The Sun.
London, England, 1861-07-18 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, JULY 18, 1861.

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B 4NQUET AT 7'HE MANSION-HOUSE
TO MR. COBDEN.

Last night the Right Hon. the Lord Mayor and
the Lady Mayoress entertained Mr. Cobden, M.P.,
and a numerous party of friends, at a splendid ban-
quet, in the Egyptian-hall, at the Mansion-house.
The freedom of the City having recently been con-
ferred upon Mr. Cobden, in consideration of his ser-
vices in negotiating the French treaty, this enter-
tainment in his honour followed in accordance with
the usual custom of the civic authorities on similar
occasions.

Mr. Cobden sat immediately on the right of the
Lord Mayor, and the rest of the company included
Lord Talbot de Malahide, Lord and, Lady Dillon,
Lord Fermoy, M.P., Hon. A, Kinnaird, M.P. M.
Michel Chevalier, Mr. Bright, M.P., Mr.
M.P., &c.

The usual loyal and patriotic toasts having been
given and responded to,
The LORD MAYOR gave the toast of the evening.
He said—l have now to propose to you the health
of our honoured guest, Mr. Cobden. (Cheers.) The
City of London has conferred upon him that honour
which it only confers on great men who it believes
deserve well of their country. Looking down the
list of illustrious persons who have before received
from the corporation the same distinction, I would
say that Mr. Cobden may well be proud to see his
name enrolled with them. Many of those persons,
we find, have been honoured with titles graciously
bestowed by our sovereign ; and if Mr. Cobden's
name is not so adorned, it is probably because he
is well content in feeling that the untiring ener-
gies he has exerted have been fully recognised by
the people, and considered by them as having
greatly tended to bring about a state of things which
benefits the whole world. (Cheers.) He is perhaps
well satisfied with feeling that these manifestations
of approval on the part of his fellow-men spring,
as they do, from the whole of the country. They
convey, at least to his mind, an unequivocal proof
of the satisfaction he has given to his country. I
have great pleasure to-night to see here Mr. Cob-
deh as the guest of the City. (Cheers.) It is to
me, I repeat, a source of great pleasure; and I offer
you this toast with the greatest possible confidence,
because I am sure that the object which Mr. Cob-

den has spent the greater part of his life in endea-
vouring to carry out has beets nearly accomplished.
That object has been achieved so far that there is in
future nothing left to have any anxiety about, and
I am sure all will agree with me that it is of the
greatest importance that free trade should have an
entire and full accomplishment, and I think we may
say we have arrived at that consummation. I give
you the "Health of Mr. Cobden." (Loud cheers.)
The toast was enthusiastically responded to.
Mr. COBDEN, on rising to respond to the toast,
was warmly and enthusiastically cheered. He said
—My Lord Mayor, Ladies, and Gentlemen—My
first duty is to others rather than myself, and I can-
not say a word without entering a preliminary caveat
in oppositio❑ to the praise which has been so gene-
rously awarded to me in connection with the triumph
of a great cause, for the success of which I claim a
little more than accident, opportunity, and a willing
heart. But in the advocacy of that principle I have
many colleagues here, and many more necessarily
absent, and whose names I should not wish, and
whose merits I will never permit, to be forgotten
when this question is brought under public notice.
(Cheers.) It is not merely those with whom I have
acted during nearly 20 years, and with whom I have
given a good deal of time to this subject; but we
must not forget those great thinkers who went be-
fore us, nor must we forget, standing here in this
hall, in the City of London, that one of the first de-
monstrations by practical men ever made on behalf
of the principles of free trade emanated from a mer-
chant of London 41 years ago. The declaration
drawn up,l believe, by the hand of Mr. Tooke, ought
to be held in reverence by those who survive him,
and that declaration, after wards presented to the
house by Mr. Baring, subsequently Lord Ashburton,
really contained in a few words all that has been
since been said or could be said in favour of the
principles of free trade. I think I can give it
accurately from memory. It was, that the maxim
of buying in the cheapest and selling in the dearest
market, which always regulated the transactions of
individual merchants, is also applicable as the best
rule of.trade for a whole nation. I really do not
know that any amplification could better define
what is the meaning of the words " free trade" than
that short sentence. It means that it is the in-

terest of the many to exchange superfluities for ne-
cessaries. It is not based upon the sordid meaning
which somebody has given to it, of unmitigated
selfishness. Free trade means that it is the interest
of mankind to go and seek a commodity where it is
cheap—that is, where it is plentiful—and convey
it to another locality where it is dear; in other
words, where it is scarce. (Cheers.) If you would
have an illustration of this—if, indeed, illustration
is needed at a time when, as his lordship says, free
trade has now nearly accomplished its course—l
could point to the experience we had during the
last 12 months of its beneficial operation. I am not
exaggerating when I say that the last harvest in
this country, taking into consideration the immense
extent of land crow under cultivation, and the im-
mensely increasing population to be fed from it—l
say I am not exaggerating when I say that the
last harvest presented a greater deficiency than was
ever known in the memory of living man. Within
the last 12 months we imported from foreign coun-
tries upwards of 15,000,000 quarters of grain adapted
for food for man and beast; for this visitation of
Providence narrowed the means of sustenance not
only for man but for the inferior animals. I believe
I am not exaggerating in saying that within the
last 12 months some eight millions of quarters of
corn, adapted for the food of man were imported
into this country. By what process? Last autumn
it was known that the harvests were failing. It
was known that millions of people in this country
would be wanting food, beyond the supply of our
own soil. That was a case which was, he thought,
to call for the energy of Government. Fortunately,
we had a better dependence, it was on that
principle, that simple principle of buying in
the cheapest and selling in the dearest mar-
ket. Those harvests which were ripening on the
remotest steppes of Russia, or the distant prairies of
America; along the almost inaccessible plateaus of
Spain—those harvests were wafted to our shores,
and not merely brought to our granaries, but were
distributed through the towns and villages of this
country, and thus provided for the poor people,
who would otherwise have died of hunger. All
this process went on without the aid of the Go-
vernment, without any organisation, silently, and
without shock or convulsion of any kind—the
simple, natural result of free trade. (Hear, hear.)
And after such experience how can we doubt its
successful operation in any emergency which may
arise ? How can we, in the face of such results,
withhold our faith in a principle which is greater
than charity, for it does the work of alms-giving
upon a scale so great that human benevolence
would shrink from the task. (Cheers.) After such
an illustration, how can we do otherwise than
acknowledge that those principles of free trade are
such as we can bow before them with all humility,
as an ordinance of the Creator, and one of the com-
mon laws of the Almighty. (Cheers.) What is
the treaty, which, I presume, in a certain sense, we
are met to talk of ? What is that but an extension
of those principles which we have already adopted
igbnyreatththis country in the case of the corn laws ?
It is extending that great principle to the
affairs of two great countries admirably situated
tions,
o
numbers,e r proximity,
and
the by their
varietyo
great
f theirwealth,
p r theirod u c _
sustain
m mutual
t ueaxlt
ae
an
vs iavuet
acgoem. mßeurtc h we
treatyit h
each
t
other to their
of
which we speak is not a treaty in the ancient sense,
as some people seem to have considered it, or it
never could have had anything but the most cor-
dial acquiescence and supportreat from every indivi-
dual
n
in
of
th thise termCountry.meant
two nationsy
ethe
r comingaodl signifi-
canceding with
th
toge-
ther to agree to a system of exclusive
each other, and from which all other nations should
be excluded, and when thoses
hwtowiut ohl a
enationst
ohhteahrde,
rtshai
net
downnest to
thoughtmake
was
tghaei
the preparations, and their efforts generally ended
in each country cheating itself. (A laugh.) Now,
this treaty is of a totally different character. Eng-
land sought from France no exclusive privilege ;
she offered no exclusive advantage to France. All
that we gave to her we gave at the same time to
the whole world, and we asked nothing from
France but that which we cheerfully allowed her at
the same time to counties to all mankind. It was in
effect two great agreeing to do at the
same time for each other a great good ; to shake
hands at the same time, and to agree to do that
together. (Cheers.) There Are? I believer some per-

sons who are opposed to such a process. I can only
say they must be very difficult to please. I think it
would be very difficult to come to an agreement
with such persons upon any subject whatever, and
I certainly should not like to be shut up with one
of them as a juryman in the dog days. (A laugh.)
The treaty of which we speak will, I have no doubt,
if the peace for which we all pray can be preserved
to us for five or ten years—that treaty will, I have
no doubt, have opened the door to such commerce
between these two great countries as will surpass
—as it must, in the nature of things, do—the com-
merce existing between any other two countries in
the world. There are 70,000,000 of people nearly
in the two countries; they are side by side with
each other, united rather than divided by a narrow
slip of sea—possessing such diversity of natural en-
dowments that the seem, of all nations, to bathe

most adapted for beneficial converse with each other.
And yet by the perversity of the Legislature, for
sone seven or eight hundred years the Governments
of the two countries have been busily engaged in
thwarting the designs of Providence, and prevent-
ing the enjoyment of the blessings which they both
possessed, and which they might have greatly en-
hanced. (Hear.) Some people have said of the treaty
that it had been entered into without any conside-
ration of the public opinion of France, and that,
therefore, when the ten years for which that treaty
is made, expire, the danger is that the policy now
adopted in France will be reversed. But I have yet
to learn that in any part of France public opinion is
not in favour of the Government of that country.
On the contrary, I hear that since the treaty was
signed everything has indicated that, thanks to the
intelligent perception which characterises our neigh-
bours, they are making rapid progress still further
in those principles of free trade. They have, for in-
stance, since I was in Paris, abolished their sliding

scale, and the exports and imparts of corn are now
perfectly free. (Cheers.) The city of Lyons, whose
great heart and noble intelligence I am glad to see
worthily represented by an hon. friend near me,
was, by a formal declaration of opinion, declared in
favour of absolute free trade, so far as regards the

articles in which they are interested. -(Cheers.)
Lyons had manfully declared that she owns no supe•
rior in the articles they manufacture, and they ask
no protection, and are ready to meet the world in a
fair field and no favour. (Cheers.) I see, therefore,
no prospect of the reversal of the principles which
have beeen adopted by the Emperor's Government.
If you ask me if I think other nations will follow in
the footsteps of France and England, I frankly
avow that I am not much concerned about that ques-
tion. Whatever England and France unite to do,
whether it be a policy of peace or war, they will
draw the whole civilised world within the circle of
their influence. Any other nation which would
attempt to hold aloof from that policy which Eng-
land and France have now frankly embraced, would
find themselves left so far behind in the race that

their self-love, if no other motive, had any
would induce them to follow their example.
(Cheers.) There is, after all, one great merit which
I see in this new arrangement between the two

great countries—that is the great moral advantage
which I hope will arise from it. Frenchmen and
Englishmen will in future better know and under-
stand each other than they did formerly. Ignorance
is the mother of prejudice, whether in individuals
or in nations. You have half gained the heart of a
man when you have shown yourself to him. If we
go back to the olden time, we find that the igno-
rance of the people when dealing with unexplored
countries, and particularly with their inhabitants,
has endowed them with many animal appendages,
denied them the use of one eye, or made many
monstrous inventions. In darker ages many of
these ignorant inventions were applied to our neigh-
bours, the Frenchmen. There are none of us who
have passed 50 years of age who do not remember
that our neighbours on the other sid.e of the Channel
were thus endowed with
_many by no means attrac-

tive qualities. What liberties were taken with
their food and with their dress. I remember that

it was very generally supposed that Frenchmen fed
habitually upon very thin soup, and that they in-
dulged in a taste for small animals much addicted
to marshy places, and having somewhat unplAasant
voices. We remember too how proud we were of

investing them with wooden shoes. Frenchmen
were not more liberal towards us. They believed

,hat we sold our wives with a halter round their

necks in Smithfield, and never uttered a sentence
without an oath. We have passed over these
grosser delusions. But nothing has struck me more
during my intercourse of 18 months with the French
people than the perfect ignorance which the people
of England and France generally have of each other.
The English and Chinese really seem to be almost
as well acquainted with each other as Englishmen
and Frenchmen. I speak, of course, of the masses
of the people in both countries, and I look forward,
therefore, with the greatest satisfaction to the change
we are now about to witness, when Englishmen and
Frenchmen will necessarily be led in the pursuits of
business to mingle with each other, and every man
to know each other better. We have mutual ad-
vantages to gain, of a moral as well as of a material
character. The Frenchman may be found more polite
and suave, especially among the working classes,
than in England. I remember reading a letter from
the celebrated Sydney Smith, written to his wife
from Calais, in which he declared that he found the
washerwomen there had manners equal to our
duchesses in England. 1. think we can hardly say as
much now ; but there is no doubt that, in regard to
manners and politeness, the common people of
France are superior to our own. They will have
something to gain in their business transactions
with us. They will find us brusque, somewhat off-
hand in our dealing, but still straightforward, and
not at all disposed to haggle over our bargains. There
are moral advantages to be derived by the people of
both countries from the treaty. (Cheers.) I wish,
however, to turn for a moment from this pointto the
particular circumstances of this festive occasion. The
Lord Mayor has stated that in former times the
con-
ferred upon men distinguishedhovned London
ehna has
in our annals. l
recordede e n
in
our history, and whom their fellow-
They
honourhavebeeonf the
en whose
Citizenship
deeds
countrymen were
proud to recognise as their benefactors. They have
been men whose deeds have been glorious, and who
have acted with a pure patriotism, and with as much
perseverance and courage as it was possible to dis-
play. But there was a peculiarity in nearly all that
distinguished tnem from that which we are now wit-
nessing. They generally effected triumphs for their
country over foreignnations. We are met here, how-
ever, and have foreigners mingling their voice
with our own, and rejoicing with us on this occasion.
We have here M. Chevalier, who I am proud to
see in an English audience—(cheersl—for it is the
first occasion of the sort in which I could say to
him how deeply the whole civilised world is
indebted to him for his services in this
matter, He will, without any grudging, be admitted
by his own countrymen to have done more than any
living man in France to advance the principles re-
cognised in the treaty of commerce. Great moral
courage I find to be by no means a common quality
in man. Englishmen have more physical than moral
bravery, and in France every one of my friends
will admit that they have the physical courage of
lions, but still they do not like to find themselves
in a minority on a public question. (A laugh.) But
my friend, although holding a. high social rank, has
never hesitated to proclaim his principles, and hold
aloft the banner of free trade, when he had but few
partizans, and when its advocacy entailed upon
him that which Frenchmen, even more than Eng-
lishmen, dread—the ridicule of the vast majority of
the people. There are also present my friend Mr.
Arles Dupin, to whom I tender ray deepest respect
and esteem—(cheers)----gentlemen also who repre-
sent the agricultural and the manufacturing, the
commercial and intellectual classes of France. I say
it is a novelty that these gentlemen can juin without
humiliation, without any degradation, without even
the sacrifice of interests fur a Moment, in such a
demonstration as that we are nova met to make. It
is, I say, a sign of progress. It is a proof that our
politics are expansive, that we are touching upon a
more cosmopolitan age, and are
a i actuated by higher
sympathies than formerly. It ▪ s this reflection that
will encourage me in that faith which I have to-
day, that we live in anage when the interests of
man are fusing and uniting harmoniously together.
If I am too credulous in my belief that this will
lead to an era of peace rather, than a perpetuation
of those passions which would lead to war, I have
the sanction of the deductions of sound political eco-
nomy for that opinion, and I believe I might appeal
to a still higher standard, whi▪
ch tells us that "all
the nations of the world are made of one blood."
(Cheers.) In conclusion, the hen, member thanked
the Lord Mayor for having proposed his health,
and the company for the enthusiastic manner in
which they drunk the toast, and proposed " The
health of the Lady Mayoress."
The next toast was the "House of Lords," to
which Lord TALBOT DE MALAIIII)E replied.
The LORD MAYOR then gave " The Foreign
Guests," coupled with the name of M. Michel
Chevalier. (Cheers.)
M. CHEVALIER replied in French. The follow-
ing is a translation of his speech;—my Lord Mayor,
Ladies and Gentlemen,l am only interpreting

svcaf
largelyaihi
tvciaetti
khodes
ertfeo onnylu
rl,volywt
excepting
x,
prohibition,
rrhhceßosehephuotpwisentimentstfbnuweoi
gbtuihal
troirachneltai,
benefit.
emeh nvs
e. otfrfic f every foreigner present
when I assure you that we shall preserve the re-
e
membrance of this banquet among the most pleas-
inguttWt
opoi.
victory
eyceujeßa:
celebrate
erudwebti
Nrhemwaei
otceeeibt.
aineit
srsowde
the
nmoole etupbbfithll rioenenatoiateeiel:
has been shed, no empire has been overthrown or
theoaon has
ft beendaiof
lrieneg
homagetta
ragakodeneny,
twbooynh
aaac
nnshsya
abstractmuhluut
human
t a exceptingenonb tepri
rinbign principle.
lhhse
oee.
Nalmtwrymii eutrohcemnuoi
grtypuye
triumph
happy to unite inof doing honour
ahsosnooufrmtoanokneinwdhios,
so many distinguished champions of the good
cause in which the fate
involved, has in spite of every obstacle achieved the
triumph of free trade. We are here to acknowledge
and proclaim the title which. Richard Cobden has
acquired to the gratitude of Europe and of the whole
civilised world. There is a personage, a crowned
head, to which the mind naturally recurs when
speaking of the treaty of commerce between France
and England. The deep conviction and the firm
will of the Emperor determined :the conclusion of
the treaty; and history will only be doing justice
in proclaiming that the treaty of commerce, so far
as France is concerned, was the spontaneous and
personal act of the Emperor. The City of London,
in whose halls we are met to receive from its chief
magistrate the hospitality for which it is so fre-
nowned, can claim an honourable part in the tri-
umphs of free trade. As early as the year 1820,
the principal merchants of this city presented to
Parliament a petition, since become celebrated,
in which for the first time freedom of commerce
was boldly advocated by practical men. That
petition is a monument of logic and common sense.
It contained the substance of those arguments
which a quarter of a century later overthrew and
destroyed in Great Britain the Protectionist sys-
tem. It is a commonplaCe to say that free-trade
promotes the well-being of mankind in all coun-
tries, that it substitutes ease and abundance for
poverty and misery. But it will produce other con-
sequences far happier in the eyes of religious men
and of philosophers and statesmen. The miseries of
life are not all physical. There are ills which gold
cannot cure, and they are not the least afflicting. I
speak of moral evils—of those divisions, and jea-
lousies, and hatreds—which overshadow our exist-
ence here below, and which convert this fair earth,
to use an inspired expression, into a vale of tears.
Among these moral evils I should especially stigma-
tise national hatreds, which are the deep-seated
causes of the most hideous and cruel miseries, for
they engender war itself, which is the most terrible
scourge that can be let loose on the earth. Now,
free trade tends to uproot those national hatreds,
and all the evils which follow in their train ; and
it is for this reason, beyond all others, that it
should be hailed as a blessing to the human race.
So long as the nations adhere to the doctrines of
protection, it furnishes them with motives for
mutual distrust, and condemns them to a state of
suspicion and jealous isolation, which is the ready
preparative for war. For, according to the Protec-
tionist faith, a nation which buys the products, na-
tural or manufactured, of another people, becomes
their tributary, and accepts in relation to such a
people a humiliating and ruinous position. From
the moment that we are converted to the principles
of free trade 'the aspect and character of matters '
are completely changed. The people who unite
themselves to another nation by the bonds of
free commerce, instead of making themselves a
tributary to that nation, obtain by its co-operation
the means of augmenting their own well-being
and prosperity : the narrow and paltry feeling,
which led nations to isolate themselves disap-
pear, and gives place to a belief iu the commu-
nity of interests. With faith in free trade people
will cease to regard the prosperity of their neigh-
bours as an evil to themselves. Instead of repeating
the dogma of Montaigne, that " the gain of one is
the loss of the other," they will say, with the Em-
peror Napoleon 111. in his opening speech of the
Legislative session of 1860," that the more prospe-
rous and rich a nation becomes, the more it contri-
butes to the prosperity and riches of others." Thus,
in our own day. the principle of free trade presents
itself to the eyes of men in the character of a paci-
ficator, and from the very fact that it favours peace,
it is favourable to every kind of progress, whether
political or social. And here let me express from
the bottom of my heart the confident hope that the
principle of free trade will fulfil its mission of peace
and harmony, especially between these great na-
tions on the two sides of the Channel. Indeed,
'what serious motives can the Englishman or the
Frenchman have for hating each other ? They
worship the same God ; they profess sincerely the
Christian maxim, so simple and so elevated, which
suits the intelligence of the infant as it leaves the
cradle, and on which the greatest genius may pon-
der with satisfaction "Do unto others as thou
would'st have others do unto tbee !" Is it the cla-
mour of other countries that provokes these two
nations to regard each other with a restless and
suspicious jealousy ? By no means—from every
side the nations declare to them, " Your good un-
derstanding is the surest guarantee for the political
and social progress of the whole world, and your
hostility, from the moment that it breaks out, will
retard the prosperity of the entire human race."
Is it the special interest of their separate influence?
No ; for when divided they paralyse each other. Or
must they hate one another because the armaments
of one necessarily give umbrage to the other ? By
no means—for the composition of their armaments
is different. Both possess an army and a navy, but
the amounts of their forces, instead of corresponding,
are in an inverse ratio to each other. In England, the
chief element is the navy ; for France, it is the army.
I do not mean that England has not a brave and
reliable army, or that France does not possess a
considerable navy. But England ought not to,
cannot, and will not have an army equal to that of
France; and France ought not to, cannot, and will
not have a navy equal to that of England. Finan-
cial necessities, as well as the dictates of common
sense, require that the two countries should pre-
serve this inverse proportion in their respective
military and naval armaments. And yet these two
nations are easily excited against each other. It is
an animosity which generaly lies dormant, but is
not difficult to inflame. Now what can be its origin ?
If you question the Frenchman or Englishman of
our day, when irritated with each other, what is the
cause of the irritation, it will be very soon disco-
covered that it arises from the wrongs and injuries
inflicted on each other during the long war of the
Republic and the First Empire. If you had asked
them, when that war commenced, the cause of their
mutual enmity, it would have been found to have
originated in the wars which occurred during the
reign of Louis XVI. and George 111., or in the time
of Louis XIV. and William 111. But if at that time
the cause of the war had been sought it would have
been traceable in a great degree to the previous
wars during the reigns of Francis I. and Henry
VIII., or of Charles VI. and Henry V. And thus,
in going back, it will always be found that the
principal cause why people fought was that they
had fought before, so that it was the first war
which was the chief cause of all the wars which
followed. Now the first war arose from a course
jest uttered by the French King, Philippe 1., upon
the protuberant figure of William the Conqueror,
from which we inherited eight centuries of hostili-
ties.been destroying each other. I can yore
cause
fAo
rrwoyhai
cl
hjest e itnwovenraytiboands
bt
aa
vsa tes es
forll s.
euBc
0110 i s
that
ht ha yearsthe
in France every reflecting man thinks that the
manes of Philippe I. ought to be satisfied, and that
it is more than time to repudiate this quarrel of
the dark ages ; and we
fshoeorl
vp willteehs
net
ohotantb
memorye
tthhee muchmfio feon :deo rriolnef:
time has come for con-
summating eaaentmltei
eretaehtdt
eioo
tocnp roneo :ay
sacrifice
itrnfihogeerlei. i
rs hltTombvheeemen
summating a great change in the relation of the two
leading nations of Western Europe. In order
that they should become friends, it is only neces-
sary that they should be acquainted with each other.
Place the French and English together—l do not
say under circumstances so seductive as those in
which we now find ourselves, whilst partaking the
splendid and cordial hospitality of the Lord Mayor,
and in the presence of the ladies, who are every-
where the angels of peace—but in the ordinary cir-
cumstances of life, on the fields of commercial ope-
rations, they will very soon arrive at a reciprocal
appreciation of each other personally, and acknow-
ledgen and esteem their respective intelligence n
will
d
probity. It is thus that the treaty of commerce er
interna-
tionalexert its
concord. legitimate
Events influencehavn
It is the first time
issue. Here are nearly
France have remained at peace.
that they have offered the
for a very long while England
nbdapanpydmany years since wes
same battle field. The Crimean
seek-
ing laurels on the
undertaken
in common, with a good faith
for a moment been disturbed, is a
which has never
for the future. If they could thus
aign,
augury
scpaemcpt f sueha long truce. But more, it is not
happyflags
olaj
purposesec w hofy should
peace ? their
eunion
difficult warlike
thfkoer
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