The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-17 00:00:00

would have amounted to C 3,500,000 had the House of Lords
not pursued the course to which lam adverting. (Hear.)
It appears that the conduct of the house in this respect was
legal, constitutional, politic, and most advantageous to the
public interest. What then is the ground—the real ground
—on which we are called on to adopt a course quite the con-
trary of that which we took last year ? It must be this or it is
nothing—that it is sought to deprive the other House of
Parliament of the exercise of a power which you admit was
legally and constitutionally exercised, and which the nation
has ratified as sound and politic. (Hear, hear.) That is the
real position in which this question stands. There is no
meaning in language if the noble lord at the head of the Go-
vernment contemplated, when he was introducing his resolu-
tions on the subject last year, the course which he now ad vises
us to pursue. (Hear, hear.) And what does the noble lord
• gain by taking this course ? As the chief Minister of this
country he has been, if not supported by an enthusiastic
majority, at all events with such a measure of forbearance
on the part of this house that he cannot say he has been
seriously inconvenienced previous to these discussions on
any point during the whole of the session. What is his posi-
tion now ? He has given his adhesion to a policy which no-
body but the few who were in the secret could have expected
he would sanction, inasmuch as it is a pplicy totally opposed
to the sentiments expressed in the speech to which I have
already alluded—(hear, hear)—and in which the noble
lord placed an interpretation on the resolutions which he
moved on the occasion, which was adopted by this house
in faith and trust that it was an interpretation by which the
noble lord was prepared to abide. (Hear, hear.) The noble
lord now finds himself in a House of Commons in whickhis
authority is severely criticised, and in which, when a divi-
sion on an important subject is called for, putting that au-
thority to the test, he escapes only by a bare majority, and
that, too, a majority of a very ambiguous character. (Hear.)
It has not, therefore, I say, been on the part of the noble
lord a mere movement so far as Parliament is concerned
unnecessarily to raise this conflict, and when we are told
that " blessed is the peacemaker," and listen to the elabo-
rate reproof which the noble lord addressed to a right hon.
gentleman whose only fault was that he gave a most
logical answer to the Chancellor of the Exchequer and
other hon. gentlemen who preceded him on this question,
I would remind the noble lord that he is the man who has
raised unnecessary discord in the House of Commons ; that
he is the man who has most unnecessarily provoked dissen-
sions in the house, and has caused his authority to be
questioned where before it was not challenged. (Hear,
hear.) I may say, speaking for gentlemen on this side of
the house, that we are not at all afraid of the position in
which this question is placed. We entirely repudiate the
accusation that we provoke unnecessary debate. The con-
fidence which I repose in public opinion leads me to feel
assured that the general sentiment prevailing throughout
the country is that this was a subject which required
to be discussed ; that, under all the circumstances of
the case, deliberation was desirable, but that the
peculiar position in which we now find ourselves when
a Minister has introduced a strange, unusual, I may
say even an unprecedented course of procedure, which
entirety deprives the other House of Parliament of its power
of revision, rendered it expedient that we should act
with double deliberation, and deal with the utmost
caution with the policy of the Government in this.
particular instance. That policy I look upon as being
extremely unwise. I will not say it was mean in device
and malignant in conception (cries of " Oh, oh," and cheers)
—I will not say that ; but when this is recommended to our
notice as a policy of conciliation, I may be disposed ;to.
retort—anything. (A laugh.) But we aro asked why,
if we disapprove the course which Ministers have
taken, we do not oppose the second reading of the Bill
under our consideration? My answer is, that we have.
already given our assent to the provision respecting the
Income-tax, which constitutes a principal part of the mea—
sure, and that as when the resolutions relating to the paper
duty were passed we reserved to ourselves the right to
take with reference to all the other subjects involved in
the measure whatever course we might deem expedient on.
the future stages of these proposals, so now we reserve to
ourselves a similar right. That is a course perfectly Par-
liamentary, although I should not be astonished to find
that a member of the Government may hereafter rise in his.
place and pronounce it to be unconstitutional, inasmuch as
we heard the Chancellor of the Exchequer declare that
when resolutions affecting a duty passed, the House of
Commons was to some extent precluded from considering
the propriety of those resolutions on subsequent occasions..
Notwithstanding that declaration, however, we shall avail
ourselves of our constitutional right, and when proper
opportunity offers we shall hold ourselves free to take into
consideration the policy involved in this bill, which we
believe to be a policy dangerous to the country. I make
this statement because the noble lord at the head of the
Government the other night, in one of those gay assump-
tions in which he is so happy—(a laugh)—proved to his
own satisfaction, and I trust his slumbers were in conse-
quence rosy— (laughter)—that we had given in our adhe-
sion to every portion of the scheme of the Chancellor of
the Exchequer. I do not wish the noble lord
to remain any longer under that delusion. We at first
agreed to the passing of the resolutions, in order
that the bill founded upon them might be breught
in, reserving to ourselves the right—upon the OCCaitioa
which might seem to us proper and fitting, and in the man-
ner which we might deem the most judicious, the most
conducive to the public interest, and the best calculated to
attain the end which we desired—to challenge a policy
which, speaking generally, we entirely disapprove, and we
believe finds little favour among the people of England.
(Cheers.)

The bill was then read a second time.
The Landed Property Improvement (Ireland) Bill, the
Guildford Hospital Bill, and the Cork Infirmary Bill passed
through committee.

The Excise and Stamps Bill and the Volunteers Tolls
Exemption (No. 2) Bill were read a second time.
The report on the Public Offices Extension (Revenues of
India) Bill was agreed to.

The Combination of Parishes Dissolution (Scotland) Bill
was read a third time and passed.
A bill to amend the law relating to the fisheries of salmon
and trout in England, and .a bill to facilitate the laying
down of rails in the highways and streets of England were
brought in and read a first time.
The house adjourned at 20 minutes to 1 o'clock.

RICHMOND PARK.--A return presented to Par-
liament shows that 1,378 acres of Richmond Park, seven-
twelfths of the whole, have been drained, and the average
cost has been £6 7s. 4d. per acre.
[ADVERTISEMENT],—It is ever a pleasing duty of a
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tures, which has the strongest claims upon our sympathies.
It is with this feeling that we call the attention of invalids
to the following extracts from Du Barry's interesting
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Arabica Food. Cure No. 52,422.—Bridgehouse, Frimley
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James Roberts. Cure No. 36,418. Rev. Dr.
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No canister is genuine without the name Barry Du Barry
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Shopkeepers who attempt imposition in one article must,
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City ; at 127 High Holborn; and all grocer,

BIRTHS.
WIEATTON.---011 the 13th inst., at 39, Weymouth-sireeto
W., the wife of the Rev. Arundell Blount Whatton,
LL.B., of a son.
Sicll.—On the 15th inst., at Chiswick, the wife of W. T.
Sich, Esq., of a daughter.
SLATER.—On the 15tt, inst., at tho residence of her father,
at Forest hill, the wife of John Slater, Esq., of Paris, of
a son.