The Sun.
London, England, 1861-11-12 00:00:00

THE SUN, ' CONDO' N, TUESDAY EVENING, NOVEMBER 12, 1861.

pendenee the Confederate states and people are

united and resolute. They are invaded by a power
numbering 20,000,000 ; yet for eight months has
the Confederate Government successfully resisted—aye, re-
pelled—that invasionalong a military frontier of 1,000 miles.
Though cut off by blockade from all foreign trade, their
internal resources have been adequate to the equipment and
maintenance in the field of an army of over 250,000 troops.
Can all this be, and yet these 6,000,000 of whites be divided ?
The idea is preposterous. So much has been said about our
efforts to obtain foreign intervention that I may be allowed
to declare emphatically that the Confederate States have
neither sought nor desired it. They can maintain their in-
pendence intact by their own strength."

In regard to recognition by the States of Europe,
they are willing to wait the time which ea3h power
thinks best for that purpose—
" Recognition by the powers of the world, of
course they desire. They are a people, a nation,
exhibiting elements of power which few states of
the world possess. But they have no reason to
complain, nor do they feel aggrieved, because these
great powers see fit for a season to defer their formal recog-
nition and reception into the family of nations. However
they may differ with them as to the period when their
recognition should take place, they fully understand that
such action is purely a question to be determined by
those countries each for itself and with reference to its
own interests and views of public policy. Other nations
having trading relations with us have quite as much interest
to send ministers and consuls to ns as we have to send
such representatives to them."

The continuance of the war he charges wholly
on the North ; while it persists in treating them as
rebels the defence must be continued against the
attempt to subdue them.

" Why," he asks, "shall there not be a peace ?
Simply because the North in its pride will not admit
that to be a fact—a fait acconspli—which Old Eng-
land, followed by the first Powers of Europe, has
recognised, and which the Confederate Government and
armies have repeatedly demonstrated to be a stern and
bloody fact—the fact that we are a belligerent power. There
can be no basis for negotiations, or for peace proposals
or consultations so long as the Confederates are deemed to
be and are treated as rebels."

Mr. YANCEY professes a very conciliatory temper,
and we believe him—the South can want nothing
but to be let alone,—it may well concede a good
many minor matters if it can be relieved from the
presence of a blockading navy, and an immense
army along a thousand miles of frontier. Hence Mr.
YANCEY doubtless speaks the language of the
entire South in concluding thus :
" But when our adversary shall become sufficiently calm
to treat us as a belligerent power, the morning of peace will
dawn in the horizon. When that hour shall arrive I think
I may say the Confederate Government will be inflexible
upon one point only—its honour and its independence. For
the great in- terest of peace and humanity it will yield
much that is merely material or of secondary importance."
One word with Mr. YANCEY and we have done.
He has suppressed the great fact that the South
began its Secession on the question of the
extension of slavery. Let him not flatter
himself that he could have told the whole
truth without calling forth more groans and hisses
than he received of cheers. Mr. YANCEY, the Free-
trader, is all well—Mr. YANCEY, the slaveholder,
would be hooted in every street of England. Mr.
ADAMS represents a cause only a shade or two
better—the truth is we are indifferent to the cause
of both, while they remain so nearly alike.

The Bishop of CHESTER has done himself
great honour by his address to the Volunteers on
the occasion of his presenting them with the prizes
won at a rifle match. The manner in which he in-
troduced his remarks was admirable, and no right-
judging person but will subscribe to the truth of
his explanation as to why he showed himself in
that place in such a position. He thus observed :
" My friends, the manner in which you have re-
ceived me sets me quite at ease on one point, and
that is that you don't think me out of place in being
present on this platform. This is a gathering to
give prizes to soldiers, and I am a minister of the
Word of Peace, but still I don't think my presence
here inconsistent with that character; and I say
this because I rejoice in believing that at this time
the hearts of all Englishmen are animated by the
spirit of peace. Through the blessing of God, we
are at peace at home amongst ourselves ; we are all
united—all classes, all ranks—in cordial goodwill
towards each other, and in loyal obedience and at-
tachment to the throne. We are also at peace, and
I hope through God's blessing we shall long remain
at peace, with all the world. At this very time,
when so many nations are distracted by war, or by
apprehension of war, England is standing in an
attitude of friendship and peace to all nations. At
this very time England is sending out, not a hostile
defiance to any nation, but a friendly invitation to
all nations for as many of their people as choose to
come and visit this country, and to take part in that
great international exhibition of all nations of the
world, which, if all be well, is intended to be held
in London next year." The BISHOP has set an
example to the rest of the clergy throughout the
kingdom by the straightforward manner in which
he has expressed himself, the liberal feeling he has
displayed, and the patriotic zeal he has evidenced,
It is one of the highest duties that a man can per-
form to guard his native land, and while the poet
has duly declared—
" Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori,"

the expounders of a higher creed than that of
earthly fidelity can do no better than encourage
their hearers to the defence of their country. The
dangers that menace us could not be better do-
scribed than in these emphatic words :—" But
whilst we are acting in the spirit of peace, and in all
sincerity acting thus, we cannot now shut our
eyes to the actual slate of the political world
around us. We see other nations arming, rest-
less, marshalling their armies, increasing their
fleets ; we hear the note of warlike preparation
on every side, and who can say how soon the
signal of actual war may sound again through-
out the whole of Europe? At such a time as this
England cannot, in common prudence, remain be-
hind the rest of the world in preparation—l will
not say for war, but for self-defence. We have no
unmanly fears, we have no ungenerous suspicions;
but still we have not quite so much simplicity as to
be persuaded by those who tell us Don't disturb
yourselves;' Don't be in the least uneasy ;" Be
quiet; nobody is going to meddle with you ; no:
body is going to touch you.' I trust they are not ;
but our business is not to let them if they try. Our
business is to be prepared, with GOD'S blessing, to
defend ourselves if self-defence should become neces-
sary ; and it was this instinct of self-defence—it
was this principle of common sense which produced
the volunteer movement, and which now sustains
the volunteer movement throughout England. I
agree with Major FRENcir, an old soldier, and far I
more competent to speak on the subject than I am,
when he spoke of your movement being a free-will
movement. It is eminently so. It was produced
by no Act of Parliament, by no order of the Govern-
ment, although any lawful order of the Government
for such a cause would have been promptly and
cheerfully obeyed; it was not even an appeal from
the aristocracy to the people, although the aristo-
cracy of England had never been backward in
fighting for their country ; but it was the
spontaneous impulse of patriotism and loyalty
in the breasts of the people themselves."
After these important declarations regarding the
advantages that accrue from the volunteer system,
and the necessity for its ezistence, his lorclohip