The Sun.
London, England, 1861-07-20 00:00:00

the senator who had been employed to conduct uni-

venal suffrage in Savoy and Nice!
One or two things more should be c'nsidered.
Though England cannot be invaded now, Sardinia

might; and we all know that the naval prepara-

tions of France have been kept up on the same
scale as before. Could it surprise any one if Eng-
land should be first invaded in Sardinia ; and if
GAB,IBALDI should see some morning, from his
rock-island dwelling, a large French fleet steaming

into the harbour of Maddalena—the admiration of
NELSON—landing a force, erecting works, and—the
rest we need not follow. Again, there is Rcme.
The EMPEROR has told us that he means to have

guarantees before he leaves it that the interests
which took France there are secure. Obviously he
can make that word mean anything he pleases.; and
if convenient, it might mean that in Sardinia the
French would be able to watch the capital of Italy
and its Universal Bishop, to their own satisfaction.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S answer must be regarded
as on the whole satisfactory. He declines to fur-
nish the further papers asked for, which denial we,
of course, may interpret as we please, and we do
not imagine that we, or our readers, can be far
wrong in our conjectures. At present what Lord
JOHN RUSSELL says to Europe, through the
British House of Commons, is—" With regard to
the question of the island of Sardinia, I entirely
admit the great importance of that island, and I
have stated in despatches and have repeatedly ex-

pressed in this house observations to the effect that
the o.nnexation of the island of Sardinia to France
would be a great disturbance of territorial power in
Europe, and one which would affect the distribu-
tion of power in the Mediterranean. We must
put in the balance the very grave consequences
that must follow from any attempt on the part of
Franco to annex the islsnd of Sardinia. It would be
not merely a transaction between the Emperor of
the FRENCH and the King of SARDINIA, it must
put an end at once to any intimate alliance between
this country and France. Although I admit that
the importance of Sardinia to France would be
considerable, it is not my opinion that the Emperor
of the FRENCH will attempt to annex that island
in the face of the grave consequences which must
follow such an act. One intimation, however, made
by his lordship will probably have by far the
greatest weight as a counter-check ; he does not
distrust the EMPEROR'S present peaceful intentions,
he seems to think even that he might prefer to
remain at peace when his people were eager for war;
but he calls on this country to be prepared for such
changes of opinion in France. Mr. BRIGHT, we
doubt not, will think the following sadly wicked.
" The Emperor of FRANCE is very powerful, every
one can see his great power, but at the same time
we are not perfectly sure but that if it were his in-
tention, as I believe it is, to preserve the peace of
Europe, and remain on the most friendly terms
with this country— I am not sure, I cannot rest in
perfect confidence in the belief that the state of
public opinion in France, in the French Chamber,
or the French army, might not in the most sudden
manner alter his whole policy. I think we should
be very unwise if we rested in security that such an
event might not happen."
We believe Lord JOHN has about hit the precise
truth. Louis NAPOLEON desires above all things
to transmit a quiet inheritance to his little boy; he
has no personal quarrel with England, rather the
contrary; but France must be purchased for " his
dynasty" at any cost ; and if the cost should be the
annexation of Sardinia and a quarrel with England,
to keep his place for his son would be worth ten
great wars. What is the blood of thousands if shed
I to keep the NAPOLEONS on the throne of France ?

Another discussion in the English Parliament
about the wrongs of Poland ! A noble panegyric
pronounced by the lips of the venerable ex-Chan-
cellor Lord BROUGHAM upon the memory of the
still more venerable Prince ADAM CZARTORYSKI!
An earnest appeal to the sympathies of the House
of Peers, and through them of the country generally,
in behalf of the outraged nationality of Poland,
an appeal addressed to the House and to the
country by the brother-in-law of the most chival-
rous and persevering champion the Polish people
ever possessed in these islands, in fact out of the
boundary of their own divided territories—the
late Lord DUDLEY COUTTS STUART !

It was consequent upon the motion made in the
House of Peers last evening, according to notice, by
the Earl of HARROWBY, to the effect—" That an hum-
ble address be presented to her MAJESTY, for copies
or extracts of all correspondence which passed in the
years 1831 and 1832 between the Government of
Great Britain and those of Russia and
other countries on the subject of Poland"—that
there arose the interesting debate which took place
yesterday upon this subject, " ever fresh and ever
new," in the Upper House of the English Parlia-
ment. Although nothing further had come of it
than the eliciting yet once more of those opinions
which have so often previously been heard within
the walls of the British Legislature, and which
were in several instances never more ably or more
strikingly expressed than they were yesterday in
the course of this discussion, we should have had
reason to rejoice that the motion had been made,
and the debate resulting from it had been provoked,
by poor Lord DUDLEY STUART'S congenial kinsman,
the Earl of HARROWBY. But—be 3 and all this—
the motion itself was eventually put and carried
without a division. It was modified entirely, but
the modification really amounted to an amendment;
the words "and of other nations" being left out.
And the motion—thus referring simply and exclu-
sively to the correspondence between the Russian
and the English Government in reference to the
events of '831.1832 in regard what once was Poland
baeisngwpenthtaovethseaiHd,ouse, was carried, and
carried,upn
o
without a division,
carried almost, on©
might aver, nemine contradi-
It was especially befitting that some
more than ordinarily direct and, so to
speak, point blank, reference should thus
have be en made at this moment, within the arena
of the most independent Legislature of a free people
in the whole world—and this be it said for two rea-
sons, reasons of a very painful kind, immediately
to be named, but though almost unnecessary to be
specified. Because, that is to say, of the late lament-
able occurrences which have taken place in Warsaw,
to the grief more or less loudly expressed, of all
Christendom. And still more recently—because of
the death (within this present week) of the most
illustrious and venerable of all the exiled princes
and patriots of Poland, his Highness the late Prince
ADAM CZARTORYSKI. Referring to this eminent cha-
racter, Lord BROUGHAM observed most impressively
last evening—" Born to an immense fortune, he
resigned it all in the interests of his country, and
was contented to live upon a very moderate income
of which he became accidentally possessed. In
early life he occupied the highest place in the Go-
vernment of Russia, and was even at one time prime
minister and prime favourite of the crown, but he
had never for one hour during all the period that
he held that position forgotten his duty and affec-
tion towards his native country. Afterwards,"
continued Lord BROUGHAM, " when the events of
1830 and 1831 took place he threw himself into the
contest, but it unhappily did not succeed, and no-

cente.