The Sun.
London, England, 1861-10-04 00:00:00

THE ARMT

The following General Order was promulgated
yesterday at Portsmouth :

Portsmouth, Oct. 2, 1861.

General Order.—His Royal Highness the General Com-
manding-in-Chief, having been most highly gratified by the
general appearance and efficiency of the troops he has this
day inspected in the garrison of Portsmouth, desires to ex-
press his satisfaction to Major-General Lord W. Paulet at
the high state of order and discipline in which he found the
garrison, reflecting equal credit on the general, on com-
manding officers of corps, and on the troops themselves.
By order.
RICHARD AIREY, Quartermaster-General.
_ _

his Royal Highness yesterday visited the new
fort at Lumps and the works at Eastney, both in
the vicinity of Southsea Castle. At 11 a.m., accom-
panied by his suite, he visited the Warrior. He
then embarked on board the Fire Queen steam ten-
der, to inspect the defences at the Needles and the
new Military Hospital at Netley. He returned to
the Southampton Docks yesterday evening, and
left immediately by the 7 10 train for London.

Gen: Sir R. Dacres, K.C.8., commanding at
Woolwich, yesterday, as a termination to his half-
yearly inspection, assembled the whole of the force
under his command, otherwise unemployed, to carry
out the details of a sham attack of the garrison. At
10 o'clock the spacious review-ground fronting the
Royal Artillery station presented the appearance of
a battle-field on the eve of action. A long line of
skirmishers, belonging to the Military Train, lay
hidden in front of the ditch, or haha, separating the
barrack field from the high road and the common,
and divisions of cavalry and field batteries were
posted in advantageous positions, threatening a
speedy attack. Two troops of the sthßoyalLancers,
in command of Capt. Boyd, three battalions of in-
fantry, in chief command of Col. Campbell, com-
mandant of the Royal Marines, together with Gen.
Dacres and the headquarters staff, occupied a pro-
minent position in the barrack field. About an hour
was then consumed by the Brigade-Major, the De-
puty-Assist:Quartermaster-General, and other field
officers, in examining the positions, communicating
with headquarters, and receiving instructions. At
11 o'clock the infantry commenced their movement,
when a sharp fire was thrown in from the Military
Train skirmishers, in command of Major Hill, who
were provided with 26 rounds of ammunition. It
was followed by a brisk cannonade from the Arm-
strong guns. The rapid advance of the infantry—
namely, two battalions of Royal Marines, com-
manded by Col. Hopkins, C. 8., Aide-de-Camp to
her Majesty, and Lieut.-Col. Marriott, and one bat-
talion of Royal Artillery, in command of Colonel
D'Aguilar, C.B.—forced the skirmishing party to a
speedy retreat in rear of the batteries. The infantry
had crossed the ditch, and the cavalry and batteries
had charged through the gate, which was left un-
guarded, and a hot contest ensued. The firing of the
infantry was delivered in volleys, and with the most
remarkable precision, which the gunners were un-
able to withstand. After firing several rounds they
were forced to retreat. The front then changed
position, and the battle was renewed with increased
energy. The enemy, stationed near the Dover-road,
fled over the brow of the hill and took shelter for a
short time at the back of the Royal Military Aca-.
dcmy, firing heavy volleys on the advancing foe
with good effect. The gunners then limbered up,
and, together with the infantry, hurriedly retreated,
and the chance of success appeared to be lost, when
the squadron of Lancers and the troop composing
the Riding-house establishment, in command of
Col. Henry, V.C., made a desperate charge to the
front, and ultimately swept the field. The cavalry
were then perceived advancing down the hill, when
the infantry formed into three squares, opposed
their progress, and followed up their success by a
pursuit in double quick time on the enemy's lines;
and the contest, after being carried on with much
vigour for two hours, was brought to a close. The
General and Staff then assembled on the flag sta-
tion, and the troops filed past in slow and quick
time, and returned to barracks.
On the recommendation of the Ordnance Select
Committee the Secretary of State for War, with the
concurrence of the Duke of Cambridge, has directed
the following modifications and alteiations to be
made in the Armstrong guns :—ln lieu of the pre-
sent pattern plugs, gun metal plugs with tarred
string loops attached are to be adopted. Metal
plugs for the fuse holes of 40 pounder and 100
pounder shells, being superior in durability, and
having the advantage of being interchangeable for
all naval shells having the larger fuse holes, are
also to be adopted. Brass washers for Armstrong
time fuses are also to be substituted for the iron
washers at present in use, the latter being found
to corrode from their contact with the powder
beneath. The diameter of each is 1.06 in. ;
width, 0.215 in. ; thickness, 0.065 in. ; and weight,
drs. 18 grs. The following modifications
re also ordered to be made in the time fuse :
•e thread of the screw for the tightening nut
the head of the, fuse is cut in the Con.
ry direction to the turn of the rifling, so that the
ek of the discharge shall have a tendency to
ten instead of loosening it. Indiarubber, covered
thin paper, will he inserted to prevent its ad-
to the opposite snrfaer., and an adapter or
made of brass, is to he secured in the time
hen used for 40-pounder and 100-pounder
by which arrangement ono time fuse will
for all kinds of projectiles.
'4 pounder, 18-pounder, and 12-pounder car-
removed from the forts and batteries at
were yesterday shipped on board the War
nt transport Henry, for removal to Wocl-
Te they will be broken up and recast into
shot, that description of ordnance being
date The Henry also shipped several
'ases of case and grape shot belonging to
ades, a great deal of which has been in
13hatha.n upwards of 10 years without
,en used.
lay the volunteering for the Royal Marine
from the Royal Marines Light Infantry

I terminated at Chatham. Only those volunteers are
4 accepted who are of good character, possessed of a
fair average education, and at least 5 .eet 8 inches
in height.

INTENDED VISIT OF THE KING OF
P.RUSSIA TO FRANVE.

(From the Times.)
If our sympathy would only follow our interest
as the shadow does the substance, how durable
would be our friendships, how easy and placid our
existence! The court of Sir Cresswell Cresswell
would be shut up, were it not that sympathies and
antipathies are constantly overpowering that ten-
dency to union which the common interest of hus-
band and wife engenders. The interests of our
landed proprietors were all in favour of free trade
and railroads ; yet how bitterly were free trade and
railroads opposed by them all from a misdirected
sympathy. The trite remark is not true, that men
and nations are uniformly governed by their real
interests. They are not even governed by what
they believe to be so. Passion and prejudice,
likings, and aversions, have their full sway in poli-
tical as well as in private life, and we must know
something more than the interest of a community
before we can form any opinion how it will act.
Wereinterest to be the only guide, nothing could
be more cordial than the understanding between
England and Prussia. We are unable to point to
any subject on which their interests are not abso-
lutely identical. The Prussian monarchy is a hun-
dred and sixty years old, and twice during that
period—during the Seven Years' War and the wars
of Napoleon—Prussia has stood side by side with
England in a contest for life and death against
France, and on both occasions England and Prussia
have been successful. So much for history. They
are both Protestant Powers, and have so much
agreement in matters of religion that they actually
joined in the establishment of a bishopric at Jeru-
salem. It 'is the interest of England that Germany
should be united, and united as a counterpoise to
France ; and united under the leading Protestant
rather than under the leading Roman Catholic
State, and rather under a State which has no Hun-
gary and no Venice to distract its attention and
dissipate its powers. The professions, though
not, certainly, the actions, of Prussia lead us to
believe that she also considers this to be her
interest. 'We have striven to draw the bands of
amity closer by uniting to the heir apparent of the
Prussian Monarchy a Princess in whose welfare the
people of England feel a very deep and sincere in-
terest. Yet with all these common objects of
desire, there is no room for rivalry, commercial,
political, or martial, between England, and Prussia.
England relies mainly on her navy, Prussia en-
tirely on her army, one of the most numerous in ,
Europe. England is a manufacturing, Prussia
mainly an agricultural country. Both nations are
offshoots of the great Teutonic family. Each speaks
a language kindred to the language of the other and
traceable to the same original, and each stands out
in marked contrast to the Latin nations of the west
and south-west of Europe. One would have
thought that nothing was left to two nations so
situated but the happy idea of the English noble-
man in Canning's play of " The Anti-Jacobin"—
" A sudden thought strikes me; " let us swear
eternal friendship." This, however, is by no means
the case. In spite of all the pretty things which
were said at the late Reviews we feel that with
everything in the world to bring them together
except mutual sympathy, for want of that feeling
the two nations care little for each other. We can-
not help it ; we can only regret it for the present,
and hope better things for the future.
A report has been going the round of the Paris
papers, and has, indeed, given rise to exceedingly
elaborate leading articles and suggestive pamph-
lets, that Prussia, weary of looking towards Eng-
land, is about to essay a new combination in the
singular form of an alliance with France. We
have shown that the interests of Prussia and Eng-
land are identical, and we may add that, according
to our view, the interest of Prussia in such an
alliance is very much greater than the interest
of England. The reason why the statesmen of
both countries have always considered an alliance
between them exceedingly desirable has been the
common danger which they both incur from
the ambitious and aggressive policy of France.
Should Prussia be attacked—as we confess ap-
pears to us every day more probable—the fleets
and armies of England might render her the
most inestimable service ; while, if a war were to
break out with England, the army of Prussia occu-
pying a long and straggling territory, could do but
little against a well-defended frontier, and nothing
whatever to arrest, like the Dutch in 1588, the
dangers of a maritime invasion of England. We,
therefore, calt afford to hear the rumour of an alli-
ance between Prussia and France with some
equanimity. The persons who ought to be appalled
at such a proceeding are the Prussian nation them-
selves. If one nation be threatened by another, it
undoubtedly does wisely to seek for allies to pro-
tect it against the coming storm, but to seek for
them in any direction, except that from which an
attack is apprehended. Prussia, which has so long
been apprehensive of an attack from France, might
draw closer her intimacy with England, might
smooth over her differences with Austria, might seek
for support in Russia, and endeavour to create a
good feeling towards herself in the councils of Italy
and Spain. An alliance would be politic with any
Power except the one from which she apprehends
danger. An alliance with France may throw the
Prussian Government off its guard, but cannot give
the slightest security in case the Emperor should
judge that the time has arrived to give his army
fresh occupation, and select Germany for his field
of action. What protection would an alliance be
under such circumstances ? ' France, once emanci-
pated from the control of treaties, and taught to
look for a title to territories under the dominion of
other Sovereigns—to the conquests of the Republic
and the Empire—may just as well reclaim the
boundary of the Rhine from a Prussian as the
western slopes of the Alps from a Sardinian ally.
The name by -a hieh the Power the territory of
which is wanted is called makes no manner of dif-
ference. It is just as easy to despoil an ally as a
friend, and a friend as an acquaintance.
But, while an alliance between France and Prussia
could not be the slightest protection to her in the
event of a war, which the most sanguine cannot
consider as impossible, it would very materially
compromise the position of Prussia in Germany,
and injure the probability of her success in a con-
test which must at the best be unequal. The fact
that Prussia was seeking an alliance with France
would at once detach from her side all those smaller
German States which a common fear and a common
danger would otherwise range under her banners.
We have not heard that Austria has sought the
alliance of France, and we do not expect to hear
it. Austria could not regard such a step as taken
against herself, and be in consequence the more
estranged and the less likely to give Prussia assist-
ance when she needs it. All that an alliance with
France might Jo would be to place difficulties in
the way of Prussia, and to neutralize her power of
given assistance to the smaller German States if
attacked by France. It really would seem as if she
meditated to play over again the melancholy policy
which led to such fatal results to Germany and
herself in the revolutionary war that closed the last
century. Satisfied that she was not attacked her-
self, Prussia allowed France to form the Confedera-
tion of the Rhine, and twice to advance as a con-
queror into the neighbourhood of Vienna, without
making the slightest effort to arrest the impending
danger, until at last, when she had no other choice
but between war and submission, she was left to
bear alone the whole weight of Napoleon's victorious
armies. These are no times far trifling or vacilla-
tion. If Prussia is to maintain herself, it must be
by all the strength she can muster, aided by all the
support she can conciliate. She has had the fullest
warning, and has had ample time to put herself on
her guard. If she employs that time in alienating
her friends and strengthening her foes, she will
have no cause either for surprise or complaint should
the evils of 1806 again fall upon her.

(From the Daily IVews.)
Speculations as to the state of Count Bern-
storff's mind, the general drift of his inclina-
tions, and the probable course of the new policy,
concealed for the present beneath his impenetra-
ble reserve, continue to occupy the attention of
foreign journalists. Such speculations, if not
very dignified or instructive, are at least natural,
The more liberal and enlightened amongst the Ger-
mran organs of opinion are justly tired of seeing
Pussian diplomacy the byeword and reproach of
Europe. They had become impatient of the weak-
ness and obliquity which marked the foreign policy
of the late Minister, as well as of the ambiguous
and
h ol
undignifiedaaraoposition which Prussia, as a natural
result,
nrt the Powers of Europe; and
they are willing
more di,eifieccoonh.ope from the new Premier a
sistent, and decided course of
action. dignified,
the other
in which Prance and considering the rela-
tionsother, it is perhaps naturalan 'Austria stand to each
.enough that the policy
of the new Priasian Mmistienr4hould be closely if
not jealously scrutinised
beiseetitcountries. The
mysterious conferences at CO Zthha.vo afforded
ample materials for conjecture, and
have certainly been turned to the fuasetmaterials
account.
policy There is scarcely any possible-line of
the we which
hai not been hypothetically attributedthe
IVlnister by the ingenuity of some acute conrerwe
sprdent or sagacious editor. A compact, with
Russia has been Olked of, the prospects of a closer
unioli with &gland have been discussed, and,
finally, as we noticed last week, the 'Towner des
Debuts gravely bigualioed the grounds and bug.

gested tho probability of an intimate alliance being
speedily formed between Prussia and France.
The last, and in many respects the most incredible,
rumour of all is probably entitled to as much credit
as any. The _Dresden Journal states " that after
the coronation of the King of Prussia direct nego-
tiations will commence, with the object of establish-
ing more intimate relations with Austria ; and with
this purpose a member of the royal family, perhaps
the King himself, will visit Vienna towards the end
of the autumn." On first hearing it, this intelli-
gence seems almost incredible, simply because
such an alliance would be fatal to the true inte-
rests as well as to the reputation and influence of.
Prussia both at home and abroad. Austria is pre-
cisely the last Power in Europe that any State
seeking to develop its resources, consolidate its
strength, and advance in the path of political and
commercial reform, would seek or accept as an
ally. Alliance with Austria means alliance with
a bankrupt exchequer, a defeated policy, and a
hopelessly divided empire. But injurious as such
an alliance must always be, it would be peculiarly
disastrous now. The Coloyne Gazette asserts that
the Prussian people will view every step of this
kind with the greatest aversion. "We know only
too well," adds this journal, " that Austria, after
having exhausted her own energies in vain attempts
to maintain her fatal dominion beyond the Alps,
labours unceasingly to throw her ruinous burdens
upon the shoulders of Prussia. What we hear of
Count Bernstorff, or Minister of Foreign Affairs,
seems to indicate that that diplomatist, whose
views are not very broad, is disposed to associate
Prussia with Austrian bankruptcy." The Bolin
Gazette is equally emphatic in its disapproval of
the rumoured alliance. But a close alliance with
Austria would go far to destroy the power andin-
fluence she still retains, What would be the re-
sult ? The union would be inevitably regarded by
the other Powers as a revival of the Holy Alliance.
The liberal and progressive character which Prussia,
as the foremost State of Germany, claims for her-
self, would be destroyed ; the path of national de-
velopment and gradual political reform would be
abandoned ; and the Government of Berlin would
be regarded throughout Europe as dynastic, reac-
tionary, and, in the worst sense of the term, con-
servative. The relation of Prussia to the other
Powers would be at once altered. Having guaran-
teed Venice fo Austria, she would of necessity as-
sume an attitude of determined hostility towards
Italy. She would thus be wholly separated in
policy from the Western Powers. And this sepa-
ration would beget a general feeling of alienation
that could not fail to exercise a most disastrous in-
fluence not only on Prussia but throughout Ger-
many. _ _

Still, though these would be amongst the obvious
and necessary results of the rumoured alliance, we
are far from saying that the report is either un-
founded or improbable. It unfortunately harmo-
nises too well with what is known of Count Berns-
torff's character to admit of this. The new Minister
is undoubtedly a man of considerable diplomatic
ability and experience. But he has never displayed,
and unhappily cannot be assumed to possess, any of
the higher qualities that constitute a statesman. He
has no breadth of view, no genuine largeness or libe-
rality of mind, no grasp of political principles, no
fertility of resources or mental dexterity in dealing
with difficult and complicated questions of policy.
His tastes and predilections are all not only essen-
tially but strongly aristocratic and conservative.
He has no genuine sympathy with popular rights
or liberal institutions. In a word, he belongs to a
class of public men who, unfortunately for Germany,
have generally been at the head of affairs in Berlin,
and whose influence has determined the policy of
the Prussian Government. These men, notwithstand-
ing their ability and accomplishments, are the vic-
tims of aristocratic tradition and routine. Their one
specific for a strong Government and a prosperous
state is a large standing army at home and imposing
alliances abroad. They ignore the popular andactive
forces which constitutes the real strength of a state.
They ignorantly overlook the real sources of the
wealth and prosperity of the country. Instead of
labouring to rouse and strengthen the political intel-
ligence of the people, and develop the commercial
resources of the country, they indulge in military
displays at home, and seek military associates
abroad. Count Bernstorff belongs essentially to
this class. The country is, however, fast outgrow-
ing this narrow scheme of government, while
the public men themselves are beginning to
perceive the necessity for wider views and a
more liberal policy. We can only hope that the
new Minister may prove more accessible to this
wholesome popular influence than we fear may
prove to be the case. On the peculiar project we
have discussed the Prussian Diet has already spoken
out. The Diet solemnly protests, in its Address to
the King, against any sacrifice on the part of Prus-
sia for the sake of Venetia. Such a protest must
have its influence, and may, perhaps, help to avert a
disastrous alliance with retrograde and despotic
powers.

(F tom the Morning Foal.)

In one thing at least the King of Prussia re-
sembles his late brother. Though not so much of
a scholar and an artist as Frederic William 111.,
the actually reigning monarch is fully as changeful
and capricious as the last. Two months ago it was
an understood thing at Berlin that the earlier royal
intention of the spring had been abandoned, and that
there was to be no interview between the Emperor
of the French and the Prussian King ; but since the
months of July and August a new change has come
over the spirit of the heir of the House of Hohen-
zollern, and, if we are to believe Court chronicles,
his Majesty is really to be present at Compiegne on
Sunday next. Sensible men in Germany, France,
and England cannot but applaud this last and latest
move. It will open " fresh fields and pastures new"
to a monarch who has lived the first and greater
part of his life amongst German military pedants
and martinets, and who has lived the latter and
smaller portion of it amongst Prussian bureaucrats
and red-tapists. From neither of these classes was
the Prussian Sovereign likely to learn much that
would be very useful to him as a ruler, still less as
a King who aspires to lead not only Northern but
all Germany to her deliverance. In crossing his
frontier and holding converse with a brother
monarch his Prussian Majesty will at least get out
of a narrow and confined atmosphere, and may hear
language that is new to him—language which may
be also useful whether as regards domestic or foreign
policy. There is not one public man in Prussia who
hitherto has had courage or capacity enough to ex-
pound to his Majesty ho w much Prussia lost in Europe
since 1854 by a. hesitating, paltry, and faltering
policy, or who apparently possesses sincerity and
boldness enough to explain the grievous error which
the late King of Prussia committed in not joining
the allies in 1854. With this error the present
King is not certainly chargeable, but it must be
admitted that a similar hesitation on the part of
Prussia is now apparent in reference to the kingdom
of Italy. The policy of Prussia in reference to
Victor Emmanuel has, in truth, been neither candid
nor straightforward, nor in unison with the feel-
ings and wishes of the most enlightened men in
Germany. It has been equally reprehended by the
educated public opinion of England and France,
which has hitherto querulously asked whether a
Sovereign who has shown so little sympathy with
the regeneration of the Italian peninsula be capable,
or really fitted, to work out the regeneration of
Germany ? When his Majesty becomes aware of
these hostile criticisms and misgivings, and of the
state of opinion in the two most civilised of Euro-
pean nations as to the general tendency of Prussian
policy, he may be disposed to modify his own views,
or those of his obsequious Cabinet, and be prepared
to play a bolder and manlier part in European
affairs. Germany has nearly as much need of a
leader in 1861 to accomplish all that is desirable for
her welfare and happiness as Italy had in 1858 ;
but such a leader should direct tho aspirations of
his countrymen into the proper and legitimate
channel, and not seek to excite in them a spirit of
foreign conquest or of aggression on neighbouring
States. There are thirty millions of men, at least,
within the Confederated States of Germany, speak-
ing the pure German language, and instinct with
purely German feelings; and what the most en-
lightened of these millions desire is not an attack
or a filibustering foray on the territory of their
Scandinavian brethren, but such a wholesome and
wholesale change in their own condition and
domestic government as would secure to them
the blessings and benefits of that fair, impartial,
just, and equal government which they were
promised nearly half a century ago by the Sove-
reigns, and which has never yet in any State
in Germany been made a reality. Nothing has
more tended to alienate the feelings of educated
and enlightened Englishmen from the policy of
Prussia than the insidious attempts of the Govern-
ment to excite discontent in the Danish Duchies as
a means to withdraw Germans from their domestic
affairs, and to raise a feeling in Germany hostile to
Denmark. The British Cabinet has endeavoured,
as far as lay in its power, to mediate between the
parties, and advised certain concessions on the part
of Denmark. These concessions have been unre-
servedly made by the King and Ministry of Den-
mark ; but, far from satisfying the exigencies of the
National Verein, they seem only to have provoked
a more contentious and acquisitive spirit on the part
of these demagogues. Meanwhile the Diet, instead
of closing the quarrel before separating, has left it
open, so that the question of what is called Federal
execution may be at any time renewed, and a con-
tingent sent into the Danish Duchies. This is a
great misfortune, and its effect on Denmark has
been most untoward. The Danes, feeling that con-
cession has produced no abatement of inter-
national rancour, nor diminution of expense in a ,