The Sun.
London, England, 1859-11-17 00:00:00

FEMALE LABOUR.

It is a common practice with moralists and his-
torians to estimate the civilisation of a community
by the positi•in and treatment accorded to women
in the social body; and we arc usually taught to
recognise the true features of -barbarism in cus-
toms which throw all the labour of life on the
shoulders of women, while the men reserve them-
selves in haughty indolence fur the savage pas-
times of hunting or war. With the accuracy of
this moral diagnosis we arc not concerned io
quarrel, but we do entertain considerable doubt

whether our own most opposite usages in this
; respect arc entitled to unqualified approval as
evidence of true civilisation. In exempting our
women from the toils of existence, and quarter-
ing them systematically on the stronger sex for
support, we have left them exposed, when this
support fails them, to trials and sufferings far
less tolerable than the mere hardships of labour.
We do not say that our theory is essentially false;
on the contrary, we believe it to be true; but,
whether true or false, it is found by experience to
be impracticable, and it would be mere folly to
shut our eyes to the realities before us. The simple
fact that women are constantly throw's upon the
world to get their daily bread by their awn exer-
tions is a sufficient answer to those who think that
dependence upon man is a woman's proper position.
We are quite willing to accept that principle, if it
could but be realized. On this point we be.
lieve all parties, at any rate in this country, aro
of one accord. if every woman could reckon
with absolute confidence on the protection and sup-
port of a father, a husband, a brother, or some-
body standing in an equivalent capacity, that
state of things would unquestionably be the beet
for us The service which a woman so placed
could render in return would be her natural service;
int thhede lainy
mncstiiicdnunt(les are her proper duties, and it is
the home that her most legitimate
sphere is to be found. These propositions we do not
gainsay. fora
l‘
3 the
is. Jamesonni.icment. They would be promptly ao-
cepted moatearnestv
No
uiacceptadvocates of .
them, Miss
inde-
pendence.
Parkes would accept them, and they would meet,
indeed, as far as we are aware, with no contraven-
tion whatever. hut, unfortunately, this common
agreement is utterly good for nothing in the face of
every-day life. Destitute wothen crowd the scene
by thousands, and the question is not whether ws
shall reject our theory as essentially wrong, but
what we shall do with it when it is so extensively
destroyed by facts. It is too late to inquire
whether women ought to take upon their own
shoulders the duties of daily labour. They are
doing so already, under the compulsion of neces-
sity, in vast numbers, and with most deplorable
disadvantages. When we discuss, therefore, the
duties on which they may be best employed, we
are but dealing with facts as they stand. Nobody
desires to invest a woman with now "rights," or
to charge her with any new "mission." She is
best placed as man's helpmate, but that place,
unhappily, she cannot always find, and, as she can-
not, it is obviously the wisest course to make the
best of the difficulty by substituting some other
spheres of usefulness.
The whole question of " educated female labour"
—by which term is meant all female labour above
that of an absolutely menial character—may be
resolved into a single line of explanation. Every
woman of education who has got her bread to get
is expected to get it as a governess, and, as this
necessarily proves the ruin of the pro!ession, it is
asked whether some other openings cannot be
found. It deserves especially to be noticed that in
the classes below the educated class there is no
pressure or suffering experienced. Take a girl who
does not aspire to be a governess, or even a needle-
woman, and she can command her own terms.
Servants of all kinds, from the highest to the
lowest—housekeepers, ladies'-maids, cooks, nurses
—get their full share of the prosperity of the
times. Their wages are nearly double what they
were fifty years ago ; they can dress as smartly as
their mistresses, and save money too. It is only
.when a certain amount of education has been ac-
quired or a certain position in lite occupied that
a woman becomes helpless. If this were the
ease with men we should think the result
most extraordinary. If good schooling and quick
capacity were to disqualify a lad for rising in the
world we should regard the state of society as
strangely wrong ; and yet this is what is allowed to
happen with women. yet
women are at a
premium ; they may have whatever they like to ask
for by going to the colonies, but they have already
got such a call of the market at home that few of
them take the voyage. Give these same women a
little education, just enough to lift their ideas above
the kitchen or the garret, and they lose all their
advantages. As seamstresses they may work them-
selves to death for half the wages of a scullion, or
"go out" as governesses for less pay than a cook,
and with scarce a prospect of competence or comfort
after a life of drudgery.
We have already inserted communications on
this subject showing how many branches of art
and how many departments of labour are really
open to female industry if the prejudices of society
could not be but once discarded. Modelling, en-
graving, lithographic drawing, filigree work, and
fifty other forms of designing, would afford ample
scope and excellent remuneration for special capa-
cities. Such capacities, however, in women as well
as men, must be comparatively rare, and we should
not omit to mention that the ordinary standard of
female competency is not only not ignored in these
speculations, but is actually regarded as of moro
immediate promise than talents of a higher kifid.
It is at this point, indeed, and this only, that
the controversy we have been considering ex-
hibits any symptom of radical innovation. Here,
however, it has been asserted that, apart from
all the contingent obligations of women, it
is absolutely indispensable, as a measure of
social reform, that woman's work should be
called in and employed in certain departments of
business. It is argued that women in workhouses,
women in prisons, women in reformatories, and
women in sickness, do imperatively require female
attendance and supervision ; that for lack of this
superintendence rising female generations are
viciously disposed, and that by excluding women
from such places of trust and authority we not only
deprive the sex of a remunerative occupation, but
work infinite damage to the whole social body.
We cannot enter into this argument more par-
ticularly at present. We do but allude to it, not
merely as indicating what Miss Parkes called the
great " field of p.iid social labour," but as showing
what opinions arc at work upon the question, besides
those which are concerned simply with female
employment.
We can well understand that a good deal of this
discussion may in many quarters be distasteful.
In fact, it does imply a sad shortcoming, some-
where or other, in our social system. The
very proposition from which we:are obliged to start
—that in this opulent and prosperous country
thousands of women must be expected to miss that
position in life where the greatest amount of happi-
ness could be imparted and received—is in itself a
disagreeable one. Perhaps, too, it may be thought
that the present movement may rather aggravate
the mischief, and that if, in addition to the disin-
clination of men to marry, we create a disinclination
in women to be married, the result must be prejudi-

cial to civilisation and society. But wa do not tee
how the risk, if risk there is, can be avoided. There
is the actual evil before us, and we must face it.
It is not as if the destitution of women were a

thing of uncommon occurrence, to be recognised
as a rare exception which could not affect a
rule. Miss Parkes swept away that idea at
once when, in addressing her audience at Brad-
ford, she did not hesitate to ask whether there was
a single man in the company who bad not known
among his own connections an instance of the de-
stitution referred to. The difficulty, therefore, or
the misfortune, or whatever it may be termed, has
already occurred, and is staring us in the face.
How
it has happened it might not be useless to in.
quire, but at any rate, there it is. Women can no
longer, in this country, rely with such certainty
upon the support of man as to be exempt from the
obligation of learning how to support themselves.
There is the truth. It would be the best of all

remedies if we could be enabled to unsay it, but, u
we cannot do this, it remains only to deal with it
to the best of our power, and to lend a helping hand
to those who, if they cannot place women in their
proper spheres, will at least relieve them from the
misery of having no liihere at all.-7 lams.

TnE SCACII SHIPOWNER AND THE WRECKED
CREWS.—During a heavy gale of wind on the 7th inst., the
schooner Hawk, of Aberdeen, picked up off St. Abb's Head
the crews, consisting of six men, of the wrecked vessels,
Ark, of Colchester, and Ann, of North Shields. The poor
fellows were kindly treated for four days by the master of
the Scotch schooner, and afterwards brought by him, we
believe, to London. The probable expense of this mainte-
nance was £lss. On the Scotch shipowner learning this
fact, he immediately instructed the master of his vessel to
apply for the repayment of the expenses from the Ship-
wrecked Mariners' Society. Of course, that society declined
to entertain the application. A subseglent application to
the National Lifeboat Institution was attended with no
better success. If the shipowner himself were to suffer
shipwreck, and practically to avail himself of the kindness
of those who above all others ought to extend it to him, he
would no doubt appreciate rightly the nature of the sympa-
thy and kindness shown to the six men for whose mainte-
nance for a few days ho so much desires payment. But this
case is only another illustration of the little or no sympathy
that unfortunately exists between shipowners and the sailors
is their employ. We have often referred to the want of
this sympathy on occasions of wrecks, when it has been
discovered that the wrecked vessel had on boarl little or no
provisions, not even a lifebuoy or lifebelt to save life on these
disasters.

R. DARBY GRIEF TH, M.P., OH TILE

AFFAIRS OF ITALY.

(From the TViltshire Independent.)

On Tuesday evening Mr. Darby Griffith, M.P.,
delivered an address at the Town Hall on the affairs
of Italy, in pursuance of a promise he had made to
some of his constituents who had requested him to
do so. Eight o'clock was the time appointed by
Mr. Griffith for the delivery of the address, but long
before that hour a great many persons assembled in
the hall, a large portion of whom were ladies.

The hon. member entered the room about eight
o'clock, accompanied by the Mayor and some other
of his friends.

The MAYOR ascended the platform and briefly
stated the object of Mr. Griffith's appearance that
evening, and referred to the numerously and re-
epectably signed requisition which had been pre-
eented to Mr. Griffith.

Mr. GRIFFITH introduced his subject by briefly
sketching the early history of Italy before and at
the time of the Christian era. He remarked that
the history of Italy in the 13th and 14th centuries
was the most flourishing period of that country.
Ile touched lightly upon the interference which at
that early period had been exercised by Germany.
From an early period also Italy had attracted the
attention of France and excited her desire for ac-
quiring power in that peninsula, and France was
even at that time opposed by Germany. He next
referred to the early pre. eminence of the arts in
Italy, and observed that many of the names which
are now commonly used both in France and Eng-
land had derived their origin from Italy; as for
instance " milliner" from Milan, and "pistol" from
a small town in Italy named Pistoia, where these
weapons were once made in great perfection.
Mantles and manteamaker were words also origi-
nating from tne town of Mantua. Lombardy at
the present day was exactly what it was described
by Virgil. Lightly touching upon its geographical
features as confined and bound in by the Alps, Mr.
Griffith rapidly passed over a description of the
fertility of the plains of Italy, and came to the
more recent affairs of its political and social condi-
tion. After a passing remark on the possession of
Venetia and other parts by Austria, and the tenacity
with which she retained them, he referred to the
commencement of the present year, when the gmpe-
ror Napoleon gave his first indication of his inten-
tion to interfere with the relations of Austria and
Italy. The Emperor communicated to the Austrian
ambassador his regret that there was not so cordial
an understanding between his government and that
of Austria, as he desired, indicating, at the same
time, that he referred to the affairs o Italy. This
was at once understood by all the European Powers
to mean that Napoleon intended to step in with
French interference, and led to correspondence be-
tween the Governments of England, Austria, and
France. The events which had transpired during
the past year, fully confirmed the correctness of the
impression which he (Mr. Griffith) entertained, at
once, that Austria would make no concessions what-
ever, but would defend at any cost her Italian pos-
sessions. In answer to the early remonstrances of
England, Austria bad said, " do not blame us, but,
if you must scold somebody, scold France and Sar-
dinia." Mr. Griffith next referred to the speech of
lord Palmerston on the first day on which the pre-
sent Parliament met, is which his lordship depre-
cated the prospect of war which was apparent be-
tween Austria and France, but stated, that under
the existing treaties by which Austria held
Venetia and Lombardy, it was impossible
for England to ask her to give up any
of those possessions. Austria had bean ob-
liged to hold possession by the most arbitrary
and tyrannical rule, suppressing every species
of liberty, and most especially the freedom of the
press. In a passing notice of the negotiations which
ensued between the Governments of England and
Amltria, Mr. Griffith took occasion to claim for Lord
Malmeshury the credit of having stated, in the
plainest and most unequivocal manner possible, the
deprecation by England of a war being entered
into between Austria and Sardinia and France, and
her disapprobation of Austria's treatment of the
Italian States. The manner in which Austria re-
ceived the remonstrances of England further con-
firmed his (Mr. Griffith's) first impression, that she
would make no concessions whatever, and would
rather appeal to military force ; and the result had
fully proved the correctness of the view he had
taken. As au illustration of the manner in which
Austria maintained her power, he observed that
they must all have heard of the severity with which
she had carried out her military executions upon a
• number of Italians who had sought to oppose her
authority. Those executions had, of course, caused
great sorrow among a large number of families ;
and when a number of ladies assembled in the mag-
nificent cathedral of Mantua, to par their tribute of
grief for their lost relatives, after the Roman Catho-
lic manner, the head of the police in that city,
whose name was Ramponi, thought proper to con-
sider it a political offence, and he turned them out
of the building. Those ladies then removed to the
cemetery to mourn over the graves of their rela-
tives, and Ramponi there locked them in, and kept
them during the whole day, without anyrefresh-
ment, under the burning heat of an Italian sun.
That was a specimen of the system under which
Austria expected to govern her possessions in Italy.
,It was not only harsh tyranny, but it was carried
to a length of absurdity which made it border on
the ludicrous, much as if the Mayor of Devizes was
to lock a number of ladies in the Town-hall who had
assembled at a Bible Society's meeting. Mr. Griffith
next referred to the Emperor Napoleon's first
indications of hostile intentions against Austria,
at the commencement of the present year, with
a passing notice of the article which appeared
in the llioniteur on Jan. Gth, endeavouring to ex-
plain away the Emperor's previous intimation ' • and
stated that on the 10th January Lord Malmesbury
had thought it necessary to write to the Govern-
- ments of France, Austria, and Sardinia. He (Mr.
Griffith) thought it was a matter wpf regret that
those negotiations were not made public at that
time, as' he believed the force of public opinion in
England, which would at once have found expression
through the press, must and would have had a power-
ful influence in affecting the measures of all those
countries. He then read extracts from the de-
spatches which were subsequently published, and
said the result of the correspondence with England
on the part of Austria amounted to her saying, " go
and tell France that if she interferes between Aus-
tria and Sardinia, England will send her forces to
support Austria, and France will then do nothing."
After tracing the progress of events, and the war
to its conclusion at Solferino, with the treaty im-
mediately made between the Emperors, Mr. Griffith
remarked that the English Government then be-
came directly concerned in the negotiations ; and
be had. on the 22dJuly, in the House of Commons.
asked the Secretary for Foreign Affairs wheTher he
knew if any provision wiles male that the Grand
Dukes and other authorities-, which had before
existed in the Italian States, were to be ecstored to
power by force of arias in opposition to the wishes
•f the Italian population ; and Lord John Russell
was able to announce that the Emperor Napoleon
had given a pledge that there was no such inten-
tion. He (Mr. Griffith) deprecated secret treaties,
both before and after a war, and contended that it
would be greatly to the advantage of public inte-
rests that the representatives of the people should
know what were the provisions of those treaties,
instead of their being kept secret among the few
directly forming the Government. Ile had been
induced to make his recent journey to Italy,
for the purpose of learning, by his own per-
sonal observations, what really were the feelings
of the Italian people upon the subject of the
restoration of the ruling powers in their states. Mr.

Griffith then described the haste and the discomforts
attending his journey, which he commenced on the
2d of September. Haling arrived in Turin, he saw
Sir James Hudson there; and received from him the
necessary credentials and introductions. At Milan
he saw the Governor of Lombardy, from whom he
received the most courteous attention, and he never
saw a population who appeared more happy than
that of Milan, living on the most friendly terms
with the French and Sardinian troops quartered in
that city. From Milan he travelled on by way of
the beautiful Lake of Garda, and saw the fortress
of Peschiera, which lookw.l like a place of great
strength, but he doubted whether it was so in reality.
Verona and Mantua were immensely strongfor-
tresses, the latter especially, as it had
never been
taken, excepting when it was reduced by faminet
Napoleon 1., during his conquests inevben
he had never attempted the capture of 3ribu
Mantua
assault. Ho (Mr. Griffith) returned to Milan in
time to meet the deputation from Parma and Mo-
dems, one of whom addressed the audience from his
box in the great theatre, on the same evening,
where the deputation had been received with the
greatest enthusiasm. He next visited Parma, which
possessed a most tumultuous population • but they
had been shamefully governed, and therefore it was
little to be wondered at. The bite Grand Duke had
been assassinated in the public streets, and, apart
from/that mode of punishment being justifiable, he
had merited his fate. At Parma Mr. Griffith met.
Marini, and Was received by him with such a degree
of confidence as really surprised him, for he told him
without the least reserve, what the people would do,
and what they would not do. At Bologna Mr, Griffith
found every noose placarded with inscriptions, " Viva
Victor Emmanuel, "Viva our king," and " Viva oar

ieleeted king." He found also in that place the most

determined Opposition to going back to the domina-
tion of the Pope, and Mr. Griffith here remarked that