The Sun.
London, England, 1861-09-26 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 26, 1861,

SPORTING INTELLIGENCE.

entered to be sold for £5O allowed 51b. Three quarters

of a mile. 7 subs.
Mr. J. Land's Dunoon,£so, Bst llb
(Salt
' -

1
Mr. Rigby's Strawberry Leaf, £5O, 7st 111 b.. (Chapman) 2
Mr. Hopwood's Charles Fox, £5O, 7st 111 b ... (Ogden) 3
Mr. Adkins's Doritta, £5O, Bst lib .(W White) 4
Captain Bernard's Paroquet, £5O, 7st 71b --(Thomas) 5

Betting-6 to 4 agst Paroquet, 7to 4 agst Charles Fox,
and 4 to 1 agst any other offered.
They ran well together, Doritta with a slight lead, up to
the distance, where she gave way to the others. A splendid
race ending in favour of Dunoon by a head, half a length
dividing second and third.
The Stand Handicap of 3 sovs each, with 20 added; win-

ners extra. One mile.
Mr. Wadlow's Diadem, 4 yrs, 7st 51b (Whiteley) t 1
Mr. Wood's Caliban, 3 yrs, 6st (E. Taylor) t 2
Mr. B. Land's Cheesecake, 4 yrs, 7st (Bexley) 3
Mr. Thompson's Sherwood's 3 yrs, Est 31b(H.Taylor) 4
Betting—Even on Caliban, 6 to 4 agst Diadem, and 3
to 1 agst Sherwood.
The two favourite singled themselves out from the com-
mencement, and ran a splendid race home, the judge de-
ciding it a dead heat, Cheesecake finishing some distance
from the second.

Deciding Heat-5 to 4on Caliban, who was defeated
easily by half a length.

SIR E. B. LYTTON AT HITCHIN.

The annual meeting of the Herts Agricultural
Society was held yesterday at Hitchin. The exhibi-
bition of stock, roots, and implements was held in a
field north of and closely adjoining the town. There
was not a large show of stock, but the cattle and
sheep were very good, and there was evidently a dis-
position to try the long-wooled sheep in Hertford.
shire, the Downs having hitherto had almost exclu-
sive preference. The show of horses and pigs was
hut first-rate. Mr. Perkins and Mr. Galward exhi-
bited implements, and Mr. Dorrington a goodly
show of mangold, swedes, turnips, and other roots.
The dinner was held in the Corn Exchange at 4
o'clock; Mr. C. W. Giles Puller presided, supported
by the Right Hon. Sir E. B. Lytton, M.P., and
Mr. H. Surtees. On the left were Mr. Abel Smith,
M.P., and the Rev. E. Prodgers, jun. ; Mr. Robt.
Dimsdale, was Vice-Chairman.

After dinner the Chairman proposed the usual
loyal toasts ; also " the Army and Navy and Rifle
Volunteers." The Vice Chairman proposed "the
bishop and clergy of the diocess," and paid a well-
merited compliment to the Bishop of Rochester.
The toast having been duly hououred, it was
acknowledged by the Rev. E. Prodgers.

-
Sir E. B. LYTTON then saidJl have been re-
quested to propose the next toast ; it is " The
Health of the Lord Lieutenant of the County." It
is with sincere pleasure and pride I speak of my
friendship for Lord Verulam. lam proud because
it allows me an opportunity to observe that one of
the greatest noblemen in the ranks of society in this
country had to commence his connection with pub-
lic life as a servant of the public. It was as a mem-
ber for this county that Lord Verulam learned those
duties to his Sovereign and to the country which
he now so ably discharges, and I am sure his lord-
ship is entitled to all the honours that we can pay
him, and therefore I now propose " The Health of
the first magistrate of the county, your Lord
Lieuten an t." _ _

The toast having been drunk,
Mr. JAMES SMYTH, of Bygrave, the principal
tenant farmer of the county, proposed " the health
of the county members," and said he hoped when
they returned to Parliament they would not forget
the malt tax. _

Sir E. B. LYTTON—Gentlemen,—l thank you for
the honour you have done to my colleagues and me.
It is not the least agreeable feature of these meetings
that all the differences of political party are sus-
pended, and that you can thus combine in one good
wish those who represent both the great sections of
opinion in this county, and who sit on oppoSite
benches in the House of Commons. And having

thanked you on behalf of my colleagues—to whose
diligent and able performance of their Parliamen-
tary duties I can bear a cordial testimony—l may
the more gratefully thank you for myself, because
my share of that good health which you so kindly
wished to us all three has been disproportionately
email, b 0 that I have had to rely upon your indul-
gence. I thank you from my heart that the indul-
gence has not failed me. lam sure that my many
friends around me will be pleased to hear that the
comparative rest which I have thus been enabled to
take has sufficed to restore my strength. Gentlemen,
since I last addressed you in our annual meetings
great changes have passed over the Old World and
the Newt Let me entreat your permission to speak
of those changes. I can do so without provoking
any differences of opinion ; and whatever affects the
civilised races, from the other side of the channel
to the shores of the Atlantic, must have an in-
terest for England; and whatever interests Eng-
land must interest not the least those who invest
their capital in its soil, and whom all the inte-
rests of industry attach to the safety and welfare
of the land. Great changes have come over Eu-
rope. When I last met you hero what was Italy ?
—a discordant variety of petty States, in which
the friends of order were the puppets of Austria,
and in which the friends of liberty seemed wild
conspirators who could use no other weapon against
tyrants but the dagger of the miserable assassin.
Now, what is Italy ? A great nation, a constitu-
tional monarchy ; the tryant is gone, and let us

hope that the assassin is disarmed. Like the en-
chanted princess in the old story books, who was
thrown into a death-like slumber till the walls that
confined her fell down before the trumpet of her
destined deliverer, Italy has risen out from the sleep
of ages restored to the bloom, but exposed also to
the passions and struggles of youth. Heaven guard
and Heaven bless her ! It is for the interest of
England that, Italy should enter into the great
community of constitutional nations. Foreigners
misunderstood the fo,eign policy of England. I
will endeavour to explain what it is. England is

a free nation, and its statesmen must consult pLpu-
lar opinion ; the popular opinion of a free State

goes with the free. England is a commercial and
a manufacturing nation. It is the interest of Eng-
land that good government, with the elements of
progressive prosperity, should be established every-
where, because it is only in good governments that
the interchange of her commerce is secure, and in
proportion as the foreigner prospers the probability
is that he will widen the market for our English
manufactures. We have no interest in tyrannies,
where all progress is arrested. We have no interest
in revolutions, where all property is insecure. But
we have an interest in the rise and progress of
every people who adopt that temperate form of con-
stitutional freedom which our own experience has
proved to be the best for the development of hu-
man energies; and if to that good feeling we must
seek a selfish motive, it is because every people so
rising would naturally become our ally through
the sympathy of freedom, and our customers
through that commercial prosperity which is the
usual result of political freedom. In these few
words, if foreigners would condescend to reflect,
they would find the true key to the foreign policy
of England. We have an interest in the regenera-
tion of Italy. We have also an interest, certainly
not less, in the success of that great experiment in
which Austria has passed from the haughty repre-
sentative of hereditary despotism to the ranks
—still, unhappily, few—of constitutional monar-
chies. No politician worthy the name of states-
man, no educated man, who will cast his eye over
the friap of Europe, but what must acknowledge
the immense importance to freedom and to Eng-
land of establishing, midway between Russia and
France, midway between the two great military
and absolute empires of Europe, a constitßtiona
monarchy of immense resources both in territory
and in population ; resources that have utterly
failed to Austria while her Government was despo-
tic, but which may develope, as our resources have
developed, under a system precisely analogous to
ourste own.
and
r sa
criticisedd representatives
King, i
u sLords,
afety a
byyiand
responsiblef
rCommons,eepr e ost: ws
theuict
hh Miopeople,the

Constitution of England; such is now the Consti-
tution of Austria. But whatever interest we may
have in the prosperity and freedom of other na-
tions is seldom an interest that admits of armed in-
terference. Some of us may doubt whether Sar-
dinia has been either prudent or honourable in her
annexation of Naples. Some of .us may doubt
whether Hungary or Austria he right in the dispute
between them; but no Englishman of common
sense can doubt that these are questions which
Italy and Austria should settle for themselves. And
when I said that I could touch upon these questions
without provoking party differences, it is because
on the grand principle that we should refrain from
armed intervention, except where the direct and
immediate safety and honour of Great Britain are
concerned—both the great parties in the country
are agreed. On this my Lord Russell can offer his
generous compliment to his predecessor the Earl of
Malmesbury, of whom you will permit me to say
thus much, that to that comprehensiveness and
liberality ofjadgmeat which generally comes from a
wide knowledge of mankind and of the world.
Lord Malmesbury unites that manly frankness

hich is the attribute of moral courage and un-
deviating hononr. And as Lord Russell has paid a
just tribute to my esteemed colleague in the late
Cabinet, so I in turn can say with sincere pleasure,
that on the whole—without approving every
word in every despatch—but on the whole, in a
time of great and anxious difficulty, Lord Russell
had, in my humble judgment, wisely maintained the
interests, fearlessly upheld the honour, and faith-
fully represented the general opinion of the British
nation. But, gentlemen, it is not in the Old World
alone that great changes have passed since I last
addressed you. Many of you will remember that
when I took the chair, now so ably filled, at our
meeting in this town, there came with me, as my
guest and as yours, Mr. Dallas, the distinguished
diplomatic minister of the then United States of
America. You will remember the enthusiasm with
which he was deservedly greeted, and the applause
that followed every affectionate allusion to our Re-
publican kinsfolk, with whom nevertheless there
was at that moment, as there has been often before,
one of those irritating questions in which much was
sternly asked by young Brother Jonathan and
mildly conceded by old John Bull. Well, we
Englishmen respected the giant Republic in its
apparent unity and its fancied strength, and no true
Englishman will be mean enough to exult in the
pangs of its separation and the horrors of its civil
war. But even then, when Mr. Dallas was our
guest, I never conceived, nor do I understand how
any far-thinking statesman could conceive, that a
fourth part of the earth could long be held under
one imperial form of government. That separation
between North and South America which is now
being brought about by civil war I have long fore-
seen and foretold to be inevitable ; and I venture to
predict that the younger men here present will live
to see not two, but at least four, and probably more
than four separate and sovereign commonwealths
arising out of those populations which a year ago
united their Legislature under one President and
carried their merchandise under a single flag.
And so far from thinking that these separa-
tions will be injurious to the future des-

tinies of America, -or inflict a blow on that
grand principle of self-government in which the
substance of liberty consists, I believe that such
separations will be attended with happy results to
the safety of Europe and the development of Ame-
rican civilisation. If it could have been possible
that, as population and wealth increased all the
vast continent of America, with her mighty sea-
board and the fleets which her.increasing ambition
as well as her extending commerce would have
formed and armed, could have remained under one
form of government, in which the Executive has
little or no control over a populace exceedingly ad-
venturous and excitable, why then America would
have hung over Europe like a gathering and de
structive thunderchiud. No single kingdom in
Europe could have been strong enough to maintain
against a nation that had once consolidated the
gigantic resources of a quarter of the globe. And
this unwieldy extent of empire would have been as
fatal to the permanent safety and development of
America herself as the experiment of all history
tells us an empire too vast to maintain the healthy
circulation of its own lifeblood Oer has been, since

the world began, to the races over which it. spread.
By their own weight the old colossal empires of the
East fell to ruin. It was by her OWT) vast extent
of dominion that Rome lost her liberties, under the
very armies which the extent of dominion compelled
her to maintain, and finally rendered up her domi-
nion itself to the revenge of the barbarians she had
invaded. The immense monarchy founded by the
genius of Charlemagne fell to pieces soon after his
death, and those pieces are now the kingdoms of
Europe. But neither the empires of the East, nor
the common wealth of Rome, nor the monarchy of
Charlemagne could compare in extent and resources
with the continent of America—and you will re-
member that the United States claimed a right to
;he whole of that continent and the ultimate fate
of America under onefeeble Executive—the feeblest
Executive perhaps ever known in a civilised com-
munity—would have been no exception to the
truths of history and the laws of nature. But in
proportion as America shall become subdivided into
different States, each of which is large enough
for greatness—larger than an European kingdom
—her ambition will be less formidable to the rest
of the world, and I do not doubt that the action
of emulation and rivalry between one free
State and another, speaking the same language and

enjoying that educated culture which inspires an
affection for all that enlightens and exhalts humanity
will produce the same effects upon art and com-
merce, and the improvements in practical govern-
ment which the same kind of eompetition produced
in the old commonwealths of Greece. Heaven grant
that my convictions may not be erroneous. I am not
then, one of those who say that the impending sepa-
ration of the American States proves the failure of
her experiment of Democracy. Any other form of
Government would have equally failed in keeping
together sections of a community so geographically
cast, with interests so antagonistic to each other.
But this I may say, that when we see liberty and
law alike suspended in the moment of danger, print-
ing presses destroyed by an unresisted mob, or the
opinions of public writers stifled by a Democratic
Government—when we see an American President
so bewildered by his own armies, or so despairing of
the skill of his own generals that he offers to the
Italian Garibaldi the command of American pa-
triots—l think, without vanity, we- may say that
those acts of good government which -can pre-
serve freedom in the hour of danger, and enable a
nation to right itself by the brains and the hearts of
its own children, America has more to learn from
England than England to learn from America.
Let us, then, turn oureyes back b our own country
humbly grateful for the blessings we enjoy, and
manfully resolved to defend and maintain them.
While our august but inscrutable ally stands armed
to the teeth, with one hand so resting on the gates
of war that they open or close at his touch, Eng-
land has not been unmindful of her safety, but has
not departed from her wise constitutional abhor-
rence of vast and costly armaments in a time of
peace. She has, indeed, strengthened her navy, and
I do not doubt that the present Government has in
this worthily maintained the same policy of pre-
caution which occupied the unceasing and anxious
care of the Government of Lord Derby. But
there is this distinction between a navy and an
army. An navy never can threaten the liberties
it is intended to guard. For our military defence
we have raised, without cost, without danger to
constitutional principle, a force Which is not aggres.
sive against other countries, but which quietly
proves our determination to defend our own. Re-
lying on the loyalty of its subjects, the Crown of
England encourages the use and discipline of arms

4,