The Sun.
London, England, 1859-09-09 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, FRIDAY EVENING, SEPTEMBER 9, 1859.

THE LONDON.—The attention of Gentlemen
is especially drawn to the advantages offered in these
elegant and spacious Saloons, which fulfil all the require-
ments of a West-end club of the most aristocratic and exclu-
sive character.
Won trouve dans la Salle de Lecture non seulement lee
meilleurs journeaux Anglais, mail aussi Allemand, Francais,
et Beige.
F. SAWYER, Proprietor, 191, Fleet-street.

THE ROYAL STATION HOTEL, Paragon-
street, hull, requires only to be visited to be pronounced
one of the most splendid hotels in England. The situation is
open and healthful, a few minutes' walk from all the public
buildings and places of business, and being connected with
the Railway Station, affords railway passengers arriving or
departing by every train day or night, the advantage of being
on the spot, and having their wants and wishes immediately
attended to.
The public should know that under the present manage-
ment they will find every comfort and convenience at the
same charges they are paying. at the minor hotels. It has
accommodation for upwards of one hundred and fifty visitors,
is fitted up with every luxury an hotel can command, and is
so arranged for the advantage of every class of visitor, that
Beds can be had from ls. to 2s. ; Private Rooms, from 2s. to
4s. ; Breakfasts, from ls. 6d. to 2s. ; Dinners, from 2s. ; and
all other charges of that moderate character which will give
satisfaction to every clag9 of visitor who may pay the hotel a
visit.
The hotel contains Gentlemen and Ladies' Coffee Rooms ;
a special Room set apart for Commercial Gentlemen ; fourteen
Pr ivate suites of Rooms ; large spacious Rooms for Dinner
Parties, Public Meetings, &c., &c. ; two first-class Refresh-
ment Rooms ; two Smoke Rooms ; Bath and Billiard Rooms.
A Night Porter in attendance.
EDWIN TAYLOR.

Proprietor of the Royal Station Hotel, Hull, and Crescent

Hotel, Filet',

N.B.—TAYLOR'S CRESCENT HOTEL, fronting the sea
for Families and Gentlemen. It has accommodation for up-
wards of one hundred and fifty visitors. Table D'llate at
five o'clock. Omnibuses and Cabs from the hotel meet all the
trains. Good stabling and coach-houses. Moderate terms.

EVANS'S MAGNIFICENT MUSIC AND
SUPPER ROOMS.
In addition to the usual entertainment Mr. WESTER-
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twenty various instruments, with singular excellence, in the
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Mr. Westerdahl's engagement terminates in a week.

•
METROPOLITAN, COUNTIES, AND
GENERAL LIFE ASSURANCE SOCIETY,
27, Regent-street, Waterloo-place, London, S.W.
Life Assurance, Annuities, and Endowments.
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F. FERGUSON CAMROUX. Manager.

to the other would have perpetuated for a time
the Government of Lord Derby. We now come
to 18,57. The election which took place in that
year was not one which many people in Hudders-
field can look back upon with much satisfaction..
(Cheers.) There was then a great cry for a particu-
lar statesman. Many members were returned upon
the strength of that cry alone ; and when Parlia-
ment assembled there seemed to be a considerable
majority for Lord Palmerston. That statesman was
not wise enough to know properly how to use the
majority he had obtained, and but 12 months after
he ar peared to be seated on an immoveable rock he
was overthrown and his Ministry shattered to pieces.
(Cheers.) We have recently had another general
election under the auspices of Lord Derby, and
what has been the result ? The transference of seven
men from our side of the house would have given
Lord Derby a majority which would have enabled
him, at least fix a time, to maintain himself in
power. I have mentioned these facts to show you
that for many years past, whatever may have been
the opinions of the people, the returns made by the
constituencies have given no certain majority in
Parliament, and that your Government, whether it
has been the Government of Lord Derby or the Go-
vernment of Lord Palmerston, or the Government
of any other Minister, has been faced by a nume-
rous and powerful opposition, which has rendered it
unable, even if willing, to do those things which
you, the liberal people of Huddersfield and England
wish your Government to do. (Cheers.) The conse-
quence has been that for many years_past_tbe •
been only what we call wasted sessions of Parlia-
ment ; and I am so distressed, so weary, so disgusted,
and at times so hopeless, that I often at the end of
a useless session think myself a fool above all other
fools for spending my time, my labour, my life in
the House of Commons, and am half resolved, as a
duty to myself and family, to seek the only office
that possibly I may ever hold—the office of steward
of the Chiltern Hundreds. (A laugh.) lam often
tempted to take myself from Parliament and t' cease
labouring in a field where there is no soil to grow
anything, and upon which neither the shower falls
nor the sun shines. All that we have done of late
years has been tovote with a listless apathy millions
of money for which you have toiled. You have
squandered scores of millions that under a just and
economical Government would have remained in
your pockets ; we have added tax to tax ; we have,
it is true, taken some off; we have shifted in un-
comfortable burden from one shoulder to the other,
but the burden remains. It grows larger, and, if
you do not stagger and fall beneath it, it is because
your industry, your productiveness, your resolution,
and your patience surpass those of any other people
in the world. (Cheers.) Allow me to ask your atten-
tion to one or two questions. I shall not discuss
them but merely glance at them. Look, for instance,
at the Established Church of England. There are,
no doubt, many persons here who attend the minis-
trations of that Church. lam not going to say a
syllable that would wound the most sensitive. If I
were a Churchman I would venture to say more
than I shall do now ; but, to take the simple ques-
tion of church-rates, for 20 years it has been dis-
cussed in Parliament—for 16 in my hearing—with
the same arguments and the •same facts. It was
only during the last session that two eminent leaders
of the party consented for the first time to vote for the
entire abolition of church-rates. Why is it that they

have come to this conclusion at last? Because your
parishes would not pay the rates. When juries re-
fused to convict a man of having robbed to the value
of because he was liable to be hanged—when they
allowed forgers to go unpunished for the same rea•
son, then, and not till then, did your Parliament
mitigate the law with respect to robberies and for-
geries. Public opinion was formed and expressed
long in anticipation of the change of the law. So
with regard to church-rates. As long as men would
pay and grumble, .and grumble and pay, our great
Whig statesmen were not in the least convinced of
the injustice of the impost. But when multitudes
of parishes refused to pay, when Churchmen joined
with Dissenters and wished for a change, then the

leaders of the Whig party found. out that church-
rate's might as well be abolished by law, seeing that
the people had already abolished them in reality.
(Hear.) Let me appeal to the Churchmen upon
another point connected with their establishment:
We have archbishops and bishops who receive sa-
la-ies from £5,000 to £15,000 a-year. (Cries of
" Shame!") It is well known at the same time that
there are hundreds of most meritorious clergymen,
curates, and others, who have barely sufficient to
keep their families in the very lowest degree of
comfort. The question I now raise is, not whether we
should have an Established. Church or not, but
whether the vast revenues of the Church should not
be allotted with some moderate degree of fairness to
the various workers in that vineyard wherein to
labour is the highest honour which can befall a man.

If it be necessary to have an Established Church
with millions of revenue, surely it is just that those
revenues should be distributed with some regard to
the wants of the clergymen and the amount of ser-
vice they perform. (Cheers.) Our Church is still
in the fetters that were forged for her by the griev-
ance of 300 years ago, and I know not at what dis-
tant date we may expect Parliament to do some-

thing to remove the monstrous and shameful incon-
sistencies and inequalities which are connected with
the distribution of her enormous funds. (Hear.) I

now come to the question of land, a question which
the People of Huddersfield ought to know something
about. (A laugh.) We are fond of talking of
feudalism and the dark ages, but the fact is that
feudalism exists among us at the present day: If
a man possessing landed, or what they call real
property, leaves it without a will, his eldest son
steps quietly into the possession of the whole of
it. Younger sons and all the daughters are cast
upon the world so far as that property is concerned.
(A laugh.) A gentleman who lives not far from
here, and who has himself suffered grievously from
the injustice of a parent, used to say that if younger
sons and daughters are thus to be treated, those
who bring them into the world ought to adopt the
plan which is ordinarily taken when there are too
many puppies or too many kittens. (Cheers and
laughter.) Surely, at all events, if the law permits
—and I do not complain of the law—every man to
leave as he likes, in such portions as he likes, the
property he has to bequeath, nothing could be more
reasonable than in the case of intestates to act upon
the same rule which is followed where personal
property is concerned, and make an equal and
honest distribution among those who are entitled to
share upon the grounds alike of natural affection
and common justice. (Cheers.) Now a word with
regard to another question connected with land—
the question of transfer of land. I was down in
Wales last week, and in passing along the banks of
the Severn a gentleman pointed out to me that we
were travelling through an estate which somebody
had bought for a very moderate sum within a short
period, and it took him, he believed, six years to
get the title to it. So complex, bewildering, and
utterly beyond the solution of the ablest lawyer is
the question of title to half the landed estates in
England, and yet you cannot get your Parliament
to alter it. Your Parliament touches this question
as though it was going to be caught in a trap.
Nothing equals the obtuseness of a landed proprie-
tor about land, and every landowner fancies that if
you make its transfer more easy in some way or
other, it will slip out of his grasp, and therefore be
is against every proposition for improvement. Re-
ference has already been made to our military affairs.
I am very thankful that I am not able to speak to
you on this question with the authority on minute
matters of a military man—(laughter)—but I can
tell you this, that over the £12,000,000 that are
expended by the Horse Guards Parliament has
almost no control whatever, after it has voted
the main sum. The Horse GUards is a department
almost separated from rilrliament and uncontrolled
by it, and it is the universal opinion, confirmed by

every fact that comes to my knowledge, that the
Horse Guards' management of that £12,000,000,
and of the vast forces under its direction is a ma-
nagement where interest and jobbery reign ,su-
preme, and where the interest of the nation at large,
and fair dealing to all applicants for preferment,
are very little considered. In a free country like
this I wonder that certain things are permitted
which now exist. I have been engaged for the last
two months in procuring the discharge of a sol-
dier, if I may call him so, for he is not a man, nor,
indeed, a young man, but a boy who was only 14
years and a month or two when he was entrapped
by the recruiting sergeant. It has taken the father
of that boy, I believe, since last April or May to
procure his discharge, and it has only been obtained
at length on account of the urgent remonstrances
that I made ; for memorial after memorial has gone
to the Horse Guards and to his Royal Highness the
Duke of Cambridge, which memorials have been
replied to in the usual fashion, nearly meaning this
—" We have got your son in our barracks ; he has
taken the oath; he has taken the shilling ; and; be
he man or boy, we will keep him there. Mothers
—for there are some mothers here—think of a boy
of 14 years of age being met in the streets by one
of these unmitigated scoundrels—(hear, hear, and
laughter)-1-and being asked, " Are you wanting a
job ?" " What do you want me to do ?" says the
boy. " Oh, come and be a soldier." " But I am too
little." "No you are not ; you are just the right
height." " Well; but I am only 14." " NeiTer
mind that ; say you are 18, and it will be all right."
Think of this, and then that it requires two months
of correspondence, and memorials, and protests, and
remonstrances before this boy of 14 can be brought
back again to the home of his parents. (Shanie.)
But have you not seen within the last day or tWo

--what-they- do-with their recruits when they get
them? Have you read in the papers the account
of the brutal flogging of one of these young re-
cruits down at Woolwich ? I am afraid to read the
extract that has been sent to me by some gentle en
who wished particularly that 1 would refer to it on
this occasion. (Cries of " Read it.") " There were
two soldiers, but of one of them it is stated that his
back when they began with him was covered with
a mass of large, inflated boils, which bled profusely
at every stroke and reddened the ground under his
feet." The account proceeds :—" Upon which the
cat was ordered to be withheld for a few moments,
when, finding his punishment not at an end, he gave
vent to supplications for mercy, and partly suc-
ceeded in tearing himself from the straps with
which he was bound. The punishment was
again ordered to be continued, when at every
stroke his cries and exclamations were most
lamentable, insomuch that officers and men swooned
away at the sickening spectacle, and had to be car-
ried out into, the open air. One officer and upwards
of 20 non-commissioned officers and men long in the
service fainted ; others stopped their ears and
closed their eyes lest they should become unnerved,
and be subjected to the reproach and ridicule of
1 their comrades." (" Shame.") I am told tat
some person connected with this military—exe u-
tion, shall I call it—(hear, hear)—has written to
the papers in some degree to modify this stateme t;
but if the main facts are true, and they are hardly
called in question, I ask you—who arc a fair '•e-
-1
presentation of the people of the West Ridin of
Yorkshire, as the West Riding is a fair rep e-
sentation of the intelligence, virtue, and greatn ss
of the people of England—l ask you—ls it wth
your consent ? (Loud cries of " No.") Do you e-
lieve that the constituencies of England, polled man
by man, would permit the son of any one of those
electors to have his back thus flogged and lacerated?
And for what? For the crime of absenting him•
self from the barracks—possibly, I do not deny it, •
though it is not proved, with the intention of de-
serting. Look how they are entrapped, I ask what
kind of men they often are. How suddenly and hbw
foolishly they commit themselves, and is it to be
wondered at that now and then they should wish
to escape. But, I ask, are you willing that some
200,000 of your countrymen should he degraded to
a position which is not exceeded in humiliation and
ignominy by that of any slave in the island at Caba
under the lash of the planter and his driver ?
(Cheers.) Now, leaving the army for a moment,
will you will go with me to the navy ? lam not,
you know, very much of a sailor; but then I am
just as much of a sailor as generally the First rord
of the Admiralty is. (Cheers and laughter.) Had
you read the debates of the past session, during
that portion of it when Lord 'Derby was Prime
Minister, you would have observed a 'very able and
important speech delivired by Lord Clarence Paget,
who was then not a member of the Government—
a speech of great ability, and, what is of far more
importance, let me tell you, also a speech of great 1
accuracy and great honesty. (Hear, hear, hear.)
Lord Clarence Paget showed how many millions—
£6.000,000
or £7,000,000, I think, but an enormous
sum—had been expended within a given time ,ap-
parently in the building of ships, and there were
no ships to be found. (Hear, and laughter.) Lord
C. Paget is now Secretary to the Admiralty, and
represents the Admiralty in the House of Commons,
and probably among all the appointments, of Lord
Palmerston's new Government there is no appoint-
ment for which he deserves more to be commended
than that of which I am now speaking. Lord C.
Paget's statement was, as I have told you4at,
reckoning up the cost of all the ships within a per-
tain time, there still remained many millions of
money voted by Parliament and entirely unac-
counted for. bell, I see to-day an article in the
Times newspaper, a portion of which was pointed
out to:me, in which the Times following up,,l' be-
lieve, an article written a day or two ago, init4lores
Mr. Cobden—" the man of one idea "—(laughter
and cheers)—the man who really is not at all prac-
tical and who is always dreaming of a state of things
which never can happen—implores Mr. Cobden,
passing over all these lords and hon. gentlemen and
enthusiastic and sanguine patriots—(laughter)—to
come forward and rescue the country from this oast
and profligate expenditure; and the Times says,
even addresiing me—(laughter)—that if I would
only conde,oend to come down from some of those
abstractions in which I delight to the consideration
of common affairs and ordinary business that paper
would make me, I think it says, if I choose to do it,
" the hero of this great work." (Laughter.) Well,
what is this great work ? Bear in mind that the
Times can neither make heroes nor unmake them.
(Great laughter and cheering.) And why this great
work? It is to save £5,000,000 a year in the huilding
and repairing of ships, and to spend a portion 'of it
in a more complete manning and efficient wonting
and navigation of the ships you already posless ?
Well, I am not aboat to dispute that that would
be a great deal better than the course which is
now taken; but the man who wrote that article,
who penned that appeal to Mr.. Cobden and to me,
knows perfectly well, unless he is as ignorant as
the most uninformed of hi: readers, that any appeal
to the House of Commons on behalf of economy for
economy's sake is very much like that unprofitable
occupation known in Yorkshire as " whistling to
the winds." (Great laughter.) You who have been
in the gallery of the House of Commons know well
that I have opposite to me there a phalanx, when
they are all there, of some 300 members—that is, of
the Tory party—and I am not about to exclude all
on our side from what I am going to say about 1
them ; but I will undertake to say, and, what is
more, to prove, that if you will take those 300 men,
and add up everything which they pay directly and
indirectly in taxes to the State, and put it on one side
of the ledger, and on the other side put everything
which they and their immediate families received
from the State in appointments and salaries in one
branch of the public service or another, then it will
appear they receive three times, I believe five times,
I think I should not err if I said 10 times, as much
as they pay. Why, then, am I to be asked to go to
their stolid phalanx of tax received and tax ex-
pended, and to beg and implore them to be more
moderate in the use of the public money ? Every
addition of a million to our taxes and to the State
revenue is adding another stake to the patrimony of
the privileged classes of England,and until you come
to this point that you look them in the fate, and
say, "Parliament shall not be the instrument of
the House of Lords or of the great territorial pro-
prietors, but shall fairly represent the great body
of the people of England," there. is no remedy for
the grievance of which you complain. (Cheers.)
There is one other question, and one on which you
have rarely been addressed ; but probably it is that
which, of all others at this moment, appears to me
full of importance for the people of England—the
question of the government of an enormous country,
and a countless population which has been con-
quered by the arms of England. I speak of what is
called the British empire in the East Indies. In
that country we have gone through a century of
crime of every form known to governors and
armies, and after that century of crime we have
had a gigantic and most perilous revolt, from which
at one moment it was doubtful whether the power
of England in India would recover. Now, you
would suppose, that where there had been a revolt
like this, when millions of your conquered subjects
had protested against your authority, you would
suppose that Parliament would have established
some inquiry into the causes of this great evil, or,