The Sun.
London, England, 1861-12-13 00:00:00

ARREST OF THE ' NASHVILLE' PIRATES.

TAKE NOTICE,
By force ad regem xhodiam' for the Criminal Law—
on this side the sea level, as on the other—Washington ex-
tradition Act—touching Fire-raising, as one of the four
pleas of the Crown pivot-voice reservata under oath for all.
The Mayor of Southampton, or *rear-admiral of England's
pinnace charge, Isle of Wight, also the coast-guard adja-
cent, will arrest the master PEAGRAII and crew of the slip
Nashville, for pillage and robbery, on the high seas, of the
property of the American plantation ship Harvey Birch, on
or about the 19th November, 1861.

By reason (a) ' in universe ditioni supremus est' of the
placet regium imperium, marls populo roman restitnendo
A. D. 1346 in 1842, vide 291, P. Pickius' Constituo federici
imperatoris Taaantur severs piratze'—Laws of Rhodes.
By reason (b) on the Lisbon Wine License Company of
merchants, in Precedent by newspaper on Jnnot-invasion,
1807, for England's mercantile marine protection under the
• • •Bristol (Liverpool. • •and— • London)'s Admiralty " super
altum mare, guts fireendente et defeendents " in old style,
And this shall be your warrant as of the 'high commis.
sion of review of Port4gal's ally, under the law of human
forethought, for general repose on the Holy Alliance Abo-
lition, thro' *Hamond, SANDYS, in '. (Signed)
PETER Brant BASQUE; The trade flag -union. Jak,
• a. mMp m. 3-3. 1., eorn-hill-Tow'er'd Income-tax
• P" Buio. !Mr freeman, Antipied'n crown-colonf chief
Temple. of 1842, —The criminal law's Eitradi-
-1 Labouehere. Lion Gap, 3 -mile off-shore Sea-constable
102 [2 March, '4l] bearing Samerica's paddle of Admiral's
2H. M. 'Perley, court over Canterbury's Gd-Guizote set-
;4: 3 Sept, '4l's tlement for New Zealand's deadproomt
Gap viz'r. Crt., its aid -Wpoy Stil'lord Warden
Capt 0' Halloran. —tho' cruelly set a ',sedan vacuo-Age'r
v aappenthal, by Ashburton Baring-treaty. .* N.
CRARLEg g ACKERLET, C. J. of Carib-isled f
Jethou'd England, elect Aug. 29 1825 (by Ad- ••• : :
reiral G. Helmond, Stuart de Rothsay's See- Crown-
rotary ; Marcus Hill— SINDYS, Lay-presbyters egu.
on Can'ng's Rely Alliance abolition, of King- A
clubs), the Standard weight-bearer of 1837, Lt. I
4 R.N. I ey'd double-eathied victim—supporter Si Peu,
of ltob awk PRYER 10 yrs, by Red Indian Mary Qu' Bien
kf arch
'sten co' a murder-tie, 1820 in' habeas virginale s
murder-tie, ehristie transit, thre Quebec's 'Jose '75
Hamilton-Dalhousie, in s. Elder' duty for his P.Toma'2s
and own's State-b,rth provision, as the Mon- BRANT.'
trivia Subsidy let-fruit leanlBl4'9o's on major Trottsor-
Cartwright's chief sxceessorial -
1322'99a red-turban' d Hen. 4th,1111 orril°fiaet:,cY• (to trove.
OaPe-colona,
pins
6, 16*
Sigismond life Savoy'd'
by Vapr.'*s
to GoNSALVI 1816 rewilamento-159,
Scotch-Bailie 'Urban Bth's captteity-oath 1.‘7479h21:!
swat, STUART wortley-weweornen's) en Gonfalon e'
1824 passed is C. A.'s naming Act 1-2 V.T. 64,
on
ItTelay-seignor
July 1521-72 Luther- Calvin, for coin' d •
age, over W. Russell and Stanley's Dead-hand
trust.
yet Sion-attaints), in Protectorship-life
(1683
13 Dec. '6l, unpaid Christ corpus martyr 19 yrs, London,

LONDON RIFLE BBIGADE.—The _Regimental
Committee, acting at the earnest request of large numbers
of the members of all ranks, have requested the command-
ing officer to tender the services of the regiment to Her Ma-
jesty, in order to relieve the regular troops from all garrison
duties within the city of London at the present juncture.
This offer is not intended to interfere with any more active
duties in which the regiment might participte, should it be
ealled out under the powers which Government possess in
case of war or invasion. In such service the brigade is fully
prepared to take its proper position, but the offer here men-
tioned is purely a voluntary step in advance of any such
"calling out," is the first of this description that has been
tendered, and thore is every reason to hope it will be ac-
cepted, or, at the least, it will certainly be entertained
and serious considered.

ERECTION OF BATTERIES AT TORONTO.—We
understand that it is the intention of the military authori-
ties, to erect immediately two or more batteries in the vici-
'litY of the old fort. On Monday work was commenced
11_Peaonv one of them, on which will be mounted six gun Tor Y Calibre and of the most approved modern patterns
.—, of
4, onto Leader, Nov. 29.

THE SUN.
LONDON, FRIDAY, DEC. 13, 1861.

There are some indications that the Emancipation
question will not sleep quite so soundly as the pro-
slavery men North as well as South desire. The
Washington Cabinet is now known to be divided
on the subject—it is even said to be three for un-
sheathing against the South the sword of Abolition,
and four for retaining it in its scabbard, hardly
allowing an inch of the steel to be seen. The PRE-
SIDENT is reported to be on the side of the three,
but to be afraid yet to declare his real views.
Meantime, outside, the abolitionists are boldly speak-
ing out. Mr. CHARLES SUMNER'S voice is heard,
denying the calumny of some that the abolitionists
are the cause of the war. They are, he replies, in
the same sense in which the early Christians were
the cause of the heathen enormities against which
they bore testimony, and the cause of the martyr-
doms, the axes, the fires, and the tortures under
which they suffered. But he openly affirms
that the process in which a beginning had been
made by the instructions to the Port Royal expe-
dition to use the services of slaves, though without
a general arming of them, is the only one which can
eventually succeed. It is, moreover, just, he says,
that this system should be commenced in South
Carolina, thefons et origo of Secession.
At Cincinnati a large meeting of Germans—a
meeting of sympathisers with General FREMONT—
uttered sentiments even more strongly and defi-
nitely expressed than Mr. SUMNER'S. The
speakers exposed the falsehood of the pre-
tence of General HALLECK, FREMONT'S suc-
cessor, that the slaves became spies for the
South, and showed what disasters the Federal
arms had suffered for want of the intelligence which
the slaves would have furnished. Besides others,
the great one of Bull's Run was due to MAC-
DOWELL'S ignorance of the existence of batteries
which, had the slaves trusted the Northerne, they
could easily have known of. Mr. CONWAY, one of
the speakers, showed that a military conquest of
the South, preserving slavery, would be as much a
conquest of themselves as of slavery. That the
Government of the Union would then have to
become a military Government, watching over the
Slave States, and protecting everywhere the
iniquity of slavery. He contended that the 'policy
of the Administration, or the Administration itself,
would be swept away, if it did not change, as soon
' as the real state of the case was perceived and felt by
the people. The slaveholders were a pitiful 350,000,
who, for three.quarters of a century, had kept the
country in hot water, and had now precipitated it
into civil war. He represented it as a miserable
servility for a Government to be afraid to touch
the claim, of so few persons, to the indefensible
power of scourging men and women, and buying
and selling them at their pleasure; and he concluded
with the declaration that, a decree that the Govern•
ment ignores the relation of slavery, would end the
war. From that time there could be no arming
in the South but a home guard ; one thing he said
the war would teach—" that slavery ends in mili-
tary despotism, that liberty ends in equality for
all, black or white. The moment which decides
between the two has arrived to this nation."

There may be more truth in ,this last remark

than we should think at first probable. Should the
war last as long as it must do without emanci-
pation, a military Presidentship is no impossible
result. If the North does not drop its ambition of
vast territorial empire, and if the South persists in
fighting for independence and a slave federation,
no termination can well be perceived to the struggle
now begun. Of course no one can say whether the
North may not tire of a costly war for such an un-
substantial shadow as an empire coextensive with
the Northern Continent of America. It has long
been the seemingly grand, but really vulgar dream
of American politicians and stump orators, but the
hard realities of war sometimes awaken men from
such dreams pretty speedily. There are no symp-
toms of this at present. Nothing to suggest that
Northern pride and Southern love of self-rule, may
not last and fight for many a long year, with vary-
ing fortunes. If so, it will be singular indeed if
amongst hundreds of thousands of Anglo-Saxon
soldiers, some half self-taught military genius
be not developed, some CROMWELL or CLIVE, who
will be elected by circumstances and the urgency of
popular feeling, the Dictator of the war. Even un-
ruly Yankees, worn out by hopeless want of suc-
cess, and struck with the manifest ability of the
self-made leader, will come to think obedience an
honour as well as a necessity—and the result may
be the election of a military President for a long
term of years, while still at the head of a vast army
of his own creation, and one which regards his posi-
tion in the world as their honour, the recognition of
their powers, and the trophy of their victories.
Widely different indeed may be the issue ; yet who
can say that there is anything unnatural, unhisto-
rical even, in the above supposition. The only ob-
jection is that the unmanageable self-willed Yankees
are like none who have gone before them—but the
answer is, that what they will pass through may
tame and humble even Yankees.

As to the difficulties and dangers of abolishing
slavery we do not believe in them. It has become
the slang and cant of a number of respectable writers
and speakers to picture servile war, and all sorts of
horrors as the consequence of abolition. How can
these men believe themselves ? They must be
either thoughtless or hypocritical. Take the great
fact ; that England emancipated a host of slaves
equal to about a fourth of those of America, and
pent up in a muchsmaller space, and yet not a slave-
holder felt the hand of violence from one of the
many thousands who had suffered such cruel injus-
tice at their hands. To all such nonsense, Jamaica
is a standing answer. The masters suffered nothing,
but the loss of the most wicked power ever placed
by the arch-enemy of man in the hands of
the few—the power to treat human beings
as articles of merchandise. There were those who
predicted, as we well remember, all sorts of such
horrors in Jamaica—the answer is before the world.
The only horrible thing was that the negro laughed
and capered for joy, that Massa could lick him no
longer.
Nothing, with ordinary prudence, could be more
certain than the same results in America. Suppose
Mr. LINCOLN, in the language of Mr. CONWAY, to
"ignore the relation of slavery"—to do it honestly,
unconditionally, and in a way to show that the
North had really renounced its anti-negro feeling,
and would firmly protect the inherent right of
every coloured man to his personal liberty. What
must be the first step ?—to make the fact known
first to the masters, next to the ignorant and ex-
citable negroes themselves. The first would soon
enough understand. Of course, the intimation
must at the same time be made, and faith
honourably kept, that the Government pre-
ferred creating a large national debt to
compensate fairly for the slaves, to creating one by
mutual bloodshed and devastation, :that would
tell on a vast proportion of the planters themselves.
It would perhaps break them up as a combined re-
sisting power ; for though unwilling to part with
their beloved despotism over their slaves, they would
think it better than losing their power and the
money too.
Then the slaves would not be difficult to deal
with, if only the North were as determined on their
emancipation as England was in her case. The
slaves can spread intelligence amongst them-
selves with wonderful rapidity. The watchword
would have to be—no attacks on masters, but liberty
on joining us. Aid us by information, aid us
by letting your masters know that you prefer
to be freemen working for wages; tell them
that the ;PRESIDENT of the United States is
willing to pay for their liberties, and by
letting them understand ,that you know your
new rights, and that they cannot be long kept
from you, you will damp their zeal in fighting use-
lessly to keep you in a bondage from which you
must soon be delivered. We repeat that if the
North went sincerely to work, in a short time all
the Slave States would be fermenting with the
new leaven of hope for the bondsman—the
Northern armies would be the slave's guarantee for
his hope. They would have his invaluable direct
co-operation, and his not less valuable indirect
help. In a few years the South would be covered
with a free, merry, industrious peasantry. The
cotton-plant would bloom again in all its beauty,
and that beauty would be undimmed by the dark
shades of the bondage of man to his fellow-man.

The bearing of our fellow-countrymen, the popu-
lation of our various North American possessions,
at the present critical juncture is in the highest
degree satisfactory. Throughout the two Canadas,
throughout Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the
other minor transatlantic dependencies of the
Crown, the feelings excitel by the imminence of
the present situation of affairs between the Govern-
ment of the British Empire and the Federal Go-
vernment at Washington, are at once very simple,
profoundly earnest, and absolutely unanimous. We
can judge pretty correctly of all this even now.
For it is remarkable that in all the accounts
that have as yet reached us from this
quarter of our dominions no two are in any
way at variance. And it is especially noticeable
already that in the emotions excited in our own
North American possessions by the certainly very
startling tidings of the astounding provocation to
war between the two Governments meaning
the outrage perpetrated on board the British vessel,
the Trent, by the officers of the Federal war-ship
the San Jacinto—have been emotions expressive
rather of a calm determination than of anything
like eager or impassioned enthusiasm. Remember-
ing what must be the situation of those colonies in
the unhappy event of war between Great Britain
and the Federal Government, it is surely better that
it should be thus, precisely in this spirit of resolute
and deliberate loyalty, that the Canadians, the
New Bruns wickers, and the Nova Scotians should
accept the lamentable alternative. It was only the
other day that the sentiments of those, whom we
may again be allowed to designate as our trans-
atlantic fellow-countrymen, were enunciated in very
clear and comprehensible and earnest words by the
Hon.
co obwe Er,etchoellePertiemdebyMtihnoisste erof Nova
Scotia.
who
took
aany note whatever of the significant address
delivered by that hon. gentleman to the working
classes, who were assembled to hear
him down at
Ashton-under-Lyne, he spoke distinctly and
tically, of cote in the name of the population of

our North American colonies, but also quite as dis-
tinctly and quite as emphatically as—an English-
man. The identity of interests between that
portion of our vast and scattered colonial empire and
the old mother country, is still recognised to the
full, and thoroughly appreciated upon both sides of
the Atlantic. It is nowhere better understood, in
truth, than it is up to this present moment in
Canada. Strange, it may seem to some, that we
should be enabled to write thus confidently of the
loyalty of the Canadians, remembering the stormy
event of 1837—the sanguinary rebellion that had
to be put down then and there by force of arms.
While it is undeniable, of course, that Canada
would have to pass through a formidable ordeal
enough in the melancholy contingency of war be-
tween the British Government and the Federal
Government at Washington—it is no less certain,
indeed it is already visible, that advantages upon the
other hand cannot but necessarily flow in the direc-
tion of our North American colonies across the
boundary lines of the (once) United States. That
such is inevitable we have but just remarked is
already visible. And this upon the mere antici-
pation of war. How—admits of explanation in a
very few words : for we have reliable evidence
upon the subject that can even now be confidently
turned to.

Let us take, in proof of this, the attestations
of one of the most intelligent of our Canadian
contemporaries, the Quebec Chronicle. In a recent
issue of that organ, the contrast to be looked for
now was pretty broadly defined. It was drawn,
this contrast, so to speak, to the tune of " look on
this picture and on this"—here the calamities—
here the advantages ! It was remarked that
".Canada, once the favourite battle-ground of Indian
tribes, then the scene of a fierce struggle for empire
between the two chief Powers of Europe, has long
been exempt from the evils, the horrors of war."
It was observed that though " There are some still
living who ' recount with pride and pleasure their
campaigns against American invaders, but they are
grey-haired men, and they tell these tales to their
grandchildren, for the events of which they speak
took place half a century ago." The Rebellion of
1837 counting for almost nothing—being pro-
nounced (as contrasted with the war remembrances
of 1812) "a mere riot, an altogether insignificant
affair compared with the wars of history, compared
even with the American civil war of to-day." Our
contemporary hereupon acknowledging with a cer-
tain impressement and even awe—" It follows that
not one in a thousand of our people rightly estimates
the blessings of peace or the calamities of war.
Indeed," he continues, "we never shall be adequately
thankful for peace until we have had to measure
swords with an enemy, until each one of us has had
relatives or friends exposed to danger and death, or
property devoted to destruction. But," it is re-
marked in conclusion upon this point, " by looking
at the condition of the States we may form some
idea of the miseries, private and national, which a
state of war involves, and which inspire the prayer
of the Anglican litany—' Give us peace in our time,
O Lord! '" So much for the earnest and Christian
realisation of the darker side of the picture,
evidenced, even now, by the Canadians. If, with
honour, war can be in any way avoided, in Heaven's
name let it. be avoided. But —if not, not ! That is
the one sentiment, the one prayerful aspiration of
the subjects of the British Crown upon either side
of the Atlantic. It is the heartfelt wish of the
whole body of our Canadian colonists.
Appreciating :as they do, however, completely
the horrors involved in the terrible contingency of
war, should war unhappily prove to he unavoidable
at the turn of the year, the people of Canada, of
Nova Scotia, of New Brunswick, and of our other
transatlantic possessions cannot possibly, as rational
men, fail to appreciate, quite as thoroughly, the
advantages that have already accrued to them, that
are still accruing to them from the mere threaten-
ing of war. Listen to the contrast presented thus
to view from the direction of Quebec—
viewed there through the lorgnette of the local
Chronicle. The loss to the (once) United States,
and the gain to Canada flowing from that loss,
by reason of that mere threatening, is thereupon
clearly enough indicated. To begin with, it is
demonstrated that " the British contribution to
the population of the United States has fallen off
90 per cent. from what it was ten years ago !"
It being added,—" That, however, is not all."
For example,—" The stagnation of business of all
kinds, the consequent lack of employment, the
apprehension that the war will be a long one, the
dread of an enormous national debt and heavy
taxation, have driven many new comers to the
States away." Whither, is it asked ? Well, listen !
"They have gone back to the shores of Great
Britain by hundreds, and our own emigration
agent to Ireland, Mr. DONALDSON, says he has
seen shiploads of emigrants returning from Ame-
rica to that country." Whereas, says this Cana-
dian witness, "We have not suffered much from
war yet. Even our Customs revenue has not
fallen off to any great extent ; and if some
branches of industry have been injuriously affected,
that has been more than compensated for by the
stimulus given to others. Our population has
been largely increased. The number of emigrants
arrived at Quebec up to the 18th ultimo was
19,461 this year, as against 9,654 last—an in-
crease of more than 100 per cent. This is by ship.
The number of those who have come into the Pro-
vince from the States by rail is probably even
larger, judging from the reports of the emigrant
agents in the various cities ; and many must have
arrived of whom the agents have seen nothing,
for all the newspapers teem with accounts of the
establishment here of small manufactories started
by enterprising Americans. Probably at least
50,000 souls have been added to our population
this year by immigration." Assuredly, here again
it may be said,—" 'Tis an ill wind that blows no-
body any good." For, beyond a doubt, a terrible
phrase, once familiar to us nearer home, may now
bear a direct transatlantic application—and the
Quebec Chronicle may say, with reason and with
truth, ant without one particle of malignity, that
the United States calamity is Canada's oppor-
tunity !