The Sun.
London, England, 1857-08-12 00:00:00

SUN, LON DON,

motives were bounty and pension, but depend upon it
the best way to induce men to enlist was to impress on
them the fact that their country was in danger. But
the people of this country did not understand the emer-
gency ; the scene was remote, and they listened to
persons in high places, and inferred from their tone that
the country was not in danger. The president of the
Board of Control said the Governor-General of India
wrote in high spirits. He was not di-posed to speak
with any severity of Lord Canning. Lord Canning had
had very little experience in India, and was not respon-
sible for the present position of affairs in India ; he was
willing to believe that Lord Canning bad displayed some
energy in this state of affairs. It was some consolation
to them that some one had displayed energy. But ro
one could deny that the first movements of Lord Can-
ning showed irresolution and vacillation. Lord
Canning was surrounded by men who were the
creators of this state of things, whose pride and
arrogance had been the cause of this state of affairs.
They must not put confidence in Lord Canning when
the Legislative Council of India were the prime
criminals, and therefore, whenever they criticised his
conduct, they were criticising the conduct of those men
whose policy had brought upon them such disastrous cir-
cumstances. Well, then, with these general views, he
was of opinion that the noble lord at the head of the Go-
vernment had altogether uneerrated the state of affairs
in India, and he could not agree with the noble lord in
his view of the disposition of the European powers. He
should have treated that subject abstractedly; he should
have said that he could only suppose thatthe great powers
of Europe would at a m iment of danger to England pro-
bably behave as the great powers of Europe had behaved
before. What had happened within thellast few days—
what had induced him to make the inquiry to-night as to
what had taken place at Constantinople ? If it had not
been for the extraordinary state of affairs in India, what
bad taken pare at Constantinople would have produced
great agitation in that house and the country. He was
told that these c rcumstances would lead to no estrange-
ment between England and France. But that was be-
cause the noble lord had renounced the whole of his po-
licy for which he had been agitating that p irt of the world
for a considerable period. And yet the noble lord said
there was nothing in the disposition of the European
powers to give us the least annoyance. He would not
trust the European powers more than he would trust in-
divi loads. When men were in prosperity they bad a great
many friends, who admired them and complimented them
on their resources and their powers, but when the hour
of disaster came upon them those individuals would walk
on the ()Veer side of the way, and if they appealed to
teem for character and support, they would say either
that they did not know,thetn, or what they did spy would-
be to their disadvantage. He bad moreconfidence in the
support of the people of this country and its resources, if
wisely administered, than be bad on any European alli-
ance. If they went into a third campaign, they would be
o* the eve of great disasters for England. At present it
i was his firm conviction, if they made up their minds
thoroughly to comprefiend the difficulty they had to en-
counter, that they must bring an irresistible force into
India before eight months were passed, and accompany it
with some announcement of policy on which the 150
millions of people in India might rely with confidence,
and it was his conviction that they might emerge from
this struggle not only with undiminished lustre, but with
that accession of strength and character which was
always ascribed to those who showed they bad confidence
in themselves, and that they had energies which they
knew how to exert w.th effect. And then, when they
had settled India, they would also have the advantage of
those amiable dispositions on the part of the European
powers of which the noble lord had spoken to-night.
Colonel SYKES said the time would come when the
origin of the events that had taken place in India would
form a proper sudject for inquiry in that house, but the
time had not, yet arrived. He read several extracts of a
letter which he had received from Colonel Ed wardes,
dated Pesbawur, June 1, to the effect that the mutiny
hal met with but little sympathy on the part of the
people, who stood alto!. He had also another letterfrom
Peshawur, dated June 13, stating that the princes in
India were placing themselves at the disposal of the
commanders of our forces. He (the gallent colonel) had
received the other day another letter from one of the
highest and most experienced officers in India, in which
the writer made the following remark :—" The people of
England will say we ought to have been prepared forthis
outbreak. (Hear, hear.) Oar reply to the people of Eng-
land is, you might just as well have expected us to be pre-
pared for an outbreak of cholera or for an earthquake."
(Oh, oh.) In that opinion he (Col. Sykes) perfectly con-
curred. For the last hundred years the same thing might
hays happened at any moment in an army of Brahtnins
and Rajpoots; but had it ever done so? (Hear.) The only
mutinies that had taken place bad reference to questions
of pay, of going on foreign service, and such things as
those. These men had fought for us a hundred battles,
and had won for us ahundred victories. They had reduced
under our sway a great portion of our Indian empire ;
but if there had ever happened to break out amongst
them a frantic religious delusion like this, which had
seemed to run over the country like wildfire, exactly the
same sort of disaster would have taken place. The
proof that there had been no concerted plot against the
British government was the simple fact that it had
crept from station to station, commencing with the first
delivery of these unhappy greased cartridges at the depot
of instruction so long ago as May last. And what did
the men say in the first instance 1 They said, " You
may take us to any pat t of the world you please—you
may lead us against any foe ; but we cannot lose our
caste." (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen who were read in
the history of the middle ages, would know what the
effect of excommunication used to be. (Hear, hear.)
Ttiey would recollect that when the Pope, in the pleui-
tu,,e of his power, excommunicated an emperor, that
sovereign oould not find amongst his servants one that
would du a single menial office for him. (Hear, bear.)
Now, what excommunication was in the tuidille ages,
that was loss of caste to a Brahmin at the present day.
Every one of tbo.e men supposed that if he put these
unlucky cartridges into his mouth, his very mother
would shrink from him, and his lather and brethren
would refuse to sit with him in the same room. (Cheers.)
Was it at all to be wondered at, then, that they would
rather die than submit to such a degradation ? (Cheers )
He (the gallant colonel) was not in the least apologising
fur their conduct, he was merely showing how it might
bs ac.sounted for. (Hear, hear.) The fearful atrocities
at Meerut might all have been spared if common pru-
dence and knowledge of tee native character had been
shown. When the 90 skirmishers of the 3rd Cavalry
(15 from each troop) were ordered t- parade and to
use harmless cartridges they did not believe that
those cartridges were harmlips ones. They begged their
native to go to their European officers, and entreat them
not to bring on a crisis ; for they said, " Whatever a e
do, we shall be looked on as criminal by our co-religion-
iste." The commanding officer, in the first instance,
assented to their request ; but unhappily his better feel-
ings were overruled by another officer of the regiment,
who told him that the men would say he was afraid of
them. The parade was, therefore, ordered ; and the
men, with the exception of five, refusei to use the car-
tridges. What was the result ? Of course their dis-
obedience was mutiny. They were sent to their lines,
and there they remained fur three weeks, till an order
came down from Simla from General Anson, to try them
by a court-martial. The eighty-five men were accord-
ingly tried, and they were sentenced to ten years' impri-
sonment to hard labour. They were sent to the common
gaol ; but tbey were afterwards brought out upon the
parade with irons upon their leg,, and then they were
sent bank to prison. The native troops thought that this
would be their own fate, because they knew that they
likewise must necessarily refuse to use the obnoxious
cartridges. This was on Saturday. On the next day a
disturbance took place. The men turned out in the first
instance with sticks : they broke into the gaol, and
they released not only 85 comrades, but 1,400 felons,
who, be believed, had committed moat of the atrocities
which bad taken place ; and he said this after hav-
ing commanded native regiments un 'er very try-
ing circumstances. (Hear, hear.) At Allababad 3,000
of these gaol birds were released ; and he firmly be-
lieved that it was by them that the horrors had been
perpetrated which had filled this country with so much
indignation and disgust. (Cheers) Under all the cir-
cumstances of the case, he (Colonel Sykes) did not fear
for the result. The rebellion bad arisen from one of
those frantic delusions which might at any time have
occurred. It, was like one of those tropical storms
tvhiciwburst upon then so suddenly, and which were so
disastrous in their effects ; but which so soon spent
their fury, and left the sky calmer than before. lie
trusted that when this mutiny had been trampled out
(and he believed the European forces which were being
sent would be ample for the purpose), they would have
once more a clear horizon and hope for the future.
(Hear, bear.) Ile trusted, however, that there was no
one iin the house or in tha country who supposed that
we could rule India by European forces alone. (Hear,
hear ) To suppose that these little islands, with their
population of 28.000,000 could permanently reduce
181,090,000 persons to subjection was an utter absur-
dity ; and to attempt to put it in practice would ruin
India, and prove permanently disastrous to England.
(Cheers.)
Lord J. RUSSELL—I rise merely for the purpose
of noticing some of the arguments which have been
used, and some of the assertions which have been made
by the .right hoe, gentleman the member for Bucks.
I regretted the able speech which that right hon. gen-
tleman made on a former night, and I certainly regret
some of the observations which he has now offered.
The right hon. gentleman says that a resolution of this
house to support the Crown in the efforts it may
be making and the measures it may afterwards
take for the pacification of India will have no
moral force. My opinion is entirely different. (Hear,
hear.) I agree with the sentiment lately announced
by an honourable genii on an who is no lover
of war, and who, I ani happy to say, is again a mem
ber of this house—(hear)----I mean the -hon. member
' for Birmingham, when he said that the first thing to be
done at the present time was to prevent anarchy and
to suppress revolt ; and that then,. having done so, e e
ought to turn our whole attention to remedying any
grievances or any evils which might exist in India.
(Hear.) That stems to me the right course to pur•
sue. It may be, as the hon. and gs!lant gentleman
who has just sat down says, that there has been a
sudden impression amongst the troops of high caste
that there was to be an attempt to induce them to do
that which was contrary to their religion ; but I do not
think that that alone was the cause of the revolt. I
think it will be found that the movement was not so
sudden. I should rather conclude from the steps which
Lord Canning has taken in arresting one of tee native
princ-s that his opinion was somewhat different. I
should rather think that there has been a general con-
spiracy to overturn the -British in India and that as
one of the means of sffec ing that object, the conspirators
endeavoured to inspire a belief amongst our troops that
their religion was to be insulted, aed that they them•
selves were to be defiled by the cartridges they would
be required t) use. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gen-

tlemen compares the present case with that of the
American war, but I believe there is no similarity be-
tween the two whatever. (Hear, hear) In the A me-
rean war we bad to deal with a people of British origin,
and we insisted upon a payment from them which they
conceived was inconsister,t with their rights as colonists
and with the charters which they held. We were per-
fectly wrong in that quarrel ; and these who supported
the minister of that day, supported him in a cause which
was urjust in itself, and which led to the loss of
America. (Hear, hear.) The right hon. gentleman
considers the conduct of the Governor-General of India
during the last ten years, and of those who counselled
Lord Dalbousie, to have been criminal; but I will not take
for granted any such assertion. I will not attempt to de-
ny that the whole of our policy deserves the fullest and
most deliberate inquiry. It may be that errors have been
committed ; but I am not inclined to believe that there
has been any intentional inhumanity to the people of India
on the part of our Government. I believe that our Govern-
ment of India—whether by the East India Company and
its Directors, whether by the cabinet and the Board of
of Control—has been in its intentions as benevolent to-
wards the people of the country as any Government that
has ever existed. (Cheers.) It may be that the hen.
and learned gentleman (Mr. Whiteside) is right as to par-
ticular laws—it may be that we may have to retrace our
steps with respect to those laws—but I own I cannot bring
myself to take for granted that the Government of India
has been an oppressive one, and I cannot agree to the case
which the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Disraeli) endeavours
to make out, viz., that this has been a just and righteous
revolt, inspired y a desire to get rid of an oppressive and
tyrannical government. That is a case which I believe will
not be borne out on investigation by the facts. The first
thing we have to consider is the manner in which this re-
volt can be suppressed. I believe with Mr. Bright that
anarchy will take place in India unless we are successful in
that ; and it is therefore the duty of this house fo consider
whet are the best means by which the revolt can be sup-
pressed, and what are our prospects of success. I should
say that the mutiny having been unforeseen, it was only
natural that the first success should be with the mutineers.
I should may, when a regiment of several hundred men has
mutinied, and when there are in it only three or four Eu-
ropean officers, the murder of those officers would be a mat-
ter of very little difficulty ; and when there are perhaps
only 200 or 300 European soldiers to confront some thou-
sand mutineers, it is only natural that the latter should be
able to march away and make use of those very greased car-
tridges which it is said they have had no scruples in using.
But when that first success has been obtained—when those
horrible scenes have taken place of which we have read
the details with infinite disgust—we may then fairly
consider what are their farther prospects of success. Let
us recollect that we have on our side an organise I
government, the representative of an ancient mower by
which has all the advantages to be derived from the action
of a free people, and all the organisation of which the- most
civilised government can boast. On the other hand, it is
not probable that this puppet King at Delhi will be able to
enforce order against his followers. The people must be
disgusted by the plunder which will tke place. Those
who are engaged in trade and commerce at Delhi will tint
that the rule of a licentious soldiery is oppressive and in-
jurious to their interests; and the Mahonnuetans and Hie-
duos will hardly long agree ; for the Ilindoos are afraid of
religious persecutien, and they believe that the Mahom-
metans will not long be restrained from oppressing them.
We may therefore calculate upon dissentions among those
who at first obtained a triumph. Troops will, moreover,
be weekly arriving in India ; and we may trust that that
gallant General Sir Colin Campbell, who so well deserves
to be named among those who have been menti +ned this
evening, will soon be able to collect a force sufficient to
suppress the revolt in whatever quarter it may appear.
The subsequent steps that will be required must be dis-
cussed hereafter ; and they will need both time and wisdom
to decide upon them ; but I own that after hearing upon
the high authority of Col. Edwards that the people in gene-
ral do not participate in the rebellion of the sepoys, I can-
not but think that means will soon be found to resters
tranquillity. If that be the case, it seems to me that our
prime duty during the short remainder of the session is to
assure the Government that no efforts on our part will be
wanting. I cannot believe that this is a matter of indiffer-
ence, or that a resolution to that effect will be wanting in
moral support. On the contrary, I believe that both in
Europe and in India such a declaration will have a ere at
effect. It has, I must confess, caused me some disappoint-
ment to find that we are to have uo means of sending out
reinforcements to India differeut from those which would
have been adopted a great many years ago. We all know
that of late years mechanical improvements have been in-
troduced of which our ancestors were entirely ignorant. We
know that there are In Egypt the means of conveying troops
by.railway ; that large steam men of war have been
app oin soldierstme
n t
em-
ployed as troop ships, and carrythatthesyomceandis
with greeter certainty and probably iu less time than
sailing ships. I cannot help feeling
that neither of these are to add to our means of reach-
ing sooner the scene of the revolt. (Cheers.) My noble
friend (Lord Palmerston) says that it would be necessary
that preparations should be made in India, and that ships
would have to be sent from that country to Suez. But
should have thought—ignorantly perhaps--that when the
Government first heard of this mutiny they would have
instantly given directions for those arrangements to be
made, and for troops to be sent on from Gibraltar and
Malta. I am convinced that if 5,000 men had arrived
suddenly in India, and had arrived quickly there after the
revolt had become known, it would have produced a very
great result. (Haar,) Stiil, I have no doubt that the
government are taking those steps which they think ade-
quate to the ocizsion ; and that in sending out the 30,000
men of which they have spoken they will adopt measures
which will proride sufficient force in India for the coming
campaign. I entirely agree with the right. hon. gentleman
(Mn. Disraeli) that this country, too little forbearing, per-
haps, in time o! peace, always shows itself to advantage in
adversity. Wien any effort is to be made nothing can be
more admirable than the spirit and courage which it dis-
plays, and the contempt which it shows for every con-
sideration but that of effecting the end in view. (Hour.) I
agree with the right hon. gentleman,that while the govern-
ment showed too great a disposition with regard to China
) to magnify every insult, with regard to India it shows too
_ great a disposition to underrate the danger. I think that
if that proceeds from a policy, the policy is a mistaeeen ono;
eecause the more the people of this country are convinced of
the reality of the danger the more ready will they be to
make those sacrifices they may be called upon to make.
There is one point which has been mentioned this evening
with regard to whieh we have had no explanation—it is
with respect to the financial efforts that will be necessary.
It is obvious, from all the accounts which have b,ea re-
ceived from India, that, except at Calcutta, wherever there
has been any treasure collectea it has been sAze It is
obvious, also, that, with respect to the taxes, there will be
the greatest irregularities, and in many cases there will be
a total suspension of their payment. We are in the habit,
when troops are sent out, of saying, as a sort of consola-
tion, " Oh, the troops are going to India ; they will be
charged to the East India Company, and the Consolidated
Fund will be relieved of the burden of maintaining thew."
(Hear.) In ordinary times that might be a consideration,
but at the present moment I think it would be more pa-
triotic to look at the subject as pertaining to the empire,
to view it as a whole; and for the Government to profess
their readiness— perhaps they have already- done so---to
come to the aid of the East India Company in any effort
which they may determine on making. (dear, hear.) Un-
less they do so, I do not see how the ordinary payments
are to go on in India, or even in this country. It is most
important that the machinery of a government should nut
be interrupted by the troops or the civil servants remain-
ing unpaid, stores running short, or any of those greet
operations which are necessary to carry on operations fail-
ing in any respect. (Hear.) The East India directors are
of course fully aware of their own situation ; it is for them
to say what their probable wants will be ; but I trust that
if they do make any representation to the Government,
and if it is necessary to bring any bill into Parliament be-
fore the session is over, that the Government will not re-
fuse their assistance. (Hear, hear ) It would be a ques-
tion for Parliament to determine hereafter what pert of
the expense should be borne by the country and what part
by the East India Company. But at present there are seri-
ous dangers which we ought to meet with the means that
aro necessary, whether it be by ships, by troops, or by
money. No part of this danger ought to bo overlooked ;
no means ought to be neglected which are necessary to meet
that danger. (Hear, hear.) With respect to our situation
in Europe, Ido not think that-Mr. Disreeli very correctly
understood the answer made by Lord Palmerston. I did
not understand the noble lord to say th..t he entirely
relied on the present tranquillity of Europe, and the ami-
cable dispositions of all the powers towards us, but that
even if any power in Europe was hostilely disposed toward s
us (and I thought it a very just observation) they would
probably reflect that if they offended us, though the retort
might not be immediate, this country had the strength to
punish any insult that might be offered to it, and that they
would probably find themselves the sufferers if they pure
sued such a course. (Cheers ) But Ido hope that in the
midst of all these great affairs the Government will not
again allow diplomatic squabbles to interfere with the
great interests of the empire. It was agreed at Paris last
year—whether it was a wise proposition or not 1 will not
now inquire—that a divan should be assembled in Mol-
davia to represent the wishes of the Principalities as to
their form of government. Well, our only object was this:
I would say, let those wishes be fairly ascertained. If there
is any doubt about the irregularity of the notice, let us not
put ourselves forward to countenance or cover fraudulent
elections • let us agree with the other powers of Europa in
wishing elections;
elections to be as free and as fairly carried
out as possible. (Hear.) lam afraid that the embassies
at Constantinople have been the source of a good deal of
readiness occasions,
meetingn both
his
fidelity
mischief. lam glad that the Emperor of France, who,
on this
emer-
gencies, has surrendered the point in dispute to us, and I
trust that we shall hear no more of this disagreement.
(Hear, hear.) Provided we do nut uuneceeseri y—uot for
any interest of this country, but merely to satisfy the pride
asto on
nis many
country other
aiel
his
or vanity of some of our agents abroad—(cheers)—under-
take and support a quarrel in which this country and the
government of this country has really nothing to do, and
is certainly uninterested iu the result, I certainly amnot
apprehensive, with the strength and the prestige of this
country, of any European quarrel arising out of this
matter. (Hear, hear.) lam sure this question of India
The House of Commons
attention of the Government.
has shown that it is ready to support the Government; and
is one of sufficient magnitude to occupy the whole of the
I believe that the house will be equally ready,. when
India ma have reason to Wm-
evils of which the people of
h
of people eve cal led upon us
plain. These 180 millions
rat and justice. (H • ear.)
the proper time comes, to investigate any grievances or
for the utmost of good government
Wo have no right to attempt to govern them, unless we
of this house. 1
is the disposition
I believe that such no believe that this unhappy revolt willn produce
Lll trust that if indisposi-
tion to investigate grievances ; a
govern them with justice and for their beuefi . (hear.)
(Chee •
be unanimous in seeking to apply a remedy. fa)
lord has attributed to me
Mr. DISRA.ELI—The noble
ny
I never us d• He says that I call d this
well founded grievance is proved to exist, the house willa
some words which
ton . I never sed
to
i .
nduce the hoursu
tei
's that this is a fodo not
bullion—not a just revolt.ul to
those words, and I never attemp
a just and a righteous revolt, and.t.hat I endeavoured. to
impress upon the house that c
adopt that opinion. My olhn•Tile"lae, hear.) But I
causes which had led to this
ladle() Ira)
endeavoured to trace the
rebellion.
Lord J. RiTSSELL—I referred to the. woilelnsuNuvhich the
believe that foul rebellions occur without. causes ; and I
right hon. gentleman used about
India
curtimianma ur-
8, led by the Government of
.Indi •b I g
not
.ae,„
(Hear, hear.)
this la just and righteous revolt.
from me
Mr, DISRAELI—If the. noble lord refers to what fell
s mon somewhere about a month
brctight from him the admission that he does consider
word criminal in reference to
inly used the
ago, I cer..attended •
had been with such dis-
astrous cowls°. which d not see how the inference
on a former occasion
estrous conseqn.9""
that expression that I considered the
is to be drawn frau.
t ous one.
revolt a just and rigs,
risen to put the question that he
The SPEAKER having
shouldi leave the chairs but I o