The Sun.
London, England, 1859-02-04 00:00:00

",GENTLEMEN OF TIIE HOUSE OF COMMONS,

" 1 have directed that the estimates for the en-
suirm year shall be submitted to you. They hive
been framed with a due regard to economy, and to
the efficiency of the public service.
" The universal introduction of steam-power into
naval warfare will render necessary a temporary,
increase of expenditure in providing for the recon-
struction of the British Navy ; but I am persuaded
that you will cheerfully vote whatever sums you
may find to be requisite for an object of such vital
importance as the maintenance of the maritime
power of the country.
" MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

" Your labours have, in recent Sessions, been
usefully directed to various measures of legal and
social improvement. In the belief that further
measures of a similar character may be wisely and
beneficially introduced, I have desired that Bills
may be submitted to you without delay, for assimi-
lating and amending the laws relating to
Bankruptcy and Insolvency ; for bringing toge-
ther into one set of Statutes, in a classified
form and with such modifications as experience
will suggest to you, the laws relating to crimes and
offences in England and Ireland ; for enabling the
owners of land in England to obtain for themselves
an indefeasible title to their estates and interests,
and for registering such titles with simplicity and
security.
"Your attention will be called to the state of the
laws which regulate the representation of the people
in Parliament, and I cannot doubt but that you will
give to this great subject a degree of calm and
impartial consideration, proportioned to the mag-
nitude of the interests involved in the result of
your discussions.
"These, and other propositions for the amend-
ment of the laws, which will be brought under your
notice as the progress of public business may per-
mit, I commend to the exercise of your deliberate
judgment ; and I earnestly pray that your counsels
may be so guided as to ensure the stability of the
Throne, the maintenance and improvement of our
institutions, and the general welfare and happiness
of my people."
The Earl of NVINCHILSEA rose to move that
humble address be presented to her Majesty, in
answer to the Royal speech. The noble earl
said before he commenced his observations he must
bespeak that kind indulgence which was usually accorded
to those in his position. Than the present Speech from the
Throne he thought he never knew one that led them to en-
tertain greater hopes for the future. (Hear, hear.)
It Was a source of the greatest and highest
gratification that the country was in such a state of quietude
as to call for great thankfulness. The aspect of affairs in
India was another subject that called for remark, and he
must say a more magnificent proclamation than that put
into their hands it was impossible to imagine. (Hear, hear.)
It might be clothed in more oriental language, but it could
not have been heightened in effect. (Hear, hear.) He then
referred to the paragraph relative to the course adopted by
his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of the French relative to
the abolition of the free immigration scheme from the
coast of Africa, which, he thought, was a wise determina-
tion, and one that called for their highest approbation. The
aspect of affairs in
Mexico, he was glad to see, had been
noticed by her Majesty, and although that country was
disturbed by civil war it was well that orders had
been been given to the commanders oft the navy in those
hat had been done
seas to deniand reparation for the injury
to British property. and British interests. (Hear,
The navy was the boast of England, and no person could
view without interest anything that was calculated to im-
prove its dfficiency. He thought the universal introduction of
steam 'power was a wise step, and he felt confident that
Parliament would cheerfully forward the necessary mea-
sures for effecting, so great a benefit. There was another
paragraph which he should have noticed before, but he
trusted their lordships would pardon him if be went back
to refer to it, he meant the measures that had been adopted
concert with the Emperor of the French, on the coast of
China. It gave him great satisfaction to learn that a stop
had been put to the effusion of blood in that country ; and
that the steps taken by Lord Elgin to bring about such a
consummation of affairs was worthy of their admiration.
There was a subject that was looked to with much interest,
and one on which he had not touched upon, and that was
the amendment of the laws regarding the representation of
the people in Parliament. (Rear, hear.) They had heard
that their lordships' howl° raerelyrer esented the land
it land,
and he had also been told that this house was but an anti-
quated institution, and that the sooner was swept away
the better. But, before that was done, he should like to
know how it was to be swept away,....-ar,
r) hea and he
should then like to know how land was to be represented.
(Hear.) (Hear.) The arrangements by which the franchise
exercised were hitherto in an anomalous condition, and there
was certainly room for considerable amendment. (Rear,
hear.)
He had resided for some years in Westminst;retblele-
fore being called to their lordship's house, and
never had a vote in the election of its members. What the
reason was he could not tell, but the fact was so. Probably
it was because he was unfit to have one. (A laugh.) He
could conceive many ways for improving the Reform Bill
of 1832 without reversing or destroying it. He did not wish
to see such a sweeping 17,104414r0 as, under the name of Re-

form, might be proposed by some ambitious men, whose only
object was to obtain power. Those who sat in their lordships'
house, and who had to a certain extent been the objects of
attack, must not allow themselves to be carried away by
personal feelings, but they must legislate in a manner befit-
ting the senate of this great country. The country was told
that the landowners were represented in their lordships'
house; and at the same time they were told that the house
was antiquated, and the sooner it was swept away the better.
It would seem, therefore, that the landowners would very
shortly not be represented at all. (Laughter.) He had no
doubt that would satisfy the purposes of certain individuals,
but he was sure that such a course would not meet with the
approbation of the great body of the people. (Hear, hear.)
He thanked their lordships for the patience with which they
had listened to his somewhat discursive speech, and for the
forbearance which they had exhibited towards him upon the
first occasion of his addressing their lordships' house. The
noble lord concluded by moving a humble address to her
Majesty, in answer to her most gracious speech. (Hear.)
Lord RAVENSWORTH said he rose to second the ad-
dress, owing to the unavoidable absence of his noble
friend (Lord Delamere), and having been called upon to
do so at a short notice, he craved their lordships' indul-
gence. During a Parliamentary experience of 30 years he
did not remember a speech from the Throne to which less
objection could be taken than to the gracious Speech of
her Majesty which they had just heard. The Speech dealt
with a great variety of subjects, many of which were of
the greatest importance and of the most exciting character.
They must all feel that this country was on the verge of
very great events, and he thought it was most important
that no language should be employed that would have a
tendency to create irritation or animosity in neighbouring
countries. They could not but see that, when great and
powerful nations stood bristling with arms, in a position
of mutual defence, although they might hope that the
risks of a general war might be averted by wise nego-
tiation, yet he hoped that, for a moment, party struggles
might be avoided, and that that
.confidence would be
placed in her Majesty's Government which would enable
it to deal with the great interests of 'the nation, and set
forth by example the value of the institutions of this
country. If anything like the force of parties should be
exhibited in their deliberations, an argument would be
afforded to the enemies of constitutional freedom in favour
of the opinions which elsewhere prevailed—that the more
centralised authority of a despotic Government was better
fOr the government of mankind. He would therefore ex-
press a hope that credit would be given to the intentions
of the Government, as to the measures which they were
prepared to bring into Parliament. He would not detain
their lordships by going through the various topics ad-
verted to in the Speech from the Throne, but there were
two or three points to which he wished more particularly
to advert. Her Majesty said, "I am happy to think that,
in the internal state of the country there is nothing-to
excite disquietude and much to call for satisfaCtion and
thankfulness." It was perfectly true that these causes,'
for gratification existed ; but he was compelled-Jo:
say that considerable anxiety existed among the shipping'
interest, arising from its present state of depression. The
depression was traced by those connected with the
maritime interest 'of the country to the alterations which
had been made in the navigation laws, which he believed
were altered without due consideration. The subject
would, he knew, be brought under the consideration of
Parliament during the present session, and he hoped that
due attention would be given to it. It was true that the
reference made to the opening of the trade with China
and Japan would be some comfort to the shipping inte-
rests as it would open up an opportunity for the commerce
of this country; and here he must be allowed to bestow his
meed of praise upon Lord Elgin for the able manner in
which he had conducted the negotiations between us and
China, in which he was ably assisted by representatives of
the French and other nations on the spot. He wished to
say one word on the present position of our Indian empire.
No one could object to one word in her Majesty's speech on
that subject. Her Majesty's proclamation had been received
with universal approbation, and he trusted that it would
still produce great and beneficial effects. He could not pass
over the heroism which had been displayed by the troops
in the momentous struggle which had been going on in
that empire. They had encountered and overcome incre-
dible difficulties, and had been in constant and unremitting
pursuit of the rebels, who disappeared in one place only to
appear againin another. Theyhad penetrated dense jungles
and they had been exposed to the heat of the climate. When
they considered all these circumstances, it was impossible
to withhold a meed of praise from men who had been en-
gaged in such terrible warfare. (Hear.) In spite of all
this, he was informed that the general health of the army
in India was good. They had, therefore, every reason to
hope that before long her Majesty's expectations of the
general pacification of that country would be realised. With
regard to Mexico, there had appeared in that day's papers
dreadful accounts of the state of that country. Blood was
spilt in a way that was really awful, and under such cir-
cumstances her Majesty's Government was justified in
sending out special instructions for the protection of the in-
terests of this country. With regard to the proposed reforms
in the law, he would simply express his thanks to her Ma-
jesty's Government. The security of titles to land was of
great importance. There was often great difficulties and
expense connected with proving titles to land, and any
measure that would simplify that process would be a boon
to the country. He wished now to say a few words on that
paragraph in her Majesty's speech respecting a reform of the
representationof the people, which out of doors was the most
interesting and important subject. He had heard it regretted
that the duty of revising these laws should have fallen to
the Conservative party, 'but as that party had concurred in
the settlement of 1832 they had only fairly to carry out the
principles of that settlement by such amendments as a
change of circumstances rendered desirable. He (Lord
Ravensworth) believed that many points of the bill of 1832
required amendment. The fifty-pound clause and other
clauses excluded persons who ought to have the franchise.
He, however, entirely disapproved of the bill that had been
placed before the country bythe hon. member for Birming-
ham (Mr. Bright), who was more renowned for his oratory
than for his powers as a statesman. He hoped the bill to be
introduced by the Government would as little resemble that
bill as could be. He resided in a county where great masses
of the people had been brought together, and he (Lord
Ravensworth) declared that, in spite of the inflammatory
harangues that had been addressed to them, there was no
general sympathy with the bill introduced to the country by
the hon. member. for Birmingham. That one statement of
his alone was sufficient to stamp him and his designs,
when he laid down that their lordships were the pure re-
presentatives of the landed interest, and therefore that the
House of Commons should be more the representatives of
the people and the commercial interests of the country. That
attempt to sow division between the two houses of the
Legislature, and to set class against class, would necessarily
introduce perpetual confusion, and place them in danger of
a collision between the Houses of Lords and Commons. If
such a change as he advocated took place the result would
be, that the House of Commons would be perpetually intro-
ducing bills which would never be assented to by their lord-
ships. It was impossible too strongly to deprecate the
dangers attendant upon such a course. One portion of the
bill was in favour of secret voting, and with that there
would be no responsibility but that of a man's own
conscience, which he did not think sufficient of
itself alone as a security. He had no confidence in
that measure, and he hoped that the measure
of the Government would be a wise and salutary measure,
and very different from that which had been put before
the country. He thanked their lordships for the attention
with which they had heard him, and he begged leave to
second the Address.

Earl GRANVILLE said—The occasion of our meeting
here this night is one which leads to the consideration of
very important matters. The noble lord who seconded
the Address impressed upon us the importance of throw-
ing no obstacle in the way of that concord which should
prevail upon such an occasion. My lords, I entirely
concur in that sentiment. I; for one, rejoice that the
moderation of tone in the Speech from the Throne is such
as to require no opposition from me or from this side of
the house. (Hear.) It gave me great pleasure to hear the
noble earl who moved the Address acquitting himself with
such ability. My lords, I have had some experience in
these matters. Some years ago I had the honour to move
the first Address presented by the House of Commons to
her Majesty after her accession to the Throne,,and I felt
great reluctance in undertaking that duty, but the
'Minister of the day had no doubt that I could do it
admirably, and referred me to the heads of the different
departments for the information necessary to be acquired
on such an occasion ; but somehow or other the Minister
for Foreign Affairs. thought it would be better to adhere
to home politics, and when we went to the head of that
department, his opionion was, that they had better touch
upon foreign affairs. (A laugh.) The consequence was,
that I was obliged to confine my short address to the
prospect of the happiness and glory of her Majesty's
reign—a promise which has been up to this period most
amply fulfilled—(hear, hear)—and I trust will yet be more
amply realised in that portion of her reign which re-
mains. (Hear, hear.) And, my lords, there is every pro-
spect of so happy a result from the affection shown by all
classes of the people upon the marriage of her daughter.
The seconder of the Address, a man of great public experi-
ence and ability, was so affected by the want of informa-
tion, whisk no doubt he found it difficult to obtain,
that he entirely failed in making a speech satisfactory to
himself. My lords, I can understand why the Secretary for
the Colonies does not wish to introduce into the Speech
from the Throne any allusion to the affairs of the lonian
Islands. (A laugh.) I can conceive the Secretary for the
Colonies saying, " I should not wish to discuss those af-
fairs." If the noble earl opposite, when he obtained as an
associate the assistance of that able gentleman Mr. Glad-
stone, thought there was some chance of, for a short time
at least,
nomination
eaest, retaining him as a subordinate, that policy has sue •
ee
e of
so
but utl was doubtful whether the policy indicated
by
person,theimpoartnannotuancing his mission,andwhethei
is
of
the language despatch
likely to remove the difficulties connected with that
ques-
tion. When my noble friends called the uponSecretary
for Foreign Affairs, I can conceive •
we made it a subject of attack li him saying—" It is true
that they did not introduce the name
the late Government
into the Queen's Speech ; but considering e.
the United States
tions recently made with Mr. Dallas, somen„the communica-
tions
found their way into
,t4lO , e vsa of
rwhich have
better leave that subject alone. Hear. 11
can conceive
had
also that they would have fill! permission with regard
any question connected with Europo provided they did not
touch upon any matter connected with the state of affairs
between Austria, Sardinia, and France. (A laugh.) With
•
regard to the noble lord opposite (Lord Hard vpcke, the
can fancy
Lord Privy Seal)—I think I that nothing parti-
cular has happened in his department since the end of last
no doubt it was he who the
session. (Laughter.) And . gave
s Speech to naval affairs. Since
advice to confine the Queen'
1830 there had been a general alliance between this country
and France, but the effect of recent events had been to in_
troduce something of jealousy between the two nations.
The noble lord proceeded—in so inaudible a tone as to
make it impossible to catch more than scattered port ions
of sentences—to allude to the conduct of the present Go-
vernment with respect to the Assassination Bill introduced
by the late Government. It is not my intention to enter
into the question as to who was right or who was wrong,
but the bill itself was supported by the present Prime Mi-
nister and most of his colleages in the GoTernment, and
with regard to the despatch of the French Government not
being answered, which was a charge against the late Go-
vernment, there had been, even before the present Govern-
ment Caine into office, a despatch disavowing in the most
distinct manner any such interferencewith the laws and in-
stitutions of this country
Government, as had been alleged against them.
That despatch
P c was one of the first laid before the present
and I think that these facts showed some in-
consistency on their part, which had placed them in some

difficulty, and prevented them from speaking out in that
plain and straightforward manner which ought to charac-
terise the intercourse between two great nations. Another
more important question, however, is, the rumour or opi
nion that is now current, namely, that we are upon the eve
of a great European war, arising out of what is called the
Italian question. Ido not refer to that question in the be-
lief that I can throw much light upon it, but there is no
doubt that the state of things in that peninsula is much to
be deplored. If we take Naples in the first instance -it is
clear there is room for amendment ; but the state of that
country is less complicated than that of other parts of the
peninsula, because it depends on a change of policy on the
part of the ruling powen, and a new Ministry might be
called into power who might counsel the restoration of con-
stitutional government With regard to Central Italy, I
have lately come from the capital of the Papal States, and
it would be idle affectation on my part to state that they are
not in a position which demands great and urgent reforms.
The system of government now existing there is such
as to render the work of reform most difficult, and with-
out entering into =details as to the defects of antiquated
laws, or the obstacles in the way of anything having
for its object the material progress or the intellectual
developement of the nation, it is undoubtedly the fact that
the entire lay population of the Papal dominions are, almost
to a man, hostile to the polity under which they now live.
I am perfectly aware that bad: government is a state of
things which will be found, more or less, to prevail in other
countries ; but there is one very important circumstance
which puts the Papal States in a different category from any
other power in Europe. They are occupied, not temporarily,
or from month to month, but continuously, and it would
seem without any prospect of cessation, by the armies of
two ofthe most powerful nations of Europe. It is true that
where the Sovereign of a country agrees to such an occupa-
tion there may be in it nothing, strictly speaking, which is
contrary to international law ; but it is clearly opposed to
the balance of power in Europe, and offers a legitimate
occasion, not, it may be, for any such extremity as war, but
for the friendly interference of diplomacy both with regard
to the general security of Europe and the well understood
interests of the particular countries more immediately con-
cerned. Passing over some other smaller and unimportant
States, I come to the Lombardo-Venetian :provinces of
Austria. My lords, it is not my duty to become the apolo-
gist of the Austrian Government. I believe it weighs
heavily on the minds of the people of those provinces ; I
think the pressure of.taxation is severe, the degree of liberty
they enjoy is certainly net great, and the rigours of the
conscription to which they are exposed are oppressive. But
these are evils common to the majority of continental na-
tions. Some of the evils complained of by the intelligent
Lombards living in towns and subject to Austrian rule are,
I will not say sentimental, because that phrase might imply
a sneer against feelings which are creditable enough in
themselves, but hardly of a very practical nature. Their
internal government is certainly better cared for than that of
any part of Southern Italy. But it is not for us to discuss
whether Lombardy might or might not be better or
worse governed (Hear, hear.) What we have to
consider is that these provinces belong to Austria
under treaties which, whether good or bad in
their origin—and certainly they must at first have been
deemed beneficial—have by long continuance become a por-
tion of the public law of Europe.. (Cheers.) Remember, my
lords, in looking at this Italian question, that there is not
that iteveement among Italians which some persons sup-
pose. (Hear, hear.) I believe that nearly all parties have
now given up the hope of having one united Italy. Some
are for an Italian empirl, sorat are for a constitutional, and
some for a Republican form of Government; and as their
objects are various, so their means of accomplishing them
are equally diverse. Some are for insurrection, some for
war, and some even for the execrable crime ofassassination.
The deep-seated feeling is a detestation of the foreigner, and
we must not deceive ourselves by believing that this hatred
is directed exclusively against the Austrians, though they
now happen to be its most prominent objects. Depend upon
it the rival of Austria in Italy, France was certainly as un-
popular at the time of its armed occupation of that country,
and would speedily become again as unpopular as Austria
if it stood in the same position. It is vain to deny. that in
Italy there are at this moment Italians utterly unmindful of
the lessons of history, and who believe it possible by the aid
of one race of foreigners against another effectually to get
rid of foreign domination altogether. Every one of your
lordships must admit that Sardinia won our admiration and
respect for the gallant manner in which she has of late
years established for herself under circumstances of no little
difficulty free and liberal institutions. (Cheers.) Up to
this hour, the loyalty of her King, and the ability of her
Prime Minister, have earned for her the sympathy of this
country ; and if she steadily pursues the same course, will,
no doubt, secure for her an increasing influence throughout
Italy. But it appears, that partly from motives of sympathy
with the Italian cause, and partly—it is vain to deny it—
from an ambition for territorial aggrandisement, Sardinia
is now arming herself far beyond her resources, and
language is held by her which leads to a well-founded
apprehension that she is about to engage in war.
Now, though, it appears entirely out of the question that
such a war should actually be engaged in, yet at this
moment rumours of such a war are rife. As far as can be
ascertained, those rumours are rendered possible by the at-
titude taken by Sardinia, and a report of certain words
uttered, or said to have been addressed, by the Emperor of
the French to the ambassador of Austria. Those words
might have meant everything, or they might have meant
nothing at all. But, independently of the effect these war-
like rumours have had on the public mind of Europe, I do
not think we are, on other grounds, requiring too much of
her Majesty's Governmnnt if we ask it for some explanation
on this subject. The words of her Majesty's Speech in the
paragraph relating to the assurances received from all
foreigh Powers, and the maintenance of public treaties, are
perfectly unobjectionable—perfectly suited to the occasion ;
they are words of general import, to which nothing can be
objected. But with regard to her Majesty's Government
the case is somewhat different. Considering the state of the
country, which is awaittng with great interest what occurs
in Parliament this evening, the Government may fairly be
asked to declare what its future course is to be with regard
to the circumstances that have produced these rumours, and
what course of policy it has adopted or may intend to adopt.
Of some of the possible motives that might influence the
Emperor of the French to engage in a war at this time it
is, of course, quite as easy for us on this side of the house
to forma judgment as the members of her Majesty's Govern-
ment. Those motives might be personal, dynastic, or
national ; of these we can form some conclusion. But there
are some points of great importance of which we must
necessarily be ignoiant. I cannot think but her Majesty's
Government must be in possession of information as to
the probabilities of war more satisfactory than -mere
rumours. On a momentous question like this it is
most important, notwithstanding the general paragraph of
her Majesty's Speech, to know what assurances have been
received by the Government from the different foreign
Powers. If no precise assurances have been received, there
is, of course, only one inference to be drawn ; if assurances
have been given that there is no, intention of war, it would
be satisfactory to know it ; it would be most important and
material to the judgment to be formed as to the present state
of affairs. Such assurances must have the greatest weight
and importance, coming from a sovereign wno hal; hitherto
been a faithful ally to this country, and who, from personal
motives, and on the ground of self-interest, must have strong
reasons for desiring to maintain that alliance. (Hear, hear.)
Whether her Majesty's Government do or do not think
themselves justified in expressing an opinion on the future
course of events, I think we have a right to demand of them
some clear statement of their past policy in this instance.. If
they can say that during the course of these events they
have spoken equally to Austria, to Sardinia, and to France,
in the firm, candid, and friendlyinanner in which they were
entitled to speak, avoiding any unnecessary or irritating
menace on the one hand, but on the other declaring their
steady conviction that the maintenance of existing treaties
is necessary to the peace and tranquillity of the future ; and
if, in addition, they have entered into no engagements
whatever, binding this country to take any course, at any
time, other than the honour of England and the welfare of
Europe may demand,—in that case, I am sure that her Ma-
jesty's Government will receive the hearty support of the
people, a support :that will enable them to speak with
greater force and influence in any difficult circumstances
that may hereafter arise. (Cheers.) There are other points
connected with foreign affairs to which I need not allude
at any length. We are told that the articles of the
Treaty of Paris relating to the organization of the Prin-
cipalities of Moldavia and Wallachia have been carried
into execution in
,a satisfactory manner. It is also satis-
factory to receive the assurance that a treaty of commerce
has been concluded with Russia; though I cannot say I
have any great confidence in a treaty of commerce nego-
tiated by my noble friend (Lord Alalinesbury), if he en-
gaged in the negotiation on the same principles on the sub-
ject ho has often so ably advocated. (Hear, hear.) As to
the paragraph of her Majesty's Speech addressed to the
gentlemen of the House of Commons, I do not doubt they
will be ready to provide for the expenditure that may be
required for the improvement, of the navy. It is satisfac-
tory to hear that her Majesty's Government have taken
this course at once, as, last year, they diminished the amount
of the navy estimates that had been prepared, and were ob-
liged subsequently to come to the house and ask for an in-
crease. As to home affairs, there is an important paragraph
in her Majesty's Speech relating to law reform. I hope the
noble earl will take the opportunity:, in the discussion of
these reforms, to distribute the business of the House of
Lords over the whole session. I think there are some omis-
sions from the paragraph, as I see no announcement of any
measure on the question of church-rates. There is, how-
ever, one very important passage, in which we are told,
" Your attention will be called to the state of the laws which
regulate the representation of the people in Parliament."
This does not define clearly in what manner the subject is
to be brought before us, as the passage might denote a com-
mittee of inquiry, or some similar measure. If the Govern-
ment have a bill prepared, no doubt they will introduce it
themselves, and if that measure is not drawn up with
merely party motives, I believe it will not meet with any-
thing like a factious opposition, but will be considered with
that degree of attention its importance demands. Again
stating that it was not his intention to offer any opposition
to the Address, the nable earl concluded with an apology
for detaining the house so long.

The Earl of DERBY.—My lords, in following the very
able and temperate speech which has just been delivered by
my noble friend, he will, I trust, pardon me if I pause for a
single moment to express my warm acknowledgments to
my two noble friends who have severally moved and
seconded the , Address in reply to her Majesty's gracious
Speech,to my noble friend who moved the Address with
singular ability and singular clearness, and whom I trust
we shall often hear upon future occasions in this house, of
which he has recently become a member. (Hear, hear.) I
must also express my gratitude to my noble friend the
seconder of the Address, not indeed so new to this house as
the mover, but who, in the kindest and handsomest manner,
upon the shortest notice, has taken the place of another
noble lord who had promised to undertake the task, but who
has been prevented from doing so by severe illness. We
must all be gratified to find that the language which her
Majesty has been advised to use in addressing Parliament
is of such a character as to lead to no division of opinion in
the house, and contains nothing which could prevent the
loyal acknowledgments contained in the Address from being
accompanied by a feeling of entire unanimity. But, my
lords, upon the present occasion I must confess I feel more
than ordinary gratification at the manner in which the
Address in reply to her Majesty's gracious speech has been
dealt with by my noble friend opposite and by the house
—(hear)—because I think, so far .as my opinion has been
expressed by the course taken by my noble friend, and by
the language of his able and lucid speech, there is some-
thing more than a mere expression of unanimity, which
under certain circumstances may be a mere form ; but I
imagine there is a general substantial agreement in opinion
upon all the more material topics treated of in her
Majesty's Speech., And, my lords, there never was a time
at which I am quite certain it was of deeper and more
vital -interest to the wellbeing and the peace of :Europe,
as well as to the happiness of this country, that there
should be a well marked, and intelligible accordttnco. of