The Sun.
London, England, 1859-01-17 00:00:00

THE SUN, LONDON, MONDAY EVENING, JANUARY 17, 1859.

REFORM MEETING AT EXETER.

(From the Western Times.)

In pursuance of a requisition numerously signed,
the Right Worshipful the Mayor convened a meet-
ing of the citizens at the Guildhall, at one o'clock
on Saturday afternoon. The hour was not the
most convenient to the citizens or the working
classes, and this circumstance partly accounts for
the smallness of the attendance, the hall being
about half full. The Mayor (Captain T. Tanner)
took the chair, and amongst those present were the
town clerk (Mr. J. Gidley), Mr. R. S. Gard, M.P.,
Mr. Latimer, Mr. M. Kennaway, Mr. Jerwood,
Mr. Brock, Mr. Tanner, Mr. Garton, Mr. R. Bas-
tard, Mr. Vickary, Mr. Trehane, Mr. Norrington,
Mr. Letchworth, Mr. It. W. Fox, Mr. Sayell, Mr.
Burrington, Mr. Roberts, Mr. Geachsias, Mr. H.
W. Hooper, Mr. Heathcote, Mr. Lendon, Mr.
Damerel, Mr. Westlake, Mr. M. Fryer, Mr. R.
Wreford, Mr. Limpenny, Mr. Davy, Mr. Brake,
Mr. Davy (Weir), Rev. S. Williamson, Mr. F.
Hartnoll, &c.; &c.
The notice convening the meeting having been
read, the Town Clerk read the following letter
which had been received from Mr. Divett, M.P. :
Bysteek, Jan. 9, 1859.
_ .

My dear sir,—l have received your letter of yesterday,
and regret that it will not be possible for me to take advan-
tage of the information it contains, by being present at the
meeting on Saturday, as I must leave this on Tuesday, and
my engagements elsewhere will prevent my return to
Devonshire before next week. It is not that I have any
anxiety to express my own views on reform, but hav;ng
recently found no opportunity of hearing those of many of
my most intelligent and much respected constituents, I
should be glad to seize this opportunity for doing so. lam
indisposed to give unnecessary opposition to, or even to look
with suspicion on the acts of a Government holding office,
as the present one does, solely in consequence of the short-
coming, imbecility, and disregard of public opinion, evinced,
by several leading men amongst their predecessors ; but it
must be admitted by every candid mind that the antece-
dents of most of these gentlemen are such as to leave the
fact of their honest conversion into reformers a problem still
requiring proof. Itmust be the duty therefore of those who
have laboured all their lives to 'procure a " full, fair, and
free" representation of the people, with the good govern-
ment which w9l be its results, to take care that the forth-
coming reform bill shall not become law as a mere sham,
but such a measure as shall tend to .seer -'e the advance of
this great country in prosperity and social happiness, with-
out the necessity, for years to come, Of further organic
changes. 'I remain, my dear sir, truly yours,
Mr. W. I-lenry Geachsias. EDWARD DIVETT.
Mr. R. BA§TAILD rose to propose the first resolu-
tion. He was sorry that he had been selected to
discharge that duty, because he felt the subject
upon which they were met was an important one,
and he was incompetent to do justice to it. The
resolution was, however, in' consonance with his
own impressions, and he sincerely hoped that it
was one that no gentleman present 'could dissent
from. It was as follows :

That• the Reform Bill of 1832, ' though a decided mea-
sure of progress in comparison with the state of the repre-
sentation which it corrected, does no.more afford means of
securing an aggregate representation of the people. This
meeting therefore desires to express its satisfaction at hear-
ing that all the leading political partieS concur ill the neces-
sity for a new Reform Act.

He thought that when they knew it as a fact that
all parties in the state concurred in the necessity
for ,a new Reform Bill—when they knew there was
one prepared or being prepared under the auspices
of Mr. Bright they would at once see that no man
could dissent from so reasonable a proposition as he
had submitted to them. Now they would permit
him to call their attention
.to the great anomaly
which existed with regard to electoral districts.
He had before him a return founded upon the census
of 1851, which showed that 12 borough towns re-
turned altogether 24 members to Parliament. He
compared these small boroughs with 12 large towns ;
and he found that in the first case there were 3,693
registered voters, in the second 200,238. The popu-
lation in the first case amounted to 67,428 ; and in
the second. to 3,268,316. (Shame.) The inhabited
houses in the first case numbered 12,978, in the
second 412,525. The income tax assessment in the
first case was £285,715 ; and in the second
£25,528,663. Was it possible that such things as
these could be justified ? The intelligence, the pro-
perty, and the number of the population, were alto-
gether so outrageously inconsistent that some
alterations ought to be made in these matters at least.
Besides, in these large towns there was the privi-
lege of sending independent men to Parliament;
but he asked if the small boroughs possessed that
privilege? In these boroughs the landed aristo-
cracy had certain control over the members, which
prevented them from expressing their own senti-
ments, or giving honest and conscientious votes.
(Hear, hear.) There ought then to be that protec-
tion afforded to those who possessed the franchise,
that they might be able to give their votes honestly
and fearlessly. That same state of things existed in
the counties, where the members were the tools of
the resident and landed gentry, and the renters
were liable to be coerced if they attempted to give
an honest vote. (Hear.) Surely, if men were en-
titled to vote at all they should be entitled to vote
without the fear of consequences, and give their
own opinions instead if the opinions of the land-
owners Whose estates they farmed. He himself
had been anxious to see whether the legislature
would find means of procuring the honest, inde-
pendent, and true opinions of the voters without
resort to the ballot ; but he saw no possible escape
from one alternative or the other—that things must
be allowed to continue as they were, or they must
resort to the ballot. (Hear, hear.) No doubt it
was in some degree un-English. They would never
secure an honest administration unless they ex-
pressed their true and independent sentiments. He
had heard it said—
For forms of government let fools contest
That which is best achuiristered is " best."
But unless the people were placed in such a position
as to send intelligent men to represent them justice
could not be done to all parties. He was not one
of those who thought it a great mischief to have
the House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) He was for
justice to all ; but he did not think that the re-
venues of England should be spent in offices which
were virtually held by one class of society. (Hear,
hear.) Most of the members of the House of Lords
were born and educated for diplomatic duties, al-
though in many instances the nation was not greatly
benefitted by them. (Laughter.) The speaker con-
cluded by proposing the resolution he had just read.
Mr. SERWOOD, in seconding the motion, explained
the parliamentary system, which he said consisted of
several parts.viz, qualifications to vote, constituencies
which returned members to Parliament, the mode
of voting, the length of Parliament, and some other
points. With regard to the qualification to vote,
there were thousands of our countrymen who were
not invested with the elective franchise, but who
deserved to possess it. Was it right that they
should remain excluded ? He trusted, that what-
ever Parliamentary measure might be carried, it
would extend the suffrage, so as to include a great
body of Englishmen who were now unfairly ex-
cluded. (Hear, hear.) They deserved it and ought
to have it. The speaker next pointed out the
anomaly which existed in the qualification to vote
in boroughs and counties ; and advocated the ex-
tension of the suffrage to those who paid rates and
taxes. It was said—and he quite agreed with the
doctrine—that " taxation without . representation
was tyranny of the worst character." It would be
an un-English measure if it did not do away with
that kind of tyranny. (Hear, hear.) He hoped
that those who paid the public taxes, with money
bona fide their own, and not money paid for elee-
mosynary purposes, would have the right to vote
for thosesslho imposed those taxes on them. (Hear,
hear.) If, then, the franchise was extended, pro-
vision ought to be made for allowing voters to
exercise the right to vote according to their con-
science: He was of the same opinion as Mr. Bas-
tard with regard to the ballot, believing, as he did,
that the ballot was the only simple and effective
method of curing the evils which they complained
of. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Bastard said he did not
like the ballot per se, except as a cure for those evils.
(Hear, hear.) He agreed with him, but he knew
of no other remedy. What was the use of fining a
man £l,OOO if there were funds raised for liquidat-
ing that fine ? But even if the efficacy of the ballot
was denied there could be no harm in giving it a
trial. It had been said that the ballot was
un-English, but he asked which was the most
un-English, to allow a man to vote as he
liked, and to exercise his own judgment, or
to force him to give a vote that he did not
approve of ? (Hear, hear.) • Therefore in any mea-
sure which might be brought forward, whether by
Mr. Bright, Lord Derby, Lord John Russell, or
anybody else, he hoped it would contain something
real and useful to the country. (Cheers.) Mr. Jer-
wood then adverted to the abolition of the property
qualification of members last session; and the next
point to be obtained was that the pnblic should
have the power of sending such members as they
pleased to represent them. (Hear, hear.) With
regard to the discrepancies pointed out by Mr. Bas-
tard in the representation of large towns and
boroughs, the speaker felt that such cases were very
numerous. Was it fair that those discrepancies
should remain ? Was it fair that a small borough,
containing some 200 or 300 electors, should, in the
parliamentary scales, weigh exactly as much as the
North or South of Devon, which contained 10,000

electors ? (Hear, hear.) Well, then, would the
measure to be brought forward cure that evil ? If
it did not, the measure could not be a satisfactory
one. Then, with regard to small boroughs, he
thought they wore a great evil. Let them look
into the public offices. They had heard much lately
of financial reform—of putting the right man in the
right place—but as long as the country was bur-
' thened with small boroughs could they do these
things ? (Hear, hear.) . Their financial reform was
moonshine so long as they had rotten boroughs,
which were able to send to parliament members who
sought to give.their friends and relatives lucrative
posts. (Hear, hear.) On referring to Dodd he fotund
there were 59. places under the influence of lords,
ladies, and gentlemen, who returned their own sons
to parliament, or any other persons whom they
pleased. (Hear, hear.) Was that the way to fill the
House of Commons ? (Hear, hear.) Did they Want
mere lackeys to be sent to the house? He thought not.
He did not approve of large towns having super-
fluous members, but he said wherever men were fund
' who possessed the requisite qualifications—,whether
in large towns or small ones—they- should have; the
elective franchise, and should be allowed to exercise
that right without coercion. (Hear.) If they' did
not possess that power they had a right to corn-
' plain, and he trusted they would continue to 'agi-
tate until they succeeded in getting it. (Hear.)
If, then, those points to which he had referred
could be obtained, the question of duration of Par-
liament would be a matter for secondary considera-
tion. He thought that when men were elected as
representatives, some time must elapse before they
were able to make themselves acquainted with the
duties of the office. At the same time he thought
a three or a five years' Parliament would be better
than a seven years' one. •After some further re-
marks Mr. Jerwood concluded by thanking 'Lae
meeting for the patience with which they had lis-
tened to him.

Mr. LATIMER moved the second resolution, as
follows :

That in the opinion of this meeting any Reform Act to
be satisfactory should extend the suffrage so as to include
within the franchise a large proportion of the working
classes, who, by their industry, intelligence, and patriotism,
have shown themselves fully entitled to bear their share in
the government of the empire.
The resolution was so plain, simple, and self-evi-
dent in its claim for justice to the working classes,
that he should be spared the necessity of dwelling
at any length upon it. But they knew, from the
corrupt nature of the small boroughs, that reform
was necessary, and they knew from experience,
with respect to the great boroughs, that no reform
could be made in them without giving a large share
in the representation to the working classes. He
referred to the state of things prior to the Reform
Act in 1832, and it was so bad that they then re-
garded
that act as a great boon and blessing. The
working classes acquiesced in that measure, though
it did not give them power, and their conduct on
that occasion evinced their intelligence and self-
denial. Their conduct then and since, in cheerfully
bearing their share, and more than their share, of
the burdens of the country, both in respect to taxa-
tion and the public duties in peace and war, entitled
them to the largest expression of the sympathy of
the meeting, and he hoped any measure of reform
that might be carried would, by the reduction of
the franchise, render justice to the working classes.
In remarking on the statement in the resolution that
the working classes were distinguished by industry,
intelligence, and patriotism, he said that they knew
England was at the head of civilization, because she
was the foremost nation in arts, sciences, and ma-
nufactures, and in these departments they owed
their eminence to the skill and intelligence of the
working classes, who in the large and populous
towns of the north were remarkable also for their
independence and political intelligence and sagacity.
It would be an insult to those classes to dwell fur-
ther on that point ; but he took another illustration
from the bearing of our soldieis in the'Crimean war,
the unrivalled bravery they displayed, and the in-
telligence and feeling which ran through the letters,
that came from the private soldiers and' non-com-
missioned officers attested the heroism and intelli-
gence of the class they sprang from. (Hear.) Ap-
proaching the general question of reform, he said
—as to the ballot, he heard yesterday, that an hon.
gentleman, a member for one of the divisions of
the county, called on a friend of theirs, and said—
" What's up now ? " " Well," replied the friend,
" we expect a Reform Bill; we want to have the
small boroughs abolished and a re-distribution of
seats." " That you will get," said the hon. mem-
ber. " But you won't get the ballot, Lord Derby
won't give that." (Hear, hear, and laughter, and
a voice—" We don't want it.") But they knew
that after the Reform Bill was passed, by means of
the Chandos clause and the small boroughs that were
left, a great many of the benefits which they ex-
pected from the bill were swindled from them by
the operation of coercion on the one side and ii_•-
ruption on the other. (Cheers.) He remember:l
a case in the South of Devon in which an hon.
baronet, at one election, supported Lord J. Russell
and Mr. Bulteel ; but at the next he supported the
other side, and turned out the only one :of his
tenants who refused to go over to -:ne other side
with him ; he told that tenant to go into Newton
market and tell the farmers that he had been
turned out of his farm for voting against his land-
lord ! This took place under the Reform Act, and
showed the necessity for further reform. If they could
get the two evils of the limited franchise and the
present distribution of seats corrected, it would be
better than at present, even if they could not get
the ballot, for even with what they had at present
England was the first nation in liberty and. civilisa-
tion throughout the world. (Cheers.)
Mr. NORRINGTON, in seconding the resolution,
said that it was left of a somewhat genpral charac-
ter, because there was a difference of opinion as to
the particular way in which the object of the reso-
lution should be carried out. No doubt any reform
bill that might be introduced would be based on the
old rating qualification, which seemed the general
plan throughout the country, and which would be
no invasion of an established custom. This quali-
fication was as good perhaps as any that might be
fixed on, but it had some glaring defects. By
simply confining themselves to a rating qualifica-
tion, they would be shutting out a 'large body of
intelligent and industrious men—he alluded to
lodgers, commercial travellers, shop assistants, and
clerks in banks and mercantile establishments. The
fact that a man was one of these, was sufficient to
justify the conclusion that he was sufficiently in-
telligent to have the franchise. (Hear, hear.) The
qualification of a man should not be outside him,
but within him--(cheers)—not what house he lived
in, but what were his character and intelligence,
therefore he hoped that the reform bill, on whatever
basis it was founded, would contain a proviso for
the admission of such classes of persons to the right
of voting. Mr. Norriugton read a passage from
Mr. Holyoakc's letter to the Daily News on the
question of providing an educational qualification.
Mr. Holyoake advocated the extension of the
suffrage to all who had attained a certain degree
of knowledge on certain subjects, and had read
useful books. If that plan were introduced he
(Mr. Norrington) thought it would be found to
work wall in practice, for it would put the vote
within a man's own power and benefit him men-
tally, Medical men and lawyers were not allowed
to practise until they had passed certain ordeals,
and if the plan were to be extended to the masses
it would be found that the most intelligent and up-
right of our population would be provided with the
franchise. He did not believe that anybody would
deny that the working classes were industrious.
The trade of England was perhaps the most exten-
sive in the world. We had the most extensive em-
pire, and there was no part of the world where
there was not a proof of our country's greatness.
The speaker also adverted to the works of art and
manufacture in our country, to show that the
working classes were both intelligent and indus-
trious, and quoted an extract from Professor Mau-
rice, a clergyman, who had taken a deep interest in
the working classes, and who, in his remarks, gave
the working man such a high character for in-
tegrity, intelligence, and respectability as would
justify him (Mr. Norrington) in saying that the
working body were well qualified for the possession
of their rights. (Hear.) It had been said that the
working classes were ignorant ; but the term igno-
rant was a very uncertain one. A linguist had no
right to call a poor shoemaker ignorant if he did
not know languages ; for if the linguist were asked
to make a shoe he would be unable to do it as the
shoemaker would be unable to speak languages.
(Hear.) But if the working classes were ignorant,
let those who were better instructed do all they
could to remove that ignorance and to enlighten
them. (Hear.) One mode of doing it was by
extending to them the suffrage, upon the plan to
which he had adverted, for they would then endea-
vour to remove their ignorance, so as to qualify
themselves for the franchise. If a man who had
lived up to forty years of age, upon seven or eight
shillings a week, came into possession of £B,OOO
or £lO,OOB, it was :wonderful how this money
would quicken him, and make him alive to the
proper use of it. (Laughter.) He would be
soon afterwards heard talking about 3 per
cents., consols, and other such matters with the

ability of a stockbroker. (Renewed laughter.) And
when these men were put in possession of their
political rights, then ignorance would be shortly
removed. (Hear.) But some said that these men
were vicious, yet they called upon them to join the
army and fightl their country's battles. They said,
iu fact—" you are quite fit to fight for us, but not
to vote for yourselves." (Hear.) If those men
were so vicious would it be safe to trust them with
arms as they were trusted ; he hoped' such an in-
sinuation would not be entertained for a moment.
He had been amongst the working men a good deal,
and he had watched the manner in which they con-
ducted their affairs. Whether they belonged to the
Foresters, Odd Fellows, or any other societies, their
proceedings at the meetings of these societies were
carried on in an excellent manner. There might be
some unworthy men amongst them; but he asked
whether all classes of people were not liable to the
same mis Fortune ? (Hear, hear.) Had there not
been a Robson, a Redpath, a Sir John Paul, and a
Colonel Waugh ? (Hear.) He considered that the
working man had as much discretion and ability to
exercise the right of voting as those who moved in
a higher circle of life. There was an article some
little time ago in the Saturday Review, which inti-
mated that, because the mass of the people, as a
rule, knew nothing of the laws of the country, they
should have no right to vote for members of Par-
liament. Now they were not called upon to make
laws, but to exercise their judgment in electing
those who were to assist in making the laws of the
country. If they carried out the argument of the
Review, no sick man would send for a medical prac-
titioner, because he did not himself know physi-
ology. - (Laughter.) But they might rely, upon it
that the working classes, if invested with the suf-
frage, would select the best men to represent them.'
Were it possible that they could collect all the
rogues of London into one mass—amongst whom,
there was a common fund; if they were about to
select a treasurer, would they take a thief like
themselves ? (Laughter.) No ; they would find
out an honest man, and elect him their treasurer.
But it was a very pleasing fact that at the present
time those who were advocating Reform had no
opponents to contend with. (Hear.) The news.'
papers were all on the side of Reform ; and bills
were expected to be produced in Parliament by
Lord Derby, Lord J. Russell, and Mr. Bright. He
had, however, a right to expect a good Reform Bill
from the Tories. (Hear.) They were something
like the men he had been speaking of, they were
better than they said they were. The Tories (or
the Conservatives as they called themselves now)
had really shown themselves the true friends of the
people—(hear)—and what possible objection could
emanate from them to extend the franchise to the
working classes, especially when they knew that
the scheme of Mr. Walpole was that every militia-
man should have a vote. (Laughter.) Now, that
was a scheme from one of the Tories of the old
school; but he did not think that those who were
asking for reform were disposed to advocate a
scheme of that sort. (Laughter.) But the Tories
had done two or three other things. They abolished,
for instance, the property qualification. (Hear,
hear.) It had been said that there never would be
a railway reform till a director had been smashed,
and there would be no church reform until a bishop
had been burnt. (Laughter.) Well, it was very
probable that the property qualification would not
have been abolished had not Mr. Glover been im-
prisoned for exercising the power of a representa-
tive, he having no property qualification. (Hear,
hear.) Then it had been said that working men
might get into Parliament. He did not wish to
comment upon that point, and instead of doing ,so
he would read a very humorous illustration, written
by a gentleman to whom he had alluded. [ln the
extract which ha r3ad, Mr. Holyoake pointed out
the ludicrous difficulties which would attend the
presence of a working man in Parliament.] While.
Mr. Norrington was reading the extract, a " Free-
man" in the hall caused a disturbance. Mr. Norring-
ton exclaimed—" If that gentleman is a Tory bring
him here, for I have not' seen alive Tory for a long
time." (Laughter.) The speaker then argued that it
was wrong to charge the working classes with politi-
cal ignorance ; it was their duty to give them political
knowledge, and not to taunt them with wanting
it. The country had been called apathetic on this
subject of reform. But is was not apathy, but con-
fidence, which prevailed ; the people felt sure of
the bill being introduced, and therefore they made
so little fuss about it. Let Lord Derby say that lie
would have no Reform Bill and they would see the
" apathy" turned into determination to have one.
(Cheers.). Let reform be resisted and the people
would rise, many as the waves but one as the sea,
and cry again "the bill, the whole bill, and nothing
but the bill," and they would continue the agita-
tion till the measure of reform was conceded. (Loud
cheers.)
Mr. W. BROCK moved the following resolution :
"Resolved that the meeting hopes that any Reform Bill
in the forthcoming Parliament will provide for the vote by
Ballot, redistribution of seats, and shorter parliaments."

He confessed that he felt strongly on the subject of
the ballot, and his decided feeling was that he
would rather wait five years for a Reform Bill than
have it now without the ballot. (Cheers.) A few
years ago he was as strongly against the ballot as
any of them ; but his own later experience . told
him that a Reform Bill, or an extension of the
suffrage without the ballot, would do more injury
than good. (Hear, hear.) Nothing could be more
humiliating than for a man to be nominally pos-
sessed of a vote, and for another man to override
him, and direct his vote. Most present knew what
he meant. (Hear, hear.) If any ene asked him if
he expected that the ballot would make the dis-
honest man honest--he would reply that he cer-
tainly did not ; but it would protect the honest
man in the discharge of his duty to his conscience.
If men sold their votes at all, he had no hope of
reforming them by the ballot, for they were a dis-
grace to their class. He knew that coercion was
not confined to the lord; of thousands of acres,
and that it was used by employers in some
instances on their workmen, and by one neigh-
bour towards another, and he wished to see
all alike protected. (Loud cheers.) He wished
the previous speakers had said what they meant
by the.extension of the franchise. They ought dis-
tinctly to ask for what they wanted. They ought
at least to ask for a £5 franchise and the ballot.
(Hear.) He hoped that when Mr. Gard went to
Parliament he would say that if there was one feel-
ing prevailing over another at this meeting it was
the determination to have the ballot. (Loud cheers.)
He fell into conversation yesterday with a respect-
able tradesman of the City—a Conservative—on the
subject of the meeting. That Conservative said he
cared only for one reform, that was the ballot, for,
added he, while holding the position he did, he
dared not give his vote as he liked; one came to
him, then another came to him, and if anything de-
graded him in this world it was his vote. (Hear.)
The fact was that tradesmen and professional men,
as well as mechanics of this city, when they exer-
cised their right of votint, conscientiously, did so at
a considerable sacrifice. He did so, and he was pre-
pared to do so as long as the Government refused
to grant him protection. Why give a man a privi-
lege yet burden the privilege with a disadvantage ?
With regard to the redistribution of seats, that he
thought was inevitable. Honiton could not expect
to have as many representatives as Liverpool.
(Hear.) As to shorter parliaments he did not much
care for them ; but he would like to see parliaments
rendered independent of the will of a defeated Mini-
ster and their duration fixed. With these views he
proposed the resolution, which
Mr. VICARY seconded. He was extremely anxious
that they should get the ballot. He knew that the
ballot was necessary for protection to voters in
workshops as well for others in other positions of
life. He congratulated the meeting on the fact that
all parties were running this race of reform, and
thought they might yet get more than they ex-
pected. (Hear, hear.)
Mr. TREHANE moved the adoption of the peti-
tion, and that it be signed by the Mayor on behalf
of the meeting :
" The humble petition, &c., Showeth,—Your petitioners
hear with much satisfaction that it is the intention of her
Majesty's Government, as well as of some private members
of your honourable house, to introduce mt 9 the present
session of Parliament a Reform Bill, the object of which
will be to improve the representation of the country, and to
extend the franchise by enlarging the number of electors
and by a redistribution of seats.
"Your petitioners hope that any Reform Bill that may
pass your hon. House will so extend the franchise as to in-
clude a large proportion of the working clasees, whose
bly hopeu the at in the
provision choice
may of their
be
representatives.
,y
in-
dustry, intelligence, and love of order, particularly entitle
them to your respectful consideration, and to prove their
fitness to
petitionerstaketheirshbarnmef influence
made that votes may be freely and fairly given, so that the
real opinion of the majority of electors may be obtained,
and suggest that the best mode of accomplishing this im-
portant object will be by the vote by ballot.
" Your petitioners also hope that the duration of Parlia-
ment may be shortened, so that the intercourse that should
exist betwben the electors and their representatives may be
more frequently renewed and mutual confidence may be
thereby increased.
"And your petitioners, as in duty bound, &c."
He maintained that there was no apathy for reform
in the country, but there was satisfaction with the
promise made by Lord Derby that he would bring