The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-27 00:00:00

THE DANGERS OF TILE MORRILL

TARIFF 10 THE UNITED STATES.

(From the Money Market Review.)
In our last impression various considerations were
enumerated illustrating the influence of the Morrill
Tariff in embittering the enmity between the North
and the South. But that Tariff is also full of
danger to the United States themselves. It intro-.
duces a wedge which may yet split the Northern.
Confederation asunder. It is in this sense that it
is condemned by the most enlightened commercial
authorities in the North itself. The United States
Economist, for example, pronounces " the Morrill
Tariff the most revolutionary instrument of modern
times." "Itis no use disguising the fact," observes
that journal, " that among the mercantile commu-
nity of New York there is a strong feeling growing
up in favour of making the city a free port, in the
event of the protective party persisting in the per-
manent imposition of higher duties than those of
the Tariff of 1857. Men whose devotion to the
Union has always been unswerving have had their
faith in Federal legislation so severely shaken
by the madness that passed the Tariff law
that they begin to say, if we cannot save
our trade in the Union, we must try to
save it out of the ,Union." Not less signifi-
cant are the follow* excellent messages, which
will be read with great interest in this country :
" The thoughts of the people are beginning to shape
themselves into such awkward questions as these—
Is it right that a petty minority of States should
control the commercial policy of the whole Union ?
Is it not giving too much for the advantages of
union that we should have to pay a premium
amounting to hundreds of millions annually on the
incompetency of our own manufacturers toproduce
as cheaply as those of other countries ? Are we
not sacrificing our own interests when, by allow-
ing the building up of an exclusive system of com-
merce, we are preventing foreigners from buying
from us our immense annual exports of natural pro-
duce ? Is not a section of the manufacturing in-
terest building up for itself a monopoly oppressive to
all the interests of the country ? Can we afford to
be everlastingly paying 30 per cent. more than is
necessary for all we wear, all we drink, and, in
short, for everything for which our money is given
in exchange ? Is it not clear that a union imposing
upon the people such heavy burdens has to some
extent failed to realise those purposes of sub-
stantial interest for the securing of which it was
first formed ? These are some of the ominous
thoughts naturally suggested by the present con-
dition of the country and by the recent tariff
similaritys
tl eog salcaht otohtnho.
of
those
sections
enrecet
tbe
rooloennos dsst
ess
naturallyntaehrd ae ;t
bauenng di tneucnlntai hdns
eesgre sdtse
to ask
ceahrsakl
together St
circum-
stancesthaetby
me
selves the grave question, whether they would not
prosper better if freed from the heavy imposts
levied by the manufacturing interests of the coun-
try. The fact that there is in the country a knot
of Protectionists powerful enough to pass such an
oppressive Act as Morrill's Tariff gives them no
assurance that in the future these burthens are
likely to be lessened ; whilst the fact that seven
States are now gone from the Union whose opposi-
tion has always kept the Protectionists in check
gives promise of their increased power. This
aspect of affairs is unquestionably promoting the
various sections to balance the question—interest
in the Union, and interest out of it. Such facts as
the foregoing cannot fail to tell upon their fealty to
the Union if the Protectionist party should press
too heavily upon them."