The Sun.
London, England, 1861-02-16 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, FEBRUARY 16, 1861.

hIATHER KEMP'S OLD FOLKS' CONCERT
COMPANY from • AMERICA, Consisting at
THIRTY LADIES and GENTLEMEN,

with their New England Orchestra, iat or whom will appear in

COSTUMES of ONE HUNDRED YEARS AGO,
and render in their unique, peculiar, and popular style, gems
of Ancient, Sacred, and National Airs. Enthusiastic recep-
tion of Emma J. Nichols, the favourite young American
Vocalist.

ST. JAMES' MALL,
week at 8, Pic every Night dttriveg the

MoitNlNtl- PERFORMANCES
WED.NtBbAY and SATURDAY, at Three o'Clock.
, Aihnission—Stalls, 3s. ; Area, 2s. ; Gallery Is. Tickets may
be hsd of the principal Musicsellers and Librarians, and at
Austin's Ticket Office, 28, Piccadilly.

MR. W. S. WOODIN'S NEW ENTERTAIN-
MENT, the CABINET of CURIOSITIES, POLY-
GRAPHIC HALL, Icing Wil iam-street, Charing-cross,
TO-NIGHT, and EVERY EVENING (except Saturday), at
Eight. Private boxes, .£1 18. ' • Stalls and box stalls, 3s. ;
area, 28. ; amphitheatre, is. • A plan of the stalls may be
seen, and seats secured (without extra charge), at the Box-
office, from 10 till 4. Morning Performance, Saturday, Feb.
23.

A RGYLL ROOMS. - GRAND MUSICAL
ENTERTAINMENT,
with the Celebrated BAND, Forty in number (established
eleven years), chosen from the Philharmonic Concerts, Royal
Italian Operas, and the Household Troops. Conducted by
Mona Lamotte. Cornet-a-piston, H. Boulcourt.—Dancing
at Nine o'clock.-Is. admission.

THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ROOMS,
High Holborn.—The most elegant entertainment in
the world. The dancing area is most extensive. The reading
and smoking rooms on either side of the spacious galleries are
replete with every comfort, and the refreshment rooms at-
tached to the ball room are unrivalled even by Oriental
beauty. The wines, &c., are of the highest quality. The
band, directed by Mr. Packer, stands alone for its excellence.
Admission, ls.
N.B.—Mr. W. M. PACKER'S Annual BENEFIT BAL
MASQUE is fixed for THURSDAY, 28th Feb.

PURSUANT to an Oxder of the High Court of
Chancery, made in a cause between John Salmon and
others, plaintiffs, and Alicia Margaret Caroline Dunn, defen-
dant, all Persons claiming to be Creditors of John Dunn, the
younger, late of Threadneedle-stfet, in the city of London,
merchant, who died in or about the month of August, 1860,
are, by their solicitors, on or before the Bth day of March,
,slB6l, to come in and prove their debts at the Chambers of the
Vice-Chancellor, Sir Richard Torin Kindereley, No. 3, Stone-
buildings, Lincoln's-inn, Middlesex ; or, in default thereof,
they will be peremptorily excluded from the benefit of the
said Order.
Saturday, the 16th day of March, 1861, at one o'clock in the
afternoon, at the said Chambers, is appointed for hearing and
adjudicating upon the Claims.
Dated this 25th day of January 1861.

CHAS. PUGH, Chief Clerk.

REFORM DEMONSIRATION IN SOUTHWARK.

A very numerously attended public meeting,
convened for the purpose " of calling on the Govern-
ment to bring forward a comprehensive measure of
reform without any further delay," was held yes-
terday evening at the South London' Repository.

Mr. JOHN VICKERS, who was called to the chair,
in opening the proceedings, referred to the im-
portance of the question they were about to discuss,
and expressed his trust that the proceedings of that
night would be conducted in such a manner as
would secure the admiration of the country and
command the attention of the House of Commons
to their just claims. There had been silence upon
this question of reform, but it was the silence of
dignified repose not to apathy; there had been a
patient waiting, arising from confidence in the pro-
mises of successive Governments, but there had not

been any apathy in regard to the question of reform
during the last ten years. They wanted a measure
introduced into the legislature which would be

backed by the opinions of the people, and it was to
this end that that meeting was called together. The

vote by ballot was a measure which the working
classes had a right to demand should for their protec-

tion accompany any extension of the suffrage to
. _ . _ _

them, and it could not be contended that it was a

cowardly measure for the working classes to resort
to, seeing that it was adopted by gentlemen in high

position in electing to their clubs. A settlement of
the question of reform was necessary ; the people
required a large and comprehensive measure, and
they would have it. (Hear, hear.) If they wanted
reform he war sorry to say they must agitate, and
he advistoa the working classes to show the Govern-
-I:::,ent and the House of Commons they were no
longer to be trifled with, but that they were de-

termined to demand the share in the representa-
tion to which they were fairly entitled.
Mr. NEWMAN proposed the first resolution, to
the effect," That this meeting regards with sur•

prise and indignation the declaration of Lord
John Russell, that the people are indifferent to the
question of Parliamentary reform, and desires to
express a decided opinion that it is the duty of the
Government to introduce forthwith a comprehen-
sive measure for the extension of the franchise, in
accordance with their :olemn pledge to do so on
taking office. He believed that Lord John Rus-
sell's declaration was only made with the view of
eliciting an expression of public opinion which
would induce Parliament to pass a comprehensive
measure ; and though Parliament was to blame for
not dealing with the question, the people were
still more to blame for not bringing their in-
fluence to bear upon the Legislature to obtain what
the required. The press had been writing down
reform, and had taken by its arguments half the
pluck out of the working men. They wanted or-
ganisation out of doors, and a few earnest men in
the House of Commons united in action, and the
Government would then be compelled to give way
to some extent to the demands of the people.
Mr. JOHN DAY seconded the resolution, and
advocated a lodger franchise, without which, he
contended, no Reform ;Bill would be regarded by
the country as complete and satisfactory.
The resolution was carried unanimously amidst
loud cheers.

Mr. JOHN LOCKE, M.P., then rose to address the
meeting, and was received with considerable cheer-
ing. He said it gave him great pleasure to meet
his constituents that night upon this very impor-
taut question. When he was elected four years
ago to represent this borough, the question which
principally occupied the minds of the electors was
this same question of reform. Reform, Lord John
Russell had for the last 15 years made his own
question. And it was not to be wondered at that
the speech of the noble lord at the opening of the
present session was received by the country with
very great surprise. In 1859 the bill of the Con-
servative Government was introduced, and was.
welcomed not only by the opponents of reform,
but, he was sorry to say, by many of those who
professed to be its friends, on the ground that it
was a measure quite as good as Lord John Rus-
sell's. Upon a resolution proposed by the noble
lord, however, that measure was rejected, because
it did not extend the borough franchise. He (Mr.
Locke) on that occasion, advised Mr. Disraeli to
adopt that resolution. The whole House of Com-
mons was agreed that the borough franchise ought
to be extended, but the right hon. gentleman did
not think fit to adopt it. It was carried, and the
Tory Government were driven to dissolve the Par-
liament. Had the resolution been adopted by the
Conservatives its principles would have been intro-
duced into the bill then before Parliament, and the
country would have had a comprehensive measure
of reform. (Hear, hear.) The Government of Lord
Palmerston acceded to office. It was not to be
called a Whig Government, for it comprised
amongst its members Mr. Milner Gibson, Mr.
Gilpin, and others of Mr. Bright's friends, and a
second Reform Bill was brought in. The recep-
tion of that measure by the House of Commons
was, to say the least of it, certainly not such
as to induce the Government to introduce
another. It might not have embodied all that
the people required, but it was a step in the
right direction. Nevertheless time was wasted
in useless discussion, obstructions were thrown
in the way of the passage of the bill until
the Government were compelled to withdraw it.
Ile now came to the opening of the present session,
and the speech of Lord John Russell ; and he quite
agreed with the noble lord that the House of Com-
mons was indifferent to the question of reform, but
he could not admit that the people of the country
shared the same feeling. They were told that they
were to have no Reform Bill from the Government
this session, but in the midst of their disappoint-
ment came a gleam of sunshine in the shape of a

bill laid on the table on the previous night by the

Rome Secretary, to appropriate the forfeited seats

of Sudbury and St. Albans. This was a small con-

cession of the principle they desired to see ex-
tended, and it was for the people of Southwark to
strengthen their representatives to fight this battle
of reform, and if other constituencies would only
act with them, in this, they must ultimately suc-

teed. (Cheers.)
Mr• L AYARD, M,P., who was received with
vociferous cheering, said the Government, through

Lord John Russell, had invited the Liberal mem- -

bers of this country to hold indignation meetings.
(Cheers and laughter.) It had been the good for-

tune of Southwark to respond first to the invita-
tion, but he confessed that be had seen very little of
indignation here, and he should rather call it a con-
tempt meeting. He supposed they had come there

that evening, not merely to mike and listen to
vapouring speeches and to draw up and pass unani-
mously vapouring resolutions, but to do business—

to make the Government understand what they

wanted and how they wanted it. He was elected

to represent that borough dieily through the exer-
tions of the working men—(cheers)—and he was
not afraid to lower the franchise in boroughs. They
were called upon to hold indignation meetings.
What was meant by that P Were they to re-
peat the scenes of 1831 and 1832 ? Were they
to burn houses and sack peaceable dwellings ?
If that was meant, there would be disappoint-

meat ; and if they were to wait for a Reform

Bill till such indignation meetings were
held, they would have to wait for many and many
a long year. Because there were no indignation
meetings, and because they had not the scenes of
1831 and 1832, the working classes showed them-

selves entitled to the; franchise. He yielded to no
man in the desire he bad to see the working man
admitted to the franchise. An unscrupulous press,

or part of the press he would rather say, opposed as
it was to the liberties of the great mass of the people
accused him of recklessly giving pledges when he

was returned for that borough. He never gave
pledges, nor were any pledges asked from him.
They knew his opinions, and if he were base enough
to desert those opinions he should not be less
scrupulous in keeping a pledge, ne was setit to

Parliament because the constituency of Southwark
had confidence in his convictions, and thought he
would maintain in the House of Commons the

principles enunciated upon the hustings. (near,
hear.) Let him then speak boldly, and tell them
what he thought upon this question. The Govern-

ment was scarcely to be blamed in this matter. Did
any one suppose that this Government would have
given them a reform bill ? There might be some of
its members in favour of reform, but did any one
suspect the others of being reformers ? It was
known that they would not give a reform bill if

they could help it, and small blame to them, for
there were many of the members of the present
Government who would not be long there if a
reform bill were passed. It was the Liberal party
and the constituencies who were to blame. If the

Liberal party would only be true to themselves,

and if the constituencies sent men to Parliament

properly to represent their views, they might have
a reform bill, but not else. At the last general
election he stood against a Conservative, and as to
the statement that the country was indifferent
to the question, there was not a single candidate,
Whig or Conservative, Tory or radical, who did
not profess at least that he was in favour of
reform. At that election he found himself upon
the hustings, a conservative bidding against him for
a reduction of the franchise, a sort of Dutch auction
—(laughter)---and as one of the papers described it,
they had got. down so low that the Conservative
offered no qualification, and he (Mr. Layard) went
even lower than that. (Renewed laughter.) The
bill of last session had been referred to. There were
mistakes in that bill, and no doubt it was not a
perfect measure, but it had the sanction of a man, of
whom he would venture to say that no other man in
the country had his knowledge of what were the
wants of the people, and what should be done to
supply those wants—he meant John Bright. (Great
cheering.) John Bright was of opinion, and rightly,
that if Parliament had passed that bill, imperfect
as it was, it would have improved the electoral list,
and a Parliament would have been returned which
would in all probability have passed such a measure
as would satisfy the country. If a better bill could
have been passed he would have been glad to see it,

but he felt, as O'Connell felt after years of bitter
experience, that it was well to " Ask for all you can,
and take all you can get." (Cheers and laughter.)

post.

He was not there as the censor of Parliament, bill
he would say that there were members representing
constituencies not 100 miles from Southwark who,
had they chosen heartily to support that bill, could
have carried it. (Cheers.) Would any one then
believe, after what passed last session, that the pre-
sent Government would bring in a reform bill ? Any
one who had entertained that opinion must be an
idiot. When the Queen's Speech was debated there
were only found 48 men in the House of Commons
to vote in favour of reform. (Cries of " Shame.")
He was for a reform bill upon broad and compre-
hensive principles ; but could they get such a mea-
sure ? He believed not. But a bill was brought
in on Thursday night which would give them four
more seats. He took these four seats, and he would
undertake to say that Chelsea and Kensington,
South Lancashire, North Yorkshire, and Birken-
head would, if not deluded, send men who were
true reformers to the house, and instead of forty-
eight there would be fifty-two of them ; and thus
they might go on increasing their strength one by
one till they could command a majority in the House
of Commons to pass a bill. Ho would rather see
anything happen than that a Tory Government
should again come into power. When he found Mr.
Disraeli and Lord Derby condemning the Italian
people, denouncing that great hero who fought the
battles of his country, and then retired to his plough
without a shilling in his pocket, as a villain who
ought to be hung, and expressing sympathy with
Austria, he could not support these men or help
them in any way to power. (Cheers.) But setting
aside sympathy with the cause of Italy, and taking
the general political principles of Lord Derby and
Mr. Disraeli, he should regard their return to office
as one of the greatest misfortunes that could happen
to the country, and the people might depend upon
it that, were they again called into power, war and
increased taxation would serve to set aside any idea
that might be entertained of passing a measure of
reform. As long as the liberal party was divided
and without a leader, so long would they have no
reform bill, but let them choose a leader, Mr. Bright
if they would—(cheers)—and if they were only true
to each other and to their leader, and placed confi-
dence in the people, the liberal party would go on
increasing in strength, till ultimately it would
carry a reform bill. (Cheers.) Therefore, he
said, let the liberal party be true to itself, and let
the country be true to itself, and before long they
would have a reform bill that would satisfy the
wants of the people, and enable them to send
men to Parliament who would look properly
after their interests. Tho most important obstacle
to this was the expense of elections. He wanted
to see Parliament open to every class, but to obtain
that result they must send men into Parliament
who would work to reduce the election expenses,
and not send in sham Liberals; and when they did
this, and not till then, they would have a Reform
Bill.

Mr. WASHINGTON WILKS next addressed the
meeting, expressing his surprise and disappoint-
ment that no measure of reform was to be brought
in by the present Government, and that Lord John
Russell had betrayed the confidence the country
reposed in him. He objected to point by point
legislation ; and taking the unsatisfactory appro-
priation of the four seats of Sudbury and St. Albans
as an instance of this kind of legislation, he said the

Government might for him keep such measures.
He moved a resolution approving of a petition to
Parliament in furtherance of the objects of the
meeting.
Mr. SARELL seconded the resolution.

Mr. FAWCETT, who was loudly cheered, then
briefly addressed the meeting. He dismissed the
historical, part of the question as well known and
uninteresting, and directed his remarks to the
practical point, how were the views of the people
upon the question of reform to be carried out P He
could not expect that the Liberal party would for
the future be more true to their colours than they
had been hitherto, and he did not think that any
legislation upon this important subject could be
expected until after another dissolution. What
had tended to destroy the efficiency of our present
electoral system, and had been an obstacle in the
way of the passing of a Reform Bill, had been the
weight of election expenses, to check which some
step must be taken before the people could be pro-
perly represented.
The resolution was carried.

A vote of thanks was, upon the motion of Mr.
DAY, accorded to the chairman, and the meeting
then separated.

TEE UNI7ED STATES.

We have received New York papers of January

31 and February 1. A telegraphic summary of
their intelligence appeared in our paper yesterday.
The United States ship of war Brooklyn had
_

been despatched to land supplies at Fort Pickens,

Pensacola. The captain's orders were, that after
doing this he should remain off the harbour and
watch the movements of the volunteer troops in
possession of the Navy-yard and other points,

Should he perceive any inditation of an intention
to make an attack on Fort Pickens, he was to take

all needful measures to aid in the defence of the

At the latest date it was believed at New York
:hat a collision at Pensacola had been avoided.
On January 31st General Scott was before the

Special House Committee appointed to investigate
the matter of the threatened attack upon the capi-

tal. He testified that, although there was no posi-
tive information of any conspiracy for that pur-
pose, there was sufficient knowledge in possession
of the Government to warrant the precautionary
steps which had been taken.
The representatives of Bremen, Great Britain,
and Spain respectively have addressed communi-
cations to the State department relative to the con-
dition of affairs at Charleston, S.C., as regards the
customs and Federal Courts, asking what the
course of the Government will be in certain con-

:ingencies.
The following despatch, dated Washington, Jan.

31, gives a summary of the negotiations that had
taken place on this subject :
Lord Lyons, December 31, acquaints Secretary Black

that he has received a letter from the British consul at

Charleston, in which it is stated that South Carolina has

passed an ordinance declaring, in effect, that the custom-

houses of the United States in South Carolina are con-,

verted into custom-houses of that State; and the revenue
laws adopted show how the duties are to be collected on

the account of that State. The consul calls attention to

several practical difficulties connected with the entry and
clearance of British vessels, which may arrive at any mo-
ment. Lord Lyons requests the:Government to furnish him
without delay such information respecting its wishes and

intentions as may enable him to give definite instructions

to the consul, and to remove any apprehension which may

exist that the abolition of the de facto United. States cus-
tom-houses will be allowed to subject British vessels for
commerce to loss, injury, or inconvenience.
The Secretary is informed by Lord Lyons that the South
Carolina authorities have removed the buoys, withdrawn
the light ship, &c., and requests that the lights and beacons
be replaced, or some means adopted to warn vessels of their
danger, and, in conclusion, desires such information as will
allay the anxiety of British subjects.
Mr. Tassar", the Spanish Minister, Dec. 31, calls Secre-

tary Black's attention to a letter from the Spanish consul
at Charleston, relative to the customs matter at that city.
Among the documents is a letter from Judge Magrath,
dated Executive Department, saying the activity of the
pilots will prevent any serious injury or inconvenience to
commerce.

On the 30th inst. Secretary Floyd replied to Lord Lyons,
_ _

and sent a copy of his letter to Messrs. Schleiden and Tas-
sara. He said he laid Lord Lyon's communication before
the President, who would deeply regret that any injury
should happen to the commerce of foreign or friendly
nations, and especially that the British subjects at Charles-
ton should suffer by the anomalous state of things existing
there. Secretary Black quotes from the law to show that
the jurisdiction of the Federal Government to impose duties
on goods imported into the United States and collect the
duties is exclusive. Whether the state of things now
existing at Charleston will or will not be regarded as a
sufficient reason for not executing the penalties incurred by
the British subjects, is a question Lord Lyons will see no
necessity for raising until it practically arises. Each case
will no doubt have its peculiarities. Secretary Black regrets
that this consideration compels him to decline giving any
assurances on the point presented. Tho Treasury Depart-
ment, he says, will give public information as to the condi-
tion in which South Carolina has put the coast.
A volunteer battalion for the defence of the
Federal Government was being organised in New
York.

On the 31st ult. Mr. Seward gave another ex.

pression to his views in regard to the condition of
the country, on the occasion of the presentation by
him to the Senate of the monster petition from the
citizens of New York, praying for some adjustment
of the present difficulties. The petition is signed
by 63,000 persons, and would, Air. Seward stated,
reach three times across the Senate Chamber. Mr.
Seward said :

A great many and various interests and elements are
brought into conflict in this sudden crisis—a great many
personal ambitions, and a great many sectional interests—
and it would be strange if they would all be accommodated,
arranged, and harmonised so as to admit and give full effect
to the ono profoundest and most enuring sentiment or
passion of the United States, that of devotion to the Union.
These, whether you call them secession or revolution on the
ono side, or coercion or defiance on the other, are all to sub-
side and pass away before Union, which is to become the
grand absorbing object of interest, affection, and duty upon
the part of the citimens of the United States. A great many
partisan interests are to be repressed and suppressed to give
place to the partisan interests expressed by the Charleston
platform, the Baltimore platform, the Chicago platform, by
the Poplar Sovereignty platform, if indeed the Union is

in danger and is to be saved. With these interests and these
platforms, everybody standing upon them or connected with
them, is to pass away if the Union is in danger and is to be
saved. But it will require a yery short time if this Union
is in danger and does require to be saved for all these inte-
rests, all these platforms, and all these men to disappear.
You, e'rerybody, who shall oppose, resist, or stand in tho
way of the preservation of this Union, will appear as moths
on a summer's eve, when the whirlwind of popular indigna-
tion arises that shall be excited at the full discovery that
this Union is endangered through faction and even imprac-
ticability on the one part. I have hope and confidence that
this is to come around just as I have said, and quite soot
enough, because I perceive, although we may shut our eyes
to it, that the country and mankind cannot shut their eyes
to the true nature of this crisis. There has been a real, a
vital question in this country for twelve years at least—a
question of slavery in the territories of the United States.
It was strongest in its development in 1850, when all the
Pacific coast and all the territory intervening between it
and the Louisiana purchase was thrown upon our hands all
of a sudden, for the purpose of our organising in them free
and independent republican government as a basis of
future states, and it has been an earnest, and I regret to
say, an angry controversy; but the admission of Kansas
into the Union yesterday settled at least all that
was vital or important in the question, leaving behind
nothing but the passions which the contest had engendered.
Kansas is in the Union. California and Oregon are in the
Union, and now the same contest divides and distracts this
union for freedom and slavery in the territories of the United
States, just as before. What is the extent of the territories
which remain after the admission of Minesota, Oregon, and
Kansas ? One million sixth three thousand and five hun-
dred square miles—an area twenty-four times that of the
state of New York, the largest of the old and fully developed
States Twenty-four such States as this of Nov York are
yet to be fully organised within the remaining territories
of the United States. Now, under what is accepted by the
administration and the government as a judicial decree,
upheld by it, and put in practical operation by it, every inch
of that territory is slave territory. I speak of that decision
not as I accept it, but as it is accepted and enforced by the
' existing administration. Every foot of it is slave territory
Aas much as South Carolina, Over a considerable portion