The Sun.
London, England, 1861-08-13 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TUESDAY EVE ".1N Or, AUGUST 13, 1861.

TIIE CIVIL WAR IN AMERICA.

(From the Correspondent of the Daily News.)
BOSTON, U.S., JULY 29.

The battle at Bull's Run, near Manassas Junc-
tion, has been fought, and now, us the result is
more correctly understood, it proves to be very
different from what was first supposed. The early
reports which reached Washington were the exag-
gerations of those who painted facts with the dark
hues of their own affrighted feelings, and this pic-
ture was daguerreotyped by the telegraph. Now,
however, as the smoke has rolled away, and we
draw near to the truth, the whole affair is some-
what altered in the features it appeared to have a
week ago. The facts are these :—The Federal
troops were repulsed after a severe and exhausting
fight with an enemy superior in numbers, constantly
reinforced, and to a great extent entrenched behind
batteries laid with careful skill and worked with
terrible effect. The personal bravery of the assail-
ants, their gallant charges under the most galling
fire, abundantly prove that it requires more than
personal bravery to gain a victory over a skilful
foe, who has the advantage of numbers, position,
and entrenched fortifications. The Federal army
lacked a directing head and an organising mind,
and some of its regiments were badly officered. The
latter fact will account in some degree for the confu-
sion which characterised the retreat. The panic
was also increased, if it did not originate, by the
spectators and waggoners, who had passed too near,
and were within the line of battle. The broken
and woody country, by confining the range of
view of one regiment, and keeping it in ignorance
of its neighbours, made all things uncertain, and
heightened the confusion. But in this also the first
reports were an exaggeration. The panic was not
so general as the fugitives supposed. Besides a large
reserve force of 16,000, a portion of the contending
forces halted at Centreville and remained there
until eight o'clock the next morning, and in the
meantime secured several of the cannon left in the
held and saved a large amount of baggage.

On the other hand it is evident from the move-
ments of the Secessionists that they regarded the
result of the battle as a repulse of their enemy, for
their main body, instead of making pursuit imme-
diately fell back. The evidence comes to us from
several independent sources that the loss of the
rebels was the greater of the two, but of this I can-
not speak with certainty. Had they been assured
of victory they certainly would have gone forth to
gather its fruits. They had, as already stated, the
superiority of numbers and the advantage of posi-
tion. Their men fought with bravery, yet they
showed in this case as in every contest thus far a
great liking to their batteries, and did not in any
great numbers venture out after they had repulsed
their foe, and the picture is presented of two armies
after a hard-fought battle—the one flying in con-
fusion and haste, and the other falling back upon
the main body, thus distancing each other by an
opposite divergence.
Leaving details, there are a few general conside-
rations to be presented. The first great mis-
take, and the real cause of the disaster to the
Federal troops, was in fighting at all. The nature
of the ground, the junction formed by General
Johnston with Beauregard, and the strength of the
defences, were such as to make it impossible for
the assailing party to carry the day. Had General
Scott been left alone, he would not have moved at
all until he had mad© more ample preparations.
But the Americans are in a hurry ; it is difficult
for them to wait ; hence they became impatient at
the slowness of his movements. Some of the lead-
ing New York republican journals goaded the ad-
ministration on, and when Congress assembled the
pressure became so great that General Scott yielded
and the command was given to advance. The result
of this mistake has become a part of history.
The battle has but little strategic importance
beyond the delay it will cause, and possibly a
change in the plans of the campaign. It has not in
the least crippled the resources of the Northern
army, but has revealed its weak points. The in-
efficiency, and in some cases the cowardice of its
officers, the lack of unity and organization of the
different parts into one grand whole, are now more
fully known, and stops will be taken at once for a
thorough organization and much greater enlarge-
ment of numbers. An excellent opportunity will
be given for those officers of experience who are
of foreign birth and ardent friends of freedom
to enter into the service. A number from Prussia,
it is said, have just reached Washington, and will
probably be accepted with cheerfulness. Civilians,
for a time at least, will leave the management of
the army to educated and efficient military men,
while the people, rising with the necessities of the
occasion, will do their part with renewed zeal and
energy. The ardent and sanguine hope of success
which had so generally taken hold of North
served to deepen the gloom and disappointment
with which the news of the disaster was first re-
ceived. But this has passed away, leaving a sober-
ing influence, and givingplace to more resolute and
renewed vigour. Both sides, undoubtedly, begin to
see the mistake each has made in undervaluing his
foe. If this should open the minds of Northern
statesmen to the real magnitude of the struggle,
and a full perception of the real strength of the
secession movement, an important point will have
been gained, and the North will be saved from a
repetition of the disasters of last week. Reinforce-
ments of Federal troops are now moving by the
thousand towards Washington, and Gen. M'Clellan
has been called from Western Virginia to the capi-
tal, and assumed the command of the army on the
Potomac.
Aflother result of ti is battle will be to show the
/movie of the North that this war will not be so
short as many have supposed. The hurry to make
it brief has served to lengthen it. I have always
thought that even some of the most prominent
American statesmen Were mistaken in the opinion
they have entertained that the war would soon be
ended.. The contest in Which the people are now
engae,e is too great and serious hi its consequences,
and involves considerations too vast and solemn in
their cirri reefer to he decided without a tremendous
struggle. I will briefly give my reasons for this

opinion.
The slave power in this country represents an
interest valued at a thousand million of dollars.
This interest, based on servile labour, has given
rise to a peculiar type of society, ideas, and insti-
tutions. If slavery has not increased in the rapid
,ratio of free labour, it has certainly largely in-
creased. ' Upon this institution of slavery there has
arisen an oligarchy made up of a dominant class
which rules the South with the unity and force of
a fix ed and permanent despotism. Whatever is not
in the interest of this institution, either in opinion
or action, is at once suppressed or driven out. This
it does from the instinct and necessity of self-pre-
servation. Besides thus moving as a unit at home,
this power has ruled this country. It has directed
legislation, bullied in Congress, pressed the judi-
ciary into its service, dictated treaties, declared
War, guided the foreign policy of the nation, and
elected Presidents. All this it has done, keeping,
in mind the interests of slavery. By this long exer-
tdse of power it has grown SE If-reliant and proud,
and looks down upon the North with an air of arro-
gant superiority. As it gained in strength it has
increased in its demands. This is true of every
dominant class always and every-where. These de•
bands of the South have been rowing more and
bore, until, after zetany fruitless attempts at resist•
au", the North in the last Presidential contest in-
g.tivated a change, teed the South for the first time
637, •
itgeif
r_seed.efeated at tide ballot-bat:. The sagacious
kwould soot
awarea thatitir. statesmeef or the South have been
resolved to breu ,er or latter come and have
federacy. Th:ol.tlP this Ue ion and forma new con-
wade and uneeidigeaprehY whie h foe: a generation has
consent to hold the sresidents will never willingly
aims at the control Ote,tll(lplae, 3in the Republic. It
of unlimited exuansien, e
half e iettinent. It dreams
Rol i'iteg in its hands
the production of one of the
wrld' great staples,
which affects the immediate
wt dfare of millions, it
has reached to such an extrava •
rant es,`imate of its
importance as to suppose th at the great cotton
manufacturing interests of h oth
old and the
new world are its subjects. I 'Atwell and Laurence,
Manchester and Leeds, are t 1 le dependents of ,this
great king. He rules alike in 1 .V ew York and Liver-
poet.. Exaggerated as this fee U ng may be, it has a

real existence in the South. Even in the last
speech of Mr. Davis on his return from Manassas
Junction, he tells the people of Richmond that the
enemy, with the taxes they have imposed for 20
years, had fitted an army on a magnificent scale.
This has been the prevailing tone of Southern men
in Congress. To such a height has this reached,
that to hold a secondary place in the Union is to
keep them in subjection, for this is their meaning
of the word. To prevent the expansion of slavery
they regard as an infringement of their liberties.
Now, I ask any intelligent and reflective man, if
be thinks it reasonable or probable that a ruling
class with this history, these opinions, interests, and
aims, will yield without a terrible struggle ? Taking
this view of the subject, I am not sanguine of a
speedy settlement of the contest, and look for the
final solution of the problem only to the time when
the slave power shall be struck to death. A re-
petition of the disasters of last week would rapidly
hasten this. But sooner or later it must come, or
this North American continent must be given over
to slavery. If the South had consented to remain
in the Union, and permitted its servile institutions
to be hemmed in, then the power would gradually
have fallen from its hands and a peaceable solution
of the question accomplished. But such is not the
way these changes are brought about. No class of
men who hold power ever willingly see it pass out
of their hands, especially if this power is connected
with their interests entwined around all their in-
stincts and their traditions. But the arrogance and
persistency with which they urge their claims has-
ten the event they
deprecate.
in The precise point I
would bring out here is, that view of all the facts
in the case there is little ground for hope at present
of a wide-spread reaction at the South ; and it seems
to me the sooner Northern statesmen give up this
delusion the sooner they will initiate those bold and
decisive measures which meet the exigencies of this
()Teat emergency. This movement of the slave
power has not had its origin in a momentary
passion, but is the result of a gradually increasing
opinion and a fixed purpose. Now if any one sup-
poses that a power like this, so long dominant, will
easily or readily yield, it seems to me he has read
history and observed men to little practical purpose.
In this connexion a recent debate in the United
States Senate on the war and its relation to slavery
is significant. Mr. Powell, of Kentucky, offered an
amendment to the resolution then under dis-
cussion, " that no part of the army or navy shall
be used to subjugate or hold as conquered pro-
vinces any sovereign state lately one of the United
States, nor to interfere in any way with African
slavery." The conservative republicans repelled
the insinuation that it was intended to subjugate
the South or to abolish slavery. Still, even this
class of politicians took the ground that rather than
one inch of the country be torn away by traitors
they would have the slaves liberated. This, bear
in mind, is the opinion not simply of such decided
anti-slavery men as Mr. Sumner, but also of such
conservative statesmen as Mr. Sherman. Events
are fast approaching the point where the North
must either yield the ground or move in the direc-
tion of emancipation. This, I think, is the logic of
history. From 10,000 to 20,000 slaves were em-
ployed in making formidable entrenchments at
Manassas Junction. Will the Government of the
United States permit this to go on without holding
out to all the promise of freedom ? If so, they
give aid and succour to the enemy, and neglect to
use the means of defence which is placed in their
hands. Soon, however, the necessities of the case
will demand a more vigorous policy on the part of
the Federal authorities, and the scruples which now
haunt short-sighted or timid minds will be scat-
tered by the approaching storm. That it may
hasten the approach of this second declaration of
American independence, when the principles of
universal liberty shall be proclaimed, is the earnest
desire and prayer of all true freedom-loving men
of the North.

(From the Special Correspondent of the Times.)
WASHINGTON, JULY 29.
On this day week the Confederates could have
marched into the capital of the United States. They
took no immediate steps to follow up their unex-
pected success. To this moment their movements
have betrayed no fixity of purpose or settled plan
to pursue an aggressive war, or even "to liberate

Maryland if they have the means of doing so."

And, indeed, their success was, as I suspected, not
known to them in its full proportions, and their
loss, combined, perhaps, with the condition of their
army, as much as political and prudential motives
actuating their leaders, may have had a fair share
in producing the state of inactivity with which the
Federalists have no reason to be dissatisfied. Let
us look around, now that the smoke of battle has
cleared away, and try to examine the condition
of the ground. First as regards foreign relations.
The personal good feeling and perfect understand-
ing which exist between the representatives of the
great European Powers directly interested in Ame-
rica are founded on an appreciation of the exact de-
mands of the interests they represent, and on the
necessities of a common honourable policy. Eng-
land, having a vast commerce directly involved in
the contest, has naturally been the first to provide
for its safety in American waters, and has also felt
it desirable, in the face of the desperate counsels
which have been given on this side of the Atlantic,
to furnish a trifling reinforcement to her small mili-
taryestablishment in Canada. The fleet at present
in observation is neither powerful nor offensively

disposed, and no exception can be taken to the mode
in which it has acted by the most sensitive Ameri-
cans, although attempts have been made to arouse
vulgar prejudices by erroneous statements respect-
ing the views and declarations of Admiral Milne.
The authoritative assertions on that subject in some
of the journals here are destitute of authority, ex-
cept that of the writer. What is of more consequence,
perhaps, in respect to the preservation of friendly
relations between England and the United States is
the fact that a great change has come over the
views of the members or member of the Cabinet
who was supposed to seek the reconstruction of the
Union in a war with Great Britain, and that the
most favourable disposition is evinced to cultivate
our good graces, not by any sacrifice of principles,
but br the adoption of a tone at once calm, just,
and dignified, which will be appreciated by the
Foreign-office. It is not probable either that we
threatened
i
shall hoar much more about the immediate annexa-
tion of Canada, and the fury of the 750,000 " bet-
ter tl anF\rveinllethe"
fora
aditeirmse withav e t e
d.
twief lvere
there
epress
eNrv.ej
iralid
rtehieartai 0
ai se . n o tliani n
are such pleasant changes in the diplomatic and
thsaelalatliekeitthisemprion.
e at
posed to clap a round ten per cent. on all
the duties to be levied under the Morrill Tariff,
and Mr. Simmons, the aged father of this wicked
little bit of political economy, declares he will
I thereby raise 45,000,000 dols. of additional re-
venue. The House of Representatives, on the con-
trary, propose to raise revenue by taxes on coffee,
tea, sugar, pepper, spices, and articles of the sort,
not of necessity nor of luxury, but in the interme-
diate position, so that every one who uses them now
will continue to do so, notwithstanding the tax, and
no one will be the worse for it. On these plans it
is probable there will be a conference between the
two branches of the Legislature, in which the con-
tending systems may be adjusted or amalgamated.
The income-tax to be adopted will give some
40;000,000 dols. according to the calculations of
the designers, and the people fondly believe it will
be at once removed as soon as the war is over. if the
increase of ten per cent. on the Morrill Tariff be
actually passed, it is difficult to see how France can
continue to regard with friendly feelings such a
direct attack on her great article of exportation.
England is accustomed to bear these things from
the United States, but France cannot afford any
meddling or mischief in her wine trade and her
tobacco monopoly. Mr. Mercier, the energetic and
able representative of our ally, is said to entertain
strong notions that the contest now waging cannot
terminate is the success of the North in what it
proposes to itself. M. de Stoeckl, the Russian
Minister, who has lived long in America, knows her
statesmen and the genius of her people and insti-
tution, and is a man of sagacity and vigorous intel-
lect, is believed to hold similar views. Perhaps the
only Minister who has really been neutral, observ-
ing faithfully all engagements to actually existinac.

' Powers, and sedulously avoiding all occasion of
offence or irritability to an irritable people, rendered
more than usually so by the evil days which have
fallen upon them, is the discreet and loyal noble-
man who represents Great Britain, and who is the
only one threatened with a withdrawal of passports
and all sorts of pains and penalties for the pre-
sumed hostility of his Government to the United
States. The world sees that the North has not
treated the Southerners as rebels—we will not say it
has not dared to do so. But the Federalists have
treated the Confederates up to this moment as belli-
gerents. Rebels are hanged, imprisoned, and shot at
discretion. Their flags are not received ; the ex-
change of prisoners with rebels is ridiculous. A re-
gular " blockade" of rebel ports is quite anomalous.
It remains to be seen, after Mr. Davis's recent hints,
what the Government dares to do in the case of
the " pirates" whom its cruisers caught in the act,
red-handed, of privateering piracy. Meantime the
arm raised to chastise and subdue has been struck
down, and the attitude of the North is just now de-
fensive. There will be on the part of the one
people whom the American press has most in-
sulted and abused every disposition to give fair
play and to listen to the call for " time." But
the quarrel must have its limits—the time must be
fixed, and the sponge must be thrown up if one or
other of the combatants cannot " come up" to it ;
nor does it seem a case in which any amount of
"judicious bottleholding" can prolong the fight.
Now, at the present moment, the North is less
able to go into the contest than she was a month
ago. She has suffered a defeat, she has lost
morale and materiel. Besides killed, wounded,
and prisoners, cannon, arms, baggage, she has lost
an army of three-months men, who have marched
away to their homes at the very moment the capital
was in the greatest danger. Up to this period the
reinforcements received do not bring up the Fede-
ralists to the strength they had before the fight.
No one can or will tell how many have strayed away
and gone off from their regiments since they returned
to the camps here, but the actual number of men
who have come here are less than those who have
gone away home by fully 3,000 rank and file. And
the change has been by no means for the better.
The three-months men at least had been three
months under arms. They were probably at least
as martial and as ready to fight as the rest of their
people. Just as they are most required and likely
not to be quite unserviceable, they retire to receive
ill-deserved and ridiculous ovations, as though they
had been.glorious conquerors and patriots, instead
of being broken and routed fugitives, who marched
off from Washington when it might be expected the
enemy were advancing against it. In their place
come levies who have not had even the three months'
training, and who are not as well equipped, so far
as I can see, as their predecessors, to face men who
are elated with success and the prestige of the first
battle gained, and to be associated with regiments
cowed, probably, and certainly in some instances
demoralized, by defeat.
The artillerymen who cut the traces of their
horses from caisson and carriage at least knew more
about guns than the men who will be put to the
new field batteries, which Government are getting
up as fast as they can ; and the muskets, of the best
description, left on the field or taken, cannot be re-
placed for a long time to come. In fact, much of
this army must be reorganized in face of an
enemy. That enemy is either incompetent or
artful ; it is quite certain he is not actuated by
clemency or a generous pity. Engineers are hard
at work strengthening the position on the south
bank of the river ; but forts do not constitute safety.
Without stout hearts behind their lines and breast.
works, abattis and redoubts avail nothing. It
must be that the Confederates are deficient in
the means of transport, or in actual force to make
an attack which is so obvious, if they desire to
show the North it is not possible to subdue them.
The corps which went from Winchester to Manassas
under Johnston is put by the Federalists at 40,000.
Let us take it at half the number. Beauregard and
Lee are said to have had 60,000 at Manassas, in-
cluding, I presume, the forces between it and Rich-
mond. Divide that again. There were certainly
20,000 between Monroe, the Court, and Richmond,
of whom 10,000 could be spared ; and on the west-
ern side of the capital of the Confederation States
there was available at least another corps of 10,000,
which could have been readily strengthened by
10,000 or 15,000 more from the South in case of a
supreme effort. There seems no reason, not con-
nected with transport, equipment, or discipline,
why the Confederates should not have been able
last week to take the field with 75,000 men, in two
corps ; one quite strong enough to menace the force
on the right bank of the Potomac, and to hold it
in check ; or to prevent it going over to the other
side; the ether to cross into Maryland, which is now
in parts only kept quiet by force, and to advance
down on Washington from the west and north. In
the event of success the political advantages would
be very great at home and abroad, and there would
be a new base of operations gained close to the
enemy's lines, while the advantages of holding the
Potomac and Chesapeake Bay would be much neu-
tralised and finally destroyed. The navy-yard would
fall into the enemy's hands. Fort Washington
would probably soon follow. Fortress Monroe would
be condemned to greater isolation. Philadelphia
itself would be in imminent danger should the Con-
federates attempt greater aggression. But, for one,
Geu. Beauregard will consent to no plan of opera-
tions in which success is not rendered as certain as
may be by all possible precautions, and he might
not favour a proposal which would lead to dividing
an army into two parts, with a river between them
and an enemy on each side. Monroe and Hampton,
which are the true basis of operations against Rich-
mond, have been weakened to reinforce the army
covering Washington and Harper's Ferry, and yet
I doubt if there are on the south bank of the Poto-
mac at this mcment 40,000 men all along the lines
who could move out and offer an enemy battle,
leaving any adequate guards in the trenches and
garrisons in the tete•dit-pont and works. The Con-
federates, as you were informed from the South,
have enlisted men to serve for the war, and take no
others. The staple of their army will undergo no
change, and as it grows older it ought to get better,
unless it be beaten. You will pardon me for refer-
ring to a remark in one of my previous letters, that
there might be fierce skirmishes, and even sangui-
nary engagements, between the two armies, but
that these would be followed by no decisive results,
owing to the want of cavalry. Strange to say,though
the panic and very discreditable rout was caused by
alarms of, and might have been prevented by the
presence of cavalry, no steps are taken to remedy
that great deficiency. The volunteers who were at
Manassas will never stand the man on horseback
again, and I believe the Confederates are aware of
their advantage, though they may have had to mourn
the loss of many gentlemen who fell during the day.
The Northern papers are increasing the amount of
butter in proportion as they decrease the losses of
their loaves, and they do not appear to perceive
that the smaller the latter were the less should be
the layer of the former—for it is no credit to an
atfrromenyetnoteorlos,e and
guns, abandon its positions, throw
away its muskets, leave its wounded in the hands of
h
runCentreville,
not
tmme e
r3eol
yatnodAordl
Arlington,
gt mileson b from
t
o
Washington, without any cause at all ; for without
no causer
oouf
t.
Again,retreat,antdh
etyh esraeyfore
theren o
e lossxcuse therefo was
rpani
c and
was only a portion of their army engaged. The
greater shame for those who were not engaged to
run, then. But before the battle, when M'Dowell's
force was enumerated in terrorem at 50,000, it was
said 15 regiments had subsequently joined. Now,
it is averred only 15,000, 18,000, or 20,000 were in
action. What on earth were the rest about? And
I am obliged to say that Mr. Davis's statements are
quweirtee
3ass
,sotoaor tsl
tin rogn;gf, or,
he while
onhise declaresyt tales
seer; et
asserting
that of all his host only 15,000 took part in the
bbuattte
imaginationl. As
give
ecourse
tiitmis a t
ebonde.y Re
g anythingre-
di h
atloe
ahna
dv eh
ebaeretny annihilatedp hr
taevde,
otnu rtnheedd ua
day
of marching home--and fond parents, wives, and
relatives will be spared many pangs and a great deal
of mourning. I think my estimate of killed and
wounded was nearly correct. The prisoners may
amount to more than 900 or 1000, but the ifodc-4

ralists have lost more heavily than the totals under
these heads would show, perhaps. It would be
rather ridiculous to call it either a hard-fought, a
bloody, or a glorious field ; but it was an important
one ; it was a most trying one to the Federalists,
who were badly fed and hard-worked, in a waterless
country, on a July day, for 12 hours ; they were ex-
posed to the demoralising effects of a long-continued
artillery fire. In spite of their want of discipline
and the very unaccountable rout, the Federalists at
first showed alacrity, but after a time they became
torpid and difficult to handle. No one questions the
general bravery of Americans, native or adopted, on
either side; but a defeat is rendered worse than
ridiculous by attempts to turn it into a triumph.
Let the unfortunate brave rest content with the
sympathy they deserve, and shun the ovations
which are the due of the conqueror. Praise and
flattery cannot retake a gun, nor save a standard,
nor win a battle—even if it be from vox populi in
Broadway or Bowery.

The Government in some measure let the world
see what they think of the charges made against the
officers of the army in reference to the late battle.
Here is an order just published :

" War Department, Adjutant-General's-office,
Washington, July 25.

" There will ba added to the department of the Shenan-
doah the counties of Washington and Allegheny, in Mary-
land, and such other parts of Virginia as may be covered by
the army in its operations. And there will be added to the
department of Washington the counties of Pi ince George,
Montgomery, and Frederick. The remainder of Maryland,
and all Pennsylvania and Delaware, will constitute the de-
partment of Pennsylvania; head -quarters, Baltimore. The
department of Washington and the department of North-
Eastern Virginia will constitute a geographical division
under Major-General M‘Clellan, U.S. army; head-quarters
Washington.

" All officers of Volunteer regiments will be subject to
examination by a Military Board, to be appointed by this
Department, with the concurrence of the General-in-Chief,
as to their fitness for the positions assigned them. Those
officers found to be incompetent will be rejected, and the
vacancies thus occasioned will be filled by the appointment
of such persons as may have passed the examination before
the Board. " By order,

" L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General."

Yesterday a bill was passed by the House of
Representatives imposing a tax on carriages of
from 1 dol. to 50 dols. ; gold watches, 1 dol. ; silver
watches, 50c. ; excise on spirituous liquors, sc. per
gallon; and on fermented liquors, 60e. per barrel,
or 2c. a gallon. All incomes over 600 dots. per an-
num, 3 per cent., including money at interest, &c.
Every interest in the country is also taxed,
including a tax on the net income of the banks, but
not on their currency or bank circulation. Landed
estates are likewise taxed, and if it be adcepted by
the other branches of the Legislature, the people of
the North will begin to feel that fighting is an ex-
pensive luxury, particularly if it be unsuccessful.
It will be weeks before we have done hearing and
seeing :accounts of Bull's Run, or, as it may be
better called, of Manassas, unless some other action
intervenes, as is very likely indeed. General Banks,
not finding any advantage in occupying a point in
front of Harper's Ferry, on the Virginia side, has,
it is affirmed, withdrawn all his troops to a position
in Maryland which commands the passages from
the Ferry, and General Butler at Fortress Monroe
feels himself compelled to abandon his advanced
works at Hampton, which I described hurriedly
the other day, and to retire to the cover of the guns
of the place. Fortress Monroe is quite impreg-
nable to the enemy, for they have not the means of
undertaking a regular siege. If they get heavy
guns and mortars, however, they can certainly
make the interior unpleasant, and should they open
trenches the Americans may have a Sebastopol in
petto near old Point Comfort. Meantime the com-
mand of Colonel Phelps, at Newport News, consist-
ing of four regiments, is• threatened by the enemy.
His camp is intrenched and furnished with a few
howitzers and field-pieces, and heavy guns on the
river face. I heard him apply to General Butler,
when I was there, for horses and harness for his
guns, as if he wanted to move them. He is a
grim, dour, stern soldier of the old Puritan type,
and if attacked he will defend his camp to the last.
Should he be beaten, the Confederates will have
both sides of James River. The more closely the
consequences of Manassas are investigated, the
more serious they seem to be. It must be granted
that the Confederates feel their losses more severely
than the North does. Their colonels and officers are
men of mark, and even of privates killed or wounded
one sees notices implying that they belong to good
families, and are well-known people. The O's and
Macs and Vons (few of the latter), the Corcorans,
Camerons, and Bruggers, prisoners, wounded, or
killed, are of less consequence to the social system
of the North than the Hamptons, Prestons, and
Mannings are to the South. If Mr. Davis and a few
of the leaders were to fall in battle there would be
less chance of the South continuing its struggle with
the same heart and confidence; but if all the Cabi-
net were to go to-morrow from 'Washington the li
spirit of the Northern States would not be diminished
one iota. From the South, as yet, we have only a
few scattered details of the fight and of its results,
but it can be seen that there is no very great exul-
tation over the victory.
The following interesting extracts from the Rich-
mond Inquirer of July 23 will furnish a good idea
of the manner in which the news was received :
" FIRST CONGRESS OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES OF

AMER.IE.I.-ADJOURNED SESSION.

" Richmond, Virginia, July 22.

" Congress mot at 12 o'clock, the Hon. Howell Cobb in
the chair. Prayer was offered by the Rev. J. L. Burrows,
of Richmond. The journal of Saturday was read and ap-
proved.
" On motion, Robert E. Scott and 'Walter Preston, of
Virginia; I'. ,'Dowell, of North Carolina, newly elected
members, came forward and took the oath.
" Mr. Memminger, of South Carolina—Mr. President,—
I beg leave to interrupt the order of business by bringing
to the attention of Congress the.intelligenee that has been
received at this place from the seat of war. I present the
following despatch, which I ask the Secretary to read :
" Manassas, July 22.

"'Mrs. Jefferson Davis,—We have won a glorious,
though dear-bought victory. Night closed on the enemy
in full flight and closely pursued.

" JEFFERSON DAVIS.'
I beg leave to present an official despatch received since
that :

" Manassas, July 29.
" ' To General S. Ccoper, Adjutant-General, Richmond.
" Night has closed upon a hard. fought field. Our forces
have won a glorious victory. The enemy was routed, and
fled precipitately, abandoning a very large amount of arms,
munitions, knapsacks, and baggage. The ground was strewn
for miles with those killed, and the farmhouses and the
grounds around were filled with the wounded. The pursuit
was continued along several routes towards Leesburg and
Centreville, until darkness covered the fugitives. We have
captured several field batteries and regimental standards,
and one United States' flag. Many prisoners have been
taken. Too high praise cannot be bestowed, whether for
the skill of the principal officers or for the gallantry of all
the troops. The battle was mainly fought on our left,
several miles from our field-works, our force engaging them
not exceeding 15,000—that of the enemy estimated at 35,000.

" JEFFERSON DAVIS.'

This announcement, continues Mr. Memminger,
informs Congress that the invader of our soil has
been driven back, that our altars have been purified
and our homes secured from the ruthless hand of an
unprincipled foe. But, Sir, it has been at a cost
that will bring sorrow into many families, wet with
burning tears the cheeks of many widows and
orphans, and into many happy homes bring grief
and desolation; and I presume, Sir, Congress will
be little disposed on such occasion to go with their
usual business. I have taken the liberty of offering
a series of resolutions which I will submit to Con-
gress, and aslc their adoption :

" 1. Resolved, that we recognize the hand of the Most
High God, the King of Kings and Lord of Lords, in the
glorious victory with which He has crowned our arms at
Manassas, and that the people of these Confederate States
are invited, by appropriate aervicas on the ensuing Sabbath,
to offer up their unitel thanksgivings and prayers for this
mighty deliverance.

" 2. Resolvel, that we deeply deplore the necessity which
has washed the soil of our country with the blood of so
many of our noble sons, and that we offer to their respective
families and friends our warmest and most cordial sympa-
thies, assuring them that the sacrifice made will be conse-
crated in the hearts of our people, and will there enshrine
the names of the gallant dead, as the champions of free and
constitutional government.
"3. Resolved, that wo approve the prompt and patristic
efforts of the Mayor of the city of Richmond to make provi.
sions for the wounded, and that a committee of one member
from each State be appointed to co-operate in the plan.
" Resolved, that Congress do now adjourn.
"The resolutions were unanimously adopted, and Con-
gress adjourned to meet to-morrow at 12."

It will be observed when Mr. Davis telegraphed

to his wife he spoke of a dearly bought victory and
a close pursuit. Of the latter there are no evidences;
many troops remained till next morning in Centre-
ville, not four miles from the scene of the fight, and
General Schenek's report states he withdrew his
men in good order at his leisure. It will be seen,
too, that all which has been said of the enemy out-
flanking the Federalists' left is rubbish, and that
the main contest was, as I stated, on the right of
the line. Mr. Davis returned by train to Richmond
on the 23d a conqueror. His conduct is thus de-
scribed :

"In response to the calls from the immense crowd who
congregated together to meet him, he alluded to the grand
absorbing topic of the day. The enemy, he said, with the
taxes they had been imposing on us for 20 years, had fitted
out an army on a magnificent scale. They had come over to
Virginia with plenty of arms and ammunition, and with
ambulances fitted up in such a style of luxury as though
they thought they were still taxing the South. They had
500 or 600 al my waggons with them, and provisions of
every kind in abundance. In the whole campaign they had
over 50,000 men. Their finest parks of heavy and light artil-
lery are ours. They left everything behind them they could
throw away. Among the Federal officers captured is Colonel
Carringtcn. Among the Confederate officers killed, unre-
ported, are Lieutenant .Colonel Johnston, of the Hampton
Legion ; Colonel Thomas, of General Johnston's Staff; and
Colonel Fisher, of the 6th North Carolina Regiment. The
wounded, unreported, are Colonel Stevens, of General Bee's
Staff; Colonel Gartrell, of Georgia; Lieutenant-Colonel
Montgomery Gardner, of the Ist Georgia Regiment;

Colonel Nelson, of the 2d Virginia Regiment; Colonel
Jones, of the 4th Alabama Regiment; Colonel Hampton,
of the Legion. Colonel Preston, of the 28th Virginia Regi-
ment, took Colonel Wilcox, of Michigan, one captain, and
three privates prisoners with his own hands. Edmund
Fontaine, jun., son of Colonel E. Fontaine, president of the
Virginia Central Railroad, is among the slain."
The "luxury of ambulances" is a new and curious

ground of complaint, and I suspect there were not
many articles of the kind in rear of the Confederate
army. Apropos of this subject, I must remark that
one class of officers in the Federal army did their
duty nobly—the surgeons remained on the field
when all others were retlring or had left. One is
' reported killed; six are prisoners in the hands of
the enemy, engaged in attending the wounded of
both sides—an invaluable aid to the scanty medical
staff of the Confederates. There is no reason to be-
lieve the treatment of wounded or prisoners was
what it was reported to have been. There may have
been some isolated act of atrocity in the heat of
battle or pursuit, and it is only too likely that a
building in which wounded men were placed was
set fire to by ashen, but it is only justice to the Con-
federate authorities to say that they seem to have
done all they could for those who fell into their
hands. Much irritation has been created by the false
statements circulated on this subject, and the soldiers
on guard over Confederate prisoners here would not
permit them to receive some little luxuries which
had been ordered by sympathising inhabitants, on
the ground that they did not deserve them after the
treatment given by their friends to the Federalists.
And as I have used the word "sympathisers," let
me add the expression of my belief that there is
scarcely a department, high or law, of the public
service of the United States in which there is not
" treason"—l mean the aiding and abetting the
enemy of information and advice. It is openly talked
in society—its work is evident on all sides. I went
into the private department of the Post-office the
other day, and found there a gentleman busily en-
gaged in sorting letters at a desk. The last time I
met him was at a dinner with the Commissioners
of the Con federate States at Washington, and I was
rather surprised to see him now in the sanctum of
the Post-office, within a few feet of Mr Blair, of the
sangre azul of abolitionism. Said he, "I am just
looking over the letters here to pick out some for
our Southern friends, and I forward them to their
owners as I find them ;" and if the excellent and
acute gentleman did not also forward any little
scraps of news he could collect lam in error. Again,
a series of maps prepared with great care for the
use of General M'Dowell's Staff are given out to be
photographed, and are so scarce that superior offi-
cers cannot get them. Nevertheless, one is found
in a tent of a Confederate officer, in the advance of
Fairfax Courthouse, which must have been sent to
him as soon as it was ready. It is also asserted
that General Beauregard knew beforehand of
M'Dowell's advance; but the Confederates left in
such haste that much credence cannot be given to
the statement that the enemy were fully informed
of the fact any considerable length of time before-
hand.

The battle having been duly fought and lost, the
Federalists are employing their minds to find out
why it was fought at all. The convulsions into
which the New York press has been thrown by the
inquiry resemble those produced on a dead frog by
the wire of Galvani. " Who cried 'On to Rich-
mond ?' " "Not I, 'pon my honour. It was shouted
out by some one in my house, but I don't know who.
I never gave him authority. I won't shout anything
any more." " Who urged Gen. Scott to fight the
battle, and never gave anybody any peace till he
was ordered to do it ?" " Nobody!" "It was that
other fellow." " Please Sir, it wasn't me." " I
never approved it." " I'll never say a word to a
soldier again." " Mr. President knows I didn't." It
is really a most curious study. I begin to think
that the best possible instructors may sometimes be
in the wrong at this side of the Atlantic. The Tri-
bune declares that Gen. Scott, being absolute master
of the situation, is responsible for the battle. But
the New York Times gives a statement of what
took place before the battle at the General's table,
which, therefore, is probably published with his
sanction, as it is impossible to suppose a gentleman
would print it without express permission, from
which it would certainly appear that the veteran
Commander was not, as I hinted, a free agent in the
matter. Here is the statement :

" General Scott, it is said, discussed the whole subject of

'this war, in all its parts, and with the utmost clearness and
accuracy. He had a distinct and well-defined opinion on
every point connected with it, and stated what his plan
would be for bringing it to a close if the management of it
had been left in his hands.
" The main object of the war, he said, was to bring the
people of the rebellious States to feel the pressure of the
Government, to compel them to return to their obedience
and loyalty. And this must be done with the least possible
expenditure of life, compatible with the attainment of the
object. No Christian nation can bo justified, he said, in
waging war in such a way as shall destroy 501 lives when
the object of the war can be attained at a cost of 500. Every
man killed beyond the number absolutely required is mur-
dered. Hence, ha looked upon all shooting of pickets, all
scouting forays not required in order to advance the general
object of the war, all destruction of life, on either side,
which did not contribute to the general result, as so many
acts of unjustifiable homicide.
" If the m titer had been left to him, he said, he would
have commenced by a perfect blockade of every Southern
port on the Atlantic and the Gulf. Then he would have col-
lected a large force at the capital for defensive purposes, and
another large one on the Mississippi for offensive operations.
The summer months, during which it is madness to take
troops south of St. Louis, should have been devoted to
tactical instruction, and with the first frost of autumn he
would have taken a column of 80,000 well-disciplined troops
down the Mississippi, and taken every important point on
that river, New Orleans included.

" It could have been done, he said, with greater ease, with
less loss of life, and with far more important results than
would attend the marching of an army to Richmond. At
eight points the river would probably have been defended,
and eight battles would have been necessary; but in every
one of them success could have been made certain for us.
The Mississippi and the Atlantic once ours, the Southern
States would have been compelled, by the natural and in-
evitable pressure of events, to seek, by a return to the
Union, escape from the ruin that would speedily overwhelm
them out of it.

" This," said he, " was my plan. But lam only a sub-
ordinate. It is my business to give advice when asked,
and to obey orders when they are given. I shall do it.
There are gentlemen in the Cabinet who know much more
about war than I do, and who have far greater influence
than I have in determining the plan of the campaign.
There never was a more just and upright man than the
President—never one who desired more sincerely to pro-
mote the best interests of the country. But there are men
among his advisers who consult their own resentments far
more than the dictates of wisdom and experience, and these
men will probably decide the plan of the campaign. I shall
do, or attempt, whatever I am ordered to do. But they
must not hold me responsible.
"If I am ordered to go tl Richmond, I shall endeavour
to do it. But I know perfectly well that they have no con-
ception of the difficulties we shall encounter. I know the
country—how admirably adapted it is to defence, and how
resolutely and obstinately it will be defended. I should
like nothing better than to take RiAmond. Now that it
has been disgraced by becoming the capital of the rebel
Confederacy, I feel a resentment towards it, and should
like nothing better than to scatter its Congress to the
winds.

" But I have lived long enough to know that human re-

sentment is a very bad foundaticn for a public policy; and
these gentlemen will live long enough to learn it also. I
shall do what lam ordered. I shall fight when and where
lam commanded. But if lam compelled to fight before I
am ready, they shall not hold me responsible. These gen-
tlemen must take the responsibility of their acts, as I am
willing to take that of mine. But they must not throw
their responsibility on my shoulders."

It remains to be seen if the plans of General
Scott can now be followed. The reaction along the
Mississippi will be great, and Major-Genl. Freemont,
with great respect for his courage and enterprise, is
not the man, I fear, to conduct large columns suc-
cessfully. Missouri is anything but safe; Cairo is
menaced, and my friends at Memphis seem to be
stirring from their rest under their General.

I regret that I cannot give any more interesting
or important intelligence, but I have not been able
to go out for the last two days to the camps, as, in
common with many people in Washington, I was
suffering a little from the weather-thunderstorms,
rains, bad odours, which produce the usual results
in garrisons and ill-drained cities. However, it is
some consolation that there is nothing of conse-
quence doing. There was an alarm the night be-
fore. Some foolish people got the loan of a steamer
and a big gun, and went down the river with them.
When they were opposite one of the enemy's bat-
teries, some three or four miles away, they fired
their big gun, and " Oh'd," no doubt, at the shot as
it splashed short in the water, the enemy treating
them with a
Rproper silent contempt all the while.
Having done this, they returned in the evening and
amused themselves by firing away as hard as they
could just below the Long-Bridge-I believe with-
out ball-and it may be imagined there was some
commotion, as the reports shook doors and win-
dows. General M'Clellan is doing his best to get
things into order, and the outskirts of the city and
the streets are quieter at night ; but there is rough
work with Zouaves and others in Alexandria-
houses burnt, people shot, and such like sports of
certain sorts of "citizen soldiery." They will soon
be shouting " Money or blood," if not kept in order
and paid. These men formed a marked exception
to the general behaviour of many regiments.
By the fBllowing document, which relates to
money, it may be seen that if the South does not re-
sist subjugation it will have to pay for two wars. The
tax and duties on property, &c., have been applied
to them as if they were in the Union, and the tax is
apportioned to the States as follows :-Maine,
631,239 dols. ; New Hampshire, 327,610 dols. ; Ver-
mont, 316,602 dols. ; Massachusetts, 1,236,872
doffs. ; Rhode Island, 175,445 dole. ; Connecticut,
462,821 dole. ; New York, 3,905,878 dols. ; New
Jersey, 675,201 dole. ; Pennsylvania, 2,920,790 dole.;
Delaware, 112,750 dols. ; Maryland, 655,235 dols. ;
Virginia, 1,406,326 dols.; North Carolina, 864,292
dols. ; South Carolina, 545,356 dole. ; Georgia,
876,551 dole.; Alabama, 793,970 dole.; Mississippi,
619,627 dole.; Louisiana, 578,803 dole.; Ohio,
2,350,634 dole. ; Kentucky, 1,700,543 dole. ; Tenes-
see, 1,400,247 dole. ; Indiana, 1,357,313 dole. ; Illi-
nois, 1,719,827 dols. ; Missouri, 1,141,691 dole. ;
Kansas, 107,615 dole. ; Arkansas, 392,829 dole. ;
Michigan, 752,645 dole. ; Florida, 116,284 dols. ;
Texas, 532,660 dole.; lowa, 678,132 doll.; Wis-
consin, 779,533 dols. ; California, 381,808 dols. ;
Minnesota, 162,786 dole. ; Oregon, 52,711 dole.
Territories-New Mexico, 93,972 dole. ; Utah,
40,473 dole. ; 'Washington, 11,633 dols. ; Nebraska,
28,968 dols. ; Nevada, 6,889 dole. ; Colorado,
34,358 dole. ; Dakota, 4,862 dole. ; District of Co-
lumbia, 74,155 dole. The date of collection is net
fixed.