The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-16 00:00:00

ered
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F. HENRY F. BERKELEY,
Chairman of the Council.
T. PERRONET THOMPSON,
Chairman of the Executive Committee.
WILLIAM WICKHAM,
Honorary Secretary.
Ofticeo : 6, Guildhall-chambers, London, and
12, NewalPs-buildings, Manchester.
March 10, 1857.

IN CHANCERY.—In the matter of the Joint-
stock Compmies Winling-up Acts, 1848 and 1849, and of the
Secerity Mutual Life Assurance Society;
By the direction of the Vice-Chancellor Sir Richard Torin Kinder-
elY, the Judge to whose Court this matter is attached, NOTICE IS
lIEREBY GIVEN, that the said Judge will Preece I. on FRIDAY.
the 27th day of March instant, at one o'clock in the ,fternoon, at his
Chambers, No. 3, Stone-buildings, Chancery-lane, Lom'on to settle
pie list ocontriE3utorles of the Society, and that after such' list shall
have been settled no p arty affected thereby will be allowed to di'pute
the same without leave of the High Coart of Chancery first obtained.
Dated this 10th day of March, 1857.

CHAS. PUCII, Chief Clerk

THE SOCIETY for PROMOTING the
ADOPTION of the BALLOT.
TO THE ELECTORS OF THE UNITED KINGDOM.
The determination of the Ministry to appeal to the country
induces us to address you on the question whether a real
ianational representation can be obtained under our present
atera of elections and the effects of our defective represen-
tative system on the administration of public affairs. It has
be. did what n
said that " We reformed our electoral system, and
w what was much needed ; but going rather fiercely to
Works
we limited most injuriously our range of choice for able
—a', to fill the administrative departments of the State, and
We shut the doors of the House of Commons upon all young
linen of ability, except those of high birth, great wealth, or
'extreme opinions—in other words, a change professed' ydemo-
cratic has thrown us more completely, in practice, into the
hands of the aristocracy ; and no Venetian oligarchy was ever
More exclusive than our present caste of State-governors."
Why is this P Because the Sovereign cau only select her re-
oponsible advisers out of a few great families, who form the
governing classes of this country ; for no Ministry, not chosen
from these classes, could " obtain the necessary majority in
the House of Commons." Tho result of this state of things is
thus described by the leading journal of the day :—" The
Ministers of the Crown, who undertake the government of
this empire, aro not a bit wiser or better men than thousands
of all other ranks of the Queen's subjects, except here and
there where a man of genius rises amongst them, as he may
from any other class." "Our generals have turned out worse
than useless ; our Ministers something more than incapable ;
every public department has been crushed into hopeless imbe-
cility by the weight of unbending routine and worthless forma-
lities, and on no one occasion that we are aware of has the
light man been selected to fill the right place." The energy,
Ability, and industry of the people of this country have
Weed it to the highest rank among the nations of the earth,,
but the incapacity and want of foresight of our Ministers,
bare lowered us iu the scale of nations, and brought con-
..."rapt on Representative Government. Tho same class of
Men who maintain the supremacy of this country in arts and
*dances, trade, and manufactures, could, without doubt,
furnish rulers able to maintain the supremacy of our arms
and our national honour, but such men are rarely, if ever,
called on to undertake the Government. The Ministers of the
Crown, the commanders of our fleets and armies, and the
chiefs of the branches of civil and military administration,
are chosen, not for merit or ability, but from " influence,"
"cause they belong to " powerful families," who can make
or destroy a Ministry by giving or withholding Parliamentary
Support, These families monopolise place and power : not
content with the exclusive possession of the House of Lords,
they aim at, and to a great extent succeed in, monopolising
the People's House of Parliament, and exclude, as much as
Possible, from any share in the Government, all men not con-
nected with their own class. The source and strength of. the
Parliamentary power of the oligarchy is the control the law
Permits them to exercise over the votes of the Elect ors
throughout the kingdom ; by which large numbers of Eng-
lishmen become so much voting-power at the disposal of the
wealthy and powerful. By the different influences which, as
landlords, customers, and in other countless forms, they
have over the electors, whose dependence is multifariously
diversified, the governing factions, Whig and Tory, secure,
-with few exceptions, the whole of the county members, and
a majority of the borough members for England, Ireland,
Scotland, and Wales ; the members of Parliament, who
really sit by free and popular election, being an insig-
nificant minority. This makes the oligarchy omnipotent
in Parliament : and though they may struggle for
the mastery over each other, and differ on points of
*Pecnlative policy, they are united and irresistible on all
Points affecting their monopoly of Government ; while the
People suffer both the evil of being misrepresented by those
they have not chosen, and the evil of being forced into a pre-
tended choice. The remedy for these evils is such a Reform of
Parliament as will destroy the power the Governing Classes
now have in the House of Commons, which makes an inde-
pendent and popular Ministry impossible. An extension of
~,tte,_Suffrage alone will not do this. The lowering of the fran-
um, and the consequent admission of a greater number of
dependent Electors, would only strengthen and increase the
Power which possessors of undue influences now have in re-
turn;
--TV Members to Parliament. Complete and Universal
/freedom of Election alone will obtain for us a House of Corn-
lanna who will support a Ministry in which ability and merit,
and not influence, will be the qualification for civil or military
place and power. The only means of obtaining this Freedom
to establish the vote by Ballot.
,_,/fe gladly adopt the following remarks from the pen of an
atm° Journalist :—" We may call upon the constituencies till
"nsday to correct their elections, without our calling being
sensibly attended to, unless we shield and fortify the consti-
anencies with the Ballot. Men will make great sacrifices out
apatriotic spirit ; but few will consent to ruin themselves
for patriotism's sake. We have a right to expect much from
constituencies ; but we must not expect too much. We have
ae right to call upon them to sacrifice position and prospects,
to see their business destroyed, their credit broken, their
families ruined, for the good of the public; yet such things
bare and do result continually from the honesty and courage
or men who dare to vindicate their principles and refuse to
:fete for partisans of their customers. We claim for honesty
the Protection of the Ballot. Wo claim for every man whom
the law has enfranchised, freedom from the dictation of those
Who possess the power of injury; for experience has shown
that men who have such power are not slew to use it when
their wishes are crossed."
Around this point we would concentrate the popular
energies at the coming election, confident as we are that with-
out the ballot no measure of reform will prove efficient, and
that with it any measure will be a real step in advance
gained, from which further progress will prove easy, and
further necessary reforms will inevitably follow.
We therefore counsel you to use every exertion at the
corning election to secure the ballot being made the low of the
land, by the Parliament now to be sleeted. Require of every
candidate who seeks your suffrages, that he pledge himself to
vote for the annual motion for the ballot, and that he will
use his influence with any Ministry he may support to induce
them to make the ballot a Government measure.
Pellow-eountrymenlin appealing for your co-operat ion and
*id, we would again respectfully but earnestly remind you of
the importance of an energetic movement in favour of the
ballot at the presontjuncture. Now, if ever, should the con-
stituencies and the people put forth the constitutional power
With which they aro invested in a struggle for free and pro-
tected voting.
Signed by order of the Executive Committee on behalf of
the Society.

AN APPEAL from the NON-ELECTORS
, LEAGUE to the Electors of the United
Kin LEAGUE

FELLOW COUNTRYMEN !
The approaching disiolution of Parliament will again enable
YOU to exercise that electoral power which in justice belongs
to us all, but which you alone aro permitted to enjoy.
One of the reasons assigned for this insulting and degrad-
ing exclusion of our class from political authority is, that the
franchise which you possess is held in trust for us ; hence the
appeal now made to you.
None aro more deeply interested in the struggle about to
take place than we are, and it is, therefore, of the utmost
importance that the issue should be taken upon some broad
and well-defined political principle, and not upon the mere
personal pretensions of rival patrician statesmen. Our busi-
ness is not with these men, who aro merely your instruments ;
it is with you, the Electors, to whom the law has entrusted
our liberty and our rights, that wo have to deal, and whom
we are entitled to call to account.
Onr case is ono of peculiar hardship, and pre-eminently de-
mands your gravest consideration.
We live under a political constitution, the theory of which
is that all power springs from the people ; that representa-
tion should precede taxation, and that no law shall be made
binding upon the Subject which has not received the sanction
of the Commons of England.
How well this sounds to tho ear ! how deceitful it is to the
heart, facts will attest.
Fellow-countrymen—You Electors number about one mil.
lion of persons. We, the voteless, are Over Four Millions
Who, then, constitute the commonality of England ? Are
the Four Millions comprised in the term I
Electors! pause and ask yourselves who and what are
these Four Million of your fellow-subjects upon whose behalf
this appeal is made.
They aro your countrymen—your neighbours ; they culti-
Vete the soil--ply the shuttle—plough the main; they exea.
Tate the rocks and themines ; their toil and skill, combined
with the capital, enterprise, intelligence, and liberality of
their employers, have created the gigantic Docks of our ports,
the large Factories and Warehouses of our towns and cities,
the Ships in our harbours, and the Railways that intersect.
the country. They are that noble Army of Labour by whose
industry the resources of the Empire have attained their pre-
sent marvellous development.
Such, Electors, are the men who constitute the Five Mil
lions of Outcasts from our political system—known to the
State only as the payers of Taxes, and the drudges of our
social life
ELECTORS I say, ought this to be ?
ELECTORS 1 We appeal against this state of things in a
Spirit of proper indignation ; but, at the same time, with a
feeling of reliance upon your justice and patriotism. It in
Your power to alter the Constitution of the House of Com-
mons by the return of men pledged to do justice to the unre-
vreoented masses; men who will not ally themselves with
either of the dominant factions who in turns have the exclu-
sive management of the affairs of the nation.
The oligarchical composition of the Executive Government
is "" crying scandal, and one against which the commercial
constituencies ought to protest ; the working classes arc en-
tirely excluded from Parliamentary Representation, and the
commercial classes stand in a somewhat similar relation to
the Exeentive authority. Thus the two great classes
.whose.
isterests are so obviously identical are treated with indignity
and injustice.
It is impossible to reflect upon the disgraceful incapacity
displayed by titled
cent war without and
future of our count privileged authorities during the
experiencingre-
cent
sensations of dread for the
State continue to liz:ey'dissht
tricians. It is for you should the responsible offices of the
ilibuted amongst the favoured pa-
lharttZZl%
ing, at the same time,
stltooftthhise;garlelmanermbeein•-
who were slaughtered on 'the Crimean soil by the cold indif-
ncapacit
ferenco and unaccountable i
" noble families," were taken' fro,
millions who now appeal to
shteicreanks of the voteless
ELECTORS I you are the primal s, you
foi!),
jutY of the connexions of
these interesting matters arc aboutt a.utholity to which
? be referred • the 1
racter of the next Parliament dep
tekine` ;sei
eoaPropant
iyigouhtr conduct c'a-;
the Non-Electors have, therefore-
you of the responsibility which re
upon
deep interest they have in your desetission
with you, a ° remind
You are not callecton to decide merely had of the
?:ionduct
of a Ministry in reference to the rupture with Chtihna°
liqaimineestions of Forein. 'ant:
have to determine the greater
'nestle Policy for the new Par you
cement ; and the Non_Ele Do-
will be justified in holding you accosuntable for the resultest°l.3
The demands of the Non-Elector iii)itmEnTtl,ie country are
A FULL, FAIR, AND COM
TION IN TIIE COMMONS II OUSE g):I3:IImAA...
.ENT ;
THE PROTECTION OF THE BALLOT; and
SHORTER PARLIAMENTS,
as the only means for effecting the other reforms necessary.
By order of the Committee.
WILLIAM TAYLOR, Chairman
ommittee-room,
ooru.
THOMAS CLARK, Secretary.
•
Windsor Castle," 152, High dlh

o, 20,199.)

THE OTTOMAN BANK.
TO THE SHAREHOLDERS.

Why are our Shares at so low a price (only 1 premium, of
which 15s. is about to be returned in dividend), seeing that
seventeen and a half per cent. has been earned this year, al-
though only a ten per cent, dividend is declared ? It being
also well known that seficient profit has been already made
to pay 20 per cent. next half year.
The public cannot be aware that, by Royal Charter, -this
Bank is under limited liability.
March 10, 1857.