The Sun.
London, England, 1861-07-09 00:00:00

order as foremost among the various ecclesiastical
styles of architecture. They might moderate their
claims for the supremacy of the Gothic by the
single remembrance of that masterpiece of St.
Peter's, of which our own BYRON has sung—
" Here Power, Strength, and Beauty all are aisled,
In an eternal ark of worship compiled."
Without going so far as Rome, however, they need
stroll but a little way eastwards from the legisla-
tive palace at Westminster, to enable themselves to
recognise even here at home in the centre of our own
metropolis how resplendently the Palladian may vie
with the Gothic, even when considered simply with
an eye to ecclesiastical purposes. They can recog-
nise this vividly enough, as every Londoner may
well rejoice to remember, upon glancing up for a
moment at Sir CHRISTOPHER WREN'S Masterpiece
—at that superb edifice, upon the walls of which
are sublimely inscribed, in reference to their glorious
architect, that If you ask for his monument, you
have but to look around, circumspice !
Difficult as it would be however to argue dogmati-
cally in favour of the pre-eminence of the Gothic
over all other ecclesiastical orders of architecture—
it would be little less than ludicrous to insist upon
the necessity of adopting it invariably, by prefer-
ence, as " the national style" in England for the
public buildings generally, more particularly for
the residence of the various departments of our
Government. The " national" style, forsooth !
Well might Lord PALMERSTON ask ironically, " But
is the Gothic national ? I never heard of the Goths,
the Vandals, or the Saracens doing much in this
country. I have been told in my early years that
the Romans were in this country for a considerable
number of years, and it is probable, therefore, that
they have better claims to have established in this
island a system of architecture that may be consi-
dered English than those people who never came
here at all. My noble friend has talked about the
real ancient architecture of England. The right hon.
gentleman said he thought Stonehenge must be so
considered. But I will go further, and say that the
real aboriginal architecture of this country was mud
huts and wicker wigwams. These were the ori-
ginal styles of those who first inhabited this
island." Thus delightfully, by the reductio ad
absurdum, did the Premier sweep aside all the
preposterous pretensions advanced by those
pro-Gothic disputants who were clamour-
ing upon such lofty grounds for the prefer-
ence, above all other styles, of their own favourite
style of architecture. The alternative, however, it
is satisfactory to know now, for certain, has been
at length, after a good deal of pleasant discussion,
settled definitively, and, we believe, in the estima-
tion of the majority satisfactorily—settled, that is,
I against the Gothic, and in favour of the Palladian.

It eannot be denied that the rumours of attempts
to treat between the South and the North have been
repeated in such forms, and believed by such per-
sons in America, that we can hardly entirely dis-
credit them. There seems to be a general impres-
sion that the administration is not by any means so
bellicose as the people, and that the moneyed folk,
on whom the chief burden of the vast cost is sure
to fall, would much prefer even now a peaceful settle-
ment. Americans acknowledge at length that so
pacific were the movements of Mr. BUCHANAN and
Mr. LINCOLN at first, that on second thoughts they
can almost justify the English for favouring, as
they seem to think we did, the cause of the South.
If the Cabinet at Washington did not treat them as
traitors and rebels, how could the English Govern-
ment be expected to do so ? And even after the
attack on Fort Sumpter, Mr. LINCOLN was, in his
demands, below the popular enthusiasm. Through-
out, the Administration has seemed to be far behind
the people in their resentment of Southern treason,
and hence it was natural to suppose that proposi-
tions for compromise, if they could but get a hear-
ing, might be likely to take.
The statement of the Tribune is precise, giving
names and particulars; it was furnished to them
by a gentleman who was asked to become a party
to the business. According to his account, two
secret negotiators had interviews with leading
Democrats in New York. They proposed two
bases of arrangement. One the admission and
recognition of the independence of the Seceding
States; the alternative, that the United States
should give guarantees for the maintenance and
perpetuation of slavery in all the present and future
territories south of 36 deg. 30 min., which is sub-
stantially the old Crittenden proposal. A petition
on this scheme of compromise was put in hand and
brought to the gentleman referred to, with about a
thousand signatures ; by him it was kicked out of
his office, and the story told to the Tribune. Whether
we are all hoaxed or not by a New York merchant,
it is of course impossible to say ; but that Mr. JEF-
FERSON DAVIES has talked seriously in very pacific
terms, that his want of money, if nothing else, must
render him very desirous to avoid a lengthened
contest on a large scale; and that the administra-
tion is not disposed to fight beyond what is neces-
sary to satisfy popular demand, are facts, and ac-
count for rumours which seem congruous with
them. It is also a fact that the moneyed men are
already tired of the war; it interrupts their regular
business ; while it is apprehended that the necessity
of an income-tax as a security for any loan that
may be raised is already creating alarm.
They are now beginning to feel the damaging
effects on their revenue of the selfish MORRILL
Tariff, and but for shame's sake would be glad to
repeal it. The indelible disgrace, however, will
remain on the. North, when they thought
the South left them free to make tariffs according
to their taste, of seizing the moment to benefit
themselves, as they short-sightedly supposed, at the
cost of Great Britain and of the Southern States.
'they expected soon to see the latter compelled to
return to the Union, and then, as they thought,
Massachusetts and Pennsylvania could have supplied
all the South and the North, and far West, too,
with their dear and inferior articles, and have ex-
cluded the cheaper and better, supplied from Great
Britain or France.

The probability, however, is that retreat is now
impossible for either party. The South will be
ashamed to let it even be imagined that its
" chivalry " shrinks from fighting. The North
will be equally ashamed to want men, courage, or
money. Even if other motives failed, pride would
still keep both parties, the North especially, deter-
mined to try the result of a contest. The South
mey hope to defend its own. The North seems
now sure of carrying off the portions of the Slave
States most valuable to it, even should it permit
eventually the Gulf States to form a confederation.
Already the North has secured part of Virginia, and
would assuredly never consent to have the Poto-
mac under control of the guns of a foreign
Southern State. The North would not, unless
utterly worsted, allow the Northern half of
Virginia, the Bay of Chesapeake, and the river on
which the capital stands, to be in the hands of -a
rival State. It is now too in a fair way of securing
all the valuable border States, in any case; for this
reason, should it consent to separation, and retain
Missouri, Kentucky, and the northern part or the
whole of Virginia, and those States become, as they
isoon must, free States, the North would be so
immensely the stronger power, that the thinly-