The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-06 00:00:00

than of their domestic policy. At home, indeed,

the two great Autocratic parties differ little in the
measures they willingly support. The majority of
the Whigs are no more partial to Mr. GLADSTONE'S
financial measures, or to the Wednesday bills which
they vote for only with a view to the hustings, than
' the Tories themselves. Abroad, we are told, all is
different. What would have become of English
moral support for Italy had Lord MALMESBURY
been the amanuensis of the Foreign Office for Lord
DERBY ? Indeed, even in regard to Foreign policy,
the Tories loudly proclaim that there is no diffe-
rence—both parties agree that it must be a policy
of non-intervention. The Liberals reply, true—
but non-intervention itself may be worked in two
ways—in the interest of despots, or in the interest
of peoples. In the present continental struggles it
makes all the difference, whether the non-inter-
vening bystanders hail the successes of patriots, or
those of their oppressors ; and, it is alleged, Tories
in office would smile on the monarchs, Whiga on the
nations.

All we have to say is, if it be so, let us see it.
We did see it, in the case of Italy. It was felt in
Italy to its great advantage, and it was acknow-
leged at home, that with the exception of an aristo-
cratic trip or two Earl RUSSELL did support the cause
whioh was dear to the people of England. But
there is much more yet to do in this direction.
Rome and Venetia are still withheld from Italy, the
former by a selfish and dictatorial friend, the latter
by an avowed foe. Hungary, whose cause is vir-
tually bound up with that of Italy, is now proving
what a disarmed nation, inspired by English love of
freedom, and deprived by revolutionary despotism
of any vestige of its constitution, can do, by appeal-
ing to right against violence. And lastly, there is
Poland, the long and patient sufferer under the
atrocious crimes of Prussia, Austria, and Russia,
showing itself more than ever a nation, and sus-
taining a living martyrdom on behalf of its national
rights.
In this state of things, one likely to last yet a
long while, England certainly expects her Liberal
ministers to do their duty. She expects them to
exhibit, practically, the liberal animus with
which they adopt non-intervention as their own
policy, and demand the same of others. When we
have representatives at all the despotic courts,
which are oppressing Italy, Hungary, and Poland,
it must be easy for our ministers to make known
to foreign ministers the sentiments of the English
nation. We quite well know that there are unoffi-
cial, as well as official conversations between our am-
bassadors and even monarchs abroad. One between
an English Ambassador and a Czar, respecting a
sick man, will not soon be forgotten. Foreign
ambassadors also have free as well as formal inter-
course with our Governors here; and between the
two, pretty strong representations might reach the
crowned heads abroad if English Ministers do but
feel with the people. Our public speaking and our
press, no doubt, tell for much, but if despots find
that English Ministers and English Ambassadors
lean rather to them than to their own people,
and to the victims of foreign oppression, they
will snap their fingers at all our public meet-
ings and newspapers, and go on with their cruel
work without fear. We have a right to ask of our
Liberal ministers, then, that they should avail
themselves of all the less formal means, to discourage
French and Austrian despotism in Italy ; Austrian
despotism in Hungary; and Prissian Austrian and
Russian despotism in Poland.
The last is now becoming the scene of re, struggle
second to that going on in Hungary in one point
only, the character and antiquity of its constitution.
For the rest, the rights of the Poles to nationality
are clear; and their treaty rights which date from
1815, are not only clear, but it is binding in honour
on the States of Europe to maintain them. A much
reduced kingdom of Poland was then handed over to
the CZAR on definite conditions, all of which have been
successively violated, to the extent of endeavouring
to amalgamate civilisedPoland with semi-barbarous
Russia. What that most selfish and relentless of
despots, NICHOLAS, did in Poland, England looking
on, and Prussia, of course, helping him, need not
be recounted. No Asiatic ever surpassed him in
gloomy ferocity, and hellish vengeance. The
nobler, the more refined, the more tender his vic-
tims, the more he strove to glut himself with
degradations, tortures, and heartbreaking humilia-
tions. We mention it only to point out what the
Poles have to look from his son. That son, re-
puted not to inherit all his father's cruelty was
welcomed by the Poles so heartily, that he could
but thank them for the cheers their hopes had called
forth. They were soon undeceived. Europe, as
well as Poland, however, remembers the cruel words
which followed—" No dreams, however, gentlemen,
no dreams—all my father did was well done !" It
was the death knell of Poland's hope in another
CZAR.

And yet Lord ELLENBORODGEf, in a speech full
of generosity towards Poland, delivered in the
House of Lords in July last, seems to calculate on
generous advances towards Poland on the part of
Russia, and exhorts the Poles frankly to receive
them. The noble statesman seems unable to com-
prehend how Russia could overlook the vast advan-
tage she might derive from a well-governed and
well-affected Poland, and the paralysis she suffers
from its present disaffection. His lordship for-
warded a copy of his speech to the Polish patriot,
General Count ZAMOYSKI, and has thus drawn from
the Count a reply in a pamphlet (published by
RIDGWAY), in which the Count shows at length
that the Poles had never failed, on their part, to
receive every advance with frankness, but that
since the Treaty of Vienna, they had received from
Russia nothing but the contrary. Attack after
attack on their national rights and liberties, the last
effort being to crush out their nationality itself, is
the history of Poland for the last forty-six years.

But the Count shows also that Lord ELLEN-
BOROUGH is mistaken in supposing that Poland
can willingly become the "vanguard of barbarism"
—the supporter of Russia in attempts to gain in-
fluence over Western Europe. He maintains that
Polish freedom and independence are the interest of
Germany especially, and of Europe too. He main-
tains also, that Russia as a nation, though not her
Government according to its present notions, would
be a gainer, when despotic rule in Poland was no
longer an excuse for a Government of universal
repression at home.
The Count does not ask much of England. The
French people are, he observes, from tradition and
sentiment, disposed to a man to do justice to
Poland. England's aid alone is needed, and that in
a very easy way :—" Let Great Britain, on her
part, give proof that she now fully comprehends-
-Ist, that the suppression of Poland is not, as was
thought by her Statesmen in the last century, ' an
object of little interest to the commerce of England;'
2d, that the safety of Europe does not make it
desirable that Russia should be able at any time to
advance beyond the Vistula, but, on the contrary,
during many centuries sheofparamountagain
was, the barrier against
any invasion from the East into the heart of
the present attitude and
conduct of the Polish people serve as an indication
of the manner in which their cause may be best pro