The Sun.
London, England, 1859-04-13 00:00:00

EPS OM SPRING RA CES.-GREA T
METROPOLITAN STAKES.—FRIDAY, April 15,
16.59.—The Shortest Route to Epsom is from the Waterloo-
bridge Station, by the SOUTH-WESTERN RAILWAY.
Frequent Trains will nm during the day. Ordinary Fares
will be charged down to Epsona till 11.15 a.m., ;and up from
Epsom after 7 p.m.
Single Journey—ist Class, 2s. 3d. ; 2d Class, le. 9d.; 3d Class,
Is. 2d.
Return Tickets--lst Class, 3s. 2d Class, 2s. 6d. ; 3d Class, 2s.
Passengers holding- these Return Tickets cannot return
Epsom until after 7 p.m-
Additional Special Trains will run from Waterloo-bridge to
Epsom from 11.30 a.m. till 1.20 p.m. ; returning from Epsom
from 3.30 p.m. till 7 p.m. During vihich time the ordinary
trains will be suspended.
Fares, by these additional trains, to Epsom and back,
73. 6d. ; to or from Epsom, 4s.
No particular class of carriage can be guaranteed.
A Special Direct Train will leave Waterloo-bridge Station
at 1.50 p.m. punctually, and will arrive at Epsom in time for
parties to reach the Course for the Great Metropolitan Race.
Steam Boats call at Waterloo-I-ridge and Hungerford
bridge, going up or down the river nearly every five minutes.-
Tickets may be procured on and after Wednesday, at
Vessrs. Tattersalls ; the Universal Office ;Regent-circus ;
Griffin's Green Man and Still, Oxford-street ; Golden Cross,
Charin,c,r-cross ; 53 William-street, , King MY; the Swan-
Two-necks, Gresham-street, City ; and Waterloo-bridge sta-
tion. By order,
Waterloo-'bridge Station, April, 1859.

Jp OYAL PRINCESS'S THEATRE.
-Under the Management of Mr. Charles Kean.
THIS EVENINa will beproduced Shakspeare's historical
Igay of KING HENRY V.
.K.ing Henry V., Mr. C. Kean; Chorus, Mrs. C. Kean.

rirEATR.E-ROYAL, HAYMARKET.
Lessee, Mr. J. B. Buckstone.
THIS I.3.LNING,wiII be produced a new Comedy, en
titled EVERYBODY'a FRIEND. Mr. and Mrs. Charles
Mathews.
TEE CRITIC. Mr. and Ors. C. Mathews, Mr. Compton
To conclude with a Ballet. •
Commence a't 7.

NEW THEATRE - ROITA,:,. ADELPHI.
Sole Proprietor and Manager, Mr. 13..1ai
Webster.
Ik,IASKS AND FACES; Triplet, Mr. B. Websterebs_t+er 1 Q.lll'
Mr. Bil
Mr. P. Bedford ; Sir Charles, Mr. C Selby ; Eri`-"
lington ; Peg Wallington, Miss Woolgar ; Malatl, MiSS
Simms.
-

NE
After which, THE PRETTY GIRLS OF SLA RG.
Mr. B. Webster, Billington, Eburne, Misses Woolgartliee; eY
and Arden.
To be ;followed by THE MILLINER'S HOLIDAY. Mr.
J. L. Toole, C. Selby, Billington, Misses Woolgar, Seel, .1
and IL Belly.

'Acting danager—Mr. Wm. Smith.
Doors open at a quarter-past six—Commence at seven. Box
Office open from 10 to 5 —no charge for booking. No fees to
servants Permitted. A registry kept of all articles found.

ASTLEY'S ROYAL AMPHITHEATRE,
Westminster-road.
Lessee and Manager Mr. William Cooke.
THIS EVENING the performances will commence with
a new fgrand Drama, entitled THE THREE MUSKE-
TEERS, in which Mr. R. Phillips and the company will ap-
pear.

After which, the matchless and unrivalled SCENES IN
THE CIRCLE, introducing the great Star Riders and Miss
Emily Cooke, Madame Blanche, Madame Bridges, Madlle.
Fleurette, and Madame Francisco, being the greatest amount
of female equestrian talent ever seen in one night in any
theatre. Grotesques—Messrs. Hemming and Thorne.
To conclude with A THUMPING LEGACY, Miss M.
Jackson.
The splendid romance of riTANHOE ; or, The Knights
TeMpbth 3, is in
active preparation, and will be revived with
extraord [nary magnificence.
Dress Circle, 4s. ; Boxes, 3s. ; Pit, 2s, ; Gallery, Is. ; Upper
Gallery, 6d.
Private Boxes, £4 4s, £2 2s, azd £1 Is.
Commence at Seven : Carriages at 11.
Stage Manager, Mr. It. Phillips

CANTERBURY HALL, Westminster-road.—
Proprietor—C. MonTox.
Thepablic is most respectfully informed that the FINE
1,1,,RTS GALLERY, in connection with the above Hall, IS NOW
OPEN DAY AND NIGHT, from 11 o'clock a.m. until 12
o'clock p.m. The New Gallery contains an extensive Collec-
°n of Pictures, by Ancient and Modern Masters •and is also
devoted to Art productions generally. The Proprietor feels
a_
may confidently assert that, viewed altogether, the exist-
ing Music Hall, the New Fine Arts Gallery, and the recently
added Ante-Hall, will present an attraction which, whether
as regards the architectural beauty of the structures them-
gelves, or the varied and hitherto unattempted combinations
within, will be found to be wholly without parallel in the
Kingdom.
The MUSICAL ENTERTAINMENT commences as usual at
Seen o'clock.
In addition to the usual entertainment, the SAUVLET
Pik.3llLY, of Amsterdam .Eight in number, whose varied
histrumental performances have created so marked a sensa-
tion in the principal cities and towns of the Continent, will
Derform every Evening at Nine and Eleven o'clock.

THE WEATHER.—SUN OFFICE, APRIL 13.
THERMOMETER, IN THE SHADE.
57—highest since noon yesterday.
43—lowest this morning and during the night.
50—this day at noon.

BAROMETERr-29.42.
WIND, N.W. ; light, with dull weather.

We have had two divisions this year for the
Ballot of nearly one hundred each in its favour,
instead of, as usual, one of about two hundred. It
now is plain enough that the desire to save the
Whigs' embarrassment on the grand division has
been, as we feared it would, no advantage to our
tease. The chances were a hundred to one of such
a !limber of members being ever again collected,
and it still appears to us, therefore, that the
Tote should have been taken when all were present
to vote. However, we must suppose that all par-
ties meant well, and the broad fact remains that
two hundred and thirty-eight members of this Par-
liament have declared themselves favourable to the
Ballot. Of these, the list for the 31st of March must
be held to contain men unquestionably good and
trne• That for the 12th of April must be con-
sidered a little more carefully, though we would
not for a moment imagine that any of the additiosal
lames are not those of genuine friends to the cause.
The three last divisions on the Ballot stand thus.—
June the Bth, 1858: Ayes 197, Noes 296. March
31st i.RA
" Ayes 98, Noes 328. April 12th: Ayes
' Noes 102. What and when will the next divi-
sion be p

tirile debate was, porhaps, especially for so small
"ells; rather more animated than usual. Mr.
BERKELEYhandIed in good style the arguments of
the Times' ccirrespondents. The two great Whig
opponents of the voting were brought out. Mr.
SCITREIt" ESTCOURT contributed his mite, and
Sir RicRARD
"BETRELL exposed the trustee fallacy
m a manner which evidently quite unhinged Lord
JOHN RUSSELL and Lord. PALMERSTON. The latter
almost lost himself in attempts at half jocular
argument, evidently conscious that he had nothing
better to bring forward.
But what does all the argumentation amount to?
Lord 1013 X RUSSELL
plained how far 'following up his address, ex-
be
his explanation had modified his views. But
completely cut the throat of his
solitary argument, and leaves •
his opposition a help-
less orphan so far as reasons for it are concerned.
lie does not now, be says,
entertain all the fears of
the evil consequences which he
once apprehended,
because such is the character of Englishmen that,
after all, theywill act truthfullytruthfully,andproclaim their
political views, with the
it. y Ballot as well as without
et he declaimed at length on the publicity
peculiar to all our
institutions as his chief reason
for not liking the Ballot. But Lord JOHN must
not play fast and looselhethis
way'with his own argument in
i
truth.
electors may be s that the great body of
able to publish their opinions with-
out detriment to their in
or 'without the terests, and will do so with
Ballot ; but that a very large
minority, one quite sufficient to turn the scale at
many an election, in the connti„
especially, would
prefer to say little, but to vote as they feltin dined.
di
We are told by the Times, and by
ethers, that
do what you will, you cannot keep opinion secret.'
that men will let out—nay, wilt glory in
• •
r
political views ; and yet we are told agai their
political views; anti yet we are told again that
compulsory secret voting will beintolerable tyranny.
But where can be the tyranny if the voter can pro-
claim his vote if he pleases ? He is not compelled
to silence—he is not forbidden to speak and to
work for his own side. If he wishes his
vote to be known, and if his word be worth
anything to those whom he knows, he
can tell them his vote. The excellence
of the Ballot indeed is, that it permits the
fullest publiciti r, so far as it is advantageous,
and enables th e voter to maintain secrecy when
this is most desi rabic.
The 111191 e question between the

lence of secrecy and publicity, which' ,seems to be
the last refuge of opponents, is reallrj-
a very com-
mon sense piece of
.business. We pra
ctise both in
common life, perhaps both equally. We conceal
as much as we publish. Where concealment
conduces to safety, expedition, or personal comfort,
we use concealment. Our Governma nt does the
same, in its diplomacy and in its Cabin et oonsulta-
tions ; and even our courts of justice: is courts-
martial. The legitimate inquiry is in each case,
Will secrecy or publicity best obtain the desired
object ? There is nothing essentially moral, o r even
honourable, in either—on the contrary, keel, ing a
secret may be as much a point of honour as pub-
lishing your accounts if you are secretaz y of
a public company ; and we must think :that,
now, the confessions of opponents theinselves ';ve
proved that those who want publicity for thajr
votes could have it under the Ballot, while no one
has proved or can prove that those who find secrecy
advantageous would fail to obtain it. 'Why then
refuse what will not wrong one set of persons, and
what another set of persons affirm will benefit them
so largely.
Well, the question is now remitted to the
country. Who wants the Ballot—asks for the
twentieth time our contemporary. Let the country
answer that question. Yes, but it tells those who
ask it—you don't want it for yourselves, or for
your acquaintances. We are sorry to say we can
negative that assertion. We have known tenant
farmers who were constrained to vote against their
will. We have known tradesmen who had cus-
tomers on both sides at a contested election, and
who dared not but give a vote for each of the rival
candidates. 'We have been on election coin-
m ittees, and have known that numbers would
life ,4-o vote for both the Liberal candidates, for they
have Old us so, but they dared not do it
for theirs 'ituation's sake and their families' sake.
Nay, we do
.not err much in setting down the
•
whole 100,000 of tenants-at-will who turn the scale
in favour of th'e Tory county members, as now
voting under press:lre• It is, however, just those
who are free to demai'd the Ballot, because no one
can punishthem for doinj it, that ought to make the
demand. Because we do Wait want it, we ask it
for those who do, they beingg afrali to ask
for themselves. We hope and trust that
the country will give us this election a
majority for the Ballot. FoVTY-FivE MOPE
SUPPORTERS OF THE BALLOT would give us an
absolute majority in the House of Coninzonv, and a
large working majority there. 'Will not the
country respond to this demand, and deliver :Is
from the necessity of noticing again the dishonest
and shuffling arguments of men who profess concern
for our morals, but who want only the control of
our votes.

Another factious attack has been made against
the Government. We regret to say that Sir BEN-
JAMIN HALL—a gentleman for whom we entertain
sincere respect—should have allowed himself to be
made the instrument on the occasion. The retire-
ment of Captain CARNEGIE from his seat at the
Board of Admiralty furnished a plausible pretext
for the onslaught. Nothing, however, could be
more clear or satisfactory than the explanation
given by Sir JOHN PAXINGTON. It has been the
invariable rule for a series of years that some one
or more of the naval lords should obtain a seat
the House of Commons, in order to assist the First
Lord in his arduous duties, and to be enabled to
meet the professional objections that might
be put forward respecting matters of detail,
with which civilians could not be conversant. The
same principle has been recognised in every other
department. It is an indispensable condition of
almost every high office—every Cabinet Minister
every Under Secretary, must obtain a seat in either
House, or resign his place. Even the Lords of the
Treasury are subjected to the same rule, and we
might cite many instances in which it has been
enforced under so-called Liberal Administrations.
The inconvenience has been clearly manifested
during the present session. Sir CHARLES NAPIEB
and Lord C. PAGET have repeatedly made attacks
on the Naval Administration ; and, although they
have been directed more against former Boards
than the present one, it was felt to be essen-
tial that there should be some one competent
to reply to professional criticism. It was under
such circumstances that a seat at the Board was
offered to Captain CARNEGIE, a very distinguished
and gallant officer, but it was on the express un-
derstanding that he would strive to the best of his
ability to obtain a seat in the House of Commons.
He accepted office on that clear and distinct
understanding. There was a perfect compact, such
as every Government has been in the habit of
entering into, and such as has hitherto been in-
variably acted on. If the party selected failed in
his part of the agreement, he resigned his office.
And no question was put to the Minister ! No
difficulty raised ! It was regarded as a mere
matter of course, in which all parties
acquiesced one of the ordinary proceed-
ings which every Government, whether
Whig or Tory, quasi Liberal or Conservative,• acted
on, and no interrogatory was ever hitherto exhi-
bited to the Government for the time being on such
a point. It was reserved for Sir BENJAMIN HALL
to break the chain, and to attempt to introduce a
new, and, we must be permitted to say, a most in-
convenient precedent.

Captain CARNEGIE could have no possible cause
of complaint. He had, when the offer of a seat at
the Board was made to him, been informed of the
extreme inconvenience to which the Government
had been exposed, from having no naval lord in the
House, and it was tendered for his acceptance on
the express condition that he should be willing to
enter Parliament whenever he might be required to
do so by the Government for any fairly eligible
seat. He did not accept it without due
time for consideration. He asked for and
received 48 hours' time before he gave an answer,
and then accepted it with the conditions annexed.
Strange to say, when the dissolution was announced
he hesitated in fulfilling his part of the contract.
He was not willing to come forward, where he
would have, at all events, a fair chance of success.
In place of so doing he tendered his resignation,
which was at once and most properly accepted.
We can only express our astonishment that a gal-
lant sailor, a man of honour and a gentleman, as
Capt. CARNEGIE unquestionably is, should, under
any circumstances, have felt himself justified in
repudiating the binding obligation on which he
had entered.l It was sufficient injury to the
Government that he should have held office
for a time, and deprived his successor of the
benefit which he would have obtained in his can-
vass ; but that he should have furnished an oppo-
nent with the materials for an attack on the
Ministry of which he was a subordinate member
wgaaall want iat
we could not by any possibility have
anticipated. We fear that the honourable and
tion of
his
HALL, and.
too
established.
officer will have cause to regret the ques-
good-natured friend, Sir BENJAMIN
the very
That Mr. B. unfortunate precedent thereby
OSBORNE should feel peculiarly
sensitive on the subject is by no means surprising.
His seat—which he obtained as Secretary of the
Admiralty, and in consequence of his connection,

with the Board—was assailed. He would suffer in
the most sensitive point—his pocket; for although
he might succeed in retaining his seat—a matter by
no means certain—he would have to provide for the
expenses of the contest. Save as Secretary of the
Admiralty he had no claim on the Dover constitu-
ency. He obtained his seat in that capacity, and
that only, and surely he should not complain if that
seat should now be sought for by one who possessed
the qualification in virtue whereof he received it.
In every department there are Parliamentary and
permanent officials. The Admiralty would be an
exception to the general rule were it otherwise ;
and if the naval members were exempted from
Parliamentary criticism, it would produce the most
injurious results, and lead to great inefficiency in
the management of that branch of the public service
which every true-hearted Englishman is desirous
of seeing conducted in the best possible manner.

Checkmate !—That was the real meaning of the
ringing cheer from the side of the Opposition, when
before cockcrow, on the Ist of April, a clear majo-
rity of thirty-nine, in a house of 626 (including
Tellers and Speaker), proclaimed the success of
Lord JOHN'S factious Resolutions. Checkmate ?
Not a bit of it. The apparently Defeated—shewed
by another unexpected move that they still had
play on their side, and might yet win the game
after all. They had their QUEEN left to them.
Another moment and the late aggressors are
driven to act upon the defensive. There is a new
phase in the contest—and out of this new phase
there grows up a final and far more formidable
struggle for the supremacy.

No sooner, however, have Ministers announced
the determination of the Crown, at the instance of
the Crown's advisers, to dissolve Parliament, than
the Opposition, baulked in its ambition, becomes
restive, becomes absolutely spiteful, becomes abso-
lutely and meanly cantankerous. The Chancellor
of the Exchequer night after night is worried by a
series of teazing inquiries addressed to him as
Leader of the House of Commons inquiries
as to the exact day of the prorogation, and
the precise moment of the Dissolution after-
wards, There is no precedent for these in-
quiries. Even if there were, the circumstances
of the time just now are in themselves in a
very great measure unprecedented. Certainly
unprecedented in the manner of their combination.
In the first place, the balance of power in Europe
is oscillating upon that most imminent turning-
point, the alternative of Peace or War. The five
great powers are upon the eve of either a Congress
or—two of them at least—upon the brink of a
Campaign. The most solemn week in the whole
yea,--the holy week immediately before Easter—
occurs n, unusually late in 1859, that it brings us
actually towards the end of the month" of April,
the words of Mr. DISRAELI—words,
according to
the simple and .12'uthful utterance of which somehow
comes to be regarded by the irritated Opposition
as in some mysterious manner or other a high
crime and misdemeanour. Lord PALMERSTON
Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Sir S GEORGE GREY,
Sir GEORGE LEWIS—one after another of
the principal chiefs of the Opposition
strive to bother, to coax, or to bully from the
Chancellor of the Exchequer some definite and
explicit statement as to the day of the prorogation
and the hour of the dissolution. A statement of
L'his kind, we repeat, was never insisted upon before
by ~Ten the most factious Opposition. Anil if there
were a precedent for it, the present crisis would
justify a ,departure from it upon the score of many
momentous interests—interests less national even
than Europeall,
Baffled in this most unfair pertinacity of inquiry,
the Opposition breaks at last through all decorum
and all courtesy. It insists upon a direct and plain
answer to the question, which the Chancellor of the
Exchequer then, with an air of dignity befitting
his position, firmly and definitively declines to
respond to—reminding his opponents that it is an
inquiry that no leader of a Government in that
House has ever been constrained to answer under
analogous circumstances.
Thereupon the Times, upon the following
morning, endeavours to prove by a few historical
facts, slightly perverted, that the prorogation ought
in a manner by necessity to follow rap3dly upon
the defeat of Ministers, and that the dissolution, if
not almoSt simultaneous with, ought to follow hard
upon, the heels of the prorogation. Now, both of
these assertions we positively deny—we pronounce
them to be inexact—to be mis-statements either
inadvertent or intentional. According to the Times,
the necessity for this rapid sequence of prorogation
and dissolution, and re- assembling, upon an adverse
decision is easily proven. For example, says the
Times, Parliament was dissolved in 1841, on the
23d of April, and fifty-two days afterwards the new
Parliament met, namely, on the 14th of June.
Again, according to the same authority, Parliament
was dissolved in 1851, on the 22d of June, andfifty-
six days after the new Parliament met, namely, on
the 19th of August. Finally, our contemporary
observes, in 1857 Parliament was dissolved on the
21st of March, and forty days afterwards its suc-
cessor had assembled down at Westminster. Ac-
cording to the Times, therefore, forty days is about
the minimum—fifty-six about the maximum. A
monstrous and perverse distortion of facts that
bring us, on the contrary, to a very different con-
elusion.

The real facts we will now give categorically—
beginning with the assembling of the first Re-
formed Parliament, and ending with that of the
present—the seventh Reformed Parliament. Now
thd First Reformed Parliament—it was the third
summoned by King William IV., and met on the
29th of January, 1833—and was dissolved (after an
existence of one year and eleven months) on the
28th of December, 1834. Its successor 'met on the
19th of February, 1835—exactly fifty-two days
having intervened.
The second Reformed Parliament, the fourth and
last of WILLIAM (after having lasted two years,
four months, and 28 days) was dissolved on the 17th
of July, 1837, in conseqwmce of the demise of that
Sovereign. Its successor meeting not until the
15th of the November following—shows, as a
result, that an interval of 121 days intervened.
The third Reformed Parliament, the Ist of VIC-
TORIA, being dissolved on the 22d of June, 1841
(not 18M), was succeeded, on the 19th of August
in that year, by the fourth Reformed Parliament.
There was consequently the interval of 56 days
mentioned by our contemporary—but an interval
that transpired ten years prior to the year of the
Hyde-park Exhibition.
The fourth Reformed Parliament, the 2d of VIC-
TORIA, was dissolved (after an existence of five
years, 11 months, and four days) on the 23d of July,
1847. When did its successor meet ? Why, not
until 118 days afterwards—namely, on the 18th of
November, 1847.

The fifth Reformed Parliament, the third of VIC-
TORIA (after lasting four years, seven months, and
12 days) was dissolved on the Ist of July, 1852.
And when did its successor meet again in West-
minster ? Not until 126 days had passed by—
namely, on the 4th of November, 1852. •
Finally comes the interval of forty days which
elapsed between the 21st of March, 1857, and the
30th of the ensuing month of April—namely, the

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111"u11

THE SUN.
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 13, 1859.