The Sun.
London, England, 1857-01-15 00:00:00

LC NDON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 15, 1857.

Another war in Affghanistan ! Remember the
last war there—the frightful war of 1838—with
all its horrors, and all its disasters, and all its
humiliations. And then reflect whether we have
not reasons enow, in all conscience, for the most
vigilant forethought and the most extreme pre-
caution, now that we are actually embarking once
more upon the perils of a military campaign
against Persia through Affghanistan ! Recollect
for a moment some few among the conspicuous
facts, constituting, in the former struggle, the
"head and front" of DOST norommEn' Offending.
Recall to mind, not simply we mean, the bar-
barous assassination of Sir ALEXANDER BURNES
and of Sir WILLI M'NAQITEN, but all the
terrible havoc, turmoil, and confusion that
ensued. The utter rout of the British forces at
the battle of Beh-meru-hill ! The agonising
slaughter at the passage of the it yber Pass I The
precipitate and disastrous retreat from the province
of 0 tubul ! The wholesale butchery at the city of
Caubul 1 The previous massacre at Gaudannuck!
The subsequent calamity at Mookhoor I The more
than decimation, the literal and absolute annihil-
ation, of the Goorkha, Regiment. The loss of a
whole noble army—,the Army of the Indus--
with the miserable exception of a mere shied of
it : a little group of gallant fellows redeemed
almost by a miracle from the jaws of death, like a
single boat's crew from the shipwreck of an
Armada ! The irretrievable loss beyond all this
heroic blooci,„l.wyond all these chivalrous souls "lone
to death" among the rocky fastnesses of Affghanis-
tan, beyond the loss of all our military chaiacter
for the time being, and of our hitherto invincible
and irresistible reputation—of treasures amount-
ing in the aggregate to not less than 20,000,000/.
Recollect all this, and then say whether the last
war in Affghanistan, the war of 1838, carries
with the mere remembrance of it, a lesson of warn-
ing, or an incitement to prudence.
It must, nevertheless, be borne in recollection,
at the same time, that the new conflict upon
which since the Ist of last November we may be
said to have adventured, is a war, not this time
against Dos? MAHOMMED, but against the SHAH
of Persia, a war not in Affghanistan, but through
Affghanistan. So differently are we situated at
the present moment in regard toCauhul and DOST
MAHOMMED that Sir JOEY isil`NßlL's proposition
of 1838, urging upon our authorities the policy
of subsidising the latter and enlisting the troops
of the former upon the side of Britain, is actually,
if not already accomplished, at any rate within
reach of realisation. Utterly idle, however,
would it be to rely upon either the strength or
the consistency to be derived from the Affghan
Princes under the leadership of DOST MAHOMMED.
In this new struggle in arras by sea and by land
against Russo-Persian ambition—not Persian
ambition alone, observe ! but against Russo-Per-
sian ambition—we must (considering the justice
of our cause) rely solely upon ourselves, under
the aid of DIVINE PROVIDENCS. The Anglo-Indian
fleet in the Persian gulf, the Anglo-Indian troops
under the command of their gallant Sepoy
General, Brigadier CHAMBER LA YNS, mast look
for victory, under HEAVEN, not to the
accident of any casual assistance that may come
from the aide of their Cabul auxiliaries, but
simply, and entirely, and exclusively to
themselves. Having the sense of a solid support
behind them, such as would be derivable from
a grand reserve of (say) from 20,000 to
30,000 fresh troops, in round numbers. There
is at the very least, however, the satisfac-
tion in regard to old DUST MAIRYSIAIRD and his
Affghan mercenaries, that if, in the oncoming
struggle, they may not be with us, they are not to
be against us. So far so good. But let us go
further, if possible ; let us guard, by the most
vigilant precautionary measures, against the
chances of any surprise or of any deception. We
have the wiliest foes to deal with, and the wiliest

friends. Let us, on either hand, be watchful.
And, above all, let us never lose the recollection
of the warning addressed to England not so very
ling ago by England's greatest Captain—Never to
embark in a Little War ! It would be well to add
Ito that solemn injunction the supplemental advice
j—never to embark in a Weak War, a Partial
War, in any War, in fact, that is not a War in
genuine earnest, a War, as the phrase is,
routrance ! Had he lived to witness the Crimean
Struggle, the Duke of WELLINGTON must assuredly
have reprobated a Weak War no less earnestly
than he reprobated what he called a Little War !
He at least could not have been wholly satisfied
with a Caucasian Campaign ending for England
in the loss of Kars—with a bombardment of
Odessa leaving the city, at the end of it, still in
the hands of the Russians—with an eleven
months' siege of Sebastopol closing with the North
Forts still untaken by the united legions of the
Allies—with a Peace at last consented to without
the whisper of an indemnity, after the loss, to
England alone, of from 20,000 to 20,000
gallant soldiers, and of from 80,000,000/. to
100,000,000/.

No— startling though it may sound co to put
it, it is incumbent upon us, in the name
of mercy, in the name of humanity,
not to have again, if we can help
it, either a Weak War, or a Little War, now that
we have actually drawn the sword once more
against Persia—particularly now that our army
has had to march against Persia through the
awful and perilous panes of Affghanistan. Leb
the new war be neither a Weak War nor a Little
War, but a War bold, prompt, vigorous, and—
in one word—thorough t

The Neuchatel Difficulty still on the Cards of
European Diplomacy gives promise at last of
approximating to something like a decisive settle-
ment. Everybody almost has had a finger in the
pie—a pie hitherto, by the way, about as satisfac-
tory as "Printers' !" But, until now, with
very little prospect even of being brought to the
ultimate stage of completion. Prussia ♦ery com-
prehensibly of course—Marplot as she ever proves
herself to be whenever any opportunity for so
doing offers itself in the complicated affairs of
Christendom—hankering all the while avowedly
for the liberation of the Prisoner, for their
liberation instantly and unconditionally ! Swit-
zerland evincing very naturally, and sagaciously at
the same time, a profound reluctance to conduct
anything of the kind until some distinct guaran-
tee should have been given by the Government
of Berlin, some positive and reliable guarantee as
to the ulterior renunciation by FREDERICS WIL-
LIAM of his hypothetical right of sovereignty over
the disputed prize—Neuchatel! Every now and
then coming ineffectually between the disputants
—England, and France, and Austria, and even at
last Russia herself, fresh from the Conferences,
and, therefore, most amiably alive to the abstract
charms of conciliation. All to no avail. To no
actual avail whatever 1 So that more than four
months have elapsed in these futile and, as they
have proved, absolutely frivolous negotiations. At
length, for the first time since the insurrectionary
movement of last September, there appears to
be a likelihood of matters being brought to a tardy
but final settlement. The Diplomatists, not
merely of Berne and Berlin, but those also of
London and Paris, of Vienna and St. Petersburg,
have been all this while idly beating about the
bush—and even Row can scarcely be said to be
well out of the wood. The difficulty all the time
being obviously to reconcile the claims of Prussia.
with the rights of Switzerland. To the attain-
ment of which end, the most straightforward
course would have been from the first, what is
actually only now (after more than a third of a
year's haggling and wrangling)—being approached,
namely, the making of the liberation of the Pri-
soners contingent upon the guarantee of Prussia
that there should be a definite settlement
immediately thereupon, for once and for
all, of the " vexed question " of the
right of sovereignty over Neuchatel. This ar-
rangement even now, as we have intimated, is not
by any means arrived at—it is only at this
moment being approached. Still it is being ap-
proached t and so far matters are in consequence
assuming an aspect a little raore satisfactory. It
will be an absolute mercy to Europe when the mon-
strous and unnatural claim advanced on the part of
Prussia shall really have been at last entirely dis-
sipated. Switzerland will then be relieved from
a source of constant irritation, and may then,
more effectually than ever, dedicate her undivided
energies to the better organisation of her noble
republican institutions and to the larger develop.
ment of all the resources of the whole Federation.

Although we have no great faith in Sir G. C.
LEWIS, we cannot believe that lie will venture to
rely on the " pettifogging quibble," so loudly
denounced not merely by the victims, but by one
of his own colleagues, the First Naval Lord of
the Admiralty. The pressure from without is
roo stringent—the voice of public opinion too
distinct to admit of doubt. It has penetrated into
the innermost recesses of Downing-street, and the
"demurrer" being disposed of the question must now
be met on the substantial merits. The people have
at last been thoroughly aroused. After 14 years'
iuffering the iron has penetrated into their wiry
souls. They now appreciate the gross injustice of
she system, and are resolved on obtaining an effec-
tual, albeit a tardy, remedy. Meetings are held
in the different districts, in which members of
Parliament are obliged to express their views ; and
the sentiments thus promulgated must find an
echo within the Imperial Palace at Westminster.
Men of all classes and varieties of political opinion
have already spoken, and none have dared to de-
fend the oollection of the war Od. to April, 1858,
or the system under which it was levied.
A. very important meeting was held at Droit-
wicb, on Monday, at which Sir J. S. PAKINOTON,
one of the leading members of " Her MAJESTY'S
Opposition," expressed his views clearly and ma-
equivocally. The Right Honourable Baronet may,
in this instance, be regarded as the mouthpiece
of the party, and although, as an ex-Cabinet
Minister, he was obliged to maintain a degree of
reserve, he yet let out sufficient to show that the
Derbyites are fully conscious of the strength of
the position, and that, they are prepared, if neces-
sary, to risk an encounter on the question.
The Right Hun. Baronet would not say that
the extraordinary verbiage of the Act which raised
the question was more than "a mere accident."
But he unhesitatingly declared that, although its
continuance might be "carrying it out accord-
ding to the strict letter of the law, it was not in
consonance with it spirit," and that " the spirit
as well as the letter should be respected." Ho
justly claimed credit for the attempt made by Mr.
DISRAELI, when Onancellor of the Exchequer, to
discriminate between incomes derived from
accumulated property and the earnings of indus-
try. But that, as we have frequently stated,
was but " the introduction of the sharp end of
the wedge." It might have been accepted as a
beginning, but nothing now will do but a fair
Property Tax, where every person in the enjoyment
of a fixed and certain income shall contribute ac•

cording fo his means, to the liquidation of the
public liabilities , and the maintenance of the
national establis: hments. The settlement has been
too long deferrer I to admit of such a compromise.
It is " too /ate " for such an arrangement. The
inequalities of t: he tax must be rectified, but it
must be a fair and bona fide effort to do so—
not merely one that " keeps the word of pro-
mise to the ear to break it to the
hope." Sir J. PARINGTON compared the position
of the mail possessed of money in the funds, or
real estate, with one who had to earn his liveli-
hood. T 7 a() one left an ample provision, the other
was comp !lied to save or insure. The latter was
in duty bi yund to save or insure for the benefit of
his family..

This is truly valuable testimony, It will be
recognised in Downing-street. It indicates a
coming stoi •m, and Sir G. C. LEWIS will have to
trim his sai, is in accordance with the warning. It
only require s that the people should still display
the same zeal and energy, and the victory will be
alccnapli-h?d., and 1857 will be renowned as the
year of fiscal reform, when the true principles of
Reform were recognised by the Legislature.

We have had enough lately of Ticket-of-Leave
liberations, .and remission of sentences after short
imprisonments. A quite new difficulty has lately
been placed before the public—what to do with
wrongly-convicted prisoners. The irreclaimable
seem like ly to give us trouble enough, and more
than enoug:h ; but those whom we have put under
the discipline of Newgate, Milbank, and Penton-
ville for crimes they are as innocent of as we are,
ought to t rouble our national conscience in the
opposite direction. They have a heavy demand
upon us fox redress, and we must give it. At pre-
sent we can only pardon convicted innocence ; the
absurdity .is so glaring that it has always been
felt. It lat%s been submitted to as the only prac-
ticable legal mode of releasing the innocent from
paniehment ; but we doubt not her MAJESTY'S
fingers must have tingled a little, when, having
been advised by her Home Secretary that a per-
son prosecuted, convicted, and sentenced in her
name had never committed the alleged crime at
all, she luad to sign a pardon for the wronged in-
dividual. She must have felt that, as Head of the
Executive, she had rather pardon to ask than to
bestow, .and must have reluctantly applied to
proved innocence the language appropriate to guilt.
We have all of us admired, too, the firmness of
the KING of Naples' guiltless victims, who, when
offered liberation on condition of asking for a
pardon, preferred their load of irons and their
damp dungeons to the ignominy of pardon for no
crime whatever. Can we, then, insult longer
those who have nothing to be forgiven with that
which we praise POBRIO for refusing.
In The Sun of Saturday, a case of the kind
referred to was stated in a letter by Mr. J. AN-
DERSON ROSE, ex-Under-Sheriff •f London, which,
from the peculiar clearness of the evidence and
the sufferings of the victim, has deservedly
attracted no little attention. JOHN MARKHAM
was arrested one Saturday morning last April in
Oxford-street, on the charge of forging a banker's
cheque, was examined and remanded for six weeks,
finally committed for trial, tried, and convicted.
The case was one of mistaken identity. The real
culprit, JAMES ANDERSON, is now himself in the
hands of justice, and confesses to the entire inno-
cence of MARKHAM. He had even, it seems,
unable to see unmoved the distress and want
of Mrs. MARKIIAm, knowing her husband to be
innocext, actually sent her, in a way to avoid
detection., a five-pound note ! After six months of
inconceivable mental agony, in addition to prison,
fare, prison companions, and "the horrors,"
as he termed it, of solitary confinement, Jourr
MARKREA.M is informed that he is proved innocent,
therefore pardoned, and is now a freeman. The
Int joy of freedom of course hid the shame of
pardon from him, but, practically, he finds on
Isis emancipation that Society is but too ready to
regard him not as one to whom it has to make
atonement, but as one who has been to prison.
Now, surely, let legal pedantry and ingenuity
hunt up what difficulties it may, all this ought to
be redressed. A man brought to trial, and told
by the Judge in open court that he is
not merely acquitted through some techni.
cal casualty, or through doubtful evidence,
but that no stain rests upon his character, rejoins
the world, as if nothing had happened. Hence
an accused man, conscious of integrity, demands
a fair trial, and an officer of the army in like cir-
cumstances a court-martial. This seems to point
to one mode of remedying the mischief which would
retrieve character, namely, a new, public, and
impartial investigation. Pecuniary compensation
to the full extent of the injury sustained in that
way, none would object to, and further it is impos-
sible to go. Aro compensation can be offered
for six months of heart-wearing, bearing up
against degrading punishments, the proper lot of
felons, and the wretchedness of being looked on as
guilty of that which the inmost heart loathes by
all who surround us.

It is rather remarkable that ATARKEIAAL'S is not
the only case of the kind with which Mr. RosE
and the excellent Ordinary of Newgate had to do.
Another man of the name of MARTIN was rescued
by their praiseworthy exertions in the same man-
ner. They after several days' labour established
his innocence, and even found out the real crimi-
nal. It is also remarkable that Mr. Rose heard
both the trials, and was satisfied at the time of
MAEREcAm's innocence, and strongly doubted the
guilt of MARTIN ; although he states that the
witness who Swore positively to MARKHAM'S iden-
tity was a most respectable and honest man. It
is difficult to explain this, the more so as
he was ably defended by Mr. BALLANTINE, who
was thoroughly satisfied of his innocence. These
cases do an injury to the administration of justice
generally. In the next trial for murder, where
identity is at all a question, what jury will not
be afraid to convict when the prisoner's counsel
has made the best use of MARKHAM'S erroneous
conviction. The opponents of capital punish-
ment will, of course, lay no little stress on such
cases ; and it may easily happen that thus villains
may be left at large, again to commit fresh mur-
ders, whom no jury would have hesitated to
confine for life.

The account Mr. Rosa gives of the interior of
Newgate is somewhat startling. Pirates, mur-
derers, garotters, burglars, thieves from birth,
reeeivers, putters up of robberies, and
the perpetrators of
unmentionable crimes, all
picking oakum together, and all solacing them-
selves under the monotonous task by " holding
high discourse" on the
edifying topic of their
knaveries, and deeds of villanous daring. The
temptation is to make themselves worse than they
are, the most outrageous talc of horrors or of
wicked cunning being the most interesting, and
perhaps the most instructive to the younger
scholars. It seems to be a perfect pandemonium,
and poor MARKIIAIL was an object of relentless
persecution among these wretches, because " the
countryman," as they termed him, could but per-
severingly assert his innocence. What a hell on

earth must Newgate be ! Surely if half all this ho
true, no one who has served his apprenticeship to
oakum-picking at Newgate ought to be liberated to

practise on society the infernal arts he has learned
there. We certainly agree with Mr. HILL,
that it is the very climax of absurdity when once
we have laid hold of a practised thief to let him
loose on society again : work him, transport
him, confine him, do what you like with
him but spare us his presence in our
towns and villages. Neither reason nor jus-
tice demand that a man who has proved he can-
not be trusted to respect our property and lives
should ever have the chance of injuring either.