The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-04 00:00:00

which we aro prepared to offer you ?' They knew per-
fectly well what the answer of the country would be.
(Loud cheers.) Knowing that, and therefore sheltering
themselve3 under the mysterious veil of unintelligible
phrases, and impo-ing upon the conscientious feelings
of honourable and respectable men who, in support-
ing the resolution, do not stop t I inquire whether
the war is just or necessary, or what the wrongs are which
have produced it, but are prepared upon every occasion to
assert that no recourse to force is ever legitimate or allow-
able "—foreign nations will say that this coalition, prac-
tising upon the good feelings of these persons, and uniting
themselves with those from whom they have been hitherto
long and widely separated, have—if the result should be
so—succeeded in (I will usenouncivilterm) extracting from
the house a vote the effect of which is different from that
which it would have been had they manfully and boldly
stated their object. (Cheers.) Foreign nations will say,
" Don't trust the English Government. Look at the re-
sult of this debate and division. There are some members
of the Legislature who raise the nicest legal quibbles, who
endeavour to excuse the most atrocious crimes—(cheers)—
who take part with any foreigner against an Englishman,
and who—like the hon, member for the West Riding—
almost repudiate their country. This result may have
arisen from a combination of accidental circumstances,
but beware how you imagine that you can venture to deal
with the British Government upon the assumption that
they represent the feelings and intentions of the na-
tion." I don't intend to follow the example of the
right honourable baronet the member for Carlisle (Sir
J. Graham), who went so far as to say that every mem-
ber of this house would be accountable for the vote be
may give not only to his own conscience, not only to his
constituents, not only to his countrymen, but—if I did
not misunderstand him—at that last day when all human
actions will be scanned. I don't go so fsr as that—(cheers
and laughter)—but I do say that this house has now in its
keeping not only the interests, the property, and the lives
of many of our fellow-countrymen—(cheers)—but that it
has also in its keeping the honour—(cheers)—the welfare,
the reputation—(renewed cheers)—expressions which my
noble friend the member for the city of London justly pre-
ferred to the foreign term "prestige"—of this great empire.
(Cheers.) That is a sacred and a holy trust, and hon. gen-
tlemen should conscientiously consider in what manner
they propose Ito discharge it. They may think they are
only expressing their disapprobation of the destruction of
certain fortresses or of particular public buildings in Can-
ton,—they may think they are only recording an opinion
that less severe measures would have been sufficient to
meet the case,—that the additional demand made was one
that might have been foregone,—or that if they had been
in the situation of Sir John Bowring they would have
acted somewhat differently. These are highly honourable
considerations, and it is quite proper that they should
have their due weight, but there are greater inte-
rests at stake in the vote to be given to-night. (Cheers.)
This house has now to determine a question of vast ine-
portsneo to British interests that non- n=ist, and that may
hereafter accrue. Not merely the property, but I will
venture to say the lives of many of your countrymen de-
pend upon your vote. Those who are most averse to the
laws which inflict upon the greatest malefactors the penalty
of death may well pause before they come to a decision
by which they may, it is to be feared, pass sentence of
death upon many of their fellow-subjects abroad. (Hear.)
I have trespassed longer than I had ietended to do upon
the attention of the house, but I do trust that hon. gentle-
men will not allow themselves to be carried away by the
eloquent flourishes which we have heard in the course of
the debate. I trust they will view this subject in its true
light, as bearing upon the real interests of the country ;
and I am satisfied that impartial men, who are not wedded
to party, who are not members of any coalition that has
been formed—(cheers)—and there are, and I hope always
will be, in this house many men who act most indepen-
dently and who exercise their own judgment upon the
questions brought before them—will give their votes in
such a manner as to maintain the honour, the dignity,
and the. interests of the country. (Loud and continued
cheering )
Mr. GLADSTONE—I rise just to say one word in expla-
nation. I understand that during my temporary absence
from the house the noble lord at the head of the Govern-
ment stated that I had defended the acts of retaliation
which bad taken place in China. Now, in answer to
that statement, I need only refer to some of the expres-
sions which I used. 1 remember two of them. I de-
scribed those acts of retaliation as detestable acts, and I
spoke of them as an abominable system of warfare. (Hear,
hear.)
Lord PALMERSTON—What I said was that the right
hon. gentleman had done his best to characterise what had
taken place as a wanton attack by the strong upon the
weak. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. DISRAELI—I wish, Sir, very briefly to recall the
attention of the house to the real issue which we are about
to decide. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord has entered into
the subject with a great deal of detail—(cries of Divide,
and cheers from the Opposition)—which I should have
hoped after the discussion which has taken plane had
become obsolete. (Divide, and hear.) The noble lord
has cast imputations upon the right hon. gentleman the
member for the University of Oxford, and has in-
truded into the debate observations which, must have
originated from a speech made many years ago. The
noble lord has also found fault with the resolution
upon which we are now about to decide, and has charac-
terised it as being indefinite, and he has attributed to me
the expression of an opinion that it is a vote of censure on
the Government. Now, I beg toinform the noble lord that
to me the resolution appears both definite and moderate,
and the implication that it is a vote of censure on the Go-
vernment did not originate with me, but with the learned
Lord-Advocate. In feet, on the motion for the adjourn-
ment of the debate I stated that as the Government con-
sidered the motion to be a vote of censure I should not be
willing to press it prematurely to a division. I am, how
ever, unwilling to quarrel with the name • the noble lord
has accepted, and I also accept this as a vote of censure on
the Government. I think it more for the honour of the
House of Commons-that it should be so considered than
that it should be regarded as a mere censure upon absent
officials. (Hear.) I can assure the house that lam not
going to enter into any of the legal arguments which have
been adduced, and I must admit my surprise that the de-
bate has been so lengthened by the introduction of the
legal element into the argument, because it appears to me
that the observations dispose of the whole of that part of
the subject. (Hear.) In'the first place, if the Arrow had
been a British ship, built at Blackwell, owned by an
Englishman, and manned by British seamen, I do not
think that the Government would have been authorised
to take the course which they have adopted (hear) and in
the second place the representatives of England in China
were unable to take their stand upon the case which they
originally stated, and were driven to placing the whole
matter on a very different issue, and therefore I think that
the legal part of the question as regards the error is not
very material. The question has all along been one not of
law, but of policy, and it is to the question of policy that
I shall briefly address myself, for that is the question upon
which we are called upon to decide, and I hope that the
house will not be diverted from the real issue which is in-
volved by the tone which the noble lord lord so singularly
adopted t6wards the close of his speech. (Hoar.) The
noble lord made use of a regular to quoque argument.
Some gentlemen have found failt with what they have
described as a disregard for truth on the part of Sir John
Bowring'; to that the noble lord replies that Yeh is a
liar. (" Hear, hear," and a laugh.) Some gentlemen
have spoken with mere freedom than perhaps I should
have allowed myself to use of the conduct of British
merchants abroad ; to that the noble lord replies
that we who are going to vote for this resolution are
influenced by a lust for gold. (" No, no," and hear.)
Let us come to this question of policy. It appears to me
that Sir J. Bowring has been unjustly treated by the ma-
jority, indeed I may say by all the speakers who have ad-
dressed the house, because his conduct has been ratified,
sanctioned, and approved by the Government, and is, in
my opinion, not to be too strictly reviewed by the House
of Commons. But the case is much stronger than that ; I
have only known Dr. Bowring as a public man, having sat
with him in this house, as many of us have done; but I
remember that three or four years ago he returned from
his consulate, having revisited England in order to receive
his instructions before he appeared in his new and superior
station at Hong Kong. Sir J. Bowring then called on
several of the leading members of both Houses of Parlia-
ment, an], among others, he did me the honour to call on
me, though I had no social acquaintance with him. He
tale i very frankly of his ideas with respect to the position
of China and the policy to be pursued there, and lam
bolind to say that the policy then recommended by Sir J.
Bowring was the policy which he has recently put in prac-
tice, and which is before us in the papers on the take. I
have a right to assume that he spoke as frankly to her Ma-
jesty's Ministers as he did to those members of Pat liament
on whom he called, and I have further a right to assume
that they entirely shared his views and approved his
policy after he entered upon tho Government of Hong
Kong. (Hear, hear.) Now, if this be the case, I think
that under all the circumstances the conduct of Sir J.
Bowring is not open to severe criticism, but that it is the
policy of the Government we are called on to discuss.
(Hear, hear.) It would in such circumstances be most un-
generous on our part and most unjust to make this an hone
on the personal character and conduct of an absent man.
(Hear, hear.) Let us, however, look at this policy. It is
an attempt by force to increase our commercial relations
with the East. (Hoar, hear.) I agree with my hon. friend
the member for Liverpool and myhon. friend the member
for Hastings that it, is most desirable to have our com-
mercial relations with China increased ; and I should look
forward with great interest to the new treaty for th;e
object to which the noble lord has referred; but I cannot
reconcile such a policy with the course that has recently
been pursued by the Government. (Hear, hear.) There is
one idea too prevalent with regard to China,—viz., that
all England has to do is to ant with energyheinaror
Feriftt yo
produce the same results as in India. (Hear,
years ago Lord Hastings offered to conquer China if he
were only allowed 50,000 men. So great a captain as the
Marquis of Hastings might have conquered that empire,
but since the time when our Clives and Hastings founded
our great Indian empire the position of affairs in the
East has greatly changed. Great Powers have been
brought into contact with us in the East. We have the
Russian Empire and the American Republic there, and
a political compromise developing itself like the balance
of power in Europa ;
and, if you are not cautious and
careful in your conduct now in dtaling with China, you
will find that you are likely not to establish coelmerce,
but to excite the jealousy of powerful States, and to in-
volve yourselves in hostilities with nations not inferior to
yourselves. (Hear, hear.) Look at the position in which
you have placed yourselves within these two months with
the two countries of Persia and China. (Hear, hear.) I
hope we may have peace with Persia, and that in a few
days that peace will be announced, having probably ac-
cepted the very terms we some months ago refused. (Hear,
hear.) But if you have peace with Persia you will pro-
bably have succeeded in establishing Russian ascendancy
in that country by your violent conduct—(Hear, hear)—
while in, China where also you may soon have peace, you
will have established the ascendancy of the United States.
(hear, hear) If that is the true state of affairs, this
country must dismiss from its mind the idea of dealing
as it has done with barbarous States with which
Powers civilised like ourselves have great sympathies,
and we must habituate ourselves to the idea of ex-
tending to countries like China the same diplomatic in]
tercourse that we have with other nations. (Hear, hear.)
f ou cannot do that in a moment ; but I maintain that we
have made great advances in our relations with China
already, and that the policy which the Government has
adopted is one which will deprive my hon. friends the
members for Liverpool and Hastings of those very results

which they desire to obtain. (Hear, hear.) You are deal-
must have seat out reinforcements sufficient to protect
ing with a country of immense antiquity. You have been them. Those reinforcements will be able to protect the
reminded in this debate that China enjoys a civilisation of
British residents in the north as well as in the south of
25 centuries. Why, sir, the civilisation of Europe is no- China. It seems to me that all the mischief that could be
thing to that. But the result a those ancient habits and done Lae been already done, for have they not burned downs
customs is the existence of great ceremony and etiquette, the factories and all the mercantile residences at Canton?
and you expect that a country of that kind should not be 8,000 or 10,009 houses have been de.troyed—that is to say,
outraged by the frank and sometimes the brutal freedom the residences of about 30,000 or 40,000 inhabitants. All
of European manners. With the policy which has been this mischief is done, and a vote of this house cannot make
indicated by the noble lord—the policy of combination the matter worse. The noble lord predicts that terrible
with other powerful European States in attempting to in- dangers would result from a change of ministry ; but we
fluence the conduct of the Chinese by negotiations and all remember that in the midst of the last Chinese war, in
treaties—it is my firm• hope and belief that ultimately, 1840, Sit Robert Peel was carried into power,—and yet sv°
slowly and surely, we may attain our end ; but it is because do not find that British interests in China suffered by that
the actual policy of the Government—the policy approved change of ministry, for the war was, in fact, carried on
and vindicated by the noble lord—seems to me inconsistent more fiercely than before. The noble lord has found fault
with the policy of combination with other European States with the terms of my motion, which he says were dictated
that I think the time has arrived for the House of Corn- by a combination of parties ; but I beg to state distinctly
moos to express an opinion upon events so startling and that no one in this house, with the exception of my right
upon behaviour so inconsiderate. How has the house been honourable friend the member for Manchester (Mr. M.
called upon to express its opinion? We have been told to- Gibson), was consulted by me with regard to the terms of
night of factious combinations and concerted movements. my motion. Neither directly nor indirectly, was any in-
Let us see whether the fats justify such broad accusations tiination given of my motion to any hon. gentleman oppo-
on the part of the noble lord. Why, sir, one thing is quite site, or in any other part of the house, with the exception
clear. Here is a motion of which notice was given by a of my right hon, friend. I challenge contradiction of tha;
gentleman who acts certainly in ne political connection assertion from any and every quarter. (Cheers.) How, then,
with hon. members on this side of the house, and with not can the noble lord charge me with entering into a conspiracy
many on the other side. (A. laugh.) It is evident that the to drive him from office ? He has talked about party com-
motion could not have teen seen before it was placed in binations, but why has he not had the boldness to tell the
your hands, sir, by any great number of members, because house that I cannot hope to gain anything by a change of
—the objection was, I admit, almost a technical one— ministry? I shall not take office in consequence of any
it was drawn up in such a manner, with what we call change of ministry, nor do I hope or expect that the divi-
the annexe of a proposed committee, that many honour- sion on my motion will lead to that change of ministry
able gentlemen on this side of the house at once declared of which the noble lord has so much dread. But even
that they could not support it in that form. (Hear, if that should be the result of my motion I do
hear.) We have been told, sir, of party moves. I not think that, a change of Ministry would be any great
really think the time has come when both sides of the calamity. (Laughter.) Daring the 17 or 18 years that I,
house should cease indulgiag in these platitudes. (Cheers have had a seat in this house I know that, whenever a
and laughter.) Why, sir, everything is a party change of Ministry is expected those who are interested in
move in a house which ought to be ruled by party, and, supporting the existing Ministry are all on the qui vive—
which, if not ruled by party, would soon lose its significance. they tell us that Heaven and earth will come together if
What is a party but a body of men who have a policy the dreaded change should happen. And I never knew a
which they recommend, and who do not shrink from the change of Government where the people did not gain some-
responsibility of putting that policy into practice ? But I thing by it. ( aanglater and cheers.) And I will tell the
maintain that there has been no party move on the pre- house what will be the result of a change of Ministers. I
sent occasion. A resolution has been brought forward by take it for granted that either the, right hon gentleman
the hon. member for the West Riding. On this side of opposite (Mr. Disraeli) or my right hon. friend near me
the house it has received considerable, but not unanimous (Hr. Gladstone) will be the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
support. I have the misfortune to differ on this occasion What will be the effect? They will take that budget and
from many gentlemen with whom I act in political life, reconsider it, and we shall have a reduction of 2,000,0e01.
and among whom are some of my most intimate friends in in the eeeeediture. Now, the noble lord (Palmerston)
private life. If I look to the benches opposite I find sometimes dealt some hard blows at me, but there is so
there the noble lord the member for the city. (Cheers.) much polish in his thrusts Vest it is impossible for me to
He is also a party to this unprincipled combination. I be angry with him. (Cheers.) No person in this house
really think that the First Minister should settle his corer- has fewer enemies, and lam not among them. (Hear.)
teous description with his late much-cherished and hon- Yet I will tell the noble lord candidly that I should make
oured colleague, and not with me. (A. laugh.) There are a most excellent bargain .for the country if I disposed of
a'so gentlemen opposite who once did act in very intimate him for that 2,000,000/. of reduction. Much laughter, in
connection with the Conservative party, and the spine- which Lord Palmerston heartily joined.) I have only one
hension that that intimacy shoule he renewed has conjured remark to m.ito, led it" "'lit '11.1,,,n. and learned
up before the First Minister a combination at once the member for Hertford. I must confess his speech a little
most horrible and *the most heterogeneous. (Cheers and surprised me. (Hear, hear.) He took me to task for the
laughter.) The First Minister is of all men the man who character 1 had given of British merchants engaged in the
cannot bear a coalition. (Laughter.) Why, sir, he is the China trade, and he argued in favour of calling those Bri-
archetype of political combinations without avowed prin- tish merchants to give evidence in favour of the Govern-
ciples. (Great cheering and laughter.) See how his Go- ment. Now, if any one happens to recollect, there was a
vernment is formed. It was only last year that every little while ago a meeting at the Freemas one' Tavern, at
member of his Cabinet in this house supported a bill in- which Lord Shaftesbury ought to have presided, but being
troduced, I think, by a late colleague. It was opposed in obliged to rig up a jury-mast—(a laugh)—and improvise a
the other house by a member of the Government, who, to president, they called upon the hon. and learned member
excuse his apparent inconsistency, boldly declared that for Hertford to take the chair. What weer that meeting
when he took office the First Minister required no pledge for? Why, every speaker denounced the British mer-
from him on any subject whatever. (Laughter.) Yet chants in China for carrying on the opium trade. (Hear,
the noble lord is alarmed and shocked at this unprin- hear.) It was from those speeches, which I carefully
cipled combination ! The noble lord cannot bear coali- read, and from which, as is my wont, len t out certain
tions ! The noble lord has acted only with those among passages, that I got so much information with reeard
whom he was born and bred in politics. ACheers and to these 'Chinese merchants. (Cheers and laughter.) rob
laughter.) That infant Hercules (exclaimed the right never be angry with the hon. member for Liverpool, who
hon. gentleman, pointing to Lord Palmerston) was taken has certainly a feminine way of scolding, but if I had in-
out of the Whig cradle, and how consistent has been troduced a tithe of the facts which have been forced upol.l
his political life ! (Renewed laughter.) Looking back my notice as to the doings of this exceptional body of Bin-
upon the last half century, during which he has professed tish merchants, the hon. member, instead of scolding me,
almost every principle, and connected himself with almost would have been obliged to find arguments to defend his
every party, the noble lord has raised a warning voice to- friends. The hon. member for Hertford (Mr. T. Chambers)
night against coalitions, because he fears that a majority took us to task for not acting in a judicial way. He was
of the House of Commons, ranking in its numbers some of the president of a meeting where the speakers excommunis
the most eminent members of the house—men who have sated and outlawed the British merchants, yet he called
been colleagues of the noble lord—may not approve a policy upon these outlawed representatives, of the British mer•
with respect to China which has begun in outrage, and chants as evidence to the character of the Government.
which, if pursued, will end in rain. (Loud cheers.) That, (Laughter.) lam obliged to the house for having heard me.
sir, is the position of the noble lord. And what defence of In all sincerity I wish this motion to be taken without re-,
that policy have we had from the noble lord ? Has he ference to its consequences, and with the sole desire to do
laid down a single principle on which our relations with
justice to the merits of the case. I think it hard that any
China ought to depend ? Has he enunciated a solitary po-
hon. gentleman should be debarred from giving an honest
lineal maxim which should guide us in this moment of vote on a question of this importance. I will admit that
peril and perplexity ? On the contrary, he has covered a Parliament government must be carried on by parties. If
weak and shambling case by saying—what ?—that he is parties were more advanced, and came up to my standard,
the victim of a conspiracy. (Cheers and laughter.) It's I might join them; but as it is lam isolated, and am con-
the old story. How often does a prisoner at the bar, tent to be a pioneer. Bat there are great occasions upon
when he is in the unfortunate position of having no de- which all parties ought to give an honest and conscientious
fence, declare that the whole thing is a conspiracy ? vote. We all of ushave moments when we look back upon.
(Cheers.) The noble lord was singularly inconsistent in the such a vote as this with more satisfaction than any vote.
language which he addressed to the house. He carefully given in the mere scramble of parties. I tell my hon.
enumerated the various influential sections which are com- friends near me (on the Ministerial benches), many of
bined against him. He alluded to the different distin- whom, I fear, are giving their votes with heavy hearts,
guished statesmen who, disagreeing on other subjects, that I wish they would look at this question free from
agreed in their opinion of his policy. He did not enter party bias, and give that vote which will be most for their
into any manly or statesmanlike-defence of his conduct. own peace and happiness of mind. (Cheers.)
He reproduced petty observations made in the course of Mr. KINNAIRD was unable to obtain a hearing for
the debate which I thought really had become exhausted some moments in consequence of loud cries of " Divide."
and obsolete, and therrhe turned round and said that the Silence was restored, upon his promise not to detain the
whole was a conspiracy ! (Cheers) Accustomed to majo- house, and he then said he was present at the meeting
rities which have been obtained without the assertion of a referred to by the hon. member for the West Riding, and
single principle, which have, indeed, been the consequence he did not shrink from owning it. The right hon. mem-
of an occasional position, and which have, iu fact,originated her for Wiltshire asked him how he could reconcile the
in the noble lord's sitting on that bench without the neces- vote he was about to give in favour of the Government
sity of expressing an opinion upon any subject, foreign or with his objections to the opium traffic, and the right hon.
domestic, that can interest the heart of the country or influ- baronet. the member for Carlisle went so far as to say he
once the opinion of the nation, the noble lord will at last washed his hands of the blood-guiltiness in the slaughter
find that the time has come when, if he be a statesman, he at Canton. For the hundreds of lives lost by recent pro-
must have a policy—(cheers)—and that it will not do, the ceedings at Canton hundreds of thousands of lives were
instant that the blundering of his Cabinet is detected, and lost in consequence of the opium trade.
every man accustomed to influence the opinion of the house The house then divided, and the numbers were—
unites in condemning it, to complain to the country that For the motion
he is the victim of a conspiracy. (Cheers.) Let the noble Against it
lord not only complain to the country, hut let him appeal Majority against the Government l6
to the country. (Cheers.) I hope that my constituents As soon as the clerk at the table handed to Mr. Cobden
will return me again ;if they do not, I shall be most happy the paper containing the statement of the numbers, and it
to meet him on the hustings at Tiverton. (Renewed was seen that the Government was defeated, there was a
cheers.) I should like to see the programme of the proud loud cheer, which was suspended while the number& were
leader of the Liberal party—" No reform, new taxes, Can- announced; but after their announcement it was repeated,
ton blazing, Persia invaded." That would be the pro- and continued for some minutes.
gramme of the statesman who appeals to a great nation as THE WINE DUTIES.
the worthy leader of the cause of progress and civilisation. Mr. OLIVEIRA. had upon the paper a notice of motion
(Cheers.) I hope that the house will not for a moment be for the appointment of a select committee upon the wine
influenced by the languid menace of the noble lord. I duties; but, at the suggestion of the Chancellor of the
hope that hon. members will feel to-night that they have Exchequer, he consented to postpone it for a fortnight.
a duty to perform which will be remembered long after The house adjourned at 25 minutes after 2 o'clock.'
this Parliament shall kave ceased to exist ; and that, not
frightened by the menace Ofea Minister, they will dare to
vindicate the cause of justice, and to lay down a principle,
without the observance of -which the empire of which we
are so proud may soon be questioned. (Loud and pro-
tracted cheering.)
Mr. COBDEN—As I have been personally referred to
during the four nights of the debate by many speakers, and
as much has been erroneously attributed to me, I trust that
I may claim the ihdulgence of the house for a few minutes
while I reply to them. I have been accused of ungenerous
language towards Sir John Bowring. Now, I stated that I
had 20 years' acquaintance with Sir J. Bowring, and that I
would rather not refer revengefully or harshly to him, and
the only epithet which I applied to his unfortunate de-
spatches was that in which I described one of them as thd
most flagitious public document which had been ever pub-
lished. I repeat those words, and lem sorry that a sense
of duty compels me to do so. (Cheers.) The noble lord at the
head of the Government remarked upon my conduct to
foreigners and to my own countrymen, and character-
ised it as un-English. (Cries of " Hear, hear," from be-
hind the Treasury benches:) Will that very small knot of
gentlemen up in that quarter (pointing to the rear of the
Treasury benches) cease to proclaim the nakedness of the
land by interrupting me ? because, though I know there
will be a very large vote for the Government upon the oc-
casion, those feeble cheers show that there is not very much
heart in the business. (Cheers.) If the house will give use
its attention I promise to be very brief. (Hear.) The
noble lord characterised my conduct ea- anti-English. He
described me as being very prone to take the part of fo-
reigners, and in the same breath \ the noble lord said that
Posterity would regard me with some degree of considera-
tion for having rendered some service to my country. I
thought there was some inconsistency in that statement,
and I do not, understand how posterity could regard with
favour one who abandoned his own countrymen and sided
with foreigners. (Hear, hear.) There are some people
who suppose that the noble lord's motives of action are not
always the best, and part of the press believe him to be ac-
tuated by almost treason in his public conduct. (A. laugh.)
The noble lord therefore should be himself disinclined to
fix on men false motives and unworthy objects. My only
motive of conduct in this house is to promote the just in-
terests of my country, believing them to be -in harmony
with tho interests of the whole world. (Cheers.) The
noble lord has referred again to my remarks with respect
to British merchants, and with that dexterity he knows so
well flow to employ has attributed to me all sorts of as-
persions on the character of British merchants. Now, I
made no disparaging reference to British merchants as a
body. (Cries of "Oh !") I spoke of certain merchants at
Liverpool, represented by Mr. Charles Turner, chairman,
who, in the name of the East India and China Associa-
tion, sent a memorial to Government, recommending the
Government to insist on the opening to foreign trade of
any port on the coast of China, or on any navigable
river, and on placing consuls at them, and, moreover,
desired that our ships of war should have free neviga-
tion, and access to all ports and rivers in China. (Hear,
hear.) I say that such a document applied to an inde-
pendent and great empire was never before published
to the world. (Cheers.) With respect to the language I
used, it was applied, not to the merchants of Liverpool
generally, but to the persons who expressed such sentimeets;
and I say such language is worthy of reprobation. (Hear
hear.) The noble lord has stated that but for these unfor-
tunate events at Canton the Government had made repre-
sentations to the Government France, and was about to
make them to America with a prospect of success, for a
joint representation to Pekin, in favour of greater commer-
cial facilities with China. That is an important disclo-
sure, and tends immensely to aggravate the misconduct
which has led to these unfortunate events. (Hear, hear.)
Is there now a prospect of such an arrangement being
made? I speak advisedly when I say I believe that Ame-
rica will not be a party to any combined action with the
Government of this country on the basis now taken up in
China. What does the noble iced want with another treaty
with China? He tells us he believes the reason why so
few of our manufactures enter China is that there la a in-
terned duties and obstacles which prevent their circulation
inland. Well, this may be true ; but I think that he is
mistaken. I think that a country which shows such an
almost unparalleled freedom It her ports, that puts no re-
striction on shipping, that giiss such facilities for the car-
rying on of business, is not very likely to put obstacles in
the way for the purpose of preventing the circulation of
manufactured goods in her interior. But if that
sill the.
reason why we send no more goods to China now th_
fore the war of 1840—viz. to the extent of only 1,2 °exit,
pmeernatnonf Cantonuue,tloes
willthe nteosladfetlso'rriemtsbvienkthstsheatoht
r
the interior of China of which he complains ? The g
a
shter übcotirohn e
asrid. nt-
grievance in this affair is that you are carrying on
ties now without any definite object, and no possibleh good
view of alarming us, that if a vote a
can arise from them. The noble lorddvherassetotlod
tuhse, wGiothvetrhus.
icularly in China
dis-
astrous all over the world, and part
of
revenge _
ment should be given to night the results will be most
where British lives may
the Chinese. But we have no residents at Canton, and
he destroyed out by
by the latest information
which I have received on this
and the anger is a es in
taken refuge at Hong Kong,
grown they will be starved
subject all the English residents in thedsouth of' Cthhinta haye
ft
ohra ewpalnatc
fscparrocili
provisions.
athere s
thrpgrleasunse, however th t i
their joins niassaored,by the Chinese, se you
no danger of

Country Markets.

LIVERPOOL—MARm 3'.
At this morning's market we had a moderate attendance of
dealers, but their operations were rather unimportant.
Wheat sold at Friday's full rates, and in some instances Id
and 2d per bushel decline on the week was submitted to.
Flour has still a dragging sale, and can be bought on easier
tams. Indian corn was in less demand to-day, and prices
were barely supported. No other change occurred in the
week's quotations.