The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-11 00:00:00

they delay them ? It might be said that he might himself
have done this in U 54, but the reason was that the act
had then only just come into operation—it mi.ht have re-
quircd improvement, and therefore the further tax was kept
back. But this reason did not apply to .'11153,-.1 tient years. Ho
wassorry that more energetic measures were not taken wiih
the department under which the tax came, that of Inland
Revenue. Much was left undone in this department owing
to the weakly way in which it was conducted. Money was
in the hands of the department and not paid over, because
it was never abreast of its work. Both the succession and
legacy duties were greatly in arrear. He now came to the
heads of the estimates for the military and civil service. In
the military estimates the total had increased since 1853 by
seven millions. Striking off much that would cease or be
reproductive; they could not put the increase at less than
six millions. A small portion of this was due to the charge
of the war ; it was not more than 750,0001., taking the
charge of the funded and unfunded debt together. This
left about five millions and a half for the augmentation of
our expenditure in four years. His right hon. friend had
said that thole was a difficulty in reducing estimates imme-
diately after a war. But this was not immediately after a
war. At the end of the financial year 15 me nths would
have elapsed since we were virtually sure of peace, and 12
months since we were actually at peace. There might be
small sums of arrears and leavings, but that was more than
balanced by increased demands, which might be expected.
He looked upon the present estimates as peace estimates,
and with this view he hoped the house would express its
opinion that these estimates were susceptible of reduction.
The military estimates for 1841-2 were 14,700,0001., at
which period ,here was an increase of several millions since
1835. In 1846 there were large preparations on account
of the menacing state of oar affairs with America. The
estimates were in that year 16,830,0001. For 1848 they
were 17,60 x,OOOl. At this point they passed the patience
of Parliament, and the house showed such severe marks
of its displeasure that the Government reconsidered
the matter, and reduced the estimates by three mil-
lions. They were increased again in 1852 to 16,012,0 A/.
He would take that year for comparison, as it was a year
materially affected by the large cost of preparation in view
of war. At present, with so many causes of tranquillity—
in Ireland, in our internal relations—there was no occasion
for the large armies we once had. A small army, in pro-
per order, would answer the purpose better than large
armies under the system of former times. In 1853, the
expenditure was 16,612,000/. In the present year, includ-
ing the item alre dy allowed for the Persian war, the esti-
mate was 20,573,000/. ; so that on our military estimates
there was an increase of four or five millions since 1852. Ho
would now take the cavil estimates. He was not disposed
to deal more lightly with ih tur than with the military es-
timates. There was more danger in the first than in the
last, which came before them in a great lump, and which
were theref, le better observed, and were subject to reac-
tions which would lead very probably in time to unwise
and precipitate reductions. It was not so with the civil
estimates. They grew up in a thousand ways, and were
hardly ever brought into totals. Tho estimates required
to be rudely overhauled. No doubt the Chancellor of the
Exchequer did what he could, and those who pestered him
ab extra, had done much to strengthen the hands of the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, which required to be strength-
en ei both against his friends and against the house itself.
Yery often when they came to details, there was much dif-
ficulty in restraining the house. He could give many in-
stances. One was the immense charges voted by that
house with respect to the Ordnance survey. Those who bad
supported the survey last year were not aware that the
effect of their vote would be to entail a charge of four or
five millions on the country, and which was hastily voted
away in an hour or two, while mans of the persons who
is) voted did so without knowing what they were voting
about. Again, there were the votes on education.
He frankly avowed that ho viewed with jealousy
the growth of votes on education, not that we
had reached the maximum, but bee/two' in conse-
quence, great extravagance prevailed in the
several departments, each imagining that by spending
money it stopped the popular movement in other directions
than its own. He had no love for the plan of the right
hon. member for Droitwich or the hon. member for the
West Riding, but he would not oppose them by illegitimate
means. The heedless or even mischievous proposals were
made to the committee of council, they were ewe -tened by
the proposal to find half the money, and unnecessary waste
of public money was the result. Again, an act was passed
last year for the appointment of a Vice-President of the
Committee Of Council on Education. Last year, when the
measure was carried, not so much was said about the duties
of the office as about the usefulness of having a person in
that house to answer questions. This was not a satisfactory
reason, yet such as it was it had failed. When the right hon.
member for D-oitwich the other night had asked the Go-
vernment what course they would pursue with regard to his
proposal on education, he was answered by a gentleman of
excellent abilities, but who was not a Cabinet Minister,
and who could only give his own individual opinions, and
not those of the Government on the question. On one oc-
t.asion the office in question remained for five months vir-
tually unfilled, the gentleman who held it being abroad,
and there being no immediate necessity for the actual
exercise of its functions. He did not find fault with the
Government for not exercising the power of filling up the
post during his absence, but he certainly thought it wrong
that an office should exist having functions which did not
require the constant attendance of the gentleman who
held it, but the functions of which requiring occasional
attention, and being that of great importance, could be
much batter discharged by a Cabinet Minister. Ho
should not think he fulfilled his duty unless he frankly
stated that he was not satisfied with the spirit of the
Government in respect to public money, and his opinion
was that the public money was not administered with
that strictness which, in his opinion, ought to obtain.
He did not think that the whole blame ought to rest
on the Government, for he thought that even in that
house quite a different set of ideas and of rules obtained
from what were in vogue and had the sanction of all public
men 15 or 20 years ago. Instances of this were to be found
in the appointments to the judicial bench. The occasion
would be fresh in their recollections when a sum of 50,000/.
a year was set aside for the purpose of relieving the suitoma
in the county courts of what were thought to be too heavy
charges. He thought at the time that this was a very
doubtful measure. But if the nation was to be subjected
to so heavy a charge, that suits in the county courts might
have justice partly at the public expense, might they not
look nearer h nue and consider if the duties of the judges
in the courts of Westminster had not fallen within and be-
low the powers of the staff there maintained ? He was
afraid he was touching upon a sore subject, but he felt that
a public duty requirrd that he should make those observa-
tions. This question having beeie mooted last session a
promise was made that it should have the consideration of
the Government during the recess. Late in the recess a
commission was appointed, but since that period two
judgeships fell vacant. Instead of making temporary ar-
rangements p ming the decision of that commission, the
Government fills up both vacancies, and on a third va-
cancy, on the death of the late lamented Baron Alderson,
the same course was taken ; but he was hound to say,
without the expression of any dissent on the part of the
house. Having spoken of Baron Alderson, he must pay a
tribute to the m• query of that lamented man—(applause)—
who, when this question was being mooted, wrote to him
(Mr. Gladstone) at Y, 14, being at that time abroad, a let-
ter which he (Mr Gladstone) now held in his hand, in
which he declared that it was indisputable that 12 judges
would be sufficient for the term business, and further sug-
gested arrangements by which the circuit business might
be so arranged that no inconvenience would arise from
the reduction. H 3 (Mr. Gladstone) asserted that if in
the administration of Lord Melbourne appointments had
been filled in which such a commission as that he
had referred to had been appointed, Sir Robert
Peel, as leader of the Opposition, would have
risen in his place in that house to propose an address to
the Crown upon the subject, which would have been car-
ried not by the Opposition only, bat by the support of the
whole house. So if Sir Robert Peel had ventured upon
such a step, Lord John Russell would have risen against
it, and would have been supported by the whole house.
But he was doing an injustice to Lcrd Melbourne and to
Sir Robert Peel iu supposing anything of the sort ; for the
feeling both of Governments and of Parliaments in those
times would have rendered such proceedings impossible.
It was impossible to bring down these estimates to what
they were at the time he had referred to, but that was no
reason why the same strictuess should not be applied to
the outlay of public money as used to be applied during
the memory of the present generation. The time was
come when this matter must be considers I. Political
predictions were always unsafe, but he would venture to
say that the Government would not be able to go on an-
other year in the present course without a strong move-
ment of public opinion. He defied them to meet the re-
quirements of the public finance next year without open-
ing up the whole question. He would advise them to
employ a portion of the comparative leisure which would
shortly be at their disposal in reconsidering the estimates,
which appeared to him to be beyond what the necessities
of the country require 1. Having satisfied a sense of duty
by making this st dement, he would leave it to the house
to deal with the matter as they might think fit. Sooner
or later it must be met, and such a question was always
better handled in proportion as it was earlier attended to.
It might be dealt with to the greater satisfaction of the
public, and with less risk of precipitancy, being taken in
hand in good time, than if they waited till public impa-
tience compelled them to do foolishly what they would not
do wisely in time. The right hon. gentleman concluded
by observing that he did not intend to oppose the votes on
credit.

Mr. WILLIAMS said that the right honourable gentle-
man had made so clear a statement that he (Mr. Williams)
should not trouble them at any length, feeling that be
could not add to the unquestionable proofs advanced by
the right hon. gentleman. Ho must observe, however,
that he had no doubt, looking at the present operation of
the income tax on personal property, from a million and a
half to two millions might be added to the national in-
come..

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said that
in the wide survey of the present situation of the finances
of this country, which the right hon. member had illus-
trated with the experience gained in the office he (the
Chancellor of the Exchequer) now had the honour to fill,
there was much in which he concurred, and as to that per!
tido that contained matter to which he could not assent,
he fully admitted that there was much that was worthy of
consideration. As the righi hon. gentleman's principal
object was satisfied, namely, that of bringing the subject
under consideration, he (the Chancellor of the Exchequer)
hoped he should not be thought to treat the right hon.
gentleman or the house with disrespect if he did not fo,"
low him through the whole of his remarks. With regard
to taxation, he had no apprehension of any deficiency; and
in respect to future years, he would only observe that he
placed all future years out of the question, considering that
as they sere only about to take votes on credit for a parr
of the present year, it would be a waste of time to enter
into the consideration of future years. It would be the
duty of the Government to take measures from year
to year to meet the expenditure out of the ordinary
resources of the country, and not to resort to credit,
which he considered was not a legitimate resource in
time of peace. (Cheers.) Whether this was to be ac-
complished by new taxation or by reducing the expendi-
ture it was not for him now to say. This was the first
year since 1853 that it had not been the duty of the 4
financier to exhibit a great deficiency. In granting this
vote on account, the house were not pledging them-
selves to any approval of the estimates, even for the four
months ; but on the assembling of the new Parliament it
would be competent for the house to discuss the estimates
of the year as a whole. In respect to the appointment of the
judges, it appeared to him that pcnding the decision of the
commission it was impossible to take any other course than
what had been adopted. The duties. must be pe_fornapd,
which could only be done by the fiLlingup ofthe vacancies;
nor could any change be made till the commission had re-
ported.He ted trusted that having attained his object of draw.
ing attention to the subject, his right hon. friend vpuldnot
think it necessary to press this question to a division.
Mr. CARR GLYN said that the first year after a war
afforded no criterion of the expenditure in years of peace
but it would be the duty of the new P arliarnent, when they
should meet, -to take the whole question into its very serious
consideration. In his opinion much good would be done,
if immedi4tely on the re-assembling of Parliament, A gm.