The Sun.
London, England, 1861-05-02 00:00:00

....
cordial and enthusiastic welcome which has been

given by this great assembly to the toast which you
have done us the honour to propose. (Cheers.) It is
among the duties and privileges of your high office,
my Lord Mayor, to confer additional honour and
distinction by your invitation to this magnificent
hospitality, upon those who fill any important posi-
tion, or who have rendered distinguishes services
to their country—Ministers of the Crown,.without
distinction of party—bishops and clergy of the
Established Church, judges or sages of the law, Mi-
nisters of friendly Powers, distinguished military
and naval chiefs, successful diplomatists, alike re-
ceive honour and distinction from
honoured guests of the Lord Mayor ofbeing the
London. But,
my lord, I stand here in none of these capacities.
I serve the Crown in no apparent position. lam
not appearing before you, crowned with the laurels
which decorate the brows of Lord Clyde and Sir
Hope Grant ; I do not come before you with the
successful diplomacy of Lord Elgin,upon whom you
are, l, believe, shortly about to confer the same
mark of distinction ; and when I look around me
and see so many of my own personal and political
friends, who have paid me the additional compli-
ment of surrounding me, I please myself with the
idea that the compliment is intended less as a per-
sonal mark of honour to myself than as a recogni-
tion of the services of the Conservative party with
which for the last twenty-five years I have been
closely united, and which for the last twenty-five
years has honoured me with its most generous and
undeviating confidence, and which—although I need
not say that the Lord Mayor has any political opi-
nions—l may venture to say includes among its ad-

herents more than one member of the family of the
Cubitts. (Cheers.) And, my lord, I may say that
during the long time during which I have been con-
nected with that party I have never felt a greater
pride or a higher admiration of their position and
bearing than at :the present moment. I believe,

not since the moment of their unfortunate disrup-
tion in 1846 'have they ever at any time stood
so high in the opinion of the country as they do
at the present moment. (Cheers.) What has been
called " the cold shade of opposition" has failed to
damp their zeal, or diminish their forbearance;

on the contrary, we see them day by day increas-
ing in numbers and energy, and every fresh election
bears testimony to the increasing hold which their
opinions have upon the country. I believe the
country is becoming awake to the sentiment, and
consider that the greatest promisers are not always
the greatest performers—(cheers)—that the great
cause of social advancement, of legal improvement,
of the much abused shibboleth of civil and reli-
gious liberty, are at least as safe in the hands of the
Conservatives as in the hands of the great Liberal
party, and that, perhaps, the great institutions of
country and the church, and the prerogatives of
the monarchy, may be a trifle safer. (Cheers.) My
lord, it is not, however, of the growing strength
and power of the Conservative party that I feel
chiefly proud, it is of the position which they oc-
cupy at the pre-sent moment, the like of which was,
I believe, never occupied by any party, and certainly
not by any party or any one of the combined par-

,ies in the State opposed to them. It is little,

though that indeed is the fact, that such a political
party can refrain from harassing by opposition a
Government in which they have no confidence, by
any vexatious division or hostile movement; but it
is no slight thing when a party, for the support of
a Government to which they 'are opposed, sacrifices
all their personal feelings for the purpose of coming
down day after day, not to offer an entire oppo-
sition, but to give a cordial and zealous support to
the Ministers of the Crown, although the conduct
of those Ministers is such as not to inspire them
with general confidence. And yet that is the course
which day after day we have seen the great Con-
servative party pursuing. (Cheers) It is well
known that if the Conservative party were to cease
the vigilance of their attendance in the House of

Commons for the protection of her Majesty's Go-
vernment, the noble viscount at the head of the
Government would very shortly sustain the fate of
Actaeon, and would be torn to pieces by his own fol-
lowers. (Cheers and laughter.) We know that the
elements of that Liberal party— God save the mark!
—as now composed, are kept together solely and
entirely by their apprehension and the fear of the
united power of the great Conservative party op-
posed to them, and that if for one single week we
were to rt lax in vigilance, that discord which now
exists would break out into open rebellion, and the
Queen's government could not be carried on during
the present sefi.sion. (Cheers.) Day after day, and
week after week, the Conservative members of the
House of Commons are going down to that house
for the purpose of assisting her Majesty's govern.
ment in their weak and half-hearted opposition to
measures of which they know the danger—support-
ing and assisting them against their allies, the great
Liberal party, and not unfrequently obtaining tri-
umphs for them—(hear, hear)--as has been the case
Wednesday after Wednesday for some time past—
protecting, not, indeed, the Ministers of the Crown,
but that which is of far more importance than any

Ministry, the great institutions of the country,
against the ;combined attacks of the supporters of
the Ministers, and the feeble support occasionally
given by them to the Ministry itself. (Cheers.) Bat
perhaps it may be asked, if you so much disapprove
of the course of the government, of the composition
of the government, and of the composition of the
supporters of the government, why take the trouble
of attending, day by day in order to keep in office a
government of which you disapprove ? My lord, I
say that this is a point on which I view with the
greatest admiration and the greatest pride the con-
duct of the Conservative party. (Hear, hear.) It
is little indeed, for one like myself, who have ob-
tained very undeservedly the highest honour which
a public man can attain to ; it is little for those
who have held, and may again hold, distinguished
situations, to wait their time with forbearance
and patience--but there are in our ranks young
men actuated by a laudable ambition, panting
for the opportunity of distinguishing themselves,
conscious of their own powers, and con.
scious, too, of the power of their own party !
and I say those who repress their personal and
political feelings, and so give their assistance
to a Government which they distrust, show marks
of self-restraint, and evidence of such forbearance
and discipline which only a corps like themselves,
essentially volunteers, could exhibit—a forbearance
and discipline which may well put to shame that of
veteran armies led by distinguished leaders. (Hear,
and cheers.) And depend upon it, as in war, so in
politics. Self centre'', forbearance, discipline,
watching for the right time, if they are not more
effective in winning battles, are certainly more
effective in winning a campaign than the most
brilliant valour and most daring enterprise. (Cheers.)
It is these qualities which I see with the deepest
admiration in that party which dOes me the honeur
to place its confidence in me, and following my ad-
vice. But I say again—Why do we take this
course ? Why, because we are firmly convinced
that whatever our personal advantage' might be, it
(is for the advantage of the country—that country
whose interests are, and I hope always will be, the
prime object of Conservative attachment—(hear)—
it is for the interests of the country that there
should not be frequent changes of the Government.

(Hear.) We desire to see a strong Governnient,
though I fear we have not one at present. I m ust
confess honestly that I do not see a mode of formi. 1g
a strong Government, but that which must prejudic .e
the country is a succession of weak Governments
and of perpetual change, creating embarrassment
and inconvenience to the Sovereign—embarrassment
policy
two all our foreign relations, and embarrassment and 1
past experience
of steadiness in carrying on the internal
of the country. (Hear.) And we k now, by
over-impatience .4,
that if, by any hasty move or any
might have an
little to say, that any were to do that which it is
compel then esignatiorunoVY
opportunity
week or any fortnight m 'e
—we knewwell that the lithe
of doing, namely, to
party in office would lead ant present Government
combinations among the di!origntt
union of the Conservative
disturb the social and political arran
which would again cause another
nised liberal party,
to those renewed
country. (Cheers.) It is for this
know it to be anhonest, patriotic and change, and again
arrangements of the
_"°ll—and I
that we deem it our policy as far as Hound
we
van rteoassz: i

.......—..—.....—.......,---
port and maintain the present ministry in office, at
the same time exercising over them, or over their
advanced supporters, that control and that regulat-
ing power which belong to a party so great, so nu-
and so powerful as ourselves. (Cheers.) But,
my nu-
merous,
lord,us,
I cannot say I look with satisfaction upon
m
the state of parties in this country. I look, above
all, with deep regret and deep concern upon that
once great Whig party, which, while it was
honoured by the names of such men as Grey,
Brougham, and Macintosh, I deemed it an honour
to belong to ; and I see with deep regret and

concern men of distinguished character and gifted
talent and great eminence, perhaps from an honour-

able, but, fthink, a misguided fidelity to a name,
and overlooking entirely the difference of principle
which those names conceal and cover—l say that I

deeply regret to see them allying themselves with
men from whose principles and politics they wholly

dissent, and dragged into giving reluctant support
to measures and men, of which and of whom they

do not hesitate to speak in the most disparaging
terms, and who, in return, I am bound to say, re-
ciprocate, without stint or reserve, that amount of
personal affection and friendship which is known to
subsist between the extremes of the great Liberal
party. (Cheers and laughter.) I say, my lord, that
I regret the position of the honourable and distin-
guished members of the Whig party, between.
whom and the great Conservative party there is at
present little, if any, difference of principle, if they
were only allowed to act upon their own convic-
tions and opinions. (Hear, hear.) I regret, I must
say, that a gentleman with every qualification that
can charm and delight an audience—a man with
the highest power of oratory of any in England—
once a distinguished member of the great Con-
servative party, representing still one of the most
distinguished and Conservative constituencies in
the kingdom—has lent himself, his great ability,
his great power, and seductive eloquence to making
himself the coryphseus and the mouthpiece oZ that
party wh se policy and opinions are most repug-
nant to every constitutional lover of his
country. Of a party who, dissatisfied with that
wide and extensive liberty of speech which
we enjoy in this country, was desirous to take
a pattern for our instruction from that great
Republic, the stability of whose institutions and
whose solidity and firmness are undergoing at this
moment so melancholy a proof, and rather suggest-
ing approaching dissolution to the minds of even
their greatest admirers. If I may be permitted to
pass for a moment from persons to a state of politi-
cal affairs, I would say that there never was at any
time a moment when it was more important that
those who have to deal with public affairs in Eng-

land should exercise the greatest amount of mode-
ration of temper, of judgment, and of forbearance.
With regard to foreign potentates, I believe that is
the policy which ought to be pursued by this coun-
try. There is little, if any, differences of opinion
among Englishmen, or any class of Englishmen.
We all have a natural sympathy for compeers which
are desirous to extend their liberty and to support
their own rights. We all sympathise with their
efforts to obtain that amount of constitutional
liberty which we have long enjoyed and know how

to apPreciate; but, on the other hand, every Eng-
lishman is desirous that those rights should be won
by the countries themselves, not obtained by the
intervention of other powers—that other countries
should not be stimulating and exciting to secret in-
trigues, and fomenting discontent among the popu-
lations of countries with which they are in alliance.

(Cheers.) We ha;ve no object to pursue,—we
have nothing to gain ourselves. All we desire—and
I believe this is the universal feeling of
Englishmen with respect to our foreign policy
—is that the influence of this great coun-
try should be used for the purpose of main-
taining the peace of the world, conciliating

differences, and securing to all that peace which
is the greatest herald of that prosperity which we
ourselves know how.to enjoy and value. But in
the present state of Eurppe we are unhappily com-
pelled by necessities of our position to incur a heavy
and grievous expenditure, to submit to oppressive
and onerous burdens of taxation, because there is
one object, and one .primary object, in comparison
with Which everything else isinlus into ineignitieemon
and that is the maintenance of the naval, and espe-
cially of the military power of this great country.
(Cheers.) It may be desirable for other countries
te increase their naval power—it may be desirable
for them to increase their armed force to an amount
we cannot pretend to rival—but if we then permit
any Power, or any two Powers, to be more power-
ful than ourselves at sea, from that moment the in-
dependence of the country will be in jeopardy. In
order to avoid such a calamity, if other nations are
making great warlike preparations, this country
will cheerfully submit to any sacrifice, to any
amount of taxation, to any burden for the purpose
of insuring ;_the independence, promoting the
strength, and securing the prosperity of the coun-
try. (Cheers.) But there is one party to which I
have already referred, who desire peace at any price
—(hear, hear)—but who desire to obtain that peace
in a manner which is most certain to destroy their
hopes and expectationsr—(cheers)—viz., by de-
priving the country of resources which will
enable it in case of necessity to carry on war.
That party, say, " The object of this country is
peace, and we will make peace absolutely neces-
sary, because we will deprive the Ministers
of the Crown of those means and of that
amount of finance which are ' necessary for
keeping up the establishments of the country."
That is the party to which I before referred,
whose views and whose agents are, as I said before
most repugnant to the feelings and to the honour
of every man who values the institutions of this
country. (Cheers.) And I must say it has been with
the deepest regret—though no one desires a heavy
weight of taxation—no man desires unnecessary
expenditure, but I must say that it has been with
regret, not unmingled with surprise, that I have
heard a Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his place
in the House of Commons, censuring the exorbitant
amount of the expenditure of the country, and
taking on himself to blame and censure those very
estimates for which he himself is personally respon-
sible as Minister of the Crown. (Loud cheers.) I
will venture to say this, that while the Conserva-
tive party is, as it has always been, desirous to check
any unnecessary waste, there is no amount of
finance, no amount of pecuniary assistance, could
well be withheld from the Ministers of the Crown,
and which would not be cheerfully given by the
representatives of the people to support the great
national interests of the country. (Cheers.) But
then I think, upon the other hand, that we have a
right to expect that the burden of that taxation
shall be distributed in such a manner as to press
lightly upon the permanent sources of the interest
and prosperity of the country—that it should be
raised, not as some persons desire, and as it appears
to be the favourite system of finance at the present
day—pressing with all its concentrated weight, first
upon the accumulated and realised produce of suc-
cessful industry, than which I ' can conceive
no principle more discouraging and injurious
in a great commercial country, and next .that
it should be concentrated with all its weight
upon a few articles of foreign import, but
these articles being those which enter as necessa-
, ries of life in the primary and principal consump-
tion of even the humblest family in this country, I
say that to concentrate on these objects—namely,
realised property and the pvime necessaries of life
—the burden of the taxation of the coup try is an
injurious, wasteful, and:an improvident application
of its resources. It does this—it spares that which
could afford taxation, and it falls wastefully and
extravagantly, and with an amount- of taxation
difficult to be borne, on those resources of revenue
which it Ought to touch lightly, except in the pro-
se nce Jof a great emergency, and thereby deprives
1 you of the greatest power which you have, when
that emergency comes, of suddenly increasing the
' revenues of the country. I have ventured to touch
1 ipon these topics, because at this moment a ques-
ti 'on is pending in one of the Houses of Parliament
sc;itil respect to the application of the surplus of the
pr r eyear. My lord, I do trust that the House
of eo
will carefully and diligently consider
sent )'`ear.
modes which may be proposed to them
ribution of that presumed surplus—l
me 4 surplus," becauge, althclugh I am
vist
ohre;:a,la,erpirodeuigissat