The Sun.
London, England, 1861-08-08 00:00:00

O X

THE SUN, LONDON, THURSDAY EVENING, AUGUST 8, 1861.

THE SUN.

LONDON, THURSDAY, AUGUST 8, 1861.

" KING COTTON" seems to be as much relied on
in the South as General BEAUREGARD. If the
General is to bring the Yankees to his feet,
COTTON is to bring Massachusetts, England, and
France as humble supplicants before the Southern
Congress. The Vice-President of the Confederate
States has been opening his heart on the subject to
his Southern brethren, and it is a heart full of con-
fidence in the potency of the Southern Monarch.
He avowed that he was speaking in discharge of a
duty imposed on him by the Southern Congress;
and as his audience was almost a monster one, we
may well presume that he expressed opinions
which he wished to spread far and wide.
" Of course," he said, " we do not intend to be
subjugated." If Mr. LINCOLN called for 400,000
men, they had 700,000 if they liked to use them
all. They had also ample wealth to fight their
battles ; the war-sustaining wealth of nations
depended on their "productive capital "—no nation,
for its population, produced so much as they did ;
the Northern wealth was, in great part, profits
derived from trade with the South. By what means,
however, the agricultural produce of almost impas-
sable districts could be used as money, Mr.
STEPHENS did not satisfactorily show.

There was a spice, however, of threatening in
the financial part of the speech. The object of the
Government was, he said, " to get along with as
little taxing as possible." Yet, as they did not
mean to be subjugated, money they must have. If
the people would not contribute to a loan, the
resort must be to taxes—a course of argument
which seems to imply that taxes are unpopular or
impossible, and that the loan, after all, is not taken
up ; the latter doubtless for the very best of
reasons. He then made the following propo-
sition :—" That each subscriber agrees to con-
tribute to the defence of the Confederate
States that portion of their surplus cotton crop
against bonds bearing 8 per cent. interest. These
bonds, it must be understood, are not intended as
currency. They are intended to represent a fixed
capital or permanent investment. Instead of putting
your surplus in lands, negroes, houses, &c., put it in
Confederate bonds." Mr. STEPHENS, in alluding
to the probable great value of the bonds, candidly
said,—" If LINCOLN overruns us, if we are subju-
gated, these bonds will notbe worth a single dime."
With regard to how long the war is to last, the hon.
gentleman continued—" Until the enemy is whipped
and driven from our soil; and it will require men
and money to do it."
In this sense Cotton is to be king in the South
itself; it is to find the money to drive the
Nord-terns off the soil, and if it cannot, the confes-
sion is frank, that its " bonds" are not to be worth a
farthing. But it is in describing its imperial rule
abroad that Mr. STEPHENS delights to expatiate.
Prevalent, indeed, must be the illusion among
those ignorant of public affairs when the Vice-
President himself can talk in such a style. Whether
ho is as ignorant as he presumed his audience to
be, m.ay be doubted. After describing New York
and New England as paralysed and ruined if the
war compelled a long cessation of Southern trade,
he exclaimed—" We grow supplies that the nations
of the earth must have. That is, the cotton.
How the North is to do without it I cannot say.
Hundreds of thousands are dependent upon it
for their daily bread, and these people are
now turned out of employment. Perhaps they are
men who, for want of bread, have joined in this
unnatural and suicidal war, which will be to them
as disastrous as to us, In England, perhaps not
less than five millions oaf people depend upon cot-
tou for their daily broa,d. In France several
hunexed thousands, if not millions—l am not par-
ticuhar in my statistics ;—and when you come to
take 'auto
- •
consideration the amount of capital, the
number of sailors, and the amount of tonnage em-
ployed In this trade, you will be still more sur-
prisear,. Why, in the •
United States there are 40,000
seam:m engaged in the transportation of cotton
alone ; and if you
take into account the numbers in
Engl and, France, German
Y, Holland, and Bremen
engai,;ed is it, you will and that it will amount to
not It res than 10,000,000 Of
eeu ,e_
rae, to say nothing
of the hundred millions of money capital engaged
in it. This, therefore, is an element
of great power
of the
—the grea
, t motor commerce of the
it There is no partof
work' is We grow • the world
do
that grovs it as we We supply the markets

of the world; they must have it. 'I meet many
asking about the blockade. I cannot to-day tell
you how the blockade is to be raised ; but there is
one thing certain, in some way or other it will be
obliged to be raised, or there will be revolution in
Europe. Thcre will be starvation there. Our
cotton is the element that will do it. Steam is
powerful ; but steam is far short in its power to
the tremendous power of cotton. If you look out
upon the ocean to-day and inquire into the secret
agency of commerce, you will find that it is cotton
that drives it, and the spindles and looms. From
those in your own State to the remotest quarter of
the globe, it is this element of cotton that drives
them, and it is this great staple which is the tre-
mendous lever by which we can work out our des-
tiny under PROVIDENCE, I trust, against four
hundred thousand, or against four times four hun-
dred thousand."

And thus are these poor people beguiled with
the notion that cotton will constrain all the world
to support their cause. How little they
imagine
that the permanent interest of England is to see
the American cotton supply stopped for several
years to come ! Not only do her statesmen desire
to render negro slavery useless to the slaveholder,
and thus to hasten its abolition ; but they see in
the cessation of the American cotton supply but
a very temporary difficulty, with the prospect of a
lasting benefit to the great colony for whose im-
provement we are in every sense responsible. Al-
ready the increased supplies of cotton from Surat
have been sufficient to keep the stock of cotton from
any serious diminution. We have a years supply
now in hand, and by the time that is exhausted we
shall be obtaining large supplies from every quar-
ter. Just some such pressure as the failure of the
enormous slave-grown American supply is needed
to give India, Jamaica, and other smaller places,
the necessary impulse. If the war and blockade
do but last long enough we shall never again be
dependent on the slaveholder for our supply of
cotton. Happily the Board of Trade returns this
year show that in India we have found ample
compensation for the selfish and malignant
working of the MORRILL Tariff. America
is forcing us in every way to part com-
pany with her. She refuses us cotton through
her domestic quarrels, she refuses our manufactures
in mean jealousy of their superiority to her own.
She is prosecuting a domestic war for an object in
which no philanthropist can feel the least interest,
and that, too, when abolition of slavery would be
the best means both of present success and future
security—she is thus doing all she can to alienate
our commerce from her, and to chill our better
sympathies. Our only hope is that our interest in
our own colonies will increase as that in America
must diminish.

Already we have observed in regard to this last
session of Parliament, that it is likely to become
notable in Hansard, as the session of the Wednes-
day defeats. And now, before we have advanced
any further into the recess or long vacation, it may
be worth while recalling to mind, not the whole of
these Wednesday defeats, but just the pick of
them. To enumerate them all would, in truth, be
wearisome. But to give merely the " pick" of
them, as we here propose to do, very briefly, may
be useful, if only as a remembrancer. Occurring,
as the defeats of the session every one of them did,
on that significant day in the week—
Wednesday—it is obvious, of course, that they
were attributable to the intervention between the
Government side of the House and the Opposition,
of that particular class of members chiefly located
below the gangway, and known as the Indepen-
dents. But throughout the Session which has just
expired the peculiarity of the motions, in regard to
which these Wednesday defeats were experienced,
was this—they were invariably motions brought
forward by Independent members on the side of
the Government. For the Government—as the
event always turned out—they proved do be the
most inopportune motions imaginable ; demonstra-
tive upon division, in every instance, of the strength
of the Opposition, and of the weakness of their
confronting antagonists on the Treasury benches.
Another noticeable peculiarity in respect to these
reiterated defeats on Wednesdays, yet deserves to
be particularised. And it is this—that in each
instance the Liberal motion brought forward was
spoken against and voted for by one or other, some-
times by very many, upon one occasion it will be
even seen by as many as nine, of the Cabinet Minis-
ters of the Crown. The late Home Secretary, the
present War Secretary, Sir GEORGE LEWIS, was
generally the spokesman ; and the right hon.
baronet usually stated in the most lucid manner
possible, and with an air of the most judicial impar-
tiality, all that could be said against the particular
motion then before the house by the most resolute
debater that might have been found among the ranks
of th• Opposition. Voting immediately afterwards
generally with a cluster of his colleagues
in favour of the very proposition he had
immediately before the division been de-
claiming against as either impracticable or inop-
portune.

Mr. LOCKE KIN o's motion, for example, to begin
at the beginning, was the first in order of these
memorable Wednesday's defeats for our Liberal
Reformers, headed by our hot-blowing cold-blow-
ing Liberal-Reforming Government. It was the
motion, as every reformer in the land knows full
well, for extending the county franchise to £lO
householders. And it was defeated by a clear
majority of 28 in a particularly large house, a
house of 468—n0 less than Nine of the Cabinet
Ministers voting in the minority.
Next Came Mr. EDWARD BAINES'S motion for the
extension of the borough franchise to £6. And
here the majority,the elearmajority, was yet larger.
It was no less than 52—with six of the Cabinet
Ministers again in the minority.
Afterwards there came—leading off the Church
questions—Mr. DILLWYN'S Trustees of Charities
Bill, which was defeated, in its turn, almost, as one
might say, as a matter of course, by a clear majority
of 29 in committee. Here, it is true, there was
4ne Cabinet Minister whose name figured in
in the minority, but with him had filed out into
the lobby two of the Government whips—
just to
keep him in countenance.
Later on Sir SAMUEL MORTON PETO'S Burial
Grounds Bill was defeated by a clear majority of 46
—with four of the Cabinet Mini&ters again trooping
off with the rank and file of the defeated.
Finally, and to crown all, there was the memor-
able " tie," the "tie " of the Session—in regard
to which that rarely used casting vote of the
Speaker was just for once called into requisition.
This, as few are likely to have as yet
forgotten, was in regard to Sir JOHN TRE-
LAWNY'S Bill for the Abolition of Church
Rates—a bill the second reading of which had been
carried by the very same majority that secured the
triumph of Mr. GLADSTONE'S Budget—a majority
identical with the number of Ministers in the
Cabinet—i.e., Fifteen. Successful upon the
division for the second reading, Sir JOHN
TRELAWNY'S bill, it will be borne in
mind, upon the occasion of its coming on for the
third reading at another Wednesday's sitting—the ,
i Wednesday of all the IN ednesdays !—brought about

a division in a House (including Tellers and
Speaker) of no less than 553, a division so remark-
able that it showed the members present to be thus
perfectly balanced—

Pro
Con
The right hon. gentleman in the chair thereupon
using his privilege as Speaker of the House of Com-
mons, by instantly casting his vote—liberal though
his own opinions and sympathies, perhaps,
indeed, because his own opinions and sympathies
are with the Liberal party, that is on the side
of the Government, out of motives at once
we believe perfectly conscientious and chivalrous,
motives rising instinctively from a refined and
elevated sense of honour and magnanimity—into
the scale of Conservative Opposition.
Those five Wednesday defeats which we have
here recalled to the general recollection are simply
what we proposed they should be—just the pick
out of the not easily numerable discomfitures of
one kind or another, brought down upon their own
heads by the Liberal members and supporters of
the present loud-speaking, nothing-doing, soi-disant
Reforming Administration.

And we have recalled to mind the fact of these
egregious and, let us say also, excessively ignomi-
nious defeats experienced by the so-called
Liberal Government on Wednesdays all through
the recent session of Parliament, because
we regard the origin of those defeats as sufficiently
obvious, and at the same time as urgently requiring
at any rate some few passing syllables by way of re-
prehension. They are quite manifestly attributable
therefore, we would say here just for once and for
all, to the great distinguishing peculiarity of the
present Government that as aßeformingGovernment
it is not the least bit in the world in earnest !
Does any one suppose, for a single moment, for
example, that Lord PALMERSTON, the popular
Chief of this Reforming Government, cares two
straws, cares one fig, cares half a doit for the
cause of Reform, the cause with the interests of which
his Government is supposed to be identified ? Why
the noble Viscount has the manliness never once to
have affected it. He cares nothing for it. He is,
in reality, a Conservative Premier, at the head of a
motley, and, for the most part, nominally reforming
Coalition. But to call the present Ministry a Ministry
of Liberal Reformers is the merest farce and the
veriest makebelieve. In testimony of which, by
the way, as a sort of proof positive—it is really
only necessary to recall for one passing moment
the plea upon which the present holders of office
replaced their predecessors in it, viz., the members
of Lord DERBY'S Government ? What was that
plea ? Why, it was literally this—that Lord
DERBY'S Reform Bill was insufficient ! We should
have had that Bill, if they had not interfered. The
Bill itself might have been improved to almost
any extent if they had only allowed it to go into
committee. And in this way the question of Re-
form might, three years ago, have been
answered, and answered satisfactorily. instead
of manfully aiding in carrying out which
enterprise forth came Lord JOHN'S dodging
Resolutions—his Dog-in-the-Manger Resolutions.
Lord DERBY'S Reform Bill was thrown aside as
valueless. We were to have something much
better. Well--have we had it ? Lord DERBY
and his colleagues resigned. They were succeeded
by this wonderful coalition lead by that
astonishing champion of the cause of Reform,
Lord PALMERSTON. With what results we know.
With no Parliamentary reform whatever any
longer within our reach. With not the smallest
prospect of it even within our view. All which can
only tend to confirm the people of this country in
that almost instinctive political antipathy which
once upon a time originated the dictum—England
abhors a Coalition.

Brief and few, but not insignificant are the last
items of American news. The Hero of Western
Virginia has arrived to take the command of the
Federal army, supplementing the extreme age of
SCOTT by the youth of IVITLELLAN, who has only
seen considerably less than half the years of his
superior. The extremes of caution and activity are
therefore to compensate for the Southern generals
being all in the very prime of military life.
M'CLELLAN, too, has seen active service, and his
name will, we may hope, be sufficient to keep whole
regiments from running off, they know not why nor
wherefore,

That the War-office should accept all regiments
who offer themselves is but what we might expect ;
equally we expected to hear that the Federal army
was being reinforced, though we suspect it must be
found very difficult to equip the additional troops
at all quickly. When we remember our own
unreadiness during the first year of the Crimean
war, we must not be surprised if military equip-
ments of every kind are sadly wanting. Men seem
to be more plentiful than arms and stores ; nor can
this be matter of wonder ; the Americans had no
arsenals so vast as ours, and a large part of the arms
and stores they had were, by the treachery of the
BUCHANAN Government, placed in the hands of the
South. What surprises us most in the news is, that
three of the Runaway Regiments got back to New
York and met with an enthusiastic reception !
Their mothers, and sisters, and wives, and sweet-
hearts were, no doubt, glad enough to see them
safe and sound; but history does tell of mothers
whose parting admonition to their sons departing
for battle was—" with your shield or on it." Perhaps
these were the regiments who started soon enough to
bring home their knapsacks and muskets. The New
York press seems to think it was owing to the
incapacity of the Federal Cabinet that their brave
fellow-citizens turned their backs on General BEAU-
REGARD. That General appears to be thinking of
re-capturing Harper's Ferry. General PATTERSON
was there to be superseded by BANKS, the successful
Republican candidate for the Speakership during
the Kansas troubles. We have not heard that he
has any special military qualifications—and his
Republican zeal could hardly avail him against the
skill of the Southern West Point officers.
From Fort Pickens the New York papers were
informed that the British. commander, Admiral
MILNE had reported to his Government that "the
blockade is totally insufficient." That it is so we
pthrievi
ratpereirzse halvtese
egmo ts a
losuo out
to
abned
have had evidence enough in the ease with which
strange fact that Congress has efi t
an
rumr nae ecd dt
by
yu wt
thehit h-
pascsoenrd
rising the President to
levy duties at sea. Whether
he will venture to do it remains to be seen ; but it
would be pregnant with danger
to peace between
the Federalists and commercial states. An efficient
blockade is consistent and intelligible. Capturing
the forts and levying duties at the Custom-house,
even if the Federalists possessed the ports only,
would be consistent. But a blockade re fusing
ingress and egress to foreign and other vessels,—
then a levy of duties alongside of a frigate in-
stead of a Custom-house wharf,—then, as the
vessel which the blockade was to keep out must
surely pass after she has paid customs duties to the
blockaders, a second levy of duties by the Confe-
derates—all this is such a complication of injus-
tice and absurdities as must expose any Govern-
ment which attempts it to the contempt, if nothing
Worse, of the civilised world. England, and France

too, will probably be chary enough of any hasty
act by which they might hurt the susceptibilities
of the Federalists, but unless the Washington Go-
vernment chooses to act with some degree of con-
sistency, we do not see how the European Govern-
ments can refrain from remonstrance. America
itself has to the last acknowledged that a
blockade claims respect only when efficient ;
and we should think it must perceive that to levy
duties at sea will be regarded by European
Governments as levying black mail. It has
not, that we know of, been ever heard that
any State has attempted to collect customs except
at custom-houses and in a port; Europe cannot
allow America to commence a new system without
its assent. Indeed, the actual possession of a coast
would seem to be the first requisite to demanding
duties on the goods to be landed upon it. Mr.
LINCOLN may have a de jure right to the coast, but
unless he can make it also a de facto one he is surely
not entitled to act towards foreigners as if he were
in possession.

THE FRENCH OCCUPATION OF ROJIE.

(From _La Presse.)

Since our soldiers will have to leave Rome, it is
important to understand clearly beforehand both
what our occupation has produced and what our
retreat will signify. What did we go to do at
Rome in 1849 ? To re-establish the temporal
power of the Papacy. Have we re-established it ?
Materially speaking, yes; but, morally, we have
ruined it for ever. We have, by the uselessness of
our devotion, our sacrifices, and our counsel 3, de-
stroyed in the mind of sincere catholics all confi-
dence in the political government of Popes. These
catholics are convinced that the interest anc: inde-
pendence of religion were linked with the existence
of the temporal power. This belief, no less fatal
to religion than to Italy, had resisted the eloquence
of facts; nothing till these last days had been able
to shake it—neither the scandals of the Roman
court nor the evident anachronism of a tteocracy,
nor political proscriptions, nor the negation of the
principles of justice and right which are the foun-
dation of modern society. In the struggle that has
taken place between Italy and the temporal Pa-
pacy, catholicism was instinctively disposed to
take sides with the Pope, to regard the complaints
of the Italians as exaggerated, to distrust their
assertions, and still more their revolutionary
passions. _ _ .

By ten years of useless efforts and lasting con-
flicts France has learnt and demonstrated what the
government of the priests is. She has convinced
herself and the world that the Papal government is
refractory to all progress and all civilisation ; that
it can have neither constitution nor laws, and con-
sequently no subjects. It is because she has late
and reluctantly acquired that experience that
France h,ts ;.)ecome before Europe the witness for
Italy. Thanks to what France has done at Rome
since 1849, there is no longer in the world a single
fair conscience or just mind that does not sepirate
questions of faith from political questions, the in-
terests of Catholicism from the interests of the
Roman Court, the independence of Italy from the
independence of the Papacy. In accomplishing at
Rome what she has unfortunately regarded as a
duty towards Catholicism, France has demons:rated
irrefragably the incompatibility of the teuporal
power with good political government. Opinion
has been enlightened, demonstration has taken
place. There is now, on the one side, the whole of
liberal Europe; on the other, the Zouaves of Cas•
telfidardo, the Ultramontane journals, ani the
Merode faction, which is every day falling into
disrepute, and self-annihilation through its excesses.

In this situation the maintenance of the eccupa-
tion of Rome by our soldiers would be a mere ab-
surdity, inconsistent with the very existence of the
Italian kingdom officially recognised by the Em-
peror. Now, henceforth any attempt against the
greatness, the strength, or the right of Italy is an
attempt against the prestige of France. France
and Italy, one and indivisible, are mutually res-
ponsible, intimately and indissolubly connected.
The Legitimists and the Ultramontanes seek in
vain to excite hatred and rivalry between them ;
for the great policy, which is the liberal policy of
the future, the French and the Italians are neces-
sary allies, having the same interest, and obliged
by the same considerations to strengthen their in-
fluence and their mutual greatness.
A mistake, superabundantly demonstrated, led
us to Rome; good sense, the rights of the Italians,
our own interest and the interest of religion itself
demand, at this day, that we should leave it. From
this time forward it is no longer the Pope that we
protect at Rome ; it is a focus of Bourbon and cleri-
cal conspiracy—the Merod6 and Antonelli clique.
The expedition of 1849 was the result of the pre-
judice which, as recently ac that, still existed, as to
the necessity and vitality of the temporal power ;
the recall of our soldiers caul announce to the world
the end of that fatal power; it will be the result
of the moral revolution 'hat has taken place in
men's minds during the latt ten years, the triumph
of the enlightened opinion of Europe, and the con-
secration of the Kingdom of Italy.

MR. BRADY, M.P.—lt is gratifying to a public
man to find that his services have been appreciated. Too
often our most generous (Arts incur suspicion or ill-will
rather than gratitude ; for acre is a perverse spirit in men
that loves to look at the raveled side of every piece of han •
diwork. Mr. Brady is one of those members of the legis-
lature who delight in champ ening the cause of men who
have received injury at the hinds of the state. Our readers
may recollect that it was though his generous advocacy
that the solicitor Mr. Barber was compensated by the Go-
vernment for the wrongs he lad endured during his unjust
penal servitude. He has bean active also in other cases,
and especially in maintaining the rights of the medical
officers of the late Smyrna Hospital, who, in gratitude for
his services, have presented lim with an elegant silver ink-
stand, bearing the following inscription :—" Presented to
John Brady, Esq., M.P,, by the undermentioned medical
officers of the late Civil Hospital at Smyrna, as a trifling
acknowledgment of his valuable services in their behalf."
This testimonial reflects cceeit both upon donors and reci-
pient.—Medical Circular, August 7.
THE GENERALS OF TM AMERICAN ARMIES.—
The ages of the principal ()Men of the North are—Scott,
75; Wool, 73 ; Harney, 65 ; Mansfield, 60 ; Totten (Head
of Engineers), 80 ; Thayer (Zngineers), 80 ; Craig (Head
of Ordnance Department), 76; Ripley (Ordnance), 70;
Sumner, 65 ; Lamed (Paymaster-General), 70. Gibson
(Commissary-General), Churchill (Inspector-General), and
Thomas (Adjutant-General) entered the army in the begin-
ning of the present century—Gibson in 1808, and Churchill
in 1812. The Southern army is officered chiefly by men in
the prime of life—Beauregard being 43, and Lee 50.
MAJOR-GENERAL M'CLELLAN.—This officer is a
West-Pointer, fought in Mexico, went to Europe on a
military commission a few years ago to examine into the
science of war in th 3 csmps cf the great powers in the
Crimea, afterwards resignsd to become vice-president of the
Illinois Central Railway, and then accepted the presidency
of the Ohio and Mississippi Railroad, from which he was
called to act as Major-General of the Ohio Volunteers, and
from that post into the regular army, which position he
now holds. He is 31 years of age.
THE EXTRAORDINARY CASE OF ASSAULT AT Hox-
TON.—Edis, the warrant officer at Worship-street Police-
court, has reported the result of inquiries made into the
strange case of assault in Herbert-street, New North-road,
Hoxton, laid before the magistrate on Thursday last. It
will be remembered that Mr. Mackenzie, an engineer, had
been entrapped into the house by a letter from a woman
whom ho had met in Spain, and had been furiously attacked
by two men who forced him to sign some document. After
making this statement on Thursday Mr. Mackenzie felt
much worse, his throat giving him much pain, and he was
therefore accompanied by Mr. Hurlstons, the chief clerk, to
the house of Dr. Edmunds, the surgeon of Spital-square.
In the meantime the warrant for the apprehension
of his assailants, having been signed by the magistrate,
was placed in the hands of Edis for execution. On reach-
ing the house, however, Edis found that the woman had de-
camped, and Clio only additional in'ormation he could ob-
tain was that she had been Staying there several months,
and there could be no doubt whateverthat it was a designed
and pre-arranged plan of attack between her and the two
men, as, after Mr. Mackenzie had called in the morning, a
note
na to ono o
was despatched by the woman for the Germa;:c.x, who
avail;el
andoc o'clock. Alltno itihs, oaffie cveerv'asl soutbnseerqopt ennsttinquiriesv toy eari
de
eodf
were in the house waiting for the applicant when he returne• ;
biueetn at variousheseare
h, and
subsequentlyayetracedallthirn rmeeasd nearsaila London,
the
latter have hitherto succeeded in evading apprehension.
Not the least singular part of the affair is, that though the
applicant had both money and property to a considerable
amount on his person at the time of the outrage, no attempt
was made to take it.

N wO.
1 4k4
L A I
r k$

PARIS, AUG. 8.

The Moniteur of to-day says :
" General Willisen has remitted to the Emperor
an autograph letter from the King of Prussia.
"The King of Sweden has paid a visit to the
Princess Mathilde.

" The Emperor conducted his august guests to
the Opera."
In its bulletin of to-day the Monitour also
says:—"lt appears certain that the visit of the
King of Prussia to the Camp at Chalons will
not take place, but that an interview between
the King of Prussia and the Emperor will take
place in France in the month of October."

SOUTHAMPTON, AUG. 8.

His Royal Highness the Prince Consort, Prince
Frederick William of Prussia, and the Archduke
Maximilian of Austria arrived here at 9 a.m. to-
day from Osborne en route for ib.rnborough.

The Royal party will return this afternoon, and
embark from the Docks at 5 p.m. for Osborne.

FRANCE.

PARIS, AUG. 7.

The Moniteur has the following :
"His Majesty Charles XV., King of Sweden and
Norway, accompanied by his Royal Highness Prince
Oscar, his brother, has come to spend a few days in
France.

" The Emperor sent one of his aides-de-camp,
Colonel Castelnau, to Havre to meet the King. The
Colonel, as also the Duke of Tarente, the Emperor's
Chamberlain, will be in attendance on the King
during his sojourn. Lieutenant Hamelin, of the
navy, orderly officer of the Emperor, whom his
Majesty had sent as far as Christiansand to meet
the King, will be in attendance on his Royal High-
ness Prince Oscar.

" Baron d'Avelsward, the Swedish Minister at
Paris, was also at Havre to receive his Sovereign.
" The King and his Royal Highness Prince Oscar
arrived at Havre at 9 a.m. (Tuesday), with magnifi-
cent weather. At half-past 11 they entered a special
train and arrived at St. Cloud at half-past 3.
" The Emperor, surrounded by the Grand Officers
of the Crown and his Military Staff, awaited his
august guests at the gates of the park, where the
train stepped.
" His Majesty cordially embraced the King and
Prince Oscar, and the Sovereigns, followed by the
officers of their households, proceeded to the Palace.
"In consequence of the presence of the King of
Sweden, the Emperor will hold a grand review of
the Imperial Guard and of the garrison of Paris on
Friday, August 9, at 5 o'clock, in the Champ de
Mars."

BOURSE, August 7.—The market has been very
animated to-day, and Stock having been in good
demand, the business done has been at an improve-
ment on the closing rates of yesterday. Threes,
for the Account, are now firm at 68f 45c. Rail-
ways firm.
The following are the last quotations :-
4t per per Cents ... 98 Credit Fonder 1225
Do end month.... 98 101 Belgian 41
3 per Cents
Do. end month 6B 501 Roman
Bank Shares 2900 —1 Austrian
Credit Mobilier.... 65 !Spanish Threes 4B
Do. Account 7oox-1 Home Debt .. 46k