The Sun.
London, England, 1861-12-13 00:00:00

I.IO.I2SMAN, M.P., 42W 1112 NON-

ELECTORS.

STROUD, TIit:LSDAY.

Last night the large Subscription Room was
completely filled by an audience consisting chiefly
of non-electors, who assembled at the invitation of
Mr. Horsman to hear his opinions on the various
important topics which now engross the public at-
tention. Tho right hon. gentleman on entering the
room was loudly cheered, and the symptoms of dis-
approbation were very slight.
Captain Hunter, who presided, introduced Mr.
Ilorsman, after a few preliminary remarks,
Mr. TIORS3fAN, who was greeted with much cheer-
ing, then proceeded to address the meeting, and
spoke for upwards of an hour and a half. He said—
When I was on this platform three years ago, and a
discussion was raised on the question of Parliamen-
taryßeform and the franchise, I ventured to predict
that promises had been madethatwould not be fulfilled
and that opinions had been expressed with regard to
the suffrage that would not bear discussion and
ventilation ; and by a curious coincidence I illus-
trated what I said by a reference to America, show-
ing how it was under mob rule, and what must be
the inevitable result of excluding every man of in-
telligence and education from a share in the admi-
nistration of public affairs ; and I ventured to tell
you that the day was not far distant when Parlia-
mentary reform would be a secondary subject in
the minds of Englishmen, and that your attention
would be exclusively rivetted upon foreign affairs.
I referred to what was going on in France, and
warned you that Europe must ere long take the
alarm ; and in answer to a question whether I
would pledge myself to a reduction, and especially
of the income tax, I told you that before three years
were over Parliament would be called upon to vote
for a large increase of taxation in order to meet
an increased war expenditure. These opinions
were received by my opponents, not only with
incredulity, but ridicule, and they denounced me
not only as extravagant, but as insincere. The
leader of my opponents said I was dragging a red
herring across the path to divert you from parlia-
mentary reform. (Laughter.) I said "time will
show who is in the right," and time has shown.
You saw within a few weeks of that meeting the
a trong and powerful Government of Lord Palmerston
not only censured bat destroyed, because it was
supposed to have: made unworthy concessions to
France on a point most vital to Englishmen. And
who made the motion by which that Government
was destroyed ? A prominent member of the Man-
chester and peace party. And where is he now ?
He is a member of that Cabinet which has not only
gained strength and popularity by shelving the
question of reform, but has added to that strength
and popularity by raising our military expenditure
to the unprecedented sum of £35,000,000 in a time
of peace, in order to give effect to a foreign policy,
which the nation unanimously approves, and to
which the Ministry know that the-smallest suspicion
of infidelity on their part would terminate their
official existence. (Cheers.) It has been said that
I have always shown a strong personal hostility and
an unjust feeling towards the Emperor of the
French. Now every remark that I have made with
reference to the Emperor has been limited to the
policy that might be imposed upon him by the will
of the French people. Personally speaking I should
judge him to be the most liberal man in France—a
man of great genius, of enlarged views, possessing
a statesmanlike mind, above all prejudice, and espe-
cially sympathising with liberal feelings and con-
Tietions all over the world. (Cheers.) I believe that
probably of all the French nation he is the indivi-
dual who has the most friendly feelings towards
England. (Cheers.) But admitting all this, who can
tell the policy that may be imposed on him ? He is
at the head of an army of more than half a million of
men—he is at the head of a nation that is very im-
pulsive, and whose institutions are in a very uncer-
tain and transitory state. The policy that may be
imposed upon him by his army no one can at any
moment foresee ; but the policy that may be fol-
lowed in the event of his death, by some one placed
at the head of affairs who would have the con-
trol of the army, it is impossible to conjecture.
When you have a nation like France, with an army
of more than half a million of men, increasing their
armaments in every direction, and indicating an
aggressive policy in Europe, then, for the sake of
Europe, but above all for the sake of England, it is
necessary that you should place yourselves in such
a state of security and strength that at any moment
you can meet France in council, and if need be
place a check and control upon any aggressive
movements that she may make. (Cheers.) England
is now in a state of security as regards all Europe,
and I believe it is impossible to over-estimate the
'value of the influence and interest shown by Eng-
land in the affairs of Europe during the last two
years solely by her strength being so increased, and
the knowledge that if called into the field she is the
strongest power in Europe. (Hear, hear.) Let me
apply this to the American question. Supposing
we had an extremely small military establishment
•--supposing we had no fleet, and that this outrage
had been committed by America, does any one mean
to say that a message, even of conciliation and
peace, would have received that attention which it
must receive when they know that we are the best
prepared nation in the world for war ? (Cheers.)
And if the knowledge of that fact makes the Cabi-
net of Mr. Lincoln pause before going to war—if it
averts war and injury to commerce, and bloodshed
of men—l will ask, is there any one in this room
who will not say that the cost of these armaments
has been paid tenfold, and that if they were a hun-
dredfold more costly they are cheap by the saving to
human life, to human misery, and all the calamities
of war. (Loud cheers.) The right hon. gentleman
then proceeded to discuss the American question,
pointing out the origin of the war and its probable
results ; but having reported his opinions on these
matters at the meeting on the previous day it
is unnecessary to repeat them here. After giving a
humorous description of the various versions given
by the Northerns of their victories, he said, with
reference to their democratic institutions, not only
has there been a break-down of the republican con-
stitutions in the State, but it has been the most sud-
den, the most remarkable, the most complete, and
the most deplorable that is recorded in history. But
that break down was inevitable, and for this reason
—that the republic itself was founded on a wrong
principle. The first principle in the governing of a
nation is that the thought and intelligence of the
nation should govern the nation, and that system of
government is most complete,and approaches nearest
to perfection, in which the greatest amount of the
intelligence, the morality, and the patriotism of the
country are made available to its public service.
Now
the great republic of America has entirely re-
pudiated that principle, and instead of governing
from the top, like the nations of the old world, has
tried the experiment of governing the nation from
the bottom. The result is that men who would be
ornaments to any civilised community, but who will
not condescend to court the vulgar passions of the
rabble, have been shut out from the administration
of public affairs; and if Washington and Franklin
were now alive they would be placed in corners,
and the Lineolns and Sewards would be their mas-
ters, because the former would never descend to the
means that are necessary in these days for the at-
tainment of power. (Hear.) The consequence is that
you have an amount of electoral corruption not
known in any other country in the world.
A NON-ELECTOR—Let us have a reform.
Another NON-ELECTOR—Iie quiet, and swallow
the red herrings. (Roars of laughter.)
Mr. lIORSMAN —You have thero an amount of
parliamentary jobbery not known in any other na-
tion o! the world. You have military failures, admi-
nistrative weakness, and financial recklessness which
astonishes the world. You have the government in
the hands of a mob and under the influence of the
most licentious press that the world has ever seen.
And when a national difficulty arises there is not a
man deserving the name of a statesman to deal with
it. (Cheers.) We have every desire for a pacific
solution of the question, but we must remember
that whatever power is conceded to America must
be considered as a legal power, to be hereafter exer-
cises by France, Russia, and Austria. (Hear.) Emi-
nent jurists have laid down the opinion that a Bri-
tish ship is British territory. (Cheers.) If the