The Sun.
London, England, 1857-02-05 00:00:00

k[Pßlcs 40. STAMPED SD•

spirit of the Public Journals.

(From the Dally News )
On Tuesday evening Mr. Disradi accused the French
an I English Governments of the grossest and most
shameless duplicity towards Italy. There can be no
mistake as to the meaning of the allegation of the Right
Hon Member for Bucks. It was deliberately made, and
repeated over and over again. Mr. Disraeli said, in the
first place :—" Austria obtained that which at no period
cf her history her brightest statesmen ever supposed she
would ever get —a guarantee. [Lord Palmerston : From
what Power !] From what Power ? Why, from th•
only Power Austria ever feared—a guarantee from
France for the possession of her Italian donsinions—
(hear, hear)—and granted not merely with the sanction
and approval of the noble lord (Lora Clarendon), but by
the advice and at the special instance of his Government.
(Cheers.) That secret treaty, he found, was not denied,
though mentioned now for the first time." Again, when
Mr. Gladstone, in the course of the debate, referred to
this statemt nt, Mr. Disraeli rose to reetify a small inac-
curacy into which Mr. Gladstone had fallen. "Mr.
Disraeli was understood to explain that what he said
was, that all this time the Italian possessions of Austria
were guaranteed • upon which the noble lord said, `By
what Power ?' and he said, guarantee) by France, but
with the sanction of England." This-statement of Mr.
Disraeli has been met by Lord Palmerston with a
distinct and explicit contradiction. Now, we are
not going to insist upon Mr. Disraeli's proving
his assertion : every man is liable to be deceived.
But after advancing such a grave charge, in Parliament,
against the honour of the English and French Govern-
ments, we maintain that he is bound to prove that he
made it in good faith—that he had strong reasons for be-
lieving the truth of hie assertion. This he can only do
by stating his authority, and the corroborating circum-
stances which induced him to give credit to that autho-
rity. If Mr. Disraeli fails to do this, he will rest under
the grave suspicion of trifling with the public in a dis-
cussion of vital importance. Nay, more, he will labour
under the most galling and intolerable suspicion to which
an English gentleman can be subjected.
We have said that Lord Palmerston met Mr. Dis-
raeli's accusation on this head with a distinct and explicit
contradiction. We mean in so far as relates to the exist-
ence of a treaty of guarantee contracted by France with
Austria, with the knowledge and sanction of England.
In so far as Mr. Disraeli is conct.rned, Lord Palmers•
ton's denial is as strong as could be desired. But in
so far as the cause of Italy and the cause of law and good
government in Europe are concerned, his lordship's
words leave ample room for further explanation. "The
treaty" (said Lord Palmerston, " is a mere romance, and
without the slightest foundation in fact—(laughter)—ex-
cept this, that I believe in the earlier stages of the war with
Russia, when the question was as to what line Austria
would take, there were communications between France
and Austria, the latter being uneasy as to the line the
French Government might take in the case of diturbances
in Italy. I believe that the French Government said at
that time they would take no part that would be at all
hostile to Austria in Italy, bat there was no treaty en-
tered into by France with respect to the Italian posses.
sions of the Austrian Government." Then, thosigh there
may have been no treaty, there was at one time an un-
derstandin, between France and Austria with respect
to Italy of which the English Government was cogni-
sant. That understanding, too, was of a wider scope
than the imaginary treaty described by Mr. Disraeli. It
did more than guarantee the Austrian possessions in
Italy : it bound France " to take no part that would be
at all hostile to Austria in Italy." Now, from a circuiar
addressed by the Cabinet of Vienna to its diplomatic
agents immediately after the publication of Count
Cavour's note to the Congress of Paris we know that
Austria claims a right to assist Italian sovereigns against
their subjects by military intervention. By undertaking
to do nothing hostile to Austria in Italy the French
Government sanctioned this outrageous claim. It
is to be wished, therefore, that 14 )rd Palmerston
would be a little more communicative on this vital
question, and let us know whether this understand-
ing, that the French Government " would take no
part which would be at all hostile to Austria in
Italy," still exists. If there is such an understand-
ing, Sardinia and the whole liberal party in Italy
have been most shamefully deceived by the professions
made in the Congress of Ifaris.

Altogether, there is something very curious about this
charge which Mr. Disraeli has made against the French
and English Governments. For months past we have
seen repeated attacks upon the English Government in
certain Parisian journals, which are generally under-
stood to stand in intimate relations to some of the depart-
ments of the French Administration. The burden of
their complaints has been the feebleness of the English
Cabinet, the cooling of its affection for the French Alli-
ance, and its inclination to cultivate more cordial and
intimate relations with Austria. Ne s, if there be the
least shadow of truth at the bottom of Mr. Disraeli's story
—nay, if even the materially modified version of Lord Pal-
merston be correct—it is the French Givernment that
has been clandestinely cultivating a good understanding
with Austria, to the detriment of the cause of good go.
vernment and independent nationality in Italy. It must
be kept in mind, too, that Mr. Disraeli has just returned
from a visit to Paris, after having been most assiduous
in paying his court at the Tuileries ; and what is more
curious still, his return was heralded by ominous reports
of revelations most damaging to the foreign policy of the
English Government, which he was said to have ob•
tained from high quarters in Paris.
The circumstances to which we have been advert-
ing are only of importance in so far as they show to
Italians and to all friends of Italy the necessity of being
watchful, and of relying upon themselves alone. It
Italy is to be saved, it must be by the pressure of en-
lightened public opinion. " Put not your faith in prin.
ces "—nor in Ministers either. Lord Palmerston's ac-
count of the part which the English Government has
taken in the diFcussion regarding Prussia and Switzer-
land betrays lamentable coldness towards the conetitu
tional cause. What reason have we to believe that ho
feels more warmly for the frieeth of constitutim,al
government in Italy l The rebuke which Lord John
Russell administered on this head to the English Cabinet,
on Tuesday, has been most richly deserved. Nothing
has been done for the suffering inhabitants of the States
of the Church. Sardinia has been treated with super-
cilious coldness. And as for Sicily the part played
there by France and England irresistibly reminds one of
the humane experiments of certain physiologists who
take pleasure in dissecting live animals. The policy
pursued towards the King of Naples has aggravate I the
sufferings of the Two Sicilies ; and the French and
English Governments appear to watch the throes and
convulsions of the agonised community, curiously calcu-
lating how long they can be endured.