The Sun.
London, England, 1861-12-05 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, TRURSDAY EVENNG, DEC DIRER 5, 1861.

t was felt by everybody desirable that they should en-
courage manufacturers in their own coentry ; and see-
ing that England at the precise moment was passing a
law to prevent any wheat coming from America until wheat
in England had risen to the price o 84s. per quarter, we
may be quite satisfied that the doctrine of protection origi-
nally entertained did not find less favour at the close of the
war in 1815. (Hear.) There is one remarkable point with
regard to thismatter which should not be forgotten. Twelve-
months ago, at the meeting of the Congress of the United
States, on the first Monday in Deceraber—when the Con-
gress met you will recollect there were various propositions
of compromise—committee meetings of various kinds to try
and devise some mode of settling the question between the
North and South, so that disunion might not go on. Though
I read carefully everything published in the English papers
from the United States on the subject I do not recollect that
in a single instance the question of the tariff was referred
to, or any change proposed or suggosted in the matter as
likely to have any effect whatever upon the question of
secession, There is another point, 'chat whatever might be
the influence of the tariff upon the, United States, it is as
pernicious to the West as it is to the South; and further,
that Louisiana, which is a Southern State and a seceded
State, has always voted along with Pennsylvania until last
year in favour of protection—protection for its sugar, while
Pennsylvania wished protection for coal andiron. But if the
tariff was onerous and grievous, was that any reason for this
great insurrection ? Was there ever a country that had a
tariff especially in the article of food more onerous and more
cruel than that which we had in this country 20 years ago ?
(Cheers.) We did not secede. We did not rebel. What we
did was to raise money for the purpose of distributing
among all the people perfect information upon the question ;
and many men, as you know, devoted all their labours, for
several years, to teach the great and wise doctrine of free
trade to the people of England. (Cheers.) Why the price of
a single gunboat, the equipment of a single regiment, the
garrisoning of a single fort, the ce-sation of their trade for
a single day, cost more than it would have cost to have
spread all over the intelligent people of the United States
the most complete statement of the whole case ; and the
West and South could easily have revised, or if need had been
have repealed the tariff altogether. (Cheers.) The question
is a very different and a far more grave question. It is a
question of slavery—(cheers)—and for 30 years it has con-
stantly been coming to the surface, disturbing social life,
and overthrowing almost all political harmony in the work-
ing of the United States. (Cheers.) In the North there is
no secession; there is no collision. These disturbances and
this insurrection are found wholly in the South and in the
slave states ; and, therefore, I think that the man who says
otherwise, who contends that it is the tariff or anything
whatsoever else than slavery, is either himself deceived or
endeavours to deceive others. (Cheers.) The object of the
South is this—to escape from the majority who wish to
limit the area of slavery. (Hear, hear.) They wish to found a
slave state freed from the influence and the opinions of free-
dom. The free states in tho North now stand before the
world the advocates and defenders of freedom and civilisa-
tion. The slave states offer themselves for the recognition
of a Christian nation, based upon the foundation—the un-
changeable foundation in their eyes—of slavery and barber •
ism. (Cheers.) I will not discuss the guilt of the men
who, ministers of a great nation only last year, conspired
to overthrow it. I will not point out by name any of the
men, in this conspiracy, whom history will designate by
names they would not like to hear; but I say that slavery
has sought to break up the most free Government in the
world, and to found a new state in the 19th century, whose
scorner-stone is the perpetual bondage of millions of men.
(Loud applause.) Well now, having thus described what
appears to me briefly the literal truth of this matter, what
is the course that England would be expected to pursue ?
We should be neutral so far as regards mingling in the
strife. (Cheers.) Wo were neutral in the strife in Italy;
but we were not neutral in opinion or sympathy; and we
know perfectly well that throughout the whole of Italy at this
moment there is a feeling that though no shot was fired from
anEnglish ship, and though no English soldier trod their soil;
Yet still the opinion of England was potent in Europe and
did much for the creation of the Italian kingdom. (Cheers.)
Well, with regard to the United States, you know how
touch we hate slavery—that is, a while ago, we thought
we knew; that we have given twenty-six millions sterling,
n million a year, or nearly so, of taxes for ever, to free
800,000 slaves in the English colonies. We knew, or
thought we knew, how much we were in love with free
government everywhere, although it might not take pre-
cisely the same form as our Government. We were for free
government in Italy ; we were for free government ' in
Switzerland ; and we were for free government, even under
a Republican form, in the United States of America; and
With all this, every man would have said that England
Would wish the American Union to be prosperous and
eternal. Now, suppose we turn our eyes to the east—to
the empire of Russia, for a moment. In Russia, as you
all know, there has been one of the most important and
magnificent changes of policy ever seen in any country.
Within the last year or two the present Emperor of Russia,
following the wishes of his father, has insisted upon the
abolition of serfdom in that empire; and twenty-three
Millions of human beings, lately serfs, little better than
real slaves, have been in a path of elevation to the rank
Of freedom. (Cheers.) Now, supposing that the
Millions of the serfs of Rnssia had been chiefly
in the South of Russia. We hear of the nobles of Russia,
to whom these serfs belonged in a great measure, that
they have been hostile to this change; and there has been
Some danger that the peace of that empire might be dis-
turbed during the change. Suppose these nobles, for the
Purpose of maintaining in perpetuity the serfdom of Rus-
sia, and barring out 23 millions of your fellow-creatures
from the rights of freedom, that they had established a
great and secret conspiracy, and that they had risen in
great and dangerous insurrection against the Russian Go-
reernraent —I say that you, the people of Eng and, although
seven years ago, although they were in mortal combat with
the Russians in the South of Europe—l believe at this
moment they would have prayed Heaven in all sincerity
and fervour to give strength to the arm and success to the
great wishes of the Emperor, and that the vile and perni-
cious insurrection might be suppressed. (Cheers.) Well,
but let us look a little at what has been said and done in
this country since the period when Parliament rose at the
beginning of August. There had been two speeches to
Which I wish to refer, and in terms of approbation. The
Duke of Argyll, a member of the present Govern-
silent, and though 1 have not the smallest persona'.
acquaintance with lean, I am free to say that I believe him
ene of the most intelligent and liberal of his order—
;Lip mike of Argyll made a speech which was fair and
'er:endly to the Government of the United States. Lord
y only a fortnight ago, I think, made a speech
Which it is impossible to read without remarking the
thought,
:; the liberality, and the wisdom by which it is d is-
"sgalished. He doubted, it is true, whether the Union
could be restored—a man need not be hostile, and must not
reessarily be friendly, to doubt that, or the contrary—but
e Spoke with fairness and friendliness of the Government
of the United States ; and ho said that they were right and
ratifiable in the course they took, and he gave a piece of
advice, which was now more important than at that moment,
til'earat,te amid
very
idthe various incidents and accidents of a struggle
ea this nature, it became a people like this to be very mo-
calm, and to avoid getting into any feelings of
irritation which sometimes arises, and sometimes leads to
,anger. (Hear, hear.) I mention these two speeches as
`tera Englishmen of great distinction in this country-
-B„peeehes which I believe would have a beneficial effect on
:se other side of he Atlantic. (Cheers.) Lord J. Russell,
the House of Commons, during the last session, made a
speech too in which he rebuked the impertinence of a young
inlet:fiber of the house who had spoken about the bnrsting of
"bubble Republic." It was a speech worthy of the
peg
days of Lord J. Russell. (Cheers.) But at a later
I),etiod he spoke at Newcastle on an occasion something like
tuts, when the inhabitants or
toosme portion of the inhabi-
ants, of the town invited him a public dinner. He de-
scribed the contest in words like this—l speak from memory
()tin(lY—The North is contending for empire ; the South for
Lendence. Did he mean contending for empire as Eng-
aneaPwhen making some fresh conquest in India. If he
"neat that what he said was not true. (Cheers.) But I
s_enehllect Lord John. Russell, some years ago, in the House
Commons, on an occasion when I made some observa-
'lop as to the unreasonable expenditure of our colonies, and
!aid that the people of England should not be taxed to de-
fray expenses which the colonies themselves were well able
re bear,—he turned to me with a sharpness which was not
necessary, and said, "The honourable member has no objec-
tion to make a great empire into a small ono; but I have."
(Cheers.) Perhaps if he had lived in the United States—
if ke was a member of the Senate or the House of Represen-
tu'ives there, he would doubt whether it was his duty to
consent at once to the destruction of a great country by
separation it may be into two hostilecamps, or whether he
Would not try all the means which were open to him, and
Would be open to the Government, to avert so unlooked for
and so dire a calamity. ( heers.) There are other speeches
Which have been made. I will not refer to them by any
!Notation . I will not out of pity to some of the men who
ilat_tt)red them. (
ve them an Laughter.) I will not brine. theirnames
th even
not have.
you to gi endurance which I hope hey will
have. I leave them in the obscurity which they so richly
merit. But you know as welt as I do that ofall the speeches
made shiee the end of the last session of Parliament by public
`e'ten, by politicians—that the majority of them have either
"11,18 Played a strang3 ignorance of American affairs or a
Strangerir absence of that cordiality and friendship which, I
tt;ntain, our American kinsmen have a right to look for
Z' our hands. And if we part from the speakers, and turn
the writers, what do we find there ? We find that which
Zla r.e,lrated abroad, and has hitherto been believed in at home,
'um most powerful representative of English opinion—at
paper
of the richer classes—we find in that particular news-
viper there has not been since Mr. Lincoln took office in
honourable
last as President of the United States, one fair and
columns
and friendly article on American affairs in the
'trams of that paper. (Cheers.) Some of you I dare
saY read it ; but, fortunately, now every district is so admi-
rably supplied with local newspapers, that I trust in all
time to come, the people of England will drink of purer
'LL/,'eanas nearer home—(cheers)—and not of those streams
41131 h are mudded by party feeling and political intrigue,
by many motives that tend to anything rather than the
iseeightenneent and advantage of the people. (Cheers.) It
tte.:iiiltl—that very paper has said over and over again—
y. this war Why not separate peeceably ? Why this
fratricidal
strife ?" I hope it is equally averse to
that God
strife in other districts ; for if it be true
tit t God made of one blood all the families of man
419 dwell on the face of all the earth, it
must be fratricidal strife whether we are slaughtering Rus-
sians in the Crimea or bombarding towns on the seacoast of
that'United States. (Cheers.) Now, no one will expect
I should stand forward as the advocate of war, or as
vie, defender of that great sum of all crimes which' is in-
ved in war. But when we are discussing a question of
ee.s nature. it is only fair that we should discuss it upon
Vneiples which are acknowledged, not only in the country
aetere the strife is being carried on, but are universally
eie'llewledged in this country. When I discussed the Rus-
,,,:n 'War seven or eight years ago, I always disavowed it
palelineiples which were avowed by the Government and
eople of England, and I took my facts from the blue-books
Thuiesented to Parliament. (Cheers.) I take the liberty,
e of doing that in this case ; and I say that. looking at
therePtinciples avewed in England, and at anon-red its olicy,
a is no man who is not absolutely a istant
theev,eq sense who can fairly challenge the conduct of
it
_American Government in this war. (Loud cheers )
eoireald be a curious thing to find that the party in this
veariltrY which on every public question is in favcur of
the Gat‘,..l_iny cost, when they come to speak of the duty of
e "regiment of the United St ites. is in favour of
eeaee
teht at any price." (Laughter.) 'I want to know
ner lee has ever been admitte I by politicians, or states-
ally 'vet' Pple, that a great nation can be broken up at
h by the will of any particular section of that nation.
been tried occasionally in Ireland, and if it had sue.
Calls
eedee,
• Rut if anybody tried now to get pp a. secession
.or
basnrre •
tarbi etion in Ireland—and it would be infinitely less ells-
Straeng to everything than the secession in the United
puce %because there is a boundary which nobody can die •
res jamquite sure the Times would have its special cor •
taioZ,uent, aril would describe with all tho glee and exul-
tien;:tem tho world the manner in which the Irish in surrec-
armV were Cut down and made an end of. (Cheer'.) Let
yol7l think
in this country to restore the heptarc.hy, do
thing could
that any portion of the people would think the
6 uvuld be tolerated for a moment ? But if you would

look at a map of the United States, you would see there is
no counti y in the world probably, at this meinsnt, where
any plan of separation between t he North and South, as
far as the question of boundary is concerned, is so sur-
rounded with insurmountable difficulties. For example,
Maryland is a slave state ; but Maryland, by a huge ma-
jority, voted for the union. Kentucky is a slave state,
one of the finest in the union, and containing a fine
people —Kentucky has voted for the union, but has been
invaded from the South. Missouri is a slave state ; but
Missouri has not seceded, and has been invaded by the
South. There are parties in Virginia, a new state, resolved
to adhere to the North, and there is no doubt a considera-
ble northern and union feeling in the state of Tennessee. I
have no doubt there is in every other state. In fact, I am
not sure that there is not now within sound of my voice a
citizen of the state of Alabama, who would tell you that
there the question of secession has never been put to the
vote ; and that there are great numbers of men, reasonable,
and thoughtful, and just men, in that state, who entirely
deplore the condition of things there existing. Then, what
would you do with all these states, and with what we may
call the loyal portion of the people of those states ? Would
you'allow them to be dragooned into this insurrection, and
into the formation, or the becoming parts of a new state to
which they themselves are hostile ? And what would you
do with the city of Washington ? Washington is in a slave
state. Would anybody have advised that President Lin-
coln and his cabinet, with all the members of Congress, of
the House of Representatives and the Senate, from the
North, with their wives and children, and everybody else
who was not positively in favour of the South, should have
set off on their melancholy pilgrimage northwards,
leaving that capital, hallowed to them by such
associations, having its name even from the father of
their country, and should travel north, leaving Wash-
ington to the South, because Washington is situated in a
slave state ? Again, what do you say to the Mississippi
river, as you see it upon the map, the "father of waters,"
rolling that gigantic stream to the ocean ? Do you think
that the fifty millions which one day will occupy the banks
of that river northward, will ever consent that that great
stream should roll through a foreign and, it may be, a hos-
tile State ? And more, there are 4,000,000 of negroes in
subjection. For them the American union is directly re-
sponsible. They are not secessionists; they are now, as
they always were, not citizens nor subjects, but legally
under the care and power of the Government f the United
States, Would you consent that these should be delivered '1
up to the tender mercies of their taskmasters, the defenders
of slavery as an everlasting institution. (Cheers.) Well,
if all had been surrendered without a struggle, what then ?
What would the writers in this newspaper, and other news-
papers, have said ? If a bare rock in your empire, that
would not keep a goat, a single goat alive, be touched by
any foreign power, why, the whole empire is roused to re-
sistance ; and if there be, from accident or from passion, the
smallest insult to your flag, what do your newspaper wri-
ters say upon that subject, end what is said in all your
towns and upon all your exchanges ? I will tell you what
they would have if the Government of the Northern
States had taken their insidious and dishonest advice. They
would have said the great republic is a failure, and demo-
cracy has murdered patriotism, that history affords no ex-
ample of such meanness, and of such cowardice, and would
have heaped unmeasured obloquy and contempt upon the
people and government who had taken that course. (Loud
cheering.) Well, they tell you, these candid friends of the
United States, they tell you that all freedom is gone ; that
the Habeas Corpus Act, if they ever had one, is known no
longer, and that any man may be arrested at the dictum of
,the President or of the Secretary of State. Well, but in
1838, you recollect many of y u, that there was a small
insurrection in Ireland. It was an absurd thing altoge-
ther; but what was done then ? I saw, in one night in
the House of Commons, a bill for the suspension of the
Habeas Corpus Act passed through all its stages. What
more did I see ? I saw a bill brought in by the Whig
government of that day, Lord John Russell being the
premier, which made speaking against the Government
and against the Crown, which up to that time had been
sedition, which proposed to make it felony, ani it was only
by the greatest exertions of a few of the members that the
act, in that particular, was limited to a period of two years.
In the same session a bill was brought in called an Alien
Bill, which enabled the Home Secretary to take any
foreigner whatsoever, not being a naturalised Englishman,
and in 24 hours to send him out of the country. Although
a man might have committed no crime, this might be done
to him, apparently on suspicion. But suppose that an in-
surgent army had been so near to London that you could
see its outposts from every suburb of London—what then
do you think woul I have been the regard of the Govern-
ment of Great Britain for personal liberty, if it interfered
with the necessity, and, as they might think, with the
salvation, of the State? I recollect in 1848, when the
Habeas Corpus Act was suspended, that a number of per-
sons in Liverpool, men there of position and of wealth, pre-
sented a petition to the House of Commons, praying—
what? That the Habeas Corpus Act should not be sus-
pended ? No. They were not cm, tent with its suspension in Ire-
lane ; but they prayed the House of Commons to extend
that suspension to Liverpool. (Laughter.) I recollect
that at that time—and I am sure my friend Mr. Wilson
will bear me out in what I say, that the Mayor of Liver-
pool communicated with the Mayor of Manchester, and
that messages were sent on to London nearly every hour.
The Mayor of Manchester heard from the Mayor of Liver-
pool that certain Irishmen in Liverpool, conspirators, or
fellow-conspirators with those in Ireland, were going to
burn the cotton warehouses of Liverpool and the cotton
mills of Lancashire. (Laughter.) And I read that peti-
tion. I took it from the table of the House of Commons,
and read it, and I handed it over to a statesman of great
eminence, who has been but just removed from us—a
man not second to any in the House of Commons for his
knowledge of affairs and for his great capacity—l refer to
Sir James Graham—(hear, hear)—l handed to him this
petition. He read it ; and after he had read it, he rose
from his seat, and laid it upon the table with this gesture
of abhorrence and disgust. (Loud cheers.) Now that
was a petition from the town of Liverpool, in which some
persons have been making themselves very ridiculous of
late by reason of their conduct. (Hear.) There is one more
poirt. It has been said, "How much better it would be"
—not for the United States, but—" for us, that these states
should be divided." I rec llect meeting a gentleman in
Bond-street one day before the session was over—he was a
rich man, and one whose voice is very much heard in the
House of Commons; but his voice is not heard there when
he is on his legs, but when he is cheering other speakers
—(laughter)—and he said to me, " After all, this is a sad
business about the United States; but still I think it is
very much better that they should be split up. In 20
years," or in 60 years, I forget which it was, "they will
be so powerful that they will bully all Europe." And a
distinguished member of the House of Commons—dis-
tinguished there by his eloquence, distinguished more
by his many writings—l mean Sir Edward Bulwer
Lytton—he did not exactly express a hope, but he
ventured on something like a prediction, that the time
would come when there would be, I don't know how
many, but as many republican states in America as you
can count upon your fingers. There cannnot be a meaner
motive than this that I am speaking of in forming a judg-
ment on this question—thaz it is "better for us." For
whom ? The people of England, or the Government of
England ?—that the United States should be severed, and
that that continent should be as the continent of Europe is,
in many states, and subject to all the contentions and disas-
ters which have accompanied the history of the States of
Europe. (Applause.) I should say that if a man had a great
heart within him, he would rather look forward to the day
when, from that point of land which is habitable nearest to
the Pole, to the shores of the great Gulf, the whole of that
vast continent might become one great confederation of
states—that that great army, and that great navy, not mix-
ing itself up with entanglements of European politics—with-
out a Custom-house inside, through the whole length and
breadth of its territory—and with freedom everywhere,
equality everywhere, law everywhere, peace everywhere—
would afford at least some hope that man is not forsaken of
Heaven, andt hat the future of our race might be batter than
the past. (Cheers.) It is a common observation that our
friends in America are very irritable. Well, I think it is
very likely, of a considerable number of them, to be quite
true. Our friends, then, in America are involved in a great
struggle. There is nothing like it before in their history.
No country in the world was ever more entitled, in my opi-
nion, to the sympathy and the forbearance of all friendly
nations, than are the United States at this moment. (Hear,
hear.) They have their newspapers that are no wiser than
ours. (Laughter.) They have there some papers, or one
at least, which up to the election of Mr. Lincoln, were his
bitterest and unrelenting foes, who when the war broke
out, and it was not safe to take the line of Southern sup-
port, were obliged to turn round and to support the preva-
lent opinion of the country. But they undertook to serve
the South in another way, and that was by exaggerating
every difficulty and mis-stating every fact, if so doing could
serve their object of creating distrust between the people of
the Northern States and the people of this United King-
dom. (Hear, hear.) If the Times, in this country, has
done all that it could to poison the minds of the people of
England, and to irritate the Minds of the people of Ame-
rica, the New York. Herald, I am sorry to say, has done, I
think, all that it could, or that it dared, to provoke mischief
between the Government in Washington and the Govern-
ment in London. Now there is one thing which I must
state, that I think they have a solid reason to complain of;
and I am very sorry to have to mention it, because it
blames our present Foreiem. Minister, against whom I am
not anxious to say a word, and, recollecting his speech in
the House of Commons, I should be slow to conclude that
he had any feeling hostile to the United States Govern-
ment. You recollect that during the session—lt was on
the 14th of May—a proclamation came out which ac
knowledged the South as a belligerent power, and pro-
claimed the neutrality of England. A little time before
that, I forget how many days, Mr. Dallas, •the late
Minister from the United Slates, had left London for Liver-
pool and America. He did not wish to undertake any
affairs for this Government, by which he was not appointed
I mean that of President Lincoln—and he left what had
to be done to his successor, who was on his way, and whose
arrival was daily expected. Mr. Adams, the present Mini-
ster from the United States, is a man who, if he lived in
England, you would say was one of the noblest families of
the country. I think his father and grandfather were Pre-
sidents of the United States. His grandfather was one of
the great men who achieved the independence of the United
States. There is no family in that country having more
claims upon what I should call the veneration and the affec-
tion of the people than the family of Mr. Adams. Mr.
tAhdeamnigshctamofethtoe
It3htihs
Mc oauyny
.tro. Itihe e arrivedl4th
ht hat in Lon n on
proclamation
was issued. It was known that he was coming; but he
was not consulted; the proclamation was not delayed for a
day,n otiflael
dt haobuoguht theit.e rlnf o nothing purnei scsaet di
0,
na nd s
ol e maf
ri
ehntdhv l
ya
nature
had taken place with him and with the American Govern-
ment, they could have found no fault with this step, because
it was almost inevitable, before the struggle had proceeded
far, that this proclamation would be issued. But I have
the best reasons for knowing that there is no single
thing that has happened during the course of these
events, which has crest el more surprise, more irritation,
and more distrustin the United States, with respect to this
country, than the fact that that proclamation was not de-
layed one single day, until the Minister from America could
come here, and until it could be done with his consent, or at
least his concurrence, and in that friendly manner that
would have avoided all the unpleasantness which has occur-
red. (Hear.) Now, I am ( bliged to say—and I say it with
the utmost pain—that without this country doing things that
were hostile to the North, and without expressing affection
for slavery, and outwardly and openly hatred for the Union
—I s .y that there has not been heard that friendly and cor-
dial neutrality which, if I had been a citizen of the United
States, I should have expected ; and I say further, that if
there has existed considerable irritation at that, it must be
taken as a measure of th i high appreciation which the
people of those States place upon the opinionof the people of
England. (Hear, hear.) If I had been addressing this
audience ten days ago, so far as I know, I should have said
just what I have said now; and, although, by an untoward
event, circumstances are somewhat even considerably
altered, yet I have thought it desirable to make this state-
ment, with a view, so far as I am able to do it, to improve
the opinion in England, and to assuage them if there be any
f% clings of irritation in America, so that no futtherdifficulties
may arise in the progress of this unhappy strife. (Hear.) But
there ha., occurred an event which was announced to us

only a week ego, which is one of great importance, and it
may be one of some peril. (Hear.) It is asserted that what
is called international law has been broken by the seizure of
the Southern Commissioners on board an English trading
steamer by a steamer of war of the United States. Now,
what is maritime law ? You have heard that the opinions
of the law officers of the Crown is is favour of this view of
the case—that the law has been broken. I am not at all
going to say that it has not. It would belmprudent in me to
set my opinion on a legal question which I have only par-
tially examined against their opinion on the same question,
which I presume they have carefully examined. But this I
say, that maritime law is not to be found in an act of Par-
liament; it is not in so many clauses. You know it is diffi-
cult to find the law. I can ask the mayor or any magistrate
around me whether it is not very difficult to find the law—
even when you have found the act of Parliament, and found
the clause. (Laughter.) But when 3on have no act of Par-
liamen , and no clause, you may imagine that the case is
still more difficult. Now, maritime law, or international
law, consists of opinions and precedents for the most part
and it is very unsettled. The opinions are the opinions of
men of different countries, given at different times, and the
precedents are not always like each other. The law is very
unsettled, and for the most part I believe it to be exceed-
ingly bad. Now, in past times, as you know from the
histories you read, this country has been a fighting
country; we have been belligerents, and, as bel-
ligerents, we have carried our maritime law by our
powerful hand, to a pitch that has been very oppressive to
foreign, and peculiarly to neutral, nations. Well, now,
for the first time unhappily, almost for the first time in our
history, for the last 200 years, we are not belligerents, but
neutrals ; and we are disposed to take, perhaps, rather a
different view of maritime and international law. Now, the
act which has been committed by the American steamer, in
my opinion, whether it was illegal or not, was both impo-
litic and bad. That is my opinion. I think it may turn
out, and is almost certain, that, so far as the taking those
men from that ship was concerned, it was wholly unknown
to, and unauthorised by, the American Government. And
if the American Government believe, on the opinion of
their law officers, that the act is illegal, I have no doubt
they will make fitting reparation; for there is no Government
in the world that has so strenuously insisted upon modi-
fications of international law, and been so anxious to be
guided always by the most moderate and merciful inter-
pretation of that law. Now, our great advisers of the
Times newspaper has been persuading people that this i
merely one of a series of acts which denote the determi-
nation of the Washington Government to pick a quarrel
with the people of England. Did you ever know anybody
who was net very near dead drunk, who, having as much
upon his hands as he could manage, would offer to fight
everybody about him? (Prolonged laughter and cheering.)
Do you believe that the United States Government, pre-
sided over by President Lincoln, so constitutional in all his
acts, so moderate as he has been ' • representing at this mo-
ment that great party in the United States, htippily now in
the ascendancy, which has always been specially in favour
of peace, and specially in favour of England—do you be-
lieve that that Government, having upon its hands now an
insurrection of the most formidable character in the South,
would invite the armies and the fleets of England to com-
bine with that insurrection, and, it might be—though it
did exasperate the struggle—render it impossible that the
Union should ever again be restored? (Loud cheers.) I
say, that single statement, whether it came from a public
writer or a public sneaker, is enough to stamp him for ever
with the character of being an insidious enemy of both
countries. (Cheers.) Well, now, what have we seen dur-
ing the last week? People have not been, lam told—l
have not seen much of it—quite so calm as sensible men
should be. Here is a question of law. I will undertake to
say, that when you have from the United States Govern-
ment—if they think the act legal—a statement of their view
of the case, they will show you that, 50 or 60 years ago, dur-
ing the wars of that time, there were scores of cases that were
at least as bad as this, and some infinitely worse. And if it were
not so late to-night, and I am not anxious now to go into
this question further, I could easily place before you cases
of wonderful outrage, committed by us when we were at
war, and for many of which, I am afraid, little or no repa-
ration was offered. But, let us bear this in mind, that,
during thii struggle, incidents and accidents will happen.
Bear in mind the advice of Lord Stanley, so opportune
and so judicious. Don't let your newspapers or your
public speakers, or any man, take you off your guard,
and bring you into that frame of mind under which your
Government, if it desires war, can have it with the public
assent, or, if it does not desire war, may be driven to en-
gage in it; for one may be as fatal and as evil as the
other. What can be now more monstrous than that we, as
we call ourselves, to some extent, an educated, a moral,
and a Christian ration—at a moment when an accident
of this kind occurs, before we have made a representa-
tion to the American Government, before we have heard
a word from them in reply—should be all up in arms,
every sword leaping from its scabbard, and every man
looking about for his pistols and his blunderbusses ?
(Cheers.) Why, I think the conduct pursued—and I
have no doubt it is pursued by a certain class in
America just the same—is much more the conduct of
savages than of Christian and civilised men. No, let us
be calm. (Hear, hear.) You recollect how we were
dragged into the Russian war—" drifted" into it ?

(Cheers.) You know that I, at least, have not upon my
head any of the guilt of that fearful war. (Hear, hear.)
You know that it cost one hundred millions of money to
this country; that it cost, at least, the lives of 40,000
Englishmen; that it disturbed your trade; that it nearly
doubled the armies of Europe; that it placed the relas
tions of Europe on a much less peaceful footing
than before; and that it did not effect one single
thing of all those that it was premised to effect. (Cheers.)
I recollect speaking on this subject within the last two years
to a man whose name I have already mentioned, Sir James
Graham, in the House of Commons. He was a minister
at the time of that war. He was reminding me of a severe
onslaught which I had made upon him and Lord Palmer-
ston for attending a dinner of the Reform Club when Sir
C. Napier was appointed to the command of the Baltic fleet,
and he remarked " What a severe thrashing"—(laughter)
—I had given them in the House of Commons. I said
" Sir James, tell me candidly, did you not deserve it." Ho
said " Well, you were entirely right about that war ; we
were entirely wrong, and we never should have gone into
it. (Loud cheers.) And this is exactly what everybody
will say, if you go into a war about this business, when it
is over. When your sailors and your soldiers, so many of
them as may be slaughtered, are gone to their last account ;
when your taxes are increased, your business permanently,
it may be—injured; and when embirtered feelings for gene-
rations have been created between America and England,
then your statesmen will tell you that we ought not to have
gone into the war. (Cheers.) But they will very likely
say, as many of them tell me, " What could we do in the
frenzy of the public mind ?" Let them not add to that
frenzy—(hear)—and let us be careful that nobody drives us
into that frenzy. Remembering the past, remembering at
this moment the perils of a friendly people, and seeing the
lifficulties by which they are surrounded, let us, I entreat
of you, see if there be any real moderation in the people of
England, and if magnanimity, so often to be found amongst
individuals, is not absolutely wanting in a great nation.
(Great cheering.) Now, Government may discuss this mat-
ter—they may arrange it—they may arbitrate it. I have
received here, since I came into the room, a despatch from
a friend of mine in London, referring to this matter. I be-
lieve some portion of it is in the papers of this evening, but
I have not seen them. But he states that General Scott,
whom you know by name, who has come over from Ame-
rica to France, being in a bad state of health; the general,
lately of the American army, and a man of a reputation in
that country, not second hardly to that which the Duke of
Wellington held during his lifetime in this country; Gene-
ral Scott has written a letter on the American difficulty. He
denies that the Cabinet of Washington "had ordered the
seizure of the Southern Commissioners,even if under a neu-
tral flag. The question of legal right involved in the, sei-.
zure, the General thinks a very narrow ground on whichto
force a quarrel with the United States. As to Messrs. Sli-
dell and Mason being or not being contraband, the General
answers for it that, if Mr. Seward cannot convince Earl Rue-
tgllebsehaimblseetlof
l wied
consell
:ihnaetet
mh ery. bore
atrhdattheahtatrhaecyt e
did
,i
dEnaertl R tills see
pledges
that, if this Government cordially agree with that of the
United States in establishing the immunity of neutrals from
the oppressive right of search and seizure on suspicion,
the cabinet of Washington will not hesitate to purchase so
great a boon to peaceful trading vessels " (Great cheer-
ing) Now, then, before I sit down, let me ask you what
is this people, about 'which so many men in England at
this moment are writing, and speaking and thinking, with
harshness, I think with injustice, if not with great bitter-
ness ? Two centuries ago, multitudes of the people of this
country found a refuge on the North American continent,
escaping from the tyranny of the Stuarts, and the bigotry of
Laud. Many noble spirits from-our country endeavoured to
establish.great experiments in favour of human freedom on
that continent. Bancroft, the greatest historian of his own
country, has said, in his cwn graphic and emphatic lan•
•guage, " The history of the colonisation of America is the
istory of the crime of Europe." (Hear, hear.) From that
time down to our own period, America has admitted the
wanderer from every clime. Since 1816, a time which
many here remember, and which is within my lifetime,
more than three millions of persons have emigrated from
the United Kingdom to the United States. During the 15
years from 1845 or 1846 to 1859 or 1860, a time so recent
that we all remember the most trivial circumstances
that have happened, and events that have happened
in that time—during those fifteen years more than
2,320,000 persona loft the shores of the United King-
dom as emigrants for the states of North America.
At this very moment then, there are millions in the United
States who personally, or whose immediate parents, have
at one time been citizens of this country, and perhaps
known to some of the oldest of those whom I have now the
honour of addressing. They found a home in the far west •
they subdued the wilderness ; they met with plenty there,
which was not afforded them in their native country ; and
they are become a great people. There may be those per-
sonsin England who are jealous of the States. There may
be men who dislike democracy, and who hate a republic • there may be even those sympathies warm towards the slave'
oligarchy
of the South. But of this lam certain, that only
misrepresentation the most gross, or calumny the most
wicked, can sever the tie which unites the great mass of the
people of this country with their friends and brethren
beyond the Atlantic. (Loud cheers.) Now, whether the
ypueNciernociahrdra
ltois
hen,
ttoawou
not.yi
orlleer
very
bey ex
fei3eßneowedudinetyipnieetl
exceeding
years,
tssneh, independence eht eoeotrfho2eti or
otvn not,iekmsnmillions lio inokgmnnldsi
know—that
lowkmi
fon7nfors(wte—Hhe
aeamtnapoer
io.nt
n),p
ill
.aanlvna
htfdtieheownnel
Union w 11 be restored or not, or the South will achieve an
that time comes, I pray that it may not be said among them
that the darkest hour of their country's trials, England, the
land of their fathers, looked on with icy coldness and 'saw
unmoved the perils and the calamities of their children.
(Cheers.) As for me, I have but this to say : lam one in
this audience, and but one in the citizenship of this coun-
try; but if all other tongues are silent, mine shall speak for
that policy which gives hope to the bondsmen of the South,
and tends to generous thoughts, and generous words, and
generous 'kola, between the two great nations who speak
the English language, and from their origin are alike en-
titled lo the English name. (Loud cheers ; during which
the hon. member resumed his seat, having spoken for an
hour and forty minutes.)
The meeting shortly afterwards separated.

A NOVEL TRAP.—On Friday last a fine deer was
turned off for the hounds at Waldingfield, and took the
direction of Sudbury. It ran over the fields near Gallow's •
hill, and down the " Wents," across the ]Belford-road, to
the Croft, where it took to the water, several huntsmen and
the hounds in full cry closely pursuing. The poor deer
plunged in the river near the bridge, and gallantly swam
down the stream to the water•mill. The grating before
the wheel is broken, and the deer squeezed through and
took refuge under the mill near the wheel. Fortunately
for the hunted refugee the will had just stopped, else sho
had never come out alive. The workman came to the
rescue, and, having snared the affrighted creature, tied her
legs, and carried her to the stable, where she remained till
the deer-van was sent to convey her to head-quarters.
Bury and .Norwich Lost.

THIRI) EDITION.

SCA' OFFICE, Seven o'clock.

TATTE.RSALL S'- ( THIS EVENING).

No business was transacted this afternoon.

.NAVAL INTELLIGENCE.

The following appointments were made this evening at
the Admiralty :
Lieutenant G. C. Musters to the Hero.

Master William H. Sharp, to the Asia, for the Sutlej.
Chief Engineers—John M. 011 is, to the Defence, William
Collier to di!to.

Assistant Engineers—Thomas Hartley, Samuel Wallis,
and Thomas Green, Ist class, to the Defence; William
Williams, and Thos. Stewart, acting second-class, to ditto;
A•cb. Forrest, ditto, to the Cumberland, for the Julia ;
John N. Harvey, second class, to the Cumberland, for the
Cochin; James 'Wilson, second•class, to tho Asia, for the
Echo.

BA NE OF ENGLAND.
-4.
An Account, pursuant to the Act 7th and Bth Victoria
cap. 32, for the week ending on Wednesday, the 4th day
of Dec., 1861:

ISSUE DEP ARTMENT.
Notes issued .......Z28,938,103 Government Debt £11,015,100
Other Securities .. 3.634,900
Gold Coin & Bullion 14,288,190
Silver Bullion ....

X 28,938,1931

D
Proprietors' Capi-
A.N RING D
tal £14.553,000
Rest
Public Deposits (in-
cluding Exche-
quer, Savings'
Banks, Commis-
missioners of Na-
tional Debt, and
Dividend Ac-

counts) 5,206.334
Other Deposits 13,273,192
Seven Day and
other Bills 713,197

428,938,190

:PARTMENT.
Government Secu-
rities (including

' Dead WeightAn :
nutty) £10,892,859
Other Securities 15,224,428
Notes
Gold and Silver
Coin 851,573

£36,890,585
Dated December 5, 1861.

Z 36,896,585
:ARSHALL, Chief Cashier.

_MONEY MARKET AND CITY NEWS.

CITY, Two O'CLOCK.

There is a steady demand for money in the gene-
ral diseount market, and the effect produced by the
commercial payments of the 4th of the month has
been comparatively unimportant. Rather more
firmness may have been imparted to the rates for
accommodation but first class bills have continued to
be negotiated as low as 21 and 27 per cent., and the
enquiries at the Bank of England has consequently
been on a reduced scale as the minimum of 3 per
cent. is still maintained by the directors of that
establishment.

The City of Washington, which left yesterday
for New York, took out only £1,320 in specie.
More activity was exhibited in the Liverpool
Cotton Market yesterday, but prices were very
variable. The sales were 8,000 bales.
Soon after the commencement of business in the
English Stock Market this morning prices became
flatter, but an improvement afterwards ensued. At
the last moment, however, renewed heaviness is
perceptible. Consols, which have been 90: for
money, and 901 91 for the January account, are
now 90 :, and 908 t. The New Threes and the
Reduced are steady at 90: « ; Exchequer Bills,
March, at 10s. to 14s. prem., ditto June, 15s. to
17s. prem.; Bank Stock remains at 232 and 234;
India ditto at 229, ditto 5 per Cent. has receded to
101 i

In the Foreign Market the transactions have
been of a rather limited character, but prices have
shown no important variation. Turkish 6 per
Cents, are 78 to 79 ; ditto, 1858, 68 69. The £lOO
Bonds have receded to 72; Italian to 67; and
Venezuelan to 211 1. Spanish Deferred are steady
at 42; Equador firm at 151 ; and Russian 3 per
Cents. remain at 59.

Business in the Railway Share Market continued
rather inactive, but prices have shown, in some
instances, a slight upward movement. Caledonians
and Midlands have improved ss; Great Northern,
North Western, and South Eastern lOs ; North
Eastern (Berwick) has declined se.
In the Foreign and Colonial undertakings the
operations were also limited. Sambre and Meuse
realise 61; Eastern of France 221; Grand Trunk
of Canada improved to 181 a ; East Indian 1003-
1011 ; and Great Indian Peninsula to 1001.

Joint Stock Bank and Miscellaneous Shares con-

tinue inactive, at about previous rates. London
and Westminster realise 701; Union of Australia
39; Crystal Palace Stock 35 to 36; and National
Discount Company 4Z. Cardigan Consols Mining
Shares are I prem.

BRITISH FUNDS—CLOSING PRICES.
Bank 'Stock
3 per Cent. Reduced Annuities 9Ol i 1 90
3 per Cent. Consols Annuities
New 3 per Cent. Annuities 9ob f I 89i
Annuities, 30 yrs, expire gth Jan., 1880 —
Ditto for 30 yrs, expire sth April, 1885 l5l
India Stock
Ditto 5 per Cent.
Ditto Enfaced Paper, 4 per Cent —
Ditto 5 per Cent. 96f 1
Ditto 51 per Cent
~. . 102 b
'„, Ditto Debentures, 4 per Cent., Oct., 1863
Ditto 1859.....
Ditto Bonds £l,OOO
'itto under £l,000
Consols for Account, Jan. 9.....
ndia Stock for Account, 5 per Ci‘einatrch 102 b
Exchequer Bills, £l,OOO 2d.... 10 14pm 17 15 Pm
Ditto £5OO ......
Ditto Small — I 14 pm
FOREIGN FUNDS—CLOSING PRICES.
j2l
19.
Equador New Consolidated
Mexican, 3 per Cent
Ditto Account
Russian 5 per Cent. 1822, £ St ..
Ditto 41 per Cent.
Ditto 3 per Cent. 18.59
.. 69
Spanish 3 per Cent. --.
Ditto New Deferred ......... —
Ditto Account . ..... .
Spanish Cert. of Coup. not funded
Turkish 6 per Cent —
Ditto Account
Ditto New Loan
Ditto Account
Ditto £lOO Bonds .
'enezuelan 3 per Cent .... —
Ditto Account

Dividends on the above payable in London.
.alian, 5 per Cent., 1861 ............

Consols, Money
Ditto Account

Sir Peter Laurie, the oldest member of the Coll%
of Aldermen, died yesterday at Folkestone. Sir Peter was
elected alderman of Aldersgato Ward, in 1826. He was
upwards of 80 years of age.
The news from Paris, that General Scott has
contradicted the report that the seizure of the Southern
Commissioners from under a neutral flag was by authority
of the Federal Cabinet, was welcomed, and had a good
effect.

2t
13
20
100

From circumstances which have transpired, it
seems certain that the last or previous mail from New York
brought a proposal from the Associated Banks to some of
the leading financial houses in London for a loan on United
States securities. It is believed that this loan was relied
upon to avert a drain of gold from New York, which, in
the absence of such a palliative, is considered by many of
the financial persons in that city to be inevitable in the
course of a very short period.

DEATH OF LADY GEORGIANA FITZROY.—We
have to record the demise of Lady Georgians Fitzroy,
which occurred at Hastings on the 2d instant, in the 73d
year of her age. The deceased was the daughter of Thos.
Raikes, Esq., and married, in 1816, the late Admiral Right
Hon. Lord William Fitzroy, K.C.8., third son of the late
Duke of Grafton by his second wife Elizabeth, daughter of
Sir Richard Wrottesley, Bart., and who died in May, 1857.
PROTECTION OF THE WEST INDIA AND AMERICAN
ROYAL MAIL PAciuTs.—Yesterday morning orders were,
it is said, forwarded from the Admiralty to Woolwich and
Portsmouth dockyards respectively, to complete, without
delay, for service, the paddle steam frigates Devastation
and Stromboli, which have been brought forward for
commission. Their destination is the American waters,
for the better protection of the Royal Mail packets ; to avoid
any unnecessary delay, their crews will be supplied from
the various depot guard-ships. In addition to the above,
the fleet on the station will be augmented by the President
and Euryalus, screw steam frigates of 51 guns each.
AMERICAN AND CANADIAN MAIL DESPATCHES.
—Yesterday the Liverpool, New York, and Philadelphia
Company's steamer City of Washington was despatched
from Liverpool for New York, with mails for the United
States, 25 passengers, including the mate of the Harvey
Birch, and £1,332 in specie. To-day the Quebec and Mon-
t. eal Royal Mail steamer Jura will be despatched from the
Mersey for Portland, with the Canadian and United States
mails. The Hamburg American Company's steamer Teu-
tonia, which sailed yesterday from Southampton for New
York, took 16,000 f. from Havre, and £6,000 in specie from
England. The Peninsular and Oriental Company's steamer
Ceylon, which sailed yesterday from Southampton, took
out in specie bar silver, £72,700 ; sovereigns, £7,000 ; gold
coin, £1,630; dollars, £2,400; bar silver and dollars,
£17,225.

Business
done.

101; 21 2 11

1121 13
111} i

1051 1 111

92} 2
931 3 i 1

tni i 1 f 4 6
P

LINES LEASED AT FIXED RENTALS.
Leasing Closing Business
Railways. ' Paid. Co. a Price. Done.
Bedford and Bletchley all Ln.&N.W
Birkenhead lOO D,,.&G.W 44 !s6
Buckinghamshire lOO Do. 93 05
Chester & Holyhea lOO D 0....... 53 54
Do. 51 per cent 100 Do.
Do. 5 „ 100 Do 1121;4
Clydesdale Junction 100 Caledon. 101 103
Colchester, Stour Val. ail E. U. & E.O
E. Lincolnsh. gapr c. 100 G.. North. 133 136
E.Union,HarwichShs all E,Counts. 4 4i
Do. Woodbridge.. 100 • • • •
Crls.Barr.&Neils.Dra 100 Calecion—
Do. new
Gloster &Dean Forest all Gt. West.
Hull and Selby all Yk.N. Mid 110 112
Do. halves
Do. quarters
Lancaster & Carlisle 100 Ln.&N.W 197 202
Lo.don & Greenwich 100 S. Eastern 61 63
Do. Preference
Lon.,Tilb.& Southend 100 Peto &Co B5 87
Lowestoft gua. 4 p c.. 100 Norfolk
Do 0 per cent lOO Do.
Mnc.,Bxtn.,& Matlock all LNW& M 3 31 3:1-
Mid. Bradford Prefer-
ence stock
Newmaikt, BuryEx 15. 5.6. B Counts. par p
gua. 5 per ecnt.
Northn.&Eatstn. sp. c. all Do.
Do. 0 per cent. .... all Do.
Do. Fixed sp. c.... all Do.
N. Ea stn—Hartlepool 1.0 N. E. Ber .•
North Western
Preston and Wyre. all. - L&NIV43 45
Do. 8 shares A all Do. •—• ..
Roystn.Hitch.& Shep lOO Gt. North. 133 136
Shrzweby & Hereford 100 T Brassey 118 122
Do. Do.
South Staffordshire lOO Ln.I.N.W
Wilts and Somerset lOO Gt. West. 92 94 93 1
Wimbledn & Croydon, all L.&Brgtn 81 91

PREFERENCE SHARES.
I
Share' Railways. Paid. Closing Business
Prices. Done.

Blythe and Tyne 10 p.c.
pref. issued at L 5
Bris. Exet. 4p.0. st
Do. shares

93 95

Caledon. £lO, 4 p. cent.
Do. guar. shares, No. 2
Cork & Bandon, 5} p. c.
Cornwall. 5 percent....
Dun. Perth, & Aber.Jun.

24 214
6 6i

Do. Ist ClaSs Pref
E. Angn. Class A. sp. c
Da. Class B i per cent
Do. Class C 7 per cent
Coun. Ex. 5 p.c. No.l

101 103
112 117
110 118
10? 110
106 103
123 125
81 83

Do No. 2
Do. new 6 p. c. st
Eastern Union, 4 p. c
Do. 5 p. 0. guar
Edin..iGlas.s p.c. shares
Do. 4p. c. zuar. S. &
Eclin.Perth,& Dnn.4 p.c.
Furness, 5 per cent
Mits.& S.West. gu. 5 p.c
Great Northern, S p. c
D 0.5 p.c.Redm.lop.c pm
Do. 4. p. c. do
Do.sp.c.Redrr.atip.c.pm
Nh. of scot. Ist pref.
Gt. Sn. & W. (lrelandy
4 per cent
Great West. (Berks and

111 113
89 91
60 82

114 116
[lO 112
102 104
107 109

97 99

Hants Exts 5 per cent
Do. redeem. 44 p. et....
Do. redeem. 4 p. et....
Do. irredeern. 4 p. et....
Do. 5 p. c. redeem. pref.
Do. Birm. pref. shares..
Do. Chester 8 p.c. pf. shs
Do. Chester 5 p.c. pf. shs
Do. Birm. guar. stock..
Do. Chester guar. shares
Do. do
Do. do

98 100
88 90
89 91
102 101
9i 10
17 18
10i 11
75 77
20 2
10 11
15 15

Lan. & Carl. 41 p.c. pref
Lan. & York. 6 p.c. stock
'Do.Barnsl.sta 2s 10dpe
Do. 6 p. c. (Fast Lan.)
Do. 41 p. c. (Blackb. pur
Lon.&Brig.sp.c.gu. No. I
Do. 5 per cent. do. No 2
Do. 6 per cent, do
Do. 5 per cent. do. No. 4
Do. 44 per cent. do
Do. 41 p. c. pref. r.hares
Do. 7 per cent pref. stk
Do. 6 p.c. do(W.E.&C.P.)
Do.4p c.st(div.detlil'6s
Do. 4 per cent. pref
Lon.Chat.&Dov. sp.c.pf.
Do. West. Ex., B, 6 p. c.
Do. Metrop. Ex. 13, a p.c.
Lon. & S. W., Coy. &
Nuneaton, 5 per cent.
Lon. & S.West. 7 p. cent.
st., late 3d shares
Do. 44 per cent
Do. (Prtsm. perpL anns.
of 2s 6d
Londondy. & Cole. / shs
r.ondony. & Ennis. 1 she
Man. Sh. & Lin. S per ct.
Do. £6
Do. 31 per cent.
Do. redeem. 6 per cent
Maryport & Carl. 4 pr. c
Do. 44 per cent
Midland Con. 6 p. c. stk.
Do.Con.Bris.& Bir. 6 p.c.
Do. 41 p. c. pref. stock
Do. 41 per cent.
Do. Leis. and Hit.4per et.
Norflk. 5 p. c. Ex. st. 1846
Do. 51 p. c. Pref. st. 1847
D 0.5 Way. Val Ex. st 1847
Nort British, 5 per cent.
Do. New rua. per cent
Do. Bor. 17n. g. prf. shs.
Do. do. do.
N th.Dvn.Rai I. &Dck.Co
N-East. Cons. pref. 4 p.c.
Do. 4/pr. ct. redeemable
Do. G. N. E. 4 p. ct. pref.
Do. Berwick 4 p. c. pref.
Do. Leeds 6 p. c. No. I
Do. dd. Quarters, 1848
Do. York, H. & S. Purch.
North Staffordshire
ithymney Guaranteed
Scottish Central. new p 1
Scottish North-Eastern
34 p. c. pref. stock
Do.Aberdeen,gua.6p e
Do. 7 p. c. pref. stock
South Devon, Ann, 10s.
Do. Fixed 44 per cent
.South Eastern (Reading

[36 133

2s Bd'
124
12
st

115 i

10s.
10
10. 6.

02 104
112 115
[l2 115
136 1.38
Ll 2 115

Ann.,_ 1.0.6)

L5O 155
[27 130
73 75

91 93

11 113

131 14
24 123
ftpm
65 70
I IPml

10321
924

1101

Do. 4'i per cent
Do. Fixed 4i per cent
South Wales, gua. 4 p. c.
Do. 4i per cent

Do. do.
Do. 5 per cent
S. Yorkshire, 4 p. c. gua 1
Do. sp. c. gua
Stock. & Dar. A 5 p. c
Do. B6p. c
Wate Do. &
Kilkn C 6 6
p. c
d y, p. c
W. Mid.-Oxf Ist gua stk
Do. 2d do
Do. Newport 5 p.c. pf.red
Do. Perpet.6p. c.l:.f. 1866
Do. till 1869

1859,