The Sun.
London, England, 1857-02-04 00:00:00

;hns been wasted. (1-Tear, hear.) There was a chance of
'. . Sea ,e:ceu di:'9 .:'.. .:•^ • , n : %i.eg.eeee ..eceernied.
Fele uoately Parliament was putt o,
of Commons got hold of that difficulty,'l
Lh:i aBe
l it was
put out of the way. Then we had the Italiau difficulty,
then the Russian difficulty, and the whole year was wasted. '
However there was still time. with energy, with great
exertions, and with great ability, for the Government to
have put their house in or ier, and the Elonse of Commons
were prep'rred and desirous t, reap the fruits of the late
struggle and to enjoy the blessing; of peace. But no sooner
was Bolgrad safely in the possess,ou of the uobler lord, uo
sooner was the Isle of Serpents relieved from the presence
of the few unfortunate Russian riflemen who were on it,
than there was enether difficulty, and one of a most menac-
ing character. A German prince, at the head of a great
army, is going to invade neutral Switzerland. The Em-
peror of France, although hiF. motto on ascending the throne
was, " the empire is peace," an, that he had maintained
that principle throughout. had a right, under such circum-
Stances, to march a French army to the Rhine. Here was
difficulty to which all the others seemed of inferior ire-
p..rtance. Well, what were the Swiss doing? I believe
that originally a snore simple difficulty never oxistei, nr
one that could be more easily arrare.ed. What was the
conduct of Prussia? The Kieg believed that his honour
wes grievously offended, and every man is the hest judge
of his own honour. What 4id he to under the circum-
stances? He did what every private gentleman does in a
similar case. Instead of taking a hostile or bullying posi-
tion the King puts his ;lifer-, in the hands of a friend,
and the friend he solicits is one who he believes, from his
character and position, will have great influence with the
awiss people. That appeal I highly approve of, and for
that course I think the King of PI liSsi:), is entitled to the
respect and esteem of society. The Eanp,rer of the French
responded to the appeal in a spin it worthy of the occasion,
and was entirely successful. Instead of seizing the oppor-
(unity, and permitting the King of Prussia to invade Swit-
zerland, the Emperor of the Frenchused all the influence he
possessed to terminate the dissension, and (lid it in a way
which vindicated the honour of the King of Prussia and
removed the difficulty in the politi !al system of Europe.
The circumstances happening at a dead time of the year the
question of Neuchatel would never have become a great
public question had it not been for the Government of the
noble lord. From the moment the Swiss authorities con-
sented to adopt the con, se recommended by France, the
English authorities counselled a different course. They
said, this is not a case in which you can take a conciliatory
course. The eyes of Europe are upon yoa, and you have a
great duty to perform. The King of Prussia is taking a
course which Europe cannot approve of or view without dia.
satisfaction. Reject his proposals and raise your standard,
round which all Europe can assemble. The Swiss authori-
ties followed that friendly and conciliatory advice, and all
Europe was convulsed. We were on the eve of seeing an
army of perhaps 100,000 men invading Switzerland in con-
sequence of the conduct of the English Government, and it
might have led to consequences with regard to France which
the house could easily foresee. But fortunately, although
the Swig are celebrated for patriotism, they are equally
remarkable for prudence ; and, when we come to the last
moment—before the first gun is fired—the prudent feelings
if the Swiss prevail, and they are determined to ascertain
from the Government of the noble lord what is the nature
of the assistance upon which they can rely. They had
perhaps heard of the Neapolitan assassinations, the Sicilian
insurrection, and they had perhaps heart of the Paris pro-
tocols, marl of speeches made in the House of Commons,
se mpathising with free nations and with the liberal cause.
They therefore naturally said—what are you going to do
for us, now that a moment of trial is about to commence?
We do not expect you to sand her Majesty's Guards to
Basle, as you did to Gallipoli, but there are other means of
assisting us besides sending troops. We are not very rich;
we are a republican people, and, if you leave us alone, sa-
tisfied with 'very little ; but England is very rich. Eminent
as your people are for their valour, they are still more ce-
lebrated for their wealth. You have at thiamoment ex-
traordinary resources at command ; golden galleons from
Australia crowd your ports; and you have also the advan-
tage of a war taxation at a time of peace. (Laughter.)
Let a few crumbs fall from the rich man's table. (A. laugh.)
The noble lard was the friend and pupil of Canning, and he
had an admirable councillor and friend on the occasion. I
,give yon sixpence, said the noble lord; l—, and the
house knows the rest. (Laughter.) We live in the age of
telegraphs. The Swiss telegraphed to Paris and accepted
the terms offered them by the Emperor ; there was thus an
-nd of the Swiss difficulty, and that was our Christmas-
box. (Laughter.) The whole year during which we had
enjoyed those blessings which have been enumerated, and
which fully justitie i the exhibition of fireworks in the parks
—during the whole year of peace we have brad nothing but
rumours of war, and a conviction on the part of the people
of this country that we were on the verge of great. struggles
in Italy, cm the Danube, and on the Rhine, and that those
scenes where the utmost human valour and skill were dis-
played were on the point of being renewed. Under such
circumstances it was very natural to hear it said, what was
education, or what were secondary punishments, compered
with the struggles which were impending, and the "'laugh.
ter which might follow. During these moments of tran-
quillity in Europe, which a win) Government would have
seized to develop the commerce and assist the energies of a
nation —in the midst of circumstances which held out a
Promise of peace such as has never been exceeded in the
present century, at such a time as that the energetic, com-
mercial, and over-taxed people of England, diverted from
their own affairs, anal distracted by the rumours which pre-
vailed, are reconciled to this condition, and actually became
enthusiastic admirers of the ni hie lord (A. laugh.) Because
in the midst of thenielangers, and in the perilous state of
Europe, the noble lord was the man who could save them.
It made one admire the tact, and skill, and daring of the
noble lord, to see him foster those difficulties up to a certain
point, and rtill avoid explosion. He believed thenoble lord
understood Europe well. Had he been sent to Paris tonego-
tiate the treaty, he would not have fallen into the Bolgrad
blunder, for he hid had more official intercourse with
Europe than any man living. So adroitly had he managed
all these difficulties, that ho converted them to his own
praise, and actually made them the basis of a claim to the
gratitude, awl an appeal to the people of England, .In
Parliament," says the noble lord, " they may come and ask
me what lam going to do about Parliamentary reform ; I
shall refer them to a late noble colleague of mine on that
subject." (Great laughter.) They will get up a question
about Administrative reform. The noble lord will answer
them, as Richard IL answered Wat Tyler, " What do yen
want ?. lan an Administrative reformer." The noble lord
will have no difficulty in admitting what we desire, but we
shall have the greatest difficulty in extorting any result.
But, unfortunately, Canton blazes, and we are committed to
the Persian war. But are we come to that ? Or is it not the
duty of the Hone of Commons to inquire what are the rea-
sons for these perpetually resulting difficulties ? The effect
of these difficulties is, that we are again under the necessity'
of deferring the consideration of our domestic affairs, and,
that cannot
vast, understand
weals
empire,
why
the burthens that now lie upon the people. For myself, I
we should go to war with Persia
which stands between us and another
European Power, which is predominant iu that part of Asia,
and which we cannot destroy witheut finding ourselvee face
to face with our late antagonist, Russia. Indeed I believe it
is Ruisia in time disguise of a Persian, with a long, black Per-
sian c p on, that we are now at war with—our late invete-
rate, inexhaustible foe, whom we so entirely destroyed and
baffled in the achievement on the Black Sea, and who did not
attempt to conceal his exhaustion. As to that exhausted foe,
we now find all at once that he is powerful and possessed of
treasures unknown, on the side of Persia. I remember the
invasion of Atfghan. (Hear, hear.) I took a part in the '
debates of that time, and I remember with great familiarity
the documents which were laid on our table on that oc-
casion. All that we have heard about the papers now is
from the mover of the Address, but in the Royal Speech I
find no promise of them. If we are favoured with the
papers connected with this war, I shall examine them
with considerable suspicion and care, and if I see that
certain papers are not produced which ought to be produced,
I will move that they be referred to a select committee, to
take evidence on those pints which ought to be elucidated.
If it shall turn out, as I believe it will turn oat, that Russia is
more anxious for peace between Persia and England than
England is for war between herself an I Persia—if it turn out
that Russia has spared no efforts to bring about peace, and
has even counselled Persia to surrender that great and long..
coveted prize, the city of Herat, I shall then be tempted to
think that it is your policy and expediency to have that third
campaign in Persia which was not prosecuted in the Crimea,
and which, on that account, I have often heard deplored by
the pupils of the noble lord's school. If that be the case, I
would have you consider the position in which the noble lord
will place this country, and the effect such a proceeding on
his part may have upon the commerce and taxation of this
country, and the position which it will occupy in Europe,
From what I see, I think it possible that the Persian difficulty
will be settled ; but it will be settled by the agency of that
very Power against which every means has been taken
throughout to convoy a false impression ; but it will be found
that Russia was the friend of peace, rather then the cause of
war. The Chinese difficulty remains, but upon it I will make
but one observation. The question of China appears to mete
be in the same catalogue with Persia. You cannot avoid the
conviction that what Lae taken place in China has not been
the consequence of the alleged pretexts laid before us ; it is
the result of wliat has been received from home—and that, •
too, from home some time ago. If that be so, is it not the
duty of the house to consider whether there be any means
of controlling the system which is being pursued, and
which is fraught with so much danger to the country I
Are we to be always in difficulties in our foreign relations ?
There is a great complaint at the present moment of the
burthens of taxation ; and one particular tax whisk is~
being levied at present, and that peculiar tax is intimately
connected with the ,übject to which I have been calling the
attention ef the house. Ido not wonder that the people
should object to a war taxation in the time ef peace : but 1 .
am told that it is necessary to submit because oar foreign
relations are in a state of such extreme difficulty and embar-
rassment. I answer, that those are the very circumstances
under which to make an abatement from our present taxa-
tion, for in a time of peace, if a sacrifice were necessary to
free us from the consequences of an old struggle, although
that struggle had been carried on in a spirit of extravagance,
I should in that case move for a financial committee—l should
have explanatory accounts submitted to that financial com-
mittee—l should have that extravagance and lavished misuse
of the public funds exposed—l should consider what it is that
the public wants, and then take the course which circum-
stances justified. But when I find a time of peace contem-
poraneous with a state of semi-war, with the fitting out of
expeditions and the sending of fleets to different quarters of
the globe, then I am obliged to consider whether this war
taxation is not required for circumstances very different from
those of a time of peace. I think we ought to look into the
consequeuces of the blunder made by LordeClarendon when
fleets were sent to the Black Sea; it could be easily esti-
mated, and it would be very instrective to see in a convenient
form what the consequences were of a want of geography on
the part of a Secretary of State. (Laughter.) My own opi-
nion is, that the time is arrived when it would be well to
prevent, curb, and control the power of the Minister who is
pursuing a policy such as I levee sketched to-night, and such
as I believe to be very dangerous to the interests of this
country. But we have a still graver question to consider,
touching the eight or nine millions which the Government
are new levying, for there is an agitation throughout the
country in whicn points have been raised of a grave and en-
during importance. They are questioning the very nature
of the tax ; the principles on which it is founded ; the con-
sequences upon our interests and property of this species of
taxation; and the exemptions, if any, and to what degree
they ought to be made in levying this tax. These are grave
questions, which the right hon. member for the. University
of Cambridge introduced his act in 1833 in order to settle
for ever. That was no insulated financial measure, but an
important part of the financial scheme which he then brought
forward, There were at that time two parties in the hous e
each sufficiently powerful to have greatly embarrassed a Mini-
s,er, and both united, to have defeated him. In the first
pace, there were those who thought there was no scientific
solution of the difference 13,tweeu capitalised and precarious
lucerne,. No doubt that opposition was founded iu the feel-
ings of human nature. Opposition, however, was silenced by
the explanations afforded by the right hon. gentleman, and I
consider that a compact was entered into. (Cheers.) The
supporters of that opinion were the supporters of the right
hon. gentleman on that occasion, and, as far as I was con-
cerned, I offered as little opposition to the proposition of the
right hog, gentleman as possible. But Umo is also another