The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-06 00:00:00

great perplexity exists in the public mind, and on which
we should hardly be doing our duty to Use country if on
this occasion we did not make some inqufay of the Govern-
ment. The mind of the country is eAtremely bewildered
as to the general state of affairs and ti-se policy of the Govern-
ment. I know it may bo said Osat, as the Government
have undertaken to produce the papers on the subjects I
refer te, the regular course wesuld be to wait till these docu-
ments have been laid before as ; but the most peculiar cir-
cumstance of the present 'state of affairs is that the perplexity
in the public mind concerning our foreign relations and the
policy of the Goverranent in regard to them does not arise
from want of infottnation. (Hear, hear.) It is rather in
consequenca of the information we possess that the public
mind is so laewildered. Therefore, on account of the general
mystification which prevails I think this is the constitu-
tional occasion which should be taken for addressing some
inquiries to the Government on the matter. I remember
some two or three years ago that there was a strong feeling
in the country against what was called secret diplomacy.
To secret diplomacy were attributed many, if not all, of
those evils to which States are subject—unnecessary and
expensive wars,"costly and unprincipled establishments, f2ne
burden of excessive taxes, often the dishonour and eioze-
times the humiliation of nations. The cry was tract, if
Minister world only take the public into his, confidence,
allow them, to know how things were goitsg on, and what
really were the points at issue between. us and foreign
Powers, he would then be so guided by the judgment and
so encouraged by the support of P ornament and the country
that he would be preserved from, falling into those errors to
which he would otherwise be 'liable. It was shown that the
proper mode of conducting 'public affairs and of winning
popular applause for the Government was to publish all
they knew. Such were the maxims of what may be called
the school of openness and candour. It is greatly to the
credit of the Government that they have acted with great
frankness to the House of Commons upon the subject of our
foreign relations. Their can dour has often been excessive,
and sometimes even unnecesaary, What may have been the
cause of so much openness on the part of the Government
I will not stop to inquire. The Ministry acceded to psiwer,
as we have been remindeeA by the hon. mover and seconder
of 'the Address, under F nmewhat peculiar and embarrassing
circumstances. They were certainly unable to fulfil the chief
pledges under which they accepted office, and the balance
of parties made fnem naturally desirous to conciliate the
confidence wad sympathy of the House. To this, it has been
hisated, we probably owe the extreme candour with which
°au Government conducted their foreign relations, and ha-
parted to the house all the information. which was necessary
do make us acquainted with their policy. There was no pro-
ject which had failed, no soheme in which they had been dis-
appointed, no occasion on which they had been deceived, that
tiray did not in the most ingenuous manner reveal to the
/louse and make them partakers of their mortification and
chagrin. (A laugh.) Indeed, it may be said that during the
last year the House of Commons were really admitted to
the brooding meditations of stataasmen. The noble [lord
the Secretary for Foreign Afffsks came down to the
House one evening, and with test appearance of much alarm,
-which he successfully impart ,d to the house, declared that
the time had come when it was necessary to look out for
new allies for her Majesty.. (Laughter, and hear.) We
were all naturally surpriaes, by such candour. What in old
times—in the days of secryst diplomacy—would have been a
soliloquy in Downing-at'reet becomes now a speech in the
House of Commons. "(Hear, and a laugh.) That was the
the noble lord duri Jig the whole of the last session, and cer-
tainly it was higlaly complimentary to the House of Com-
mons. There 'were not wanting, however, some ignorant
cavillers who attributed the candour of the noble lord to the
very worst Ry.stives, such as are always imputed, and nearly
always falee:ty, to public men. It was said that in the nice
balance psi parties it was the aim of the noble Secretary
to coneilltte, perhaps to cajole, the House of Commons.
But subsequent events have vindicated the character and
eonckuct of the noble lord, and proved he was not influenced
in the open course he followed by any of the improper mo-
tives imputed to him. Because, when the session was over,
and during that interval in which Ministers, and especially
the Secretary of State for Foreign Affaiss, are supposed to
have the privilege of acting with the least possible sense of
control, the same candour was exhibited by the noble lord.
We were told at the end of Augsast—a most unusual period
'of the year for disclosing a political secret—the policy then
pursued by the Crown. Not satisfied with that, at the end
of October we had further revelations on the same subject.
Hence it is not true that it was merely during the session,
from an improper desire unduly to influent* the House of
Commons, but from a pure love of candid behaviour on the
part of the noble lord, that the old habits of secret diplo-
macy were exploded, and the public admitted to the confi-
dence of the Government. It is extraordinary, however,
that, notwithstanding all the candour of the Government
—notwithstanding all these confidences—the public are
more perplexed, more bewildered as to the real state of our
foreign relations, and the real character of the policy which
tin) Government have pursised, than they ever could have
&en under the old system of secret diplomacy. (Hear.)
At the present moment there is no one who really knows
what is the policy of the Government with respect to our
foreign relations.. the subject which now entirely engrosses
the Dublin re;ml. ems, pi...geese os toe country,
with regard to any oes those great questions which arise out
of them. I would, therefore, ask from the noble lord answers
to a few natural inquiries. I should like, for example, to
learn from Vat Government -what is the real state of our
relations with France. I should like to know whether we
are still Conducting our external affairs generally. by an
alliance with France, or what is equivalent to an alliance,
by that, cordial and confidential understanding of which we
have heard so much. Arc we doing that, or have wofound
new allies ? Or are we attempting to find now allies ? And
if 'we have found new allies, or if we are trying to find
Dew allies, I should like to know what is the principle upon
which the new alliance is to be formed. Is it to be a dis-
turbing or a tranquillising principle ? Is it to be a revolu-
tionary or a Conservative principle ? Is it, or is it not, a
fact that the King of Sardinia, as we wore told at the end
of August, entered into a public engagement with our own
Sovereign not to attack the dominions of the King of the
Two Sicilies ? Is it, or is it not a fact that the King of
Sardinia, as we learnt at the end of October, having at-
tacked the dominisms of the King of the Two Sicilies, re-
ceived the approbation of her Majesty's Government?
These are quefstions with regard to which this country na-
turally feels the liveliest interest. Was there a public
engsgemenis 'between the King of Sardinia and her Majesty,
as the Sersretary of State assured us at the end of August,
not to 'lO an act which only two months afterwards that
King of Sardinia did, and received from her Majesty's
Government their thanks and congratulations? Have we
now or have we not interests in the Adriatic which it be-
Cenaes us vigilantly to guard and watch? (Hear, hear.) Or,
"0/1 the other hand, are our interests in the Adriatic, like the
law of nations, at the bottom of the Bay of Naples ?
(Hear, hear.) Is the policy of England, as we were in,
formed at the end of August, to maintain the power and
the dominion of Austria in Venetia ? or is the policy of
Nngland, as we learnt at the end of October, to preach the
principle of insurrection and promulgate Ss theory of insur-
rection ? These are subjects upon whjch the people of this
country naturally require information, and without giving
an opinion one way or other us to these contrary policies,
still it is extremely desirable that we should at least
• be, informed by the Government which policy it is
'that they are pursuing, because in consequence of
the frank and candid manner in which her Majesty's Go-
vernment have conducted their affairs, and the elaborate
methods which they have adopted to prevent there being
any secrecy as to their intentions and as to their schemes,
the public mind is so mystified and bewildered that I am
-not surprised that there are many who almost regret that
the old System of secret diplomacy should have been su-
perseded. Under that system, although Parliament did not
become acquainted with the conduct of a minister until the
events of which he had the control were completed, yet that
conduct, even though some eaight think it erroneous, was
at least consistent. '!',ere was then some sense of decorum
and some sentimes-,i of dignity in the management of public
affairs; some regard for the interests and feelings of our
allies, aria some respect for the law of nations. (Hear.)
I just new ventured to ask tho noble lord as the organ of
the Government, what were the nature of our relations with
France. It appears to me that there is no subject upon
'which a clearer conception ought to prevail in Parliament
than as to our relations with a Power so considerable as
France—relations of which we hear so much, and which
can exercise so considerable an influence upon our own in-
terests and upon the affairs of the world in general. No
man at present has a clear perception what are our relations
with the French Government. If we were to be guided by
the authentic publications that have appeared in the shape
of despatches—if we were to be influenced by the speeches
and communication which have been made by the Secre-
tary of State and by the First Minister in this house, one
might be tempted to believe that our relations with France
were not, as they are described in the gracious Speech,
friendly and satisfactory, but very unfriendly and highly
unsatisfactory. (Hear.) Now, if there be still a cordial
and confidential undertaking between the two countries, the
noble lord or some member of the Government will be able
to inform us what policy this country is pursuing with re-
spect to these important affairs ofloytlailey;wnhaiych themor nce,Fhreewilhl
be
also able to tell us what is the policy
Government is pursuing with respect
on more than one occasion upheld to them. I have
in this house what
is called the French alliance, and I see nIo
hvreaaseon whtttever to regret the principles which
endea-
voured to impress upon the house with
havereferenceheteonthoatf
subject. The most eminent statesmen
opinion that a good, cordial, and confidential understanding
wasdaenrstancli ang
between the Governments of France and 0
combination most conducive to the peace of the world, and
d
belie
ved
that to the progress of civilization. They have
that such a combination was not only politic, butthat it
Was also practicable. I won't go back to remote or distant
times. I won't remind the house that that was the policy
which was favoured alike by Bolingbroke and Walpole, or,
at a more distant period, by such great sovereigns as Queen
Elizabeth and Cromwell. I will confine myself to modern
times, and I say that ever since the Treaty of 'Vienna all
statesmen who have at all influenced the Government of
either of the two countries, all statesmen of eminence have
believed in the policy of such a combination, and also in its
practicability; that that has been the great object of modern