The Sun.
London, England, 1861-01-03 00:00:00

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PRICE 4D. STAMPED, SD.

tions of the President's Message to a committee, to
designate the property of the United States in
South Carolina; how it was acquired ; for what
purpose it could be used by the general Govern-
ment after South Carolina should have seceded ;
and also the value of the share of the property of
the United States which South Carolina would be
entitled to upon an equitable division. This reso-
lution was made an order for the 19th.
The latest telegram from Charleston is as fol-
lows :

" The ordinance of secession will not pass to-
day, but during the week. The adjournment
took place from Columbia to Charleston, in order
that there might be no precipitancy. Every-
thing looks to calmness, sobriety, prompt and
determined action. The Commissioners from Ala-
bama and Mississippi are in town with ex-Secre-
tary Cobb, advising the worst. The United States
Government property will not be molested in
any manner until the State is attacked by the
Federal Government. Revenue dues will be paid
until Mr. Buchanan goes out and until the adjoin-
ing States have had a chance to co-operate with
South Carolina. There will, therefore, be no oppor-
tunity to engage in a clash of arms for some time
to come. The South Carolina Legislature Postal
Committee hope to continue existing postal ar-
rangements with the Federal Government. Nu-
merous freshly-planted palmetto trees are to be
seen in the streets, outside of the gutters. Cockades
and palmetto flags are numerous. To the left of
the Merchants' Hotel is a splendid pole and a white
flAg, with a grepn palmetto tree and. a red star,
and an 1 n scrip tioti." A-`
It would appear from the Charleston papers that
the Federal officers in command of the forts there
were vigorously engaged strengthening them as
much as possible, in accordance with directions
from the Government, which had, however, refused
assistance.

The Senate of North Carolina had passed a bill
by a majority of 41 to 3, for arming the State.
It had been officially announced that the Presi-
dent elect had not written and did not intend to
write any public letter,

A New Orleans letter states that the commission
houses there had stopped making advances on
negroes, and also remarks :

" There is an average decline of 400 dols in the
value of negroes compared with last season, and
the trade is dull. Robert White, special commis-
sioner at Romney, Virginia, sold on Thursday last
a negro man, aged about 35 years, and a good
blacksmith, for 800 dols. Two months ago he
would have brought 1,500 dole. A negro boy,
aged about nine years, brought 400 dols."
The judges of the Canadian Court of Queen's
Bench had given their decision on the extradition
case of Jones alias Anderson. It was in favour of
giving up the fugitive to the United States' autho-
rities. One of the judges dissented from the deci-
sion. An appeal had been made. The prisoner
was strongly guarded. No attempt at rescue
had yet been made, but great excitement pre-
vailed.

Mexican advises state that of the amount of
specie seized at the British Consulate 250,000 doh.
had already been expended in defence of the city
against the Liberals who were besieging it. An
expedition of 1,000 men visited Puebla from
Mexico, and returned to that city, taking away
the sacred vases, ornaments, and jewels belonging
to the churches, and valued at 1,000,000 dole. The
clergy had given their consent to the spoliation.
General Marquez, who had sallied out with 3,000
men from the capital to relieve Guadalajara, was
attacked at Tepatitian by a detachment of the
Liberal force, and completely routed, losing all his
artillery and baggage. He owed his own safety
to the fleetness of his horse.
The Suarez Government had issued decrees call-
ing a Congress, and ordering that, from the Ist
of April, 1861, all the duties established by the
ordinance of maritime custom-houses, decreed in
1856, shall bo paid on deliyoz.y- the half of those
duties to be paid in hard money, and the other
half in draughts upon the city of Mexico, drawn
at sight, in such sums and to the order of such
persons as may be required by the collector.
The letters from Havannah repot that the
Spanish Bank had been authorised to issue
4,000,000 dols. in new bonds, and much relief to
the mercantile community was expected. The
sugar market was unchanged. The new crop was
coming in. The stock was 40,000 boxes.

As the late King had for some time resigned the
administration of affairs into the hands of his brother,
Prussia had lost even that touch of romance which
his dreams and his harangues had once imparted to
her. She has been governed lately by men who
are only too happy if they can keep things together,
by men like M. Schleintz, who protest and do
nothing, and who neglect reforms at home in order
to bully a weak neighbour. A certain interest
indeed now rises at the mention of her name in
this country from the marriage of the Princess
Royal, and the subsequent birth of an heir of
British blood to the throne of Prussia. But, even

if the history of that country had suggested any
wish to adopt her policy and share her fortunes,
the day has gone by for dynastic alliances. We
care more for international good faith than for
family feeling. 'We respect treaties; we suspect
aggrandisement in its most plausible forms; we
hope to see the landmarks of Europe remain. undis-
' turbed in our time : we entertain a just dread of
those
uwhoal
ly undertake
dislike
E Emperors
rearrangerors w h om
re m thee Continentb
and to establish thereby a claim to public gratitude.
We eq
remember that
the Rhine was once their frontier, and Kings and
Regents who forget that the Eyder has always been
the boundary of the German Empire.
Frederick William was good and almost.great in
everything but as a King. Neither nature nor
circumstances allowed him to be that. Had he been
the man to play a great part, it would Dr obably
have been to the sore cost of his country, and had
that country been in a condition to back up the
genius and enterprise of another Frederick the Great
it would not have found a leader in the late King.
He was a man of heart and of head, a genius, a 'wit,
a savant, a sentimentalist, a theologian, an arts: it, a
good companion, a kind friend—everything but a
King ; and, as nothing was wanted but a name to
hold Prussia together, he has fulfilled his minion.
Happily he was without political ambition, unless
it was an ambition to found a new episcopacy, to
share with Queen Victoria the See of Jerusalem, to
inaugurate the Cathedral of Cologne as a temple of
Christianity, or to reconstruct the German Empire,
and do homage and service to the Emperor. Had
he not been a King, he would have been a great
man, and no doubt in that case would have added
the name of a politician to his other eminent
qualities. Unfortunately, this was the point on.
which he was called on to act as well as talk, and
the result
.has been fatal to his reputation, on this
point at least. He has not, however, been without
use or influence in his generation. In this country
we are scarcely able to do justice to the man, but
Frederick William IV. certainly had the respect
and affection of his subjects. There was no reason
why he should not, for he was a thorough German ;
and, had he been a Professor in a University,
would doubtless have left noble contributions to
the science of government, a history of Germany,
the portraiture of a good King, the idea of a good
Bishop, a political Utopia, a Civitas Dei, a new
Atlantis, or at least some splendid pieces of
rhetoric. But there are many men who can do
these things—not many who can govern so well as
to make a first-class State out of a second-rate
kingdom, an united empire out of a bundle of pro-
vinces, a grand policy out of a forced neutrality--
was
tlity—
something, in fact, out of nothing; and this
what Frederick William IV. had to do, if possible,
and failed.— Times.

for principalities and empires were the men he
loved to deal with, and he knew the game well.
Frederick William 111. had no such taste or skill;
neither had his successor. They had been content
to keep what they had by the grace of their neigh.- .
bours. To keep out of the quarrels of Europe, to
reduce opinions at home within reasonable bounds,
and to harmonise whatever admitted of the process,
have been the utmost ambition of these Princes in
the every-day working world of politics. As fre-
quently happens, however, this external necessity
has not restrained the mind from what may be called
its own development. As the Dutch have learnt
the art of keeping out the water by inhabiting a
country under the level of the ocean, Prussia has
acquired from her scattered and hidebound dominion
a taste for speculative unities, and for new provinces
in religion and science. We believe that we do no
more than justice to the warm heart and fervid
genius of the late King when we say that there is
hardly a scheme for the progress or reconstruction
of Germany, of the Protestant Churches, and man-
kind in:general, which he has not cherished. When
he came to the throne in 1840 he found it under
pressure to give a Constitution to Prussia, and had
no hesitation in promising his own part in the work.
Kings, however, who seldom premise, are still less
frequently in a condition to perform, and when
Frederick William IV. gove his subjects at last in
1847, a speculative Constitution on the British
model, it was only to find himself and his subjects,
all his concessions, all his designs, suddenly adrift
in the great storm which came over Europe early
in the followinc, spring. Throughout the whole of
that year and the following the King of Prussia met
a succession of difficulties from within and from
without with a succession of measures and move-
ments which cannot be pronounced unwise or
trivial, inasmuch as Prussia survives, and is now
the same Prussia that she was before. The Sove-
reign made large concessions, then withdrew them ;
fought and conquered the citizens of Berlin by
means of his army, and then sacrificed his army
to the citizens; acceded with zeal to the new
German Diet, and as promptly seceded ' • took part
in the professorial crusade called the Schleswig-
Holstein war ; helped the King of Denmark's
rebels, and then left them in the lurch; marched
and manoeuvred with the forces of Austria, but kept
his Generals under orders to avoid a collision ; and,
finally, seemed only too happy to retrace all his
steps, and to find his subjects sufficiently wearied
and disgusted to sit still. In Prussia, as elsewhere,
a great and steady advance in material improvement
was the timely relief from these political troubles
and disagreeables. Prussia, however, had made the
valuable discovery how little she could do, and how
small an element she was in the politics of the world.
This persuasion had penetrated her statesmen and
even her armies, and it constituted her best excuse
for the part, the old part, played for the hundredth
time in the late Russian war, and repeated last
year, when Germany itself seemed to be threatened.
It is true that Prussia happened to derive large
pecuniary advantages from her neutrality and the
blockade of the Russian ports in the Baltic ; it is
also true that Frederick William was naturally un-
willing to go to war first with his brother.in-law
and then with his nephew, It is true, further, that
the Prussian people, not finding it convenient to
go to war with Russia, put a good face on it, and
lampooned the Western Powers ; but the fact at the
bottom of their non-interference, and their real
excuse, was the fear of speedy annihilation at the
hands of their colossal neighbour. It is impossible
to quarrel with the instinct of self-preservation,
however awkwardly it may show itself ; but Prussia
certainly lost in the eyes of this country, and but
ill repaired the loss by taking a part, though a sub-
ordinate one, in the negotiation that closed that
war. The natural result was that in the Italian.
war, and tho negotiations which preceded it, Prussia
was a cipher. Could she have been depended on to
come to the assistance of Austria, that would have
changed the whole aspect of affairs; and France
and Austria might have fretted and bickered to this
day from the opposite banks of the Ticino. But
this was felt on all sides to be a question between
those two empires alone, unless something unex-
pected should rouse the blood of Germany; and the
wisest advice that could be offered to Austria was
to withdraw the cause of offence on the best terms
she could obtain.