The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-18 00:00:00

whoever may compose the Ministry which shall succeed us,
we shall not remain in office 3eyond a very few days-1
believe 'a very few hourslonger.' I hardly know whether I
ought on the present occasion b speak from theßlace which
I now occupy (the Treasury belch), as I have just returned
from making'my grateful acknowledgments to her Majesty
Of her kindness and confidence, and taking my leave-of her
Majesty in the character of her First Minister. I
can only say for myself and colleagues, and for those in both
houses with whom I have the happiness and honour of
acting, that I am perfectly satisfied those who are to suc-
teed us will meet with no factious opposition, or be ob-
structed by any embarrassing combination or conduct.
(Cheers.)' And I will say more, that it will give me most
earnest and sincere satisfaction if I find that, although no
longer holding office, I can give to the Queen's Government
that which I desire to give—an independent and generous
support. (Cheers.) Ido earnestly trust that in the matter
of foreign policy her Majesty's Government will not depart
frorn the line of a strict and impartial neutrality. (Hear,
hear.) lam satisfied that that is the only course which
will accord with the wishes and interest, and I may say the
determination of the country. (Hear, hear.) At the same
time I adhere to the principle by which we were guided,
and I trust that her Majesty's GOvernment will not relax
in those efforts which we felt W. our Auty to Make in the
present unsettled state 'of Europe to place the country,
more especially the naval power of the country, in a condi-
tion to protect us against every insult, and to add weight
and importance to our interference or mediation with
foreign Powers. (Cheers.) Before I sit down, perhaps my
noble friend opposite (Earl Granville)--who, I presume, is
about to become again the leader of this house, in which
he has gained so much esteem and goodwill from both sides
of it--(hear, hear)--will forgive me if I take the opportu-
nity of referring to a circumstance which I think ought not
altogether to.be Rassed over in silence. My lords, if there
are any communications Which ought to be invested with
a character of most strict and inviolate secrecy, they, are
personal communications between the Soveteign of these
realms and her advisers, and, if it be possible to draw a
distinction between different communications of that kind,
none I think ought to be invested with that character in a
more peculiar degree than communications between the
Sovereign and the person who may be sent for to consult
with for a moment on the formation of a new Administration.
(Hear, hear.) Entertaining these opinions, which lam
sure are shared by all your lordships, I confess that it was
with greatsurprise and regret on Monday morning last I
saw in the limes newspaper what purported to be a detailed
account of the whole conversation whichtook place between
the 'noble lord opposite and her Majesty. Undoubtedly
newspapers can draw their oWn conclusions and give ac-
counts of who have gone into the palace, and whether this
or that statesman has been cotnmunicated with. But I
must say this is the first time I have seen a statement,
given apparently on authority, Of observations made by her
Majesty, of replies by the Minister consulted, and state-
ments by her Majesty of the motives by which she was
actuated in an attempt to form a new Government. (Hear,
hear.) I give to my noble friend opposite the entire credit
of being absolutely free from the slightest charge of having
sanctioned this 'publication. lam quite sure that the hon-
ourable character of my noble friend, and his sense of the
duties which we owe to the Sovereign, wouldhave prevented
his giving in the slightest degree his sanction to such a vio-
lation of official decorum andconstitutional practice. (Hear.)
But this is not a case of a document' being surreptitiously
obtained and transferred to a newspaper, nor is this para-
graph a fabrication resting on the imagination of the writer
and falsely assuming statements of what actually did
take place. Only one or two persons could have been pre-
sent at that conversation—her Majesty, probably the Prince
Consort, and my noble friend. It is therefore perfectly ob-
vious that my noble friend's confidence has been grossly
abused by some person or another. (Hear.) No doubt there
was some one with whom it was his duty to communicate
on receiving that communication from her Majesty, but
clearly that person was not the editor of a newspaper.
(Hear.) I am ready to receive an assurance from my noble
friend that he gave no sanction to the publication, and that
his confidence has been improperly abused by some one
divulging information 'which ought to be kept strictly
secret. (Cheers.) Ido not intend to take any further step
in this matter. I prefer calling my noble friend's attention
to it while I still sit on this side of the house, lest it should
be thought I took an early opportunity of making a factious
attack on the new Administration. I think my noble friend
must have been as painfully struck with the fact as myself,
and will consider he. owes thanks to me for having noticed
it and asked him to give an explanation. It is with that
view I have thought it right thus to notice it to your lord-
ships. (Hear.) I understand that it is my noble friend's
wish, and the wish of those likely to be connected with him
in tho Government, that the adjournment of your lordships'
house shall be moved until Tuesday next, and probably on
Tuesday it will be necessary to move a further adjournment.
Of course, in all matters I wish entirely to consult the con-
venience of those who are about to succeed us. Conse-
quently, after the business is disposed of, if it meet my
noble friend's view, I will move the adjournment until
Tuesday. (Hear.) Ido not think it is necessary for me
to trouble you any further. Ido not wish to raise any dis-
cussion. I repeat, it is my anxious hope that the Govern-
ment will soon be able to take our places, and from me they
shall have no obstruction, but, on the contrary, every faci-
lity for carrying OR the, Government consistent with the
principles which I entertain. (Cheers.)
Earl GRANVILLE, said—l feel that it is more proper I
should postpone until another opportunity any remarks
on public affairs, although I believe I shall do nothing
improper if I at once tender our thanks to the noble earl
and those who formed the late Government for the assur-
ance that, placed in very difficult circumstances, the new
Government will receive no unnecessary opposition from
them. (Hear, hear.) The question of the noble lord,
however, referred to a matter upon which I trust your
lordships will allow me to give an answer. On the occasion
of my last interview with her Majesty--on Sunday last—
I asked her Majesty's permission to state to my friends
that which had taken place at the previous interview to
which I had the honour of being admitted ; and, having
obtained that perthission, I in the course of the same even-
ing made a statement generally to several of my friends—
some political, some private—as to what had passed upon
that occasion, but I never meant in respect to any one cir-
cumstance, to give her Majesty's language. I did, how-
ever, lay very great stress on the grounds upon which her
Majesty sent for me, because I thought they would be cal-
culated to show the constitutional motives by which her
Majesty sent for me, because I thought they would be
calculated to show the constitutional motives by which she
was actuated in taking that step. I read, I confess, with
great regret the article which appeared in the Times of
Monday, and to which the noble earl has referred. It is
quite clear that that article was founded on one or more of
the statements which I had made myself on the previous
evening. So far as that portion of it which relates to the
conversation which I had the honour of holding with her
Majesty is concerned, I may say—putting aside for the
moment any appearance of disrespect which the publication
in such,a manner of that conversation may seem to imply
—that what actually took place only serves to show how
faithfully the Sovereign of this country adheres to those
constitutional maxims, the observance of which has been
one of the greatest characteristics of her Majesty's reign.
(Hear, hear.) On the other hand, lam perfectly ready
to admit to the noble earl and to the house that I very
deeply regret that I did not use that complete re-
serve which would have entirely precluded the poSsi-
bility of publicity being given to a conversation the
purport of which could have been properly stated by me
only in my place in Parliament, and at the proper time.
(Hear, hear.) There is also another portion of the article
in question to which I venture briefly to refer—l mean
that portion of it which relates to a communication which
I had with a statesman of great eminence with regard to
the formation of a Government. I perceived with regret
that the article to which I allude led naturally to the infe-
rence that I had reason to complain of Lord J. Russell that
he had not behaved towards me with that fairness which
I had experienced in other quarters. I will not enter into
a lengthened explanation on the subject now, but I feel
assured that when I have an opportunity of making my
statement in reference to the proceedings in which I so
recently took part in full you will perceive that, although
Lord J. Russell was not able to acquiesce in an arrange-
ment to which Lord Palmerston found himself in a position
to assent, he was actuated by no personal feeling in the
matter, and was solely influenced by public considerations.
I may add that so far as I myself am concerned, I met from
Lordp'. Russell the same marked kindness and consideration
which I received at the hands of other public men. I have
now simply to thank your lordships for the kindness with
which you have listened to the explanation which I had
to make in reply to the charges involved in the remarks of
the noble earl opposite, and, while I have no hesitation in
saying that I am not guilty of that breach of confidence
from which indeed the noble earl has been kind enough to
exculpate me, yet I at the same time feel that the observ-
ance of a greater degree of discretion on my part would
have prevented the occurrence of that to which he has ad-
verted.
Lord BROUGHAM said that, although as a peer of Par-
liament he had a right to request the honour of an audience
with her Majesty, yet he did not feel himself at liberty to
state the advice he had ventured to tender to the Sovereign.
He was, however, perfectly entitled to urge again upon their
lordships' attention the views to whichhe had given expres-
sion on the first night of the session, and which was to the
effect that it was absolutely necessary
in the present state of
affairs, both at home and abroad, that the Government of
the country should be formed on the broadest possible basis.
With respect to foreign affairs, particularly, he could not
refrain from expressing his earnest hope that the most
absolute neutrality.would be observed between the con-
' tending nations of Europe by the Minister, whoever he