The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-21 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 21, 1857.

BANK OF DEPOSIT,
No. 3, PALL•:HALL EAST, LONDON.
Established A.D. 1844.
Parties desirous of INVESTING MONEY are requested to
examine the plan of the 13,ink of Deposit.
Prospectuses and Forms ior Opening Accounts sent free on appli-
cation.

PETER MORRISON, Managing Director.

13/1"-It. W. S. WOODIN'S OLIO of ODDITIES,
IL with New Costumes and ♦ trious Novelties, Vocal and Ch
racterisflc, every evening (except Saturday) at Eight. A MORN-
ING PE It FOR NI ANC E every SATURDAY, at Three. Private Boxes
and Stalls may be secured, without extra charge, at the Box-office,
Polygraphic-hall, King William-street, Charing-cross. The hall has
been entirely redecorated.

ARGYLL ROOMS.-LAURENT'S CASINO,
Great Windmill-street, St. James's.— The above elegant
Rooms are now open every evening tor the winter season, with
Lsurent's celebrated Orchestra. Principal Cornet-a-piston, M.
lioulcourt. The Proprietor begs to inform the public that this
fashionable place of resort has been entirely redecorated during the
vcess. Doors open at half-past eight, commence at nine. Admis-
sion One -billing.

By Authority of the French Consul-General. —Not ice Is hereby given.
that the following SALE of PRESERVED BEEF will be the last
on account of the French Government.
MALE of FRENCH COMMISSARIAT
SURPLUS STORES, consisting of PRESERVED ROILED
BEEF, of English, Scotch, and Irish manufacture, in tin canisters of
about 6 lb. each, and packed in wooden boxes containing It tins.—
Mr. ALEXIt. COCK F. has teen honoured with instructions to Sell by
A uctii n. at the L 'radon Commercial Sale Rooms, hinting-lane, on an
early date in April next, of which due notice will be given, several
psrcela of the above description of Provisions, composed of the manu-
facture of the following celebrated firms, viz ,
Messrs. Henry Powell and Sons, London;
Messrs. John M`Call and Co., London;
Messrs. John Moir and Son, Aberdeen;
Messrs. D. Hogarth and Co., Aberdeen; and
Messrs. John Gillon and Co , Leith.
All the boxes for sate are being opened and carefully examined for
darnazed canisters, the whole of which will be selected and replaced
by sound ones, and the fact o. the beef having been original y mann-
f„ Mt:wed in this country under strict Inipection, expressly for the use
et the troops in the Crimea, where it gave the highest satisfaction,
added to Its being perfectly free from defective tins, will give every
assurance to buyers of its excellent quality and fitness either for
h consumption or exportation. Packages included in the pur-
chase. The several parcels of beef for sale are now on view at Real's-
wharf. Mill-lane, Teoley-street, where purchasers may satisfy them-
selves that every care Is bein t taken in removing from the boxes all
canisters unfit for use, Any further information required can be
&stained at the office of Mr. Cocke, 2, Old Trinity House, Water-lane,
Tower-street, and catalogues six days previous to the sa,e, at the fol-
lowing places, viz. ;

- Commercial Sale Rooms, Minclng•litne;
. Corn Exchange,
Garraway's,
Coffeehowies;•
Baltic, and
Jerusalem
also at the news rooms of the principal inland towns and outports.

tend. d. (Cheers.) But the great majority of those who
voted knew perfectly well the full political import of their
votes. The resolution was that the proceedings which the
Government have approved were unjustifiable; and if the
Government have approved unjustifiable proceedings, they
have followed a course which deservedly must incur the
censure of the Parliament and the people of Englan 1. We
were persuaded, on the contrary, that those proceedings
were right and necessary. We felt that great wrong bad
been inflicted upon this country. We felt that our fellow-
countrymen in a distant part of the globe had been ex-
posed to every sort of insult, outrage, and atrocity— (loud
cheers) ;—that a treaty with this country had been broken ;
and that those who were locally charged with the de-
fence of our interests were not only justified in resorting,
but were bound to resort, as far as the means at their
command enabled them, to the measures requisite for
their vindication. We felt that we should have been
basely betraying a trust which our Sovereign and the
country had reposed in us if we had not approved
proceedings which we thought right, and which if
we had been placed in similar circumstances we should
certainly have deemed it our duty to adopt. (Cheers.)
Well, my Lord Mayor, in ordinary cases, when the House
of Commons censures a Government, that Government has
but one course to pursue—namely, to retire, especially, if
it thinks that the country at large shares the opinion pro-
nounced by its representatives; but on tke present occa-
sion our belief was different. We did not believe that the
country at large shared their opinions. (Prolonged cheer-
ing.) I took the liberty, during the last debate, of saying
to the House of Commons that I was sure their vote, if it
were adverse to us, would no:, be ratified by the opinion of
the country, and the result has proved how entirely we
were justified in entertaining that conviction. We have
even now, before the constituencies have had an oppor-
tunity of recording their votes, had numerous expressions
of opinion from all parts of the United Kingdom—ad( iresses
from men of all ranks of society, and of all shades of poli-
tics— from Whigs, Tories, and Radicals—declaring it right
that when the interests of the country are at stake party
differences should be forgotten, and the whole empire
should rally together to vindicate the honour of the em-
pire. (Cheers.) We know—cur fellow-countrymen know
well—that such will be the result of the appeal we are
about to make, and even now, although the time when
that appeal can practically be answered has not yet arrived,
we have proof that the heart of the country is sound, and
that it will reverse the censure which was passed upon us
the other day by the House of Commons. (Cheers.) It
seems that it is not permitted to me to talk of coalitions I
or combinations, because they have been distinctly repu-
diated ; bat there was, if I am obliged to say so, an acci-
dental concurrence of the leaders of opposite parties in
the lobby against us. (Laughter.) In that lobby there
were the elements of a Government which expected to
succeed to power by making the humiliation and degra-
dation of their country a steppingstone to office.
(Cheers.) We are truly told that party spirit and perty
ties are essential to the working of the British constitu-
tion. Some party ties were remembered on that occasion,
but one party tie was wholly foreotteu—the tie that ought
to bind every Englishman to the interests, the honour, and
the glory of his country. (Cheers.) If those who voted
against us had risen to power, what ought they to have
done as the logical and inevitable consequence of their vote?
They asserted that our proceedings were unjustifiable.
They were bound, therefore, in the event of their success,
to have apologised to the Chinese barbarians for the wrongs
we had done—to have rebuilt the forts which our gallant
sailors bad destroyed—to have sent from Woolwich new
cannon in lieu of those which our brave seamen had ren-
dered unserviceable—and at the same time, in order to
rewards complete
whichthe measure b
eoefn given
r e res s ,f
othey
the
headsmust ha
of
fe
opuari dmtehre.
chants, and the cost of the arsenic which had been used in
Poisoning our fellow-subjects at Hong Kong. Gentlemen',
I cannot envy the feelings of those men who could wit-
ness with calmness the heads of respectable British mer-
chants on the walls of Canton, or the murders and assassi-
nations and poisonings perpetrated on our fellow-country-
men abroad, and who, instead of feeling their blood boil
with indignation at suck proceedings, would have had us
make an abject submission to the barbarians by whom
these atrocities were committed. (Cheers.) But we are
told by others that we are addicted to war. We are told
that while we direct affairs this country will always be ems'
broiled with other nations. Why, sir, our conduct is a
refutation of that charge. Some of the men woo are now
foremost in advocating these doctrines of peace were among
those who concurred in engaging the country in that ne-
cessary war—the first great straggle in which we have
been engaged during thelast 40 years. These men, how-
ever, forgot to help us to carry that war through to a suc-
cessful termination; they did not assist us in obtaining,
in conjunction with our glorious allies; the French, the
Sardinians, and the Turks, that safe and honourable peace
the conditions of which these men had before pronounced
to be unreasonable to ask and hopeless to obtain. They
forgot to assist u.s in that, and when they accuse
us of an inveterate propensity for war they overlook the
fact that we succeeded in restoring peace to Europe.
(Cheers.) We, too, are for peace abroad and for progres-
sive improvement at home, but the peace which we want
is peace with honour, peace with safety, peace with the
maintenance of our national rights, peace with security to
our fellow countrymen abroad. (Cheers.) We believe
that that is also the opinion of the British nation, and as
long as the nation regards those as the principles upon
which the government of the country is to be conducted
as long as it shall continue to honour us with its confi-
dence, so long shall we feel pride in discharging the duty,
however laborious and responsible it may be, which our
Sovereign and her people intrust to us. (Cheery:) If the
day should come when a different doctrine shall prevail—
when peace is to be sought by humiliation and degradation,
the country must look elsewhere—l will not now say
where---(laughter and cheers) ; the country, I say, must
look elsewhere for the instruments of the national dishon-
our and disgrace. (Cheers.) My Lord Mayor and gentle-
men, I again beg to assure you that we feel proud, justly
proud, of the noble spirit which the country has exhibited
upon the present occasion ; a spirit which it will always
display when national interests are at stake. We feel
doubly proud of being the instruments of the national will,
and as long as we feel that we are so backed up, we shall
set at defiance the accidental coneurrenCe—(laughter)—of
unconcerting and uncommunicatisg gentlemen-- (renewed
laughter)—who by a strange fatality may find themselves
united in a vote to turn out the Government of the day.
(Enthusiastic and prolonged cheering)
The LORD MAYOR said—The presence of the foreign Am-
bassadors and Ministers in this hall gives us an assurance
of the support and cordiality of feeling which exists be-
tween the great powers of Europe and other parts of the
world, and we are anxious to takeevery opportunity of no-
tifying to them the pleasure we feel in their preseeee, and
the deep interest we take in the progress and prosperity of
honouredth the
great
u
of the foreign Ambassadors and Ministers who have
, 1 e
(Cheers.)the toast
withththeeyirreepormespenant.y;
and p
propose " the health
with the illustrious name of Count Per sigc4u.
His
o fthe or
Excellencycps pCdoi uinointtaPEi
ciltu SeIGNY
following is a translation : returned thanks on
behalf
o r which
en thetle
—My Lon ra French,mayo Mayor
and g -
men,—Perrnit me, in the name of the corps diplomatique,
to thank you for the honour which you have doae us.
To-day, when all Europe is reconciled, it is with most
lively satisfaction that we find ourselves again in the midst
of you, on such a solemn occasion, for nothing can be more
,i
worthy of interest than the spectacle which is here pre-
sented. When wo behold united at this table the repre-
sentatives of two distinct worlds—one the inheritor of
glorious traditions, which has for its mission the preserva-
tion of those virtues requisite for the government of
society • the other exercising qualities not leis necessary
to the happiness of the people, and which are the founda-
tion of the credit and riches of the state; when we take
part in the friendly communion between the chiefs of a
great government and the rspresentatiues of a city whose
commerce embraces the whole world ; when we consider,
moreover, the union of the aristocratic and governing with
the industrious and commercial classes of this country, all
animated by the same spirit, and who, far from imitating
the fatal struggles of Plebeians and Patricians of ancient
Rome, only manifest for each other respect and sym-
pathy ; when again we
recognise the eagerness with
which the great of this laud come here to mingle
with the Medicis of this new Florence then,
indeed, gentlemen, we have no need to seek further for the
secret of the grandeur and power of your country; and
whatever may be the nature of your internal debates and
your political preoccupations, we know beforehand that
your prosperity is assured. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, I
must respond, as the Ambassador of France, to the wishes
expressed by the Lord Mayor for the continued communion
of interests of England and France. This sentiment of
the City of London has, to my eyes, a great significance,
because it recals to me the consequences of an analogous
wish which was presented four years ago to my Sovereign
under the form of an address, signed by four thousand houses
of this powerful city. At that epoch, circumstances ap-
peered serious. Ardent politicians sought to arouse ancient
national hatreds by representing the re-establishment of
the Empire as the sign of a new war between the two
countries. On each side of the Channel minds were agi-
tated by dangerous anticipations; when all at once the
voice of the City of London made itself heard, announcing
loudly that the English nation desired the friendship of
France, and from that day the Anglo-French alliance
dates. (Cheers.) With the practical genius for- affairs
that characterises this country, the City of London
admirably appreciated the relative situation of the two
peoples. It had seen before all the world, that between
the two Powers, one more especially military, and the
other more especially maritime, there existed no longer
any real subject of rivalry—that from the moment
when England was in full possession of the advantages
that Providence seems to have reserved for her by her insu-
lar position, her mineral riches and the particular character
of her inhabitants; that from the moment, indeed, when
she had acquired supremacy industrial and commercial,
colonial and maritime, she had nothing to gain in a coalition
against France, but she bad, on the contrary, every advan-
tage in seeking her friendship. The City of Loudon per-
ceived, also, that France, being capable of again exciting
the anxieties of Europe by her historical recollec-
tions, revolutionary or conquering, eel not less in-
terest in gaining the friendship of England ; for from
the time when by an intimate alliance with the first mari-
time power of Europe France became mistress of the seas,
she had nothing to fear from a continental coalition, and
her frontiers were no longer menaced. At this day, gen-
tlemen, these facts have become common place, but at
that epoch it was a real political discovery. The City of
London, by its address to the Emperor, performed a great
action, and I am happy to day, as the representative of my
Sovereign and my country, to take this solemn occasion of
thanking you for it. (Loud cheers.
The LORD MAYOR said—The House of Lords has ever
proved itself one of the greatest bulwarks of our constitu-
tion. In all times of difficulty it has proved itself the
champion of true liberty and the sincere fr iend of the peo-
ple. I rise, therefore, with feelings of the most profound
respect to propose " The health of the Peers of England,"
and with it I will mention the name of Lord Granville—
(cheers)—who is always ready to unite with us in all that
affects the happiness of mankind. (Cheers.)
Earl GRANYILLE—My Lord, ladies, and gentlemen, I
rise to return thanks, first on behalf of the peers who are
present, and next for the assembly to which we belong, for
the honour which you have done us in drinking our health'.
Speaking for those who are present I beg to return you
our most sincere acknowledgments for the cordial welcome
which you have given us this day, for the occasion on
which you have summoned us to meet you—(cheers)—and
I may perhaps be allowed to add for the !err excellent
dinner which we have just enjoyed—(, rmigt)7,ana in

which you have combined the old traditional dishes of the
city with the most modern inventions of the art of cookery.
I happened the other day to cast my eye over some adver-
tisements, and among them I saw an announcement of a
new sauce of peculiar excellence. (A. laugh.) It was stated
that it had a most exquisite flavour, and would impart the
greatest zest and spirit to the viands with which it might
be used. The name of this sauce was the " Palmerston
sauce," and I venture to think that you have given us an
opportunity of testing the genuine article in the greatest
possible perfection. (Cheers and laughter.) I am sure
that this company, composed of well-educated Englishmen,
perhaps as well acquainted as we are with the institutions
of our country, will not expect me to deliver a constitu-
tional essay upon the House -of Lords— (a laugh)—but
there are some advantages ari,ing from the existence of
that assembly which are univere .11y recognised, and to
which I may, without impropriety, refer. Although ours
is not the most important branch of the Legislature, yet,
undoubtedly, it is that which those countries which have
adopted our representative institutions have found it most
difficult to imitate; and it is worthy of remark that this
house is so open to talent and ability of all descriptions
that any citizen of London who gives his child a good edu-
cation may feel that it is quite within the verge of possi-
bility that his son may take his seat among the most ancient
peers of the realm. (Cheers.) The House of Lords has
sometimes done good service, not by finally stopping mea-
sures which have been demanded by the people, but by
interposing a useful delay during which the House of
Commons and the nation at large might reflect and fully
make up their minds upon the import of these measures.
(Cheers.) On a late occasion there was under discussion a
question, not of legislation, but of the action of the Exe-
cutive Government: On that occasion the House of Lords
was very severely tested. Some of the most eloquent
speeches which were ever heard within the walls of Par-
liament were then delivered. To the spiritual peers appeals
were made which seemed to threaten them with the cen-
sure of their fellow-countrymen if they voted according to
their consciences and in favour of the Government. Those
spiritual lords, or at least the great majority of them, dis-
regarded these appeals, and resolved to act only in accord-
ance with the dictates of their own judgment. In the
adoption of that coarse they must have felt that an excel-
lent example had been set them by their humbler but
most useful brethren who are engaged in spreading the
gospel in a distant land, and who had the fullest know-
ledge of the facts and merits of the case recently so much
agitated. (Hear, bear.) We were told that we could not
in this instance trust to the opinion of those merchants
who were most interested in the question, but, although
only some half dozen of us are directly interested in the
trade and manufactures of this country, we felt that
our relations with China consisted chiefly of commer-
cial intercourse, and that we could depend upon
the judgment of those honourable and enlightened
men who were engaged in such avocations, and who, in-
stead of consulting their own interests, were actually
making great pecuniary sacrifices, because they thought
that the placing our relations on a more satisfactory foot-
ing would lead to such an extension of commerce as would
be beneficial not only to ourselves, but also and at least
equally to the subjects of the Emperor of China. (Cheers.)
The noble viscount (Palmerston). has referred to the fact
that the House of Commons has come to a different de-
cision ; but I do feel some confidence that the country,
which is now about to be consulted, will think, as I rejoice
to find this assembly does, that in this instance the House
of Lords has been the most faithful exponent of the wishes
and feelings of the people, and I venture to say that all
who are present to-night will think that we had 30 good
reasons for the course which we took, and that, notwith-
standing your liberal feelings and associations, you will with
all sincerity repeat the sentiment of a Tory peer, " Thank
God !we have a House of Lords." (L uid cheers.) •
The LORD MAYOR said,—Nations are like individuals,
strengthened and upheld by the confidence feltin them, and
the uprightness with which they deal with others. The
public relations of this country to other States are of the
highest importance to its dignity and welfare, whether
viewed as regards the benefits yielded by commerce, the
advantage of social intercourse, or the maintenance of
those relations of friendship by which the progress of
society and the improvement of mankind are gr tdually de-
veloped. England occupies a proud position in the eyes
of the world, and her foreign relations are consequently
placed at all times in the hands of statesmen of great
ability and high character. In the present instance
we hate a nobleman conducting our foreign relations
who bears one of the great names of English history,
and who has proved by his ability and energy in times
of trial that he can maintain the reputation of a great
title. (Cheers.) By his care and watchfulness difficult
questions affecting the peace and tranquillity of Europe
are dealt with, and I propose with peculiar satisfaction
that the cordial expression of the feelings of this assembly
be offered to Lord Clarendon, with their best wishes that
he may long continue to administer the foreign relations of
this country, so as to maintain its honour and preserve the
peace of the world. (Loud cheers.)
The Earl of CLARENDON, on rising to acknowledge the
toast, was received with great cheering. Ho said, My
Lord Mayor, my Lords, Ladies, and Gentlemen, I am
truly grateful to tho Lord Mayor for having coupled my
name with the toast which he has just proposed to this
distinguished assembly. The success aid permanence of
our foreign relations havolve considerations the importance
of which it is impossible to over estimate, and no one who
fills the office which I have the honour to hold can fail to
be sensible of the responsibility of the Government to the
country for the manner in which its policy is conducted ;
or, oa the other hand, can question the right of the coun-
try to inquire whether the Government, while upholding
the honour, the dignity, and the interests of England, is
careful at the same time to respect the honour and dignity
of other Powers, and does nothing to lessen the esteem of
our allies, or to endanger the permanence of peace.
(Cheers.) Such have been the principles upon which our
policy has been founded, and we may confidently appeal
to facts notorious to the whole world whether in our
hands the honour of England has been sullied, her dignity
lowered, or her interests impaired. (Cheers.) No one
who listened to the able and eloquent address of the repre-
rientative of France can have any fear for the friendliness
of our relations with that and other countries. (sear.)
Among the numerous foreign Ministers who are present to-
night I have great pleasure in .seeing the Persian Ambas-
sador, who has been received by her Majesty in order that
he might present to her the credentials with which he had
been furnished by his own Sovereign in anticpation of an
event which has been happily realised in the conclusion of
a just, honourable, and satisfactory peace. (Cheers.) But
we are told that our foreign policy is " turbulent and
aggressive." Although it may be difficult to prove
a negative, I think that that policy is not " turbu-
lent" which has been conducted with an extreme re-
luctance to go to war, and which, within twelve months,
has been signalised by the conclusion of two treaties of
peace ; nor can that policy be called " aggressive" which
sought no territorial aggrandisement, which desired no ex-
clusive advantages, and which was not even led by success
to demand anything beyond the objects for which hostili-
ties were undertaken. Perhaps at no period of our history
has so great a mass of official corr.spoudence connected
with foreign afairs been laid before the public as within
the last three or four years, and I will ask any one whe-
ther—although we have felt bound to uphold interests
which we thought just—we have injured our cause by
adopting any course to which the term " braggadocia "
can be truly applied ? (Cheer'.) Nevertheless, we were told
that we have alienated our friends, and that' our alliances
are not permanent. We were lately told that we were
willing to sacrifice even the French alliance for a worth-
less object by our obstinate pertinacity. Well, you have
heard the French Ambassador testify to the state of our
alliance with the country which he represents—(cheers)—
and if we ever had any difference with France, it has been
that honest difference which may take place between
friends, and when such a diffence has existed we have
sought for and have found an honourable solution. (Hoar,
hear.) The consequence has been the maintenance in all its
integrity and cordiality of that alliance which has been so
beneficial to both countries, and the increase of that mu-
tual respect and esteem, without which no alliance and no
friendship, be it between individuals or nations, can be
either solid or enduring. (Cheers.) I may also observe of
that country with which we have lately been at war, and
which we esteem and respect as a noble foe, that the differ-
ences which have occurred since the signature of the treaty
of peace have all disappeared. They have all been set-
tled in an honourable and satisfactory manner—a man-
ner which, I trust, will leave no soreness or ill-feeling
behind. Time alone and a very short time, too,
I am convinced is necessary in order to knit
together in alliance two countries having so many
interests in common. (Hear, hear.) I will not venture to
trespass on your patience by travelling in our justification,
as I sheuld like to do, over the map of Europe; I will only
say I believe that at no time in recent years has there ex-
isted so thoroughly sound and wholesome a feeling as now
prevails between the people of this country and tee United
States, who, understauding their reciprocal interests, feel
a determination that those interests shall not be disturbed
by quarrels and disagreements, which may partially de-
range, though they do not interrupt., our friendly coinneu-
nicetions. I believe that this amicable feeling is shared
as well by the Government of the United States as by the
Government of her Majesty, and we have.this advantage,
that the eminent man who has now been raised by the
voice of his countrymen to preside over the destinies of
those States has but recently left our shores, lies lived
among us, has mixed with all clessesof our people, and has
been able to appreciate the esteem and respect felt for his
country by all sections in these kingdoms. (Hear.) Before
I sit down I cannot help adverting to what fell from the
First Lord of the Admiralty with regard to China—a ques-
tion which has lately engrossed all moo's miuds, and which
has produced results so widely different from those which
were anticipated by parties who did not coalesce or com-
bine' but who happened to unite—(a laugh)—in censuring
the Government for doing that which any Government
must have done iu their place—(cheers)—if they believed,
as we did, that a deliberate insult had been offered to the
British flag, and if they knew, as we did, that upon the
protection which that flag affords depends the safety of
every British interest. My right hon. friend has made
a most just and true defence of Sir Michael Seymour,
and I wish also to add that in my opinion Sir J. Bowr-
iug has been most unfairly treated. (Cheers.) Eiery
species of vituperation and abuse has been poured upon
Lim, and I am convinced that Sir Michael Seymour,
like every brave and honourable man, will not only ex-
pect, but will claim, to share the responsibility with Sir J.
Bowring. (Renewed cheers.) It is impossible that officers
far from home, and without instructions, should not as-
sume a certain amount of responsibility ; and when they
do so, and act to the best of their judgment and ability, I
think it is cruel and ungenerous, and I am sure it is im-
politic, not to put the best construction upon their motives
and conduct, and not to. believe that men placed in such
difficult circumstances must be the most competent judges
of the requirements of the emergency. (Hear, bear.) We
approved the conduct of our officers. For that we have
been censured by the House of Commons ; and thereupon
my noble friend at the head of the Government has deter-
mined to ascertain whether the country atrees in that cen-
sure. The manner in which that appeal has been responded
to, and, above all, the enthusiastic manner in which my
noble friend has been received by this assembly, are the
best justification of our conduct, and the best proof chat
we should have acted unjustly towards our officers if we
had not upheld their proceedings and maintained the
honour of the British flag. (Hear, hear.)
The LORD MAYOR then proposed " the Church," coup-
ling with the toast the name of the Bishop of Loudon.
The right rev. PRELATE briefly returned thanks.
Lord PAIALEIISIO, in complimentary terma, gave " the

[PRICE 40. ►TAMPED 5D

health of the Lord Mayor," which was drank with much
cordiality.
The LORD MaYoR acknowledged the toast, and proposed
" the House-of Commons," associating with it the name of
Sir George Grey.
Sir G. GREY returned thanks.

The remaining toasts included " the Lady Mayoress,'
which was gracefully proposed by the Duke of ARGYLL,
and " the Bar of England," which was responded to by
Sir R. BXThELL.
The company separated at a late hour.
Mr. Harker ably officiated as toastmaster.

ELECTION INT PLLIGENCE.

LAMBETIT.

At a meeting of the electors, held at Hawkestone Hall
last evening—James Gray, Esq., in the ',chair —it was
moved by Dr. Howland, seconded by W. Boak, Esq., and
carried unanimously, amid enthusiastic applause, " That
this meeting, having heard the Statement of W. Williams,
Esq , upon nancial reform, 'are of, opinion that his untir-
ing exertions in advocating the interests of the labouring
classes, and his strenuous efforts to abolish.the income tax,
entitle him to the support of the electors of Lambeth, who
pledge themselves to return him as one of their members,
in the ensuing session'of Parliament."

FINSBURY.
A public meeting of the friends and supporters of Mr.
Thos. S. Duncombe was held last evening, at the British
Institution, Cowper-street, City-road. The chair was
taken at eight o'CloOk by G. Shillibeer, Esq by which time
the large room was densely crowded. Mr, buncombe was
loudly cheered.
Mr. DUNCOMBE, who was most warmy applauded, said
that before' 1 hours were over, he should cease to be their
representative, for they were told Parliament was to be dis-
&rived to-morrow. Now he hoped th'by would not be in-
consolable, for since that Parliament was called together,
in 1852, he was not aware that it had done any good. For
himself, he was there to fulfil his pledge, that so long as
Finsbury was prepared to seed him to Parliament ho was
prepared to stand by Finsbury, and fight the battles of
the electors of Finsbury. (Cheers.) He was not aware that
he had any votes to explain. (Hear.) Every sentiment,
every pledge he ever gave them, ho defied any man to rise
in that place and say he had ever falsified. (Cheers.)
Then, what was he there to explain ? If there' was
nothing with regard to the past, they had much to talk
about in reference to the future. As he came into the room,
a paper was put into his hand--" What do you expect from
Lord Palmerston ?" Why he did not expect much frOm
any Minister, unless the people put considerable pressure
upon him. That could only be done through their repre-
sentatives ; and, therefore, it was important that they
should have a
_representative who would speak their minds
in the House of Commons. Parliament was to be dissolved
in consequence of rather a factious vote (hear)—and he
stood by Government, because he never saw so dead a set
against a man as was made against Lord Palmerston.
(Cries of "Shame.") He (Mr. Duncombe) believed he
was right in sustaining him—(cheers)—in his attempt to
support the heno'ur'of the British flag. (Applause.) There
was a party in the house called "The Peace-at-any-price
party." According to ;them,- England was to submit to
any insult, and apologise when they were not in the wrong
and John Bull was to be in the humiliating position,.
of having his nose pulled by the Chinamen.' (A laugh, and
No, no.) He believed it was a deliberate insult to pull
down the British flag and carry off the crew of the Arrow,
and Sir John Bowring asked some redress, some repara-
tion. After some delay the crew were restored, but wheri
our representative wished to have an assurance that no
such outrage should again be committed no assurance was
given. He then asked for an interview with Commissioner
Yeh, who was about as great a miscreant as ever disgraced
human nature--a man who beheaded 70,000 huMan crea-
tures as rebels, because they wished to improve the insti-
tutions of the country, or were, in other words, reformers:
(Shame.) They next seized certain Englishmen cut off
their heads, wrapped them up in pockethandkerchiefs, and
carried them into Canton, where they were daly rewarded
for the barbarous murders they had perpetrated. The
next discovery was that the bread of our country-
men in -China was poisoned. After all this it was said
Yeh was a clever person. His house had been•knocked
down. Well, that served him right—(cheers)—and if
th .se who condemned Lord Palmerston for sanctioning
these proceedings had been in office they would have done the
same. Mr. Cobden, he believed, had brought forward the
vote from humane motives and in perfect good faith. It
was, however, seized upon by the Tories as a favourable
opportunity of tripping up the Government. Then there
was Lord John Russell, Sir James. Graham, and the
Peelites, all colleagues of Lord Palmerston ; there old col-
leagues—and to that he begged attention—these old col-.
leagues of Lord Palmerston, the moment they were put in
the ranks, took the opportunity of tripping him up for pur-
suing the course they would themselves have followed.
But he was told Lord Palineraton was no Reformer; pos-
sibly not. He should like to know when Sir Jas. Graham,
Mr. Gladstone, and Mr. Sydney Herbert became Reformers.
When he (Mr. Duncambe) and his late colleague, Mr.
Wakley, represented to those.gentlemen that the Reform
Bill had not gone far enough, what did they say ? Why,
they gave them a decided negative as to further reform.
Up to that time Lord Palmerston was as good a Reformer
as any of these gentlemen, and now when circum-
stances had changed he wanted to know why Lord Pal
merston should not be as good a Reformer as any of them,
He (Mr. Duncombe) would be so if he were in his place,
(A laugh.) But he was told in one breath why Lord Pal.
merston is an obstinate old Tory, and directly afterwards,
that upon sufficient pressure being applied he would go
any length to retain office. That was just the man they
wanted. (Cheers and laughter.) He believed he would
go any length to retain office. The new Parliament would
test him. They would then find out what he was made
of. It was totally impossible that a Minister with expe-
rience like him should not attend to the wishes of the
people of England. They would agree with him that he
should have fair play. Should he fail or should he suc-
ceed, he should, as he had ever done, stand or, fall alone.
(Cheers.) He should form no coalition with any party.
He knew other parties were trying to cling to the skirts of
his party, but he would say to them, with Liston, in the
play, " Gentlemen, if you do cling to my skirts, then I
will wear a sponger." (Much laughter.) That was the
answer he would make to Mr. Cox, Sergeant Parry, or
General anybody else. If they thought him worthy of
their support they should go early to the poll. The hon.
gentleman resumed his seat amidst tremendous applause.
Thanks were voted to the chairman, and the meeting
separated.