The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-17 00:00:00

" No. 526.

"THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO EARL COWLEY.
"Foreign-office, May 4, 1859.
" My Lord,—Although it is fair to suppose that
the belligerent Powers would not, under any cir-
cumstances, violate the neutrality of the territory
of the Swiss Confederation, yet it would doubtless
relieve the public mind in Switzerland, on whose
confines hostilities will be carried on, if it were
publicly announced by each of them, that the
neutralty of the Swiss Cantons would be strictly
observed during the war, and that orders to that
effect had been sent to the Generals in command.
" I have accordingly to instruct your Excellency,
and I have sent similarinstructions to her Majesty's
representatives at Vienna and at Turin, to call the
attention of the French Government to this matter,
and to suggest the propriety of such a declaration
being made, and such orders given, on the part of
the French Government.
" I am, &c., MALMESBURY."
- The Earl of Malmesbury made the following
suggestion to the Government of Austria :
" No. 529.
" THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO LORD A.
LOFTUS.
" Foreign-office, May 4, 1859.
" Sir,—Although the exertions of her Majesty's
Government may have , proved unavailing to pre-
vent war they think that the Austrian Government
will not ialte it ill of them if they endeavour in
some respects to mitigate its calamities,
I have, therefore, to instruct your lordship to
suggest to Count Buol, for the consideration of the
Tinnerial Government, whether a mutual under-
---'standhig, similar to that come to by the British and
French Governments at the commencement of the
war with Russia, might not be entered into between
France and Austria, for assigning to the merchant
vessels of each Power a specific time to load in and
clear out from the ports of the other ; for admitting
into the ports of either of the respective countries
the merchant vessels of the other which have sailed
from foreign ports previously to the commence-
ment of war; and for permitting the subjects of
either to reside unmolested in the dominions of the
other, so long as they maintain a demeanour and
conduct consistent with their peculiar position in
the country of an enemy.
"As your Lordship may not have at hand the
British Orders in Council on the first two points to
which.l have adverted. and which were adopted in
terms by the French Government, I enclose copies
thereof for your information.—l am, &c.,
" MALMESBURY."
The following emphatic repetition of the desire of
the Government to maintain an observant neutra-

lity occurs in a despatch addressed from the Foreign
office on the same day (4th May) to our represen

tative at the Court of Berlin :

" As far as England is concerned there are no im-
mediate interests which necessitate any direct ac-
tion on her part, and her Majesty's Government
feel it to be their duty to maintain a strict neutra-
lity between the belligerents. This is also the feel-
ing of the people of England, and it is obvious that
any other course at present would tend to complica-
tions which can scarcely yet be foreseen.
" Her Majesty's Government, therefore, deprecate
any actwhich would unnecessarily extend the theatre
of war, and they will be prepared to take advan-
tage of any favourable opportunity that may, be
afforded to them of being the medium of restoring
peace."
This declaration is once more repeated in a "cir-
cular" to our Ministers abroad, issued from Down-
ing-street on the 4th of May. After giving a
resume of the negotiations to preserve peace, the
Earl of Malmesbury thus concludes :

" Her Majesty's Government have only to lament
the little success which has attended all their efforts,
jointly with other Powers or singly, to avert the
interruption of the general peace. In the present
position of the contending parties it would obvi-
ously be to no purpose to attempt to restrain them
from engaging in a deadly struggle. Her Majesty's
Government• will, however, watch the progress of
the war. with the most anxious attention, and will

be ready to avail themselves of any opportunity
that may arise for the exercise of their good offices
in the cause of peace. It is their earnest desire
and firm intention to observe the most scrupulous
neutrality between the contending parties."
The following concluding despatches of the blue-
book (written after the " Rubicon" had been crossed)
contain the declaration of the Government of the
Tuileries on the commencement of the war, and
give a lucid exposition of the general views and
sentiments entertained by the Government; the
latter will more than repay perusal :

" No. 534.
" COUNT WALEWSKI TO M. DE BANNEVILLE.

" (Communicated to the Earl ofMalmesbury by the
Duke of Malakhoff, May 5.)
(Translation.)
" Paris, April 29, 1859.
" Sir,—At the moment that I have the honour of
writing this despatch to you, I can hardly doubt
that the Ticino has been crossed by the Austrian
army. I have already informed you, by my tele-
graphic message of the 26th of April, the meaning
which the Government of the Emperor would see
itself obliged to ascribe to such a demonstration.
" If the precipitation of events renders, unfortu•
nately, discussion superfluous, it is my duty to
recall, in few words, a general summary of the
events which show, at the same time, the imperious
necessity of our conduct, and the perseverance of
our efforts, in order to arrive at a different result.
t" The Government of the Emperor assuredly has
not to justify the solicitude with which the state
of things in Italy inspired it. The crisis which has
now come in the centre of the peninsula gives but
too much cause for our foresight; and it has, in
fact, sufficed to us to make known our apprehensions
in order that the great Powers of Europe might
partake in them to the same degree as ourselves.
This simultaneous agreement of the Cabinets, in face
of a danger which they all had for some years
secretly foreseen, proves how ripe the question
seemed to them. We have the proud conviction
that
the Congress assembled under the conditions
which the Cabinet of St. Petersburg had proposed
for its convocation, and confining itself to the plan
traced out for its deliberations by the Government
of her Britannic Majesty, would have fully resolved
the difficulties which prudence no longer permitted
to be left unheeded.
" Who could now doubt that the rock on which
the work of conciliation split was the pretension
put forward by the Court of Vienna on the subject
of a disarmament of which it would probably have
been more just and more true to say that Court had
to give the example ?
" Had not Sardinia, in fact, accepted, without any
afterthought, the situation which would result for
her from the _terms of the Russian proposition, and
if military preparations had already been effected
upon her territory, besides that the disproportion of
forces made all aggression on her part inadmissible,
did not the most obvious reasons impose upon her
the duty of waiting quietly for the decision of the
great Powers ? No guarantee, in a word, was more
real or more complete for Austria than the imme-
diate assembly of the Congress; and if the first con-
dition, of which she demanded the fulfilment before
answering the appeal of the allies, a condition consi-
dered inacceptable by all the world, gave rise subse-
quently to combinations which she was the first to re-
j ect,it is permitted to me to state that at the beginning,
as well as at the end, the obstacle to the harmony
which was the wish of the other Courts was only
encountered at Vienna.
" The situation, sir, acquired, no doubt, through
so many delays, an importance which became more
and more serious, but the bond (faisceau) of good
intentions which had been formed and maintained
itself to the end between the Cabinets of Paris,
Berlin, London, and St. Petersburg, opposed, so to
say,. its resistance to the perils of this situation.
Nothing was irremediably compromised, when
Austria, not satisfied with refusing its consent to
thelastpropri_tions of England, took the step of
addressingwhici t Turin a summons, at brief notice,
must perforce have altered our attitude.
The Government of the Emperor could only
see in the general position of the affairs of Italy a
great Europeandemanded the e question, the settlement of which
affairs, nevertheless,
of all its allies. Those
only, with interests; were bound up, on one side
particular mich concerned it in a more
personal and manner. Austria herself, in
hostilities promising not to bein against Piedmont,
recognised by implication the existence of a limit
which the most lively desire for a
P
could not allow us to let her go beyond,
solution
" The Government of the Emperor had besides
announced that if it did not sustain Sardinia in an
aggressive attempt, it would give her its support
for defensive measures. This engagement
entailed
an obligation from which the Couxt of Vienna only
could exempt us.
" Informed of the menace which weighed upon
Piedmont at such brief notice, we, were obliged
so short a space to put ourselves in a position to
mitigate its consequences ; and 14 ,on the demand of

his Majesty the Sing of Sardinia, the advanced i
guard of the French army entered his territory.
Sympathies which we do not hesitate to proclaim
would have with difficulty permitted us to remain
indifferent to the trials of a country in close rela-
tions with France, but more positive reasons in- ,
fluenced our conduct when that country was our
near neighbour, marched with one of our frontiers,
and formed the last obstacle to the extension of an
influence which England, Prussia, and Russia, like
us, looked upon as being already of a nature either
to compromise the equilibrium of Europe, or to
keep up in that part of Italy of which it had been
intended to constitute independent and sovereign
States a perpetual cause of agitation and confusion.
" In coming, sir, to a resolution, of
thewhch I have
explained the purely defensive ch i
aracte,
vernment of the Emperor made it a point not to
allow the. Court of Vienna to remain in ignorance
that its ultimatum, and the eventualities which it
so clearly exposed, laid down, besides the general
question, until then treated of in :common by the
Cabinets of Paris, Berlin, London, and St. Peters-
burg, a purely French question. It was a last
attempt to prevent, while it was still time, Austria
and France from meeting elsewhere than on the
ground of an European discussion. The sentiments
which have not ceased to animate the Government
of the Emperor, I fear not in this solemn moment
myself to guarantee, did not lead it to the extre-
mities to which another will has fatally conducted
it. It is the passage of the Ticino which obliges us
to cross the Alps, while declining before Europe
the responsibility of the events: You ought, then,
sir, as soon as you have no longer doubt as to the
movement of the Austrian troops, to go to M. le
Comte de Buol, and, after having read this despatch
to him, of which you will leave him a copy, you
will ask him for your passports.—Receive &c.
" A. WALEWSKI."

" No. 535.

" THE EARL OF MALMESBURY TO EARL COWLEY
" Foreign-office, May 5.
"My Lord,—l have already transmitted to your
Excellency a copy of Count Walewski's despatchof
the 25th ult., which was communicated to me by
the Due de alakoff on the following day.
" In this despatch, Count Walewski claims for
France the same credit that he allows to England
for the endeavours in which both have concurred
for the maintenance of peace ; and he counts, there-
fore, on a continuance of a good understanding with
this country, whatever may happen. His Excel-
lency then refers to the motives which must induce
France to assist Sardinia; to the constant endea-
vours of Austria to acquire for herself a preponde-
rating influence in Italy, to which she has no claim ;
to the meritorious conduct of Sardinia in resisting
these endeavours ; and to the mischief which would
ensue if Sardinia were overcome. He alludes to the
claims which Sardinia has on the sympathy of Eng-
land and Prance, in consequence, of the political
system which she upholds, and on the goodwill of
those Powers for her zealous co-operation in the
late war against Russia ; and on all these grounds
he appeals to her Majesty's Government whether
England and France should not seek to come to an
understanding between themselves, and he declares
that the Government of the Emperor, disclaiming
all ambitious views, and having nothing to conceal,
is prepared to concert withthe British Government
for the attainment of an object which he assumes to
be common to both Governments.
"I have to instruct your Excellency to state to
Count Walewski that her Majesty's Government
have received the ccmmunication of this despatch in
the same spirit of friendship as that by which they
are convinced it was dictated.
" You may assure his Excellency of the great
value which her Majesty's Government place on the
alliance which has so long subsisted between this
country and France, and which it is their earnest
desire may long continue to prevail. It has existed
throughout the calm of peace and the vicissitudes
of war, to the mutual benefit of both countries, and
her Majesty's Government, believing that the events
now passing in Italy, and the interruption of peace
will act injuriously upon the material interests of
their ally, as well as upon the common cause of
civilisation, have, on these grounds, laboured ear-
nestly to induce all parties to maintain it.
" Her Majesty's Government believe that it was
never intended by Europe, when recognising the
Lombardo-Venetian Kingdom as a portion of the do-
minions of the House of Austria, that Austria should
as a consequence of that recognition, be at liberty
to extend her moral and material sway over all
portions of the Peninsula. It never was intended
that Austria should constantly and systematically
interfere beyond her frontier ; that she should
at will influence the internal administration,
and occupy by her armies the territories of other
Italian States, whose independence was recognised
by the same treaties. It never was intended that
the progress of freedom and of swift] improvement
in the Italian States should be left to the control
of Austria.
" But if her Majesty's Government do not shut
their eyes to the defects of the system upon which
Austria has acted in Italy, and which could hardly
fail, sooner or later, to entail upon Austria a fear-
ful unpopularity, and upon Italy the concomitant
miseries of a social or of a foreign war, neither can'
they hold Sardinia blameless for the course she has
pursued in these latter times, and which has now
produced its certain and lamentable results.
" Her Majesty's Government have hitherto always
looked with satisfaction on the progress which Sar-
dinia was making, as affording a bright example,
to be imitated hereafter by other Italian States, of
the benefits, which result to the Sovereign and to
the subjects from the adoption of a wise and liberal
system of administration.
" If Sardinia could have contented herself with
the improvement of her own material prosperity,
by developing the natural advantages of her posi-
tion, and with the liberal system of administration
which she so wisely adopted, and which she has so
consistently maintained, she would have been a
landmark to the rest of Italy, and respected by the
whole world, and would by her moral force have
been unassailable. Under those circumstances, and
with such a policy, her Majesty's Government have
no reason to believe that she would have been mo-
lested by her powerful neighbour.
"It was in an evil hour for herself, and for
Europe, that Sardinia lent herself to dreams of
ambition and aggrandizement, and forgetful of the
little sympathy-shown in 1848 by the Milanese for
her cause, and their ingratitude for her gallant
actions, she has provoked the war in which she is
now engaged.
"By violating her treaties of extradition with
Austria ; by fostering deserters from her army ; by
rallying in Piedmont the disaffected spirits of Italy ;
by menacing speeches against the Austrian Go-
vernment, and by ostentatious declarations that she
was ready to do battle as the champion of Italy,
against the power and influence of Austria, Sardinia
invoked the storm, and is deeply responsible to the
nations of Europe. Her Majesty's Government
saw this dangerous policy with apprehensions which
have now been realised, and they cannot forbear
from remarking that the first and immediate effect
of the war which it has caused has been the suspen-
sion of constitutional government in Sardinia itself.
" It was with these forebodings that on the 10th
of January last her Majesty's Government directed
your Excellency to explain clearly and frankly to
the Imperial Government the anxiety which they
felt at the unsatisfactory. state of the relations be-
tween France and Austria, and to point out the
mischief which must ensue if a better understanding
could not be established between them. They of-
fered the co-operation of this country, as far as it
could be afforded with advantage, for bringing
about an improvement in the social condition of
esgi
rneete
trhe
arteghraestbeoefnhm.ercrNelaasjeedstbyy's
sGuizfro-
v Italy.ern m e
nTt
_o the
a r
sequent events—Count Walewski informed your
Excellency, on the 14th of January last, that he
a le ri
en
smt
ye 1 is t
.1,
did not think the moment a favourable one for
executing their purpose.
I ionni e ttehre
atlv2itehnnoaf
,
to make a similar
d
communication to the Austrian
"HeriNf.raejcetsetyd'sherGoANi
Government, and they appealed to
the Courts of
St. Petersburg and Berlin to aid them in their en-
deavours to promote a good understanding between
• that she could not give
France and Austria, to which Prussia at once ac-
ceded ; Russia replying . any
advice that was not solicited by the parties at
variance,
then sp
uage, to convince
ared no
pains, by the most impressive lang
i, Her Majesty's Government
the Sardinian Government of the
danger which it
• and inflam-
incurred by.arousing the expectations
ing the passions.of the Italian people, and thereby
on the
provoking a war of opinion, the consequences of
which could hardly fail to act injuriously „
political interests and constitutional principles of
the house of Savoy.
"Her -Majesty's Government could give no better
proof of their earnestness in the maintenance of
peace, and of their confidence in the Emperor of the
French, than by directing your Excellency, towards
the end of February (having first obtained the con-
currence of his Imperial Majesty, and a full know-
ledge of his wishes and objects), to proceed to
Vienna to endeavour to ascertain whether a common
understanding on the affairs of Italy might not be
established between the two Courts.
" The position was peculiar and hardly admitted
an official interference, or an official offer of media-
tion, for there was no substantive controversy be-
tween the Governments of Austria and France, and
no positive case upon which to mediate between
them. For some time the relations between those
two States had been daily becoming less friendly,
and all that appeared feasible to her Majesty's
,Golernanent at the moment was to sound the Lurk-