The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-14 00:00:00

LONDON, SATURDAY EVENING, MARCH 14, 1857.

APPOINTMENT OF LORD ELGIN AS
PLENIPOTENTIARY TO CHINA.

(From the Times )

The Earl of Elgin has accepted the office of Plenipoten-
tiary to the Court of Pekin, and will proceed on his ardu-
ous mission as soon as he has been made sufficiently
acquainted with the views of her Majesty's Government.
It would not be easy to name a more unexceptionable man
for the office, or even one with so many positive recommen-
dations. Lord Elgin performed with admirable tact and
entire success the task of conducting Canada from govern-
ment by cliques and Imperial influences to that system of
self-government which has rendered the pros inces of British
America an honour, and even a support, to the British
Throne, instead of a scandal and a thorn in our side. He
also successfully negotiated the treaty for reciprocity of
trade between British America and the United States. Of
course, there were those who opposed both these processes,
and therefore did not like the agent employed ; but they are
now a minority, if not converts to the system which he
helped to inaugurate. Lord Elgin is a man of great indus-
try, patience, and forbearance, with ready powers of ex-
pression, and a great desire to accommodate himself to the
habits of those with whom he has to deal. So well did he
discharge the delicate, and, as some thought, impossible
task, of turning Canadian rebels into British Royalists
without any sacrifice of Imperial dignity, that hie popu-
larity extended even across the frontier, and ovations were
offered him by the citizens of the adjacent States. He will
not be objected to, therefore, by these who apprehended
that we were going to carry matters with a high hand over
the silly barbarians to whom he is now accredited. It is
almost superfluous, however, to insist on his qualification
when not a single objection has been alleged against
him, though his name has been whispered about for
the appointment from the very day that it was an-
nounced. Other names, indeed, have been thought of, either
for their higher rank or their diplomatic reputation, but
not one for which so much could be said, and against which
so little could even be alleged. This becomes a matter of
serious importance when it is considered that not only are
two empires, the wide world apart, and as different as day
and night, to be reconciled, but factions at home almost as
discordant and hostile to be won into concurrence. It is
not to be supposed that because politicians speak as if Lon-
don streets were full of competent men therefore they
would be satisfied with anybody ; on the contrary, it is
from this glib and easy quarter that we are the most likely
to find any actual choice denounced and vituperated the
moment it is made. In Lord Elgin, then, we have a man
for whom the opinions of most men are already engaged,
and, though that does not secure him from criticism, it
must help to absolve those with whom rests the responsi-
bility of the choice.
We apprehend, however, that Lord Elgin's instructions
will be so few and plain that he will scarcely have much
opportunity of going wrong. Of course, after the failure
of the Emperor of China to enforce the observance of the
former treaty on the refractory and almost independent
Cantonese, and after the consequent rupture we have now
to deplore, it will be necessary to demand fuller means of
communication with the officials and population of China,
and that the engagement shall on no account be evaded or
postponed. Whatever demands are made will be in the
interest of all nations, and very much, as we firmly believe,
in the interest of the Chinese themselves. For our part,
we do not believe that any part of this earth was made for
the exclusive use and enjoyment of any one particular
race. In point of fact, millions of the Chinese cannot live
without us and the use we make of our share of the earth's
surface, and as little can we do without them and the
hill slopes they cover with the fragrant and restora-
tive tea plant. We allow the Chinese to enter our
colonies and our great commercial ports, to share our
commerce and divide our gold fields. They have the
free range of every town, village, street, or road in the
British dominious. It is only a matter of convenience
whether we insist on a reciprocity of communication to
this extent through the territory of China. But we beg
to observe very emphatically—and we press it on the notice
of all whom it may concern—that since it is a matter of
necessity for us to give the Chinese something for their
silk and tea, and no trade on earth can be carried on for
ever on the condition of money and money only for goods
—and since out of this necessity has arisen that irregular
traffic in opium which the more narrow-minded philan-
thropists—that is, about ninety-nine out of a hundred of
them—are always laying to the charge of England—not
only our interest, but our reputation and humanity itself,
demand that we should have every opportunity of substi-
tuting some other merchandise than opium. It has been
said, indeed, that the Chinese have so few wants, and that
labour is so cheap there, that we can never hope to bring
our manufactures into competition with theirs, even if it
were humane to drive their labour out of the field. As
the same objections have been made to every step in the
economy or labour, the extension of trade, and the com-
mercial intercourse of nations everywhere and in every
age, we set them down at their proper worth. For our
part, then, we admit no limit to what we may demand
from these whimsical, subtle, and faithless barbarians, so
long as our demands are regulated by equity and in the
interest of all nations. What it may at this moment be
convenient to demand is another affair, and one which we
presume may be left to her Majesty's advisers.
No doubt, any demands whatever which may be thought
an adequate result, for a great expedition sent across the
globe will be unpalatable to the barbaric pride or politic
jealousy of the Chinese Government. Nor are three bun-
1E .810,1;firin^CdeVit tft lindmaja.ll„Ariva.i ratronit
andcruei. It is therefore a service both of difficulty and
ndoant gaedrvath tact. L.
worodr
dEilng i
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ahnads,
aunndd ewr tial
lk en.
not, True
fgoh he will r
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Lord Ellenborough's ideal of the only competent negoti-
ator, ho will have his way prepared by a large naval and
military armament. When the Commander-in-Chief—
General Pennefather— has made the proper dispositions,
and is ready for an advance, the British Plenipotentiary
will, we suppose, invite the Emperor to a peaceful settle-
ment of affairs, and under the present deplorable circum-
stances of the Chinese Governmeneit is not likely that our
chief difficulty will be in that quarter. It has, indeed,
been insinuated that we ought not to have taken advan-
tage of an hour of distress and perplexity to press our
claims • but it is the imperial crisis itself which has
brought on the rupture, Commissioner Yeh having notori-
ously presumed for a long period on his security from im-
perial control. The Plenipotentiary will have to deal, then,
not only with the Emperor and his mandarins, but with
his insolent viceroys, and with a rebellion almost every-
where victorious. It is likely enough, therefore, that cir-
cumstances will arise which may require great discretion,
temper, and even courage. Lord Elgin, however, must
have counted the cost, and can form some estimate from
the experience of his colonial task. Should he meet with
success his will be a singular lot and a unique glory in
achieving two great works of conciliation so wide apart
and under such various circumstances.

METROPOLITAN BOARD OF ;YORKS.

The ordinary meeting of the Metropolitan Board of
Works was hold yesterday in the Council Chamber, Guild-
hall ; Mr. J. ihwaites in the chair.
The financial statement showed a total general balance
of 75,341/. lh.
IMPORTANT APPROACHES AND NEW STREETS IN THE
VICTORIA PARK-ROAD.
A deputation attended the Board from the vestry of
Mile-end Old-town, and the Board of Works for the Lime-
house district., tr.) submit plans and estimates for the forma-
tion of the Victoria Park-road approaches. The deputa-
tion was introduced by Mr. Snow, and consisted of the
following gentlemen :—Messrs. Attrell, Bird, Moody, Lea-
therdale, Philpot (clerk), and Lemon (surveyor). The
deputation presented the followini memorial
" The memorial of the ratepayers and owners of property
iu the hamlet of Ratcliffe and the parishes of St. Anne, Lime-
house, and St. Paul, Shadwell, in the county of Middlesex,
showeth—
" That a direct communication between the Commercial-
road-east, the Mile-end-road, and the Victoria-park would be
highly advantageous to the hamlet of Ratcliffe and the parishes
of St. Anne, St. George-in-the-east, St. Paul, Shadwell, and
St. John, of Wapping, containing together a population of
100,000 persons.
"That your memorialists have ascertained with feelings of
the most lively satisfaction that it is intended to form a new
line of streets from the Stepney station of the 131ackwall,
North Loudon, North Woolwich, Gravesend, and Southend
Railway to the Mile-end-road and the Victoria-park.
" That the increased and increasing traffic between the
wharfs of Wapping, Shadwoll, and Ratcliffe, and the Mile-
end-road imperatively demands a new and direct line of tho-
roughfare.
" That your memorialists have ascertained that a new
street from the Stepney station to the Mile-end-read and
Victoria-park could be constructed at au expense of 12,000/.
" That your memorialists have been informed that another
new street, from the East India-road to the Mile-end-road
and Victoria Park, has been projected, and a plan of the
same prepared, and that the estimated expense is 38,0001.,
being 26,000/. more than the estimated cost of the new street
from the Stepney station.
" That your memorialists are informed and believe that a
now street from the East India-road to the Mile-end-road and
the Victoria Park could not be constructed for less than
60,000/., and that if the plan was approved of it would be
necessary to purchase a rope-ground and compensate the
owner tliereaf for the loss of his business, which would in-
volve an outlay of 20,000/. That a new street from the East
India-road to the Mile-end-road and Victoria Park would be
of uo use or benefit to your memorialists, inasmuch as the
terminus of the same is at least half a mile from the eastern
boundary of the hamlet of Ratcliffe, and a much greater dis-
tance from the densely populated parishes of St. George, St.
John of Wapping, and Shadwell.
" That your memorialists respectfully submit that the new
line of street projected from the Stepney station to the Mile-
end-road and Victoria Park could be constructed at one third
of the expense of a new street from the East India-road, and
possess manifold advantages, both as regards economy and
public utility, ever every other plan.
" Your memorialists, therefore, humbly solicit the Metro-
politan Board of Works to withhold their sanction to the pro-
jected street, commencing in the East India-road, and to ap-
prove of the plans for making a new street—one from the
Stepney station, in the hamlet of Ratcliffe, to the Victoria
Park and Mile-end-road, and from High-street, Stepney, to
the Globe-road."

Thin memorial was very numerously signed.
Mr. ATTRELL (one of the deputation) strongly enforced
the views of the memorialists, and said, that at a meeting
held upon the subject the freeholders had offered voltin-
tarily;to give up the ground for the formation of the Globe-
road, which would give great additional accommodation
to a densely populated district of not less than 100,000
persons.
Mr. SKILLET, a member of the Limehouse Board, sup-
ported the plan as originally submitted by Lord Dungan-
non to the House of Commons.
Mr. SNOW moved, that the memorial and plan now
brought up be referred to the Committee of Works and
Imps oveinents.
Mr. CRELLIN seconded the motion, which was put and
' carried unanimously.
The tender for the reinstatement of the buildings of the
United Service Museum, in Middle Scotland-yard, was
gained by Messrs. Piper and Sons for 7341.
A number of compensation cases for loss of office, in con-
sequence of the passingthe Court
C of
urtthe for Metropolisseyeral L
hoursc a I;
but
tManage-
mentle Act, occupied
details were unworthy of report.
The Board then adjourned.
o

in Persia that Russia had made peace, we should soon
come to a more satisfactory condition of things. • It was
only. when Persia showed a disposition to attack and
take possession of Herat that we, althonsh we had no
diplomatic relations with the Court of Teheran, made a
direct communication to the Persian Government, and
asked that Government to desist in carrying uut their
intentions with regard to Herat; and that. there might be
no doubt as to the intentions of lier Maje-ty's Govern-
ment, I read to your lordships a letter addressed by us
to the Persian Government, and their reply. It cannot
therefore be said that your lordships were entirely igno-
rant of the causes of war, for if the whole of the papers
had been laid on the table they could not have more dis-
tinctly stated the causes ,of the war, the wrong done by
the Persian Government, and the course which it was
incumbent on us to pursue, in case they dil not listen
to our remonstrances. A letter was addressed to me by
the Persian minister, avoiding ,the subject of Herat, in
which it was said that an ambassador was going on a com-
plimentary mission to Paris, and he woull be instructed
to enter into communication with us. We accordingly
gave instructions to Lord Cowley to enter into cononu-
theation with Ferukh Kban and to ascertain what his
instructions were. I should say that the negotiations
which were first begun at Constantinople were not broken
off by us. We communicated to the Persian ambassador
the terms on which we were prepared to negotiate, and
he asked if we would wait till he had communicated with
his own court, and whether we could suspend hostilities
during the progress of the negotiations. .It was impos-
sible then to suspend hostilities, and Herat fell ; and the
Persian ambassador then said that the negotiations
must come to an end, and that he must go on to Paris.
Our ambassador at Paris did not at once enter into com-
munication with Ferukh Khan, but in a few days, the
Persian ambassador earnestly solicited an interview with
Lord Cowley, and stated that he had full powers to ne-
gotiate. As we had no desire to continue hostilities with
Persia, Lord Cowley was desired to listen to the propo-
sals of Ferukh Khan, and when the negotiations 'had
begun in that way, we thought it would be mischievous
to lay before Parliament papers which would lead to die-
_ _

eusscone, which would, without doubt, put au end to the
negotiations. Why my noble friend said that he does not
know whether the Persian ambassador had full powers to
negotiate or not, he forgot the answer I gave to a ques-
tion of his the other night, when I said that before we
entered into negotiations wo had examined into the am-
bassadors powers, and found them ample to enable him

to enter into a treaty of peace. That treaty was con-
cluded a few days ago, and it would not be proper to
lay it before your lordships before it is ratified ;
but I have no hesitation in informing your lordships Ex-
actly what its terms are. (Hear.) By the terms of the
treaty, the Persian troops and authorities are all to be
withdrawn from Herat and Affghanistan within three
months after the exchange of ratifications of the treaty.
The Shah of Persia relinquishes all claim on Herat, or
any territory in Affghanistan, and engages to abstain from
all interference in the affairs of Affghanistan ; he recog-
nises the independence of Affghanistan and of Herat, and
agrees, that in the event of any difference arising be-
tween Persia and Affghanistan, the Persian Government
will resort to the good offices of England ; and England
on her part engages to use her best efforts to tring those
differences to a satisfactory settlement. Although it may
at times be necessary for Persia to repel aggression
from Affghanistan, yet she engages not to enter into hos-
tilities with that country for any other object, and as
soon as satisfaction is obtained in such a case she is to
withdraw her troops. With regard to our commercial
treaties with Persia, which were not in a satisfactory
state, it is now stipulated that in all commercial rela-
tions England shall be placed by Persia on-.-the
footing of the most favoured nations. It is also
stipulated that Mr. Murray shall return to Teheran, and
that he shall be received with certain ceremonial ohsza v-
maces. There is another provision in the treaty which
will go far to put an end to one of the most fertile
sources of difference, not alone with Persia, but in the
East generally, and that is the protection of the subjects
of Persia, employed by England and other foreign
powers. (Hear, hear.)
The Earl of DERBY was understood to make some
allusion to the case of Hasbeem..

The Earl of CLARENDON—r must once more deny
that Hasheem was a Persian subject. (A. laugh.) This
- system has been a constant subject of quarrel in Persia
and the East, and I took the liberty, when the subject e f
the treaty between Turkey and Russia was before the
Congress at Peri., of bringing that question before the
representatives of the different Powers, by whom it was
well received, and they all undertook to promote a re-
view of the present system of native protected subjects.
We have engaged no longer to protect any subject of the
Shah, except those actually in theaervice of the missions
and consuls ;',of course, on conditiot that all other powers
agree to adopt the same course. In every respect Eng-
land is to be plassidr in the same position in Persia as the
most favoured nations, and I have De
MYtYjeap whICTI 'Will do- &ors --i-rth'is•aEyrilog to prevent
differences between Persia and foreign powers. With
regard to the slave trade in the Persian Gulf, there is a
treaty which will expire in 188.1, but Persia has- en-
gaged to prolong it for ten years more after the expira-
tion of the time at which it was originally fixed. It is
stipulated that hostilities shall cease on the ratification
of the treaty, and that our troops shall be withdrawn from
Persia, and the Persian troops are to be withdrawn from
Herat. Ferukh Khan has sent letters to the autho-
rities at the seat of war, proposng that an armistice
shall be entered into, and we have sent similar instruc-
tions to our commanding officers. I do not think that
I have omitted to state anything ci importance which is
provided for by the treaty, and I think your lordships
will agree that by the treaty we have obtained everything
which is of importance to us to have obtained. (Hear.)
We have obtained an engagement ;or the withdrawal of
the Persian troops from Affghanis;an ; we have secured
the independence of Herat.and Afghanistan ; we have
made stipulations to prevent futtre quarrels between
Persia, and Herat, and Affghanistsn, as far as it is pos-
sible, and we obtained their establishment as neutral
territory. There is nothing in the treaty derogatory to
the honour of Persia, and if it is carried out in its spirit
it will lead to satisfactory relations between Persia and
this country. " -
The Earl of MALMESBURY was understood to in-
quire if there was any stipulation ler the establishment of
coaling stations for English ships is the Gulf of Persia.
The Earl of CLA.RENDON—Ifot in this treaty.
The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH regretted' that it
was not possible to place tae papers relating to the Per-
sian war before the house ; but at Ihe same time it would
be uncandid in him if he did not at once admit that,
looking to the proclamation of the government of India,
and assuming the facts stated in that proclamation to be
correct, he thought the government of India was per-
fectly justified in entering into hostile operations against
Persia ; and more, that even if there had been no treaty
like that which had been infringed, it would have been, in
his opinion, the bounden duty of the government of India
to resort to hostilities to prevent the occupation of Herat
by Persia ; for it was as much the interest of India to main-
tain Herat in the hands of an independent power, as it
was to the interest of the western powers to maintain the
Bosphorus in the hands of an independent power. It was
essential that that gate of our Indian empire should be in
the hands of those whom we could trust. But, at the same
time, he did not think that this had been really a quar-
rel between this country and Persia the r.:al quarrel had
been not with Persia as an independent power, but with
Russia, under whose dictation Persia had acted. Not oily
were the operations against Herat carried on during the
war with Russia, when they were calculated to act as a
diversion, but they were carried on after the war with
Russia had ceased, and be took the treaty as comple-
mental to the treaty of Paris, and as showing that Rus-
sia for the present adjourned her designs on India ; that
she had reconsidered her position and bad found that her'
interests demanded that there should be a good under-
standing between her and England in Europe, which
could never come to pass so long as she was carrying on
operations in the direction of India; which must be ob-
jectionable to England. He founded his opinions of the
policy of Russia towards India on her patent acts, by her
march to Keiva, and her advance so far towards Bok-
hare. He concluded from all her acts that she enter-
tained designs on India, for no state could do what she
had done in that direc ion without having ultimate ob-
jects in view. He could not now orat any other time
discuss the probability of the success of Russia in such
designs. It was not expedient to de so. But he could
say that we exposed ourselves to imminent danger if we
considered the advance of an army directed by Russians
to India an impossibility. Unless we took care to place
in India the ablest men at the bead of the di-mutton of
our military power; if we imagined that we could send
any man to command our armies there ; that we could
commit the command of our armies tea gentleman who,
however respectable in civil life, was not essentially a
soldier, if we did that we incurred imminent danger, for
it was only by meant; of the first ability en our part that
the ability with which the Russian troops would be di-
rected that they could be met. They heard much of the
improvement of India, of canals and railroads, but de-
pend upon it it was not on any of those civil improve-
ments that we should find the ultimate security of
that empire. It had been founded by tie savor 4, and by
the sword it must be maietaioed. It was only by means
of a well-disciplined and well-comnianded army that the
empire could be saved to us. When he looked back to
the events of the last few months, he looked with dismay
on our prospects in the Ea,t, if the sort of administration
which had hitherte prevailed was to be the basis of
our po icy. We had bad two wars, one with China, and
one with Persia, and both were owing bad appoint-
ments with the representatives of England. No one
could doubt that Dr. Bowring was thesanse of the war
with China. He could not say that Mr. Murray was the
cause of the war with Persia, but it was certain that he
had added to our difficulties with that country. Ho re-
collected how the influence of such men as Sir J. Mal.
who and Sir J. Macdonald operated in Persia ; so lone'
as they were at Teheran everything went wt U. Then no
thing was wanted from Russia, for all Persia felt that
England was her friend, and fat tile() that . Russia was
her enemy. Apy man of ability should be able to ava 1
himself of those natural advautagee, audobtain in Persia
a due influence for this country. He did not say that Mr.
Murray was not a man of ability, but talent which was
adapted to England was a very dire ent thing to that
which was required to manage Orientals. All the lute-
rest that Orientals took in Europeans was personal, and