The Sun.
London, England, 1857-05-08 00:00:00

THE REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE.

Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice that oa this day fort-
night he should move a resolution that, in the opiniog
of this house, the representation of the house was not in
a satisfactory condition, and that therefore the attention
of Parliament on the first practicable opportunity ought
to be applied to the subject, to render the house a
correct representation of the feelings and, interests of
the people. (Cheers.)

THE COUNTY FRANCHISE.
Mr. LOCKE KING gave notice that he should on
Tuesday week move for leave to bring in a bill to (tend
the borough franchise to counties. (Cheers.)

THE BALLOT.
Mr. H. BERKELEY gave notice that he shoull,
on an early day, call the attention of the house to the
question of the ballot. (Cheers.)

VOTING' AT ELECTIONS.
Lord R. CECIL gave notice that on an early day he
should move to introduce a bill, empowering the taking
of votes in counties and universities by voting-papers.
HER MAJESTY'S SPEECH—THE ADDRESS.

The SPEAKER having read her Majesty's gracious
Speech (for which see Lords report),
Mr. DODSON, who wore a black Court suit, said—ln
rising to propose that an hunible address be presented to
her Majesty, in answer to the gracious speech we have
just heard read, I cannot but regret that this honour-
able task has not fallen into the hands of some abler and
more experienced member of the house, and one more
conversant with the various and important topics ad-
verted to in that speech. But I derive encouragement
from the fact that the house usually extends its kind in-
dulgence to the members so situated, and from the con-
sideration teat no shortcomings of mine will impair or
interfere with the unanimity with which I venture to
hope, the motion will be received. (Hear.) As far as I am
personally concerned, I venture to hope that that indul-
gence which the house in its kindness never fails to ex-
tend to those who, like myself, address it for the first
time will not be withheld from me. (Hear.) Amongst
the various subjects mentioned in the speech from the
throne which afford grounds for congratulation is one
which, I regret to say, forms an exception, and that is
the position of affairs at Centel'. On such an occasion
as the present I am anxious to avoid all debated or de-
bateable subjects. On the original merits of the dispute
with China I shall therefore offer no observation. But
I believe that while both sides of the house concur in
regretting the hostilities in which we are involved, both
sides also approve of the propriety of the course pursued
by her Majesty's Government in sending out, on the one
band, reinforcements of troops and vessels of war to the
Chinese seas, and on the other band, hi testifying to their
readiness to conclude an honourable peace and their
anxiety to do justice by sending a plenipotentiary so
eminent and BO successful in negotiating as Lord El;in.
(Hear, hear.) Indeed, I trust that the policy of this
country will always be found to be in accordanco with ,
the dictates of justice, and only of justice but of forbear-
ance' and mercy. (Hear.) But when we have to deal
with the overweening pride of a semi-civilised nation,
reason and experience alike show that forbearance and
concession are too often considered to be a mere sign of
weakness. (Hear, hear.) I trust that the people and
the Government of China will learn before long to 'ulti-
mate the strength of this country, and to appreciate
the motives that actuate her conduct, and that the re-
sult of the negotiations will be to place our relations
with that country on an intelligible and enduring basis.
(Hear, hear.) We have been engaged in hostilities with
another eastern power, which thought it could brave
us with impunity. This house has learned with satis-
faction that a treaty of peace has been signed in Paris
which, I hope, is an honourable one to that country, and
ects for which
wwiellennogtagfaeidl tino sweacru.re ti‘oleEa
angwiahni !de tthheo sree results of our opera-
Lions in the Persian Gulf and our advance into the interior
of the country will serve to show that there is no coast
so inhospitable, no climate so formidable, and no coun-
try so inaccessible as t) be secure from British arms,
and will spread the prestige of the British name arnong"t
the most remote tribes of Central Asia. I venture fur-
ther to hope that Persia, instead of looking forward to
ift,ohr
roe
vt militaryni
soccupation oma fgeeHr
commerce,
whicha
andt , wh
ai
making
ea
koiaffordof
late
thf facilities-
for
iel i e
yearss.
enabled that mode of conveyance to compete sticaess-
fully, and in some instances to supersede, water carriage,
and which bids fair long to restore to the caravan routes
of Asia some of their ancient importance. Herat is a
place of growing importance. It is not only a centre
where commercial an military highways meet and in-
tersect each other, but an inland Gibraltar which com-
mands them. With respect to countries nearer home
her Majesty gives us the gratifying assurance that peace
and harmony prevail, and that friendly relations subsist
between her government and those of other European
Powers. The main stipulations of the treaty of Paris, we
are told, have been fulfilled ; and I may add that their
fu:filment reflects credit on the vigour of the adminis-
tration of this country. (Hear, hear.) The next subject
is that of the Sound Dues, which has been settled,
whilst the storm-cloud which was gathering over Neuf-
chatel has been dissipated. I regret to learn that the ne-
gotiations respecting the state of affairs in Central Ame-
rica have not yet been brought to a close, but I hops I
am not too sanguine in anticipating, both for the sake pf
the United States and of this courery, that all danger of
war between two nations so intimately connected is st
an end. Indeed, such a war wool,' be so detrimental to
the interests of the two countries, and So pernicious to
their prosperity, that I scarcely exaggerate when I ray
that the greatest calamity which could befal either of the
countries next to defeat in such a war would be to be vic-
torious in it. (Hear.) Her Majesty has commanded the
estimates to be laid before us, and it is not for me to
delay the house by anticipating the measures which the
Chancellor of the Exchequer will bring forward ; but I
trust ho may be able to realise that combination of eco-
nomy with efficiency which we all so much desire, and
to maintain a high state of the public service in conjunc-
tion with immunity from oppressive taxation. (Hear.)
I tru4 that the financial measures of the Government
may b 3 in accordance with the principles of chat policy
which, by giving freedom to industry and to capital, has
so much contributed to promote that wet'-being and con- :
tentraent of the people on which her Majesty has con-

TitUlatKl U 7 ; that well-being of the -people to which ,
the conditi)n of agriculture, commerce, manufactures,
and trade hears such striking and irrefutlble testimony.
(Cheers) lam convinced this house will not shrink
from that sacrifice of time and labour which the onerous
task of amending the laws, so prominently recommended
to us in the speech from the throne, will require. If
this house should in this session deal successfully with
those questions, on that account alone it would prove
one of the most useful and beneficial to all classes of the
community. I trust that the house over which you. sir,
have been called on to preside will prove itself, by the
breadth and comprehensive character of its measures, an
honourable and worthy successor of the Parliaments
which have preceded it. I trust that it will, by continu-
ing the work of reform in season, and not by making
premature changes, nor yet delaying them ti,l it may be
necessary to have an entire reconstruction—l trust tha-,
by pursuing that truly English policy, we may contri-
bute in our time to maintain England in that proud po-
sition which she occupies amongst nations. With re•

gard to t hose less ambitious and more pressing mea-
sures of practical improvement and domestic reform—
if it be not too presumptuous in one so inexpe-
rienced as myself to venture the observation—l hazard
myself to say that this Parliament possesses peculiar
advantages for enabling it to carry out such practical and
useful measures, fur in the returns to the house made
ty the different constituencies of the kingdom, I see no
antagonistic array of interest against interest, of class
against class, no symptom of a contest between town
and country, or between the different portions of the
empire—no differences in fact but those which result
from conviction and reason, and which therefore may,
by the same motives, be converted into harmony and
unanimity. (Cheers.) And indeed if I may venture to
go a step further without being thought guilty of
alluding to myself, I would say it is a happy augury of
the unanimity which on such matters prevails to ficd
that the address to the throne is moved and seconded

by the representatives of two such very different ?con-
stituencies as the hon. gentleman who sits on my right
band and myself—that it is moved by one who has the
honour of representing a county situated in a purely
agricultural quarter of England, embracing within .it
several towns, one of them the most extending town
in the south of England, and which is intimately con-
nected with agriculture, and made a resort for the pur-
poses of health and pleasure ; and that the address is
seconded by one who represents one of thse greatest
commercial ports of the empire, and one of the busiest
hives of mining and manufacturing industry. (Hear,
hear.) I beg leave to conclude by expressing my
sincere and heartfelt thanks to the house for the kind.;
nese, forbearance, and indulgence with which they have
listened, and by moving that an humble address be
presented to her Majesty in answer to her Majesty's
gracious speech. The hon. gentleman then read the
address, which is a mere echo of the speech, and con
eluded amidst loud cheers.
Mr. BUCHANAN, who appeared in the uniform of a
deputy-lieutenant, said that it afforded him much pleasure
to second the address. He concurred in all the sentiments
which his hon. friend had so well expressed and it would be
almost superfluous for him to enter into a discussion on sub-
jects already so well noted, but that it seemed desirable
that those members who represented large constituencies
and who had recently had an opportunity of observing
what were the sentiments and opinions prevalentamongst
them, should report to the house the result of their oh-
servatione. The noble lord at the head of the Govern.
ment had submitted to the country the question of "con-
_tent or nut content," with his administration, and par
ticularly with his foreign policy. That was the issue
placed before the country, and the answer was a verdict
if not unanimous, at leaetby a large majority, in favour
of the noble lord. One conclueionhad been eetablished—
it had been clearly shown that neither eloquence, nor
talent, nor long and valuable public services, would suf-
fice t > support the position and influence of statesmen
who had opposed themselves to the general opinions and
convictions of the constituencies. It was not because the
country had ceased to admire the eminent talents of the
right hon. member fur the University of Oxford, or be-
cause it had forgotten the services of the late member for
the West Reding, that the majority which bad supported
them.in the late house was so signally reversed, but be-
cause not alt their talents, nor all their eloquence, could
carry the country with them—its unsophisticated good
sense could not comprehend their arguments. The policy
announced by the noble lord was one by which the hon-
our of England would be maintained, the ex:cutive in
distant lands supported; it was a policy identified with
the interest and honour of the country. If he might al-
lude to the question which was the immediate cause of
the dissolution of the late Parliament he would say that
out of doors it was regarded as one involving most impor-
tant interests, and it had been well renitrked that the
argument in the house bad been conducted on narrow
and technical grounds—the seizure of the Arrow, the
legality of the license, and other details of the trans-
action were all to doubt worthy of careful discus-
sion, but the most important point was its hearing on
our relations with the empire of China. (Hear, heir.)
It was not because the people of England were in-
clined for a war with China, or fur any other war, that
they had come so enthusiastically to the rescue, bat be-
cause they believed it was eece,eal j there should be an
expression of opinion ;n support of t' e interest of the
country. The circumstances of China were altogether
peculiar; for 200 years England had no reeresehtative
there except a trading company, no polhical relations
with it. The East India Company, pireape, were not
to blame fur the too pacific pel-cy they had adopted with
a view to their interests, but it must be adnait'ed that
it had produced very detrimental effect• ; for many
years the company, in their negotiations with the Chi-
tiese officials, had submitted to treatment totally un-
worthy of the spirit of Ens,dishmen. The result was,
that when the British Government itself began to put
forward its own influence, and when it became necessary
to e,tailish the relations and observances of civilised
states, it was found to be a matter of great difficulty and
delicacy. It was not until after most vexatious and
harassing eegociatioes, and after a war, that the treaty
of Nankin was at length obtained, by which free access
was granted to the different ports. In the northern
ports the Europeans were received with courtesy, but
in Canton and the southern ports a different course was
followed ; the Cantonese refnsed to open their rates,
and that condition of the treaty was still unfulfilled.
Prom time to time it was found they became more dis-
posed to hostilities, and more offensive in their language
towards Europeans. If under these circumstances when
a treaty was about to be negociated one of the most
important conditions of which would be free access to the
interior, was it for a moment to be contended that, the re-
rresentative of England should stand by and allow her flag
to be dishonoured ? If such a line of conduct had been
pursued, it was evident the arrogan ire of that peculiar peo-
ple would only have been more inflated, and all negoeia-
tions rendered entirely impossible. It was not in China
alone, but in all the neighbouring seas, that Englishmen
came in contact with the Chinese. That industrious
people had spread over the whole Eastern Archipelago ;
they were to be found at Borneo, Sumatra, Java, and
Malacca, and had recently spread to California and Aus-
tralia. Even in the British settlements they far out-
numbered the Europeans. At Singapore there were
70,000 Chinese, while the Englishmen did not nonoher
us many hundreds ; at Penang and Ma's :ca the relative
numbers were still more disproportionate. These Chinese
emigrants maintained the closest connection with home ;
they were in constant correspondence, and their secret
societies had ramifications • through all our colonies.
Under such circumstances danger might easily arise to
the handful of British settlers scattered about, and the
sanguinary excesses of Sarawak be repeated. In such
circumstances a vacilating and unsteady policy °mid
not be prudent. It should never be forgotten that the
British empire iu the East was established entirely on
opinion ; they were a mere handful amongst millions,
and if the prestige of their arms once broke down, from
the Persian Gulf to the Yellow Sea the empire was at
an end. Under such circumstances it was a matter of
congratulation •that Lord Elgin had been sent to China,
and a nobleman whose ability and prudence bad been
so fully tested chosen for a commission of so much diffi-
culty. He would, however, have to encounter in the
course of his mission not only the Chinese, but another
ambitious Power, whose movements on the nortb-east of
China were well calcul steel to excite alarm and apprehen-
sion. It was known that Russia, during thelist 10 years,
bad, with the silence which characterised her policy, ac-
quired a very large territory on the Amoor river, which
she made available for purposes very inimical to the com-
merce of this country. There was another subject of
foreign policy most interesting to the people of this country.
Re alluded to the present state of Southern Europe.
He trusted he would not be considered to travel too far
beyond the prescribed routine of the reply to a rust
speeele if be called the attention of her Majesty's govern,
ment and the house to the feeling so largely spread
through the country of the disgraceful scenes now eibi-
bited in Italy. He had no distrast of the energetic ac-
tion of the diplomacy of this country. The noble lord
the Secretary for Foreign Affairs had frequently exhibited
his true British feeling, and would, he doubted not,pro-
test in the T 73
iost decisive marine; against the abase' of
power exhibited n Southern It andthe'Reman States,
bat he wished
them, in the name of humanity, to protest
against the misgovernment of Naples. W. regard
to
the internal reforms there was one which must
soon
oc-
cupy the attention of the government—that was the Cx
tension of the franchise. He, fur one, did not think that
a large roll of electors would Secure a better House of
Commons. The question,
.however, was not one of ea.
pediency, but involved the rights of those who considered
they were entitled to political power. pu„ as
well as
rich were entitled to that power. within the limits of the
constitution. If, however, the franchise was to be low-
ered, a system of general education should be a n-c essary
concomitant. He would object to extend the franchise
to an uneducated voter, who would-not-properly exercise
it. On that ground be was an advocate of a system of na-
tional education, and he trusted that the number Of able
men on both sides of the house who had devoted their
attention to the sebject would ere long devise such a mea-
sure as all might adopt. The royal speech congratulated
the country on the prosperity of their commercial rela-
tions. He fully participated in the view so expressed,
but he might be allowed to say that at the present mo-
ment there were indications well calculated to inspire
doubt, if not uneasiness and alarm, in the excessive dear,
nese of money. It was impossible that industry could pros-
per, when that was sapping out the very vitals of trade.
It might be said that the present state of things was to be
attributed to very obvious causes, but the effects of it
on the prosperity of the country would be most ruinous.
Under these circumstances, he was rejo:ced to hear that
the committee on banking was to be re-appointed. He
trusted they would assemble without any foregone con-
clusion, and admit all evidence without regard to high ,
authorities, and frame their report, after hearing those
oompetent to form an opinion, without regard to the
Influenoe of monopoly in the house or elsewhere. These
ware some of the pubjeots which 'boob employ the at,

tention of Parliament, and it became them to assure her
Majesty, in reply to her gracious speech, that they would
devote their best attention, and show ell zeal and energy,
in legislating for the good of the country. In conclu
sion, he begged leave to second the address.
The Ssa►LEs then put the question.
General P. THOMPSON said that as be was anxious
to appear without shame before his friends and consti-
tuents, he felt obliged to enter his protest against the
reference which had been made to the Chinese question.
He and those who coincided in the decision of the ma•

jority of the defunct Parliament would not let the ques-
tion rest without bringing it again before the inquest of
the country. (Hear, hear, and laughter) Ad his con-
stituents, or a great number of them at least, believed
that the conflict arose from the voluntary act of an official,
and were grieved to see that the Government wished to set
up the principle that what an official may do should pass
without remark. His constituents were working men,
and they wanted to know whether war was an instrument
to be at the disposal of every official abroad to drain out
their hard earnings to make fortunes for those offi-
cials., as into that the question resolved itself. They
considered the proceedings in that country were entirely
contrary to the national honour and dignity ; that the
spread of civilisation meant increase of smuggling, and
that the attack was piratical in itself, and contrary to
the law of nations. It would not become him to take
on himself the office of defending this great question ; it
was his duty to say there was a feeling in the country
which would not be quieted without further ex mina-
, Con. He begged to thank the house for its attention.

(Cheers and laughter.)
Lord R. GROSVENOR said he considered the vote
of the late Parliament on China was in reference to our
past policy, and on this occasion he thought this ques-
ought not to have been introduced, and he should there-
fore abstain from entering on it. (Hear, hear.) Hs
thought, in fairness to the Government, that, having
just returned from the embraces of their constituencies,
the members should express to the Government the
feelings and wants of those constituencies, and it was for
that purpose he addressed the house on that occasion.
One of the subjects that interested his constituents was
a reform of Parliament, or, as it was stated at the hus-
tings, an extension of the suffrage. (Hear.) He agreed
with Mr. Cobden that as a matter of expediency a case
for the enlargement of the franchise could not be made
out, and at the same time be did not think it was a ques-
tion of enfranchisement as between the rich and the
poor. Another subject occupying the public mind was
the annoyance of having so many reform bills—(hear)—
and it would be a very good thing if the noble Igd at
the head of the Government would devise a moreelastic and
self-acting reform bill than that under which they were
elected, so as to make a little more equality of members.
He deprecated any attempt to introduce any alteration
relative to the franchise or the ballot, believing the Go-
vernment would introduce an ample measure of reform
next year, and give the house time to consider it well.
(Hear, hear,) There were practices adopted at elections
highly inconvenient ; and, after referring to his intro-
stuction of confining county voting to one day, and abo-
lishing drinking, he said it was his intention at an early
period to introduce a bill to the house, prohibiting the
conveyance of electors to the pelt, at the expense of the
candidate, and also to remedy the absurd and anomalous
practice that existed of making candidates pay for the
expenses of the hustings. (Hear.) Passing to the Church
rates ; after expressing his regret at the exclusion of Sir
W. Clay, who had made the subject his own, he said
that he (Lord R. Grosvenor), it the Government did
not do it, should move on an early day to in-
troduce a measure on the subject. (Hear, hear.)
Reverting to Parliamentary reform, be suegesred that
Chelsea, Kensington, and Hammersmith should be formed
into an independent borough. (Hear.) The equalise
tion of the poor rates throughout the metropolis was an
important question that would require the immediate
attention cf the house. (Hear, hear.) He conceived
the address was so couched that all could concur in it.
Mr. W. E WART alluded to the question of the ne-
cessity of the adoption of a Minister of Justice, and re-
gretted that amongst the law reforms mentioned in the
speech, no allusion had been made to it. He thought
in regard to reform, Government should lay returns
before the house, showing the effect of reform ou
educational and other questions, and allow the country
an opportunity of expressing an opinion thereon, as
the basis -of a new reform bill. (Cries of " Question,
question.")
The hon. gentleman had no sooner resumed his seat
than cries of " Question" arose from all parts of the
house. No member appearing disposed to continue the
discussion, the Speaker after the lapse of two or three
minutes began to read the terms of the motion, but he
k not proceeded beyond the first few words when he
was interrupted by
Lord PALMERSTON, who said,—The house, sir,
seems so little disposed to go into any discussion upon
the various subjects to which the Speech relates that I
certainly shall not take upon myself to do so ; but refa
reuse Las been made to sue or two points upon which I
feel it is necessary for me to say a few words on the part
of the Government. I would first allmia to the topic
mentioned by the hon. member for Dumfries. An Ad-
dress was moved and agreed to last session with respect
to the establishment of a Department of Justice. The
question was brought forward by the right hon. gentle-
man the member for Diable; University. We stated at
the time that it was a, subject, full of diffieulty as regards
the mode in which the proposition should be carried into
execution, and in that opinion I am sure the right hon.
gentleman himself will concur. I can only say, therefore,
that we have under our consideration the best means of
accomplishing the object which the right hon. gentleman
and the house had in view, and 1 trust we shall be able
to propose to the house some arrangement which shall
effect the purpose contemplated in the address. Sir, I
agree with the noble lord the member for Middlesex
that, considering the shortness of the period during
' ing which Parliament can sit in the present session-
4hear, hear)—considering also the great importance of
the many practical measures of improvement which we
I have indicated in the Speech, and which will be propos-
ed to the house, it would be highly inexpedient to en-
gage in discussions upon the large and eweeping ques-
tion of a change in the representation of the people in
Parliament, because such discussions could not by any
possibility lead to any conclusive result in the present
session—(hear, hear)---while it is quite obvious that
discussions begun in one session and continued to ano-
ther, could only unsettle the minds of men, and give
rise to anticipations which would embarrass those who
on a future occasion might have to propose measures to
the house. (Hear, hear.) But, Sir, her Majesty's Go-
vernment quite admit that it will be their duty daring
the period that will intervene between the conclusion of
the present session and the beginning of the next to take
the subject into their fullest and most deliberate consi-
deration. (Cheers.) It would be unsuitable in me, at a
moment when the Government have not had an oppor-
tunity of giving to the question the consideration which
is due, to say anything with respect to the details of
measures to be proposed in a future session which would
imply anticipatory conclusiocs, which, by fixing the Go-
vernment upon one point or another, might lead after-
wards to embarrassment if the result should not coincide
with the expectations excite 1, and which at all events
would interfere with the freedom of Our deliberations in
the meantime. (Hear, hear.) It will be, however, I be-
lieve, the duty of the Government in the ensuing recess
to give the matter their most serious and ' xexicsue
consideration—(hear, hear)— and I hope—indeed I
ara confident— that at the beginning of next ses-
sion we shall be able to propose to Parliament
some measure which will be calculated to satisfy
the just expectations of any parties, and to correct
ally defects which may E st in the present Reform
Act, as well as to admit to the franchise
those classes of persons who at present are excluded from
' it. More than that I trust the house will not expect me
to say at present. (Hear, hear.) If this house has confi•
deuce in the preeeut Government they ought to show it
by exercising forbearance, and by not pressing in this
session for any declaration upon particular points in re-
ference to representative reform. If this house has not
sufficient confidence in us to wait until the next session
for the production of measures upon a subject requiring
the gravest consideration, then it had better say so, and
at once place the administration of the affairs of the
country in other hands.. (Hear, and a laugh.) lam glad
to be elate to congratulate the hcuee, as her Majesty in
her graciaus speech has done, upon the prospect which
the condition of Eurspean affairs at present holds out of
a continuance of peace. I trust that the animosities en-
gendered by the great conflict in which a part of Europe
was engaged for two years will give way to the more
peaceful rotations and intercourse which have succeeded
that war, and that the great Powers who vrere engaged in
that contest, feeling that their interests are identified
with the maintenance of good relations with each other,
will cast into oblivion all those sentiments of hostility
which the conflict for a time may have created, and
permit them to be replaced by feelings of good will and
friendship, as more beneficial to all countries. I trust,
too, that all the great Powers of Europe will discover
that freedom of commercial intercourse and a develop-
ment of the national resources form not only the best
system of policy for the • interests of their particular
countries, but that they also create a link of union with
other countries which otherwise might occupy an adverse
position. The more a government developes the resoui ces
of a country, while with one hand it increases its powers
of self-defence, on the other it creates a daily increasing
bond of interest, which is so connected with the main-
tenance of peace as to dissuade any government from
the prosecution of an unjust or unnecessary war.
(Hear, hear.) There was one other subject to which
my noble friend alluded, upon which I must say a
word. I refer to the question of church rates. That alto
is a subject, as the house is aware, which abounds with
practical. difficulties. However, the subject is now under
the consideration of her Majesty's Government, and I
hope we may be able to propose some measure which
will get rid of ilea difficulties at present existing. I hope,
however, the house vei 1 not e xeect us to introduce any
measure until we have male up cur minds upon the mat-
ter, bat caann
anxiousassurethdeems
ret
frameubject is underraeas considera-
tion,
en swi dhcircah-
may be satisfactory to all parties. laamblovto at:voatrrea thatuhie
there is anything- further with which I
the house at present.
Mr. ROEBUCK—I congratulate the house that we
have now a distinct pledge from the noble lsrd that he
intends next year to bring forward a measure of Path
mentary reform. There i no mistake as to his intentions.
The noble lord tells us that in the present state of the
representation there are great anomalies—that various
ese its are not now represented in the house who deserve
to be represented, and that it will be the duty of her
Majesty's Government during the recess to frame such a
measure as will confer the representation upon these
classes. Accepting these statements accordingly as I
have dosrib:d them, I can only say that I am not one Of