The Sun.
London, England, 1861-04-12 00:00:00

37, BEDFORD-SQUARE, LONDON.

Dr. La'liteft is the only qualified practitioner on the Medi-
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The contraction of engagements which constitute the most
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Dr. La'Mert's Treatise on "Self-preservation." published
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At home from 10 till 3, and from 6 till 8.

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DR. CURTIS' MEDICAL WORK, MANHOOD :
A M [CAL ESSAY ON S PERMATO RRHCE A,
NERVOUS AND GENERATIVE DEBILITY, &c.
• ust Published, the 150th thousand, with numerous plates.
In a sealed envelope, price ls., Sold by all Bookseller 6, and
sent post paid, by the Author, for 12 stamps,
'VI
ANHOOD: the CAUSE and CURE of PRE-
MATURE DECLINE IN MAN, with Plain Directions
for l'erteet Restoration to Health and Vigour. By Dr. J. L.
cuuTia. 15, Albermarle-street, Piccadilly, London.

INTRODUCTORY CONTENTS:CHAPTER on the Physiological
tructure and Functions of the Reproductive Organs.
CHAPTER IL—Causes of Spermatorrhma and Impotence;
any Vicious Indulgences: Dangers of Neglect.
CHAPTER lII.—A Review of the various Disqualifications
3larriage ; whether resulting from Youthful Abuse, the
Follies of Maturity, the Effects of Climate, or Infection.
CHAPTERS IV. and V. on the modern Treatment of
Gonorrhoea and Syphilis.
The Book concludes with numerous varied and interesting
toes, to which is added the Author's recipe of a preventive
Lotion.

REVIEWS Ole THE WORK.
-'Curtis on Manhood.—This is a truly valuable work, and
should be in the hands of young and old."—" Sunday Times,"
'3d March, 1856.
"The author has conferred a great boon by publishing this
,ittle work, in which is described the source of those diseases
which produce decline in youth or more frequently premature
old age."—"p atphe,n"t
7. years March 27h,
has stood
s thein testap tonf
" This work,aily whiTgrhelfeor w
professional criticism and empirical hostility, t
and sympathising manner on the various disqualifications
and impediments arising from nervous excitement and de-
bility ; and to invalids suffering from youthful errors and
excesses it tvil, be found valuable and useful."—Record.
London : Published by J. Allen, 20, Warwick Lane, Pater-
noster-I.Tc; Mann. 39, Coral)].
Hours of Consultation-10 to 3 and 6 to 8 ; Sundays, 111=2.

The honourable senator, appreciating the diffi
culties that surround the Government, has not
asked from it fresh explanations as to the details of
its Folicy ; he has merely wished for a confirma-
tion of the declarations which have been already
made, and which were so well received by the
representatives of the nation, as well as by the
nation itself. This is an excellent resolution on
his part. If our object is a high and legitimate
one, if it does not admit of contradiction, it is
at the same time one difficult of attainment. The
other Chamber has admitted, and the honourable
senator has concurred with it, that under present
circumstances we cannot employ other than moral
means. To arrive as conquerors in a city which is
the seat of the Catholic religion would be a wrong
on our part, and would damage the cause of Italy.
Agreeing with the ideas of the Government on this
point, the honourable senator adds to what has been
urged elsewhere an important consideration arising
from the connexion that exists between this ques-
tion and that of Naples. The first will solve the
second. In this respect the Roman question is
immensely important both in its influence on our
foreign relations and in its influence on the con-
solidation of internal order. It is of great impor-
tance, as he has said, that Rome should cease to be
the headquarters of the enemies of Italy and liberty,
the centre of all conspiracies, and the starting point
of all the emissaries who come to spread disorder
and violence throughout our provinces.
For final security, for completing the moral
fusion of Southern and Northern Italy, it is of
urgent necessity that the antagonism between the
Church and the State should end. This antagonism
the fault of which cannot, I think, be imputed to
the Government, is of service to the extreme, dis-
satisfied, and ambitious spirits of the Neapolitan
provinces; it aids them in agitating the country and
embarrassing the Government. I say then,
with the honourable senator, that the solu-
tion of the Roman question is indispensable
to the complete pacification of the Southern pro-
vinces. Not wishing to treat the question of
Naples by itself, I shall not follow the honourable
senator over that ground. I shall merely say that
I accept the advice he gives, to use all constitu-
tional means to make law respected in the South,
and to combat extreme parties, whether they wear
black or red. The employment of legal arms will
ultimately overcome all difficulties. No doubt all
difficulties will not disappear immediately; the old
parties will not be effaced in an hour ; it is not thus,
as is well known, that revolutions end. History
shows us that after all great changes—even those
which are the noblest and most legitimate—there
remains something of the previous struggles, and
that the salutary principles introduced by the new
rule only after a time succeeded in quieting all agi-
tation. When England made the glorious revolu-
tion which has made 1688 illustrious, she. had to
struggle for 60 years against the strife of factions.
The change which has been just accomplished
among us has not been inspired solely by the prin•
ciple of liberty, like the English revolution ; it has
been based also on the rights of nationality which
give it additional force. And so I do not think it
will take 60 years • to completely tranquillise the
South, but it certainly will take more than the six
months that have elapsed since our King entered
Naples in the midst of general acclamations.
I have, then, reason to believe that by legal means
we shall make the laws respected, and that existing
difficulties will be smoothed. If, however, that hope
is fallacious, we should address ourselves to Parlia-
ment and ask it not for a dictatorship or full
powers, but for some special measures adapted to
the peculiar circumstances. Like the English minis-
ters belonging to the more liberal party whose useful
measures Signor Vacca has reminded us of, we should
apply for the modification of such or such a law;
but we have a firm confidence that we shall not be
obliged to do this. The debates of the Chamber of
Deputies, the enlightened representation of those
who have been sent there by these provinces, the
advice everywhere given to the King's government
by men of various parties, to show itself strong and
energetic, are of themselves elements of power to
the government.
But the best means of arranging everything is to
settle the question of Rome, the headquarters of
opposition and disturbance. I will not repeat here
how that solution may be brought about ; I have
spoken of that elsewhere. I will only say that we
are still animated by the hopes we have expressed.
It is not in so short a time that the opinions ex-
pressed, for the first time, by the government can
have made many conquests, but still they have
made some progress. The principles proclaimed by
us, the separation of the church and the state, the
liberty of the church, have been favourably received
by all parties who are inspired by liberal senti-
ments, even by those who are at the same time in-
fluenced by Conservative ideas. That is a great
step actually made. But that is not enough ; it is
not merely liberal opinion, but the enlightened part
of the Catholic world that must be brought
round to our views. If some distrust, some
reluctance is exhibited on that side, we ought
not to be alarmed at it. Liberty cannot be
accepted without hesitation, without fear by
the Catholic world; for, in truth, it is the
first time that a great Catholic nation has
addressed itself to the church, with the offer of full
and entire liberty in exchange for its temporal
power. Never before has the Church found itself
in this situation. I will not speak of ancient times,
or of the middle ages, when the question of liberty
could not so much as be raised ; but the religious
reformation of the sixteenth century itself, while
combating the Church, never proclaimed this prin-
ciple ; it was effected in the name of certain doc-
trines which laid greater stress on the individual
reason than Catholicism did ; but a circle of iron
always surrounded this now threatened domain.
Look, gentlemen, even at the societies in which the
reformation has been maintained; they have not
yet, at this day, full and Entire religious liberty ;
legislation, for the most part generous, is there
marked by some grievous exeeptions. Reformed
Sweden has still penalties against Catholics, and
a liberal sovereign is making ineffectual efforts to
abolish them. In England even the political laws
against Catholics lasted till the end of the first
quarter of this century. It is only a few years ago
that the Pope having created a few merely religious
titles within the United Kingdom, offence was taken
thereat, and a severe penalty enacted against these
titles. Such considerations may well explain the
distrust exhibited by the Church ; but there are
still other causes of her reluctance and her fear. We
have, seen only too often liberals who have become
conquerors after long struggles in the name of liberty
against old systems make use of the liberty they have
gained for the oppression of their adversaries. Thus in
Francein the last century the benefactors of humanity
—the immortal men of the Constituent Assembly,
passed against the clergy a decree borrowed from
the spirit of despotism, imposed on them a civil con-
stitution inconsistent with the liberties of the
church, modified, without any agreement with
Rome, the limits of the bishoprics, interfered with
the right of investiture, and required of the priests
an oath contrary to their conscience. All this, gen-
tlemen, enables us to understand the attitude of
the French episcopate, who do not understand our
country in any way, who only judge of it by the
incorrect—l will say the calumnious—statements of
the ultra-clerical journals. Disturbed by the re-
membrance of these things, these bishops regard
with a kind of horror our efforts to establish our
relations with the court of Rome on a liberal basis;
they fancy that what is taking place among us is a
repetition of the events that took place in France ;
they picture to themselves a new civil constitution
of the clergy, new encroachments upon the church.
And this is why some French bishops who are emi-
nent for their virtues, and who have sprung from
the liberal classes of society, show such passion,
hatred, and injustice towards the efforts which the
Italians are making to win freedom for themselves
and at the same time to give it to the church.
Under less reprehensible forms the same things
have been done elsewhere. In Austria, in Tuscany
formerly, in Sicily, illiberal principles have pre-
vailed—the province of ecclesiastical authority has
been invaded ; but it should be stated at the
same time, in exculpation of these Governments,
what their relations were with the Court of
Rome, armed as that court was with tem-
poral power, and preserving the remains of its
ancient political influence over the other European
states. It was impossible to carry out an enlarged
policy towards a power thus constituted ; and if we
must declare that the laws of Joseph IL, of Leopold,
ocranucci, are not in accordance with our purer
principles, we must admit that their authors were
justified, by the plea of necessity, for these laws
which were for them weapons not offensive, but de-
fensive. But however this may be, all these things
have ill prepared the church to receive propositions
dictated by the spirit of liberty, And yet some

gemiine liberalism has been displayed even in the
bosom of the catholic world. A part of the clergy
of France has seen since the revolution of 1830 that
the cause of the church ought to be bound up, neither
with that of the fallen Bourbons nor that of ideas
that fell with them; and some eminent members of
catholic society have given in their adhesion to
liberal views. The chief of that school, a man of
vivid imagination and extraordinary genius, having
seen that his doctrines were ill received at Rome,
instead of qualifying them, abandoned catholicism,
and lent the aid of his intellect to the enemies of
the church ; but the seed which he had sown did
not die, and liberalism did not disappear from
among the French clergy. Many members of that
clergy desire the carrying out of the programme
traced, after the revolution of July, by the Abbe
Lamennais, M. Lacordaire, and M. de Montalem-
bert. There is one country in which these
views have received wide application : I
mean Belgium. There the separation of the
church and the state and the liberty of the clergy
have been established. It is an example that should
have weight in the eyes of liberals as well
as in those of catholics ; it shows liberalism that it
is is not endangered by the recognition of a free
church, enjoying full rights of association and in-
struction. It is true that a struggle—even an eager
struggle—is taking place in Belgium between the
catholics and the liberals ; but it is a struggle by
which neither the country, nor liberty is endan-
gered. Liberals were raised to power in Belgium
at ;the very time when the reaction reached its
height. Laws very favourable to the clergy have
been passed sometimes, but no attempt has been
made on the liberty of the press or on that of indi-
viduals ; the oscillations of opinion have not been
extreme, and have been freely left to the action of
circumstances without any grave mischief resulting.
There is far from being excessive deference in Bel-
gium either for clerical personages or clerical no-
tions. It was not long since this was shown in an
incident connected with a foreign princess. We
must, gentlemen, accept courageously and in all its
consequences the great principle of liberty. I think
it is not difficult to show that Italy is, of all the
nations of the world, the most fit to apply this prin-
ciple, because there exists in her less antagonism
than almost any where else between the religious
sentiment and the spirit of liberty, because the
liberals here are more catholic than they are any-
where else, than they are in Belgium even. All our
great thinkers in this century have applied them-
selves to the conciliation we desire. The chief
literary glory of Italy, the man who is reckoned
among the chief poets of Europe, and of whom you
have the honour to be the colleagues in this
assembly, has always sought to harmonise
these two orders of ideas : he remains faithful to
both at the end of his career. In philosophy, where
harmony is, however, more difficult, the same thing
occurs ; our greatest philosophers are alike in their
search after conciliation. Rosmini and Gioberti
have made it the object of their lives. Without
multiplying illustrations may we not conclude that
these views have a- very great number of advocates
among us ? Italy is the most catholic of nations.
She will see disputes arise ; be it so. • I do not ex-
pect complete agreement; but these disputes will be
an advantage. I believe, to speak candidly, that if
Rome accepts our offers, the Catholic party will in
a short time acquire a very imposing and quite legi-
timate influence ; but for all that, I have resolutely
taken my side, and quite resign myself to end my
career on the Opposition benches. (Laughter.)
lam so convinced of all these things—l so firmly
believe in the immense advantages which both the
Church and Italy will derive from reconstitution,
that I cannot imagine that most people are not of
the same opinion. Some astonishment must surely
be felt in the quarters that judge us in so singular
a fashion at seeing in the assembly of the repre-
sentatives of the nation so much calmness, modera-
tion, and respect towards the Church. They surely
must be struck at seeing our most catholic deputies
—a great deal too catholic in my opinion—sitting
on the benches of the extreme left.

'Join, then, gentlemen, in this imposing ma-
nifestation—give to the vote of the Chamber the
sanction of your vote. Support by your high
authority the policy of the Government. It
will derive great strength from the approval of
this illustrious and grave assembly, the guardian of
social order, and natural protector of ooneorvativo
interests. By persevering firmly and resolutely,
without disturbing ourselves about momentary
Misunderstandings or possible perils, we shall soon

win over the best part of the religious world to re-
cognise the loyalty that inspires us. It will be
recognised that what we propose is the only means
of ensuring the legitimate influence of the church in
Italy and in the rest of the world, In a short time,
I hope, voices will rise from the midst of catholic
society and will tell the Pope : "Accept the terms
Which liberated Italy offers you, for they restore
freedom to the church and add to the lustre of the
holy See; accept these terms, and the Italian na-
tion, while completing the work of its liberation,
will remain the most faithful of all to the genuine
spirit of religion."
The conclusion of Count Cavout's speech was re-
ceived with loud and prologed applause.