The Sun.
London, England, 1857-03-19 00:00:00

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V 7-2
14
and effective. Here also the of the g,over
perceptible (44). Important am Itiat ions have bee
-
d aced into the administration of i tale and psis.o6).
Some of these prisons should be visit hat this visikr nay
admire—the term is not too strong—therstferin.Marity
op produced happy
reason,r
of the Holy-Father. Iwill
not extend this enumeration.
What I have said ought to be sufficient to prove that all
the measures adopted by the Pontifical Administration.
thatt
there they
haverbea malarey rkade
f
esauultds ;I) rei
ngrheotirt;hat ,
is not a single detail of interest to the well-being either
moral or material of the populations which has escapedthe
attention of the government, or which has not been treated
in a favourable manner.
In troth, when certain persons, say to the Pontifical Go-
vernment, " Form an administration which may have for
its aim the good of the people,". the government might
reply, " Look at our acts, and condemn us if you dar
The government might ask, not only which of its acts is' s
subject for legitimate blame, but in which of its duties
' lt
has failed. Are we then to be told that the Pontifical G
vernment is a model—that it has no weaknesses and im-
perfections ? Certainly not ; but its weaknesses and /elver.
tedious are of the same kind as are met with in all govern.
ments, and even in all men, witha very few exceptions (46)
The Pontifical Government is a government composed of
Romans, acting after the Roman fashion. It mistrusts,
fears, hesitates at, dreads responsibility; it is fonder of exa.
mining than deciding. It likes alternations and accommo-
dations. It is deficient in energy, in activity, in taking the
initiative, in firmness, as is the case with the nation itself.
But although we may be permitted to attack any one who
neglects his duties, it is unjust to impute it as a crime to
any one that he has not the genius of a Sixtus V., of a
Colbert, of a Naeo!ss
I am perpetually in. errogating those who come to me to
denounce what thsycall the abu ies of the Papal Government.
This expression, it must be retire aibered,is consecrated, and
is above criticism or objection. It is held ae gospel. Now,
in what do these abuses consist? I have never yet beam
able to discover. At least the facts which go by that name
are such as are traceable to the imperfections of human na-
ture, and we need not load the Government with the direct
responsibility for the irregularities committed by some of
its subordinate agents. lam told that the custom-houses
ask travellers for a pourboire. This is without doubt a very
blameable custom, but would the secularisation of the Go-
vernment cure the country of a vice deeply ierplanted in.
its nature, would it hinder the people from being always
ready to hold out the hand? If this sad tendency was car-
ried out on a large scale there would be reason for alarm ;
but whatever may be ta'd of the venality of the Pontifical
administration, it would be impossible to quote a single au-
thent'sate 1 and notorious feet, unless we accept as genuine
the current coin of calumny. In any case if we see any one be-
coming rich it is always a layman. I have neverseenaprelate
augment his property by illicit means. The fortunes which
are made, and which may easily be cited, originate in either
banking or agricultural operations. Nothing shows that
there is any trading with power, or appropriation, of the
State Funds.
To pretend that no act of faithlessness is committed
would be irrational. No country is beyond the reach ofsuch
misfortunes; but what may be maintained is this, that if
they take place in the Pontifical States, they do so on a
small scale, and that the public service and public morality
are not affected by them in a sensible manner.
The imperfections of the judiciary system are often cited.
I have examined it closely, and have found it impossible
to discover any serious cause of complaint. Those who lose
their causes complain more loudly and more continuously
than is the custom in other places, but without any more
reason. Most of the important civil cases are decided in the
Tribunal of the Rota. Now, in spite of the habitual licence
of the Italian criticism, no one has dared to express a doubt
of the profound knowledge and exalted integrity of the
Tribunal of the Rota. If the lawyers are incredibly fertile
in raising objections and exceptions—if they lengthen out
law suits—to what is this fault to be attributed except to
. the peculiarity of the national genius ?
Lastly, civil law is well administered. Ido not know a
single sentence the justice of which would notbe recognised
by the best tribunal in Europe.
Criminal justice is administered in a manner equally
unassailable. I have watched some trials throughout their
whole details. I was obliged to confess that all necessary
precautions for the verifications of facts, all possible gua-
rantee for the free defence of the accused, including the
publication of the proceedings, were taken (48). The sen-
tomes are occasionally delayed, the processes are prolonged.
These, however, are inconveniences, not unpardonable
crimes.
When Italian witnesses shall learn to give their evidence
without being intimidated by the presence of the accused
and the fear of his vengeance, the delays will be less. Our
French councils of war byre the greatest difficulty in ob.
tattling depositions, and are often forced toewploy severity
for this purpose. Against tendencies of this kind the Go•
vernment can do nothing.
Much is said of the brigands who, we are told, lay the
country desolate. It has fallen to our lot to pass through
the country in all directions without seeing even the aim-
dow of a robber. It cannot be denied that from time to
time we hear of a diligence stopped, of a traveller plun-
dered. Even one accident of this kind is too many; but
we must remember that the Administration has employed
all the means in its power to repress these disorders.
Thanks to energeticmeasure', the brigands have been ar-
rested at all points, and punished. When in France a
diligence is stopped, when in going from London to Wiud-
sor a lady of the Queen's palace is robbed of her luggage
and jewels, such an incident passes unnoticed, but when
on an isolated road in the Roman States the least fact of
this nature takes place, the press, eager for a pretext,
prints tie news in large characters, and cries for venge-
ance on the Government. On the side of Rome, the at-
tacks which have taken place at distant intervals have
never assumed an appearance calculated to excite anxiety.
In the Romagna organised bands have been formed,which,
taking advantage of the neighbouring Tuscan frontier,
easily escaped pursuit, and were for a time to be dreaded.
The Government declared unceasing war against them, and
after 'several engagements, in which a certain number of
gendarmes were either cilled or wounded, these bands
have been in a great measure dispersed (49).
To conclude, we shall be obliged to confess, upon inves-
tigation, that the Pontifical Government has not failed in
its task, that it has proceeded regularly in the road of re-
form and amelioration, and that it has realised a consider-
able progress. If agitation is still kept up, the cause of it
will be found is the character of the nation itself, in its
ambitious views directed to unattainable objects. We
must recognise, lastly, that the remedy for this sad situa-
tion of things is not to be found in a crowd of measures
which, modifying an order of things perfectly unconnected
with the evil, would only make the evil much greater and
more dangerous still by exalting its hopes, tied byreducing
it already much shaken to the last degree of impotence and.
weakness (50).

If the Seve-reign of the Pontifical States were not at the
same time Head of the Church, his preservation or hisrnia
would be oflittle importance. But the cause of Catholicism
is at stake in this matter. For thisreason it is that so high
a degree of interest is so justly consideredby the great Ca-
tholic powers to attach to the interior condition of the
Roman States. These powers have a profound feeling of
the dangers which would threaten themselves even in the
event of a new revolution, and they understand what a re-
construction of the temporalpower of the Papacy on a new
basis might cost Europe. Religions passions being un-
chained simultaneously with political passions, the gravest
perhaps even the bloodiest conflicts might arise.
The prudence of statesmen induces them to seek for the
means of anticipating and preventing such fatal complica'
tions (51).
Attention is naturally directedtowards the nature of the
concessions necessary to satisfy the populations. Unhappily
these populations are not to be satisfied. I think I
have proved this. By destroying the Pontifical authority
a numerous party, but not the whole nation, is sure to be
satisfied. By the establishment of a constitutional regime,
which would appear, however, to be little in harmony
with the power of the head of the church, a large number
of individuals would be equally satisfied ; but, as I have
said, the one party as well as the other would rapidly
allow public business to fall into the hands of the most
violent section. M. Rossi, who wanted neither the neces-
sary talent nor the good will, had devoted himself to the
task of introducing into the Pontifical states a Parlia-
mentary regime. It might have been believed that he
might have reckoned on some support. The event teaches
us that he completely failed in obtaining this support.
Nobody was found'in the moment of danger to support or
defend him. No voice was raised to deplore his violent
death, still less to invoke vengeance for the deed.
It is in the highest degree impossible, in the midst of
passions which are dividing the minds of men, to create a
truly popular Administration. But allowing-the attempt
to be successful, such an Administration would find no
more defenders at a critical moment than Count Rossi
found when endeavouring to carry his undertaking to a
successful termination (52). Simple reforms content no
ono. I think I have abundantly shown that this is not
the question, and that, besides this, the movements of the
Pontifical Government are far from being such as to give
occasion for tho populations to consider themselves damaged
in their legitimate interests. Reforms would be wonien-
tarily granted by certain parties only on considerat'en of
the damage and loss of popularity which they might inflict
upon the Pontifical Government.
We cannot even see to what combination we could have
recourse. A profound investigation of tho true situation of
things gives no precise indications as to the course to be
adopted in this matter. In what direction are media-
tions to be employed ? How far are they to be carried?
With regard to this point the greatest uncertainty exists.
Now, modificatious can bear no good fruit unless they are
clearly natureseoeftbthei
oaso e
ro indicated
We consequently
eqnently spectacle aehis u
thenu tmtohaut
contradictory views being promulgated according to the
nature of individual opinions.
Certain persons who have already succeeded once in de-
priving the Holy Father of his tiara, 'not for their own
profit, but for that of the demagogues, are accused of en-
tertainiug the project of dividing the Pontifical state into
two portions, one of which is to be governed by a delegate
of the Holy Father. Such a combination as this, I con.
fess, appears to me to present the greatest danger. There
is no doubt that it would open the door to revolution, and.
that it would take advantage of the revolution attracted
by the expectations founded 'upon certain success. The
population would have less respect for their lay overnor
to lir
oa
wn f
oo
rr a
dh
re
pp roef s
be
Ino
ot
dd
tol e
dg
mouths the fall of the Sovereign pontiff eafteetis.4
hiThoy wouldnogt risk •
wouldAth b
oe e nd 0
nd ei a
rf ao d fewnt
Bologna,anltalian eonstituent assembly would beconvoked
and war would be declared against Austria. Allowing that
willsuec
swhlioniclhd
tne new power would be able to maintain its position, and
could be given to the other half of the Pontifical states,
fo
will
ask for
equal share? What is to be done if thogrurbilletgat they
rection to gain their ends, and bow can We doubt
will the Pa-
"codmi:ialsantiosffybineigngthaebpoandpoulnaetdi,ons,
and what answer
will resort to extreme nieasuros ? Taett::. e
d and Catholic
pacy be plundered,
its eninniene,os't dangerous agitations.
Europe become a prey to
thethat the Pope would meet
In any case, we must expect
oat desperate resistance. In
such a project with
the meld deserve to have a brevet of
reality, if he did not
h:er to him in the presence of all
radical incapacity
deecreivehis assent to sucha plan; but whe-
Europe. He willneLtr;r yield, the Papacy would be struck
ther he were to resnd,
and this is what the authors of this
with a mortal
nwdeurstand very well (53.) There would be
combinationeny.
d The Italians always depend for the com-
but oneore
Li f their projects on foreign support. If this support
ple
were to fail them they would adopt a proper course much
more readily
than would be imagined, looking at their cc-
t would be necessary, however, that in
AI
situation.
land and Sardinia the organs of the press should cease
to excite the passions, and that the Catholic powers should
continue to give the Holy See evident marks of sympathy
But bow can we hope that enemies, animated with such a
spirit as influences the opponents of the Holy Bee, would.
put a stop to their attacks when they have been made to
so remarkible a manner ?
Ido not think that all the questions of this world must
necessarily have a definitive eolittion. The Roman Ties.
tion, in my opinion at least, has none. We can only, imp.
cising a benevolent and attentive protection, avert thedans
gers of a catastrophe, and prolong a provisional state of
things which has at least the grand merit of preserving Eue
rope from innumerable evils (54).
Any Qom order of measures would only procipitati