The Sun.
London, England, 1859-06-17 00:00:00

AUSTRIAN OBSTINACY.

(From the 77mes.)
No feature of national character is more remark-
able than the inveterate obstinacy of Austria. It
is unnecessary to call to mind the wars against the
French Republic and Empire, except to show how
completely the nature of the Monarchy remains
the same, and how, while every other State in the
world has admitted the notions of popular right,
the claims of nationality and race, and the neces-
sity of yielding to the strong and permanent in-
stincts of the governed, the Court of Vienna still
takes its ground on the strict letter of treaties, and
meets an adversary with the unanswerable, and
yet unavailing, logic of the international lawyers
We propose to give a few extracts from the con-
versations and despatches of Austrian statesmen,
which will enable the public to form some notion of
the Power the British Cabinet has had to deal with.
When the tone of Count Buol and his Imperial
Master are considered, and when it is remembered
that they had under their orders a vast army in
possession of the strongest fortresses of Italy, it
will be allowed that it was a difficult task for the
Cabinet of Lord Derby to persuade them to sur-
render what they deemed their rights, and to
counsel the abandonment of a system which they
never doubted their ability to enforce.
The confidence and the quiet hauteur of the
Austrian Government through these negotiations
are EL study for politicians. If these great
diplomatic qualities he d only been supported by
military success, the history of these transactions
would be most gratifying to Austrian self-esteem.
It is impossible to imagine anything more firm and
yet moderate, more chivalrous and yet sober, more
argumentative and yet courteous, than the answers
of Count Buol to every inquiry of Lord A. Loftus.
The British Minister has given a summary of seve-
ral of these conversations with an evident accuracy
and a perception of the speaker's character which
are creditable to his abilities, and the despatches in
which they are contained are perhaps the most
entertaining documents in the Italian blue-book.
We know enough of Frenchmen and French poli-
ticians; we know beforehand that commonplaces
about the " mission of France" and "marching at
the head of civilisation" will make up the staple of
an ordinary Parisian Minister's harangues. But
the Viennese mind has not been so thoroughly
studied, and the following paragraphs, which relate
to an early conversation between Count Buol and
Lord A. Loftus, enable us to observe some of its
workings. It must be premised that Lord Malmes-
bury had written to the British Minister to the
effect that little sympathy for Austria prevailed in
England ; that the Cabinet could not shut its eyes
to the misgovernment of Central Italy—the Papal
States especially—and that, though war would in
their opinion add to the existing evils, yet the best
thing for Austria would be to take counsel with
France for a common action in the Peninsula.
Count Buol " expressed himself as fully sensible of
the kind and friendly motives which had moved
her Majesty's Government to offer their advice and
counsel at the present critical moment, and he
appreciated the cordial and sincere interest which
they evinced for Austria. But he could not conceal
from me his fears that the opinions set forth in
your Lordship's despatch might produce more harm
than good, if these same views and opinions had
been likewise expressed at Paris and Turin. In
fact,' said his Excellency, ' I regret that you have
read that despatch to me ; I regret, also, that it has
been written. If you wish to preach peace and to
prevent war, address yourselves with firmness to
France and Piedmont. We are not meditating
war ; we shall not be the aggressors. Tell the
Emperor Louis Napoleon that Great Britain will
not look passively on if His Majesty should com-
mence hostilities. Say to him that, should he take
such a course, it would be at his own risk and peril.
On the other hand, warn King Victor Emmanuel
that England will not sanction any act of wilfu
aggression undertaken in full peace by Piedmont
against Austria. If Great Britain is prepared to
hold this language no war will arise."
We have given this speech at length, because we
believe it is the key to much of what has since
happened. There can hardly be a doubt that, in
spite of the declarations of neutrality made by
the Government at an early period of the discus-
sions,—declarations loudly and peremptorily de-
manded by the people,—yet the feeling, not only at
Vienna, but at Dresden, Munich, and Berlin, was
that a war on the Continent would not last many
weeks without England taking a part in it against
France. The notion was, that England would see
with such extreme jealousy the legion of France
passing their own frontier, that, putting aside all
considerations of abstract right, and abandoning
the doctrine of neutrality as cowardly and base, we
should use the whole strength of our armies, ou
fleets, and our Exchequer, for the preservation o
Central Europe. All history, however, shows how
difficult it is to draw a nation into a quarrel which
cannot be proved to concern itself immediately.
There was, indeed, the notable example of our war
against Revolutionary France to the contrary; but
generally, though a people will go to war for a
speck of land in a tropical sea, because they con-
sider it their own, they will hardly move to defend
the dearest interests of another community, espe-
cially if it has obtained a character for selfishness
and double•dealing. The Austrian politicians may
ow
well excuse England for not going toercw amts h o help
their armies in Italy when they p
slowly even their nearest allies, the German States,
respond to their earnest and reiterated calls.
But not only would not Count Buol listen to ad-
vice respecting reforms in the Austrian provinces,
but he would not promise to refrain from in-
terference with the independent States of Cen-
tral Italy. "If your Excellency," continued Lord
Augustus Loans, " gives me the assurance that in
no case will Austria move a soldier across her frea-
tier in Italy without previous concert with France,
then I shall consider that a war may be averted."
" No," said Count Buol, " I cannot give you that
assurance, for it would be a surrender of our sove-
reign power. We shall not interfere in any State
unless our aid is asked for, and in that case it will
be granted ; and the knowledge that it will be
granted is the best preservative of order." The
Count then added " that the agitation and excite-
ment had greatly subsided in Lombardy since the
Austrian reinforcements had arrived, and that he
did not entertain the same fear as that with which
her Majesty's Government were impressed of a dis-
turbance arising in Italy." We may ask what was
to be done with a Power so confident and unyield-
inr, as this ? What use would it have been to preach
to Count Buol of the strength of the French armies,
their excellent organisation, the resources of France
for carrying on a war, and the certainty that a
liberating force would be received with enthusiasm
by the Italian people P The Austrian Court per-
sisted in its equality with France ; the French
did not deny this equality, and it only remained
for a British Government to treat both parties
with respect, and endeavour to keep the peace
by reminding each of its duties to Europe.
But the notion that it was England's true policy
to defend Austria if attacked by France could not
be eradicated from the minds of the Austrian
Cabinet. At the end of January Count Buol still
harps on the same string. He wonders how it is
that France should undertake to defend Sardinia,
and that England should refuse the same kind
office for his own country :-0 He could not un
derstand how England could remain neutral if
France and Sardinia were unjustly and without
provocation to attack Austria." But still, while
claiming the assistance of Prussia, Germany, and
England, the Austrians do not bate a jot of their
high pretensions. They maintain their right to
protectorate over Central Italy, not only in their
communications with England, but by the mouth
of M. Hubner at Paris. Count Walewski had
warned the Austrian Government "against the
complications which might arise from unforeseen
incidents, meaning the interference of Austria in
the internal affairs of the other Italian States.'
Count Buol answers in his old style, that "Pied-
mont is far more likely to give rise to unforeseen
incidents than Austria, and it is to Piedmont, there-
fore, that the advice of the French Government
should be directed. He calls to mind the treaties,
offensive and defensiue, which Austria has with the
, w Hasse says,
theistance
DmiugchhtiesobolifgPo aArmuastrainad
toMogdoentao
of either of those States ; but he intimates the
belief that the Governments are strong enough
in themselves not to require external aid." We
shall add but one more extract, and it is taken
from a despatch of Lord A. Loftus, dated February
the 24th, and at a time when the full danger of the
war had been made manifest to every mind :
" We shall not enter into any conference on Italian
affairs. We have no need to negotiate with France
for the withdrawal of our troops from the Roman
States. Our compact was with the Pope. We
entered those States without any previous arrange-
ment with France, and we can leave them in like
manner." When thin was the spirit of the Aus
trian Court during the first two months of the dis-
pute, we may wel?appreciate our own Government's
difficulties in dealing with the question, and it is
not a little to the credit of Lord Cowley that by
his representations lie succeeded in obtaining
Francis Joseph's
consent to some important conces-
sions. The French Emperor seems to have thought
that the obstinacy of Austria would be proof against
all the reasoning of the English Envo , and to
have made his propositions in full confidence that
they would •be rejected. When, however, it be-
came evident that Austria was disposed to accept
the friendly mediation of this country, and to abate
the arrogance of her tone, recourse wwashad to the
Russian juggle of a Congress, and the
Europe wee finally sacrificed. peace of