The Sun.
London, England, 1861-07-31 00:00:00

gestion was near it.
On the general question of Hungary and Aus-
tria, Lord PALMERSTON was of course the thorough
old Whig.
Not one word of moral support would
h
Hungary, while all that could be said he
for Austria. He was quite sensible he said
weouglidve sa to y
of the great importance of the events now passing
between Austria and Hungary. We attach due
importance to the maintenance of the Austrian em-
pire as a great Power in the centre of Europe
holding, I may say, a sort of balance between
opposite and conflicting interests, and we should
consider it a great misfortune to Europe if that
empire were to be dissolved by any internal
convulsion which could possibly be prevented.
But he never dropped one word on :the justice
and legality of the demands of Hungary, expressed
no hope that Austria would yield to manifest legal
right, nor any fear that Austria must be a weak
Power,, "as a balance between conflicting interests,"
unless she sought strength in a strong and con-
tented Hungary.
He proclaimed not only non-intervention, but
neutrality. We certainly think this unworthy of
England. This country is not and cannot be
neutral when a despot seeks, by sham paper con-
stitutions, to subvert the free and ancient constitu-
tion of an old kingdom. He points to a similar
neutrality in the American quarrel. But
in the dispute between two pro-slavery con-
federations, England is really neutral. We
are not so in the case of Hungary, no
more than we were in that of Italy. Our rulers
represented us faithfully in respect to the latter
country; we did not wish to fight, but we did wish
well to Italian unity and liberty. Our Foreign
Office acted openly on this wish ; and there is no
doubt that, but for its popular foreign policy, so
feebly liberal has been the action at home of the
present Ministry, that it would have been thrown
overboard long ago.
Now we warn Lord PALMERSTON that he has
a good card in Hungary. As good a one as he
had in Italy. So far as international law is con-
cerned, he has a far better case in regard to
Hungary than he had in regard to Italy. The
provinces of Italy united themselves under the
crown of VICTOR EMMANUEL, in defiance of the
treaties of 1815, and of arrangements some of them
of very long standing. Hungary on the contrary
asks but the fulfilment of the plainest engage-
ments, it appeals to treaties and to laws
whose obligation no sae can deny. It
is in conflict with a revolutionary monarch, a
practical usurper. Hungary's demands, if acceded
to, would create a stronger kingdom by far than
Austria can ever be while her monarch defies
all right and law in pure despotic wil-
fulness. Our Government, therefore, has every
inducement, except old aristocratic prejudice in
favour of the Hapsburgs, to declare openly that the
right is with Hungary, and that it would be for the
good of Austria herself and of Europe, that Austria
should no longer oppose bayonets to right.

Referring to Mr. GRIFFITHS, Lord PALMERSTON
observed, "When the hon. gentleman says he
wishes to know whether we take part with
liberty against authority or with authority
against liberty, my answer is, that we leave
liberty and authority to settle their own
disputes. I don't presume to judge which party
is in the right and which in the wrong. What-

ever opinion we may entertain on the matter, we
don't feel it the duty of the Government to express
that opinion, nor do we think there would be any
utility in expressing it or endeavouring to give it

force. I therefore have only to say that we hold

with regard to the unfortunate dissensions in

Hungary the same course we hold in regard to the

dissensions on the other side of the Atlantic—

namely, a position of en tiro neutrality,

and I should hope that the hon. member
will not press for the production of de-
spatches which could not be given without
detriment to the public service. We are sorry
that Lord PALMERSTON has so little " presumption"
in this case. He has not always been so bashful
and unpresuraing. He has presumed to affront
most Governments in their turn. The truth is he

will not " presume" to do what he does not lib to
do. Which we presume to think very natural, but
in the case of Hungary deeply to be deplored.

According to private advices from America—
says a contemporary—the present struggle is likely
to be settled by a co .
rnPrcinalse. Can it be ! our
n
1 readers may exclaim,
Ave see no
reason why it
I should not. It is true--we
are
told—thereuntilSouth is a
universal cry of " No compromise" but this merely
refers to the determination of the
Nhtion
into public negotiations for
acknowledge
e the
supremacy
shall unequivocally of
the Federal Government. Meanwhile it is believed
of the country are endeavour
that a large number of politiciansign
ineach sec
privately tocome
to an understanding as to the terms that the North
will grant to the South, provided the South will
waive the point of honour as to their right of
secession, and that these terms are likely to be
such as should amply satisfy all Southern desires.
We Should certainly not be at all surprised at
such a termination of the struggle. The course
taken by Congress, which wo alluded to yesterday,
with some such evidence of Northern power and
prowess as would make it not discreditable to yield,
will be quite enough to enable the Southern leaders
to draw their necks out of the halter into which
they have thrust them. The South evidently can-
not long cope with the North in the Border States.
When this becomes apparent to all, it will also be
apparent that the purely planting States have no
chance by thonoselves, and they will bo but too
happy to
make the best of a bad job. ITCLEL-
LAN'S Victories will tell, we imagine, very power-
fully on the South, and whop it is found that the :

' with very jittle more thans,ooo votes altogether re-
corded in his favour—leaving him, in fact, in a mino-
rity but very little short of a round " five hundred,"
upon acomparison of the support accorded to himself
with that given by the Liberal electors to his
successful antagonist. In all this, while we
rejoice heartily ourselves at the triumph of Liberal
opinions in the City of London, we cannot but
think that the LORD MAYOR has been very un-
fairly dealt with by his over-zealous and exces-
sively officious friends and supporters (so called),
who would have done much better in his behalf
if they had left him quietly alone in his modest
political character as M.P. for the Borough of
Andover.

Mr. GRIFFITH could not last night coax Mr.
DUNLOP'S despatches out of Lord PALMERSTON.
It was in vain to tell the Premier that he ought to
keep the House well informed on Hungarian affairs,
and that they could contain nothing objectionable,
unless it were more liberal views towards the Hun-
garians, than our Government was inclined to
adopt. The Minister had his answer ready. The
Government wanted thoroughly confidential in-
formation. No person could be expected to give
it, especially respecting individuals, unless he
thought his letters would not be made public.
A very good excuse, we confess, but, as far pro-
bably, from the real one, as Mr. GRIFFITH'S sug-