The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-13 00:00:00

Commence at 7.

NEW THEATRE - ROYAL, ADELPHI.
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. Benj. Webster.
MASKS AND FACES; Triplet, Mr. B. Webster ; Quin.
Mr. P. Bedford ; Sir Charles, Mr. C Selby ; Ernest, ND.. Bil.
lington
Simms.; Peg Woffiington, Miss Woolg,ar ; Mabel, Miss

After which, THE PRETTY GIRLS OF STILBERG.
andWoolgar, Ar
To be followed by THE MILLINER'S HOLIDAY. Mr.
J. L. Toole, C. Selby, Billington, Misses Woo!gar, Keeley,
and K. Kelly.

Acting Manager—Mr, Wm. Smith.
Doors open at a quarter-past six—Commenee'at seven. Box
Office open from 10 to 5 —no charge for booking. No fees to
servants permitted. A registry kept of all articles found.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE,
Westminster-road.
Lessee and Manager Mr. William Cooke.
THIS EVENING the performances will commence with
a new grand Drama, entitled THE THREE MUSKE-
TEERS, in which Mr. R. Phillips and the company will ap-
pear.

After which, the matchless and unrivalled SCENES IN
THE CIRCLE, introducing the great star Riders and Miss
Emily Cooke, Madame Blanche, Madame Bridges, Madlle.
Fleurette, and Madame Francisco, being the g,reatest amount
of female equestrian talent ever seen in one night in any
theatre. Grotesques—Messrs. Hemming and Thorne.
To conclude with A THU3IPING LEGACY, Miss M.
Jackson.
The splendid romance of IVANHOE ; or, The Knights
Templars, is in active preparation, and will be revived with
Dress Circle, 48
extraordinary ce
magnificen.
.
; Boxes, 3s. ; Pit, 2s, ; Gallery, ls.; Upper
Gallery, 6d.
Private Boxes, £4 4s, £2 2s, and £1 Is.
Commence at' Seven : Carriages at 11.
Stage Manager, Mr. R. Phillips

CANTERBURY HALL, Westminster-road.—
Proprietor—c. moaToN.
Theiabitc is most respectfully informed that the FrNE
,".118 GALLERY, in connection with the above Hall, IS NOW
vy.E.IV DAY AND NIGHT, from 11 o'clock a.m. until 12
o'clock The New Gallery contains an extensive Collec-
evoted th
d°ll 424. ctul'es, by Ancient and Modern Masters and is also
Art productions generally. The Proprietor feels
he may cOnfidently assert that, viewed altogether, the exist-
ing Music Hall, the New Fine Arts Gallery, and the recently
added Ante-Hall, will present an attraction which, whether
as regards the architectural beauty of the structures them-
selves, or the varied and hitherto unattempted combinations
wi.”..thin, Will be found to be wholly without parallel in the
Jungdora.
The NuSICAL ENTERTAINMENT commences as usual at
Seven o'clock,
ijn addition to the usual entertainment, the SAITVLET
of Amsterdam .Eight in number, whose varied
instrumental performances have created so marked a sensa-
tion irk the
principal cities and towns of the Continent, wil_
/)ert°rl3l every Evening at Nine and Eleven o'clock.

THE WEATHER.—Sux OrrIcWAPRIL 13.
THERMOMETER, IN THE 411( ADE .
57—highest since noon yesterday.
—lowest this morning and during the night.
50—this day at noon.

BARomET7I-29.42.
WIND, N.W. ; light, with dull weather.

We have had two divisions this year for the
Ballot of nearly one hundred each in its favour,
instead of, as usual, one of about two hundred. It
n'vr is plain enough that the desire to save the
embarrassment on the grand division has
been, as we feared it would, no advantage to our
can". The chances were a hundred to one of such
a number of members being ever again collected,
and it still appears to us, therefore, that the
vote should have been taken when all were present
to vote,
riowever, we must suppose that all par-
ties meant well, and the broad fact remains that
two hundred and thirty-eight members of this Par-
liament have declared themselves favourable to the
Ballot Of these, the list for the 31st of March must
be held to contain men unquestionably good and
true. That for the 12th of April must be con-
sidered a little more carefully, though we would
not for
a 'lament imagine that any of the additional
names are not those of genuine friends to the cause.
The three last divisions on the Ballot stand thus—
June3l the Bth, 1858: Ayes 197, Noes 296. March
31st, 1859 : Ayes 98, Noes 328. April 12th : Ayes
99, Noes 102. What and when will the next divi-
sion be ?

The debate was, perhaps,
a house, rather especially for so small
more animated than usual. Mr.
BERKELEY handled in good style the arguments of
the Times' correspondents. The two great Whig
opponents of the voting were brought out. Mr.
SOTHERON BSTcouRT contributed his mite, and
Sir RICHARD BETHELL exposed the trustee fallacy
in a manner which evidently quite unhinged Lord
JOHN RUSSELL and Lord PALMERSTON. The latter
almost lost himself in attempts at half jocular argument, evidently conscious that he had nothing
better to bring forward.
But what does all the argumentation amount to?
Lord JOHN RUSSELL following up his address, ex-
plained
how far he had modified his views. But
his explanation completely cut the throat of his
solitary argument, and leaves his opposition a help- '
less orphan so far as reasons for it are concerned. He does not now, he says, entertain all the fears of
the evil consequences which he once apprehended,
because such is the character of Englishmen that,
after all, they will act truthfully, and ]
Political vi proclaim their
ews, with the Ballot as well as without
it. Ir et he declaimed at length on the publicity
peculiar to all our i
for not li institutions as his chief reason
king. the Ballot. But Lord JOHN must
not play fast and'i
Locse with his own ar
this way. The t gument in
ruth is that the great body of
electors may be able to publish their opinions with-
or without the Ballot
out detriment to their interests, and will do so with
; but that a very large
minority, one quite sufficient to turn the scale at
many an election, in the counties especially, Would
prefer to say little, but to vote as they felt inclined. We are told by the Times, and by others, that,
do what you will, you cannot keep opinion secret ;
that men will let out—nay, will glory in their
political views ; and yet we are told again that
compulsory secret voting will beintolerable tyranny.
But where can be the tyranny if the voter can pro-
claim his vote if he pleases ? He is not compelled
to silence—he is not forbidden to speak and to
work for his own side. If he wishes his
vote to be known, and if his word be worth
anything to those whom he knows, he
his vote. The excellence
tell them
can
of the Ballot indeed is, that it permits the
fullest publicity, so far as it is advantageous,
and enables the voter to maintain secrecy when
this is most desirable.

The whole question between the relative excel•

lence of secrecy and publicity, which seems to be
the last refuge of opponents, is really a very com-
mon-sense piece of business. We practi-e both in
common life, perhaps both equally. We conceal
as much as we publish. Where concealment
conduces to safety, expedition, or personal comfort,
we use concealment. Our Government does the
same, in its diplomacy and in its Cabinet consulta-
tions ; and even our courts of justice ix courts-
martial. The legitimate inquiry is in each case,
Will secrecy or publicity best obtain the desired
object? There is nothing essentially moral, or even
honourable, in either—on the contrary, keeping a
secret may be as much a point of honour as pub-
lishing your accounts if you are secretary of
a public company ; and we must think that,
now, the confessions of opponents themselves have
proved that those who want publicity for their
votes could have it under the Ballot, while no one
has proved or can prove that those who find secrecy
advantageous would fail to obtain it. Why then
refuse what will not wrong one set of persons, and
what another set of persons affirm will benefit them
81 largely.
Well, the question is now remitted to the
country. Who wants the Ballot—asks for the
twentieth time our contemporary. Let the country
answer that question. Yes, but it tells those wh)
ask it—you don't want it for yourselves, or for
your acquaintances. We are sorry to say we can
negative that assertion. We have known tenant
farmers who were constrained to vote against their
will. We have known tradesmen who had cus-
tomers on both sides at a contested election, and
who dared not but give a vote for each of the rival
candidates. We have been on election com-
mittees, and have known that numbers would
like to vote for both the Liberal candidates, for they
have told us so, but they dared not do it
for their situation's sake and their families' sake.
Nay, we do not err much in setting down the
whole 100,000 of tenants-at-will who turn the scale
in favour of the Tory county members, as now
voting under pressure. It is, however, just those
who are free to demand the Ballot, because no one
can punish them for doing it, that ought to make the
demand. Because we do not want it, we ask it
for those who do, they being afraid to ask
for themselves. We hope and trust that
the country will give us this election a
majority for the Ballot. FORTY-FIVE MORE
SUPPORTERS OF THE BALLOT would give us an
absolute majority in the House of Commons, and a
large working majority there. Will not the
country respond to this demand, and deliver us
from the necessity of noticing again the dishonest
and shuffling arguments of men who profess concern
for our morals, but who want only the control of
our votes.

Another factious attack has been made against
the Government. We regret to say that Sir BEN-
JAMIN HALL—a gentleman for whom we entertain
sincere respect—should have allowed himself to be
made the instrument on the occasion. The retire.
ment of Captain CARNEGIE from his seat at the
Board of Admiralty furnished a plausible pretext
for the onslaught. Nothing, however, could be
more clear or satisfactory than the explanation
given by Sir JOHN PAKINGTON. It has been the
invariable rule for a series of years that some one
or more of the naval lords should obtain a seat in
the House of Commons, in order to assist the First
Lord in his arduous duties, and to be enabled to
meet the professional objections that might
be put forward respecting matters of detail,
with which civilians could not be conversant. The
same principle has been recognised in every other
department. It is an indispensable condition of
almost every high office—every Cabinet Minister
every Under Secretary, mast obtain a seat in either
House, or resign his place. Even the Lords of the
Treasury are subjected to the same rule, and we
might cite many instances in which it has been
enforced under so-called Liberal Administrations.

The inconvenience has been clearly manifested
daring the present session. Sir CHARLES NAPIER
and Lord C. PAGET have repeatedly made attacks
on the Naval Administration ; and, although they
have been directed more against former Boards
than the present one, it was felt to be essen-
tial that there should be some one competent
to reply to professional criticism. It was under
such circumstances that a seat at the Board was
offered to Captain CARNEGIE, a very distinguished
and gallant officer, but it was on the express un-
derstanding that he would strive to the best of his
ability to obtain a seat in the House of Commons.
He accepted office on that clear and distinct
understanding. There was a perfect compact, such
as every Government has been in the habit of
entering into, and such as has hitherto been in-
variably acted on. If the party selected failed in
his part of the agreement, he resigned his office.
And no question was put to the Minister ! No
difficulty raised ! It was regarded as a mere
matter of course, in which all parties
acquiesced one of the ordinary proceed-
ings which every Government, whether
Whig or Tory, quasi Liberal or Conservative, acted
on, and no interrogatory was ever hitherto exhi-
bited to the Government for the time being on such
a point. It was reserved for Sir BENJAMIN HALL
to break the chain, and to attempt to introduce a
new, and, we must be permitted to say, a most in-

convenient precedent.
Captain CARNEGIE could have no possible cause
of complaint. He had, when the offer of a seat at
the Board was made to him, been informed of the
extreme inconvenience to which the Government
had been exposed, from having no naval lord in the
House, and it was tendered for his acceptance on
the express condition that he should be willing to
enter Parliament whenever he might be required to
do so by the Government for any fairly eligible
seat. He did not accept it without due
time for consideration. He asked for and
received 48 hours' time before he gave an answer,
and then accepted it with the conditions annexed.
Strange to say, when the dissolution was announced
he hesitated in fulfilling his part of the contract.
He was riot willing to come forward, where he
would have, at all events, a fair chance of success.
In place of so doing he tendered his resignation,
which was at once and most properly accepted.
We can only express our astonishment that a gal-
lant sailor, a man of honour and a gentleman, as
Capt. CARNEGIE unquestionably is, should, under
any circumstances, have felt himself justified in
repudiating the binding obligation on which he
had entered. It was sufficient injury to the
Government that he should have held office
for a time, and deprived his successor of the
benefit which he would have obtained in his can-
vass ; but that he should have furnished an oppo-
IA with the materials for an attack on the
Ministry of which he was a subordinate member
-w
as could
not by any possibility have
anticipated.
We fear that the honourable and
gallant cater
will have cause to regret the ques-
tion of his too good-natured friend, Sir BENJAMIN
HALL, and the
very unfortunate precedent thereby
established.
That Mr. B. OSBORNE should feel peculiarly
sensitive on the subject is by no means surprising.
His seat—which he obtained as Secretary of the
Admiralty, and in consequence of his connection

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THE SUN.
InDNESDAY, APRIL 13, 1859.