The Sun.
London, England, 1861-12-19 00:00:00

GREAT BRITAIN.

Secretary Seward writes to Mr. Adams, our Mi-
nister in Great Britain. In the course of his in-
structions he says :
" The President neither looks for nor apprehends
any actual and permanent dismemberment of the
American Union, especially by a line of latitude.
The improvement of our many channels of inter-
course, and the perfection of our scheme of internal
exchanges, and the incorporation of both of them
into a great system of foreign commerce, concurring
with the gradual abatement of the force of the only
existing cause of alienation, have carried us already
beyond the dangers of division in that form. The
so-called Confederate States therefore, in the opinion
of the President, are attempting what will prove a
physical impossibility, necessarily they build the
structure of their new Government upon the same
principles by which they seek to destroy the Union
—viz., the right of each individual member of the
Confederacy to withdraw from it at pleasure and in
peace."
In another part the Secretary says :
" In short all your arguments must belong to one
of three classes, viz.-1. Arguments drawn from
the principles of public law and natural justice,
which regulate the intercourse of equal States. 2.
Arguments which concern equally the honour, wel-
fare, and happiness of the discontented States, and
the honour, welfare and happiness of the whole
Union. 3. Arguments which are equally conserva-
tive of the rights and interests, and even sentiments
of the United States, and just in their bearings upon
the rights, interest, and sentiments of Great Britain
and all other nations."

And again Mr. Seward says :
" The President would regard it as inconsistent
with his habitually high consideration for the Go-
vernment and people of Great Britain to allow me
to dwell longer on the merely commercial aspects
of the question under discussion. Indeed he will not
for a moment believe that upon the consideration of
merely financial gain that the Government could be
induced to lend its aid to a revolution designed to
overthrow the institutions of this country, and in-
volving ultimately the destruction of the liberties
of the American people. The President will not
dwell on the pleasing recollection that Great Britain
not a year ago manifested by marked attention to
the United States, her desire for a cordial reunion
which, all ancient prejudices and passions being
buried, should be a pledge of mutual interest and
sympathy for ever thereafter. The United States
are not indifferent to the circumstances of common
descent, language, customs, sentiments, and religion,
which recommend a closer sympathy between them-
selves and Great Britain than either might expect
in its intercourse with any other nation. The
United States are one of many nations which have
sprung from Great Britain herself. Other such na-
tions are rising up in various parts of the globe. It
has been thought by many who have studied the
philosophy of modern history profoundly, that the
success of the nation thus deriving their descent
from Great Britain might, through many ages,
reflect back upon that kingdom the proper glories
of its own great career. The Government and people
of Great Britain may mistake their commercial inte-
rests, but they cannot become either unnatural or in-
different to the impulses of an undying ambition to
be distinguished as the leaders of the nations in
the wars of civilisation and humanity."
Next follows the correspondence of Mr. Dallas
and Secretary Seward, in the course of which the
former speaks of his interview with Lord John
Russell, saying :
" His lordship assures me in great earnestness
there was not the slightest disposition on the part
of the British Government to grasp at any advan-
tage which might be supposed to arise from the
unpleasant domestic difference in the United States,
but, on the contrary, that they would be highly
gratified if those differences were adjusted, and the
Union restored to its former unbroken position."
Minister Adams writes to Mr. Seward, May 17,
announcing his safe arrival at London, &e., to which
Mr. Seward replies that—

" This Government considers that our relations
in Europe have reached a crisis, in which it is ne-
cessary for it to take a decided stand, on which not
only its immediate measures, but its ultimate and
permanent policy, can be determined and defined.
At the same time it neither means to menace Great
Britain nor to wound the susceptibility of that or
any other European nation. That policy is developed
in this paper."
After instructing Mr. Adams on the subject of
the blockade, &c., Mr. Seward says,—
" As to the recognition of the so-called southern
Confederacy, it is not to be made a subject of tech-
nical definition. It is of course direct recognition to
publish an acknowledgment of the sovereignty and
independence of a new Power. It is direct recogni-
tion to receive its Ambassadors, Ministers, agents,
or Commissioners officially, A concession of belli-
gerent rights is liable to be construed as a recogni-
tion of them. No one of these proceedings will pass
unquestioned by the United States in this case."
Mr. Adams, in a subsequent despatch, details his
interview with Lord John Russell, remarking that
Lord Russell said "he did not himself know what
he was to say. If it was expected of him to give
any pledge of an absolute nature that his Govern-
ment would not at any future time, no matter what
the circumstances might be, recognise an existing
State in America, it was more than he could pro-
mise," &e.

In the course of the correspondence Mr. Seward
says,—

. expect to
i
uitinsihtedGosvteartensmtconat n never
e
qcuaieseem her assumed
plled's'iurtreilLethßoefr this Government as divided in ELL), de-
gree in the powers for war more than for peace. At
the same time, if her Majesty's Government shall
continue to practise absolute forbearance from any
interference in our domestic affairs, we shall not be
captious enough to inquire what name it gives to
that forbearance, or in what character it presents
itself before the British nation in doing so. We
hold ourselves entitled to regard the forbearance as
an act of a friendly Power, acting unconsciously of
a domestic disturbance among us of which friendly

States can take no cognisance. On this point our
views are not likely to undergo any change. In main-
taining this position we are sure we do nothing de-
rogatory from the dignity of the British Govern-
ment, while we inflexibly maintain and preserve the
just rights and the honour of the United States."
The correspondence between the United States
and Great Britain is voluminous. A few points
only are above given in the hurried abstract—other
questions besides that of recognising the Southern
Confederacy and maritime rights aro included.