The Sun.
London, England, 1857-04-01 00:00:00

throughout the countrge He is therefore in the exact
.po-
sition which would lead a Sovereign to be desirous me con-
cilisting foreign Powers. Fifty years ago, when China was
perfectly undisturbed and tranquil—when the authority cf
the Tartar dynasty was never impugned, but was regarded
by the great bulk of the population with superstitious re-
verence, the Emperor might have received overtures from
us with haughty superciliousness; but in the present de-
serted and distressed condition, engaged in a severe domes-
tic struggle, nothing could be more contrary to his policy
than to enter into a contest with the greatest naval Power
in the world. I believe the present Government, had they
made the attempt, would have been as successful with the
Emperor of China as we formerly were with the Shah of
Persia. It is curious that at the very time when the Minis-
ter of this country was describing the Eastern potentates
as barbarians, and impressing upon the people that other
than diplomatic iuterference would be required to bring
them to their senses, he was actually negotiating with a
representative of the Shah of Persia, and has entered into
a treaty with that representative, which, we are taught to
believe, is quite satisfactory to her Majesty's Government,
and will Bottle every question of difference between the
two Powers. I say, then, if you want to reduce the
taxation of the country--and all persons at the present
day profess a desire to do so—if you want to get rid of
war taxation, and to fulfil the contract between the
Government., the Parliamaut, and the people with regard
to the income tax, you must impress upon the Adminis-
tration of this country that their perpetual and unneces-
sary interference with foreign States, and especially with
weak States, is a policy which you will not sanction.
(Cheers.) But if, on the other hand, you like the excite-
ment of it—if you like to get up in the morning end hear
that Canton is in flames, or that a sanguinary battle has
taken place between the cavalry of our tinny and the Per-
sian cavalry—if such excitement as this is necessary fur
the satisfaction of the English people, be consistent.
Don't complain of your expenditure ; don't complain of
your taxes. Understand that you must pay war prices
for the necessaries of life if you adopt such a policy. Agree
that you will have a perpetual income tax if you want, all
this glory which arises from vanquishing what we are told
are barbarian potentates ; but don't say, " We will have
fireworks and illuminations for constant victories," and at
the same time complain if the Government and Parliament
call upon you for increased taxes or for the continuance of
war imposts. (Cheers.) I have now touched upon some
of the principal circumstances which have occurred during
the interval that has elapsed since I stood upon these hest-
legs. I have said elsewhere that the Chinese question was
a pretext for the dissolution of Parliament. I believed it
was ;pretext, and I believe so still, and for this reason,—
on the evening when Lord Palmerston announced his in-
tention to dissolve Parliament, and to recur to the sense of
the people, I thought it my duty to rise after him in the
House of Commons and to express my sincere conviction
:oat he had taken a wise course, because the issue then
was clear. The House of Commons had censured the
policy which her Majesty's Government had put sued iu
China, and if tho Minister felt that the country was
with him, that it entirely approved his policy, and was
ready to back up Sir John Bowling and all the agents
of the Government whose conduct 1 think has been un-
justly assailed in the House of Commons, because I fie-
lder° they acted entirely upon the instructions they hed
received,—if that was Lord Palmerstou's opinion, I
thought the dissolution was a wise and necessary course.
But at the end of that night's debate Lord Palmerston,
pressed by other members, announced that those very agents
whose conduct was in question were virtually superseded,
and that he was going to send oat a very eminent man to
China. (A. voice—" They ought to has told you that be-
fore.") They ought. If they had done so there would hive
been no division against theGovernmont. I say, therefore,
that it was a pretext, because the issue that had boon 1)13cm:el
before the people of Eaglarel—whether they approved the
p act' of Sir J. Bowring, which was the policy of tee Go-
vernment—no longer existed, the Government having
themselves virtually disapproved his proceedings. At the
same time I tell you fairly I don't regret that the dissolu-
tion took place. (A v ice---" You won't like the result
though." Laughter.) Well, I consider I am as good a judge
of the results of the dissolution as my friend. (Cheers.) lie
may possess bettor information on many subjects than
do, and he may be able to do many things Which I cannot
do; but, as I have been in Parliament fur 2J years, and as
the principal object of my life has been to study the course
of political events, I think the result of an election is one
of those matters upon which I may suppose, without vanity,
that I am as competent to form an opinion as the gentle-
man who interrupted me. (A voice--" Do you like the
result as far as it is known ? Give an answer, and don't
chaff." Laughter.) I will tell you why I am extremely
glad there has been a dissolution, and why I shall be very
well satisfied with the result. I think the tendency
of this dissolution will be to bring back whet is ne-
cessary for the good government of this country—two
great political parties with definite opinions. My friend
already nods ale. oval. (Laughter and cheering.) I think
there is nothing more disadvantageous than that the opi-
nions of the foremost man in the country, as the Prime
Minister of England must, no doubt, always be—upon all
vital questions of English politics should be unknown—
(hear)—that they should be ambiguous, and that no two
men in a country so essentially political should be aware
what are the opinions of the highest political authority
upon the most important political questions. (Hear.) I
think this system, which prevailed in the last Parliament,
would have continued for a very considerable period if the
dissolution had not taken place, but I do not believe that
ambiguity can now lung exist. (Cheers.) About a mouth
ago Lord John Russell, who, I take it, is a very close an I
accurate observer of public life, said there was very great
apathy in the country on the subject of Parliamentary re-
form. I agreed, and I do agree, with Lord John Russell on
that point, because, although we have heard a great deal of
Parliamentary reform during the last fortnight, and opi-
nions in favour of Parliamentary reform have been ex-
pressed in quarters from which they could not have been
expected, they appear to me to be attributable to the mo-
mentary excitement of the hustings rather than to a fair re-
presentation of she feelings of any great body of the people.
I have often seen that questions in which the people did not
take much interest, although the interests of the country
were deeply involved, have, by the restlessness of a party or
by the manoeuvres of a statesman, suddenly become sub-
, pets of very great excitement, and the country has been
called to decide upon them without any preparation or pre-
consideration. The passions of the people have been ex-
cited; they have lexicon a course which they have after-
, wards regretted; and then they have complained that they
, have gained so little from measures from which they ex-
, pected so much. I think, therefore, as persons of great
authority have dwelt on the question of Parliamentary
reform, it would hardly become me, if you wish it, to
shrink from touching upon it on this occ,sion. (Cheers.)
It is of the greatest importance that, if this ques-
tion should assume any magnitude, the people of Bucking-
hamshire should not be taken by surprise, and be led to
oppose what would be advantageous or to support what
could only lead to disappointment. Now, there are two
aspects in which what is called Parliamentary reform may
be regarded. There are Parliamentary reformers, who are
what are called moderate men. They are in favour of
what is termed " bit by bit reform." Then there is an-
other class of men who describe themselves as real and
earnest reformers, in favour of what aro called " compre-
hensive measures." I will make ono or two brief observa-
tions upon those two classes, not to dictate my opinion '
you, but to offer some suggestions of which you may chew
the cud - (laughter)—during the time that will probably
elapse before I have the honour of meeting you again. I
confess, myself, that I am not a " bit by bit " reformer.
There are, 1 teink, many measures of Parliamentary change
of a very moderate arid partial character, which appear
very plausible when described in newspapers and speeches;
but I have invariably found that a "bit by bit reform"
as regards Parliament always ends in a job. (Laughter, and
hear, hear.) Some years ago an immense outcry was made
by—l don't mean the term offensively—the great Liberal
party—or, in deference to my hon. colleague (Mr. Caven-
dish), I will say the Whigs—(a laugh)—against the close
boroughs of the Tories, and the people, acting with the
Whigs, said, "This is a most infamous system, and we
will put an end to it." Well, they put au end to the close
boroughs of the Tories, but they quite forgot to put an
end to the close boroughs of the Whigs---(cheers and
laughter)—and ever since I have not found that, the Whigs
were at all inclined to reform in that respect. (Renewed
laughter.) After this great change hail taken place, iu
the course of events the power of what is called the Con-
servative party--the party opposed to further changes of
Parliamentary reform—was chiefly shoe n in the coun-
ties. The great demonstration of Conservative influ-
ence in the counties may be accounted for upon various
grounds. Many years ago measures menacing the church
were brought forward, and no doubt the clergy took gi eat
interest in the principles which were then discussed. Sub-
sequently there occurred a great industrial controversy,
which is now happily settled, and the great body of the
middle class, the largest employers of labour—the farmers
of Eugland—believing that the source of their profit was
menaced by the proposed changes, resented the intended
legislation, and another great Couservative demouetration
took place in the counties,. The voice of the counties on
that occasion was against the Whigs, or the great Lib,rel
party, and another " bit by bit reform" was proposed,
tampering with the county franchise. I don't give any
opinion as to any particular schemes which have been
brought forward upon that subject, but the instant the
close boroughs were against the Whigs they wanted to de-
stroy them, and the instant the counties were against the
Whigs they proposed a " bit by bit reform"—a moderate
measure"—in order to affect the seats in the counties. In
both theee.ceses you will find that a party object wan really
at the bottom of the measures, which were not brought
forward after deep consideration for the general benefit of
the community ; and, therefore, I ars entirely opposed to
" bit by bit reforms," however plausible they may appear
on paper. Let us look at what are called .comprehensive
measures. It is well for you to consider how they NI ill suit
your interest. I have myself no superstitious reverence
for the Reform Act of 18:32. I relieve that whenever
British statesmen bring forward a measure of that impor-
tance their primary consideration is the interest of their
country, whether they be Whigs, Tories, or Radicals
(Hear, bear.) That no doubt was the primary consider-
ation of the authors of the Reform Bill; but. there was a
strong second consideration in the minds of the framers
of that Act. The Whigs had been, unfortunately, so
t of office—(laughter)—that they determined to
Iforanngleotle constituencies of the country
.in a spirit which
might probably insure their own continuance in power.
(Cries of a Hear, he r." and laughter.) I believe there
is no doubt that all the details of that measure were
framed in oppoeition to the party with which I eyrie-
pathise, was done by those derails
atos
tthheeydaiswapneoedltiiiroetiaigtoefiTnoiguysteirConservative party, in respect
betel° that, if a large preofloitrimealliipliowweerr.e Ib
gn e if
to
rvwe rayr &Pt 'boy-
the Tories, much of that evil might be rerm ()died ; but it
would bo the greatest disadsantege to time country to have
' the two great parties competing for power by outbidding,
each other on that, of all sebj :ens in reference to which thee
general and permanent interests or tia country should lee
cermsidered. (Roar, hear.) Ilecauee, whatever schemers
might be devised by any party to establish and contiates
their pawer, the prescience of man is limited, and is Ir De
qnently falsified by the course of events. lerprierent mea-
sures are often 'wee,' for the purpose of effecting a Pe,:‘,i-
caler object, and afterwards the result expected is never
realised. Therefore, as far as I am concerned, mole:ober-
ing the great partiality and injustice of the scheme of
18;,2, I should look to any great change in the red eresenta-
lion with no prejudice, because I believe that inuc lr of that
injustice and partiality might he remedied. E et when
you come to these comprehensive sehemee, thee s are one
or two points on which you should form your opinions.
The earnest reformers—those who were in favoir 7 of great
measures—were particularly attached to two. I.) pen these
as they may be brought forward on any day, ? is desim -
able that the people of Buckinghamshire should hive ma-
tured opinions—l mean the subjects of whet are called
electoral districts arid the ballot. [A Voice—" Aye, that
is the most important—that is real reform."] Well, thet
ger tleinan wants electoral districts. [A Veice- -" Together
with the ballot."] I will deal with both e übjecto but
first with electoral districts. The proposition for electoral
districts is founded on this principle—that re presentation
should depend en population. (Hear, hear.,) A great
many say that population and property are t no different
things; and, to s roplify the argument, I Admit that

•
population and. property go together. Bntthe real point to
cornijer ie that population and representation ?should go
together', dud to effect that end it is proposed to have elector
districts. Now, con Sal tthe condition of the country divided
and cut up into different flieettral districts. Remember,
there is no longer to be a county Ur Deckingharn. (A. Voice
Quite right ") Buckinghamshire is to be blotted out
of the political map, and probably you would have depart-
ments, a 9 in }re Lee, taking their names from the nearest
rivers. There would be the departments of the Upper and
Lower Thames. and are you prepared to have votes in the
department of the Upper Thames, and not to be elector:. of
Buckinghamshire (Cries of " Yes !" and "No r)
There is an elector so false to the glory of Buckinghamshire
and to the glory of his own position (cheers, and cries of
" Nonsense") that he is prepared to set the Thames on
fire. (Laughter, and an ironical cry of "That's sublime.")
isio, it Is not sublime, it is funny. I have heard of a step
from the sublime to the ridiculous, but my friend takes a
step from the ridiculous to the sublime. (Cheers and
laughter.) But, let us no longer exchange jokes, and let
us try to resume the calm discussion in which we were en-
gaged. Now, I cannot believe that the great majority of
the inhabitants of this county do wish that such a geogra-
phical, political, and social bhauge should take place as the
blotting out and erasing the count of Buckingham from
political existence. (A Voice—" Why not?") I will tell
you why not. My opinion is that the traditions of the peo-
ple form part of their national character, and that a man
cannot see the turfeu read of Hampden, along which the
great patriot went with his Petition of Rights; cannot be-
hold the temple dedicated to the eloquence of Chatham at
Stowe, or the oak at Beaconsfield under which Burke me-
ditated his reflections on the French revolution, without
feeling proud of the country which was adorned by such
distinguished characters. (Cheers.) I want you to con-
sider the question whether you would pmt an end to Buck-
inghamshire altogether. (A. Voice—"l would disfranchise
it altogether.") (Laughter.) Ido not think you are one
of the electors of Buckinghamshire. (The Voice—" Yes, I
am !") Then you ought not to be. (Cheers and laugh-
ter.) I contend that, if you pursue this policy you put an
end not only to Buckinghamshire, but to the country, for
the country does not consist of mere animals having a vote
and living on a territory, but of men proud of the past
and hopeful of the future—men who aro animated to do
their duty because they are the successors of men who have
done their duty. (Cheers.) Therefore the policy which
the hon. gentleman who has just interrupted me professes
and adheres to is a selfish policy; which never can make
the country great or keep it famous. (Great cheering.)
Well, all I can say is that I am entirely opposed to any
change of that kind, and that I believe it is a policy which
would end in the degradation of England. (Cheers.) wish
to impress particularly on the dwellers in the south that if
this new scheme should find favour you will sink in politi-
cal and social importance. This, instead of being a county
which heel acted a groat part iu history and produced fa-
mous mon and passed great measures, would only le a por-
tion of an insignificant district, and you, the inhabitants,
never would enjoy that conscious feeling of pride and su-
periority which, as electors of the county of Buckingham,
you have a right now to fuel. (Cheers.) I think the feel-
ing of this meeting is not in favour of electoral districts,
but Ido not wish to force or elicit any opinion. Let me
make one or two observations on the ballot. I know there
aro many pers ms, for whose opinions I feel great respect,
ill favour of the ballot, but it is of the utmost importance
that we should calmly consider the conditions on which the
ballot is to be established. In the first place, I think all
must agree that the ballot without a very great extension
of the suffrage is impossible. It would be a tyranny un-
supportable that the electors of this country, who now
under the law enjoy, and for centuries have enjoyed, the
g 3 of voting —for the power of voting is a privilege,
and not a righter trust—l say it would be intolerablethat
the elect. re should exercise this privilege in secrecy, with.
out being subject to that fair criticism and control which
all possessors of public privileges ought to experience.
(Great applause.) Her Majesty has privileges; her pre-
reorrstoid" ins a are
secret, i•lLengdesi't but
uturt theybe aanreinitlontiteplyrivlegaells exmi-
nority who would for a moment entertain the idea that
with the present electoral body the ballot is justifiable
or endurable. (Hear, hear.) I assume. therefore, that if
the ballot were introduced it must be introduced together
with a great extension of the suffrage. Well, you will
have to consider that which is an important question, but
which the supporters of the ballot like to evade--whether
the ballot, if introduced, must not bo accompanied with
plurality of voting. Understand, you are to have in con-
nection with the ballot a very extensive suffrage, say
household suffrage exercised in secret. Well, do you mean
to say that a lord-lieutenant of a county is to have no more
influence en the legislation and government of the country
than 80010 man, perhaps, in his service, and receiving
weekly wages, but in consequence of the tenure of a house
exercising the franchise ? There must, then, be plurality
of voting ; but how are you to fix the limit and the degree?
Is the working roan who gets in manufactories It. or 255.
a-week to have ono vote, and the man with 50,002/. to have
59,000 votes I (Cries of "No !") Then, where is the
limit? (" He is only a man," and laughter.) I for one
say I would rather have an equal and open vote than a
secret vote and be subjected to plurality of voting. (Hear,
hear.) [An Elector—" I want the voters to be protected."]
Do you mean that every man is to have a vote and to exer-
chi° it in secret ? Do you mean that property is to have
no influence on the election of members of Parliament
The experiment bad been tried in other countries, and
what had been the result ? The French aro not inferior—
perhaps they are superior—to us in intelligence, and only
a short time back they elected their Parliament by ballot
and universal suffrage. They elected a body of men who
exercised no control or influence upon opinion. Depend
upon it the reason why the Parliament of England, with
all its faults, lasted so long is that it consists of men to
whom, en account of their family, intelligence, property,
or character, tue great body of the country has always
looked up. You may have a fleeting and vagabond popu-
lation in Parliament. Men may come in and go out at a
general election by accident; but if a man is a considerable
time in Parkameet you may be sure that, whatever his
deficiency, and however little any party may sympathise
with him, se has some root in the sympathies of his coun-
try. (Applause) The very first moment that this Parlia-
ment in France did not do exactly what the people wanted
they naturally said, " Who are you ? We are as good as
you." And when the French Parliament was in danger
from another authority the people never rallied round it,
and it was instantly swept away, and a military despotism
established. I believe that to be the only government
suitable to that spirited and intelligent people. I believe
the came thing would happen in this country. You would
go on chanting and changing your Parliament until at last
it would become tithing that you yourselves would despise.
(Applause.) When we remember how much of the great-
ness of this country is attributable to the ability and fide-
lity of the Parliaments of England, I think that an insti-
tution so venerable and so influential ought not to be
spoken of in a light and superficial spirit. (Loud cheers.)
The right hon. gentleman concluded by thanking the elec-
tors for the kindness and good temper with which they had
listened to him, and expressing his deep sense of the hon-
our they had done him in again choosing him as their re-
presentative.
A vote of thanks to the High Sheriff, proposed by Mr,
Du Pre and seconded by Mr. Cavendish, concluded the pro-
ceedings.
,o

THE AUSTRALIAN HOMEWARD MAIL.

When the Austrian Lloyd's steamer left Alexandria for
Trieste, on the 24th ultimo, neither the Oneida nor Simla
had arrived at Suez with the Australian mails, though the
Simla was due, and the Oneida considerably overdue there
on that day. Great disappointment will be felt if the next
news from Egypt brings no account of the arrival of the
Simla. at Suez, as confident expectations were entertained
that she would bring home the Australian mails at the ap-
pointed time. She ought to bring news from New South
Wales up to the 11th, and from Melbourne to the 13th of
Feb. The Oneida is now overdue eleven days, but she is not
under contract on her homeward voyage, so that the European
and Australian Company arc not liable to any penalty oat
account of her non arrival. Her arrival, however, at Suez is
required, because the contract for conveying the outward
Australian mail from that port commenced on the 11th ulc.,
so that she is at least 13 days overdue, as far as the outward
mail to Australia is concerned ; and if none of that time can
be made up from Sues to Australia, a penalty of 4,5501. will
already have been virtually incurred, which is more than half
the Government pay for the whole voyage. The Australian
mail to ken out by the Jura from England on the 12th ult,
should have arrived at Suez on the 27th ult., so that it is not
improbable that there will be two mails from England for the
Oneida or Simla to take on to Australia, and which consist of
at least 550 boxes of letters and papers, each weighing about
three-quarters of a hundredweight, the largest mail that was
ever carried in *no ship to any part of the world. The arrival
of the Oneida out at Australia from Euglaud by way of the
Cape of Good Hope has never yet been announced, so that it
cannot be ascertained where she has been delayed, whether
from the Cape of Good Hope to Sydney, or from Sydney to
Suez. The Simla is a crack ship of the Peninsular and Ori-
ental Company, and was chartered by the European and
Australian Company. She is one of the fastest ships in the
world, and was believed to be admirably a ispted both in size
and power for the Australian mail service. She left Eng-
land three weeks after the Oneida, and in the race to Sydney
and from thence to Suez, a distance of 23,000 miles, many
considered that she would overtake the Oneida, a circum-
stance which has probably by this time happened. The
Jura, with the second outward overland Australian mail was
due at Alexandria on the 54th ult. As soon as she arrived
there the Etna world leave that port for England to take out
the third overland Australian mail from England on the
of this month. As far as regards the homeward Australian
mail, the European and Australian Company's steamers aro
not under mail contract until the 11th of this month, on
which day one of them will leave Sydney and be due here on
6th June. It is assumed that the Aden and Ceylon mails, sent
out by the Australian Mailsteamer Etna on 24th February last,
have been taken on from Suez by the Indian mail steamers,
which left the latter port about the 19th of last month, If
the Etna has left Alexandria without the Oneida's mails,
which is now almost certain to be the case, the Jura will pro-
bably bring home an enormous double mail, consisting of one
from the Oneida and one from the Simla. Up to the latest
dates from Suez the Oneida had been out from England 156
days, and the Simla 132 days.

(AnvEansnultsr..l—The indefatigable researches of Dr.
Livingstone have suddenly made us acquainted with one of
the happiest people in the world, of whose very existence
little was hitherto known in civilised Europe generally. In
their ailments they never have recourse to cod liver oil, and
they are equally independent of physic and the physician, for
Dr. Livingston found their staff of life to be the Revaleuta
Arabica Food, which keeps them perfectly free from disease,
"consumption, scrofula, cancer, <lle., having been scarcely
heard of, and the smallpox and measles have not been known
for 20 years." In England also the Rovalenta Arabica has pro-
duced a wonderful improvement in the health of the people,
removing cough, consumption, asthma, oebility, indigestion,
(dyspepsiit) constipation, nervous, bilious, and liver com-
plaints, and restoring the faculty of digestion, and nervous
muscular energy to the most enfeebled, as proved by testi-
monials from the cel;brated Professor of Chemistry Dr.
Andrew Ure ; Dr. Shorlaud ; Dr, Harvey ; Dr. Campbell ;
Dr. Gattiker ; Dr. Wurzer ; Dr. Ingram ; Lord Stuart de
pecies ; the Dowager Countess of Castlestuart, and-50,000
other well known individuals, whose health has been restored
by this useful and economical diet, after all other means of
cure bad been tried iu vain for many years, and all hopes of
recovery abandoned. Its effect ou the progress of population
is most favourable as exhibited by the Registrar-General,show-
iug fOr Loudon ail average of 1780 weekly births against a
mortality of 1200, leavinga happy gain of 580, or near 50 per
cent, in favour of progress ; a result most cheering to all
classes, as it opens a fair prospect that by the more general
use of Du "ar‘ry's Revalenta Arabica Food the Europeans will
B°°u enjoy the seine freeckm from disease as the West
Africans. It is sold in canisters, Ilb., 2e. 9d. ; 21b., 4s 6.1. ;
Sib., 225. The 121'o, carriage free,
on receipt of post-office
order. Barry Du Barry and Co., 77, Regent-street ; Fort-
"um, Kasen, and Co. 182, Piccadilly; Abbis, 60, Grace.
chureli.street ; 63 and 150,- Oxford-street; 330 sad 430,
Strand, London,

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Sir J. Haumer

FROME.

rHE SUN, LONDON, WEDNESDAY _EVENING, APRIL 1, 1857

FINSBURY.
Mr. T. Buncombe
Mr. W. Cox ..
_Alderman Challis (M..)
FLINT.

... ... 1 .., 0

Ministerial. Opposition.

1 0
1 ... 0

1 ~, 0

Mr. D. Nicoll
Major Boyle (M.)
GATESHEAD.
Mr. Hutt
GLOUCESTER.
Alderman Sir R. Carden
Mr. Price ...
Admiral Berkeley (M.)
GLOUCESTERSHIRE, EAST.
Mr. Holford.
Sir C. W. Codrington
GRANTHAM.
Mr. W. E. Welby
Hos. F. Tollemache
Lord W Graham (0.)
GREAT YARMOUTH.
Mr. M'Cullagh...
Mr. Watkins
Mr. Ilumbold (H.)
Sir E. Lacon (0.)
GREENWICH.
Sir W. Codrington
Mr Townsend ..
Mr. M. Chambers (M.)
GRIMSBY.
Lord Worsley
Earl of Annesley (0.)
GUILDFORD.
Mr. R. D. Mangles ...
Mr. Bovill
Mr. J. Bell (M.)
HALIFAX.
Mr. F. Crossley
Sir C. Wood
HARWICH.
Mr. Bagshawe
Colonel Warburton
Mr. 13. Waddington (0.)
HASTINGS.
Mr. P. Robertson
Mr. North ••• ~,
HAVERFORDWEST.
Mr. Phillipps
HELSTONE.
Mr. Truman
Sir R. Vyvyan (0 )
HEREFORD.
Mr. H. Clifford...
Mr. Clive ...
HERTFORD. •
Sir M. Farquhar
Right Hon. W. Cowper
Mr. T. Chambers (M.)
lIERTFOHDSHIRE.
Sir H. Mont
Sir E. B. Lytton
Mr. C. Fuller •••
Mr. Abel Smith (0.)
HIGH WYCOMBE.
Sir G Dashwood
Mr. H. T. Smith
HORSHAM.
Mr. W. R. S. Fitzgerald
HUDDERSFIELD.
Mr. Ackroyd
Lord Goderich (0.)
HULL.

... ... el. 1 ... 0

... 1 ... 0

o ... 1
0 ... 1

... 0 1
... 1 ... 0

... 1 0
1 ... 0

... 1 0
... 1 ... 0

1 ... 0 ...

... 1 0
0 ... 1

... 1 ... 0
.., 1 ... 0

Mr. Clay ...
Lord Ashley
Mr. IV. D. Seymour (Af.)
HUNTINGDON.
Major General Peel
Mr. T. Baring
HYTHE.

Sir J. Ramsden ~,
Mr. Brockman
IPSWICH.
Mr. J. C. Cobbold
Colonel Adair ...
KENDAL.
Mr. G. C. Glyn
KIDDERMINSTER.
Mr. Lowe
KNARES BOROUGH.
Mr. Woodd.
Mr. Collins ...
Mr. J. D. Dent (M.)
LAMBETH.
Mr. Roupell
Ur. Williams
Mr. TVilkinson (M.)
LANCASHIRE, NORTH.
Col. J. Patten
Lord Cavendish
Mr. J. Heywood (M.)
LANCASTER.
Mr. Gregson
Mr. Garnett
Mr. T. Greene (O.)
LAUNCESTON.
Hon. J. Percy ,
LEEDS.

Right Hon. M. T. Baines
Mr. R. Hall
Sir G. Goodman (M.)
LEICESTER.
Mr. Biggs ~,
Mr. Harris ...
Sir I. TValms'ey (M.)
LEICESTERSHIRE, SOUTH.
Viscount Curzon
Mr. Packe
Sir Halford (0.)
LEOMINSTER.
Mr. G. Hardy
Mr. Willoughby
Mr. J. G. Phi Wilton (0.)
LEWES.

Hon. 11. Fitzroy
Hon. W. Brand
LITCHFIELD.
Lord. A. Paget
Viscount San4on

1 0
1 ••• A

1 ~, 0
1 ... 0

1•• • 0

1 ~, 0

1 •. 0
1 0

1 0
1 0

~. 1.
1
•••

, •• 0

LINCO..N. •
Mr. Heneage ,„
Major Sibthorp
LINCOLNSHIRE (NORTH).
Mr. J. B. Stanhope .„
Mr. Cholmehy
Right lion. R. A. Ilonnilton (0.)
LISKEARD.
Mr. Grey ...
LIVERPOOL.,
Mr. Ewart
Mr. Horefall •
LONDON, CITY.
Lord J. Russell ~.
Baron Rothschild
Sir J Duke
Mr. Crawford
Mr. Masterinan (M.)
LUDLOW.
Col. Herbert
Mr. Botfield
Lord W. Powlett (0.)
LYME REGIS
Colonel Pinney... ...
LYMINGTON.
Sir J. R. Carnac
Mr. A. Mackinnon
Mr. B. J. hutchins (M.)
LTNN REGIS.
Lord Stanley ...
Mr. J. H. Gurney ...
MACCLESFIELD.
Mr. Brocklehurst
Mr. Egerton ...
MAIDSTONE.
Mr. A. B. Hope ...
Mr. Scott ...
Mr. ll7tafman (M.)
Mr. Lee (M.)
MALDON.
Mr. Western
Mr. B. Moore
Mr. Peacocke (0.)
MALMESBURY.
Mr. T. Luce ...
MALTON.
Hon. C. Fitzwilliam
Mr. J. Brows
Mr. J. E. Denison (M.)
MANCHESTER.
Sir J. Potter
Mr. Turner .„
Mr. M Gibson (0)
Mr. Bright (0.)
MARLBOROUGH,
Lord E. Bruce
Mr. H. B. Baring
MARLOW.
Col. Knox
Col. Williams
MARYLEBONE.
Sir B. Hall
Viscount Ebrington
MERTHYR.
Mr. H. Bruce
MIDHURST -
Mr. S. Warren
MONMOUTH.
Mr. C. Bailey
MONTGOMERY.
Mr. D. Pugh ...
MORPETH.
gir G. Grey ...
NEWARK.
Earl of Lincoln
Mr. Handley._
Mr. Cr. IL Vernon (0.)
Mr. J. IL M. Sutton (0.)
NE WCASTLE-ON-T YNE,
Mr. G. Ridley
Mr. T. Headlam
NEWCASTL E-UND ER -LINE.
Mr. W. Jackson
Mr. fit. Christy!
NEWPORT (ISLE OF WIGHT.)
Captain Mangles
Mr. Buxton
Mr. B. IV. Kennard (0.)
Mr. Massey (M.)
NORFOLK, WEST.
Mr. H. Beutinck
Mr. B. Gurdon_
NORTIIALLERTON.
Mr. Wrightson
NORTHAMPTON.
Mr. V. Smith
Mr. Gilpin
Mr. It. Currie (M.)
NORTHAMPTONSHIRE, NORTH.
Lord Burghley
Mr. A. Stafford ...
Mr . Maunsell (O.)
NORTHUMBERLAND (SOUTH).
Mr. W. B. Beaumont...
Hon. 11. G. Liddell ...
NORWICH.
Viscount Bury...
Mr. Schneider ...
Mr. S. Bignold (0.)
Air. Warner (0.)
NOTTINGHAM.
Mr. J. Walter ...
Mr, C. Paget —. •
NOTTINGHAMSHIRE, SOUTH.
Viscount Newark
Mr. W. 11. Barrow ...
OLDHAM.
Mr. Cobbett
Mr. Platt,'
Mr. IV. J. Fox.

~. 1

... 1
... 1

0
. 0

: 1

1

~ 0

OXFOAD, CITY.
Mr. Langston ~.

Mr. Neale ••• ...
Mr. Cardwell (0.)
OXFORD UNIVERSITY.
Mr. Gladstone
Sir W. Hcathcote
OXFORDSHIRE.
Right Hon. J. W. Henley
G. G. V. Harcourt ...
Colonel North ...
PEMBROKE.
Sir J. Owen ...
PEMBROKESHIRE.
Viscount En3lyn

PEN RYN,
Mr. Baring
Mr. S. Gurney
PETERBOROUGH.
Hon. G. W. Fitzwilliam ,
Mr. T. Hankoy •••
PET ERSFIELD.
Sir W. Jolliffe
PLYMOUTH.
Mr. Collier
Mr. White
Air. Roundell Pa!iner (0.)
PONTEFRACT.
Mr. M. Milnes
Mr. Wood ...
Air. Oliveir (H.)
POOLE.

Ministerial. Opposition

Mr. D. Seymour
Mr. G. Franklyn
PORTSMOUTH.
Sir J. Elphinstone
Sir F. Barine,
Viscount Mo'nci(ll.)
PRESTON.
Mr. C. Grenfell
Mr. Cross ...
Mr. T. Parker (0.)
Sir G. Strickland (II.)
RADNOR.
Right Hon. Sir G. C. Lewis
RADNORSHIRE.
Sir J. B. Walsh
READING.
Mr. F. Pigott
Mr. S. Keating
REIGATE'.
Mr. Hackblock...
Mr. J. S. Cocks (0.)
RETFORD.
Viscount Galway
Mr. Fojambe
RICHMOND.
Mr. Rich
Mr. M. Wyvill
RIPON.

.., 0
... 0

1 0
1 ... 0

1 ~. 0

... 0 ...

••• ... 1 0
1 ... 0

Mr. Warre
Mr. Greenwood
Mr. W. Beckett (0.)
Hon. E. Lazoilea (0.)
ROCHDALE.
Sir A. Ramsay...
Mr. Miall (0.)
ROCHESTER.
Mr. P. W. Martin
Sergeant Kinglake
Sir H. Maddock (0.)
RUTLANDSHIRE.
Hon. G. J. Heatheote .
Hon. G. J. Noel
RYE.

... 1 ... 0

0 1
1 0

1 0
0 ... 1

1 0
1 ... 0

..• ° ..• 1 ... 0

1 ... 0
1

1 0
... 0 ... 1

Mr. Alex. Mackinnon
SALFORD.
Mr. Massey
Mr. Langworthy (M.)
SALISBURY.

Major Buckley
Mr. Marsh ...
Mr. W. J. Chaplin (M.)
SALOP (NORTH).

Mr. Dod
Mr. Hill
SALOP, SOUTH.
Lord Newport ...
Hon. R. W. Clive
SANDWICH.
Lord C. Paget
Mr. Huguessen
Lord, C. P. Clinton (o .)
Mr. M`Gregor(o.)
SCARBOROUGH..
Sir J. Johnstone
Lord Mulgrave...
SHAFT ESBURY.
Mr. Glyn
Mr. iv. B. Portman (H.)
SHEFFIELD.
Mr. Roebuck
Mr. Hadfield
SHOREHAM.
Sir C. Burrell
Lord A. G. Lennox
SHREWSBURY.
Mr. Tomline
Mr. Slaney •••
Mr. Baldock (0.)
SOUTHAMPTON.
Mr. Wilcox ... • •••
Mr. Weguelin
SOUTH SHIELDS.
Mr. Ingham

SOUTHWARK.
Sir C. Napier ...
Mr. Locke •..
Mr. Pellatt (0.)

STAFFORD.
. Mr. Wise
Lord Ingestre

STAFFORDSHIRE (SOUTH).

Mr. Foley .
Mr. Forster
Earl of Uxbridge (0.)
Hon. E. Littleton (0.)
STAMFORD.
Sir F. Thesiger
o Lord R. Cecil
ST. IVES.

Mr. H. Paull ...
Capt. Laffan (M.)
STOCK PORT.
Mr. Kershaw ~. .„
Mr. J, B. Smith ...
STOKE-UPON-TRENT.
Mr. J. Ricardo...
Alderman Copeland ...
lion. J. L. Gower (M.)

STROUD.
Mr. Horsman
Mr. G. P. Scropo

SUFFOLK, IN EST.
Capt. Bennet ... ...
Mr. Waddington ...

SUNDERLAND.
Mr. G. Hudson ...
Mr. Fenwick
SURREY, EAST.
Mr. Locke King ...
Mr. Alcock
SWANSEA.

Mr. L. Dillwyn

_
TAMWORTIL
Sir It. Peel ... ...
Viscount Raynham ...

TAUNTON.
Mr. Labouchere
Mr. A. Mills
Sir J. Ramsden (Jr.)
TAVISTOCK.

Hon. G. Byng ... ...

Mr. Trelawny
Mr. R. J. Phillimore (0.)
TEWKESBURY.
Hon. Mr Lygon
Mr. J. Martin
Mr. H. Brown (M.)

THETFORD.
Earl of Euston .
Hon. F. Baring
TIIIRS K.

Sir W. GZ.wey
TIVERTON,
Viscount Palmerston ...
Mr. J. Hcathcoat
TOTNES
Earl of Gifford
Mr. T. Mills
TOWER HAMLETS.
Mr% Ayrton
Mr. 0. Butler
Sir TV. Clay (M.)
TRURO.

Mr. A. Smith
Mr. Williams ...

2114. 11. 11. T7o,ian
31r. J. B. Vivian (0.)

TYNEMOUTH.

Mr. W. Lindsay ...
WAKE FIELD.
Mr. Charlcsworth
Mr. Sandars (0.)
WALLINGFORD.
Mr. Malins

WALSALL.
• Mr. C. Forster
WAREHAM.
Mr. Caleraft
Mr. .Drax (0.)

WARRINGTON.
Mr. Greenall
WARWICK.

Mr. Ropton
Mr. Greaves
WELLS
Mr. Hayter
Captain Jolliffo ~.
WENLOuK.
Hot). G. Forester ...
Mr. Gaskell

WESTBURY.
Sir D. Lopes ... ...
Mr. Wilton (M.)
WESTMEI,ISTER.

Lieutenaut-General Evans
Sir J. Shelley

WEYMOUTH.
Colonel Freestun

Mr. J. Campbell
Mr. 0. M. Butt (0.)
WHITBY.

Mr. R. Stephenson

WHITEHAVEN:

Mr. Ifilclyard.

WIGAN.
Mr. Woods
Mr. Powell

Col. Lindsay (d.)
Mr. J. Acton (M.)
WILTON.

Mr. A ntrobus
_ _

WILTS, NORTIi:— •••
Mr. Long • ***
Mr. T. H. S. Estcourt
WINCHESTER.
Sir J. D. East •••
Mr. J. B. Carter ...
WINDSOR. -
Mr. W. Vansittart
Mr. C. Grenfell •••
Mr. S. Ricardo (M.)
WOLVERHAMPTON.
Hon. C. P. Villiers
Mr. Thornely

WOODSTOCK.
-Marquis of Blandford
WORCESTER.
Mr. Laslett ~„.;
Mr. 0. Ricardo