The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-12 00:00:00

THE SIIN.
LONDON, TUESDAY, NOV. 12, 1861.

The American papers are filled with accounts of
small actions and other unimposing details which,
yet taken as a whole, give ns a picture with lights
and shades worth looking at. The great expedi-
tion we have already adverted to, and indicated
Charleston as the port, the capture of which would
create the greatest "sensation" in the North,
although other points might equally serve the chief
I object assigned to the project. Possibly, after all,
as North Carolina is so much better affected to-
wards the Union than its Southern namesake, and
lies so much nearer Richmond and the Potomac,
the object may be to place a force where it shall
more immediately threaten BEAUREGARD'S rear.
One county in North Carolina is already reported
to have declared for the Union and against
Southern tyranny; but then it is pretty secure
under the guns of Fort Hatteras. Still, the fact
seems to indicate that there is strong anti Secession
feeling in North Carolina ; it was, indeed, as slow
to secede as South Carolina was prompt to do so.
Two small successes, as reported, throw a
streak of light on the Federal side. From Missouri
we hear of a gallant charge of 150 Federals on
2,000 Confederates posted at Springfield, the latter
being driven out of the town, and the former
falling back on their reserves at night, not deem-
ing themselves strong enough to be secure in the
town. Another was at Romney, Virginia, con-
siderably to the west of Harper's Ferry, on a
branch of the Potomac. Of the numbers engaged
we are not told, but the rout is said to have been
complete, with the loss to the enemy of everything.
These have been, at last, two successful attacks.
But the reverse at Edward's Ferry seems to be
painfully felt everywhere. Our first observations
on the apparent bad generalship, so far as we could
gather from the first accounts, are quite confirmed
by the general opinion in America. The men
fought well ; but it seems there can be LIICANS
and CARDIGANS under a democracy as well as under

an aristocracy.
Our ambassador does not seem to be alone in his
complaints of illegality. Such is the state of
things in Washington and the district of Columbia,
that a judge has had sentinels placed at his door
because he issued a writ of habeas corpus to the
provost-marshal to produce the body of a minor
whose friends claimed him in due course of law.
The President has since issued his proclamation of
martial-law in Columbia, the provost-marshal com-
plied with this writ, but the soldier will be sole
judge in future. The Government is still as anxious
as ever to'prevent the war from becoming one for
abolition. It has issued an order to the Generals,
recognizing the fact that as the circumstances will
be so diverse, much must be left to their
discretion, but generally they are to avail themselves
of the proffered help of " persons held to service
by the laws of any state," though they are to avoid
anything like a general military arming. Other-
wise slaves may be employed in whatever way will
be most serviceable for the war, and loyal masters
are to be assured of full compensation. Secretary
CAMERON adds explicitly that this course is pursued
that all persons disposed to aid the Union may be
able to do so, while "interference with the social
systems of local institutions of the States" is avoided,
except such interference as the course of the war
renders needful, " which a restoration of peaceful
relations to the Union will immediately remove!"
Such is LINCOLN'S lad on slavery ; the peace
he would make is to rivet its fetters, to
furnish it the guarantee of the power of the whole
Union, and to reconstitute a Slave Republic. "The
Union and Slavery," is the flag he persistently dis-
can we but pray most devoutly that
ten gulph them both?
ha:War il
mayow
It seems to be true that the hero of Caprera has
declared in favour of the North ; his letter is ad-
dressed to the States' Consul at Antwerp. He does
not doubt the speedy triumph of the North,
is sorry
he cannot now go over, but, if the war continues,
promises be will overcome all obstacles and" hasten
to the defence of a people who are so dear to him."
Will they be so when the General reads the very
last order of General CAMERON to which we have
just adverted.
If Americans do not become very dear to us, the
fault will certainly not be theirs.
.What they can
do they are doing to 00 all possible commercial

connexion with us. It is not enough tha' t their
imports should have dwindled down nu' ier the
Morrill Tarriff and the war, fro n £IB,OC )0,000 to
£7,000,000 ; but her manufacture Irs are actually
grumbling a second time, because t 'he Gc ,vernment
has sent orders for woollen goods to ,-clothe the
troops with in cold weather. Thee unfortunate
Government is obliged to explain tha tit has spent
in this way in England not £5,000,( )000)14 only
£160,000; that this was to supply pressing wants;
that recruiting must stop if the cl othing could
not be obtained; that enlistments P rere discour-
aged more by the want of clothir ig than by
the want of money; that the depa xtment would
would be glad to pay them cash if it, could but have
the clothes; and that " could 150,000 suits of cloth-
ing, overcoats, coats, and pantaloons" be furnished
him that day, it would not be more than he needed.
A shocking thing, howLver, to give the YorAshire
Britishers a turn—bettor that the soldiers die off a
little of fever and cold.
But if the North has such work to clothe and
equip its army, what must be the case with the
South. The South wants money, and must want,
we should think, the means to clothe its men, even
if it had money to pay for them. The letter of Mr.
MEmmINGER,;the chief of the Southern Treasury,
is conclusive proof of the straits to which
the South is driven. Specie it has none.
Its Treasury notes have become the circula-
tion of the country, but it understands
that it cannot issue these indefinitely without
doubling the prices of everything, and. that against
itself—it asks therefore for subscriptions from the
planter, to be guaranteed by the factor, who, some
day, is to sell their cotton, and the Government,
meanwhile, is to use the credit ! It is, of course, as
useless to ask the planter s for money as to ask their
niggers for it. They are, therefore, to subscribe—
promises to pay when their cotton is sold ! Which
may be when, after two or three years' war,
all the rest of the world is pouring in its
cheap supplies to European factories, and
the value will be reduced by at least
half.. How under such circumstances will the
South procure supplies of arms and manufactures
from Europe. It has none of its own,--it has no
money to buy with,—it can send no produce in
exchange. The Southerners may live without
luxuries, but how they will clothe themselves, and
clothe and arm their troops, it is difficult to under-
stand. If they go on as they now do, they will
burn indeed but little powder, but, when once
fighting begins to be generaL., it would seem as if
the exhausted stores of ammunition could not be
replaced.

While the LORD MAYOR -was entertaining on
Saturday evening the diplomatic corps, and among
them the American representavive, that is the re-
presentative really of the Sta tes north of the Poto-
mac, the Fishmongers' Company were entertaining
the Hon. Mr. DUDLEY MA NN and Mr. W. L.
YANCEY, the Commissioners from the Southern
States, and welcoming the spaech of the latter with
hearty cheers. In returning thanks for a compli-
mentary toast, he warmly acknowledged the
promptitude of England in treating with at least
justice

" The name of American," he observed, "no longer
represents a united people. 'there exists now two
American nationalities—the Confederates and the Federal
Americans. I—as you may, perhaps, be aware—am a Con-
federate, or—as the Federal American, unmindful of the
character of our common forefathers, disdainfully terms me,
a rebel. But the justice and the sense of right of this great
government, promptly coincided in by France, and Spain,
speedily wiped out that stigma from our brows, and my
countrymen are acknowledged hero, at least, to be bellige-
rents. Though iniebted to an enlarged and enlightened
view of the public law, and not to the mere grace or favour of
England for this acknowledgment of our unquestionable
rights and locus standi, I must freely express hero to-night
that deep sense of thankfulness, which I am sure all my
countrymen feel, for its early public avowal—" Bis dat qui
cito dat."

Mr. ADAMS at the Guildhall did not obtain half
such cheers—he could tell of no favour we have
shown the North, though, we think, be might have
done so. To put up, as France and England do,
with the blockade of what may almost be described
as the staff of life for millions of their inhabitants,
is no small self-denial, and that when it would have
been perfectly easy to keep every Southern port open,
and to have sunk the whole American navy in a
trice if they had interfered. Mr. YANCEY, how-
ever, was grateful for a much smaller favour, and
his heartiness in acknowledging it contrasts
strangely with the rudeness of Mr. SEWARD, and
the exclusive policy of his manufacturers and
their Mortnim, tariff. He went on from the
pleasing text to acknowledge its accordance with
inherited blessings :

"From no other power could it have come so gracefully.
In this—" the old country"—the principle of self-govern-
ment is recognised and practised, however blended with the
prerogative of the Crown and the privileges of the aristo-
cracy.; To your institutions Americans are indebted for the
chief of those vital principles which liave caused them to
style the republic—

" The land of the fr e
And the home of the oppressed."
Such invaluable rights as the old English writ of habeas
corpus, of a speedy trial by jury, of freedom of speech and
freedom of the press, are the main pillars of American con -
stitutional liberty; and I am both happy and proud to say
are observed at least throughout the Confederate American
states as vital and practical rights, even during their stern,
struggles to preserve their "national life."

The tacit sarcasm on the suspenders of the
_Habeas Corpus in the North was well deserved
but ought not some members of the Worshipful
Company of Fishmongers to have asked him how
a Confederacy, which declares that " its corner
stone is slavery," can be called

" The land of the free."
This is, we believe, the first Southern speech deli-
vered on this side the water—the first authentic
declaration by an official man here, of
Southern views of their own position.
It is worthy, therefore, more than usual attention
—here dismissing, as he says, all the past, is their
present view of their case—territory, population,
and spscial interests are what he chiefly insists on.

"I feel," he said, " how unbecoming it would Le in me to in-
trude upon such an occasion as the present any merely partisan
views of the causes which have broken up the late Federal
Union. No matter what they may have been, one thing is clear
and that is that the contest now going on is upon the part of
the people of the Confederate states for the right to
govern themselves and to resist subjugation by the
North. They occupy a territory as large as England,
France, Spain, and Austria together—they are ten millions
in number—they are chiefly producers of important raw
material; and buyers of every species of manufactured
goods. Their pursuits, soil, climate, and production, are
totally different from those of the North. They think it
their interest to buy where they can buy cheapest and to
sell whore they can sell dearest. In all this the North differs
totoewlo from them, and now makes war upon uv. to enforcq,
the supremacy of their mistaken ideas and selfish interests."

We acknowledge Mr. YANCEY to be in the right
here—the North is not fighting for any noble object

—certainly not to rid the Union of the institution
all England loathes, and which, would the South
abolish it, would procure her own recognition, voted
by acclamation throughout this country—nothing
of the sort—the North is as determined to
uphold slavery as the South—it fights for
nothing in the 'world, but ambition of Empire, and
a selfish tariff.

' He takes as might be expected, a hopeful view o
their carrying on the struggle--

".In defove of thou. liberties AAA loTorein