ill-treated; the pressure has come from below,
and the Court may be excused for yielding to it.
But a far more serious danger threatens the Prus-
sian State from sympathies in which the people
have no share. As long as the late King lived the
Regent thought it becoming to conceal or repress
his own political feelings, and consequently Austria
has been left to fight her own battles. But even in
1859 the Regent was on the point of interfering,
and every good Prussian has been encouraged to
believe that France concluded a peace through fear
of the invincible legions which would have been
marched against her northern frontier. It is pro-
bably true that the decision of Prussia had consi-
derable influence on the course of events, and if so,
we may be sure that Napoleon 111. is not the man
to forget the favour. However that may be, we have
heard King William make a heroic speech about
the conflict for which Prussia is to be prepared, and
it is easy enough to perceive that in high quarters
at Berlin there reigns an exaltation which may at
any time leaf to some foolish act, to be followed
by deplorable consequences.
In averting such a calamity the resolution of M.
von Vincke, carried against the whole power of
Government in the debate on the Address, is likely
to be most useful. For almost the first time we
find the Liberal party in Germany using the forms
of the British Constitution to a good purpose. They
have learnt much from the experience of the last
few years. In common with the party of progress
all over Europe, they have been chastised by every
kind of suffering and failure. Their political educa-
tion has been long and difficult, but it is now almost
complete. So, instead of holding a congress to
debate on the true conception of a nationality, the
Prussian Liberals have taken their places in the
Legislature to protect the one nationality which is
really labouring to establish itself. The blow dealt
by this vote of the Chamber of Deputies will fall
heavily on many a Royal and Ducal Cabinet in Ger-
many. The eight and-thirty Courts which divide
the country have but one idea of union, and that is
a-union of-armies. If one of them, the most selfish
or capricious of the number, were in distress the
other thirty-seven would willingly fly to its assist-
ance, if such a term may be used to express the
august motion of a princely House. Now, for two
years past the Courts have been talking much about
the unity of Germany, the sacredness of German
soil, and the necessity of an access to that noto-
riously German sea, the Adriatic. What has been
the motive of all this patriotism which has filled
the speeches of illustrious personages and the
columns of Government newspapers? Simply that
family alliances and dynastic sympathies have ex-
cited the Courts strongly in favour of the dispos-
sessed Italian Sovereigns and their protector, the
Emperor of Austria. It is only within the last two
, or three years that the famous theory has been
elaborated that the safety of Germany requires the
subjection of a part of Italy. We should never
have heard of it had not the Sovereigns of Naples
and Tuscany, as well as the Emperor of Austria,
been united by close bonds with the leading families
of the Confederation. The overthrow of these
rulers, and the success of one who is looked upon as
a traitor to his order, have had more to do with
warlike propensities of the German Sovereigns
than any danger to be apprehended from Italy or
even France. The Bavarian Court, as most nearly
allied to the Austrian and Italian families, has taken
the lead in extravagance, much against the real
wishes of the people, who, though good Catholics,
attached to their own Government, and ready to
defend it against any real danger from beyond the
Rhine, are in no mood to be taxed and slaughtered in
defence of Austria. The royal family of Saxony is
very little behind that of Bavaria in zeal for the cause
of despotism. The press as is proved by the present vote
represents but indifferently the opinion of the nation.
The difficulties and dangers of a liberal journal are
such that even in the most enlightened cities the
voice of opposition is weak. The Courts have made
a kind of bombastic patriotism the fashion, and the
press has aided their endeavours, so that it seemed
not unlikely that the nation might be led away to
support the worst of causes iv a region with which
they have nothing to do.
Every Englishman will rejoice to find that the
Prussian people have not been deceived. They know
the power and ambition of France, and, should it
be necessary, they will, no doubt, stand by their
Princes, foremost among whom is King William I.
But they can distinguish between a real national
danger and such a bugbear as has been presented to
them by the ruling families. The policy of Austria
has been to entangle Prussia by an engagement to
support her in the next Italian War. The argu-
ment by which the Emperor's demands were justi-
fied would be hardly worth notice had it not proved
to be successful even with the new King of Prussia.
Germany, it is said, must be defended by the line of
the Mincio, and the Quadrilateral is as strictly a
system of federal fortresses as any that exists On
the Rhine. But against whom is Germany to be
defended on the Mincio ? What enemy, if once
established in Venetia, would burst through the
Tyrol ?It is the Italian people—a race hitherto the
most unwarlike in Western Europe, and now desir-
ous only to put the Alps between itself and the alien
t
armies which occupy its country. The pretext tbhia
a free Italy would threaten Germany is as PalPsaji
false as that by which Napoleon annexed
ru
Nice last year. The good sense of the
y arguments
presentatives has rejected these p Sae
? aYn re -
Nice
flimsy was the
and scouted these idle fears. So
feeling of the chamber that Baron
obliged to declare that,"though Schlemitz was
non-intervention
the Government
non. on
did not consider the principle. o
d no intention of interfering in
binding," they
r reached, or the Italians claimed,
Italy, unless thehlia
In short, the
any portion of the Federal
party
w territory.
asco
mplete, and we
victory of the Liberal
re
moderate pretensions and
may hope that more
sounder judgment will, henceforth be found in the
_ Imes.
German Courts. 7

(Signed)

ESSAYS AND REVIEWS.

We have received from Derby a " Declaration.
and Protest" of the Church of England Clerical
and Lay Association for the Maintenance of Evan-
gelical Principles in the Midland District, in which
the recent volume of " Essays and Reviews" is
condemned as mischievous, heretical, and having a
tendency to undermine belief in all the most essen-
tial truths of religion. Three quarto pages are
devoted to extracts from the work, designed to
support the verdict pronounced, and four more
contain the names of those who have signed. the
declaration. There are more than three hundred
signatures ; a very large proportion, if not the
greater number, being those of the clergy. The
first name is that of the president of the association,
Sir Matthew Blakiston, Bart., Sandibrook-halls
followed by those of Mr. T. P Bainbrigge and Mr.
Henry Cox, magistrates of Derby; Mr. T. H.
Leary, head-master of the grammar school ; Dr.
W. Ogle ; Mr. Rowland Smith, hanker ; the Rev.
Sir Christopher Lightfoot, Bart. ; Sir Oswald
Moseley, Bart., &c. All the subscribers ate not.
members of the association, but some add their
names as expressing their concurrence in its state-
ments and protest.. The paper concludes with an
appeal to the bishops, heads of colleges, principals
of theological institutions, and all others occupying
positions of authorit3 in the Church or in schools,
to consider the dangerous character of the publi-
cation, and to direct against it in their respective
spheres of duty such special action as may be most
effectual to counteract its pernicious influence. .A
memorial to the Archbishop of Canterbury against.
the same volume has just been adopted at a meeting
of the clergy of the deaneries of Kimpton and
Blockley, in the diocese of Worcester. An address
to the archbishop is also receiving signatures in.
the diocese of Oxford.
On the other hand, doubts are expressed in some
quarters as to the advisability of arousing so much.
attention to a work, and engaging in its perusal
minds unprepared for its study. A correspondent
of this opinion writes to our High Church contem-
porary, the Guardian, this week :
" My own adventures the other day in the streets
of a remarkably decorous and unexcited cathedral
town have led me to these reflections. I had occa-
sion to call on the principal brewer, an active and
intelligent man of business, and a good churchman.
Five minutes had not elapsed before he led the
conversation to the Essays and Reviews,' a work
which, it appeared, he had eagerly devoured in
consequence of the tumult that was being raised
against it, and with which he professed himself
highly delighted. I sauntered thoughtfully up the
street, and could not resist refreshing my orthodoxy
by breathing the air of a long-established book-
shop, the S.P.C.K. depository, and the very focus
of everything churchmanlike and respectable in the
town. What was my surprise to see several copies
of the same inevitable volume lying on the counter,
and to learn that four or five had been sold that
very afternoon ! Now, I ask, whose fault is it that
these delicate and difficult problems are being thus
wrested from the hands which ought to deal with
them, and placed in the hands of people necessarily
unacquainted with the first principles of theological
science ? 'Whose fault is it if a profession already
seriously denuded of men of ability and learning
bids fair to deter altogether from its service those
who value free thought and fair discussion ? And
whose fault is it if a question of the deepest inte-
rest and of the most vital importance, and on which_
much fresh light has providentially been thrown of
late, is relegated back to darkness and doubt amido
anathemas and protests, such as, in an edarelrietro de-
clare of e Church, induced a heathen 3'
savage
Christian divines to nothing
r he could liken the religious beansatatronthveersies of
conflicts of wild beasts in the e
amphitheatreth.
hat the time
On the other hand it may be workthe by ignoring
for limiting the influence of ?"
its opinions is past, and
the number of the lay sub-
scribers who have signed the Midland Counties'
p
o.t without a deliberate and con-
scientiousof the work they condemn,
rotest, of
eexoaumrsien
countenances this view.

THE MAILS.

MAILS DUE.

Australia, Ceylon, and Mauritius (via South-
ampton) .• . •v
•• .• •
(• •• •• Feb. 18.
Doia Marseilles) Feb.l2.
Brazil and Cape Verde .. . • .. .. Overdue.
Buenos Ayres, Monte Video, &o. .. .. Feb. —.
Cuba and Mexico .. .. .. .. Feb. 13
Canada, &c. (via L'derry) • .. .. Feb. 6.
Cape of Good Hope, &c... .. .. .. March 1.
China,. Penang, and Singapore (via S'ampton) Feb. 18.
Do (via Marseilles) Feb. 12,
Gibraltar (via Southampton)
India (Calcuti a), Ceylon, &c. (via Southampton) Feb. is.
Do.
India (Bombay), (via Southamp(tvonia) Marseilles) seille.s.)
Feb. 10,
1102;
Do. (via Marseilles) .. .. Feb. 20.
Lisbon . Feb. 11.
Malta, Egypt, and Aden (via Southampton) .. Feb. 10.
Do. (via Marseillcb) .. Feb. 12.
Vigo, and Oporto .. .. .. .. .. Feb. 11.
linitul States, California, &c. .. • • Feb ' 14 U.
Wentern Coast of Africa Madeira, Teneriffe .. Feb. 10.
West Indies and Pacific, 'Cat thagena, Cuba, &c. Feb. 13.

DEATH OF LOLA NIONTLZ.—HER LASTMOM
Lola Alontez is dead—really dead this time; and the New
York Evening Post gives the following edifying account of
her death:—The last moments of Lola l‘lontez offered a
singular Contrast to her earlier career. For sr:me time she
has been very ill at Astoria, and professed the heartiest
penitence for the manner in which her life had been spent.
About four weeks ago the Rev. Dr. Hawkes was requested
to call on her, and he did so. He found her with her Bible
open to the story of the Magdalen, and she expressed to her
visitor her sincere anxiety in regard to her future welfare.
At the sable time she was hopeful. " I can forget my
French, my German, ray everything," she said, " but I
cannot forget Christ." Before she died she purchased the
little plot in Greenwood where she is now buried. On her
coffin was a plate with the simple inscription—" Mrs. Eliza
Gilbert, died January 17, 1861, aged 42 years."

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