The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-11 00:00:00

THE SUN, 'LONDON, SATURDAY

—......-- _
days, but in consequence of the length of the discussions
on the budget it was impossible to do so.
COMMERCIAL TREATIES WITH TURKEY.
Mr. FREEL AND asked the Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs whether the ratification of et' commercial
treaty between England and Turkey had been exchanged,
and, if so, when a copy of the treaty would be laid upon
the table of the house; and whether any corres-
pondence had taken place between the Governments
of England and France relating to the conclusion of a simi-
lar commercial treaty between France and Turkey; and, if
so, whether there would be any objection to lay copies of
that correspondence and of the correspondence between the
English and Turkish Governments on the subject of either
treaty, on the table of the house ?
Lord J. RUSSELL said that the treaty between this
country and Turkey had not been completed, and when it
was, the correspondence relating to the subject would be
laid on the table of the house. He replied to the first
part of the second question in the negative.
MR. GILL'S PATENT.
In reply to Mr. S. BEAUMONT,
Lord C. PAGET said that Mr. Gill had submitted his
patent for the improvement of ships of war to the Admiralty,
who, having examined it, considered that it was not prac-
tically applicable to ships of war. Mr. Gill afterwards
addressed him, and at his request he gave him an interview,
but having heard his explanations and considered his
patent' he did not think it would be of any use to her
Majesty's navy. The Board of Admiralty did not intend
to test Mr. Gill's plan for accelerating or diminishing the
speed of vessels.
EDINBURGH CASTLE.
Sir J. FERGUSSON asked the Under Secretary for
State for War when it was intended that the portion of Edin-
burgh Castle which was pulled down with a view to im-
provements should be rebuilt ?
Mr. BARING said that the plans for the rebuilding of
that edifice had not yet been decided on, and he could fur-
nish the hon. baronet with .. no information on the subject at
present.
ADJOURNMENT OF THE HOUSE.
Admiral DUNDAS inquired of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer, in the absence of the First Lord of the Trea-
sury, if it was arranged when the house should adjourn for
the Whitsuntide holidays ?
The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
he was not in a position to answer that question.
t, ITALY AND AUSTRIA.
Mr. PEACOCKE drew the attention of the house to the
affairs of Italy, and moved for any despatches on this sub-
ject which had been received from our ambassador at
Vienna. He made some general observations condemnatory
of the position which Austria maintained in occupying the
Quadrilateral, and said he was actuated by no hostile spirit
towards that Empire, and did not condemn the foreign
policy of the Government. _
Mr. ST. AUBYN advocated the union of Venetia to the
Italian kingdom as desirable for the interests both of
i Italian unity and Austria.
Mr. B. COCHRANE condemned the foreign policy of
the Government in reference to the affairs of Italy.
Lord J. RUSSELL—I wish to make some observations
upon the speech of the hon. member who has brought for-
ward this subject. (" Speak up I") Ido not think it
would be advisable to produce the despatches to which he
referred. They are despatches not entering accurately, or
with much of remark into the present constitution of the
Austrian empire. Of course there are among them official
papers, but those papers have appeared in the Vienna
Gazette; they have been copied into the newspapers of this
country, and, on the whole, I do not think I should be justi-
fied in producing them to Parliament. Undoubtedly it is a
matter of great interest to this house and the country, but
at the same time it is a matter the primary decision respect-
ing which must rest with the Government of the Emperor
of Austria. The Emperor of Austria has changed the
institutions of his country, and has given his people a con-
stitution, founded on the principles of freedom. He has very
lately declared the entire religious freedom of his Protestant
subjects—a question upon which I had ventured more than
once to remark that the Protestants of the Empire were en-
titled to greater consideration than they then received.
(Hear.) 'With regard to the general constitution which he
has given to the empire, it is, as the hon. gentleman very
fairly says, founded upon the principles of the United
States Senate. There are separate local bodies of repre-
sentatives in Bohemia and various other provinces, and
each of these bodies sends members to the governing body
—the Reichsrath. How this system will answer it is
beyond our power to say. At all events, we cannot but
rejoice that the'principles of representative government are
recognized, and that the representatives of the people are
called together to have submitted to them questions affect-
ing the taxes and expenditure. (Hear.) We cannot but see
in those provisions the germs of free representative govern-
ment. (Hear.) And I hope there is no man so prejudiced
against Austria as not to desire to see the Emperor and his
people proceed together in the path of free representative
institutions. (Cheers.) But this grant of a constitution to
Austria raises other questions which are of a very difficult
nature. It is to be observed with regard to the real consti-
tntinne which are erpsitna nn the continent, that in those
States 'which are composed of people of different races and
nationalities yon do not excite the Government against the 1
people, but you give greater scope to those popular feelings
of jealousy, and perhaps of dislike which prevail there.
Thus, in regard to Poland, since Alexander I. established a
constitution in that country, there has been a strong feel-
ing on the part of the Russian subjects of his Majesty
against further concessions and furtherliberty being granted
, to Poland; and in the same way we find that the Liberal
press of Vienna is quite against making further concessions
to Hungary. The Emperor of Austria, I believe, has in-
tended to act fairly towards Hungary; but the people of
Hungary are, as I think, very naturally attached to the
ancient principles of their constaution. I quite agree with*"
the hon. gentleman that if the constitution of 1848, with a
Foreign Minister, a War Minister, and a Finance Minister
to Hungary, were effectually carried out, it would lead to
the dismemberment of the Austrian Empire. (Hear.) What
one must wish is that the principles of that ancient consti-
tution may be observed, and that the King of Hungary
may be able to reconcile the desires of the people of Hun-
gary for the continuance' of their ancient national constitu-
tion with the unity of the Empire at large. (Hear.) It is a
question of the utmost importance, requiring for its solution
the wisdom of statesmen who know those countries, and it
would be very presumptuous therefore for any foreign Go-
vernment to say in what way those great problems should
be settled. (Hear, hear.) All we can do is to show our
sympathy both for the Sovereign of Austria, who is endea-
vouring to effect those great improvements, and for the
people of Austria and the people of Hungary, and to ex-
press our heartfelt wish that they may be able to overcome
these difficulties, and to give fresh stability to that ancient
Empire of Austria and that ancient kingdom of Hungary,
by whose side we fought, not yesterday, or the day before,
but throughout many of the troubles of old times. (Hear.)
On the subject of Venetia I cannot venture to pronounce a
positive and dogmatic opinion, but I must say that the in-
clination of my mind verymuch agrees with the opinion ex-
pressed by the hon. member. (Hear, hear.) For a long
time the empire of Austria had attached to it those pro-
vinces which now form the kingdom of Belgium, and the
Austrian statesmen found that a great burden was imposed
upon them by provinces so far removed from the seat of
Government, in which there were fortresses which they
were obliged to defend whenever war took place between
France and her neighbours. Any one looking at the diplo-
matic correspondence of that time will see that Austrian
statesmen were always anxious to get rid of that burden ;
and at last, after the defeats which they sustained in Italy
in 1796, they gave up the Low Countries altogether for
ever, and obtained in their place the provinces on the
Adriatic which had belonged to the Venetian Republic.
I must say that I do not think that was a well
considered provision. (Hear, hear.) The Venetian Re-
public, which had not been an enemy of Austria even
in that war, was absolutely destroyed, and Austria obtained
what was no less a burden to her than the Belgian pro.
vinces had been. The people of Venetia are not well
affected towards Austria, and the attempts made by her to
conciliate them seem always to have failed. The attempt
now made to obtain representatives from Venetia to be
sent to Vienna have failed also from that national feeling
which prevails in Venetia, and which we are told makes it
unsafe for anybody to go from Venice to Vienna. That
is a most unsafe tenure of Venetia. (Hear, hear.) I
must say that the accusations against Austria are often
very incorrect. This House and the English public have
lately read a very able despatch from Count Cavour on
the subject of the formation of the kingdom of Italy,
and the conduct of that kiugdom towards Austria ; and
hon. gentlemen will probably have observed in that de-
spatch an assertion of Count Cavour that for a long time
there has been a state of siege in Venice. The Austrian
Ambassador brought me a despatch the other day from
Count Rechberg, in which he says that a short time after
the treaty of Villafranca the state of siege was raised,
and has never since existed in the province at all. (Hear.)
He denies, also, some other assertions, but, although those
assertions may be inexact, and although many of the charges
of tyranny against the Austrian Government are not true,
it is quite true that there are continued attempts in Venice
to show their dislike and disaffection towards Austria, and
that those attempts are punished by the Austrian Govern-
ment. There seems, unfortunately for Austria, such a dis-
affection in Venice towards the Austrian Government that,
in my opinion, Venetia can never form part of the strength
of the Austrian empire, nor, as long as Venetia forms part
of the Austrian empire, can it be said that Austria and It ily,
or even Germany and Italy, can ever be on those terms of
amity which are so desirable for the maintenance of the
' balance of power in Europe. (Hear, hear.) How that
problem is to be solved I know not, but he would not be a
true friend of Austria who would tell her that the province
of Venetia formed part of her strength, or that she ought
to waste her military power or impose heavy burdens on her
people for the sake of maintaining them. (Hear.) I speak
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(Hear.) We have yet to hear
internal
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Europe. concern, but
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trust the day may come when this question may be settled
interests
without war by a general agreement between Austria, Italy,
and the rowers
what the Austrian Chamber of Deputies—what their House
of Commons—may think with respect to these questions ;
what they may think as to the heavy taxes which the Aus-
I trim' Neplo UAW to pay, lOW therm taxes will Ns Dot dill.