The Sun.
London, England, 1857-05-29 00:00:00

, "- 1 --...:' • T:!-2,-...-
..1
v,..:7)) ///
ae).11111."9."
,IP •
..,
• -...../ ../.2
'...../1"6"4:
vt. .
NEWSPAPEA
(
I 1
.4...• ... ajk A et. r
li". •
IQ( Aalc,
~,
. ~„,-• . -...I,y,
es .
~ . - Fa •
,i''' Z:.
f 1 -"•---.. --, ..Z 1 ____,...4,
.......
Fa!'l.;`-':.\.,4
,144krffe!'S-1• (Ilji
. pe'
~, /
- "
. .. et% ,i- . '
, / '', • : " ,-- 444;40.1k, .-7- ' .` i
'-'l3 -, - j„,--,,Att
.7,4
"rte -' ' ' \ '<"••••t-4'',- , 1 •.,,s1 ~.
‘,b ," -,'...1- 4,-/A,
.... 4,
Vir-
- 4 "."'•
k\:\,,,tift4l"4‘' 0--..114"1114 N:11;61. . ~,,,,oirr ....,..., 4", '
- . ,- •\
't-„.„' Ji. ~„) -----7,./..,A,,0 - 'A`l .....,..,,n,,, 1"0 IV ..4,;* N,',k,' 41 6 r
'-'4 - "*.=..14,-:,. 44,* -A
.4i- ‘Zis---
~,t K'
1,. • a:414-- ,' -
1 ' 1.,
Illt 1t i , . y-0,,. ~: 2, Ole lyka:.) -s't , -`41,..;-.,r.' -"" llll .„ • -
---;:r7,- ~,ct- ~ .:, 445 f, ,--)—',7 , ~,,,A.--,- 1., 70. 3.,„ , ; :1 , --, ', i ~, ' cf? ,..1e". ,si . <Vin- -, ip 0,
S tql* / 11 i,'.4 .:.,_
4,,,. - - .0, ,_.,..›/ __ .. _.. ~:„.frsk ..,-or,-... ,/ fp, ~ 0 „, .v 2 ~ t ROIT. \ --- /
__,.:,, / N.:
• ---___
___--

nobody fools greeter horror with renar
tdann himsellt Now, if I (MU !•bow him
could have a direct tendency to enc'
trade, I think he will ho 'hound in ceneit
sete against his own traction or to wit.
tnformation with which the hon. and learn,
eat; been furnished has led him into a cons, Aterror.ra
because it has induced him to assert that the act t 845
is still in operatien, and. that in virtue tf that law o'er
cruisers ere daily stoppiee the coasters which trade along
be shores of Breed. In that assertioe the hon. and .
learned member is entirely mistaken. (Hear.) Tte
operation of that act hes, by niutuai consent, ben sus-
pended for several years past. It has not been acted on ;
ships are not intercepted under it ; it is, in short, up to
the present day, a dead letter. (Hear.) The hone and
learned member was tolerably correct in the historical
recital he has given. In 1826 the government of
Brazil entered into a treaty not merely to make the
slave trade piracy, but completely to abolnh it within
their dominious, and the discussions which have since
arisen have not turned upon the techoical point of
whether or not the slave trade had been declared piracy,
but on the greater point of whether the Government of
Brazil had exerted itself to put down the slave trade, au
article of the treaty in which it had notoriously violated
its engagements. I think I should be insulting the house
were I to attempt to convince it that the slave trade is
ene of the greatest crimes that ever disgraced human
nature, demoralising to those who are engaged in it, and'
ruinous to the country in which it is carried on; and that
England has in no respectdone herself more honour than
by her unwearied and persevering endeavour, ever since
181'5, to put an end to that abominable crime. (Cheers.)
We have a treaty on the subject with Portugal ; and
when Brazil separated, she took the treaty engagements
by which Portugal was bound. Amongst them, the trea-
ties establishing mixed tribunals and giving mutual right
of search ; but that treaty was of limited duration, and
when it ceased in Portugal it also ceased to have
any force in Brazil. This happened in 1839, when I had
the honour to be in the Foreign-office, and we passed a
law similar to that of 1845. The consequence was that
Portugal, which up to that time had relived to acknow-
ledge our new treaty engagements, did then renew, and
in consequence of that the treaty act of 1839 was re-
pealed. Tae difference, between Brazil and Portugal was
that Portugal was an exporting while Brazil was an im-
porting country ; and it is obvious that to the importing
country the trade must afford the greatest profit. Brazil
was invited to renew the treaty for the suppression of the
slave trade • and in consequence of her refund, the Go-
vernment of Sir R. Peel prevailed on Parliament to pass
the act of 1845. which was an exact counterpart of the
act of 1839. Now, sir. was there a reason for that act ?
Dili Braz I continue to carry on the slave trade when
aware that she was bound not to do so ? She was bound
by treaty in 1826, and for years after the trade.was car-
ried on to an enormous extent. The precise amount I
am not able to specify, but it was from 50,000 to 70,000
annually ; and let any man imagine the amount of
human misery that such a slave traffic must reproach.
For every 1,000 slaves lauded in Brazil 3,000 must have
been taken from their homes, one-third dying during the
march to the coast, and another third on the voyage to
Brazil. The effect on Brazil was degrading and demo-
ralising. Tue race was contaminated, and the people
depraved ; all the capital which should have been em-
ployed in the development of the natural re • trees of the
country being absorbed in this accursed traffic in the
flesh and blood of man. Why, then, it may he asked,
wits it carried on ! It is true that many considerable
men in the country opposed it, and looked upon it as a
national calamity; but then there were the landowners
whose estates were to be cuitivated, all the authorities who
received bribes for connivance, and these two parties con-
spired to set aside the laws of the country. The result was
the law of 1845—a law which was perfectly just, because
Brazil had broken all her treaty engagements. For 4 or
5 years that law w'es left in abeyance, but in 1850, the
Brezdian governmenthaving neglected repeated warnings
they were told at last that the act would be put in force,
and that our cruisers would take their slavers even in
their creeks and harbours, to be tried before British
courts. A great outcry was raised about the national
dignity and independence of Brazil —every sort of prin—
ciple wets appealed to—and assurances were given that
effectual measures of repression would be taken by Braz 1
herself. In consequence of these representations the
English admiral and minister suspended the operation
of the act, but the promise was not kept, and the act of
1845 was put into operation. It was most effectual, but
when it was found that the Brazilian government was in
earnest in suppression, it was again suspended, and has
continued suspended up to the present time. (Hear )
That act has not been repealed, because its existence is
a security ; but the hen, and learned member is entirely
mistaken in thinking that it is or has been for some years
in active operation. But the hon. and learned member
says that our commerce is endangered by the treaty,
and that the Brazilians are tempted to unite with
the United Sta•os. Wby they are more dependent on
the United States than we are, seeing that from thence
they get all the breadttuffs upon which they depend Or
existence. For Brazil is a singular instance of au em-
pire of vast extent, having every vari,ty of Foil, and
capable of producing everything, but which is obliged to
get her daily bread from America, and the stones that
pave her streets from Aberdeen, in Scotland. The hon.
and learned member says that we annually export 12
millions to Brazil, and if so, what could we do more ? I
do not think we should be better with a reciprocal treaty.
That treaty with Portugal limiting the duty on British
goods was a great mistake, and all such treaties are, in
my opinion, against the soundest maxims of political eco-
nomy. Ide not think that the act of 1815 has the slightest
effect on our commerce with Brazil. It may he true that
the Emperor of Brazil and his 'ministers are anxious to
suppress the slave trade, but it is not true that it has been
suppressed. The case to which the hon. and learned mem-
ber alluded is a case in point. There a cargo was landed
with the connivance of all the authorities of the pro-
vince, the governor absented himself, and every facility
was given for the landing of the slaves. Our consul ex•
erted himself with great activity, but the natives who
assisted bin were all imprisoned, while the importers of
the slaves were allowed to go unpunished. Vt7ll, then,
I say that if the hon. and learned member were to carry
this motion, it would be received with acclamation by
the adventurers in the United States and Brazil, who
are only waiting fear an opportunity to elude our cruisers,
and it would be a proof th..t this house meant to reverse
all its policy since 1815. The hoe. and learned member
says that Lord Aberdeen promised that when the slave
trade was suppressed, the act should be repealed. I
know nothing of that promise, which was only binding
on the Government by which it was made. But when
the hon. and learned member says that the slave trade
has heir] put an end to, what security have we that it
may not revive, unless the viglence of the British
cruisers prevent it ? There has been a great mortality
amongst the slaves in Brazil ; the planters want
as many as they can get, and they would purchase
to any extent. without scruple. The Goverment has
taken some steps to increase their free population, but
not so much as they might have done, and they have
merle no exertion to turn their Indian population to
account. But this will come in time. The capital now
emplOyed in the slave trade will be devoted to internal
improvements, and Brazil may in her higher regions
come to raise sufficient corn for her own consumptios.
Her great rivers will be utilised, but in the meantime I
implore the house to do nothing to revive a traffic which
is the greatest c7inie ever committed by the human race
—a crime our active exertions to repress which have
been rewarded by Providence with a greater amount of
prosperity than ever we experienced before. (Hear.) I
entreat the house therefore—l entreat the hon. and
learned gentl,,man, who, I believe, is as sincerely adverse
to that crime as I, or any man who hears laixt—l en-
treat him, and I entreat the house, not to take a step
that would be certain to be misunderstood by the people
of Brazil, and tend probably .to the renewal of those
evils which we have taken so much pains to put an end
to. (Cheers.)
Mr. B. MOORE observed that the noble lord's
statement that the streets of Rio Janeiro were paved
with the granite of Aberdeen, reminded him of the
statements made at the first opening of our trade with
tbat country, that skates and warming pans were in
large demand ; whereas in those latitudes frost and cold
weather were unknown. Aberdeen granite might pos-
sibly have gene out to Rio, but it so it had been taken
out as ballast. He (Nlr. Moore) was well acquainted
with the Brazils, and from his own personal knowledge
of the people of that country he could say that they were
most desirous to put down the slave trade, and he chal-
lenged the noble lord to give a single instance since
1850 of any Brazilian being taken in the act of trading
in slaves. Nay more, the only slaver that had been
captured in the Brazilian waters for many years
past had been captured by the Brazilians themselves,
and not by our cruisers. With
regard
it .to
tur the slaver
party who ned out
captured at Surinam, the
was implicated had since been punished by the Bra-
zilian government. As showing that the feeling against
the traffic was not confined to the government, he
might mention that in the case of the Mary Eliza-
beth Smith, an American vessel, which attempted to run
a cargo of slaves into the Brazils, she was driven from
port after port by the Brazilian people, and was at length
captured by a Brazdian cruiser at St. Melo,- for which
service Mr. Terninghatn had been directed by the British
Government to write a despatch thanking the Brazilian
authorities. In reference to the correspondence of the
representatives of this country in their oiplomatic inter-
course with the Brazilian Government, he must say that
a tone of Imperial insolence had been assumed, which
had afforded to that Government just cause of complaint;
and upon this point, if upon no other, he thought some
inquiry ought to be institu.ed by the house. The hill of
1845 was no doubt an interference with the sovereignty
of the Brazils, and the Brazilian Government was con-
sequently justified in refusing to enter into negotiation's
with us while we asserted the right to search and capture
their vessels in their own waters, and adjudicate upon
them on the spot. The atrocities committed by the Bri-
tish cruisers under this assumed power were such as no in-
dependent nation could permit. In one instance, one of our
cruisers captured a packet boat, landed the passengers
and crew, and see fire to the vessel, and this within two
days' of Rio. Was that treating a nation upon terms of
equality, or would such a course be attempted against any
nation that was strong enough to resist it ? (aear.) It
was an error to put down the imports of British goods into
the Brazils at 12,000,0001., and this statement, which had
been made by the ben. and learned gentlernan,and re-echoed
by the noble lord, only showed what a lamentable
want of information there was even on the part of the
Government on this subject. The whole of the imports
into the Brazils old not amount to more than 12,000,0001.,
of which probably one-half were British goods. The
Braids was the only constitutional sovereignty
of Sooth
America, and beyond that it was the only South Ameni-
can state that bad kept faith with its cre ,itors. it should
be our policy, therefore, to encourage the most friendly
relations with that country. Witn regard to the present
sovereign of the Brazils, he couid confirm every word of
praise that had fallen from the hon. and learned gentle-
man. He knew him to be a good man, truly desirous

e-R,lO-g, TAmPED 51' • j

0, 2 6 3.)

Brazil was declared to be piracy. I think it right on this
occasion to state to the house what it no doubt
is aware of, but the statement of which is necessary to
the understanding of the observations which I am about
to make. Brazil, sir, has a constitutional government;
they have an emperor it is true but be is a constitutional
monarch ; they have a legislature which makes laws for
the community, and unless the laws are made by that le-
gislature they are not hinting upon the people of Braz 1
I think it right in limine to make this statement. Shortly
art er 1826 a further treaty was entered into between this
country and Brazil, and by that convention there wa-
created a reciprocal power of search on the part of both
countries.' And in that convention there was power
given to either party to put an end to the treaty upon
notice given. This went on for some years, but in 1844
that conventiop was put an end to on notice given,
and the rights of search done away with. Toereupon
Lord Aberdeen, then Foreign Minister under Sir It
Peel, introduced a bill into the other house, by which
power was given to British courts of justice to take into
consideration and adjudicate upon ships taken under the
treaty of 1826. By the convention which was put an end
to there was a mixed commission, which was abolished by
the abrogation of the treaty, and this act of Parliament
was intended to supply the place of that commission.
But Lord Aberdeen, in introducing the bill, stated clearly
and distinctly that under one of two circumstances its
prOvisions would be put an end to. One was if the
slave trade were abolished and utterly abrogated in Bra-
z'l ; the utter, if another treaty between this country and
Brazil on the subject of the slave trade was entered into.
Upon the declaration of independence in Brazil, great
difficulty and confusion arose in that country. In the
year 1826 Don Pedro 1. abandoned his throne of Brazil
in order to take that of Portugal. He came to Europe, and
left his son, a minor, and confusion reigned throughout
the great.empire of Brazil. At that time there were at
the head of the concerns of that country men of great
ciapaotty,--wlao- underteok the education of the son—the
young sovereign Don Pedro 11. They so undertook that
education as to make hit a model monarch ; he became
desirous of carrying out the institutions of Brazil. He
did not desire to extend his power and dominion, but to
keep himself within the boundaries of his own kingdom.
In fact, as I have said, he became a model constitutional
monarch. But notwithstanding that, great difficulties
lay in his path. Everybody must know that a country
claiming for itself independence, under the circumstances
in which Brazil was placed, must have a difficult task to
pursue. Even the United States, accustomed as they
were to our government hnd institutions, found a diffi-
culty in forming a government for themselves. The
people of Brazil found the same difficulty. Nothwith-
standing this, they carried on their Government, and
from time to time they gained stability and established
good laws within the circle of their dominions. At the
time when they declared themselves independent, their
commerce was in a situation, not perhaps peculiar,
but to which I must refd. Slavery was permitted
in Brazil, and the slave trade was carried on by Bra-
zilians between that country and Africa to a great ex-
tent ; so great indeed that alarm was created amosig the
people of Brazil. The importation of slaves was so
great that tue white population took fright, and public
opinion being against slavery, it was determined to put
an end to it. In addition to this, circumstances con-
nected with trade had a great influence upon the mind
of the public Sugar bad been the chief source of profit,
but at the time to which I refer, it was discovered that
coffee might be as advantageously cultivated, and with
Ipss slave labour. As time wore on, the independence
of the people of, Brazil gained strength, and at length
there came to be an end of the slave trade in that coun-
try. Am I not justified in saying this when the noble
lord himself stated that we might now consider that the
slave trade was at an end in Brazil ? And so it has
been, and is. They have even stretched the law and
driven slaveholders out of Brazil, some of whom have
come to Europe, while others have sought the more cou-
genial shores of Cuba and North America. I know
that the noble lord has a strong feeling against the slave
trade. In that I syMpathise with him, ard if I thought
any act of mine on'the present occasion would go to
favour that trade in any one of its ramifications I wont
not take that step. The bon. gentleman continued—
Under these circumstances, he thought that circum-
stances would justify the noble lord in repealing the act
of 1845. They should remember that Brazils was a con-
stitutional kingdom, and the act of the executive unau-
thorised by the legi-lature could not have the force of
law.- When, therefore, Lord Aberdeen introduced the
the act of 1845, he attacked the sovereignty of the
peapleeof-Beizil, and it was only natural that they should
resent such an attack. they had resented it, and had
refused to enter into any treaty with us on any subject
mil that act should be repealed. By that act English
cruisers could go into the waters of &art, into
its creeks and harbours, cut out a ship witch they
might deem a slaver; and subject her to be tried,
not by a mixed tribunal, but by one which was
wholly English. Now we were a commercial nation,
having great commercial foes, amongst others the
United states of America, which say to Brazil, " We
will admit all your goods duty free, we are slaveholders
tl ihkee ye
eoeutrhs levee sd ;w we ea dr
eo mwi
willing
e egi
tteh ee ne
enter
rt h ain sto you
at
tdeoe
ti
yn
offensive and defensive with you. You will then see
whether or not it is possible to be beyond the control of
England." Brazil, it was true, under her excellent mon-
arch, had refused to yield to the blandishments of Ame-
rica ; she had refused the treaty, but she also refused to
enter into any treaty with us until we repealed the Act
of 1845. Brazil was the fourth nation in our list of cus-
tomers, taking from us to the value of 12,000,0001, an-
nually. America offered to take her goods without tax,
while`our necessities obliged us to tax every article of her
produce. Still, as the sole representative of monarchy
in America, Brazil was inclined rather for an alliance
with England than for one with the United States. What
he asked then of the House of Commons was to consider
our relationi with Brazil, and no longer to leave them
exclusively in the hands of the executive. All he asked
them to do was to consider, not to determine anything.
Let them inquire into our relations with Brazil, and also
into the policy of repealing the Aot of 1846. He appealed
to the noble lord under whose control we bad been carry-
ing on war with all the world. It was true we had now
peace with Russia, but we were at war in Persia and in
China, and there was coofusion iu India. We might at
any moment be at war in the Western quarter of the
world, and therefore he asked the noble lord not to op-
pose this inquiry, which might tend to preserve friendly
relations with a great American nation. He asked him
to rely on the feeling which Brazil herself bad exhibited
as a determined enemy to the slave trade. Although
Brazil bad magnificent rivers, the chief communication
between her different provinces was by sea, and if it was
neces-ary to remove a party of slaves from one province
to another, it must be done by sea. The vessels in whin
this was done were constantly intercepted by our cruisers
—who finding blacks on board, declared the vessel to be
a saver, took her before the court and condemned her,
and thus the whole internal traffic of the country was

PUBLICIATIOIS.

Now ready, price 1 s.,

H E' 6. O M E T.
" A pleasant Alt, uniting the vivaclUss or the squib and the

cracker."

I urst and Blackett, Publishers, successors to Henry Colburn, 13,
Great Marlborough-Areet.

interrupted. The coast line of Brazil extended
up wards of four thousand miles, and was in-
dented with various ports, between which there was
a constant traffic British ships constantly entered these
ports, and took possession of Brazilian ships under the
very walls of the forts. He asked would they dare such
a procedure against a planter of the Chesapeake, would
they dare to enter the harbour of New Orleans for such
a purpose. (Hear.) If we oid, America would at once
be in arms, and we should be obliged at once to succumb.
We should have to show ourselves, as we always had
done under the noble lord's administration, subservient
to the strong and arrogant and overbearing to the weak.
Whenever a nation was able to defend itself we were its
bumble servant. (Hear, hear.) Compare our conduct
to Brazil with that which we pursued towards Cuba.
Why did we not interfere with Cuba? The noble lord
knew very well why we dared not. He believed that
the noble lord would not do wrong if in this matter he
divested himself of responsibility and tbrew it on the
House of Commons. It the House of Commons took it
in hand right would he done, but if it was left in the
hands of diplomatists, it would be left in the hands of
men who thought the power of England was best dis-
played in insolence and arrogance to the weak. (Hear )
He wished to mention the case of a ship which came to
Brazil with slaves unresisted by the British authority.
The Brazilians said that our authorities were connected
with what occurred, but however that might be 40 of the
slaves escaped. Subsequently, however, the Brazilians
and the local authorities took possesision of the vessel,
but h.eause some of the slaves had escaped, the Brazilian
IGovernment received a most h -ughty letter from Lord
Clarendon, although they condemned the vessel and con-
fisca,!ed all the runaway slaves. He looked upon any
estrangement between England and Braz.l as a great
calamity. Brazil could supply us both with sugar
cotton, and thus render us independent of the United
States, a service which would be appreciated by
t our
children's children. We were now the slaves of Americasultedwe
on account of the cotton crop. If wewere
thought of Lancashire and the cotton crop,
b and at once
insulted
succumbed. The hon. and learned me concluded concluded by
moving for a select committee to take into consideration
our relations with Brazil and to report thereon.
Lord PALMERSTON—Sir, I cannot at the outset
refrain from expressing my surprise that a person who
like the hon. and learned gentleman must be supposed
to have given some attention to public affairs, and to
whom current affairs both in the present and the near
pa-t, cannot be unknown, should give his countenance
to the vulgar and unfounded insinuations which persons
below hind have attempted to propagate—namely, that it
is the practice of England to bully the weak and to flit-
ter the strong. (Cheers.) Does not the hon. and learned
member remember the time, in his life and mine, when
England stood alone against all Europe, and a more re-
cent period, when she undertook a great straggle with
the greatest military power in the world, carrying it
into the very territory of that power ? (Hear, hear.)
I am, astonished that the hon. and learned member
should, for the purpose of argument, attempt to impose
on the credulity of the house, and I assert that his theory
is directly opposed to the known historical facts of the
case. But the hon. and learned member made an ad-
mission which I think entitles me to his support agamet
his own motion. (A. laugh.) He has said that he
would do nothing to mirage the slave trade, and that