The Sun.
London, England, 1859-05-03 00:00:00

ELECTION INTELLIGENCE.

BUCKINGHAMSHIRE.
The election of three knights of the shire for the
county of Bucks took place yesterday in the County-
hall, Aylesbury. There was no contest, the former
members, Mr. Disraeli, Mr. Du Pre, and Mr. A. G.
Cavendish being re-elected without opposition.
After the reading of the writ and the usual pre-
liminaries,
Mr. Du Pre was proposed by Sir T. P. DUN-
COMBE, and seconded by General HALL.
The Marquis of CHAN DOS proposed, and Mr. P.
DAUNGEY seconded, the Right Hon. B. Disraeli.
Sir H. VERNEY proposed, and Mr. C. TOWERS se-
conded the Hon. W. G. Cavendish.
There being no other candidates proposed, the
HIGH SHERIFF declared. Mr. Du Pre, Mr. Disraeli,
and Mr. Cavendish duly elected.
Mr. Du PRE, in returning thanks to the electors,
said he could only hope that his honest intentions
and unwearied attention would supply the want of
the statesmanlike abilities and Parliamentary elo-
quence so imperatively demanded at the present
crisis. (Hear, hear.) He had hoped that during
the late session some measure of reform would
be passed—and, though it was his intention
in committee to have objected to some of its details
—still, if the Government bill had not been met in
a factious spirit—(hear, hear)—a bill might have
been framed in committee which would have met
the views of all moderate men, and would have
settled the question for the lifetime of the present
generation at least. (Hear, hear.) He did not
blame those who had'supported their party in carry-
ing that resolution, but he blamed Lord J. Russell,
inasmuch as, from motives of personal ambition, he
had interposed to prevent the settlement of this
question. He advocated a policy of neutrality, if
war should break out on the continent; but for
once he agreed with Mr. Roebuck that the House
of Commons ought to consent to any measures
which would put the country in a perfect state of
defence, and enable our fleet to ride triumphant in
the Channel. (Cheers.)
Mr. DISRAELI then addressed the electors. The
right hon. gentleman said,—l too, like my friend
and colleague, Mr. Du Pre, have to return you my
sincere thanks for having elected me on six occa-
sions as your member. Believe me, I appreciate the
honour, and I return you my gratitude. Although
the period is not long, little more than a year, since
the last occasion when you did me the honour of
returning me to Parliament, I think there is no one
in this crowded county hall who can be surprised
that this opportunity has again occurred. The cir-
cumstances under which we acceded to office, meet-
ing a Parliament in which we possessed the support
of certainly little more than one-third of the mem-
bers, clearly pointed out that in course of probable
events we should feel it our duty to advise the
Sovereign to recur to the sense of the people, and
ourselves appeal for a renewal of their confidence.
Under these circumstances I now appear before you,
and following that habit which I have always pur-
sued towards you, I will not attempt to make a
mere hustings speech, but feeling that I stand
before a numerous body of my countrymen who,
whatever the opinions professed by their represen-
tatives, wish to hear them fairly stated, and to
decide upon them with the deliberation which
becomes sensible men, I shall speak to you to-day
in the same manner as I should speak to the House
of Commons, believing that I am paying a much
better compliment to your good sense and good
feeling by treating you as sensible men, rather than
by offering you a parcel of observations which may
amuse you for a moment, but which, when you
reflect upon them afterwards, would only make you
feel that you had been treated like children, and
that you were not thought worthy to decide upon
those grave circumstances which now engage the
attention of all men who ought to form and to offer
an opinion upon public affairs. (Cheers.) Sir Harry
Verney in his speech was extremely severe upon the
Reform Bill recently introduced into the House of
Commons by-the Government. It is easy to criticise
after the event. (Laughter.) I never knew any pub-
lic man who had not decided and definite opinions
on the subject of Parliamentary reform ; but the
most remarkable circumstance is, that though
every one feels that he knows exactly what
ought to be done, no two men agree in recommend-
ing what should be done. (Laughter.) Permit me
to mention what were the two principal features of
that measure of Parliamentary reform, which I, as
the organ of the Government, introduced to the
notice of the House of Commons. They were a
large increase of the constituencies of England, and
at the same time the representation of considerable
places which are now not represented in Parlia-
ment. There at least are two great results which
are not to be treated in a light and contemptuous
spirit. (Hear.) When the machinery for increas-
ing the constituencies had been fairly brought into
play, I believe it would, perhaps, have doubled the
amount of the present electoral body. It was with-
out doubt the largest proposal for the extension of
the suffrage that ever was submitted to the conside-
ration of our legislative assembly. So completely,
too, had we exhausted the claims of unrepresented
bodies that no person could allege that there was
any considerable place omitted from our scheme.
Allow me also to observe that when that proposal
was made it was received with ()Teat favour in the
country, and many gentlemen who not only voted
against the measure, but, I was surprised to find,
spoke against it too, who had previously in private
congratulated the Government on the wisdom of
their plan and the satisfactory nature of their pro-
posals. (Cheers.) I think, then, I have some right
to say that the measure was not altogether worthy
of the condemnation which has been reaped upon
it by the member for Buckingham (Sir H. Verney).
So far as dealinc, with this question in future is
concerned I shall support no proposal for the im-
provement of the representation of the people in
Parliament which does not involve these two great
principles to which I have adverted—a large ex-
tension of the franchise and a due representation
of those communities which are not at this moment
represented, but which are perfectly entitled to it
by their intelligence, their numbers, and by their
special interests. (A Voice—" What about the
working classes ? What about the working
classes ?") Why, if you were the representative of
the working classes, I should certainly proceed w.th
due deliberation in IN hat I did. (Laughter.) But
as the working classes generally are persons re-
spectable for their industry, for their intelligence,
and for their moral and social virtues, I should dis-
approve of any reconstruction of the electoral body
which did not offer a fair proportion of avenues for
their admission. (Cheers.) (Here another obser-
vation was made from the same quarter of the
crowd, the purport of which did not reach us.) I
suppose that is my old friend, Mr. Ivetts ; but if
you don't improve in your eloquence, you will cer-
tainly never get on in public life. (Laughter, and
a further inarticulate muttering from the same
quarter.) I'll tell you what it, is, sir, if you go on
making speeches like that I'll return you for a
rotten borough. (Loud laughter.) Gentlemen, it
is a uite clear from the observations of all the
speakers who have preceded me, that though the
question of Parliamentary reform is one which must
at all times command the interest and engage the
thoughtful speculations of all public men, there
is at the present moment another paramount sub-
ject, which indeed absorbs all the feelings and
passions of the country. (Hear, hear.) I will ad-
vert to that subject without reserve, and with the
utmost frankness I will detail to you, as briefly as
possible, but without any attempt to withhold the
truth, what I believe to be the real position of the
country on this matter. It has always been the
fashion for public men, especially for those who
may occupy a responsible position such as I have
the honour to hold, to affect a great reserve on all
questions connected with foreign politics. I don't
think that fashion a good one ; and on the present
occasion I shall not speak with any reserve, be-
cause I believe that if ever there:was a moment this
is the moment in wlr.'it hose responsible for the
conduct of affairs snoul.?: address the people with-
out keeping back any part of the truth. (Cheers.)
It is of the utmost importance that the people of
this country should comprehend what may be the
eventual results of the present condition of
things, My honourable friend the member for
Buckingham, in introducing this question of an
European war, and the probable consequences to
this country of such an event, 'Mated much on the con-
duct of Austria. I am not here to vindicate the con-
duct of Austria, but at the same time I would ven-
ture to observe that, in steering our course at the
present moment, we must not allow ourselves to be
influenced by any prejudice or passion with regard
to the conduct of foreign Powers to their subjects.
..(Cheers.) The conduct of Austria to her own sub-
jects may be open to criticism; but the conduct of
other Power to their subjects may also be liable to
comments, and we shall not either on the one hand
preserve peace
effect if
we or on the other prosecute war with
allow ourselves to be drawn away from
the merits of the Doint before us by the relations
which subsist bs`t,-„,, foreign Governments _
and
(
their subjectp„ ra. een
'''"eers ) There is no doubt that the
condition of Italy has -fed to the present position of
affairs. (Loud cheers.)
With the exception of that
part which belonged to
among '
Austria Italy was divided a number of petty
Princes whose adminis-
tration, generally speaking, was' deplorable, and
who persevered in that administration because they
knew that, from great reasons of State, Austria, in
order to preserve order in the Peninsula,
would al-
ways interfere if there were any san
111
‘"tic insubor •
dination or insurrection. Some years back one of
these petty States, with admirable spirit, aete
to emancipate itself from this condition. -SaTtiiinniead
to her honour, laid some foundation at least of pub'
lie freedom. (Hear, hear.) Sardinia showed on mazy

occasions that she was animated by a desire to raise
herself in the respect of mankind, and to follow
those intelligent principles of governmea which
are now generally accepted. But, unfortun .tely, the
ambition of a State naturally developer self with
its consciousness of superior excellence, a d, as Sar-
dinia felt her superiority to the other petty States
of Italy which remained in their insigo ficant posi-
tion, she naturally felt that she was more capable of
governing Italy with effect than her rivals, and she
took that course which clearly indicated a desire to
occupy a more important position in Italy than
under treaties she is entitled to, or at present
in rivalry
This places her to a certain degree rivalry
with Austria, but as it was impossible for Sardinia
really to compete in military strength with one of the
greatest Powers of Europe, she looked to the coun-
tenance and support of an ally who rivals in force
of arms and in the valour and skill of his troops
anything which Austria can produce. You see,
therefore, that from the rivalries and jealousies of
France and Austria how dangerous a condition of
affairs has been brought about. At the beginning
of this year the Emperor of the French, by words
with which you are familiar, publicly announced to
Europe that the relations between Austria and
France were no longer strictly of an amicable cha-
racter. It was not difficult to discover that the
cause of that rising misunderstanding between
France and Austria was the condition of Italy,
winch these two great Powers, viewed from different
points, and with different purposes. It was evident,
therefore, that if that misunderstanding was per-
mitted to remain, war might in all probability
ensue. What was the conduct and duty of her
Majesty's Government under such circumstances ?
We were on terms of cordial confidence with
France, and between Austria and England there
were relations of good understanding of ancient
date. I think I may be permitted to say that Eng-
land was respected by both Powers, and not only
respected, but respecting herself, and, knowing her
due influence and authority, she was clearly indi-
cated as the Power which should mediate between
these two great sovereigns and save Europe from
the impending curse of war. (Cheers.) It was
snider these circumstances that we determined to
take steps which should avert the deplorable conse-
quences threatened by a prolonged misunderstand-
ing. You all know that under the advice of the
Queen's Ministers our ambassador at Paris held a
confidential conversation with the Emperor of the
French, and made himself perfectly master, as he
believed—and I have no reason to think, from what
has subsequently transpired, that there was any
want of sincerity in what took place, or any con-
cealment—of the intentions of the Emperor. He
repaired to London, he conferred with the Ministers
here, and with the sanction of her Majesty he
went to Vienna, there to make himself ac-
quainted with the feelings and views of the Em-
peror of Austria, and by this means ultimately to
bring about an understanding upon the condition of
Italy which would prevent war. The mission of
Lord Cowley was eminently successful—no, not
eminently successful, but entirely successful. He
returned to London and gave us every conviction
that we should obtain our object; but before he
could reach Paris the Minister of the Emperor of
Russia, in consequence of the state of Europe, had
proposed that the affairs of Italy should be submit-
ted to a congress, and therefore instead of a media-
tion by England between France and Austria, a
congress of the five great Powers was proposed for
the settlement of the question. The Government,
without hesitation and without loss of time—though
not without long and due deliberation—felt that if
their scheme of mediation was played against the
scheme of a congress, the probable end would be
that nothing would be done. (Hear,hear.) The only
objection to the scheme was that if a congress of
the five great Powers—Russia being one—met,
other subjects than the condition of Italy might be
brought before it. The recent treaties which re-
sulted from the Russian war might have been intro-
duced, and so, instead of effecting the settlement
which we desired, instead of preventing war be-
tween France and Austria, we might have been
involved in negotiations and discussions which
would have been either fruitless or prejudicial.
Therefore, it was only on four conditions that we ac-
cepted the congress. It was to be directed only to the
consideration of the condition of Italy, it was to ob-
tain the evacuation by foreigners of the petty States
of Italy, it was to deliberate on the reform of Ita-
lian institutions and on the amelioration of the con-
dition of the Italian people, it was to secure means
by which war between Sardinia and Austria would
be rendered less likely to occur, and to put an end
to those treaties between Austria and the quasi-in-
dependent States of Italy which were the excuse
for Austria always entering into their territories
when any attempt was made by the people to ame-
liorate their condition. A very great authority,
recently addressing his constituents in the West of
England, as I am addressing my constituents now
—a statesman for whom I have every respect—
found fault with the conduct of the Ministry in these
affairs under two heads. As the Government has
been charged by Lord Palmerston on the hustings
of Tiverton—the noble lord knowing well that he
was speaking not merely to his constituents, but
through them to the country at large—l don't think
it unreasonable that I upon the hustings of Bucks
should answer temperately, I am sure, and I hope
successfully, both of the two charges. I say this
with every feeling of respect for Lord Palmerston
—(cheers)—for in the difficult position in which the
English Government has been placed during the
last three months with regard to foreign affairs,
they have received from the noble leader of the Op-
position that generous consideration which every
English statesman, I am sure, on whatever side he
may sit, will always extend to the Ministers of the
Queen under such circumstances ; and he has shows
every desire to assist, and not to obstruct, the at-
tempts of the Government to secure peace. (Cheers.)
But Lord Palmerston says the Government has
made two great mistakes. The first was the under-
taking of the mediation between France and Aus-
tria without previously obtaining from France and
Austria a formal recognition of our capacity as
mediators. If you will give me your attention for
a moment, I hope to show you that this charge has
no foundation. Undoubtedly, it would have been
a great advantage if, before we attempted to me-
diate between France and Austria, we could have
got some written instrument from them, by which
we were empowered to mediate, and which distinctly
laid before us the points on which we were to me-
diate. But that is begging the question of the whole
business. You know well in private life how very
frequently it happens that two proud men quarrel.
They don't perhaps clearly and precisely know
what is the cause of misunderstanding between them,
but a gradual, and at last a complete, misunderstand-
inn occurs. How frequently it happens that a mutual
friend, some person whom they respect, some person
of influence, a man of good sense and good temper,
enjoying the confidence of both, talks first to the one
and then to the other, to find out the real cause of
misunderstanding between them. How often, in
some cases, you find that there is really no founda-
tion for misunderstanding ; how often, in others,
that the misunderstanding may be easily remedied.
It is by first obtaining information that he at last
thinks he can interfere with effect ; but if he had
gone to one of these parties at the beginning, and
said to him, "I am sorry to see you quarrelling with
your neighbour, who is also my friend, as you are ;
what are you quarrelling about ? won't you let me
make some proposition to him, and I have no doubt,
if it is a just one, he will accept it, and put an end
to the quarrel ;" the answer he would get would
very likely be, " I won't make any proposition to
that fellow—not I. (Laughter.) Let him make a
proposition to me." The consequence is the mutual
friend can do nothing. This was exactly our position
between France and Austria. When we first ad-
dressed ourselves to the Emperor of the French,
though he professed himself asixious—and I believe
sincerely so—that all these difficulties should be re-
moved in an amicable manner, he would not make
any proposition to Austria, nor would he empower
us to make any proposition, because he believed
that Austria would totally reject any proposition
which he might deem satisfactory ; and thus he
would he subjected to what he would consider an in-
sult. In the same way Austria would make no
proposition, would empower us to make no propo-
sition ; but the Emperor of the French said—
" Although I will make no proposition I will tell you
what I think ought to be done for Italy—what will
satisfy my wishes—and if you think it reasonable
you may go to Austria and submit it to her, though
I do not think that Austria will ever accede to it."
By this means we were made perfectly acquainted
with the views of the Emperor of the French. We
did go, and Austria behaved in what I styled—and
think justly styled—in the House of Commons,
" a spirit of dignified conciliation." (Hear, hear.)
For though the Emperor of the French believed
that Austria would never agree to the proposals
which he made with regard to Austria, though we
expected to meet with great difficulties, and though
we did meet with great difficulties, yet the am-
bassador of the Queen entirely succeeded, and the
Emperor of Austria did make all the concessions
we desired. (Cheers.) These were great results.
But if we had asked Austria and France before we
mediated to appoint us formal mediators, the only
result would have been that we should have done
nothing at all, because neither France nor Austria
would have made any proposition of their own. It
is said that it was unfortunate that before Lord
Cowley arrived at Paris, Russia should have inter-
fered with the proposition of a congress. It is said
that this prevented peace, and that it was the result
of a deep design on the part of Russia. Well, gen-
tlemen, experience teaches me—and I have had a
good deal of experience—that men, however exalted
profound or so adroit
their places, are not always so

' as the world imagines them. I do not think that
the conduct of Russia was the offspring of any deep
policy or was prompted by any spirit of finesse.
(Cheers.) The fact is, I believe the Emperor of the
French was desirous of peace, provided he could
obtain peace with honour, provided he could have
it with a diplomatic triumph, and could have done
something for the Italians, which would have been
in one way a check upon Austria, and in another
would have added lustre to his own authority.
And as he had no confidence that the mission of
Lord Cowley—or rather visit I should call
it, since it had no official character—would be suc-
cessful, he seized upon the proposition which Russia
made for a formal meeting of the great Powers,
knowing that, if a Congress were agreed to, it
would be an assemblage of great importance and
weight, which would prove his influence in Europe
and which would lead to the results which he de-
sired. I can account for Russia making that pro-
position, because it is never agreeable to a Power
of the greatest rank to see the affairs of the world
settled as they would have been by England,
France, and Austria. It was, of course, pleasing
to the pride of Russia, and I have no doubt her
proposal may be accounted for in that way. It
would have been impossible for me to make these
observations a few days ago, because the country
was informed on authority which, though anony-
mous, was of that bouncing character that no one
dared to say " No " to it—that a secret treaty had
been formed between France and Russia—that
their fleets were to be united for the destruction of
our maritime supremacy and for the partition of
Europe. Of course, then the observations which I
have made would not have been listened to even
upon these hustings, where I have always been re-
ceived with so much indulgence. I can give you
no information as to the quarter from which or by
what means these erroneous statements were made.
They have, I believe, ruined many virtuous fami-
lies in this country ; they have shaken credit in
every nation ; but this I can assure you, that there
is not the slightest tittle of foundation for those
statements. (Loud cheers.) There is no treaty
existing between France and Russia, there is no
secret treaty between France and Russia, there is
no secret convention existing between France and
Russia. (Loud cheers.) There is between France
and Russia what may be called an engagement,
which they were not bound in any way to commu-
nicate to this country, but which was communi-
cated to this country voluntarily some time
ago by the French Minister for Foreign
Affairs. (Cheers.) It amounted simply to
this—that, in case of a war between France and
Austria, Russia should assemble an army of obser-
vation on her German frontier. Russia has as
much right to assemble an army of observation on
her German frontier as England has to send, as she
is about to send, a commanding fleet to the Medi-
terranean. (Loud cheers.) Both may be, probably
are, means to maintain peace rather than to make
war. (Cheers.) But I have further to acquaint
you that we have felt it our duty not only to re-
quest and to receive those communications from the
Governments of France and Russia, but we have
gone even beyond this, and have asked the Russian
Government what perhaps, according to the strict-
ness of diplomatic etiquette we were not justified
in asking, but which we asked in the confidence of
a Power that always acts with frankness and
straightforwardness towards her allies—we have
asked the Russian Government whether in case of
a war between France and Germany they have
entered into any engagement to declare war against
Germany. And we have received from the Russian
Government the most explicit and most unequivocal
declaration that no engagement of the kind exists
or ever has been asked. So much, then, for the
secret treaties, so much for the secret conventions,
so much for the secret engagements between France
and Russia, directed only to one object—the humi-
liation, and perhaps the destruction of England.
You see, gentlemen, how necessary it is that a
country should not decide in heat and passion.
Why, the very same day it was also announced, on
great authority, that there was a secret treaty be-
tween Denmark and France, with the same purpose.
Every one sees what the object of that was—that
the whole Scandinavian navy should probably be
united to that of Russia and France, in order to
destroy the supremacy of England. Well, we
have made inquiries of the Court of Denmark.
Denmark is our natural ally and friend, and I am
bound to say a Power which has on all occa-
sions of late exhibited the utmost friendliness and
confidence towards England. And I have the very
best authority for thus publicly stating that there
is not the shadow of a foundation for that state-
ment—(cheers)—and that if—which God forbid !
—we ever have. to call on our allies and friends to
rally round our standard and support the cause of
freedom, truth, and justice, I look with the utmost
reliance to the spirit of Scandipavia being enlisted
on our side. (Cheers.) But what was the origin
of these enormous falsehoods ? There was a party
once which we were told practised enormous lying.
(Laughter.) I believe it was a calumny, although
the observation was made by one of the members of
that party. (A laugh.) But whether, as some say, it
was an attempt to create a prejudice against France
and Russia, and that appears to me probably too
' deep a design to be true—whether it was a great
stockjobbing mancouvre—and for the credit of
human nature I trust there is no foundation for that
suspicion—or whether it be, as I fear is the natural
and correct solution, that it was to create at the
moment of the general election a prejudice against
her Majesty's Ministers—all these conjectures I
must leave for your better judgment to determine.
Possibly time may reveal the mystery. (Cheers.)
Certainly it was very convenient for gentlemen on
the hustings to abuse Lord Malmesbury, and say—
" What supine men these are ! While they have
been reposing credulous confidence in the good in-
tentions of France, and in the conciliation of Aus-
tria, all this time these acute judges of human con-
duct were ignorant that a deep conspiracy had been
long maturing for the abasement of English power,
perhaps for the destruction of English independence,
for the partition of Europe, and the demolition of the
British navy !" I believe this language has had
some effect; but, fortunately, we live in an age
when truth no longer is at the bottom of a well—(a
laugh)—we can soon correct what is false, we can
speedily promulgate what is true. What I have
stated to you to-day is the truth of these circum-
stances ; and therefore it is not for me—difficult as
is the position of public affairs, dangerous as I may
indeed call it—to stand here and denounce the
Powers of Europe ; because I do not think, though
war has probably already commenced, that Eng-
land, or even Russia, ought to forego her position of
mediator. I believe that we ought to be prepared
—whether our armies are on the German frontier,
or whether our fleets and squadrons are careering
in the Mediterranean or the Adriatic, to watch
events, to seize the favourable opportunity when
we may terminate the struggle, and obtain a settle-
ment of Europe founded upon justice, and upon
those regulations which may permit of a permanent
adjustment. Now, I may be asked--and it is a very
fair question—what is your opinion of the conflict
that has now begun,—what will be its effect upon
England, and what probability is there of her being
drawn into its vortex ? Gentlemen, my policy is,
I believe, the policy of every sound-headed man in
this country. The policy of England is eminently
one of peace. (Cheers.) Her interference in other
I States, in order to change their domestic institu-
tions, or to influence their internal affairs, whatever
may be its motives, is, I think, invariably a mis-
take. But although the interest as well as the
policy, of England is peace, it is of the utmost im-
portance that she should be prepared for war.
(Cheers.) It is our best security for our tranquil-
lity and for the tranquillity of Europe that Eng-
land should show that she is a Power which can
assert her influence at a moment with effect. Well,
what is our present condition in that respect ?
Have we been caught napping ? I have no wish
now to claim any merit for her Majesty's Govern-
ment to which they are not entitled. I am quite
sure that, whoever might have been the Ministers
of the Queen, their foreign policy would have been
exactly the same as ours, and that, as regards their
preparation for eventual dangers and duties, they
would have adopted the same course as we have
done. It is, therefore, not in any boastful spirit,
but with, I hope, the becoming pride of an English-
man speaking to Englishmen, that I tell you what
is our situation. You have in India 100,000 sea-
soned and valiant troops, such as the world, pro-
bably, never saw before—certainly equal to that
army which Wellington rendered immortal.
(Cheers.) A great portion of that force ought to
quit India for England. They are at our command;
and if they come here it is not from the necessity
of this country, bit because the happy course of
affairs in India and the position of the Indian
Government make it desirable that they should
return home. You have in England itself at this
moment 100,000 men, not equal, perhaps, to those
who have been seasoned in the illustriouscampaigns
of India, but disciplined, and I need add brave
soldiers, since they are your countrymen. (Cheers.)
I was told by•one of the hon. gentlemen who pre-
ceded me that nothing would satisfy him but that
we should have a powerful fleet in the Channel.
You will have before six weeks have passed, not
only a powerful fleet in the Channel, but also a
powerful fleet in the Mediterranean. (Cheers.) What
nation in the world, then, can compete with Eng-
land ? For, with all these, you have a condition of
your finances which is most wholesome and healthy;
and these great armaments, which will never be
exercised except for your defence, or for the main-
tenance of your honour and the vindication of your
absolute interests, will be supported by a people
lightly taxed, greatly prospering, and whose
heart and soul are with the institutions of their

r country. (Cheers.) Why, then, are we to be
alarmed ? Why, ought we not rather to feel
that ours is the position to give temperate coun-
sels, prepared as we shall be to support those
counsels with that authority which belongs to a
counsellor who is known to be strong? (Cheers.)
But what is the condition of other countries ? I
shall not single out for remark any particular
State, Sovereign, King, Emperor, or dominion ;
but we have seen something of European war on
a great scale within our recent experience ; and let
us look to the ways and means by which those
haughty princes and their mighty armies carry on
war. Why, when the second campaign comes the
shoe always pinches. (Hear.) I cannot see that
there is any Continental Power which can enter
upon a third campaign. (Cheers.) I know very well
it is sometimes observed that at the great French
Revolution Mr. Pitt said that France was in such a
state of insolvency that she could not hold out for
two campaigns, and yet the war lasted for 25 years.
That is all very true, but then great French revo-
lutions do not happen very frequently. Little
French revolutions may. (Laugnter and cheers.)
The great French Revolution is to modern what
the siege of Troy was to ancient history, and it is
not going to be repeated. We know very well that
war, always a very costly operation, has immensely
increased in its expenditure from the circumstances
under which it is now waged. Your armies are
larger, your munitions are much more extravagant,
your artillery now costs as much as the whole of
your armaments in old days, and the means of de-
struction are much more complete. Well, what is
the condition of England? The world has been
startled by an announcement made within these
few days, that a great Sovereign has gone down to
his Council and obtained a vote of 20 millions of
money to carry on the war. The world seems quite
frightened at a monarch who can raise 20 millions,
—the funds fall, and everybody thinks that even
the independence of England is threatened. What
is 20 millions of money by way of loan to carry
on a war ? It goes like water. (A Voice, " But
then £800,000,000.") Why, £800,000,000, if
owed by an industrious and free people, is a
fleabite. (Laughter and cheers.) My friend seems
quite frightened by our national debt_ (" No, no,"
and laughter.) Let me tell you how England car-
ries on war. An Emperor of the French, or of
Russia, or of Austria has a loan of 20 millions—all
to be spent in a year ; and allow me to remind you
that that is an experiment which cannot be very
often repeated. (A laugh.) But what does the
Queen of England do ? She goes down to her Par-
liament, and with their concurrence, by one single
tax, and that not heavily imposed, can in an emer-
gency raise 20 millions per annum. (Cheers.) Why,
if the country were in danger, we could, by the aid
of the income-tax alone—and God forbid that this
should ever come to pass, or that I should be the
Chancellor of the Exchequer to propose it—(laugh-
ter)—but by levying a simple income-tax of 10 per
cent. we could have 20 millions a year—not in loans,
not by borrowing money, not even adding to the
terrors of my alarmed friend—(cheers and laughter)
—but out of our annual revenue, and all this not
grudgingly but heartily given. And adding to that
sum derived from taxation a loan of £20,000,000
a year if you want loans—for England could give
the Queen a loan of £20,000,000 per annum for 10
years running, if necessary—if the honour of the
country required it; and at the end of that period
the national resources, instead of being exhausted,
would not really be found, considering the circum-
stances of the case—that the freedom of her people,
the independence of her realm, and the greatness of
her empire were at stake—to have been seriously
impaired by such a contribution: (Cheers.) When
I know these things I am not intimidated by the
leagues of kings and emperors. I know well that
if there is to be a war of nationalities, of opinions,
and of races—a war of revolution and reconstruc-
tion, we shall weather the storm. (Cheers.) It
will not be England that will suffer. It is Europe
that will be injured, Europe that will be deso-
lated, and the very potentates whose pride, and
ambition, and lust of conquest are bringing about
this perilous state of affairs will find themselves at
the end in an inferior position to that which they
now occupy. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, we hear a
great deal of the balance of power, of the impor-
tance of sustaining certain barriers in Europe, and
many other axioms, all of which to a certain degree
arc true, and which may for a certain time continue
to prevail. But let me take this opportunity of
impressing upon you that the day is coming, if it
has not already come, when the question of the
balance of power cannot be confined to Europe alone.
Since the time when that doctrine obtained great
communities have risen in another hemisphere, who
will not permit the balance of power to be limited
to Europe. You have on the other side of the At-
lantic vigorous and powerful communities, who will
no longer submit to your circumscribed theory of
authority. The Australian colonies, though now
in their youth, but in the youth of giants, have
already, as it were, thrown their colossal shadow
over Europe. And it is for old Europe I lament
that she is exhausting her energies and her resources
in these wars. I could wish that she would rather
prepare for that awful competition which in coming
times she must encounter. I would rather see
France, and Germany, and Russia develope their
resources, improve their agriculture, increase their
population,
and cultivate the arts of life, social and
scientific, instead of wasting their strength, risking
their stability, and sinking when the era to which
I have referred arrives, by their own mismanage-
ment and want of prescience, into an inferior and
exhausted position. Remember always that Eng-
land, though she is bound to Europe by tradition,
by affection, by great similarity of habits, and all
those ties which time alone can create and conse-
crate, is not a mere Power of the Old World.
Her geographical position, her laws, her lan-
guage and religion, connect her as much with the
New World as with the Old. And although she
has occupied not only an eminent, but I am bold to
say, the most eminent position among European
nations for ages, still, if ever Europe, by her short-
sightedness falls into an inferior and exhausted
state, for England there will remain an illustrious
future. (Cheers.) We are bound to the commu-
nities of the New World, and those great States
which our own planting and colonizing energies
have created, by ties and by interest will sus-
tain our power and enable us to play as great a
part in the times yet to come as we do in these
days and as we have done in the past. (Cheers.)
And therefore, now that Europe is on the eve of
war, I say it is for Europe, not for England, that
my heart sinks. And this I hope, that it will be
by the influence of England that the unhappy
struggle which has just opened may be one of short
duration ; that it may be limited in its range and
local in its character ; and that after some brief en-
counters of arms both France and Austria may feel
that it would be well, by the influence of those who
have not been seduced by their political passions,
to terminate the strife and secure at the same time
the better government of Italy and the peace of
the world. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I have placed
before you, I fear at too great length—(No, no)—
what I believe to be the present position of public
affairs. As far as your country is concerned that
position is one of honour and of duty. I hope, as
far as her Majesty's Government are concerned,
notwithstanding the semewhat harsh terms of my
hon. friend the member for Buckingham—(a laugh)
—we have fulfilled our duty, and maintained
your honour. And whether it be by us, or by
other men, I cannot doubt that the same course
of policy will be pursued—that throughout
these transactions the probable course of England
will be that of an authority which, at the right
occasion, will come forward to secure the peace of
Europe. (Loud cheers, amidst which the right hon.
gentleman was about to retire, when, apparently
recollecting himself, he continued.) Gentlemen, I
mentioned to you that there were two points on
which the Government of the Queen has been im-
pugned by Lord Palmerston. It has just occurred
to me, as sometimes happens to any one speaking
in this manner, that I have accidentally overlooked
the second of those points to which I meant to
allude; and if I had not luckily bethought myself
in time I know that to-morrow morning it would
be said of me that having come boldly forward to
answer two points I had conveniently omitted to
notice probably the most important of them. (A
laugh.) Therefore, I trust you will allow me, though
somewhat irregularly, for I had concluded my ob-
servations, to deal very briefly with the second
matter to which I had adverted. I have alreadydisposed of the first allegation—viz., that we com-
mitted a mistake in undertaking a mediation with-
out previously obtaining the formal recognition of
our mediatorial power by the two States with which
we were about to treat. But it was also said' by
Lord Palmerston that the Congress which was pro-
posed in lieu of the mediation was also an error,
because Austria would not consent to that Congress
except. upon terms which were alike absurd and
impossible, the terms of Austria being that she
would not agree to a Congress unless before the
business of it was discussed the disarmament of the
Powers should take place. That, said Lord Pal-
merston, was a condition absurd and impossible,
and no wonder, therefore, the Congress failed.
Now, gentlemen, it is difficult to settle what makes
a condition absurd, because every man may annex
a different idea to the epithet absurd. There are
a great many absurd people in the world ; but
theyhave not the slightest idea themselves that they
are absurd. (A laugh.) There are a great many
absurd opinions which are upheld ; but those who
entertain them think that they are remarkable for
their truth and simplicity, and therefore I will not
enter into any controversy with the noble lord the
member for Tiverton on his epithet " absurd." But
as to his second assertion—viz., that the condition

on which Austria would enter the Congress, and
which was sanctioned by her Majesty's Govern-
ment, was " impossible, I have to remark that
whether a thing is possible or impossible is a matter
of fact. If you can do it, it is clearly possible, and
then you prove that it is not " impossible." (A
laugh.) Now, what are the facts of the case ? It
is a fact that Austria made it a condition to her as-
senting to the Congress that there should be a pre-
vious disarmament of the Powers. It is a fact that
this was very much objected to. It is a fact that
England thought this on the whole a condition
which was practicable and ought to be recom-
mended. It is a fact that France, which first ob•
jetted to it, at length cordially accepted it. It is a
fact that eventually, through the influence of
France, Sardinia, which had shown a great repug-
nance to it, unconditionally accepted it. (Cheers.)
And just at the moment when all parties had agreed
to the Congress—just at the moment when all par-
ties had agreed that the first business of the Con-
gress, before it went into the condition of Italy,
should be the settlement of the terms upon which
and the appointment of the commissioners by whom
the general disarmament was to take place, Austria
adopted that, I still think, fatal mistake of sending
the message to Sardinia, which has led to the war
that has since ensued. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I
think I have answered the two—and they were only
two—charges that were urged against the foreign
policy of the Government of Lord Palmerston. And
I would only observe that in a very short time a
new Parliament will assemble. What may then
occur we shall probably know in duo season. (A
laugh.) But this I think I can say, although the
general election has by no means terminated, that
her Majesty's Ministers will find in the next Parlia-
ment a considerable accession of strength. (Cheers
and a laugh.) From the returns which have been
made, and which may be counted upon, and from
the communications which we have received from
gentlemen who, though not immediately con-
nected as formal adherents with the Government,
are yet desirous at a moment of difficulty to
support them, I believe that her Majesty's Ministers
will gain a considerable addition to their strength.
But whether that accession will be sufficient to enable
them to carry on the affairs of the country with the
efficiency which I for one desire to see is, as I have
before said, a question which time only can decide.
But this great fact will remain, that there will cer-
tainly be a compact and united party in Parliament,
animated by the same spirit, holding the same
opinions, and acknowledging the discipline of aparty
having, I hope, and as I think events have proved,
some confidence in their leaders, and in their num-
bers perhaps not inconsiderably exceeding 300. And
whether these gentlemen sit behind the Minister or
before him, depend upon it that is a great fact for the
constitution of this country. It will give strength to
the Throne, it will add authority to the councils of
the Crown, of whomsoever they may be formed, it
will increase the weight and maintain the character
of Parliament, and at a moment of danger like the
present it will represent in a great degree the united
patriotism of the British people. (Cheers.) If that
alone were the result of this appeal to the na-
tion, believe me it would be no mean result. To be a
Minister of the Crown is a noble object of personal
ambition, and I don't think that any man ought to be
depreciated or decried who has that ambition.
(Cheers.) But after all there are greater things than,
I will not say the gratification of personal pride, but
than even the maintenance of a public policy—viz.,
the security of our country and the honour of our
Parliament. I know nothing which tends more to
these great objects than that political parties should
be established upon distinct principles ; that they
should subordinate their private differences to a
great public end, and that they should enter into a
generous rivalry for the conduct of affairs in that
spirit which prompted our forefathers, and which,
I believe, led to the establishment ofour freedom and
the greatness of our empire. (Cheers.) I think I see
in the spirit of those addresses from all sections
which I have scanned in the public prints, th at those
who are returned to the present Parliament on
both sides are much actuated and influenced by
these feelings. I think that men will enter Parlia-
ment with a deeper and much more serious sense of
public duty than did that somewhat haphazard as-
sembly which last met at Westminster. (A laugh.)
Whether you are to maintain or to change your in-
stitutions : how you are to change them ; whether
if you reform the spirit of your reform should be
conservative or revolutionary; whether if you have
in the management of your foreign affairs a great
part to fulfil, it should be one rather of temperate
mediation than of eager aggression,—these, I think,
are questions on which men have deeply pondered
and are prepared seriously to act. Whatever may
be the fate of Government, I look then for this Par-
liament to be an assembly which will obtain the
confidence of their country. I think it will be
formed of men anxious to do their duty to England ;
and I do most earnestly pray that, whatever may
be the consequence of their decisions upon the fate
of Ministers, all they do may be for the honour of
their land, for the advantage of their Sovereign,
and for the benefit of the world. (Loud and con-
tinued cheering.)
The Hon. Mr. CAVENDISH then briefly addressed
the electors, thanking them for his re-election. He
declared himself favourable to an extension of the
borough franchise and opposed to the Reform Bill
of the Government. He was glad to hear from his
right hon. colleague that the country was so well
prepared in regard to its naval and military de-
fence, and whatever might be his differences of
opinion from them on other topics, he promised
them his cordial support in maintaining the honour
and dignity of the nation. (Cheers.)
Thanks were then voted to the High Sheriff, and
the proceedings terminated.