The Sun.
London, England, 1861-04-04 00:00:00

THE -LONDON, THURSDA4I 'EVENING, APRIL 4, 1861.

system, that they could at this rate, by resigning 1
just one halfpenny a-week, obtain the same wages
as of old and yet only work ten hours for five
days and. six hours and a half on Satur-
days. The arrangement suggested by the masters
resolved itself simply into this :
Five days, of 10 hours, at 7d. per hour.. £1 9 2

Saturday, 6i hours, up to 1 o'clock.... 0 3 91

Total - £l 12 111

According to the old system of payment, they
could earn for the ten hours' work upon five days,
and B,i on Saturday ,335. According to the new system
of payment by the hour, they would earn exactly
the same sum, minus one halfpenny although
leaving off work at one o'clock on the Saturday.
Yet, as if this were not enough in the way of conces-
sion by the masters, Messrs. LUCAS and Messrs.
KELK have now consented to pay up this additional
halfpenny ! So that the gain will be clearly all on
the side of the workmen—the loss all on the side of
the master contractors. The men will earn
the self same wages as of yore—namely, 335. a
week, although leaving off work after only six
hours and a half labour on the Saturday. It is
calculated that the concession of this one halfpenny
per week above referred to will involve a loss to
Messrs. KELK and Messrs. LUCAS, of £14,000
sterling on their present contracts. Yet with this
concession generously made to them, with this clear
loss by the employers of £14,000 sterling glaring
upon- the recognition of the delegates—the latter
brazen faced demagogues had the consummate
effrontery to make a supplementary demand, to the
effect that the men should receive an increase of pay
as well as the conceded half holiday—in point of
fact that Messrs. KELK and Messrs. LUCAS should
raise their now certain loss of £14,000 to some-
where about £40,000 ! One little incident at one of
the conferences which have recently taken place
between the master contractors and the deputation
of the delegates, is really worthy of being parti-
cularly borne in recollection. It is related thus
that "At a previous interview one of the delegates
actually asked Mr. LUCAS if the men accepted his
proposition of payment by the hour, what guar-
antee he would give that he would not limit
the work to nine hours by closing his
yards. To this unguarded question Mr.
LtrcAs at once replied, Then you want me to
give guarantees that I will not concede the demands
for which you now actually profess to be striking !'
As no one could explain away this manifest slip of
the delegate no answer was given, and Mr. LUCAS
explained that the best guarantee he could give
the men that he would not comply with their
demand of limiting the hours to nine was that it
was not his interest to do so :" adding, " He would
be a loser by having his horses, machinery, and
yards idle, and it was the certainty of this loss
which had induced him with all masters
to resist the strike of 1859 ; for though by
that suspension the masters lost heavily,
yet their loss was but a tithe of what it would be if
they closed the works after nine hours' labour."
That incident and that argument, viewed together,
comprise within them the whole significance
of the strike. The delegate's slip of the
tongue reveals point blank what it is that
he and his fellows are now striving for under
the clap-trap title of a Nine Hours' Movement
—for purposes of education forsooth ! The
simple and manly statement made thereupon by Mr.
LUCAS expresses, as plainly as words can express
anything, what it is that the masters have been
striving to guard themselves against when resisting
the dictation of those dreadful strikes. If the
workmen will but look upon the Question for once
rationally this afternoon—those strikes may, from
this time forth, be prevented from recurring.

The intelligence brought yesterday from America
looks more and more like a pacific settlement of
the secession question. The late Administration,
in one way, has been the cause of this. It so com-
pletely denuded the General Government of the
means of offence, and placed the military stores it did
possess so largely and so completely in the power
of the Southern States, that even if Mr. LINCOLN
wished to retain the few forts and arsenals in
southern territory which he still possesses, and to
recapture the Federal property which has been
taken from him, he could not do it. Hii
navy is all over the world, from Japan to the Medi-
terranean, and the Coast of Africa ; his little army
broken up into ineffective detachments ; in fact, the
Traitors, for such they were to the Federal Govern-
ment, who have just left office, had planed a per-
fect conspiracy to enable the Southern States to de-
tach themselves, should they be beaten in the Presi-
dental conflict. Here, and everywhere, it was thought
either that the threats of secession were mere
bullying noises, or that the energetic North would
soon bring the Southerners to their senses;
but the thing has been too cleverly managed. The
North found itself, when the 4th of March came,
unarmed; and not only that, but even somewhat
anxious for the personal safety of its new President
at Washington itself. It found that, instead of

collecting, as General JACKSON determined to do,

the Federal Customs, by its ships of war in the
Southern ports, it had not even ships enough to
relieve the beleaguered Fort Sumter, which it is
daily expected must be abandoned to the Seceders.
It is a wonderful historical fact, that a President and
kis Cabinet, for how can we separate them, have
been proved before all the world to have conspired
to break up the Union which they governed, unless

their candidate were returned at an election.
What, however, could considerate men expect the
Filibuster of the Ostend Conference to stick at ?
He who was ready to take Cuba whether Spain
would sell it or not, was the very man to put arms
into the hands of the South, and to enable them to
break up the Union.

. I It is not wonderful that English readers were a
little perplexed with the President's Message. To
this day, two such leading men in the Senate atWash-
ington as DOUGLAS and Bit NRIDGE
for opposite interpretations—the
it as meaning peace, the latterE cK
as Ef mcontend
war. The fact must be, that with all the
and in a sense real, firmness of Morar.
.LlNCOLN,regardingdeclaration the
situation did not admit of a clear deliverance.
BUCHANAN'S treachery had rendered it impossible
for him to decide on coercion, and he would not,
even with facts as they were, encourage secession.
Firm to one thing he must in honour be—to the
essential feature of the programme of his party, the
non-extension of slavery in the territories. For
the rest, he and Mr. SEWARD have endeavoured
thus far to get off, by ignoring, as null and void,
the stubborn facts of the South. This can hardly
be done much longer. Still, by these last advices,
we find Mr. LINCOLN steadily refusing to see or
acknowledge the Southern Commissioners. i

The Southern. Congress, however, is anything
but halting and undecided in its course. It has
just appointed its judges for the different States;
it has named commissioners to the European States;
it has decided on its tariff of duties lowered ii
comparison with those of the North, and has, it 'a
said, even deferred the final settlement of these duties
till it has ascertained whether they will be accept-
able on this side the water. Arms, troops, and
money they have been providing by vigorous, and,
144.!../141', in the circumstances, prudent measured
_ ,

indeed, it cannot 'be denied that the rebellious,
slaveholding Soutin is showing great and unlooked
for ability and confidence in its management ; it
• knows its object, while the North is perplexed, and
its aims doubtful. The South means to be a separate
confederation. The North does not know whether
it must consent to acknowledge it; whether it can
muster force enough to coerce to reunion; whether
it can make any sufficient concessions; and whether
it must at least concede enough to keep the Border
States.

Indeed, we may suppose that the Border States
are now the great perplexity. Both sides are bid-
ding for their support. They are chiefly—what a
word to be used in Christendom !—Slave-breeding
States. The South proposes to receive slaves only
from States belonging to the Southern Confedera-
tion. The North can offer only the advantage of
belonging to the more powerful Confederation, and
of ultimately converting them to Free-labour States.
Virginia, the most influential, has just reported,
through a committee on federal relations, in favour
of the old Missouri Compromise, and some other pro-
visions which the Republicans of the North cannot
submit to without dishonour. A position, therefore,
more perplexing for Mr. LINCOLN and his Cabinet
can hardly be conceived. The Cotton States he
appears to have lost beyond recovery ; the Border
States, which would make the Union as powerful
as before, he can retain only by unworthy com-
promises. In this country we may hope that he
will not disgrace himself by the latter. It is cer-
tain that, if the North be true to liberty, and if the
Border States go with the Gulf States, the slaves of
the States adjacent to free soil will be of little value
to their masters. This is the rod which the North
can always hold out over the Border States. With
no fugitive slave law, how will Maryland, Virginia,
Kentucky, and Missouri keep their slaves ?

A short time ago we suggested to the sincere and
eariest supporters of the Ballot in Parliament that-
they must mend their tactics in respect to securing
a good discussion in the house of their all-important
reform. The first object should be of course to
muster too strongly to admit of a count out. A
practical point not to be overlooked also would be
to send word to the Liberal journals that they
might expect a thorough night's work on the Ballot,
since there is at least one well-known journal which
cannot be relied on to do justice to the subject even
to the extent of full reporting. But the grand
object is to be provided with matter, and interesting
matter too, and speakers, for a bona fide discussion.
Hitherto the hindrance has been that the house
would try to stifle it after Mr. BERKELEY had
spoken ; the Ballot was not to be endured when
the dinner hour came. A third requisite therefore
is a speaker who will not be put down by cries of
" Divide," or even by all or any of the other modes
of interruption by which our legislators attempt to
get rid of truth which is unacceptable to
most of them, as well as of worthless
bores and crotchet-men. Another desirable
arrangement we suggested, is the common one of
division of labour. If opponents endeavour, as
they so frequently have done, to finish up a de-
bate by their silence, some considerable care is
requisite to make up for the interest and variety
which is furnished by objections and replies.
Argument all on one side, without some manage-
ment, becomes very wearisome through the dan-
ger of iteration. At our ordinary public meetings
this is prevented by giving each of the speakers
a resolution which forms a distinct topic ;—and'
if the sullen obstinacy of Whigs and Tories com-
pels us to convert the House of Commons into a
kind of public meeting, Ist us cheerfully accept
the fact, and use it well. And if we do once use
it well, we may rest assured we shall not have a
second opportunity of doing it. The Ballot fur-
nishes, as we formerly observed, so many distinct
branches of illustration, and in the collection of
documents by the Ballot Society, a brief could pro-
bably be found so readily for each speaker that a
little determination and previous concert would
alone be requisite to make a House of Commons,
which shirked debate, the most efficient public
meeting on the Ballot in the world.
We know not whether our previous observations
attracted the notice of any member of the House of
Commons, but some Parliamentary friend of our
cause requests to be supplied with information on
the use of the Vote by Ballot, in-
1. Public corporations, such as banks, railways,
and other companies having large pecuniary trusts

to discharge.
2. Literary, scientific, and other similar societies.
3. Clubs, fashionable, military, and social.
4. Mechanics' Institutes and other similar bodies.
5. Benefit societies, such as freemasons, odd-
fellows, foresters, and others.
6. Any society, club, or institution, in which the
ministers of any denomination act in any way by
the Ballot.

7. Any schools or colleges in which the Ballot is
used to elect fellows, schoolmasters, or decide other

matters.
8. Rifle Corps in the election of officers.
Lastly. Any other public or private company or
society in which the vote by Ballot is used.
The request is a good one. We 'gladly give it

publicity. We shall be able to furnish him with a
few pertinent facts of the kind he asks from our
own personal knowledge and our own circle, and
shall feel pleasure in doing so. We presime it is
desirable that in every case the communication
should be from personal or very certain knowledge,
not from common report and the views and objects of

those who 'so use the ballot ; the results of their
experience warrants them in attributing to its
use the absence of unpleasant consequences; and,
if it be not obvious, the class of persons who use it
should be stated. There is probably a much wider
use of secret voting amongst all classes of English-
men than would be suspected unless all were
brought together. Probably, few of us are not
connected with some kind of institution in which
secret voting is not thought desirable in some of
the elections, and a wide inquiry might prove to
demonstration, that so far from being un-English,
the Ballot is really a most English plan of voting.
Indeed, the charge of cowardice is so absurd as
to be, in truth, cowardly itself. It is a charge
made to hide the accuser's own fear of meeting
dependent or needy electors on equal terms. As
Lord TEYNIIAM well observed lately, "it is no
sign of want of courage to fight behind a shield."
If indeed it be so, what means all this training
our riflemen to avail themselves of the slightest
cover, and to dig themselves rifle pits ? What means
all this discussion about iron-armour plates
for our ships of war. Are our brave sailors
skulkers ? Indeed, as General NAPIER, if we
recollect rightly, said, " War is the art of hiding."
At all events, to fight on equal terms is the first
demand of every Englishman, and the most willing
concession of his opponent. But what equal terms
can there be between the Liberal tenant farmer
and the Tory landlord ? Or between the Liberal
debtor and the Tory creditor ? Or between all the
dependent Liberals and the Tories who have power,
without assigning a reason, to injure, harass, and
annoy them ? And, of course, in too numerous
cases, we might reverse the positions of the terms
Whig and Tory, and the inequality would be the

sane. By the Ballot both combatants are certainly
placed on the same footing. The weapons of argu-
ment and persuasion are left to each; but the
power of coercion is taken from-one, when the other
has no power to coerce in return. Anything fairer
than this we cannot imagine. If, therefore, fair
play be English, the Ballot must be English
enough. We think, also, that answers to the infor-
mation sought above would fully prove that Eng-
lishmen largely avail themselves of this obvious
means of securing fair play.

VOCAL ANSOCIA7IOIV, ST. IA .31 RS'S
HALL.

The second concert of the season took place last
evening, and M. Benedict has good reason to
congratulate himself on the increasing popularity
and commendation attending his efforts to render
high class music acceptable and appreciated, even
among those whose ears may not have been edu-
cated to estimate the beauty and power of a Mozart
or Bach as readily as they recognise the spirit-
stirring accents of an Irish jig or the pleasing
harmony of a Nigger melody.
The programme of last evening afforded a charm-
ing variety of entertainment, well calculated to
attract and please a crowded audience, and evinc-
ing in the gifted conductor the greatest care and
desire to do his best for the elevation of public
taste. Few men are more earnestly and entirely
devoted to the Art they profess than M. Benedict.
He is a real " worker," doubtless finding ample
reward in the enthusiastic success which crowns
his labours, labours which denote him to be as
refined in mental selection as he is earnest in
practical performance.
' The concert commenced with Mozart's " Ave
Verum," sung by the full choir, followed by the
beautiful old madrigal of Morley's, " Say Gently
Nymph." ,The other performances of the choir
consisted of Bach's corale, " 0, let 'us praise the
Lord," Meyerbeer's " Paternoster," Benedict's
" Bunting Song," Webb's glee " When winds
breathe soft," " Ye Mariners of England,'' and
":cots wha hae," the latter arranged for male
voices only. Of these we may notice especially
Bach's corale" O, let us praise the Lord," and the
" Bunting Song" as being rendered with perfect
effect; well marked harmony of tone and careful
attention to " lights and shadows" being prominent
qualifications of these singers, convincing all who
hear them that the two hundred voices of the
Vocal Association Choir are thoroughly up to their
work. Madame Lemmens Sherrington was the
leading lady vocalist, and charmed the audience
with all she did. 11Iendelssohn's Psalm, "Hear
my Prayer," has rarely been better sung than by
her, and the delicious sweetness and delicacy which
marked the last verse could not easily be
excelled. Benedict's song, " The Skylark,"
narrowly escaped an encore, her treatment
of it combining all the spirit and freshness
which it requires. Miss Messent, Miss Augusta
Thomson, and Miss Boden were the other fair
artistes. The former sang the scena and aria
" Parto," from Mozart's "Clemenza di Tito," with
considerable ability, the clarionet obligate being
taken by M. Lazarus. Miss Augusta Thomson,
who belongs to the " florid" school, found ample
verge for her power in Auber's " Pouvoir du
Chant ;" and so ably was it delivered that a rap-
turous encore was bestowed. Miss Boden sang
Hatton's ballad, " The Blacksmith's Son," with such
pleasing effect, that this also was re-demanded. In
the instrumental department Miss Ward was the
pianiste, and elicited well-merited applause. The
theme selected was a fantasia by Fumagalli, " La
L anse des Sylphes," played in a style which was
distinguished for clearness of touch, precision
of accent, and delicacy of taste. Miss
Ward was warmly applauded, and re-
called to receive the ovation due to her. M.
Sainton gave two exquisite performances on the
violin—the first being the. " Romance in F," by
Beethoven ; the second, a Fantasia on Scottish airs,
in which he introduced the old Jacobite air,
" Wha'll be King but Charlie," and that rich bit of
pensive, heartholding melody, " Auld Robin Grey,"
with other popular snatches of vital music which
never fail to rouse the most passive and elite of
listeners into something like active demonstration
of feeling. We never heard M. Sainton play with
greater effect than that which he produced in some of
the passages in the "Romance," while the brilliancy
and vigour which he imparted to other portions of
the composition, stamped him as a thorough master
of his instrument. The concert altogether was of
first-rate excellence, the only defalcation in oir
opinion resting with Mr. Riccardo, whose voice is,
at times, considerably out of tune and scarcely
equal to the demand's he makes on it. The Hall
was crowded with a highly fashionable audience,
who appeared to truly appreciate the excellence of
the fare provided for them, and bestowed on
M. Benedict the greeting he so well deserves. The
third concert will take place on Wednesday,
April 17th.

THE EXPEROR AND THE BISHOP OF
POITIERS.

The Illoniteur publishis the following Imperial

decree :

NAPOLEON,
"By the Grace of God and the National Will,
Emperor of the French ;
To all whom these presents may concern,
greeting ;

" On the report of our Minister of Public Wore
ship, in which he proposes to us to declare that
there is abuse in the pastoral letter of the Bishop
of Poitiers, dated the 22d February, 1861 ;
" Considering that the said pastoral letter was
read in all the churches of the diocese, published in
different journals, and offered for sale by several
booksellers at Poitiers and in Paris ;
" Considering the written observations presented
to our Council of State, the 13th March, 1861,
by the Bishop of Poitiers on the commu-
nication made to him of the above mentioned
report;
" Considering Art. 1 of the Declaration of March,
1682, and Arts. 86 and 204 of the Penal Code;
" Considering, also, Arts. 6 and 8 of the law of
18 Germinal, Anb 10;
"And whereas, according to the terms of the
Declaration of 1682, it is a fundamental maxim in
the French law, ' That the Chief of the Church,
and the Church itself, have only received power
over spiritual things, and not over civil temporal
matters that, consequently, the pastoral letters
which iishops may address to the faithful of their
diocese, must only have for object to instruct them
in their religious duties ;
" Whereas, the Bishop of POitiers, by his pastoral
letter of the 22d Feb. last, took on himself to cen-
sure the policy and to criticise the acts of our
Government;

" Considering that the said pastoral letter also
contains an offence against our person and makes
remarks calculated to alarm the religious belief of
our Catholic subjects ;
" Considering that these facts constitute an
excess of power, a contravention of the laws in the
Empire, and a proceeding which might arbitrarily
disturb the conscience of citizens ;
" Our Council of State having been heard,
"We have decreed and do hereby decree as
follows :

" Art. 1. There is an abuse in the pastoral
letter of the Bishop of Poitiers of the 22nd Feb.,
1861.'

" The said pastoral letter is and remains sup-
pressed.

" ' Art. 2. Our Minister of Public Worship is
charged with the execution of the present decree,
which shall be inserted in the Bulletin des Lois.'
" Given at the Palace of the Tuileries, this 30th
day of March, 1861. " NAPOLEON.
(Countersigned) " ItOLTLAND."

DEPARTURE OF THE COURT FOR OSBORNE. —1 he
Queen and Prince Consort, accompanied by the Prince of
Wales, Princess Alice, Prince Arthur, Princess Helena,
Princess Louise, Prince Leopold, and Princess Beatrice, left
Windsor Castle at half-past two o'clock to-day for Osborne.
In consequence of the very deep mourning in which her
Majesty and Royal Family now are, the usual guards of
honour and all ceremonies were dispensed with by her
Majesty's command.

The navigation is expectA to open very early th's
yoar in Upper Canada. The late thaws have occasioned
tremendous freshets, and bridges and mills have been car-
ried away, and many parts of the country are now under
water. This has been the most singular winter ever
known. The quantity of snow that has fallen is quite wt..
precedented; there are in same places 10 feet of snow in
owes) make waterfalls all cyer the places
our streets, which, steep as they are, will, when the real
thaw

EST :LN )7
LAILOI WI L.l4'.